A GENERAL INVENTORY OF THE HISTORY OF FRANCE, From the beginning of that MONARCHY, unto the Treaty of VERUINS, in the year 1598. Written by JOHN DE SERRES. And continued unto these Times, out off the best Authors which have written of that Subject. Translated out of FRENCH into ENGLISH, by EDWARD GRIMESTON Gentleman. HENRY·IIII·KING OF FRANC ' AND NAVARRE: ·: · portrait Imprinted at LONDON by GEORGE ELD. 1607. TO THE RIGHT NOBLE AND MOST WORTHY OF ALL HONOUR'S, AND ALL TITLES, THOMAS EARL OF SUFFOLK, ROBERT EARL OF SALISBURY. MY MOST HONOURED LORDS. I dare not so much trespass against the public, as (after the solemn and tedious manner of Epistling) to usurp your time with a barren Preface: it is my gain, if I be but heard to say, I dedicate myself: in which, I understand my utmost abilities, and of those, do here offer unto your Lordships a small part, being rather the redemption of my life from the note of idleness, than any fruitful course of living. For, being (after some years expense in France, for the public service of the State) retired to my private and domestic cares, it was yet my covetousness to win so much upon them, as the leisure of Translation to this general History of France, written by john de Serres; an Author, whom (above mine own particular knowledge of this subject) I have heard universally esteemed, for the most faithful, and free from affection, that ever touched at that Argument; able to teach the unlearned, to delight the learned, and draw to him as many Commenders, as Readers. The Majesty, Graces, and Strength of whose work, if I in my traduction, have any way unsinewed or deformed, I confess a sin against his grave; yet, in my consecration of him to your Lordships, I have made him plenary satisfaction: which presumption of mine, though he may glory in, I have no other mean to expiate, but by naked professing myself to both your Honours, bound in all obligation of duty & service, no less than yourselves are each to other in the faith of love & friendship. For which sacred respect, I have thus prefixed you joined in the face of my Altar, where I omit to speak more of your mutual and known merits, except I had volumes to fill, not pages: and desire only, that where I am studious to be grateful, I may not deserve to offend. Your Lordship's devoted in all duty and service. EDWARD GRIMESTON. To the Reader. I Can not (Courteous Reader) neglect an usual complement, in the publishing of this work, to recommend the worthiness of the Author, and to excuse my weakness. To free myself from the imputation of Idleness, I undertook the Translation of this History of France, and to give some content unto such as either by their travel abroad, or by their industry at home, have not attained unto the knowledge of the Tongue, to read it in the original. Where you may see the sundry Battles won by our Kings of England against the French, and the worthy exploits of the English, during their wars with France, whereby you may be incited to the like resolutions upon the like occasions. I doubt not, but those which have conversed most familiarly with the Histories of France, will concur in that general approbation of his writing, to be as fre● from affection and passion, as any one that ever treated of this subject. He hath digested into one Work whatsoever hath been written by many, touching the French History, since the beginning of their Monarchy. And if he hath not dilated at large the great attempts of Strangers in France, employed either for their Kings, or against them: he is not therefore to be blamed, nor to be held partial, for that the subiest whereof he treats, being great, the time long, and his style short and succinct, he had vowed to note every accident of State and War briefly and truly. Besides, you must consider, that he was a Frenchman: and although he would not altogether smother and conceal those things, which might any way eclipse the glory of his Nation, lest he should be taxed to have failed in these two excellent virtues required in an Historiographer, Truth and Integrity, without passion, yet happily he hath reported them as sparingly as he could. The History of john de Serres ends with the Treaty at Ueruins betwixt France and Spain in the year 1598. I have been importuned to make the History perfect, and to continue it unto these times, whereunto I have added (for your better satisfaction) what I could extract out of Peter Matthew and other late writers touching this subject. Some perchance will challenge me of indiscretion, that I have not translated Peter Matthew only, being reputed so eloquent and learned a Writer. To them I answer first, That I found many things written by him that were not fit to be inserted, and some things belonging unto the History, related by others, whereof he makes no mention. Secondly, his style is so full, and his discourse so copious, as the work would have held no proportion, for that this last addition of seven years must have exceeded half Serres history. Which considerations have made me to draw forth, what I thought most material for the subject, and to leave the rest as unnecessary. But now I come to my last, though not my least care, how this my labour shall be accepted, the which must undergo the censure of all humours. Some I doubt not, (regarding the content and profit they may reap thereby) will allow of mine endeavours, though others do but pry into it with a curious eye, to note what is defective, observing more the elegancy and choice of words, than the worthiness of the History▪ But let me entreat as much kindness of these curious Surveyors, as a grave Senator of Rome did of one of his companions, who had found him playing in his garden with his young son. The Father somewhat abashed to see himself so surprised, requested his fellow Senator not to publish his folly until he had a young Son. Even so I entreat them, not to detract nor to malign that which is well meant, until they have produced the like. Concluding with the Poet, Carpere vel noli nostra, vel ede tua. I must crave your patience in regard of the Press, entreating you to supply with your judicious reading such errors as you shall find committed: For that I myself could not attend it, being drawn away about other employments. And so referring all to your kind acceptance, I rest Yours, Edward Grimestone. JOHN DE SERRES, TOUCHING THE USE of this his Inventory. AS an History is the Theatre of man's life, whereby all may learn one common lesson, The general● use of Histories. by the goodly examples she represents unto their eyes, ears, and understandings. Even so she invites all men to view, hear, and to conceive them well, what language soever she speaks, what subject she 〈◊〉 of, what time she notes, and what person soever she represents. Thus offering herself to all with this excellent use, she deserves justly to be embraced, Experience verifying the testimony which Antiquity doth give her. That she is the Mistress of Man's Life, the Testimony of Truth, the Recorder of Iustic●, the resplend●●t Beams of Virtue, the Register of Honour, the Trumpet of Fame, the Examiner of Actions, the Comptrouler of all Times, the rendezvous of diverse Events, the School of Good and Evil, and the Sovereign judge of all Men, and all Actions. This praise is common to all Histories▪ But as in a general action every one ought to have a more special care of that which concerns his duty: So in the general History of all Nations, every man is bound to be more particularly informed of that which toucheth himself, and instructed in the managing of the State, under which he is borne: By reason whereof I have always held the complaint of Thucydides (one of the chief Architects of a History) very considerable, That it was a great shame for Grecians to be Strangers in Greece; when as (busying themselves in foreign Histories) they were ignorant of their own. May we not in like sort say, That it was a great shame that Frenchmen should be strangers in France: for why should the ignorance of our History be more excusable in us, then of theirs in them. Doubtless we often seek for that a far off, which is near unto us at home: The partie● le● use of th● history of France. I commend the diligence of our men in searching out of foreign Histories. But if it may be lawful to speak of this Subject (as one of the common sort) I dare say there is no Nation under the cope of Heaven (without flattering myself with the love of my Country) since Man was borne, that hath more admirable matters, or more worthy events in every kind, and by consequence a History more memorable, then ours of France. Be it for the form of Government: there was never Kingdom nor Commonweal established with goodlier laws than our Monarchy. It is the true pattern of a perfect estate, such as the wise Politicians in former times used to discourse off in their Academy. A sovereign Commander, with Authority absolutely sovereign, but fortified with a power so well qualified with the Counterpoise of inferior offices, that we may rightly call the French Monarchy, a mixture of all the lawful governments of a Commonweal, by a well governed proportion, if the laws prescribed be well observed, the which I have (〈◊〉 that end) planted in the front of this building. Be it for the greatness and strength of the State, although I know well that the four Monarchies which comm●nded over Nations, had larger dominions than the French yet was there never any Empire better united, better grounded, nor of longer continuance, more 〈◊〉 for the beauty and bounty of the Land, situation of the Country, Riches of the people, and excellency of wits, either in Peace or War. As for the greatness of her Provinces, what is the French Monarchy? but diverse kingdoms united in one, and sundry Crowns annexed to one. But herein it excels the rest, that although they all in general hold as it were of the Church, yet ours hath herein a special privilege, having diverted from Europe that great deluge of Infidels, which 〈◊〉 all Christendom with Shipwreck. To conclude, it yields to no Monarchy whatsoever, neither needs it any thing but good husbandry. As for worthy men, which be a living law, and as it were the soul of an Estate, is there any nation whatsoever that can show so many excellent personages, yea and Kings, as France may? There is no Vanity more vain, nor more unworthy of a free mind, making profession of an History, wholly vowed to truth, than flattery. But the most strictest Areopagite that ever was, cannot deny, but ou● Monarchy may produce as many excellent Kings and Princes, as any other whatsoever. The three Races have made show in diverse times: But the third had the continuance of a more temperate season, for the establishing of an Estate. Let judgement be made by an unpassionate trial of their Reigns and Actions: to set down Kings beautified with sundry graces, as necessity required, Valiant in War, Wise for Counsel, Resolute in Adversity, Mild to pardon faults, when as Forgetfulness was necessary for the good of the State, and the quiet of the Realm. What shall we say of great and worthy Events, such as may chance to Man, being good or evil? Hath any History more rare Examples than ours? either ordinary in the common sufferance of Prosperity or Adversity, or extraordinary in the greatest, and most tragical rare accidents that may be noted in any other Nation. there was never State reduced into greater difficulties, both within and without the Realm, and not subverted: And in these extreme dangers, what valiant Resolutions. Truly our History sets down in diverse Reigns, the Courage and Constancy of diverse Kings and People, in show conquered, in effect Conquerors, in that they never despaired of the Commonweal, in the midst of their despair: what love of Kings to their Subjects, and of Subjects to their Kings, in common calamity? Our History is full of these Examples, and of all things else considerable in the society of Man, either in War or Peace, and which depends upon their virtues, which held the Helm of this great Bark. Excellency's remarkable in the miraculous conservation of thi● State. But as we cannot hide, nor deprive of their due praise, (those goodly lights which shine in divers parts of our History) by the many examples of Valour, Equity, Wisdom, Magnanimity, Modesty, Dexterity, and other Excellent Virtues of our Kings, so to judge thereof sound, we must fly to the Father of lights, who using these great and worthy personages for the building, preservation or increase of this Monarchy, hath enriched them with great and pre●ious graces, that acknowledging him the Author aswell of all these Virtues, as of the happy succ●●●e of things managed by them, we may learn to yield him Homage, for the Preservation, Continuance, and Increase of this great Estate. The negligence of our Kings hath too often brought our Royal Diadem into danger, whereof they made themselves unworthy, making it weak and contemptible in their persons, who (by their baseness and childish government) suffered their Servants to command absolutely. The Kingdom hath been as it were dismembered by the division of ●oyall commands. And by this means Brothers divided by strange and self-willed dissensions, have abandoned all to spoil: and from these domestical divisitions, have sprung civil Wars, amidst the which, the Inferiors (fishing in a troubled Water) freed themselves, and opposing against their Sovereign, became petty Kings. We have seen their rage extend farther, attempting against the King's person, imprisoning him, forcing him to quit his Crown, and in the end reducing him to that extremity, as to die desperately seeing himself so outrageously dealt withal. We have seen Kings p●iso●ers in their enemy's hands, and abandoned by their Subjects, Kings besieged in their houses. We have seen a poor young man appointed to guide a Ship (during the fury of a storm) without Helm, without Mast, without Sails, and without Oars: beaten without by the Tempests, and within by the Sailors: Seized on in his Cabin by mad men, imbrued with the blood of his most trusty Servants, murdered before his eyes, yea even in his bosom. We have seen the Crown of Kings in their minorities, set to sale by their Tutors, who became murderers, and of Regent's, thieves, making themselves Kings: We have seen a King in his nonage become mad, governed by the passions of Men and Women, holding the chief degrees in state, which did strive to ruin it with inbred Factions, Rages, and popular Tumults, by tragical Massacres, and furious Hostility. We have seen amidst these Combustions, the Stranger not only awaked at this brute, but also Armed; entered within the Realm, and lodged within the bowels of the goodliest Provinces. And (which is more) installed in the King's Authority by the Edict of a lawful King, seated in the royal throne, having the Crown on his head, with the Sceptre and Purse in his hand, and a Daughter of France in his bed, for a gage of this unjust pretension, a Son to warrant his possession, with the force and obedience of the Capital City, and the first Princes of the blood, armed with Power and Counsel to countenance these horrible confusions. Amidst these ruinous disorders of our Country, who hath preserved the Realm of France, but he that with one and the same hand, hath made both the law and the King of France? O my Countrymen, it is to you to whom your History is directed, having the chief interest in the estate of our Mother, although Strangers are forced to admire it. But what? Our Ancestors have seen all these things specified here, and represented in particular in the discourse I now offer unto you. But I beseech you what have we seen with our own eyes, within these thirty and five years? have we felt less misery, or tried weaker Remedies? What were our troubles, and to what extremity were we brought unto of late years? By the conference of our History, with our Ancestors, ours serves as a comentary for the well understanding thereof, yet can we not deny but our age hath seen things far more extraordinary and miraculous: So as we may say That we have lived in a time of miracles; Without doubt our posterity will admire in particular the History of our time, as the rarest part of the whole body, we that have seen it, should often belie our Ears and Eyes in reading or hearing it, when she shall appear in publ●ck to put us in mind of that whereof we were Eye witnesses, and therefore witnesses above all exception: But every thing must be done in order and time. Behold the first part of my enterprise, which it behooves you to look unto: SHALL IT then be in vain, The special use of th●● History. and without any fruit? it is not my intention, if the end of every commendable enterprise be the USE: Shall we think that the knowledge of our Ancient Estate is unprofitable, and in a time when as we have so great need of consolation? Truly in the continuance of our long calamity, we must needs be oppressed with a troublesome care. But in feeling the pain, why seek we not the remedy? If we often apply the example to things we do either without law or against the law, how much more should it avail us being joined with reason? An Example rightly represented in the History of our Ancestors, serves us now as a good guide to comfort us, when as the like misery is common to us and them. And if it please God to make us like in condition, what reason have we to complain? At the least we may therein observe, that not at this time alone France is afflicted, and hath showed her indiscretion. So likewise by the same reason, it is not now alone that she hath felt the succours of her Protector, who preserves her, amends her follies, and repairs her defects: without this protecting hand, she had long since perished. What shall we then say? truly we were much too blame to accuse our Fathers, and seek to excuse ourselves, of the like or greater errors: our waywardness were not pardonable, if our hearts should faint in these difficulties, seeing that we learn in the same History, that our Fathers have delivered from the li●e afflictions. It is therefore a special use of this History, to cast our eyes upon the condition of our Predecessors, to mollify our languish, as a necessary symptom of our incivill wars, which like a continual fever hath sucked (even to the marrow) all the vigour of this Estate, and hath not yet left it. We must accuse our impatience and niceness, if we shall complain to have been worse entreated than our forefathers, seeing we observe in them the like afflictions. Experience lays goodly grounds to reason, this certain experience engenders in our hearts hope of future things, without confusion or deceit. Do we not then reap excellent fruits of this History? if by the deliverance of our Fathers we conclude and hope for ours, but in such sort and at such times, as the wise providence of God hath appointed, which ordinance neither Enemies can hinder, not Friends advance: and therefore the direction of this truth doth teach us to sail in this Sea, every one as he ought according to his degree, expecting a happy harbour by the bounty and wisdom of him that rules the waves of human confusions, as the sovereign judge, holding in his hands both the hearts of Men & the events of Things▪ Do we grieve at our long troubles: let us read the ●eignes of john, Charles the fi●t, Charles the sixth, and Charles the seventh of our late los●es? Let us read the reign of Philip of Val●is, and we shall see that the loss of the same City was dearer to him then to us. As we may never dissemble our losses, so i● there a time to lose, and a time to gain, if in our houses in the Country or City, all things succeed not as we desire, who can with reason require always the like success in a State. To conclude, it to flatter the disease be no means to cure it, or to compare without remedy, (seeing that choler and despair brings no help to the diseased) let us rather seek for remedy then increase the disease, by a bootless complaint. If we wish for peace abroad, let us lodge it first in our hearts at home. This inward peace shall be a good warrant for the general, but we are very sick, if we think by waywardness and fury to cure the disease. If then we seek any sound cure for our griefs, the Apothecary's shop is open, behold some preparatives. But what is that in regard of the serious reading of the History itself, as necessary at this day for Frenchmen, as necessity doth force us to seek for consolation? My end and purpose in this labour. I have endeavoured therefore (my Countrymen) to trace out some slender observations for you in this little work such as I could, I see it is not according to the dignity and greatness of the subject, worthy in truth of a good writer, rather fit for that obscure age, when the most ancient Druids had a maxim, not to write at all, or of those which have left us these small Abridgements, the which we now use for want of better. and without doubt if our History had encountered such spirits as the Greek and Latin did▪ it had been nothing inferior to any of them, in Beauty and Profit. This is the only cause why our Countrymen have not read our History, having not enjoyed the light of Excellent Writers▪ to represent her in her lively colours, according to her deserts. And although ou● France hath heretofore had cause to complain in this respect, yet now that fault is partly repaired, by the industry of some that strive to plant and beautify it. Amongst all that have laboured in this subject, Du Haillan in my opinion exceeds all others with immortal commendations, having so happily cleansed these overgrown business and made so plain a path in this thick and obscure forest: if zeal to do my Country service, and hop● by my example to awake the learned to do better, we●e not my just excuse, where should I hide me from the blot of inconsiderate rashness? especially being in this City of Paris, nor only the capital City of France, the fertile Mother of goods wits, but also the rendezvous of the greatest miracles in the world. I will therefore speak freely, that in presuming to beautify this History, I have taken for the only object of my aim, To seek the truth with the use thereof, and to give you some cause of content. Regard not my tongue, I offer you the simple truth without painting, the which I have curiously searched for in many good Books, which my necessary abode here hath given me means to obtain, and the desire I have to serve you, occasion to employ them, for as I am wholly vowed to the public, so will I yield an account not only of my idleness, but also of my employments, I have therefore resolved to undertake a labour that should not be unprofitable, in preparing you a way to learn your History in the originals, with less pain and more profit. I do therefore call this my endeavour an INVENTORY, by the direction whereof, you may see the body and every part at your pleasure. If I may persuade the Reader to confer this my labour with the writings of others upon this subject (both old and new) I shall not then need to put in caution, but be of an assured hope to obtain a testimony of my fidelity, And it may be in time, of some diligence, at the least I bring nothing, that hath not been well purified and applied to the use. The fruit depends on the blessing of God, by the judgement of such as shall read me, I will protect only for that which doth concern myself: I have used the Rule, Square, Led and Compass, to observe proportion both in s●●le and subject, that in my course I might direct you to the firm truth; if it be with that light and brevity I pretended, I shall have cause to thank God, and to labour in some subject of greater moment, yet I have done my best endeavour that the learned may supply my defect, in doing better. The course is open, every one may run it. I leave the prize to them that shall do best, my intent was only to profit the public: and therefore I bring not an Abridgement, but an INVENTORY. I have searched the very Springs of such as went before me. The first have not hindered the second: and why should the second take it ill to be followed by others? one kind of meat may be diversly seasoned to good purpose. A small Dial marks the hours in like proportion to a great Clock: It is one of my wishes, that this goodly subject may be set to open view, that the learned may stri●e to exceed one another, and leave no excuse for our Frenchmen to be any more strangers in France, making the way easy and profitable: If in this respect my zeal and integrity may be approved of my Country, why should I repent the employment of some hours in so goodly and worthy a work, as a testimony (at the least) that I desire to discharge my duty. To conclude, my Countrymen, The occasion of this History. I must not conceal from you the chief cause that induced me to compile this work. About six and twenty years since, I was thrust forth upon the Theatre, (being very young) to represent the History of our miseries: the desire of foreign Nations begat this design, being curious to understand a particular relation of our Tragedies. By reason whereof I presented this my first work in Latin, that Strangers might understand it. I held it for an Abortive, and esteemed the loss but lightly, yet was the success greater than my project, for being embraced by the public beyond desert, it hath so increased, that of one Book there is made fifteen, and corrected with diverse impressions. And as the Child increased, so the Father had means to do him good. GOD suffering me to live to be a witness of great accidents, not only as many of my Countrymen, that sees the danger from a safe port, but embarked in full Seas amidst these common tempests: for being employed in some and no small affairs (both within and without the Realm) I had the Honour to be admitted into Kings and Princes Cabinets, to manage public causes of Provinces, and to confer with the heads of Parties, to learn from their own mouths, and from others that had authority and employment under them, the Truth of all that passed: so as being able to give a reason for many things which I had seen, I may likewise give an account of most that hath passed, by the proceed and instructions of both parties. I will add to this opportunity the private devotion which hath always held my mind inclined to this care, to gather together whatsoever was done, when as necessity of affairs thrust me into employments: and this my desire succeeded so happily, that both great and small have favourably imparted unto me whatsoever might benefit concerning this subject. So as I have made a just collection of all the substance, that may serve for the building of a perfect History, from the beginning of the troubles to this day. The end of this painful labour depends of him from whom proceeds the events of all our prayers. To him therefore I refer myself, protesting only of that which is in me. As therefore I advow myself both Debtor of this work, and Author of these Books, which wander among men: so I protest the fault shall not be mine, if all turn not to the public good, whereunto it is appointed, as by the order shall be found most expedient. And expecting an end of this great mass, my intent was only (as may easily appear by the Table of the third Race) to set before your eyes (as in one Map) a Summarie of the ancient History, very necessary for the uniting and resemblance of that which hath happened in our time. But the judgement of my learned friends, hath made me to take a new course, that the length of so tedious a payment might not be troublesome unto you, in giving you the whole History unto this day, fashioned of this mean and base stature, whereof I now offer you this first part, as a Pattern of the whole piece, embarking myself from the main land in this tempestuous Sea, which must needs be fearful unto me, both by the feeling of mine own weakness, and the apprehension of diverse judgements, as the Ebbing and Flowing of the Ocean. I durst not hazard all this small model at one voyage. Go forth my first parcel, and seek thy fortune, learn by the Chapmen, how the market goes, that by thy success I may resolve with less danger to Ship the rest, the which in the mean time shall attend (in a safe Harbour) the wind of your favourable contents. A PLOT OR DISSEINE OF THE WHOLE HISTORY. MY meaning is to represent in this discourse, what is most remarkable in the History of France, and (with a simple, faithful, and lively brevity) to report all th●t hath succeeded in the French Monarchy, worth●e of memory, to make our Frenchmen see a model of this great building, reducing it to the first foundation, according to the proportion of the subject, and the order of times, the certain light of truth; and by the changes of the greatest and most famous foreign States, to the end, that this our Inventory may serve the learned for a memorial, and learners for a direction. The enterprise is not small, although the work be little, but as it must be valued by the fruit, so the proof will appear to such as shall vouchsafe to read what my desire was able to perform. And for a ground of this goodly and excellent History, so worthy of knowledge, we must set down in general terms what shallbe handled in particular throughout the whole discourse, and lay before your eyes (as in a table by the most clear and soundest proofs that may be drawn from likelihoods of so obscure antiquity) the beginning and continnuance, with the greatest appearance of truth, the increase with the divers events and success of this s●ate such as now it is. It were to seek truth in vanity, following the common error, to search for the original of the FRENCH, in the ruins and ashes of Troy or in the fens of Meotides, for in the most ancient Histories of the Trojans, there is no mention of FRANCUS or FRANTION, sons of Hector, who had but one son named Astyanax slain at three years of age in the sack of Troy. There is also no likelihood to find the stem of our FRENCH nation in the sennes of Meotides, where they were first called SICAMBRES, having built a City by imagination named SICAMBRA: And that they issued from thence in great troops. There is no more proof that they are come from these marshes, then from the deserts of Africa. It appears the SICAMBRIANS were a different people from the FRENCH, and that the wales of SICAMBRIA are yet to build. But the new presumption of a certain writer is yet more admirable, who com●s from far to advertise the FRENCH of their original, the which he finds beyond the Moonne, and with so great an assurance as he sets down nam● by name the kings of the house of SICAMBRIA and of FRANCE, their r●ce, manner's▪ deeds, adventures, and that in so good earnest (as reporting a thing but of yesterday, or as being a Counsellor to these supposed kings) seeming with reason to reprehend such as w●ll not take his word for present payment, under the authority of certain old Registers produced by him, wherein he names these kings one after one, like in presumption to the Castilians, the inventors of the fabulous History of Amadis: or the devisors of the offspring of the Panim Gods, or of the Roman● of the Rose, having forged names at their pleasure; leaving therefore all these Divinations and Fopperies, let us search (as near as we may) what is most likely by the traces of Truth, until it may guide us to the firm land, not plunging ourselves any further in the bogs and unknown deserts, of an imagined Antiquity. The French are come out of Germ●nie. What then? doubtless we shall nowhere find a more certain original of our FRENCH Nation then in Germany. This is most apparent; FRANCONIE bears yet the name of the old Inhabitants, and the marks of their ancient possession: The Cities of the one and the other side of the Rhine are full of their Antiquities. We can no way doubt by these marks, but they have inhabited in those parts, and it is likely they were dispersed betwixt the Rivers of Rhine and Danubius, unto the Ocean. Whether the had their beginning there, or came from any other part, it avails not to dispute, seeing the search is altogether unprofitable, for that in deed it is impossible. Of the name of Frenchmen. The original of the name is very difficult, being wholly unknown to the first Antiquity: for we read not in any ancient Histories of the name of Frenchmen among the nations of Germany, yet carefully observed by the most ancient. But who sees not the change of ancient names to new. Alemaigne is now called Germany: Helvetia, Suisse: Britain, England: without seeking unnecessary proofs in so apparent a matter. The FRENCH therefore being an ancient people of Germany, have changed their name with the whole country upon divers subjects, but when, how, by whom and wherefore, it cannot be certainly defined, but by conjectures, more easy to be refuted then maintained. It appears only that FRANCE is a german word, which signifieth Free, and that their ancestors either having shaked of the yoke of the Roman servitude, and recovered their ancient liberty, or remaining free amongst so many neighbours, subject to that great Empire were called Frenchmen in token of their liberty. There are learned men which writ that FRANCE was the name of a Communality of divers people, assembled and united together, to preserve their liberties, having taken that name as a mark of their generous resolution, and not of any certain Nation: Although Tully (a witness above all exception) notes the name of FRANCONS among the nations of Germany, which had offered obedience to the Romans, whilst their commonweal flourished, before the Empire began, which shows that we cannot talk of so obscure Antiquity but doubtfully, so as it is bootless to pronounce Oracles upon a subject so disputable. Truly to refer the first memories of their name to the Empire of Valentinian, and the beginning of their liberty to the defeat of the Alas, and to the bounty of this Emperor, having freed them in recompense of so worthy a service: that were to ma●e a leap of above an hundred and thirty years, to confound things and to be ignorant of the estate of our Ancestors, who at the time of this memorable defeat, did in nothing acknowledge the Romans'; But rather for a particular fruit of the victory gotten by them in common with Valentinian, they had possession of a great part of the Gauls, not holding it of any but of their Sword, nor doing homage but to their own Valour. It were in brief not to have observed the originals of true Histories. Seeing then the ancient habitation of the FRENCH was in that part of Germany which lay near●st unto Gaul, who can with reason deny but the are issued from thence, and that in taking Gaul they made it to change both Master and Name: This is in breise what may be spoken with most apparency of truth concerning the original of our FRENCH nation, if we will not urge more than may well be justified. By what means and when they entered Gaul As for their estate and government there is great likelihood that it was a great nation grown warlike by means of descending themselves and succouring others with their own forces. I add that they were led and commanded by a king, for the most ancient Histories represent them under a royal authority, as I will show else where. doubtless they had no means to build this great Monarchy in Gaul without force and order, yet did they not erect it all at one instant, but slipped into Gaul at sundry times, either employed to succour the Romans', or they themselves, seeking their fortune, and good adventures: And as they grew familiar by divers sommoning, so they got footing by little and little, until that having not only expelled the Romans, but all other tributary Lords; they became Masters and possessors of this goodly country: so this Monarchy was built upon the ruins of the Empire, and the end of the one was the beginning of the other. The Roman Empire had not only seized upon all Gaule ●s the eye of Europe (having reduced it into the form of Provinces) but did long inioe it by their Governors and Lieutenants general. This authority and Roman power was in a manner dispersed over the whole world. But as this Empire was framed of divers pieces, and built by Injustice and Tyranny, so God a just judge & revenger of iniquties, raised them up great & pourefull enemies from all parts of the world, is it were hired to tear in sunder this Cloak, to dismember this Body by peecemeales, and to punish their uncivil rigour, by a barbarous cruelty, and their greedy injustice, bn the ravishing extortion of others. The Empire then which had rob was sacked itself, and having taken another's good, lost their own, being scarce able (and that by means of the FRENCH) to retain any show of this great and vast body. The fury of Mahomet invaded Asia, and Africa, with a part of Europe, like a violent flame, with an incredible swiftness, Spain was seized on by the Vandals, Alanes, Sueves and Goths, Italy by the Vandals, Huns, Goths and Lombard's, Gaul wanted not sundry guests: the Goths seized on that goodly Gaul Narbo●ise, called for the excellency a second Italy, and left their name to this goodly Province, which they enjoyed long and called it by their name, first Gothia and after Languedoc, as it were the language of Gothe, although they give other reasons of this name more subtle than true. The Burgognons seized of the country which they called by their name Bourgougne, and erected a kingdom which contained the one & the other Burgongne with the Province of Lionois, Dauphin, Savoy, and Provence. The Normans, Britons and Picts, took every one their tickett to lodge in Gaul, according to the divers occurrents of affairs which presented themselves in this general dissipation of the Romans' Empire, who amidst these confusions did with great difficulty retain the least portion: knowing not how to oppose themselves against so great and victorious enemies. So the FRENCH having likewise in the beginning seized on their quarter, were so favoured by the providence of God, that through their valour they laid the foundation of a new estate, so as having expelled out of Gaul, both the old and new usurpers, in the end they became Masters, and built this goodly Monarchy, the which since hath given a law to neighbour Nations, settled the Roman Empire, stopped the violence of these cruel and barbarous Nations, and (which is the greatest honour of this estate) hath maintained the Christian Church in Europe, the which God hath appointed for an habitation amidest the furious confusions of Asia and Africa, where the deluge of Mahomet's blasphemies hath horriblely exceeded: Wherein the greatness and power of Gaul is to be admired, by the which julius Caesar could first alter the common weal of Rome his country, into the new form of an Empire, and after when as all the most furious nations did flock together to cast down this great mass; Charlemagne with the same force could preserve a great part of the West from that cruel shipwreck which ruened all the Est. And as this spoil was not general at one instant over all Gaul, but by fits like unto a River which ta●es her course in a new quarter; so the FRENCH Monarchy was built by degrees. The FRENCH being first employed by the Romans' for their valour in notable occations. We begin to read of their Name with some show and state, under the Empire of Gallien●s, about the year of Christ two hundred seventy. Posthumus governor of Gaul armed them against his Master and with the help of their forces & the consent of the Gauls, he enjoyed Gaul the space of seven years, with the Title of Emperor. It is likely this first abode caused them to taste the fertile sweetness of this goodly and rich Country. Thus both the example of Posthumus and the proof of their own forces gave them courage to attempt for themselves, We read that under the emperors Aurelian, Probus, Dioclesian and Constantius father to Constantine the great, they have often returned without any other subject then to seek their advantage: so were they often repulsed by the Romans' with great loss. These fruitless strivings might well have cooled the heat of their attempts, but not their desire to seek for means: But they continued m●st obstinately their practise in Arms, and maintained their reputation ●uen with the Romans themselves, who were glad to have them for friends and to employ them in their wars, as Constantine against Li●inius a great enemy to the Christians: and Constantius his son against the Germans and julian the Apostata, against the Persians. Truly aswell the History of the Church as Saint Hierome in particular (one of the most famous Doctors) spoke of the FRENCH as of a very renowned people, who might both hurt and help, by their multitudes and their valour of thei● Arms. The style of this desseine, which I have undertaken, doth only note the thing for your understanding, without spending time in longer proofs. This Apprenticeship of the FRENCH by their many voyages into Gaul, continued a hundred and thirty years, for so much it was from Gallienus to Honorius, under whom they began to set footing into Gaul, upon this occasion. Those of the City of Treves tired with the Tyranny of the Romans', were infinitely grieved that Lucius their Governor a Roman, had by force taken the wife of a notable Citizen. This excess ministered a subject to call the Frenchmen to their aid, who expelled the Romans', seized quietly on the City with the consent of the Inhabitants, and so (proceeding in their conquest) they possessed their neighbour Countries, and in time, became Masters of all that lies beyond the Rivers of Escaut, and Some: and in the end having won Paris, and the territories about, they gave their name to the conquered Country. I do briefly touch what shall be represented in particular in every place, and set down truly the original of the FRENCH in this Realm. PHARAMONT laid the first stone in the building of this estate, CLODION followed in this desseine▪ MEROVE made it appear above ground, in a more goodly form, having purchased credit among the Gauls, both by his valour and the happy succeesses of his Arms. CLOVIS (adding the profession of Christ to his Predecessors valour and his own) did so win the hearts of the Gauls, (who were for the most part Christians) as by their hearts he got their voluntary obedience, and the assured possession of these new Conquests. Two nations united in one by the Conqueror, giving law to the Conquered, with so wise and mild a discretion, as they held him worthy of this Alliance, and Name: ●nd the fruit of this marriage was to happy as the n●we name of FRANCE was generally received in Gaul. Thus this new estate increased daily in th● r●ce of PHARAMONT by divers occurrentes during the space of three hun●●●d years. But i● was much more augmented by the famous race of PEPIN. And ●●d the Author of all good order in mankind; giving him to Son CHARLEMAIGNE to prevent the ruin of the Empire, enriched him with singular graces, and confirmed in him that great authority and power of the King of FRANCE, and Emperor of ROME, which greatness God would make profitable to all Christendom. But his race Inheritor of these great honours did not inherit his valour and happiness, having sc●rce continued 237. years: but degenerating from his virtues, they lost both Authority and Crown, so much augmented and beautified by him and CHARLES MA●TELL. So this second race, unworthy of the blood and name of their Grandfathers, was spoiled of their Kingdom by their negligence. But God the Guardian of Monarchies (who changing the persons, would preserve the State) r●●sed up HUGH CAPET a wise and modest Prince, arming him with wisdom and dexterity fit for the preservation of his Crown, accompanying his Arms with law, and his royal authority with well governed justice. It is to HUGH CAPET that the Realm of FRANCE stands most ind●●ted for the establishment of those goodly Ordinances, by the which (together with the valour and fidelity of the FRENCH) this great Monarchy half withstood the storms of so many ages, and maintains even unto this day, the lawful heir in the same race, for the space of five hundred and thirty years. So as gathering the sum of all these years, they reckon from PHARAMONT to HENRY▪ the fourth that now Reigns, 1175. years. This is the Plot or design of the whole History of France, the which being thus laid before we raise this great building in every part, according to the true measures and just proportions, let us make a Diagramme as a lively figure, which may contain nakedly, and without circumstance, the names of our Kings, according to the order of these three royal Races. To the which we will add a particular Chronologie, The order & form of th●● Inventory. which shall be proved by the discourse of our Inventory, I have distinguished it into three parts, according to the order of the three royal Races. In the front of every part I note the names of Kings, and the time they have reigned, that at my first entrance you may observe all that is represented in this p●rticuler discourse▪ wherein the wise Reader (that shall take the pains to confer this model with the whole History) will judge that I have omitted nothing that may concern the sub●ect of the History▪ with all principal circumstances, to the end the truth in this short, simple, and unseemly weed, appointed for every day, may serve aswell as that which the Learned and eloquent writers show forth in open theatres at Festival times. To Actions carefully described, I add sometimes my judgement, for the use of the History, examined by the Maxims of State. To actions I say generally advowed, as for the rest I leave them, remembering that I am a Witness and no judge, to do service to such as could not see the Originals. I note in the beginning the Elections, the Births, Lives, Adventures, Intents, Designs, Manners and Complexions of our Kings, the Motives, Actions, Alterations, Crosses, Issues and Success of their affairs, both in War and Peace: their Enterprises, taking of Cities and Countries, Battles, Encounters, Victories, Overthrows, Advantages, Disadvantages, and other things remarkable in State: Finally I observe their ends in their death, as the Catastrophe of their Life, and closing up of their Reign. But to make this discourse more proportionable for the knowledge of our Monarchy, it was necessary to explain it by that which hath chanced of most import in foreign Estates, especially in the Church & Empire, the most famous Theatres of the world, by reason whereof I have added a most careful Collation of the one and the other with our Realm. I entreat the wise Reader to way with judgement what I shall report concerning matters most subject to comptroule, as those of the Church. I doubt not but that he shall find that I have contained myself within the limits of State, talking nothing of Religion, nor meddling with the diverse humours of this age. I have only treated of the politic government of Rome, with as much modesty as the subject would permit. I know likewise that making profession to write a History, no man will wish me either to disguise or to conceal the truth, the which will warrant itself, and free me from reproach, in making known to judicious and modest wits, that I have no other passion but my duty, whereof I can give no better proof, than in justifying my discourse with the Original, if there appear any difficulty. I protest I have only had a true desire to serve the public, whose profit is the only scope of my labours. As for the Computations, as they be very necessary for the well understanding of the History (which is the Register of times) so hath it much troubled me, being altogether neglected by the most ancient Writers, borne in the first obscure ages. The learned which have happily handled this subject before me, finding plainly this notable difficulty, have held it expedient to make little or no account to observe the dates, which was i● my conceit (under correction be it spoken) to cut the knot a sunder instead of unloosing it. But it hath made me more carefully to labour in this search, ●o find out some means amidst these extremities. And therefore I have distinguished the most notable cha●ges, not only from one Race to another, but in the Races themselves▪ placing the dates i● the ●ront of the whole discourse, as a Boundston to limit the Lands. Moreover I have faithfully collected in gross the years of every reign, and have divided them as I thought most likely, by the continuance of public and private actions. It is all I could do i● the most ancient reigns, being unable to divine further, but in those that approach nearer to our age, the Reader shall see the uniting of things from year to year by degrees, whereby he may mar●l●e plainly in so goodly a light without any confusion's▪ The Diagrams shall supply the particular default of times, which we cannot otherwise distinguish. But let us first see the whole pattern of our Monarchy without ●●y c●lour or f●●●●ish whatsoever. A general Diagramme. WHich notes only the names of the Kings of France, according to the order and succession of three Races, from Pharamont the first King, unto Henry the 4. King of France and of Navarre (now reigning) in number three score and three. The first Race called Merovingiens, in number twenty and two Kings. 1. Pharamont. 2. Clodion or Cloion the hairy. 3. Merovee. Who upon the foundation laid by his Ancestors of this Monarchy, made the building appear more resplendent and beautiful. 4. Chilperic the first, 5. Clovis the Great, the first Christian King, and the first of that name. 6. Childebert the first. 7. Clotaire the first. 8. Cherebert. 9 chilperic the second. 10. Clotaire the second. 11. Dagobert the first. 12. Clovis the second. 13. Clotaire the third. 14. Childeric or Chilperic the third. 15. Theodoric or Thierry the first. 16. Clovis the third, 17. Childebert the second. 18. Dagobert the second. 19 Chilperic or Childeric the fourth. 20. Thierry the second▪ 21. Chilperic or Childeric the fift▪ 22. Charles Martel, Maior of the Palace in name, but King in effect: having laid the foundation of the royal Authority to his posterity, and so reckoned among the Kings the two and twenty. The second Race of Carlovingiens or Carlees of Charles Martell or of Charlomaigne, in number 13. Kings. 23. Pepin the short or the brief, son of Martell. 24. Charlemaigne King and Emperor, having drawn the Empire of the West into France. 25. Lewis the gentle, King and Emperor, his son, first of that name. 26. Charles the first, called the bald, King and Emperor, his son. 27. Lewis the second, called the lisping, King and Emperor, his son. 28. Lewis the 3. and Carloman bastard's to Lewis, received by the estates, against the Institution of Lewis by his will, who had named Eudes for Regent, they govern the Realm together, in the first year of the minority of Charles the simple, pupil and lawful heir to Lewis, and yet being crowned Kings, (although they were but Regent's) are accounted amongst the Kings, and make but one. In the liberty of this Nonage. Lewis the do nothing, or idle, Son or Brother to Carloman takes upon him to be King, but not being acknowleged by the French, as they were ready to dispossess him, he died, and is not reckoned for any. 29. Charles the 2. called the gross, a Prince of the blood of France, and Emperor of Germany, confirmed in the Regency by the States, following the example of these bastards, is Crowned King, he was degraded from the Empire and the Crown, And in his place 30. Eudes or Odo Duke of Angers named by the King's testament (as is said) is called and crowned as the other Regent's, and for this cause accounted among the Kings, in the end the Crown comes to 31. Charles the simple, the lawful King after 22. years, but being forced to renounce it, he dies for sorrow in prison, and leaves for his lawful successor Lewis the 4. his son, carried into England by his Mother, yielding to the violence of the victorious league, by the which 32. Ralph or Rao●l Duke of Burgundy, Prince of the Blood, was called to the Crown, and and so is accounted among the Kings, although he were an Usurper, and he being dead 33. Lewis the 4. called Doutremer, or beyond the Sea, Son to Charles the Simple, is restored, and leaves the Crown to 34. Lothaire, and he to 35. Lewis the 5. his only son, who died without issue Male, he was the last of this second Race, leaving the Throne empty to Hugh Cape●, the Stock and first King of the third Race following. The third Race called the Capevingiens or Capets, in number 27. Kings. 36. Hugue or Hues Capet, to whom succeeded 37. Robert his son, alone of that name, and to Robert 38. Hen●y th● 1. his son. And to Henry 39 Philip the 1. his son. And to him 40. Lewis the 6. surnamed the Gross his Son: And to Lewis the 6. 41. Lewis the 7. called the young his Son: And to him 42. Philip the 2. surnamed Augustus, his Son: And to Philip the 2. 43. Lewis the 8. his Son, father to the King St. Lewis, the most ordinary mark of his name: And to Lewis the eight 44. Lewis the 9 honoured by the name of Saint, for his singular piety and virtue: to whom succeeded 45. Philip the 3. his son, surnamed the Hardy: and to him 46. Philip the 4. called the Fair, his Son, who was also King of Navarre by his wife joane: And to him succeeded 47. Lewis the 10. called Hutin, his Son, also King of Navarre by his Mother, he had one Son borne after his death called janenterre, but not numbered among the Kings, for that he died in the Cradle: so by the law of State 48. Philip the 5. called the Long, son to Philip the Fair, succeeded his Brother Lewis Hutin, he died without issue Male: who left the Crown to 49. Charles the 4. called the Fair, his Brother, who also dying without issue Male, the Crown came by right of inheritance: to 50. Philip of Valois, the 6. of that name, first Prince of the blood, and first King of the royal line of Valois: to whom succeeded 51. john his son, only of that name, unfortunate: to him succeeded 52. Charles the 5. surnamed the Wise, who preserved the State, during a horrible combustion: to him succeeded 53. Charles the 6. his son, called the Well-beloved, and yet too w●ll noted by his long and unhappy reign, amidst the furies of civil wars, bred in his minority, and increased in his frenzy, so as a strange King was crowned King of France, and became Master of the greatest part of the Realm: to Charles the 6. succeeded 54. Charles the 7. his son, who established the Realm in expelling the Stranger: and to him succeeded 55. Lewis the 11. his son, who having incorporated Bourgongne and Provence to the Crown, and purged the leaven of intestine division, left the Realm rich & peaceable: to 56. Charles the 8. his son, who dying without Males, left the Realm according to the law of State: to 57 Lewis the 12. Duke of Orleans, first Prince of the blood, who likewise died without issue Male, leaving the Crown: to 58. Francis the 1. of that name, first Prince of the blood, Duke of Angoulesme, and he to 59 Henry the 2. his son, and Henry to 60. Francis the 2. his son, who dying without Male: left it to 61. Charles the 9 his brother, who dying without issue lawfully begotten: left it to 62. Henry the 3. his brother, the last of the royal race of Valois, who being slain by a jacobin, and dying without issue, by the same right of the Fundamental law of State, he left the Realm entangled in diverse confusions: to 63. HENRY the 4. then King of Navarre, first Prince of the blood, and first King of the royal race of Bourbon. A Prince endued with virtues fit to restore a State, but successor to much trouble, wearing a Crown not all of gold, but intermixed with Thorns, wreathed with infinite difficulties, governing a body extremely weakened with a long and dangerous disease, surcharged with Melancholy and diverse humours, said with the fury of the people, bewitched by the practices of Strangers, who had crept so far into the bosom of our miserable Country, that they were ready to dispossess the lawful heirs, and to invest a new King, if God the Guardian and Protector of this Realm, had not opposed a good and speedy remedy, to their force (in show triumphant) by the valour and clemency of our Henry, encountering his enemies with the one, and by the other reducing his Subjects (strangely distracted) to their duties. God send him grace to finish as he hath begun, and Crown the miraculous beginning of his reign with the like issue: Truly all good and clear-sighted Frenchmen may note how necessary this Head is for the preservation of the State, and by their daily and fervent prayers, to pray unto God for the long and happy life of our King. And for the peace and tranquillity of this poor and desolate Realm. Rom. 13. There is no power but from God, and all powers in an estate are ordained of God. THE FIRST RACE OF THE KING'S OF FRANCE CALled Merovingiens of Meroveé, the third King of the French, the most famous founder of the French Monarchy. DANIEL 1.2. verse 21. The Sovereign Lord rules over the Kingdoms of Men. And gives it to whom he pleaseth. He putteth down, and sets up Kings at his pleasure. A particular Chronologie of the races from the year four hundred and twenty, to seven hundred and fifty. The year of grace. Kings. 420 1 PHaramond reigned 11. years. 430 2 Clodion the hairy 20. years. 450 3 Merovee the great Architect of this Estate, and in this regard, the most famous Stem of this race, reigned 10. years. 459 4 Chilperic or Childeric the first, the son of Merovee, 24. years. 484 5 Clovis the first 30. years, the first Christian King. The four sons of Clovis, to whom he divided the whole Realm: that is. 514 6 Childebert King of Paris. Clotaire King of Soissons. Clodamite King of Orleans. Thierri King of Metz, reigned together 42. years, and 558 7 Clotaire the 1. reigned alone eight years. 564 8 Cherebert King of Paris. Chilperic King of Soissons. Gontran King of Orleans. Segebert King of Metz, reign together 25. years. 578 9 Chilperic the 2. in the end reigned alone 8. years. 586 10 Clotaire the second 37. years. 632 11 Dagobert the first, 16. years. 647 12 Clovis the second, 18. years. 666 13 Clotaire the third, 4. years. 670 14 Chilperic the third, and 15 Thierri 19 years. 689 16 Clovis the third, 4. years. 693 17 Childebert the second, 17. years. 710 18 Dagobert the second, 5. years. 715 19 Chilperic the 4. called Daniel by his first name, 5. years. 720 20 Thierri 20. years. 740 21 Chilperic or Childeric the 5. the last of the race of the Meroveens, he lived with the title of a King ten years, being degraded from the Kingdom, he died a Monk, and left the Crown to 750 22 Charles Martel More of the Palace, who (without taking the name of King, but enjoying it in effect,) left the Monarchy hereditary to his posterity, the date of his reign being set under the name of Chilperic, unto the decease of Martell. So this race hath reigned in France 320. years. PARAMOND, 420. the first King of France. PHARAMONT. I KING OF FRANCE· portrait PHaramond the son of Marcomir, is held for the fi●st King of Fra●ce▪ by the consent of all our writers. The fundamen●a l dare of the Fre●ch Monarchy. In the year of grace▪ 420. He began his Reign the year of Christ 420. A date very remarkable to describe the first beginning of the French Monarchy. At that time Honorius and Arcadius, brethren, (sons to Theodosius the great) held the Roman Empire, invaded so by strange nations, as it was not only dismembered into diverse parts, but even Rome was spoiled and sacked by Alaric King of Goths. Amidst these confusions, the French Monarchy had her beginning upon the ruins of the Empire. The French invited by them of Treves, Estate of the Empire at the beginning of i●. for the above named occasion, first seized on the City, and from thence extended themselves to the neighbour countries; they name Tongrie for their first possession, which the learned hold to be the country of Brabant, and about Liege. This conquest was not made at one instant, but augmented by degrees, and the nearest provinces were first surprised. The French coming from beyond the Rhin, it seems they did first seize on that part which then lay nearest unto them, as the Countries betwixt the Rhin, the Esca●t, and the M●use; and from thence extended themselves even to the river of Loire. They hold for certain, that this happy exploit of the French, was under the name and authority of Pharamont their King, who departed not from his native country, but sending forth this troup, as a swarm of Bees, he reaped the honour and fruit of the conquest, as the Sovereign head. He is commended to have established good laws, His policy. to have framed and enured the French to a civil and well governed kind of life, and to have laid the first stone of the foundation of this great Monarchy in Gaul: he reduced into one body, and expounded more plainly, the ancient laws of the French, called Saliques. augmented them, and showed the use, as well for the government of the estate, as for private persons. 422. And therefore he is called the author of those Laws, although he received them from his Ancestors. He reigned xi. years, leaving Clodion his son for his successor, The time of his reign. 422. with a good taste of his integrity noted in his name: for Waramond or Pharamont (according to the common pronunciation) in the old French language (that is to say) in germane, signifies a true mouth: a virtue in truth worthy of a Prince, and necessary for the conduct of human society. This is all that may be certainly written of the original of the French Monarchy: yet Gregory of Tours (a very ancient author) makes no mention of Pharamont, and sets down the beginning of this estate in gross, as a thing uncertain. What certainty then may we look for of more ancient times? We find in the Roman histories, some apparent steps to guide us to the knowledge of our beginning. These goodly Provinces of Gaul, were courted by all their neighbours: the Romans' under colour of conveniency, seized on that which lay nearest unto them; by means whereof, they sought to become masters of the rest, but they wanted no competitors. The Heluetians (since called Swisses,) & likewise the Almains would have lodged there, if Caesar had not withstood them. His successors were inccū●red with the like difficulties, but in the end they prevailed to whom God had determined the possession, that is to the French, issued doubtless out of Germany, and governed by Kings. We read in the lives of the last Emperors, the names of Mel●baudes, Richimer, Marcomir, Berther, Sunno, Pharabert, Theodemir and Dagobert▪ but hereof we cannot with reason believe all that the Registers of Hunibauld & Trithemius do comment, touching these ancient Kings. Let us therefore leave these subtleties to such as have leisure to refine their wits, & lay before our eyes the light of a more sound and profitable truth: let us observe the estate of the Church, when as this Monarchy began to appear, for hereafter the Church shall be her principal gem, although the French Kings were infidels in the●e first beginnings. S. Jerome, Chrisostome, Ambrose and Augustine, lived in those times, spectators of the dissipation of the Empire, The estate of the Church. wherein the Church suffered much▪ Damasus, Siricius, Ana●●asius, Innocentius, Sos●●mus, and Bonifacius, Bishops of Rome lived there, one after another (men renowned for their piety, learning, and dexterity,) amidst the confusions of the Empire, & even at Rome, whereas the Emperors were seldom seen; so as the absence of the Emperors (troubled to withstand the Barbarians, and the miserable estate of the time, which forced Christians to fly to their Bishop, for counsel and comfort in their confused afflictions) laid the foundation of their authority, then small, being tied to their charges, and subject to the emperors command: but it grew by degrees, until it came to the height of this sovereign and absolute power, so as in the end they have prescribed laws to the Emperors, Kings, and Christian Princes. A necessary observation, both for the truth and order of this History, to understand rightly both the times, and means of their rising. In the first age, the Bishops of Rome durst not show themselves (being persecuted, imprisoned, & martyred by the Emperors). Since Constantine the great, their authority began: in the dissipation of the Empire, it increased, and this Realm did fortify and augment it. Our first Kings knew them not: their next successors maintained & advanced them as, Charles Martell, Pepin, Charlemaigne, to whom they are indebted for the greatest support and increase of their chief authority. Fundamental Rules or Maxims of the State of France. 423. But before we proceed any further in this Theatre, reason and order commands us to set down the sovereign Maxims of our Monarchy, as goodly pillars in the first front of this great building: to the end we may not dispute, either of the ancient form of government in the first age of our Ancestors, The first Maxim. or of the Fundamental laws of the estate. It is necessary that our minds (even in our infancy) be seasoned with this common belief, The French cannot endure any other government than a Royalty. being the bond and union of the natural obedience we own unto our Kings. Without doubt, it is neither true, nor likely, that our Predecessors, (taking possession of this goodly inheritance) made any question of that which had been concluded amongst them from father to son. The most ancient histories (whose authority is without control,) testify, that the French nation was governed by Kings: and experience joined with reason doth show, that the French cannot be otherwise commanded, then by a royalty. Whereto then serves this question amongst the French, touching the form of government, when as Gaul was first possessed by them? And to what end should these goodly painted speeches be uttered by our ancient warriors, who made so great profession to do well, as they neglected eloquent words. This Maxim thus laid, as the ground of the Estate of France, 2 The royalty of France, is successive. the truth of that which hath passed in ancient times, doth plainly show, what the form of this royalty hath been: for who doth not see, by the names of the Kings of France, (as they have commanded in this realm, amidest so many alterations of the State, in the change of the three Races, where we may note the succession from father to son, from brother to brother, & from cousin to the nearest kinsman of the blood Royal), that it was hereditary from all antiquity? This is the law, The efficacy of a successive Royalty. the use whereof is so worthily regarded in all commands, the force whereof defends the State amidst the strangest confusions, yea sucking babes have enjoyed it without any dispute or contradiction. At the very name of an infant King, Armies have marched under the command of a woman (otherwise very odious, by reason of her vices) and yet so respected (being the King's mother) as the French have grown desperate in most perilous battles, returning with bloody victories, thrust forward with this only resolution, to preserve the estate of their young King, lying in his swaddling clothes. By the force of this law, the French (after the decease of their lawful Kings, A royalty is the best sort of government. leaving their wives with child) have reverenced the womb of their Queen, expecting her delivery: being a son, he was nourished, bred up, and honoured as their King: And if he died in his first infancy, they have performed his obsequies, with the like respect and reverence, as to a King in his majority. To conclude: reason, authority, and experience, do plainly show, that a succeeding royalty is better, then that which depends upon the people's choice and election: How it appears by reason. For what is a Royalty, but the image of a father's command: the love, honour and obedience which children bear towards their parents, be the effects of the law of nature figured in their hearts. A father commands over many children, who although they be planted in divers parts (as we see in the peopling of great families,) yet all return to the chief stock or stem: all acknowledge and honour the father, all obey him while he lives, by a more voluntary obedience, for that it is merely natural. Behold the pattern of a civil government. To apply it to our subject: it appears, the first man had this natural authority, even as we see it at this day. As mankind multiplied into divers families, so this multitude had need of a greater government. Man cannot live alone: society consists in commandment and obedience. From this fountain a royalty springs. 425. Look what is done in a family, the like is in a state, by the same force of nature: one commands and is obeyed. There, this natural respect is that bond of lawful obedience. So here in like sort, whereas the commandment of one gives law to all, for that the law of nature hath power over all, it doth authorize this respect in the hearts of subjects, by a voluntary obedience to their Kings as to their fathers. And as we need not to be taught to honour father and mother▪ So, who is so unkind that will make any question to honour the Prince under whom he is borne. It is that which the original of the first truth doth teach us, Honour father and mother, not only to tie us to them that gave us life, but to those that make us to live happily in the common society of mankind: that is, to the father in the house, and to the King in the state, as the father of our fathers. Thus a Royalty is the most ancient and best form of government, when as the King is Father of his people, according to the ordinance of nature, as we shall show else where at better leisure. I hope this small digression shallbe excused for the necessity of the subject. A Royalty than is the Image of a father's authority. How can a father then (whom God hath given by the course of nature) be chosen by his children? A succ●s●iue Royalty is the best. If to live well according to nature, and by consequence, that which proceeds from nature, be the best, who doubts, but a Royalty (the which God hath given us by the law of State, the sovereign law of society, wherein we are borne,) is without doubt better than that which depends on the tumultuous factions of people? Thus much for reason. Now let us see what Authority says, By authority. which speaks plainly, & in the goodliest estate o● the world, which was the common weal of Israel, wherein God had planted his church, as his most precious jewel. Truly, the lawful Royalty of the house of David, hath been hereditary, & successive from father to son, and from Cousin to the nearest kinsman. A pattern whereby to frame a perfect estate, far better than the common weal of Plato: who notwithstanding hath respected the blood Royal in the race of Kings, with great prerogative, moved thereunto by the force of nature, to acknowledge the best form of government in an hereditary succession, whereas one is borne to command, an other to obey. I will dilate no more of so rich and ample a subject, having only coated that which is necessary for the circumstance of my purpose. By experience But what shall we say of Experience, the mistress of fools? What is he, but may thereby feel the visible proofs of this truth? doubtless those Countries and States, which have kept this liberty to choose their Kings, do often feel (to their costs) the tumultuous fruits of their elections, striving with much pain to maintain this privilege against the laws of nature, posti●g from nation to nation, with much toil, and small profi●, searching for that a far off, which they might easily find at home: and for the avoiding of tumults (which might grow among equal Competitors) they procure unto themselves infinite troubles, the which they might avoid, in receiving of him willingly whom God should cause to be borne among them, with a lawful authority. But some will object, that which we cannot deny to have been practised in two Races, That the French had in former times authority to place and displace their Kings: as appears aswell by the Kings Chosen by Parliament, In old time at the reception of a new king they used to carry him upon a target in a public assembly. which were borne upon targets: as also by the famous examples of Pepin, and Hugh Capet. Whereunto the answer is true and plain, that this consent was but the seal of the natural prerogative due to the race of our lawful Kings: and their dissallowing, a declaration of their base slothfulness, unworthy of that natural prerogative, wherewith they were honoured in their birth, and from the which they did degenerate in living ill. And as we see in the succession of Kings, the nearest allied holds the other by the hand: so in these two alterations, when as necessity forced the French to change their King, (as when the like necessity constraineth the children to give their furious father a tutor) we may observe, that they have always made choice of men nearest to the blood royal, preferring virtue before a mask of Authority corrupted with vice, the public good before the private interest of a vicious man, retaining nothing but the name of his noble race. 426. They have preserved (as much as they could) their natural respect to the blood royal. The law made the King: that is his birth. But the law of nature, The prerogative of a K●ng is nothing impaired by the people's consent at his last rec●ption. f●l●owed by the law of nations, and the free consent of the people, hath not been the cause, but the very effect of this natural authority. So this royal authority is limited and ruled by the sovereign law of State: which doth so advance the head above all the members of the body, as they may not be separated. For, what is a King without subjects, but a head without members? the King preserves his estate, as the head doth the body. But, as the head (from whence life proceeds to the body) lives with the body, so the King (who preserves the estate by his authority) is preserved in the estate, by the consent of his subjects. In this inseparable union, he doth fortify his power by theirs, and his command with their voluntary obedience. Plato says, that Authority not subject to controlment, is pernicious to him that commands, and to them that are commanded. It is a lawful and profitable restraint for Kings, and the necessary counterpoise of their authority. This law will have every member to hold his place, in the body of a State: And by consequence, that the subjects consent, (who offer their goods and lives to their King) be held in due degree. This hinders no more the hereditary prerogative of a Royalty, than the diverse ministery of the members, do the sovereign authority of the head, over the whole body. And as in the beginning, or in the rising, or infancy of an estate, virtue ministers occasion for the people to choose such as should command over them successively, (leaving as it were in sacred guard, in the hands of their best men, what they hold most precious, and so to their successors, who by all reasonable conjecture, must be good and virtuous, being borne of good parents) even so, in the end, vice makes them to hate such as abuse this prerogative: and in like manner, the same virtue makes them fly to others, whom they hold more worthy to command, in that they are obedient unto reason. This Maxim than stands firm, that the authority of the states not being incompatible with the sovereignty of a king, the royalty of France is, and hath always been merely hereditary, without any exception, nor can it otherwise subsist and stand (all well considered). And who so thinks or speaks otherwise, imagyning popular commonweals in France, he is ignorant of the disposition of the French, and feeds himself with a dangerous vanity. The third. The m●le only capable of the Crown, the female excluded in France. But this law of a succeeding royalty is limited by a third Maxim: That the right of the Crown is tied to the heirs male: whereas in many nations, for want of males, the sovereign Authority of a royalty falls to the females of the royal race. And this law, received by the approbation of the subject people, is happily put in practice. The precedent is very memorable and remarkable in the Realm of England. whereas Queen Elizabeth alone, hath surpassed the happiness of the greatest Kings her predecessors, ruling a long time with great Authority in peace: So as having gotten most famous victories over her enemies, she hath erected, through peace, the goodliest trophies that ever king of England could have planted there. So great is the force of the law in the society of mankind, the which God will have inviolable under the gage of faith and public order. The French were often called Saliens, of the river Sal in Franco●ia, and the French laws termed Salic laws. But the royalty of France is wholly restayned to the males, the fundamental law of state (being called the Salic law) not admitting the females. For this sovereign law is set down in these words: In the Salic land, let no portion of the inheritance come to the female: but let the male have the possession. That is to say, the males only are capable of the Crown of France: the females being wholly excluded, and by consequence their issue, the which can pretend no more interest than their mothers, neither have they any portion in the revenues of the Crown, which cannot be alienated. So as it is given them but for term of life, by assignation of dowry at the King's good pleasure. Th● fundamental law called Salic. This fundamental law is called Salic, by excellency, although the Salic laws contain the rights of private men: but amongst them, that which concerns the majesty of the prince, is the principal, and for this cause is known by this worthy observation. 428. The practice of this fundamental law is apparent, in the first race, where the chief proof of antiquity must be made in the daughters of Childebert, The practice thereof. son to the first Clovis: In the daughters of Cherebert son to Clotaire the first, in the daughters of Gontran, son of the same Clotaire, all which were excluded from the Crown, and in their places the nearest Princes of the blood admitted, by the consent of all the French. The second race hath no examples of this law in the particular circumstance of women. The third hath very notable ones: Edward King of England was excluded by judgement of the States, from the right he pretended to this Crown, being son to one of the daughters of France, the only daughter of Philip le bell. Philip of Valois, was preferred before his Niece, daughter to Lewis Hutin. And of late memory, Francis the first of that name, Duke of Angoulesme, before the two daughters of Lewis the twelfth, without any controversy. This law was observed among the French before Pharamont was borne: and by virtue of this law he reigned as Successor to his Ancestors, Marcomir, Sunno, Melobaudes, Here the Author wou●d have a ●amed supposition to be taken for an undoubted truth and others. And as he was appointed by the wise providence of God, to be the first Architect of this Monarchy, so was he endued with singular graces fit for so excellent a work, in the which the law should fortify the valour of this fierce & warlike nation. Thus Pharamont is renowned for his wisdom and judgement, who did countenance & authorize the Salic laws, and that especially which was the chief, to take away all future debate from his Successors. And for the better strengthening of his laws, he assembled his captains, whereof the Counsellors of our ancient Kings were chosen. They name among the chief of them Widogast, Sabogast, Wisogast, and Bosogast: the which our fabulous curiosities do transform into some great Orators, without any apprehension of truth. These were good warriors, & yet wise men, and judicious. But who can believe they were great Rhetoricians? So Pharamont was not the Author, but the bewtifier of the SALIQVE laws, as justinian of the civil laws of the Romans'. To search out the original of the word, neither my style, nor my humour will suffer me to dispute thereof▪ Of the word Salic. every one hath his judgement free. But this is my opinion: as words be the images of things, so are they invented to represent the nature of the thing whereunto they are applied. It appears, that among the French, the Saliens were those that held the chief degrees, What the Sali●ns were. and gave the name to the whole Nation. So as all Frenchmen are often times called Saliens. The SALIQVE laws therefore are the French laws appointed to rule, and govern the French. It was the ancient name continued with the most ancient laws, the which, the honour of the Nation, and the reverence of so sacred a thing, hath forbidden in any sort to alter. So the SALIQVE law hath continued time out of mind the Sovereign law of State, under the which the French have lived: and so have continued from father to son, without any alteration, either in the substance, or the word, majestical in the hearts and tongues of all French men. What appearance is there then, that Philip of Valois hath borrowed the name of Pharamont, in the invention of this law, to make it serve his turn? How much unlikely is it, that so important a law, being the ground of the Estate, should be unknown to the French? What a drowsiness had it been in so wise & circumspect a nation, to suffer themselves to be abused by a newcome Prince, and by so gross a policy, to draw themselves into apparent combustion, which hung over their heads, in preferring the French before the English, who had then so good a portion in France, where he possessed the goodliest, and richest provinces? How unsound is this policy, to imagine, that a poor Prince, Count of Valois, having to do with a rich King of England, who encountered the Frenchmens minds with an intestine force, by the golden virtue of his Angels, could have abused such as were kept in their obedience, by the force of right and reason, for the preservation of the Crown of France, their Country? Who sees not, but it had been the overthrow of Philip of Valois cause, to say that he had forged a law at his pleasure, to exclude the lawful heir, and her offspring, from her right? Truly the good cause of Philip of Valois made him victorious against the forces of Edward King of England; and the ancient reverence to him, 430. authorized by a continual use, and received by the common consent of the French, rejected gold, to respect the order of right, for the benefit of the lawful heir. These French laws were called Saliques, of the river Sal which is in Franconia, Etymology of the word Salic. or East Franco: it joins with Mein, and is not yet dried up. It is neither new, nor extraordinary, for people to derive their names from Mountains, or Rivers: and to show an example, springing from the same thing, by noting the Rivers. The Country where the City of Paris is seated (not only the chief of this great realm, but the Theatre of the whole world, if by a happy peace she may recover her ancient beauty) is called the Isle of France, for the concourse of diverse rivers, which join with Seine▪ and to this end, the ship (the arms of our chief City) shows the opportunity of these goodly rivers. Who can with reason reject the apparency of this likelihood? That as our ancestors remaining alongst the river of Sal, were called Saliens, so the name hath continued to posterity: the which for the like reason are called Ripuaires, as made for the commodity and use of the dwellers upon that bank, the which they likewise called Ripuaires, or Ribberots'. Truly long time after, Conrade of Franconie, the Emperor, was called Salic, to mark his beginning in that Country, by the ancient name. Thus much for the word. But the inviolable Maxims and Principles of the state of France, the consent of all the true & ancient writers, the prescription of so many ages, the general approbation of all the French nation, should make us hold this Salic law, for certain, without seeking for new opinions, not only weak and unprofitable, but insupportable in the state, where the old proverb must stand for an oracle, Remove not the st●ane well laid. Thus having briefly set down the principal laws of the state of France, I will return to the course of my history. Thus he reigned, thus he lived, and thus died Pharamont, the first King of France, Death of Pharamont. leaving for hereditary successor of his Realm, his son Clodion, according to the right of law: and King in effect, by consent of the French. This age was the sink of Babarous nations, by whom God would justly punish the unjust pride of the Remains. The greatest part came out of Asia, staying first in Germany, and from thence like Caterpillars or grasshoppers ●read themselves over Gaul, Italy, and Spain: that is to say, the Goths or Geteses, Alans, Huns, Sueves, & others: & from the North the Bourgognons, Normans and Lombard's. We must know the Change of these nations, for the use of his history. But it sufficeth to touch them briefly in their places, without cloying our chief subject with a cumbersome discourse. 431. CLODION, or CLOION the hairy, 2. King of France. CLODION·KING OF FRANCE .2 portrait CLODION, the son of Pharamont, succeeded his father in the year 431. and reigned one and twenty years. The first attempt of Cl●d●o●. He laboured to follow his father's course, and to settle himself in Gaul: but having transported certain troops, which made a happy beginning, passing to the cou●tr●es of Cambresie and Tournay, betwixt the rivers of Somme and escout, behold a furious multitude o● divers nations assembled together, of ●andales, Alans, Sueves, and Burg●ignons (jealous to see this great and warlike people follow their steps, in the conquest of a land not only ●et to ●ale, but abandoned in the disorders of the Roman Empire,) opposed themselves against them. The French not able to withstand ●o great united forces, retired themselves into their Country o● Franconia. To this jealousy, was added the practice of Stillico, Lieutenant general t● Honorius Emperor of the West, who easily engaged these Nations, (seeking for wo●ke) against the French, laboured by all means to cros●e them, and to possess himselve of Gaul: yet the success did not fit his design: for being prevented by Honorius his master, he was slain, with his son Eu●herius, whom he had appointed absolute heir of that goodly portion. But the providence of God had left it in prey to these great and victorious Nations, being come from divers parts of the world to divide the Empire. Thus confusion prevailed by his authority, who had most interest in the practices of Stillico, (who in taking Gaul for himself,) retained still the Roman name, being overthrown by Honorius. The deluge of these barbarous nations o●erflowed all Gaul, which from year to year was replenished with new guests. The Bourgognons had already seized on a great part, with the title of a kingdom, whereof Arles was the chief City. The Goths possessed Gaul Narbonnoise, 440. even by the emperors consent, who granted what he could not take from them▪ with promise to pass no further. So this victorious nation, dispersed in diverse places in Italy, Gaul and Spain, were called by s●ndry names, Wisigoths, and Ostrogoths, according to the place where they were planted, by their great multitudes and valour. Such was the disorder of the Romans', who in their seasons had subdued the whole world, by their victorious arms. These tempests and storms reigned during the Empires of the two brethren, Arcadius and Honorius, the one commanding in the East, The estate of the Emp●re. and the other in the West: of Theodosius the second, son to Arcadius: and in the beginning of V●lentinian the third, a vicious and unhappy Prince. The reign of Clodion fell out in those times not greatly memorable, but to observe his resolutions and manly endeavours, to settle and increase the conquests of his father, but with no success. Thus great and heroical enterprises have often stays and lets in the beginning, or such difficult crosses, as they seem quite suppressed. Aetius a Roman borne, succeeded Stillico for the Emperor, in that which remained in Gaul▪ he opposed himself violently against the French, who at diverse times endeavoured to pass the Rhin, and to return into France. Clodion fortifying himself courageously against this storm, fainted not for all these first difficulties. In the end, he resolved to hazard all upon this last cast: and to this effect he raised a mighty army, with an intent to go in person to the conquest of this goodly kingdom. But God had resolved to give it to the French: yet by an other hand than that of Clodion, for he died in this voyage, being on the banks of Rhin, with an intent to pass it, in the year of grace 451. leaving Merouce heir of his design and valour. He was called Le Chevelu, or hairy, for that he made a law, that none but Kings and their children, with the Princes of the blood, should wear long hair, Law for wearing long hair. in token of command: after the Roman manner, who shaved the heads of their slaves and servants, and left the Periwig only to the Patriciens, and the head bare. This custom, confirmed by the law of Clodion, hath been long time observed in France: so as by this ma●ke, Clodamyre the son of Clovis (being slain in a battle by the Bourgognons) was known among the dead: and in token of a degrading or dishonouring, they shaved such as they degraded from the royal dignity: as it appears by infinite examples: amongst the which our History makes mention of one very memorable, of Queen Clotilde, who chose rather to cut off the heads of her young sons, then to have their hair bold or shaven: that is to say, she preferred an honest death before the dishonour of her children: for in cutting off their hair (the mark of their natural dignity) they were deprived of all hope to enjoy their degree, and were confined into a base estate, unworthy of their greatness, to die continually with heart-breaking, reproach and infamy. Genseric King of the Vandals, at that time seized upon Africa, The estate of the Church. and even when as he besieged Hippone (which at this day they call Bonne, famous for the fishing of coral) S. Augustine died the third month of the siege, the fourth year of his ministry, in that City, and the 76. of his age, having both seen and felt those tragical desolations, in the desolate estate of the Church, afflicted then in divers parts of the world by these Barbarians. Theodosius the second, the son of Arcadius, a good and a wise Prince, did his best endeavour to stop the course of this l●st shipwreck, but he prevailed not. The insolency of Valentinian the third (a Prince extremely vicious) thrust it headlong, and the ill government of his servants, namely of Bonifacius governor of Africa, and of Aetius governor of Gaul) called in the Barbarians, to the subversion of the Empire: who to be revenged one of another, (being capital enemies, for the jealousy of their greatness) did wha● they could to ruin their master. MEROVEE the third King of France, who gave the name and greatest grace to this first race. MEROVEE KING OF FRANCE. III portrait 451. Merovee, son, or the nearest kinsman to Clodion, succeeded to the Crown, as well by virtue of the fundamental law of state, as by the free Election of the French, in the year 451. He was far more happy than Clodion: for he not only effected his desseine in passing the Rhin, and taking footing in Gaul: but did happily extend the limits of his new kingdom further. And the same Aetius which crossed Clodion, Me●●uee sets footing into France. made the way easy for Merovee unawares, for the execution of his enterprise, by this occasion: Aetius fell in disgrace with Honorius his master, being grieved to see the great success of the Goths, Vandals and other barbarous nations in the Empire, imputing the fault unto his servants and officers. Thus growing jealous, he calls him from his government of Gaul, and sends Castinus in his place, who was not only unacquainted with the estate of the Gauls, b●t was also discontented with Bonifacius governor of Africa, with whom he had commandment to join his forces, to oppose against the common enemies of the Romans'. During those actions, Honorius died, leaving Theodosius in the East, and Valentinian in the West, two young princes of divers humours. Merovee embracing this occasion with great dexterity, sounds the hearts of his neighbours the Gaulois, and finds them disposed to his devotion. He raiseth an army, passeth the Rhine, takes Treves at the first coming, and then Argentin, (which is now called Strasbogh) with the Countries adjoining to it. He extends even unto Cambresie and Tournay, and proceeding farther into Gaul, he seized on the best Cities of champaign, with so great expedition, as no Roman appeared to stop the course of his victory. Valentinian advertised of this success, called back Aetius, to quench this fi●e, 452. sending him into Gaul with an army against the French: but there was other work prepared for him, for Attila King of the Huns, The ●●ench ioyn● with the Roma●nes and 〈◊〉. (who named himself the Scourge of God, to chastise the Empire) having assembled an incredible number of men in the deserts of Asia, (being five hundred thousand soldiers) falls down like a furious deluge, spoiling all the countries where he passed: and having crossed through Poland into Germany, and passed the Rhin, he threatened to invade France, a country desired by all these nations, for her fertility and beauty. Aetius had no shorter course, nor better means to avoid this storm, then to become friends with the French, and with all the other possessors of Gaul, who were threatened by this common storm: so as in steed of war, he made a peace with Merovee, upon this extremity. Attila entered Gaul, and advanced so far, that he besieged Orleans, O●leans besieged by Attil●. (where Auian lived then, a most famous Bishop, who did greatly comfort the besieged by his piety and wisdom) whilst that the forces of their confederate friends assembled, by the means of Aetius, the Romans', French, Goths, and Bourgognons. Orleans being at the point to yield, Thierri King of the Goths arrives so happily, as he forceth Attila to raise his siege, & to take another course. Attila marching away with this vast body of an army, he was pursued speedily by Aetius and his confederates, who overtook him in the fields of Catalauna, the which is diversly taken, either for the country about Chalons, or about Tholouse. The battle was given, and the combat was furious, Attila overthrown, but not quite vanquished. but the check fell ●pon the Huns, who lost (as it is constantly written) 180000. fight men, and the victory remained in common to the Romans', French, and Goths: but the triumph and honour to Merovee and his men, who fought very valiantly. Thierri King of the Goths, was slain very happily, to make the way easy for Merovee. It was propounded in council, to pursue Attila, but Aetius would not yield thereto, so as Attila saved himself, being beaten, but not vanquished: for with the same forces he seized upon a great part of Pannonia the happy, whence in the end came the name of Hongarie, although after the death of Attila, who did but lay the levain, and his posterity finished what he had begun. A question is made, what moved Aetius to leave Attila half vanquished. The relics of his discomfited army were not small, after so great a loss: so as it seemed best not to force him to despair, seeing there is but one only help for the vanquished, not to hope for help. Aetius might also have given this advise, by reason of his jealousy against the French, who should have reaped an overplus of greatness by the absolute overthrow of this Barbarian. But with what intention soever he did it, it succeedid ill fo● himself, for Valentinian his master was so discontented with him, as he caused him to be slain, depriving himself of a sufficient and faithful servant: and (as one reproached it unto him) he had cut off his right hand with his left. In the mean time Merovees affairs succeeded well in all places: he had won much reputation: he was feared of the Romans', honoured of the Gauls, and respected and beloved of all men. Thierri King of the Goths, gave him place by his death, with whom the Romans' might have joined: and his greatest opposition, was the wisdom and valour of Aetius, the which did no more check him. Thus the providence of God (which meant to use him for the building of this Monarchy,) made way for him every where. He likewise knew how to embrace all these opportunities with such dexterity, that taking hold of all occasions, he entered the country, taking possession of Paris, Sens, Orleans, and the neighbour Provinces, with the consent of the inhabitants: and joining these with the rest, he won the Gauls, with so good usage, as he was held worthy to command over them: & so without any contention, he began to frame the body of an Estate, calling France (by the name of his ancient country) the country of Gauls, being newly brought under his obedience. Hereby we may see, whether it be likely that Valentinian gave the French their liberty, for recompense of this notable service: and that from thence they began to be called Frenchmen, that is to say, Franc and free, as some writes, not well observing the Roman History, whence these Roman observations should with reason be drawn. 460. Such was the valour, wisdom and happiness of this great and worthy Prince, who with great reason gave his name to this first race, The happy reign of Merouce. called Merovingiens, to advow him the principal pillar of their establishment. He began to reign the year 451. and ruled ten years only, not omitting one hour to do well. In his time there chanced notable accidents in the Church. As on the one side the Barbarians dismembered the State, so the heretics troubled the Church by their monstrous innovations, sprung up against the truth of the ancient & Catholic doctrine: The estate of the Empire & the Church. and their chief practices were against the son of God. Nestorius' divided the Natures: Eutiches did confound them: Theodosius the second, assembled a general Council at Ephesus, against Nestorius and Martian his successor: another at Chalcedon against Eutiches. There were likewise Synods at Orange, Valence, Carpantras, Arles, Tours, and Venite, for divers necessities of the Church, the which order and discipline might remedy. Cyrillus and Theodoret lived in those times, great personages, and worthy defenders of the truth. CHILDERIC, or CHILPERIC, first King of that name, the 4. King of France, In some Copies HISPERIC. CHILDERIC KING OF FRANCE. four portrait THe French and the Gauls being thus united, they choose Chilperic the son of Merovee for their King, with great solemnity, being the first assembly of this new people, consist●ng of two nations, and installed him, according to their ancient manner (raising him upon a Target) they carried him about the assembly. He began to rule in the year 461. and reigned thirty. years. A Prince noted in diverse examples, both in his life and government: f●r in the beginning he was vicious and unfortunate, but being reclaimed by affliction (having changed his life) good hap did accompany him in the end of his daye●. At his coming to the Crown, he did greatly abuse his authority, in oppressing of his subjects, 461 with excessive taxes, ravishing the wives, and daughters of the French: who seeing themselves ill entreated in their goods and honours, they assemble, and resolve to expel Chilperic, as unworthy to reign, and to call in Gillon a Roman for their King, who governed in Gaul for the Romans', and held his seat at Soissons. The hate and contempt of the subjects against their Kings, is a great means to blemish their authority. The vices of Chilperic bred this discontent in the French, and the scourge was ready to chastise him, though not to ruin him. Chilperic (not able to oppose himself against this common consent) gives place, Chilperic expelled for his vice. by the Council of Guyemans' a man of great account, who promised him to be his true friend in his affliction, and to use his best endeavours to pacify the French, being incensed against him, and to cause him to be recalled. To this end, he takes a token from Guyemans, for the more secret treating in his absence. The token was a piece of a gold ring, whereof either of them took a moiety. This done Chilperic, retires himself into Turinge, to King Basin his dear friend and kinsman, expecting better fortune. Guyemans proceeds with such dexterity, as creeping into favour with this new King, and keeping his credit with the French, he makes himself fit to effect his purpose, both by the one and the other. The issue answereth the project. Having plausible audience with Gillon, he adviseth him, that to get authority among his subjects, he must enure them to obedience: and therefore he must not forbear to lay public charges upon them, else they would contemn him, and in the end insult over him, if in time he did not accustom them to bear the yoke of his new authority. According to this advise, the King (unacquainted with the humour of the French,) imposeth taxes contrary to custom, and doubles charge upon charge. The same fire which had inflamed the French against Chilperic, incensed them presently against Gillon. For (say they,) to what end should this new master become a tyrant? We can dispossess him with the like facility that we have made him. Thus they generally complain, every one (according to the credit he hath with the people) cries out, that they m●st prevent this mischief. Such as were the motives and instruments to expel Chilperic, are not the last to complain. Guyemans doth secretly advertise Gillon, that the means to avoid the danger which Chilperic fell into, was to prevent this practice in the breeding, and to put the principal authors thereof to death, as the ringleaders of rebellion. Gillon entertains this advise▪ he puts them to death that were the instruments of Chilperi●s disgrace. And so with one stone gives two strokes. He take them away that might frustrate his desseine, and disposeth the Frenchmens hearts to desire their ancient King. And thus he makes the way for Chilperics return, by a very happy dexterity, and the ●●ent was answerable. Gillon (having put these aforenamed to death) became very odious to the French▪ Guyemans abandons Gillon, and cunningly embraceth this occasion, in favour of Chilperic. He blames the French for their lightness, to have expelled their natural Lord, and received a stranger far more insupportable. Chilperic called home chastised by affliction. Thus he makes them resolve to call home Chilperic: who understanding their desire, and seeing the piece of gold (the token of his return) sent by his faithful friend, returns confidently into France: he is received by the French, and by their aid forceth Gillon to resign him the place, and to retire himself to Soissons. Such was the first part of Chilprics life. The last was of another temper: for being taught by himself, he was so addicted to do good, as he got the good will of the French, of whom he was beloved, honoured, and obeyed all the rest of his life. So as to good minds capable of reason, affliction serves as a chastisement, and not for a ruin: for an instruction, and not a destruction. He did fight happily against Odoacre King of the Saxons, subdued the Germans, won a great country along the Rhin. He added to this State the Country of Anjou, having forced the city of Angiers: and to make absolute his happiness, he had one son, who augmented and assured his Realm. They only observe one notable error committed after his return, in taking Basine to wife, being the wife of Basin King of Turinge, who had courteously entertained him in his distress, violating the sacred laws of hospitality, suffering himself to be abused with the love of a woman, 585. accounted a witch: for they say, this woman (who had forsaken her husband for him) was a witch, causing him to see a vision the first night of their unlawful marriage, the which did represent the state of the succeeding kingdom, by lions, unicorns, leopards, the which appeared fi●stin this vision, then by bears, and wolves: And lastly by cats, dogs, and other small beasts, the which did tear one another in sunder. You must pardon these fables of antiquity, (bred as it seems long after) by the which she would represent the estate of the three races, according to their diverse occurrents. Chilperic having lived thus, and reigned thirty years, he left Clovis his son for successor and heir of one of the goodliest and bewtifullest pillars of the French Monarchy: as shall appear by the following discourse. CLOVIS the 1. the 5. King of France. and the first Christian King. CLOVIS .5. KING OF FRANCE. portrait CLOVIS, succeeding his father Chilperic, was installed in the Royalty, by the French, according to their ancient custom, borne upon a target in open assembly. He began to reign the year 485. and reigned thirty years. He had scarce attained to the age of fifteen years, when as he mounted to the royal throne. A young man of great hope, borne for the establishment of this monarchy. His forefathers had laid the foundation, but he did build upon these goodly beginnings with so great valour, wisdom, and good fortune, as he is to be held for one of the greatest Architects of this estate, having had the honour to be the first King of France that received the Christian religion, the greatest beauty of this Crown: and a privilege so carefully planted by his successors, as they have purchased the title of most Christian, as a mark of their chiefest greatness. The progress of the History will show both his virtues, and vices. But at this entry, his mind being guided to so great a work, (whereunto the wise providence of almighty God had appointed him) fortifies itself, the first five years of his reign, 485. (being the time of his apprenticeship) before he undertook any thing, the which he did manage so discreetly, embracing all occasions that were offered, as in the end he thought himself able to subdue all Gaul, if God had not stayed the ambitious course of his unmeasurable desires, to show unto great personages, that he reserves a Sovereign prerogative over all their enterprises. We have sa●d before, that in the dissipation of the Empire, the Gauls had many usurpers, Bourgognons, Goths, and Frenchmen: the Romans' had the least part, for hardly could they keep Soissons, Compiegne, Senlis, and other small towns thereabouts. The Bourgognons enjoyed a great country, the two Bourgongnes, the Duchy and the Earldom, Savoy, Lyonnois, Forests, Beaviolois, Daulphiné, and Provence, Arles being the Metropolitan City of the Realm. The Goths possessed all Gaul Narbonnoise, to the which they gave the name, and all Guyenne with the appertenances. The French had the best part, from the Rhin unto Loire, embracing all the rich● Provinces of the Low countries unto the Ocean, the countries of Hey●ault, Cambresie, Picardy, Normandy▪ the I●le o● France main, An●ou, Touraine, Vandomois, the province of Orleans, Beausse, Hurepois, Gastinnois, Sologne, Berry, and the neighbour countries, although these great and large territories had particular Lords, amongst the which the King was acknowledged for Sovereign. Such was the state of Gaul, when as Clovis undertook the helm of this French monarchy. To become absolute Master of this goodly country, which was set to sale to the mightiest▪ he gins with the weakest, the nearest, Clovis aspire● to the Monarchy of all Gaul. and him with whom he had the most apparent show of quarrel: which was the Roman, who held nothing of this great name, but the sh●w and pride, in a weakness altogether contemptible. Siagrius son to that Gyles of whom we have spoken, commanded at Soissons for the Romans. Clovis had an hereditary quarrel against him, having sought to usurp his estate, irreconcilable quarrels among Princes. Having so goodly a show to demand reason for so notable a wrong, he defies him. They assemble their forces: Clovis calle● to his aid Ragnachaire, the petty King of Cambray, and Chararic of Amiens: the first assists him, the other excuseth, being desirous to keep the stakes, and to be a looker on, The first rooting 〈◊〉 of the Romans'. and then to join with the stronger. Siagrius is overcome in battle. In this overthrow he lea●es his estate to Clovis, and flies to Alaric King of the Goths, being at Tholouse. Clovis not content with Siagrius goods, demands his person of Alaric, and obtains it. Siagrius is sent unto him, his hands and feet bound. Having him in his power, he makes him taste the grief of his misery, reproaching him that he had basely lost his government, & deserved capital punishment, and so he cuts off his head: afterwards he suppressed Chararic, and Ragnachaire, upon diverse occasions. Having seized upon all that belonged to the Roman name, he turned his resolutions against the Bourgognons and the Goths: but with an industry fi●ting so politic a head, seeking some colour of justice, he makes a league of peace with the two nations, to pick a cau●e of quarrel, having some controversy with their Kings, for some title in show lawful. The issue is answerable to his design, for he knew so well how to observe times, watch for occurrences, & creep so cunningly into their affairs, as in the end he dispossessed them both. In the house of Bourgondie there were four brethren, Gondebault Gondegesil, Chilpeperic and Gothemar, the children of Gondioch. The jealousy of their portions thrusts them into choler, and the fury of covetousness polluted the hands of Gondebault the elder with the parricide of his younger brother Chilperic, and of his wife, but God preserved Clotilde from the cruelty of this man, being the daughter of Chilperic, to be the means of this murderers misery. She was exceeding fair: this quality bred a desire in Clovis, but especially to get footing in Bourgondie, and some interest to deal with the affairs of that state. And for that reason Gondebault would by no means like of that alliance: yet not daring to show the true cause, he made the pretext of his refusal to be the diversity of religion, which could not agree with these unequal marriages. Clovis prevented it with great policy, for having promised Clotilde that she should have liberty of Conscience, 490. he removes the let wherewith Gondebault did cross him: so as the marriage was concluded. And although Clovis were a Pagan by profession, yet was he no enemy to the Christians, fitting himself to the humour of the Gaulois, who generally followed the Christian religion. He suffered his wife likewise to baptise her children: and she a wi●e Princess insinuating with her husband, desired nothing more than to win him v●to God, the which chanced in this sort. Clovis did secure the Sicambriens his allies, (which be the inhabitants of Gueldres and juliers) against the Germans. Being in the battle, he found himself engaged in the midst of his enemy's troops and in great danger of his life. He than makes a vow unto God, that if he would give him the victory, he would presently submit himself to the Christian Church, and be baptized. God heard him. He obtains the victory, and being returned, he resolves to perform his vow. Clovis becomes a Christian. His wife Clotilde infinitely glad of this holy resolution, sends for Saint Remy Bishop of Rheims, (a man of great piety and eloquence) to instruct him in the true doctrine, wherein he was very ignorant, as a man that had made profession of arms all his life, borne and bred in superstition, and never had discoursed of Christian religion, but like a soldier. It was necessary he should be instructed by a discreet man, that in leaving the vanity of Pagans, he were not infected with the errors of Arrian, which then were dispersed in diverse places. And even his own sister Lantielde was infected therewith. The preaching of Saint Remy had great efficacy with Clovis: and the example of Clovis with all his men of war. In this action, th●se goodly sayings are worthy to be noted. Bend thy neck to the yoke in mildness ●●ith 〈◊〉 Remy to Clovis) worship that which thou hast burnt, and burn that which 〈…〉 worshipped, And he answereth, I worship the true God which is the father, the son and the holy Ghost, the Creator of heaven and earth. So, being bapti●ed, he exhorts his men to the same belief. They cry all jointly We leave our mortal Gods, and are ready to follow the immortal. So Clovis was baptized at Rheims by Saint Remy, with great solemnity, and 〈◊〉 him 3000. of his soldiers, to the incredible joy of the Gaulois, greatly affected to Christ●an religion: hoping by this conversion to have better usage in time to come. This act is very remarkable, having consecrated our Kings to Christian religion, the which hath preserved this Realm unto this day from most horrible confusions. Aimoinus saith, that a dove brought a vial full of oil in her bill, at that instant, with the which our Kings are anointed, when they are installed. But Gregory of Tours, a more ancient Author, writes only, that Clovis was baptized. They likewise hold, that Clovis did at that time change the royal arms, and that for three toads, or as the learned say, three diadems gueules, in a field ●●gē●, he took the flowers delis without number. Many monnuments of our Kings in the first and second race, justify this change of Armouries, made by Clovis, as we see them in the most ancient Temple. Without dilating any more thereof, Charles the 6. in the Scutcheon of France, reduced the flowers de lis to th●ee. Religion the only true bond of ●●●●ctions. This public profession of Christianity won the hearts of all the Gauls unto Clovis, and did perfect the union betwixt them and the French, making their yoke easy, and them tractable. He fortified his command with this bond of religion, and laid a foundation for the absolute greatness of this Monarchy, which even then began to take place, through out all Gaul. Thus Gaul (with more solemnity then under Merovee) was called France, by the common consent of all nations: the Gaulois were no more grieved to serve the French, Gaul called France. being victors: having willingly suffered themselves to be conquered, & having one faith & one law, they could not but wish the good of their common Country: so much may religion prevail to ●●ite menshearts in a commonweal. I● this beginning Clovis showed an excellent fruit of his baptism, exceeding all his conquests. By his last victory he had subdued the Germans, & to accustom them to obedience, had imposed great & rigorous burdens. But now he doth relieve them. sends home their hostages, & moderates their yoke, showing thereby that he is grown milder. Humanity 〈◊〉. This humanity was approved as a second victory, & more honourable than the first. Truly it is as great a victory in a great Prince, to conquer by clemency, 503. as it is a profitable policy to win men's hearts by reason. The Conqueror that pardons, beautifies his triumph, adding to their conquered bodies their hearts, admiring his virtue no less victorious than his forces. Clovis was ill affected to the Visigoths, who held a great and large Country in Gaul, obscuring the French Monarchy, the which he desired to establish: but he must find some honest pretext to make war. Although in effect the right of conveniency was his greatest interest, as it is often the most lawful title of Princes: yet he seeks a quarrel against Alaric King of the Visigoths, upon the alliance he had made with him, the which (he says) had been broken, for that the banished men and malefactors of France, had found a free and assured refuge in his dominions: whereunto he added a complaint of their bounds, in the division whereof he would resolutely have the advantage. But to give a better colour to this quarrel of State, he joins religion: For (saith he to his people) to what end should these Arrians have so good a pa●t among the Christians. Yet before he would come to open force, War against the 〈◊〉. he talks of a friendly conference. The two Kings appoint a day and a place for an interview, to parley of their affairs. But this meeting increased their hatred: for being both upon the place, some confident servants to Clovis, gave him notice, that Alaric had laid an Ambuscadoe, to surprise him in their parley. Clovis was much moved with this, and resolves to make war against Alaric: he raiseth an army, and being ready to march towards Guyenne, behold a new occasion, which makes him turn his forces towards Bourgongne. We have showed, how that Gondebault King of Bourgongne, Wars in Bourgongne, and why. slew his brother Chilperic, father to Clotilde, upon the first division of their portions, after their father's death. He had two brethren remaining, Gondemar and Gondegesil, of whom he desired infinitely to be freed, having too many brethren, and too little land, according to his unsatiable desire. Their debate was for Provence and Daulphiné, which they demanded for their portions. Gondebault enjoyed the chief Cities, except Vienne, which the brethren held. Clovis his Army overcomes that of Gondebault, marching victoriously through the Country of Venaison, where the battle was fought. Gondebault saves himself with great difficulty in avignon, and is presently besieged by Clovis, who ye grants him an honourable composition, and labours to reconcile him with his brethren: which done, he returns into France, and Gondemar and Gondegesil retire into Vienne, dreaming of nothing less than to have their elder brother for an enemy. But Vienne must be the pitte-fall of their misery, to swallow them both up, one after an other: for behold, Gondebault is with a strong army at the gates of Vienne and his brethren are reduced to that extremity, as having no means to defend thems●lu●● nor to get relief from their friends, the City is easily taken, and every m●n seeker to save himself as he can. Gondemar flies into a Tower, where he is besieged, assailed, and burnt, with all his troop. Gondegesil, is taken alive after this tragic fear▪ but being alone, he slips a way, and flies to Clovis, whom he found in Arms ready to march upon this new accident. Clovis takes new advise. The ancient hatred he bore to Gondebault: (who had crossed him in his marriage,) the injustice and more than barbarous cruelty: the complaint of this poor Prince his ally, who cast himself into his arms, had much power to persuade him to the voyage of Bourgongne. But that which made him resolve, was for that Gondebault prepared to succour Alaric, against whom Clovis did now march with his forces. Thus the just judgement of God provided a scourge for this murderer, who adds rashness and insolency to his first disorders. Clovis enters with an armi● into Bourgongne. Fear doth not only surprise the country, but also the people's just hatred of this tyrant, being infamous with so many parricides: so as in few days the principal Cities yield unto Clovis, and the rest are ready to submit themselves into his hands, as to their deliverer. Gondebault pursued by God and men, faints, being insolent in prosperity, and daunted in adversity. 507. All things conspired to his ruin. But as God doth not always take sinners at the rebound, Clovis conquests in Bourgongne. he stayed the blow by means of Clotilde, who grieving to see her house decay, to the overthrow of the state of Bourgongne, makes intercession to her husband, for her uncle and his Country, and prevails so with him, through her intercession, as she persuades him to pass no further, but to leave the rest to her uncle Gondebault, with a reasonable peace, whereof she drew the articles. Thus Clovis dismisseth his army, having only provided for the guard of Vienne, Mascon, Chaalon and other Towns taken from Gondebault, and he gives the charge of them to Gondegesil. This is all that Gondebault could hope for in so great a danger: but he would needs perish, A treacherous attempt of Gondebault when as he sees himself without any enemy. By Clovis departure, he marceth so secretly with his forces, as in one night he surpriseth Vienne, by the Conduit heads, guided by him that had them in charge▪ being cast out of● the City, with the scum of unprofitable people. Vienne must be the Sepulchre of Gondegesil, as it was of Gondemar: for in this unexpected surprise, as 〈◊〉 and the Bishop sought means to save themselves in the temple of Saint Mory, amazement gives an easy entry unto Gondebault, who being ma●ster thereof, doth massacre both Gondegesil his brother, and the Bishop, without any respect. Clovis moved with this treacherous attempt, returns with his army, and beseegeth Gondebault, who unable to resist, escap●● by night, and saves himself in Italy, with Thierry, King of the Ostrogoths, his friend and confederate. They being tormented in conscience, A just punishment o● the murderer Gondebault. without all 〈◊〉 of relief, he falls into horrible despair, and dies, hateful even to those that had received him: leaving a notable example to all men, that man is the cause of his ●w●e misery, that he deceiveth himself, when as overruled by his own passion, he thinks to mock God freely, who sleeps not, when as men are most secure in their wickedness. But after a long patience, God pays both the principal, and the interest, and he that seeks an other man's goods, doth often lose his ow●e, the half being better than the whole, for to live quietly with content. This was the end of Gondebault, and the beginning of the title which the King's o● France pretended to Bourgongne. The fast winning 〈…〉 ●nd Prou●nce. The States of Provence, Daulphiné, and Sa●oye were dependences on this Crown. Clovis retaining Daulphiné and the Countries adjoining unto Bourgogne, he left Savoy, and Provence to Sigismond and Gondemar the children of Gondebault, joining equity and mildness to his just victory. Having thus settled the affairs of Bourgongne, he marcheth presently with his victorious army into Languedoc, against Alaric King of the Visigoths, who held not only that goodly Province, but 〈◊〉 the Country from the Pirence mountains, even to the banks of Rosne and Loire, as we have said. Clovis having assembled his army at Tours, marcheth into Poictou, where Alaric attends him with his forces, meaning to fight with him at his entry. The battle is given, and much blood shed on either side, but the absolute victory remains to Clovis: as the bodies, the held, and the head of Alaric, whom he slew with his own hand: an accident very remarkable, 〈◊〉 slain by the hand o● 〈◊〉. that one Prince should kill another with his sword in hand in the fury of the fight. This happened in the year 509. The fruit of this notable victory was so great, as all yielded to Clovis, where he marched. Those of Angoulesme made show of resistance: but a great part of the wall be●●g fallen, (as it were miraculously) not only the City yielded, butall the Country (being terrified,) offered their voluntary obedience unto Clovis: as if God (holding him by the hand) had put him in possession of all that Province, as the lawful heir. Au●e●gne makes some show to resist, but in the end it yields with all the Cities of the Province. In this general revolt against the Vuisigoths, Almaric the son of Alaric gathers a new head in the Countries of his obedience, with wonderful speed. Clovis seeks him out, and finds him near to Bourdeaux. The battle is fought, and the slaughter great on either side: the one army fights for honour, and the other for life, and goods. But Clovis remains conqueror, 504. who in detestation of his enemy, calls the place the A●rien field; which name continues unto this day. Almaric flies to Thierri his confederate, King of the Ostrogoths in Italy, with an intent to return speedily to be revenged of Clovis. All the country remains peaceable to Clovis: yea Tholouse the capital City of the Goths kingdom. And thus he returns, leaving a part of his army in garrison in the Cities of his new conquest, under his sons command: and in his Standard (as a trophy,) he carried for a devise, Veni, vidi, vici, I came, and saw, and overcame, like unto Caesar. This great conquest gotten with incredible celerity, and admirable success, is a worthy proof of God's providence, who disposeth of States according to his wise and just pleasure, pulling down one, and raising up another. Thus Clovis having expelled the remainder of the Romans', seized on the Bourgongnons' estate, and the Wisigoths: remaining in a manner absolute Lord of the Gauls, under the title of the Realm of France. He desired much to live at Tours, (as indeed it is the goodly garden of France:) but seeking to give a perfect form to this new estate, (as one head hath but one body.) he chooseth Paris for his capital City, being seated in the Isle of France, and the true mansion of Kings, aswell for the fertile beauty of the Country thereabout, as for the concourse of Rivers, which bring infinite commodities from all parts, by the channel of the River of ●eine, into the which all the rest fall, as the common storehouse of all commodities. Thus Paris from small beginnings (as may be noted by the low buildings and narrow streets of the Isle, being the first plot) is grown to a wonderful greatness, being the head City of all the Realm. The brute of Clovis force, spread over all, with a great renown of his valour, The Emperor son●s Ambassadors to Clovis. moved Anastasius Emperor of the East, to desire his friendship: although he had more reason to be his enemy, having dispossessed him of his ancient inheritance. Thus the Empire declined, flattering his most dangerous enemies, against whom he should oppose himself. He salutes him with a very honourable embassage, sends him a Senator's robe, the privilege of a Patrician and Citizen of Rome, and the dignity of a Consul: in sign of the honour his successors should have, to be Emperors, and to preserve the relics of the Empire from a general shipwreck. Clovis entertained Anastasius Ambassadors with honour and bounty, desirous to overcome them with courtesy, as well as by the valour of his victorious arms. The violent course of Clovis victories seemed unresistible: Clovis bein● conqueror is conquered. but behold an unexpected enemy, not only stays him suddenly, but takes from him the greatest part of his new conquests, defeats his Army, and draws him into danger never to perform any thing worthily. The nation of the Goths was then very great, being dispersed in diverse parts: in Gaul, Italy, and Spain, so as one people issued from the same beginning (as we have said) was distinguished by diverse names, to mark the places of their several aboades. The Wisigoths or rather Westgoths, were they that dwelled in the West, that is to say in Gaul, West to Italy: the Ostrogoths or Eastgoths possessed Italy, by consequence East to Gaul. These Estgoths had done great and notable exploits in Italy, taken and sacked Rome, and having seized on the goodliest Countries of Italy, had there established a Kingdom under their name, the which was ruined by the Lombard's, and the Lombard's by the French, as we shall see in the continuance of this history. These Goths (named Geteses by the Greeks) an ancient people of Asia,) scattered themselves first along the river of Danuby, entering the Country near to Constantinople, as well on the main land, as in the Taurique Chersonese, near to this quarter. And so extending their limits, did possess Valachye and Hongarie, and in the end Scandia, and the Country which lies near the River of Vistula, in the Country of Sueden towards the baltic Sea: where they made their last retreat, after many losses, received in many places, in seeking of their fortunes. The Realm of Gothie carries their name even unto this day. 510. I thought good by the way, to note the estate of the Goths fit for this subject. Thus the success of the French forces, and the alliance so carefully sought by the Emperor, (a capital enemy to the Gothike name,) did easily move Thierry king of the Eastgoths, to secure his kinsman Almarick, a prince spoiled of his possessions: whose example did solicit all the Goths to prevent the danger, which did threaten them very near. So as from Italy, Sicily, Sclavonia, and Dalmatia, by his own means, and the credit of his friends, he gathers together fourscore thousand fight men, the which he gives to Ibba to lead, against Clovis: and he himself remains in Italy, to make head against the emperors desseins, lest he should cause some division in favour of Clovis his confederate. The Gothike army enters by Piedmont, takes Grace and Antibou, and in short time, all Provence obeys him. The people of Languedoc (loving their old masters, and not able to endure the insolency of a new) yield easily to the stronger. A great loss both of Provinces and men. Provence remains thus to the Eastgoths, and Languedoc returns to the Vuisigoths: Clovis being brought a sleep with the imagination of a general triumph, awakes at this brute: he arms, and marcheth speedily against the enemy: he is beaten, and looseth 30000. men, at this encounter: whereby it appeared, that he held not victoires at his girdle, nor they proceeded not from his valour. Clovis who vanquished every where, finding himself beaten, and not able presently to make head against a victorious enemy, returns into France, rather mad then transported with furious choler, tossing in his brains how to be revenged of so notable a disgrace. The Goths give him leave to run and take cold, being content to have recovered their own. After this he attempted no more against them, and the greatest part of Bourgongne returned to the children of Gondebault. But in the end, both Provence and Bourgongne shall be incorporated to the Crown, by diverse accidents, the which we will note in diverse places. Clovis cruel practices to become great Clovis survived five years after all these losses, remaining commonly at Paris, having no heroic mind, to attempt any great conquests, yet of a cruel disposition, which made him die with desire of other men's goods, He employed all his wits to put his kinsmen to death, having some ●eignieuries included within the compass of his great monarchy, with an imagination ●o leave his children a great estate united. In this desseine, he puts to death Chararic, to have Amiens: Ragnachatre, to become master of Cambray: and Sig●bert, to have no companion at Mets, although he were acknowleged in all these places for sovereign. This ravishing of other men's goods was unexcusable, but his tragical proceed to have it, was more detestable. I tremble to represent the horror of these execrable crimes: you may read them in the original of Gregory of Tour●. The truth of the history requires they should be registered, but reason would have the memory of so dangerous examples buried in oblivion. I desire to be dispensed withal, if I discourse not of these monstrous enormities. A modest tragedy gores not the scaffold with the blood of Iphigenia, being content to report by a messenger, that she was slain by her father's command, drawing a curtain to hide the blood. But if any one will urge me with the debt which a history doth owe, I will say that Clovis caused Chararic to be slain, having seized on him and his son, and condemned them to monastery. As they were cutting of their hair, the son seeing his father weep bitterly, said: These green branches will grow again: (meaning, the hair they cut off) for the stock is not dead: but God will suffer him to perish that causeth them to be cut off. Horrible murders committed by C●ouis. Clovis advertised of this free speech. They complain for the loss of their hair: (says he) let their heads be cut off. And so they were both put to death. To get Ragnachaire (who had faithfully served him both against S●agrius, and in all his other enterprises) he corrupted some of his domestical servants, with promise of great rewards, in token whereof he sent them bracelets of latin guilt. These traitors bring him Ranachaire and his brother with their hands and feet bound. He beholding them: Outcasts (saith he) of our race, unworthy of the blood of Merovee, are you not ashamed to suffer yourselves to be thus bound? you are unworthy to live: repay the dishonour you have done to our blood with your bloods: and so gave to either of them great blows with a Battle Axe which he held in his hand, 514. and slew them both, in the presence of his Captains and Council. But when 〈…〉 traitors demanded their reward, and complained of his Bracelets▪ avant (says 〈◊〉) Traitors, is it not enough that I suffer you to live? I love the treason, but I hate Traitors▪ But the last exceeds the rest. He persuades the son of Sigibert to kill his ●●ther. This infamous parricide murders him, and returns to Clovis, to put him in possession of his treasures, whom he had thus massacred: who being in the chamber, and ●ending down into a Chest, to draw forth bags full of gold, he caused his braides to be beaten out, and being the stronger, seized on Mets, making a good show to the people, as ignorant of this murder. Thus Clovis lived: thus he reigned, and thus he died, in the year of our Lord 514. of the age of 45. the thirtieth year of his reign, in the flower of his enterprises, The death of 〈◊〉. in the City of Paris. A Prince whom we must put in balance, to counterpoise his virtues with his vices: valiant, politic, cold, wise, temperate, diligent in execution, His virtues & his 〈◊〉. of admirable authority, and endued with excellent politic virtues, fit for an estate. Contrariwise, he was extremely covetous, ambitious, wilful, cru●●l, bloody, infinitely given to the world, immortalizing his good hap in this mortal life, by his many enterprises, the which he feared not to execute with the loss of other men's goods and lives. We must not wonder, if we read of confusions in the following reigns: wherein we shall first see blood for blood, and the robber rob, spoiled, dispossessed, according to the truth of Oracles. Woe to thee that robbest, for thou shalt be rob: that killest, for thou shalt be killed: the same measure thou measurest, shall be measured to thee again. Under his reign the Roman Empire vanished quite into the West. Spain▪ Gaul, Italy, and Germany, were seized on by strange nations, retaining no marks of the Roman name. The East had yet some shows of the Empire, whereof Constantinople was the seat. Leo, Zeno, Anastasius Emperors lived in those days, with many enemies, The estate of the Church. shame and loss. The Pope of Rome thrust himself forward amidst these confusions and ruins, recovering that which the Emperors had lost. Leo, Hilary, Simplicius, Foelix, Gelasius, lived in those times, learned men. The Council was held again at Chalcedone, against Eutiches and Dioscorus. The 6. reign under the four sons of CLOVIS. Childebert. Clodamir. Clotaire. Thierry. Who reigned together forty and two years, as Kings of France, yet with a particular title ●nder this general▪ but in the end Clotaire remained King alone. And therefore their reigns are distinguished. To this Conjunction of four brethren some give the sixth degree in the number of Kings, and Childebert as the eldest, bears the title. CHILDEBERT the 6. King of France CHILDEBET KING OF FRANCE VI portrait CLOVIS, his desseine was to rule alone in a great united Kingdom, but he sees his resolutions frustrate: for this vast body compounded of many pieces, is scarce united, but it is disjoined again, yea in his life time▪ and the rest is divided into four parts to his children, according to the laws of nature, but to the visible prejudice of the Estate, incompatible of so many masters, as the following ●●●course will show. A lesson both for great and small, and a notable precedent of the vanity of human enterprises: where the end is not always answerable to the beginning. They take great pains to settle a firm estate, which shallbe soon dismembered, either by law or force, and that shallbe dispersed suddenly, which was gathered together too hastily. Let every one consider, what he leaves to his Children, 515 for the which there is no warrantable caution, but a good title. These four sons divide the realm into four Kingdoms. Childebert was King of Paris, and under this realm was comprehended the Provinces of Poictou main, Touraine, champaign, Anjou, Guyenne and Auvergne. Clotaire King of Soissons: and the dependences of this realm were Vermandois, Picardy, Flaunders, and Normandy. Clodamyr King of Orleans: and the estates of this realm, were, all the Duchy of Orleans, Bourgongne, Lionois, Daulphiné, and Provence. Thierri was King of Mets: and to his realm were subject, the Country of Lorraine, and all the Countries from Rheims unto the Rhin, and beyond it all Germany, which was the ancient patrimony of the Kings of France. He was received in this royal portion with his brethren, although he were a bastard, the which hath been likewise practised by others in the first line. And as every one of these four Kings called himself King of France, so they also added the name of their principal City where they held their Court. Thus they called them by special title, Kings of the City where they had their residence. And in truth every one carried himself as King in the Countries under his obedience, not acknowledging the elder, but by mouth only. As the plurality of Masters is a plague in an estate, so is it miraculous that the realm had not been ruined by so many Kings: especially amidst such monstrous confusions, Horrible confusion among brethren. which then reigned, full of treacheries, cruelties, and parricides. I tremble to enter into this labyrinth, the which I will but pass over, measuring the Readers sorrow by my grief, in reading and writing these tragical confusions. But let us observe things by order. After these four brethren had peaceably made their divisions, and taken laws of their own accord (in the year 515. according to the most approved calculation) they marry their sister Clotilde to Almaric, son to Alaric, King of the Vuisigoths, who had recovered a good part of Languedoc, the which Clovis had taken from his father, and by this marriage they yield unto him the City of Toulouse. But this alliance was the cause of great divisions, and ruin. Ambition and Covetousness (good Counsellors of state) made every one to conceive as great a kingdom for himself as that of his father, persuading them to attempt any thing to be great. Bourgongne was quietly returned into the possession of Gondebaults children, Sigismond had the name of King, as the elder, and Gondemar a portion. Clodomyr King of Orleans, as nearest neighbour, casts his eyes upon this goodly Country, although he had no cause of pretension, but only conveniency. Yet he finds a colour to begin this quarrel. The rights pretended by his mother Clotilde, issued from the house of Bourgongne, and the zeal of justice, to chastise Sigismond, for that he had slain his eldest son, to please his second wife and her Children. Clodomir takes, and is taken. He enters into Bourgongne with a mighty army, seizeth on Sigismond, his wife and children, brings them to Orleans, and there casts them all into a well. Thus God punished the cruelty of Sigismond, an unkind father, by a cruel and disloyal hand. Clodomir presumed, that he had conquered all, having slain the King of Bourgongne. But the Bourgognons, incensed with this cruelty, confirm Gondemar in his brother's seat, and levy an army to defend him against Clodomir. The armies join. Clodomir puffed up with this first success, promising unto himself a second triumph, thrusting himself rashly into his enemy's troops, is slain with a Lance and is known by his long hair: the mark of Kings and Princes of the blood, as we have said. The Bourgognons cut off his head, perch it on the top of a Lance, and make show thereof to the French, in derision: who retire themselves after the death of their General. But Childebert & Clotaire his brethren, return into Bourgongne with a strong army, & force Gondemar to fly into Spain, leaving them free possession of 〈◊〉 re●●me, the which was their project, rather than the revenge of their brother's death. 〈◊〉 was d●●ided among the brethren, as a common prey: all the realm of Bour●●●●●● is therein cō●rehended. Thierri King of Metz had his part, but the poor children 〈◊〉 are not only excluded, Cruelty of brethren. but two of them are barbarously slain by the cruel commandment of their unnatural Uncles: 520. and they say that Clotaire slew one of them with his own hands, Cruelly of brethren. in the presence of Childebert: the other was thrust into a monastery. This confusion was followed by two others. Thierri King of Metz, making war against them of Turinge, called his brother Clotaire to his aid: being repulsed at the first by the force of that nation's aided by his brother, he prevails, and the vanquished stands at the mercy of the conquering brethren: but behold they fall to quarrel for the spoil. Thus the end of a foreign war was the beginning of a civil dissension betwixt them. War betwixt the brethren. They levy forces, with intent to ruin one another. Childebert joins with his brother Thierri, against Clotaire. Such was the good government of these brethren, as desire and ambition did counsel them. They are in arms ready to murder one another. As their armies stood in field ready to join, behold a goodly clear day overcast suddenly with such darkness, that all breaks out into lightning, thunder and violent storms, so as the armies were forced to leave the place, and by this advertisement (as it were from heaven, An admirable reconcilement. ) these Kings▪ assembled to shed blood, change their minds, and turn their furious hatred into brotherly concord. Thus God, the protector of this estate, hath watched over it, to preserve it, even when as they sought to ruin it, and that men hastened to their own destructions. But from thence the united brethren pass into Languedoc, against Almari● King of the Visigoths their brother in law. The cause of their quarrel came from their sister Clotilde, married to this Gothe, as we have said: so as she, which should be the uniting of their loves, was the cause of their bloody dissension. She was a Christian, and he an Arrian. This difference in religion was cause of the ill usage she received from her husband, and his subjects. These brethren, incensed by the complaint and calling of their sister, enter into Almarics Country, with their forces: who having no means to resist, seeks to save himself: but he is taken and brought before his brethren in law, by whose commandment he was slain. Thus Childebert and Thierri, having spoiled the treasure, and wasted the Country of their confederates, return into France, accompanied with their sister: but she died by the way, enjoying little the fruit of her unkind impatience, although shadowed with the cloak of inconsiderate zeal. Thierri dies soon after, leaving Theodebert his son, heir both of his Realm and of his turbulent and ambitious humour. A part of Bourgongne was given him with the title of a King, the which he left to his son, and as a chief legacy, the hatred he did bear to his brother Clotaire King of Soissons. As soon as he sees himself King by the decease of his father, he takes part with his Uncle Childebert King of Paris, against Clotaire his other Uncle, but by chance they were reconciled. Theodebert impatient of rest, seeking where to employ his forces, finds that the Dane (a people of the North, A good and a happy war. ) did scour along the sea coast, to the great hindrance of the French Merchants: he marcheth against them, being resolute to fight with them. These forces were better employed then against his brother: so the success was more happy, for he chased away the Danes, having defeated a great number, and purged the Ocean from pirates. This exploit won him great reputation in all places, so as he is sought unto by the Ostrogoths in Italy, being pressed by Belisarius Lieutenant general for the Emperor justinian, and a very great captain, who had recovered Sicily, Naples and Poville, from them, and in the end the City of Rome, the which he fortified. As the Goths estate declined daily in Italy, Theodat their King rejected, and Vitiges chosen in his place, Theodebert comes into Italy, puffed up with his victory: he takes footing, and makes head against Belisarius: but forced with sickness, he retires to his own house, leaving three chief Captains for the guard of the places conquered. In his absence the Goths are defeated, and Vitiges slain. Totila succeeds him, who having taken and sacked Rome, did so restore the Goths estate in Italy, as he became fearful to the Romans'. But the chance turned against him: his army was defeated, and himself slain: and to increase the mischief, those great Captains left by Theodebert were slain one after another, so as the Goths being chased out of Italy, by Narses, all Theodeberts' great hopes vanished: 522 yet he laboured to attempt some great enterprise against the Emperor justinian, and drew much people to it: W●r●e rashly undertaken proves unfortunate. but having made this goodly show, and put himself and his friends to great expenses, he was forced to return out of Italy, without effecting of any thing: leaving a goodly example to Princes, not to attempt lightly an unnecessary war, lest they buy loss and shame at too high a rate. In the end Theodebert (who thought to have vanquished the mightiest enemies,) was slain by a wild Bull, going a hunting: and his great enterprises were interred with him in the same grave, having hunted after vanity, and found death at the end of his immortal designs. Theodebert left Theobald heir of the great estates of Austrasia, Bourgongne, and Turinge, the which he did not long enjoy, dying without children, Austrasia is now called Lorraine. and almost without any memory that he had lived: but only that he had by will, le●t his Uncle Clotaire heir of all his goods, whereby there sprung up a new war. Childebert endured this testament impatiently, aswell for that he was excluded, as also for that his brother was made more mighty by his nephew's estate: so covetousness and envy give him advise to cross him. Clotaire had one bastard son called Granus a sufficient man, but very wicked and audacious, who (for his insolencies) was in disgrace with his father. Childebert resolves to oppose this son against the father, and to use him in the execution of his malicious intent. Thus abusing the absence of Clotaire, (who was busied in war against the Saxons,) he goes to field with a great army, supposing to have to do but with young men and irresolute: and the more to amaze them, he gave it out that Clotaire was dead. This report was coloured with such cunning (and as men do often believe that which they fear) that these young Princes (seeing themselves overcharged with great forces) yield to a prejudicial peace with their uncle. This heartburning seemed to extend further, when as death surpriseth Childebert, who dies the year 549. without any children, and leaves his enemy Clotaire for successor, being unable to carry his realm with him. Clotaire returns out of Saxony, being offended with his bastard. He pursues him into Brittany, whither he was fled, A horrible punishment of a rebellious son. and by a wonderful accident (guided by the justice of God, the revenger of the sons rebellion against the Father,) Clotaire finds his son with his wife in a peasants house, where, (transported with fury) he burns them alive, (yet not extinguishing the memory of his rebellion,) to terrify rebellious children by so memorable a precedent. Thus there passed forty five years in the barbarous and unhappy reigns of these four sovereign Masters, children to the great Clovis: in the which there is nothing memorable, but the remembrance of God's just judgement, against those that suffer themselves to be transported by their passions: for all these vicious reigns were unhappy, passed with much pain, and ended with much misery: represented to the perpetual infamy of the unkind cruelties of their Kings. CLOTAIRE the first, the seventh King of France. CLOTAIRE KING OF FRANCE. VII portrait CLOTAIRE remained alone King of France by the death of his brethren: 552. for their children were dead, and Childebert the eldest died without issue. Behold the fruit of so great pains, after their divisions, to build great Monarchies. Clotaire reigned five years alone: he had by two wives, five sons and one daughter, that is, Cherebert, Chilperic, Sigebert, Gontran, Gautier, and Closinde: not reckoning Gran●s, w●om he had by a Concubine. His reign was short and wretched. He sought to extort the thirds of all Ecclesiastical livings for his private affairs: but the Clergy opposed themselves against him, so as his threats prevailed not. In the beginning he subdued the Saxons, subjects to the French▪ but the Turingiens' being up in arms, and he about to suppress them, the Saxons join with them, to withstand him with their common forces. Yet these mutinous nations (seeing themselves encountered by too strong a party) crave pardon, and promise him obedience. Clotaire refusing to accept it, forceth them to make defence: the which they performed so desperately, as they defeated the French: and Clotaire with great difficulty, saved himself. It is an indiscretion for a Prince to thrust his subjects into despair. An example for Princes, not to thrust their subjects into despair: but to embrace all occasions wisely, that may purchase a willing obedience, and not to seek it by extremities. After this defeat, he returns into France, and being at Compiegne, he desires to go a hunting. Being old and decayed, he heats himself, falls into a quotidian and dies, the year 567. He was much grieved in his sickness, for having lived too too ill▪ but he protested, that he hoped in the mercies of GOD. As our histories report. Before that he ruled as King alone, he erected the little realm of Yuetot, 567 upon this occasion. On good Friday he slew Gawter of Yuetot his servant, in the Chapel whereas he heard service. They report the cause diversely. The greatest part hold, that the King had ravished his wife, lodging in his house, so as he that was beaten suffered the punishment. Pope Eugenius displeased with this infamous murder, condemned him to repair the fault, upon pain of excommunication. Clotaire for satisfaction ordeynes that from thenceforth the Lords of Yuetot should be free from all homage, service, and obedience due to the King, for the land of Yuetot in the Country of Normandy. And so this small signory hath continued long with the title and prerogative of a Realm, until that this title of a realm was changed into a Principality, the which the house of Bellay doth now enjoy. This was the life and reign of Clotaire the first of that name, vicious, and unfortunate, followed with a confused and horrible tragedy in his children, whom we must mark distinctly in the front of this tumultuous reign, thereby to tread more safely the blind maze of these obscure governments. Clotaire the first of that name, had four sons. Cherebert King of France. Chilperic King of Soissons. Gontran King of Orleans, or Bourgongne. Sigebert King of Metz, or Austrasie. All which reigned together fifteen years▪ but in this eight reign they give the rank and name of King to Cherebert, as to the eldest, although each of them called himself King of France, and commanded absolutely over the Countries under their obedience. CHEREBERT, the eight King of France. CHEREBERT KING OF FRANCE VIII portrait WE have seen the Strange government of the four sons of great Clovis: let us now view the rest of thi● table, in the children of Clo●a●re: who surviving his brothers, & their children, obtained the realm alone: but presently to be divided into 4. parts. Of 5. sons lawfully begotten, 4. survived him: Cherebert the eldest, Chilperic, S●gebert, & Gontran. His body was scarce interred, when as the fire of division kindled among the brethren, about the dividing of the Realm. Chilperic, a crafty and proud man, D●uision of 〈…〉. finds means to seize on his father's treasure, and labours to become master of the City of Paris. But not able to effect it, he was forced by his brethren (supported by the chief Noblemen of the Court) to come to a division, every one according to hi● order▪ Cherebert, as the eldest of the house of France, hath Paris for his part. Gontran, Orleans, and Bourgongne. Chilperic, Soissons: Sigibert, Metz, or Austrasia: every portion with his dependences. After this division of parts, their wills were so divided, as it is wonderful, the realm had not been utterly ruined amidst these horrible confusions, in so feeble beginnings. Provence, by consent of the brethren, was given to Contran King of Orleans, and Bourgongne. But notwithstanding this accord, Sigebert King of one part of Bourgongne, and of Austrasia, contends for it with his brother, and sows division among the Prouensa●ls, doubtful to whom they should yield obedience in this contention. I● had been won and lost by Clovis, (as we have showed) but soon after the death of Clovis, Thierri the Ostrogothe (who had won it,) looseth it again through the inclination of the Provensalls, who willingly come to the ancient obedience of the Crown of France. And the Emperor justin the second, liking it better in the Frenchmens hands, then in the Ostrogoths, leaves them that which he cannot take for them. In this respect, he added his consent by his deed only. After the death of Cherebert, his brethren contend for his spoil, with irreconcilable hatred. Gontran was the most temperate and tractable, desiring that this discord ●or parts, might be determined by the French Clergy, as judges competent, and without passion. Horrible confusion's 〈◊〉 brothers. But his advise was not allowed. Chilperic and Sigebert, ambitious and turbulent men, would carry it by force, yet was it agreed by common consent, that none of them should enter Paris, before this Question were decided, touching their portions. But there fell out other accidents upon this theatre, whereas cunning, malice, impudency, and fury have caused both men and women to play a long and tra●●ke Scene, being the Authors and enders of these miseries. I tremble at those confusions, By their wives. whereas Brunnehault and Fredegond two renowned women in our France, for their notable wickedness, shall appear in diverse scenes of this tragedy. Brunehault was daughter to Anathagilde King of Vis●goths, the wi●e of Sigebert King of Metz, or of Austrasia. Fredegonde first was concubine, and after wife to Chilperic King of Soissons. By the policies and impudency of these furious heads, it cannot be spoken, how much misery France suffered during their reigns. But let 〈…〉 every thing in order, if any order may be found in the most horrible Chaos of infernal confusions. Sigebert was much troubled in his territories of Germany, to 〈◊〉 them against the Huns. Chilperic embracing this occasion against ●is brother, enters his country, One broth●r makes w●rre 〈…〉 another. with a great army, & takes from him the City of Rheims. This surprise awakes Sigebert: and for that he would not lose the principal, to keep the access●●ie, he leaves Germany, and speeds into France, wonderfulty grieved with the wrong he had received from his brother: pursuing his revenge with such vehemency, that he takes Soissons the capital city of his Realm, with his son Theodebert, forcing him to 〈◊〉 with Fredegond to Tournay, being ashamed of his cowardly desseine. Thus Sigebert comes a Conqueror to Paris, where he is received by common consent: and so all the cities belonging unto Cherebert, yield him obedience. But as he thought himself a peaceable King, mounted to the top of his desires, having nothing to cross him, but wallowing in his delights, behold two young soldiers (suborned by ●redegonde (came to his Court, enter freely into the hall, and approach so near him, and with such opportunity, as either of them stabs him with his dagger, 578. and he falls down dead in the place. These murderers were suddenly torn in pieces, Sigebert ●laine so as they could not be known, nor declare by whose commandment they had committed this murder: yet was it generally thought, that this was the practice of Fredegonde, to free her husband, and to make the way more easy for her affairs, by the death of this brother who crossed her most. In truth, the death of Sigebert changed the countenance of the Court: every one runs after Chilpericks fortune, who was received King of France, in the place of his elder brother, and he entertains all those with savour that offer him service▪ CHILPERIC the first, the ninth King of France. CHILPERIC KING OF FRANCE. IX portrait THus Chilperic began to reign in the year 578. and reigned 14. years at Paris and Soissons, while that Childebert the son of Sigebert reigned in Austrasia, 578. and Gontran at Orleans and Bourgongne. He found Brunhault the widow of Sigebert at Paris, a woman of a subtle and audacious spirit: so as fearing lest she should animate his son against him, he confined her to Rovan, whether he likewise sent his son Merovee, to take possession of the City: but in steed of taking the City, he was surprised by the beauty of Brunehault▪ who could so cunningly gain the love of the inhabitants, as the Bishop himself allowed of this marriage, although she were his Aunt. Chilperic moved with the same of this love, which proceeded unto marriage, came to Rovan, and according to the Ecclesiastical discipline, degraded and banished this Bishop: and by his absolute authority, puts Merovee into a Cloister. But he stayed not long there: for after the departure of Chilperic, a certain friend of his called Bosson, drew him forth, being set on by Fredegond, having brought with him three hundred men (too small a number to fight, and too many to fly.) And so it happened to Merovee: for being pursued and taken by his father Chilperic, he was slain by his commandment. And least Audouëre his mother, (a virtuous Princess) and Clovis her other son, should seek means of revenge, he rejects his wife, and causeth Clovis his other son to be secretly slain, The father 〈◊〉 his sons by the practices of a woman. being brother germane to Merouce. These disorders could not be done without the complaint of the Nobility against Fredegonde, who held not yet the degree of a wife with Chilperic, although she had free access both to his Court and bed, from the which she had dispossessed his lawful wife. Chilperic (to pacify these complaints) pretends some reasons for this divorce: and disguising the murders cunningly, he takes Galsonde to wife, ●he daughter of athanagild king of Spain. But the impatiency of Fredegonde, The husband puts away one wi●e and kills another. doth soon dissolve the bonds of this bashful respect, thrusting Chilperic into such a fury against this second wife, as he strangles her, and ma●ies Fredegonde publicly: who possessed her husband so absolutely, as she commanded imperiously, under the cloak of his authority. He oppreseth his subjects. ●rom these domestical crimes, insolency rageth against the poor people, by taxes, impositions, and insupportable exactions: and report imputes all to the devices of the same workewoman. Complaints sound out in all places: but absolute authority had so prevailed, as they could find no remedy: the people being weak, & such as else might have had means to countenance the ancient French liberty, were either terrified or enchanted by this Proserpina. The punishment of these crimes. But Chilperic must bear the punishment of his execrable wickedness, by the malice of her, who had made him an instrument to massacre brother, children, & wife, & to consume by degrees his poor subjects. Whilst that Chilperic loved her exceedingly: she affected a nobleman in Court called Landri de la Tour (who by her favour had obtained two of the greatest offices of the Crown, of Duke of France, and More of the Palace: to whom she most vildly afforded the best place in the King's bed. This villainous & detestable love, was cunningly cloaked with the devices of this strumpet: who having a son by Chilperic, as a new gage of love, she purchased daily more credit with him. But this was a short comfort for Chilperic▪ for four months after the birth of this son, whom he named Clotaire, he was unhapily slain by her and Landri, when he least expected death: this was the occasion. One morning as Chilperic (ready to go to hunting) came booted into his wives chamber to salute her, he found her combing of her head, with her hair over her face: drawing near unto her without speaking, he toucheth her in jest, with his riding wand on the hinder part of the head: she supposing it to be her adulterer Landri, accustomed to come secretly unto her at all hours, saith unto him; In my judgement Landri, a good Knight should always strike before, and not behind. The King understanding by half a word, more than he desired to know, departs amazed, taketh horse & goes a hunting, not with any intent to kill the beast, but devising how he might be freed of Fredegonde & Landri. But he had to do with a woman of too subtle & wily a spirit, who having passed her apprenticeship in so many other murders, could soon resolve to deprive her husband of his life, to save her own. Without any further delay she sends for Landri, reports to him the history, concludes with him to kill the King her husband in his coming from hunting, & finds ministers to execute this design: the which succeeded as they had plotted against Chilperic, suffering in the end (by the same hand, which he had caused to shed so much blood,) the horrible pain of his miserable massacres: for as he came melancholic from the chase, accompanied only with one page, he was suddenly set upon by these murderers, who slew him with his page, so commodiously, as they return undescried to the troup, as if they had never dreamt of it. The King is found dead: every one cries out, every one runs up and down, and those first of all that had done the deed. But it was given out, that the murderers were fled into Lorraine, from whence assuredly they were come by Childeberts' command. The Court is filled with tears, especially Fredegonds chamber, who continued in passions with her Landri, and could not be comforted: the one calling for her good husband, the other for his good master: but the quick sighted held them for Crocodil es tears. Thus lived, and thus died Chilperic, hated and detested even then, and of the posterity: 588. for proof that a wicked life will have a wicked end: and that God ruins the wicked by themselves, even when they promise themselves all impu●i●ie. They add impiety to his execrable wickedness: for he denied the truth of the three persons in one Deity, and the incarnation of the son of God: Impiety the spring of evil. wherein consists the hope of our salvation. But admonished by the French Church, he protested to leave his error. A monstrous R●igne, under a monstrous King: where Potentate's may see, that misery is the true reward of sin: And that horrible crimes, are punished with extraordinary pains even in this life. This Tragical end of Chilperic, a wicked and unfortunate Prince, happened in the year. 588. CLOTAIRE the second, the tenth King of France. A memorable reign in confusion. CLOTAIRE 2. KING OF FRANCE. X portrait THe beginning, modest, & end of this reign is remarkable for it is a● parent, that God is the true guardian of this Realm, without whom it must needs have perished in these strange confusions. Clotaire a young child of four months, governed by his mother, a most wicked woman, being come to years, he finds himself encumbered with many wars, yea civil wars against his own kinsmen, and blood. Who will not then confess the issue of his reign, (being peaceable and well governed.) to be a singular testimony of the providence of God, towards this estate. This young child, the son of bad parents, was notwithstanding received for law full ●ing by the French, by virtue of the fundamental law, Efficacy of the law of state. which had appointed this Realm to be hereditary. Whereby is showed, how far the election of our Kings extend even in this first race. But to conceive well the diverse occurrents of this reign, we must remember, that Clotaire the 1. had 4. sons. Cherebert king of Paris, who is reckoned the 8. King of France, and died without children: Sigebert King of Metz, slain by Fredegonde: and Gontran King of Orleans, who survived all his brethren, a good and a wise Prince, and died without children. Sigebert King of Metz left for heir Childebert his son, with his wife Br●nehault, a subtle, and a wicked woman. This ground being laid, I will return to the course of my history. Gontran K●ng of Orleans, uncle by the father: to this young King, was his nearest, and most assured kinsman, so as by a general consent of all the French, he was called to be Regent of the King, and realm. And now they talked of an assembly: Notable subtlety of a woman. Fredegonde (flying the light and liberty of public assemblies, ●earing not only to be rejected from the government, but to be accused for the murder of her husband) prevents the States from the calling of Gontran, the first Prince of the blood, and the king's uncle: as they should have done, if leisure had suffered them to assemble, and to speak in an united body, with public authority. Thus she gains time, beseeching the chief of the Council, to provide for the Convocation of the Estates: and in the mean time, to give order, that Gontran may come to Paris, both to inform of the execrable murder, and also to take upon him the charge of her son, and the government of the common weal. This discourse was far from her thoughts, but she supposed to make an evasion by this goodly show. And in the mean time she practised to kill Gontran. She did write unto him in all humility, holding him as a father to the King her son, and the support of her widowhood. Gontran foreseeing the policy of Fredegonde: provided so wisely, that being arrived at Paris, he was received by a general consent, Regent of the Realm. He made no show of discontent to Fredegonde, who notwithstanding (having a guilty conscience) packs up her baggage, being ready to fly upon the least show that Gontran would call her into question. But it was not his meaning: his only project was to bring up his young nephew, and to preserve him in his realm wherein he was borne, supposing this mild manner of proceeding to be the best, both for the King and the Realm. Thus without any alteration, he wisely dissembles all the actions of Fredegonde, he respects her as the King's mother, and employs her in the education of her son. And knowing how much the presence of the Prince works in the subjects, to have him acknowleged for King: He makes a progress throughout the Realm, leading with him this young infant, with the mother, receiving in all places, the oath of fidelity, and obedience. Being returned to Paris, he gives him in guard to the mother, and applied himself wholly to the government of the Realm. As the affairs were managed with this good order, two great difficulties cross Gontran, almost at one instant: for Childebert King of of Metz, (jealous of his uncles Authority,) requires to be associated in the Regency, the which he pretended to appertain unto him, with the same right it did to Gontran and Fredegonde: for the punishing of whom he complained much, both of the foulness of the fact, which should not remain unpunished, and of Gontrans' sufferance; which was too palpable. For the which Gontran provided, stopping Childeberts' entrance into Paris, and causing Fredegonde to retire herself quietly to Rovan, by reason of the people's hatred, revived by Childeberts' complaint. And for that he would not seem to have altogether neglected the punishing of Chilperics murder, he caused information to be made against a Chamberlain of the Kings, called Cherulphe, who being found guilty, he caused him to be slain in the Temple, whether he was fled. And so proceeded no farther in this search, lest Fredegonde should be found too far engaged. Besides this cross, there happened a second: for one named Gondevault, having termed himself a long time to be the son of the great Clotaire, An imaginary King. and kept in a Cloister: in the end he escaped, and was openly maintained by Childebert, who sought but a colour of trouble, and innovation. He is followed by a part of the Nobility, and Clergy, and seizeth on many good Towns, in Guienne. And having written his letters to all the Provinces, he carries himself for lawful heir of the Realm, with better right (said he) than this young child, the son of a strumpet: And by consequence a doubtful heir to the Crown. That which was most to be feared in this new accident, 592 was the spirit and force of Childebert: but Gontran prevented it with judgement. For seeing himself old, and without Children, and knowing his nephews humour, he doth institute him his heir, and by that means makes him to abandon Gondevault. So this supposed King left by Childebert, was soon abandoned by all the rest, and by them was delivered into the hands of Gontran, who presently put him to death. And having assembled the Clergy of the realm, he caused the Bishops to be condemned, who had so rashly followed the frenzy of this bold Impostor. Gontran having with such dexterity prevented these dangerous difficulties, and performed those good turns to the King his Nephew, in his infancy: he retires himself to chaalon's, where soon after he died without Children, leaving his estate to Childebert, and the realm of his poor pupil (who had scarce attained the age of ten years) to the mercy of the waves & tempes●ts of all sorts of miseries incident unto states. Gontran was no sooner dead, but the ambitious desire of Childebert, A king in his cradle a Conqueror. grown great by the new estates of Orleans and Bourgongne, inflamed him against young Clotaire, conceiving an assured victory in his overweening brain, imagining soon to suppress a young Child and a woman ill beloved. But the God of victories had otherwise disposed: for Childebert having brought a mighty army to field, and entered into the heart of France: behold Fredegonde (armed with more than a manly courage and wisdom, encounters him with an other army, being fortified more by her exhortations, and the presence of the young King, (whom she showed openly to the French,) then by the number of men of war. The battle was given, and the imagined Conqueror was vanquished by a Child and a woman, being surprised with so happy a celerity by Fredegonde, as he could hardly believe she had been parted from Paris, when as he sees his whole army defeated. He lost in this conflict 20000. men, his honour, and his life: for having recovered his Country with much ado, he died of melancholy, leaving a memorable example to Princes, never to attempt a war to take from another without just occasion. He left two sons, Theodebert and Thierri. Tragical practices of too women. The first had for his portion the realm of Austrasia: the second had Bourgongne Brunehault his mother survived him, and kept at Metz with the eldest: she presentenly stirred up these two Princes, (over whom she had great authority as their grandmother,) to pursue Clotaire, for the shame and death of their father. Behold suddenly an army of Austrasians and Bourgognons, marcheth into France, led by these two young Princes. Clotaire accustomed to these sports, opposeth himself in person, and gets the victory, with such success, (as they say) the course of the river of Aurance (where the battle was fought) was stayed by the dead bodies of the conquered. Fredegonde leapt for joy of this second triumph, Fredegonde dies with 〈◊〉 victory. by reason of Brunehault, who was her chief object: but her joy was presently converted into her own funeral, for she died soon after: to teach revenging spirits, that their hatreds which they would have perpetual, are mortal, and at the least wise end with their deaths. Thus Fredegonde died in her bed, and was interred near to Chilperic, whom she had caused to be slain: so as in this peaceable death, we may consider the patience of God, which doth often attend those it reserves to his last judgement. But Brunehault (who thought herself a conqueress, by the death of Fredegonde her capital enemy,) incenfeth Theodebert & Thierri her grandchildren anew against Clotaire. They raise another army, under the conduct of Beroald, not willing any more to hazard their persons, being taught by the success of two great defeats. Beroald is slain in this battle, and yet the victory remains to his men, with great loss to the French: so as it seemed, the war would grow more violent betwixt these Princes, who now began to see a part of their revenge against their Cousin Clotaire. But the malice of Brunehault, who had banded the Cousins, must now divide the brethren. This old bitch, even in the fury of war, found still means to follow her beastly lechery: & then had she got a young courtier called Protade, for a stallion: whom she entertained in view and knowledge of the whole Court, 599. and advanced him beyond duty or desert. The dislike of this unchaste conversation (offensive to the whole world) doth in the end force Theodebert to find a means to withdraw his mother from the view of the multitude, who were eye witnesses of the filthiness of this shameless old woman, and of the ignominy of his house. He supposed to send her away with policy: persuading her she should do best to retire herself into some goodly monastery, there to lead a godly life, and to seek for rest be fitting her age. This admonition caused her partly to leave the Court, and State of Theodebert, but not to change her mind. She retires then from Metz, Brunehault incenseth 〈◊〉 brother against the other. and comes into Bourgongue to her other son, full of choler: and finding Thierri ill affected against his brother, she presently kindles the unfortunate fire of dissension betwixt them, which consumed them both, and finally herself. That posterities may note in this tragedy, the examples of Gods just judgement, who punisheth one sin by another, and the sinner by his own sin. This lewd woman persuades Thierri, that Theodebert was a bastard, the son of a Gardener, and that he had lawful cause to make war against him, as an usurper of that which belonged unto him by right. Thierri being exceeding covetous, embraceth this occasion, prepares an army against Theodebert, and employs this Protade in the principal charge, who was a kindler of war in the spirit of this young Prince. The chief Noblemen of Bourgongne infinitely grieved with these disorders, not daring directly to charge Brunehault, they set upon her Minion & kill him. By this means they draw Thierri to an accord with his brother Theodebert: and so either of them sends back his troops. Thus this fire seemed to be wholly quenched, the which kindled soon after in an other place, & by the practices of the same wo●k woman, Thierri had remained long unmarried, entertaining change of women, by the counsel of this bitch, who daily provided him store of this stuff: but solicited by the continual persuasions, & prayers of his Council, The husband against the 〈◊〉. he takes to wife, Membergue the daughter of Dataric, King of Spain, loving her with that honest affection, that a man ought to love his wife. Brunehault jealous of this lawful love, fearing to be dispossessed of her authority and credit, if a lawful wife possessed her husband's hart, she works by her charms, reducing Thierri to that extremity, that he was not able to accompany with his wife: and for a bait to his adultery, she furnisheth other women (whom he might freely use) as she loathed him of this poor Princess, causing him to send her home to her father Dataric, as unable to bear children: who infinitely grieved with this disgrace, done him in the person of his daughter, resolves to revenge. He complains of this injury, both to Clotaire, and Theodebert, whom he knew to be enemies to Thierri, and all together resolve to make war against him. Brunehault seeing this great storm ready to fall upon Thierri, she persuades him to compound with his brother Theodebert, at what price soever, whose humour she knew well. This accord was sold by Theodebert to Thierri at a dear rate: (for he had the Countries of champaign, Touraine, Artois, and many other places) but it cost himself much dearer: for by this composition, all the army was dispersed, and every one retired home. Thierri (who by the advise of his mother, stood upon his guard) surpriseth his brother Theodebert, with such advantage, that not only he recovers all that he had given him, but by the Council of this Proserpina, he embrewes his hands in his blood, murdering him most barbarously. The brother kills the brother. Theodebert had but one only daughter, whom Thierri would take to wife, to have some honest pretext to seize upon all his Estates. But Brunehault, (who desired greatly to see him master, but not to have a companion in this absolute authority,) dissuades him from this marriage, inferring (to cover her hidden intent) that it was not lawful to marry his niece. Thierri blinded with passion (who by a just judgement of God, sought to die by poison of this viper, by whose means he had done so much mischief) replies, that the daughter of Theodebert was none of his niece, seeing that Theodebert was not his brother, being begotten by another father: reproaching Brū●hault, that he knew no more than she had taught him. And that upon this occasion, she had encouraged him to kill him. And as they grew hot in words, he threatened to kill her. Brunehault (seeing herself taken by the ●ose, 601 and measured by the same measure she had measured to others,) resolves to prevent Thierri, and to murder him. She herself kills her son. She therefore gives him a morsel mixed with a languishing poison, which caused him to consume of a bloody flux: that as he had s●ilt the blood of others, so he might die in blood: and that the same wretched counsel which had been the sepulchre of his brother, should likewise be his own. for a memorable example to posterity, that God suffereth nothing unpunished, and doth often punish the wicked by themselves, and by their own practices. Such was the tragic end of the troublesome life of Thierri. But what shall become of Brunehault? The justice of God goes slowly, but he recompenseth the slowness with the grievousness of the punishment. Let us then hear the continuance of our history. Brunehault carries a good countenance after the death of Thierri. She makes him a stately funeral like a ●ourney: and of four bastard sons which Thierri had left, she chooseth him that pleaseth her best, to install him King in his father's place: and in the mean time she continewes the government of the rea●me, and calls herself Regent. To conclude: she doth promise unto herself, in all her courses, far better success than Fredegonde, presuming that she exceeded her in judgement and experience, no man remaining to control her actions: but her discourses were vain imaginations, and her foolish hopes the snares of her own ruin. The Nobility of Bourgongne (infinitely grieved with the horrible wickedness of this woman, resolute not to endure the new tyranny which she practised,) had recourse unto Clotaire, as to their true and lawful Lord. Brunehault plays the resolute: she prepares to war, sends diverse Ambassadors into Germany: the chief was Varnare Mayre of the Palace of Austrasia, a man of great authority both at home and with strangers. Having sent him for succours to some Princes of Germany, she grows jealous of him without cause, and sends a trusty servant of hers named Albon, to find means to kill him. Albon having read those deadly letters, tears them: but unawares he lets fall the pieces of this letter▪ the which are gathered up and carried to Varnare: who upon this new accident, takes a new advise. He resolves to cross the practices of this murtheress, (so well known and hateful to all men,) who likewise would make away her best servants, who had been too faithful unto her, in the execution of her wicked desseines. Varnare doth treat so politicly in Germany, as he withdraws their hearts and forces from Brunehault, and wins them unto Clotaire. This Counterbattery thus made, he returns into Bourgongne. His return bred an unexpected change, for she, who had always deceived, was deceived, & in the end fell into the pittefall. Varnare did not seem to know what she had desseined: whereby he had means to countermine all Brunehaults policies, with so wise a dissimulation, by his great authority, as he gains all the chief men for Clotaire: delivers into his hands the children aforesaid, pretended to be heirs, and by this means gives him an easy victory over Brunehaults troops: who yielding unto Clotaire, deliver up this wicked woman, the cause of all their miseries. So at length the Wolf is taken unawares. Clotaire a victor, was received by common consent of the Austrasi●ns and Bourgognons, and by that means, being absolute master of that great inheritance of Clovis his grandfather,) began his reign by a worthy act of memorable justice. Having in his power the chief motive of all these mischiefs, he caused Brunehaults process to be made by the greatest personages he could choose in all his dominions: that in so notable an assembly, the sentence might be irreprochable. By their censures, Brunehault was found culpable of infinite and horrible crimes, and was condemned to die, by a terrible and extraordinary punishment: for she was tied to the tail of a wild ma●e, and drawn through a stony and rough Country, Brunehault put to a horrible death. so as (being torn into diverse pieces) she died at diverse times most justly, as she had cruelly caused many others to die. A notable example, to show, that the greatest cannot avoid the sovereign justice of God, who punisheth in this world, when it pleaseth him: & when he spareth them, it is a sign, that he reserves the punishment to his last judgement. 610 Thus died Brunehault, only commended in histories, to have built many temples, & given great revenues for the mainteynance thereof, whilst that she wallowed in her pleasures. Saint Gregory hath set down certain letters of his to Brunehault, wherein he commends her highly for her piety and singular wisdom. Clotaire seeing himself King of so great a monarchy, after a long and horrible confusion of intestine wars, employed all his ear to pacify the realm, leaving notable examples to princes to cure the wounds of an Estate, after civil wars, by mildness. He doth publicly proclaim pardon of all injuries both general and particular: to abolish the memory to come, making his example a law of perpetual forgetfulness. This moderation, Mildness a 〈◊〉 remedy to cu●e a decayed estate. more victorious than any great and severe chastisement, won him the love and obedience of his subjects, and confirmed a true and no counterfiet concord amongst the subjects themselves. He governed them after their own humours, using his authority with mildness. And for that they had lived in the Court of Kings, from whom they received advancements and honours, the which they could not do by their annual offices, (as then the governments were,) he erected perpetual magistrates, with such authority, as it might well be termed, the true pattern of a royalty. The greatness of the servant is a blemish to the Master. He then augmented the great authority of the Maires of the Palace, who controlled Kings, and in the end usurped the royalty, whereas before they were but controllers of the King's house, and not of the realm. A notable precedent for Princes, in the settling of an estate, not so to communicate their authority to their servants, whom they desire to gratify, as they may have means to become masters. Clotaire laid the first stone in the change which shall happen to his posterity. He had one only son, whose name was Dagobert. It was his greatest care to have him well instructed, committing him to Arnoul Bishop of Metz, a learned man, and of a good life, and likewise to Sadragesille his governor. But Dagobert discovered even then his bad disposition, entreating his governor Sadragesille unworthily. Wherewith Clotaire the King was wonderfully moved against his son, who showed afterwards that this was but a preparative to that he would attempt against his own father, forcing him in his life time to give him the realm of Austrasia for his portion. This kind of rebellion was the fruit of Clotaires too great lenity▪ as also private quarrels which bred great disorders in the Court. Thus we see, there is nothing absolutely perfect in this world. Clotaire dies in the year of Chrst 631. having governed 44. years, from his Cradle, and passed happily through many perilous difficulties. To great 〈◊〉 hur●ull to an estate. A happy and a wise Prince. But as human things are subject unto variety: so we may say, that the French Monarchy revived and died in him. And at his death sprung up the sovereign authority of the Maires of the Palace, the which grew to that greatness, as they dispossessed this race of the Crown. It was Clotaires intent to gratify his subjects, and to ease the succeeding Kings▪ but in effect it was a means to have many Kings, and to make the lawful contemptible▪ setting the servant in the masters place. In truth, as it is most dangerous in an estate, to give too much authority to a servant, so is it most certain, that the slothfulness and dissoluteness of these last Kings, was a ladder whereby our Mayres mounted to this greatness, & to their ruins. The which succeeded by degrees, under the respect of the King's name▪ for from that time of Clotaire, unto the last King of this race, are 120. years. Pepin grandfather to that Pepin, who was the first King of the second race, was More of the Palace, and began first to deal absolutely in the government of the realm. The lenity of Clotaire is also noted by another error: for he took so great liberty to do what he list without order, as his subjects would do the like. And by this contempt of the law, the King grew contemptible, being not well obeyed in his age: the which bred great quarrels betwixt great and small, who showed no great respect, neither to King nor justice. In this Estate died Clotaire, leaving Dagobert for his successor, the year. 632. DAGOBERT the first, 633. the XI. King of France. DAGOBERT KING OF FRANCE. XI. portrait DAGOBERT the first of that name, took possession of this great Monarchy, without any controversy. Some writ, that he had a brother called Aribert, to whom he gave for his portion all the Country on this side Loire: but dying without children, it returned to him again. At his coming to the Crown, he found great difficulties amongst his Subjects, being bred up without justice, under the long liberty of civil wars, and the lenity of Clotaire: whereto he provided wisely, reducing justice, fortifying it by his authority, with so good a moderation, as no man was offended at his too great severity, neither durst any man attempt against the laws, seeing both the rain and the rod in the hands of their lawful Prince. Thus he pourchased the commendation of a good and wise King, and peace to his people, by their obedience to justice. To this good order he added profession to love holy things: and the better to confirm this opinion in his subjects minds, he built and enriched many Temples, especially that of Saint Denis, the which since hath been the sepulchre of our Kings. There were great numbers ofIewes in France, the which were hurtful to the Realm: he banished them by a perpetual Edict, out off the territories under his obedience. But this zeal of religion, was polluted with the foul blot of Adultery, which made him infamous both to subjects and strangers. Amand Bishop of Paris admonished him of his fault: but Dagobert impatient thereof, banished him. Pepin his More continued so in this reprehension, that although Dagobert were moved, and threatened to banish him, yet in the end he yielded to reason, by the virtuous constancy of Pepin▪ and having dismissed many of his lewd followers, he calls home Amand. An example for Princes & servants: for the one to continue firm in their duties, for the other to yield to reason. Dagobert subdued the Gascons that were revolted: 645 brought the 〈◊〉 to obedience, suppressed the Sclavons, established the Realm of Aust●asia, and ga●e seasonable succours to the King of Spain against the Saracens. This is the sum of hi● arms, led by Pepin, whilst that he lived at his pleasure, in his chamber, amongst his wo●en, or in his monastery at his devotion. He had two sons, Sigebert and Clou●s. Having assembled the Estates in great solemnity, he declared, that he had ordained Sigebert to be king of Austrasia, and Clou●s King of France, preferring the younger before the e●der without any controversy. He gave them likewise governors, by reason of their young ages. And so he died in the year of grace 645. having reigned 14. years without any trouble. A Prince to be numbered amongst the most worthy, but for this blemish of incontinency. Thus upon the facility of Clotaire, the voluptuousness of Dagobert laid another dangerous stone in the foundation of a new royalty, the which unadvisedly they built for their servants, to their children's cost. CLOVIS the second, the 12. King of France. The first of the idle Kings. CLOVIS .2. KING OF FRANCE. XII portrait NOw we take the declining of the hill, to seek the last of these Kings beneath in the valley, who had nothing royal but the race, the name, and the habiliments, having resigned their Majesty, authority, and power into the hands of their Maires. It shall be sufficient to set down their names, the dates of their reigns, and the continuance of their race, until a more vigorous royalty come to take his turn. Hereafter in this first race, you shall see our Kings but once a year, the first day of May, The manners of th●se idle ● King●. in their Chariots decked with flowers, & green, and drawn by four oxen. Who so hath occasion to treat with them, let him seek them in their chambers, amidst their delights. Let him talk of any matters of state, he shallbe sent to the More, who deals with all that concerns the state: he opens packets, makes answers without any counsel, but his own. He hears the complaints of subjects, 646 and gives audience to Ambassadors of foreign Princes. He ordereth all as it pleaseth him. He gives, revokes, dischargeth, contracts, ordeines, makes Edicts, and disanulls them. To conclude, he frees his master from all trouble, to impose it on himself. But we shall see to what end he labours thus, and why he hath taken on him the authority and purse of his master. Let us now speak something of our Clovis. Clovis then remains in France, a peaceable King: and Sigebert his elder brother retires himself to his Realm of Austrasia, according to Dag●bert their father's decree. This accord was embraced by two brethren of a good and mild disposition, and was maintained wisely by their mother Nantilde, and their Tutors. A notable example of rare love betwixt two brethren, especially in great divisions▪ and the jealousy of mothers, who do often support one child against another. Clovis had married a gentlewoman of Saxony, named Baudour, a woman of a good and holy life, and much given to devotion, as the Abba●e of Shells, S. Baudour, with other foundations do witness. Whilst that she busied herself in her devotion, and to build monasteries, Clovis laboured to confound his mind, drowning it in the flood of his voluptuousness. Yet they observe one thing in him, which shows that he was not wholly deprived of judgement: the which happened in a time of a great dearth. To relieve the poor people, he suffered them to take the silver, wherewith the Temple of S. Denis had been covered by Dagobert. Doubtless, the care of the poor, is a work worthy of a great Prince. Bounty is better than sacrifice: and Christian souls be the true stones of a spiritual Temple, where God dwells, as in his proper mansion. So as to nourish and support the poor, the precious members of the Church, is to build a goodly Temple. Sigibert King of Austrasia (having no children, nor hope of any) was so solicited by Grimoald Mayor of his palace, as he adopted his son Childebert, and soon after he himself had a son: and died, leaving him heir general of all his realm. But Grimoald, under colour of this adoption, desirous to establish his son in the possession of Sigiberts estate, takes his young son, and sends him to be brought up in a monastery of Scotland. In effect, he had seized on all the realm, if Ercembault, Maior of the Palace of France, had not valiantly opposed himself against this his cruel usurpation, having defeated and taken both him and his son, and punished them both by a solemn sentence at Paris. A notable example for many considerations: but especially a singular proof, that God is the Protector of Orphelines, and a judge of the usurpers of an others right. Clovis had three sons by Baudour, Clotaire, Childeric and Thierri. All three shall be Kings successively: but Childeric was presently King of Austrasia, left without any lawful heir, after the death of the son of Sigebert. He reigned sixteen years, and died in the year 692. having left his Realm in great peace, without any enemy. 662. CLOTAIRE the third, the 13. King of France. CLOTAIRE .3. KING OF FRANCE. XIII portrait CLOTAIRE, the eldest son of Clovis, was King of France, fi●st under the government of Erich, and then of Ebroin Mayre of the Palace: a wicked and cruel man, who shall minister occasion to talk of his life, in the succession of these latter Kings. Under his reign, he made great exactions upon all the people, who (as he said) lived too plentifully, and forgot themselves by the enjoying of too happy a peace. Clotaire reigned four years, and died without name and without children, in the year 666. of whom we may say, as of the rest that succeeded him: That they have left nothing memorable, but that they left no memory. CHILDERIC or CHILPERIC the second, the fourteenth King of France CHILDERIC .2. KING OF FRANC. XIIII portrait CHILDERIC the second son of Clovis was already in possession of the realm of Austrasia: but a greater draws him into France, 666 where he finds important difficulties, ●or Ebroin doubting (if Childeric should reign) he would take from him the dignity of Mayor, and give it unto Vfoald Mayor of Austrasia, who was his trusty servant; persuades Thierri, the younger son of France, to seize upon the realm: and causeth him to be Crowned King. But Childeric comes with a strong army, being favoured by the French, who hated Ebroin, and (in respect of him Thierri,) and were well affected to the elder: so as he seizeth upon Thierri and Ebroin. He did only shave, Thierri & put him into the Monastery of Saint Denis: and he sent Ebroin to Luson in Bourgongne. To small a punishment for so foul a fact: nay rather, a perpetual prison, a●d insupportable torments had been more meet for his ambitious spirit. Childeric then was received of all the French, to whom soon after he made a slender recompense: for he grew so proud and cruel, as there appeared in all places signs of his tyranny and cruelty. One amongst the rest cost him dear: for having caused a Gentleman called Bodille to be whipped, he gave him a just occasion to seek his ruin. The French, wearied with his insolencies, take this barbarous act very disdainfully. so as Bodille had an easy means for revenge upon Childeric, although he were a King: he resolves to kill him, and wants no friends to accompany him in this execution. The match is made, to surprise him a hunting, at their best advantage. Childeri● being there, he is eniuroned by Bodille and his Companions, who increase still: and he being ill attended by his followers, 678. is slain by Bodille: who followed by his confederates, A 〈◊〉 punishment. goes presently to a near Castle, whereas Blitilde the Queen remained great with child: being entered, he slew her with her child, leaving a memorable example to Princes, never to thrust their subjects into despair; nor to abuse their authority to the dishonour and contempt of their Nobility, which is their right arm. Thus died Childeric, having reigned but two years. Leaving an odious memory to his posterity, to have begun well, and ended ill: clean contrary to Childeric the first, his Predecessor, who began ill and ended well. THIERRI the first, the 15. King of France. THIERRI. I. KING OF FRANCE. XV. portrait CHilderic being thus slain, the French (not able to live without a king, ●nd desiring none, but one of the blood royal) post to S. Denis, draw forth Thierri, and establish him in the Realm, from the which they had deposed him, for his elder brother: and make Landregesil the Son of Archembault Maior of the Palace, with whom they were well pleased, during his Ma●ralty. A notable example, both of the people's consent governed by reason, and the efficacy of the Sovereign law, the which is the soul of an Estate, and the ground of a lawful Empire. The Realm was very peaceful in this beginning, when as Ebroin (persuaded by some discontented Noblemen) leaves his Cloister and raiseth an army, in the beginning but small, but it so increased, by the king's contempt and his Mayors; as he remains a Victor, with an incredible celerity. Ebroin seizeth on the King's person, entreats him with all reverence and respect, and protests to require nothing, but to be held his most faithful servant, as he had been in his first reign. Landregesil was then absent: who seeing the King taken, and all the favour of the French turned to Ebroin▪ being victor, he willingly gives ear unto him, ●84 and upon his ●aith and promise of good usage, puts himself into his hands, A treacherous murder. by whom he is treacherously and cruelly ●●ame. Ebroin having begun this course, continueth his cruelty, to satisfy his revenging mind, until that he himself (after that he had murdered many good men, contrary to his oath, amongst the rest Leger Bishop of Au●un, having admonished him of his duty, and Mar●in Mayor of the Palace of Austrasia, to whom he had given his faith with a solemn oath) in the end he thrust himself unadvisedly into the hands of Ermanfroy, a French gentleman, his capital enemy, who slew him when he least feared it, having now an imagination to be mounted to the top of his greatness, and to taste the sweet Liquor of his insatiable revenge. A notable observation for treacherous and revenging spirits, who are then vanquished, when they think to be Conquerors. Thierri a King in show, is a spectator of these Tragedies, as of a game at tables, of his divers Majors, which play at level coil, until that Pepin gets it, and enjoys it only, with the Sovereign government of the French Monarchy. Pepin during the confusions of these reigns had been in Austrasia, and purchased great credit with all men: so as he was held worthy of this great charge, the which he governed with so great wisdom and valour, as having settled France in a peaceful Estate, he had purchased more credit & authority among the French, than the King himself. In the end Thierri dies, in the year 693. having reigned 19 years leaving Clovis and Childebert, his Children, for a witness that he had lived: but in effect Pepin and his for the true heirs of the Realm. CLOVIS the third, the 16. King of France. CLOVIS .3. KING OF FRANC. XVI. portrait BEing the eldest son of Thierri; he reigned four years, and dies without name, and without children: 693 to whom succeeds his brother CHILDEBERT the second, the 17. King of France. CHILDEBERT .2. KING OF FRANCE. XVII. portrait WHO reigned 17. years, 700. and dies in the year 718. having left two Sons, Dagobert and Clotaire, of like humour to himself. DAGOBERT the second, the 18. King of France. DAGOBERT .2. KING OF FRANCE. XVIII. portrait 719. HE reigned four years, and left two Children, Chilperi● and Thierri, with no better memory than the rest. So there passed forty and four years, during which time Pepin had good means to fortify his authority, the which was in effect absolute, by the negligence, or rather idleness of these Kings, who made a necessary way to new desseins, by their voluntary sufferance to encroach upon their authority. Pepin well acquainted with the humour of the French, (naturally bend to love their Princes) did not openly despise his masters: but excused their weak dispositions, not capable of much pain, representing the heavy burden of a great Estate, and that the honour to govern i●, is a trouble which costs dear. He settled an impression in the Frenchmens minds: That those only were worthy to be Kings, that knew how to govern. So without any infinuating speech, the ordinary services he did to the realm, maintaining ●t in peace, his great profession to love religion, justice and the pe●ple, (whose ●ase he was wonderful careful of) did recommend him to all men: and the good turns he did to all persons, by reason of his charge, did daily purchase him many friends and seruant●. Doubtless, as it is as great policy to be a good man, so is there no small dexterity in the taking of Cities and Countries by the hearts of men. Thus Pepin laid the foundation, and his successors finished the perfect building of a new government. A lesson for our Kings, to have a care how they refer the charge of affairs to their servants, Read and judge O ye Kings. and to whom they trust, and how. This example doth verify, that they were better to be more careful, and take more pains, then to disrobe themselves of this great authority, the which makes them not only eminent above all men, but carries as it were a type of the Majesty of God, in the government of the world, 718 whereof they must yield him an account, and not lose that by base cowardliness, which they should maintain by virtue. But let us return to Pepin, ●ee made great show to love religion, and upon this cause he makes war against R●bod Duke of F●ise a pagan, whom he conquered and forced to receive the Christian religion ●ith all ●is subjects. He restored Lambert Bishop of Traict to his dignity, bee●ng expelled by ●broin, and confined into a Monastery: finally, he infinitely favoured all that tended to the service of God: and one of his chiefest cares was to advance them that had ch●●ge over the Church▪ whose loves he had so purchased by this good usage, as they soon requited him, causing the people to love him, with whom such as rule their consciences have great authority. This was a point of state, as much as of devotion. He also made proof of his valour in divers sorts, reducing the people of Germany on either side the ●hin, to the obedience of the French, who began to mutiny▪ and so restored the beauty of the realm of Austrasia. He was careful to maintain justice, and embraced the people, no ways oppressing them with any new impositions. In the mean time he was not careless of himself and his Children. He commanded absolutely, being armed with the authority of his Sovereign, neither was there any appeal from him unto the King. He had two sons by Plectrude, Drogon and Grimoald: he gave Champagne to Drogon, and after his death he caused his son to succeed him with the title o● a Duke. In the beginning he gave the offices of great Master, and general of the Treasure, to Nordebert his dear friend: but after his death he invested his own son Grimoald in those places. Pepin incontinent. But as the vanity of man transports itself beyond the limits of respect, it chanced in the end, that Pepin forgot himself in his prosperity: for not satisfied with Plectrude his lawful wife, he fell in love with a gentlewoman named Alpaide, by whom he had one Bastard, (which shallbe very famous in the course of this history, under the name of Charles Martel): and as the mischief increased, he puts away Plectrude and marries Alpaide. Lambert Bishop of Traict admonished him of this fault: but he suffered Alpaide to cause him to be slain by her brother Dodon, who soon after ●elt the punishment of this blood▪ for being struck with a disease of worms, not able to endure his own stench, he cast himself headlong into the river of Meuze. Grimoald the son of Pepin, following his father's example, abandoned himself to strange women, disdaining his wife. But this adultery was decree to them both: for Grimoald (too familiar with one named Rangare, son in law to Rabod Duke of Fris●,) was slain with him, by a just judgement of God, having taught him so filthy a trade, to abandon himself to strumpets, and to reject his wife. Pepin was so perplexed for the death of his son, as he died for grief and choler against Rabod the author of this murder. Thus both he and his son reaped the fruits of their adultery. Upon his deathbed he ordained Charles his Bastard to succeed him in the government of the realm: but Plectrude embracing this occasion, Charles Martel bastard to P●pin. upon the death of her husband, and well supported by her kinsfolks, causeth Charles to be taken and put in prison at Cologne, and advanceth Thibauld the son of Drogon, her own son and Pippins, to the government, although in effect she under his name governed all the affairs of state. This government of a woman (which is usually imperious and without reason) offended the most resolute among the French: so as weary to be commanded by a distaff (Dagobert dying during these alterations) they took a Prince of the blood called Daniel, forth of a cloister, who had been a Monk the greatest part of his youth. Him they crown King, under the name of Chilperic the second, to have a royal name to countenance his actions: and they give him a Nobleman of France called Rainfroy, to be his Mayor: who having levied an army, defeated Thibauld & his grandmother Plectrude 〈◊〉 small fight. But when as Rainfroy thought himself void of all enemies, he fin●es a strong Competitor: for Charles Martell being freed from prison, could politicly embrace the occasion, and get authority by the perplexity of Plectrude, to whom he offers himself with all his means. The decree of Pepin did import much: 724. but the dexterity and valour of Charles could be no more concealed, than a goodly light in darkness. He entertains such as were affected to P●●ctrude and her son, in such sort as (seeing themselves abandoned) they receive hi●●or Mayor, according to the will of Pepin, whose image Charles did carry in his forehead, and his memory lived yet in the hearts of the French. Charles being received and installed Mayor of France, first assured himself of the Children of King Dagobert, causing them to be gently brought up in a Monastery, and afterwards (not pursuing his revenges as Ebroin had done) he made a public declaration, that his only intention was, to free the Realm from the confusions which were so visible to all men, and restore it to the ancient dignity: neither would he attempt any thing, but by the consent and advice of the French. And in deed, he began to manage the affairs, to the great content of all men. He established an old Prince of the blood, named Clotaire, with a Counsel of state, under whose name and authority he governed as Mayor and chief of the Counsel: and therefore some writers reckon this Clotaire among the Kings of France, although he were no King. Rainfroy w●th his Chilperic (finding himself too weak for such an enemy) had recourse to Rabod Duke of Frise, a capital enemy to the house of Pepin, with whose aid he levies an army, encounters Charles, and overthrows him at the first charge. But Charles nothing amazed at this check, rallies his forces, and knowing that the enemy puffed up with this victory marched in disorder, he charged their confused troops with such advantage, as he defeats them quite, near unto Cambray: so as Chilperic and Rainfroy could hardly escape with a small train. And so Charles proceeds with his victory: for being advertised that Plectrude was at Cologne, and meant to disturb the quiet of Austrasia, he approacheth near unto Cologne, where he is received by the Inhabitants, and having Plectrude and her son Thibauld in his power, he inflicts no other punishment, but enjoins them to live in quiet, and to attempt nothing without his liking. A worthy revenge of a generous mind to pardon the vanquished. Eudon succours him: but being vanquished by Charles, he submits himself with the pretended Chilperic, It is a second victory to v●e it well and mildly. to his discretion: and so did Rainfroy, relying upon the Conqueror's faith: Charles useth the victory modestly, pardons Rainfroy, and gives him the government of Anjou, and suffers E●don to enjoy his living, under the obedience of the Crown. And to settle the Realm in good order, he degrades Chilperic, being advanced against Law, and causeth the eldest son of Dagobert to be chosen King, named Chilperic, as the true and lawful heir. So he reigned under the government of his Mayor. CHILPERIC the third, 728. the 19 King of France. CHILPERIC .4. KING OF FRANCE. XIX. portrait A Prince of no valour, simple and voluptuous. In his time the Sueves, Saxons, and Bauar●ens (disdaining to live under a simple and effeminate King) sought to withdraw themselves from the French obedience: but Charles reduced them to the yoke, reaping repentance for their rebellion. Plectrude was weary of ease: who abusing the mildness of Charles, retires to Vimes, with her daughter Sanichilde, the lawful child of Pepin▪ and seeks to draw the people of Danubie into rebellion against Charles: who having intelligence of her practices, posts thither with a running Camp, pacifies the Germans, and puts her in prison: It is a great gain to lose him that troubles a State. but we read not how he disposed of her, nor of her son Th●bauld. Thus he confirmed his authority in all places. In the mean time Chilperic dies, having reigned five year, and in his place his Brother was Crowned King. THIERRI the second, the 20 King of France. THIERRI .2. KING OF FRANCE. XX. portrait 729. WHO reigned ten years, and dying, left his son Childeric the last K●ng of this first ra●e of Mer●uingiens. This is all that is memora●●e in th●se two reigns, whilst that the second race prepares to ●ome in place and to take possession of the Crown, and sceptre of the French Monarchy. Charles Martel, from Mayor of the Palace is chosen Duke or Prince of the French. He lays the foundations of a new reign for his posterity, and in this respect is numbered among the Kings, the 22. Now our discourse must be of that great Charles surnamed Martel, by reason of the force both of his body and mind: showing briefly according to our stile, what means he had to raise his race to the royal Throne. As things succeeded in this sort, Charles Martel, who knew what force an interest purchased by good order hath in an Estate, informs his friends privately (which were ma●●) how much it did import (considering the apparent weakness of their King, and the necessity of the realm) to have one Commander, whom all the rest might ob●ye▪ for when the King speaks not, every one (holding himself as great as his Companion) will play the King, and so by consequence many mischiefs grow daily, Multiplicity of masters is a ruin to an Estate. a multitude of masters being a ruin to an Estate. That the authority of a Mayor was not great enough to that effect: and although it might be extended upon necessity, 〈◊〉 was it not convenient: seeing that which concerns the good and quiet of all, 〈◊〉 to be approved by all and settled by a free and general consent. Having, thus disposed the minds of such as might rule in matters of great import, he makes a convocation, which he calls a Parliament, in the which it is concluded: 730. That seeing Charles Martel had by many proofs showed himself worthy of a great command, having well used his authority of Mayor, and that urgent necessity required a speedy and convenient remedy: therefore the absolute government should b●e delivered into his hands. And to the end his authority should be known, and obeyed with more respect, hereafter he should be called Prince, or Duke of Frenchmen. This decree did greatly countenance the authority of Charles Martel, being confirmed by such an assembly, and by so affectionate a consent: but his virtues made him to be held as most worthy of so honourable a charge: occasion made proof of his virtue, and the success was a foretelling that the Realm was appointed to his posterity. Soon after there fell out this notable occasion. We have made mention of Eudon the pretended Duke of Guienne▪ Martel having vanquished him, suffered him to enjoy his living, under the obedience o● the Crown. This accord pleased not Eudon, who not able to be revenged of Martel, practised such means as ambition and covetousness did prescribe him. The Saracens (a Turkish nation) had passed out of Asia into Africa and Spain, and had possessed those goodly and great Provinces under the command of their King Abderame. Eudon solicits them to come into France, and promiseth a free passage. The Saracens willingly embrace the offer of so easy an entry, The Saracens inu●de France with 400000 men. and resolved to people France with a great Colony of their nation. They enter Guienne with an army of four hundred thousand fight men. A fearful number at this day, but plainly set down by the common consent of all writers. Charles Martel seeing this great storm ready to fall upon France, resolves first to take away the cause of their coming: and as Eudons' discontent had drawn them in, he labours to be reconciled unto him. He concludes a peace with Eudon, taught by the horrible spoil of Guienne, what it is to set such to work. In the end he disposeth all things to stop the violence of so ravishing an enemy, assembling all the forces he could, to make a body able to encounter them: but he armed himself chiefly with resolution and courage, fit instruments in necessity, under the providence of the God of arms and victories. The Sarazin was already advanced as far as Touraine, within view of Tours, near to the river of Loire, where Martell resolved to attend him, as well to engage him in a Country far from retreat, and to make Eudon and his men more resolute, in whose Country it was▪ to be tried, as also to have France ready in case of necessity. The Sar●zin musts ●● the multitude of his men. Abderame trusting in the multitude of his soldiers both of horse and foot, resolves to compass in the French: and to this end had dispersed his battaillons, every one apart making show of a great army, appointing his horse mingled with Camels, and furnished with sundry new kinds of arms, to join the battayllons one to another. The order and countenance of this army was fearful to men never wont to behold such an huge inundation of Strangers. Martel (who fought more with courage and valour in a good cause, Martel inco●rageth his 〈◊〉. then with numbers) having assembled the body of his army, he confirms their resolutions before the combat, wishing them to have no hope but in God, and in themselves, showing, that they had their enemies before, and the river of Loire behind that he had commanded them of Tours not to open the gates, but to the Conqueror, and had appointed troops of horse upon the wings of his army, to kill such as fled, as enemies. To conclude they had no other France, but where they were, in the which they must either conquer or die. Eudon with his Guiennois made their army apart, not far from Martel, and with his consent. The battles being aranged, and every Commander having persuaded his men to do their best endeavours, the Sarazin gives the charge, supposing to compass in the French easily, as with a net: but on all sides he finds men courageous in their defence. The encounter was great, & the combat furious. In the heat of the conflict Eudon disbands, & violently chargeth the Saracens camp, being full of women, children, & baggage, & with a small guard forceth the defences, & enters it, cuts in pieces, & kills all he encounters without difference of age or sex. 732. The Barbarien not accustomed to t●e read●nes of the French, who encountered his sundry Battaillons in gross, as they presented themselves, turning after the manner of their discipline: seeing many of his men slain, and for a second mischief, hearing the cries and shriek of women, and children, massacred in the camp, began to be amazed, and to waver. Martel (discovering their countenance, and that their battayllons grew thin) cries out mainly to his soldiers. Courage my friends. God hath set up his banner, he fights for us: let us charge these miscreants. The soldiers (encouraged at this voice, and at the visible success of their arms,) cry victory, victory. The Sarazin not knowing which way to turn him, being charged on all sides, breaks his battaillons, abandons his ranks, and casts away his arms. All are dispersed, the multitude oppresseth them. Hereupon Martel and Eudon join together, after the spoil of the camp: upon this disorder they charge valiantly through these dismembered troops, as into a thick harvest, without any resistance: all overflows with blood, they are weary with killing. The remainder which fled is small, the prisoners less: all die by the sword, or are beaten down with battleaxes: the victorious French (enraged with the sight of these vanquished Barbarians, seeking to dispossess them, their wives and children, of their habitations) made them the subjects of their choler. King Abderame is found dead, in a heap of carcases, A memorable d●●eat of Abderame, & his death. not wounded, but smothered by the multitude that fled. Histories assure, there were slain upon the place three hundred seventy five thousand men, and of the French fifteen hundred, amongst the which were many of the Nobility and men of account. Thus God did overthrow the greater number by the less, and by his force the multitude was an encumber to the enemy. But above all, this deliverance was remarkable, for that God not only freed France from the slavery of Infidels, but also the rest of Europe, the which this deluge had almost overflown, as it had done Asia and Africa already. So thanks were given unto God, in all Christian Kingdoms, and the name of Martel generally renowned, as a chief instrument of the singular deliverance of all Christendom. After this defeat, he divided the spoils among the soldiers, and the better to reward the Nobility, he remitted them the tenths and tithes for certain years, with the consent of the Clergy, to whom he promised satisfaction. This memorable defeat was a seal of the new dignity granted unto Martel by the favour of the French, confirmed by his own valour, or rather by the bounty of God, the essential cause of his happiness, This battle was called the Battle of Tours: it happened in the year 730. but the end of this war was the beginning of an other, and almost from the same spring, The battle of Tours. and by the same current. We have showed Eudons' deeds at the battle of Tours. For this great service he expected some notable recompense: But Martel excusing himself, that he could not alienate the revenues of the Crown, nor do any thing to the prejudice of his Master, left Eudon no more advanced then before the wars, and very ill satisfied: but he died soon after, leaving Hunault and ●effroye his children, heirs of ●is discontent. After their father's decease, they seek all possible means to trouble the quiet of France. Their chief strength was in Guienne: they had likewise ●ome in Provence, through the favour of Maurice, Governor of the Country, and Earl of Marseilles, but especially in Languedoc, whence they were issued, as I have said, being descended from the Visigoths, whose memory with their name lives still throughout all that Province, although they all depend upon the Crown of France. Thus they assemble all the people they can, A famous war in Languedoc. either by friends or credit▪ and fortify good Towns against the French, attending to make war with all violence. But finding all these means too feeble for so great a project, they proceed farther. The Saracens remaining in Spain were much grieved at so great a loss of their men, being a general dishonour to all their nation. They are easily drawn into this League, to be revenged of the French: & the better to fortify their party, they join with the Vandals, Ostrogoths, & alan's, which remained yet in Spain, not friends among themselves, yet common enemies to the French. King Athin led the Sarazin troops: 738. Hunault and jeffry brethren commanded those that were assembled in the Provinces on this side Loire. Besides their forces they had intelligence within Lions, and the best Cities of Bourgongne, assuring themselves to seize upon Daulphiné, as well for the nearness of Languedoc, (where they had a great party) as also by means of Maurice the Provensall, and the credit they had with the principal of the Country. Thus they make a great party, to undermine and ruin the state of France, and did manage their practices with such secrecy, as their army was sooner in field than Martell could have intelligence of their preparations. The body of this army assembled in Languedoc, passeth the Rosne, entereth into Daulphinè, and goes through it with such celerity and ease, as (the Cities of Pierrelate. Saint Pol, Montlimar, Liuron, Valence Romans, & other Towns bordering upon the Rosne, (having yielded at the first brute) they surprise the City of Lions, by means of their intelligence. Vienne alone held firm for the King's service, in this deluge of Goths and Saracens. The fidelity of the Viennois. They passed from Lions by Savoye and the Countries on either side of the mount jura, and in the end seized on many of the best Cities of Bourgongne, Chaalon, Mascon Dijon, and Auxerre, by means of their intelligences and the general amazement. Martel slept not in this confusion: but to prevent this unexpected storm, he assureth the Cities, and levies men with all expedition. The courage of a Bishop. The town of Sens (through the resolute counsel of their bishop Otho) sallies forth so fitly upon the Sarazin army, as (having slain a great number) they force them to raise the se●ge with shame. Other towns by their example grow resolute, under the assurance of their Commander, whom they find careful of their preservation. Thus this army half victorious, (fearing a second skirmish of Tours, by the weighty blows of Martel, loath to engage themselves farther in France) retires into the Countries of their allies, leaving garrisons in the towns they had surprised. One part passeth into Languedoc, and lodgeth in friend towns: an other seizeth on avignon (than a City of Provence) by the means of Maurice governor of the Country: Arles holds firm for the King's service, amidest these confusions and the treachery of Maurice. Hunault and jeffroy return into their Country of Guienne, New attempts of the League. to prevent the desseins of Martel, and to retain their towns in obedience. Having thus disposed of their asfaires, they send jointly into Spain for new forces, whilst that Martell labours to settle that which they had disordered in many places. And in truth they had provided work for him, the which he prevented in this sort. He sends Childebert presently into Provence with a mean army, as well to assure the towns that stood firm, as to keep the enemy at a bay, and to cross their desseins. He himself remains in Bourgongne with a great army, to recover such towns as were held by the enemy. Both work according to their projects, but not with like success. Childebert beseegeth avignon, but with much toil, loss of time, and small hope of success, so as he was shamefully forced to raise the siege: but then comes Martel with his army, having recovered the Cities of Bourgongne, Lions and the rest of Daulphinè, with the like facility as they had been lost: punishing the rebels in all places. Being encamped before avignon, he so presseth the siege, as in few days he takes the town and cuts the Saracens in pieces: yet their King Athin saved himself in Languedoc, by the river of Rosne, and retired to Narbone to his other troops. Martel (having relieved the City of Arles with a new garrison) passeth into Languedoc, and beseegeth Narbonne, being then a very strong City and of great importance for the whole Province. And as this siege grew long, A new army o● Saracens in France. behold a new army of Saracens comes out of Spain, under the conduct of Amoré, an other petty Sarazin King. Martel fearing lest they of Guienne should come, and those within the City issue forth, and all being united make one body of an army: he resolves to fight with them apart, using this stratagem which succeeded happily. He leaves a part of his army before the City, with the same countenance as if it had been whole, rising without sound of drum or trumpet: and surpriseth this new army of Saracens with such celerity, as he defeats them. 739. Athin frustrate of hope of any succours, saves himself by sea, with a small troop, and abandons Narbonne, and the whole Country, to the mercy of Charles Martel, than a Conqueror. This was the end of that perilous war bred by Hunault and jeffroy the sons of Eudon: and the fruit of all these broils in Languedoc, was that they brought those Cities which had followed them, Languedoc severely punished by Martel. to extremity, whom Martel punished severely for their rashness and rebellion. The histories name Narbonne, Nismes, Beziers and aged, the which he caused to be sacked and burnt. It is likely that the ancient walls of Nismes were then pulled down, whereof we now see the ruins of an admirable greatness, undoubtful signs of the ancient beauty and wealth of that goodly City: the which in the time of the Roman Empire, being free in Gaul Narbonoise, did enjoy the privileges of Italy, having had the honour to furnish Rome with an Emperor. Hunault and jeffroy (being authors of this war) remained yet unpunished. Martel was diverted by the war he made against the Frisons, whom he vanquished and forced to become Christians: and to that end he sends them Doctors. A pardonable zeal in a warrior: for in truth men's souls cannot be won by the sword, nor religion forced, but must be planted in the heart by reason. The punishment ofthese turbulent men, was reserved unto Pepin, who knew well how to effect it, as we shall see. At this time King Thierri died, having reigned five and twenty, years in conceit: and left Childeric his son, not heir of the realm, but of his idleness, to make the last release of the Crown, and consign it into a better hand. CHILDERIC the fift, the 21, King of France, and the last of the first race. CHILPERIC .5. KING OF FRANCE. XXI. portrait HE was King in show nine years, 741. five under the authority of Charles Martel, and four under Pepin, who dispossessed him, made him a Monk, and seated himself in his place, as we shall see in order. But let us observe what remains of Martel. The care and toil of great affairs, with his old age, having soar broken him, he resolves to dispose of things in time, and to leave a peace to his Children. He had four sons, Caroloman, Pepin, Giles and Griffon, all of divers humours. The disposition children and death of Martel. Caroloman and Giles more modest, and of a milder spirit, Pepin and Griffon, more rough and ambitious. Whilst he lived, he greatly honoured the King's person, neither did he in open show meddle with that main point of royalty: but in effect, dividing his authority to his Children with the title of governments. He purchased them an interest by his virtue, & in time the possession of the realm. To his eldest son Caroloman he left Ausstrasia, to Pepin (whom he knew to be of a more quick and hardy spirit) France, as the body of the Estate. And seeing Giles unfit for arms, and given to devotion, he made him Archbishop of Rovan. To bridle the turbulent spirit of Griffon: and to take from him all occasion of debate, he would not give him any certain portion, but the good will of his elder brethren: being taught by the experience of former reigns, that many commanding brethren are dangerous to an estate: showing himself more wise and happy therein then Clovis. Thus Charles Martel (having lived fifty five years) died in the year of grace 741. having commanded absolutely in France twenty and five years, as Mayor or Prince of the French, under the reigns of Chilperic, Thierri and Childeric. One of the worthiest men that ever lived, either in this Monarchy or in any foreign Estate. He was religious, wise, just, valiant, modest in prosperity, resolute in adversity, temperate in authority, not passionate nor revengeful, diligent and happy. By these excellent virtues he did quietly purchase this goodly degree, whereby his posterity hath mounted to the royal throne, although he had but the pain to get it, and the honour to preserve the realm from shipwreck in the weakness of these Kings, and the storms of many confusions. His Children (according to the diversity of their humours) had divers events. Caroloman wanted no valour, but having accompanied his Brother Pepin in divers exploits, in the end he resigns him all his authority, becomes a Monk▪ and dies so at Vienne. Giles full of ambitious heat, not pleased with the wise resolution of his father, did all he could to cross his brother Pepin, although he had given him a sufficient portion in Normandy. Transported with this spleen, he stirs up the Saxons, Bavariens, and those of Guienne, against him at divers times. In the end (being suppressed in all places, he undertakes a voyage into Italy, to attempt some thing against his brother▪ but he was slain by the way, by a gentleman of Bourgongne, as a man of no valour nor quality. This fire was thus quenched, and Giles died unworthily, leaving this lesson to posterity, That ambition hastens ruin, and contrariwise, That the one half is better than the whole. Forerunnings or preparatives to the reign of Pepin. PEPIN, seeing himself alone in great authority, vnderpropt by the merits of his Grandfather and father, resolved so to behave himself, as his own deserts should not only confirm this reputation left him by inheritance: but also persuade the French that he was worthy of a greater command, and by their free consents, hold him capable of the Crown. He knew the humour of the French, who love and honour their King with an especial devotion, and cannot be induced to do otherwise, but by great and urgent reasons. He manageth this design with such dexterity, 742. as he effects it, and the means (which the providence of God did minister unto him) did as it were guide him by the hand: for to him we must attribute the principal cause of this notable change. The Saracens infinitely grieved with these two defeats, prepare an other army: jeffroye was also on this party, and it seemed this third League did threaten France with a greater confusion. P●pin remembering that his father had been surprised, sends forth his spies, and being speedily advertised, he assembles all the forces he could, with an incredible celerity: and finding himself first in arms, he enters into Guyenne, and seizeth on the passages of the Pyrenee mountains. jeffroy being thus surprised, sets a good face on it, promising obedience to Pepin: and is a mediator for the Sarrazins, undertaking that they should renounce their interest, and never enter more into France. Pepin obtaining his desire, (being glad to have prevented this storm, and forced so redoubted enemies to receive a law from him) applied himself to the people's humour, who love peace better than a bloody victory. He dismisseth his army, busying himself in repairing of the Churches which the Saracens had ruined in divers places: to ease the Cities that were spoiled, and in giving them means to recover themselves: to establish justice, to unburden the subjects of public charges, and finally to let the French understand that he was as fit for peace as war. The Church of Rome was then in great reputation throughout all Christendom, and the Popes did only busy themselves with the service of God, Estate of the Church. to maintain Princes in concord, and subjects in their liberties, the which purchased them great credit, for the singular respect Christian people ba●e to religion. Zacharie held then the Pontifical seat, and had the Lombard's for a cause of continual fear, being his near and irreconcilable enemies: against whom he could not have more assured and speedy help then in France, and by Pippins means, who held the sovereign authority. Martel had already avoided a most dangerous war, through the amity he had with Luitprand King of the Lombard's, after whose death, Rachise Duke of Friol, chosen in his place, threatens the Pope openly: for all the Lombard's fair shows, and his large protestations of friendship, were but foretel●ings of the breach of his faith. For this reason Zacharie entertained Pepin carefully, the which did help him much to compass his desire. And although his ambitious humour made him sometimes to speak too peremptorily of his victories and ordinary deserts, yet could he contain himself in greatest occasions: and behaved himself in such sort, as he seemed not to aspire unto the Crown, but that necessity and the common consent of all the French, did (as it were) force him thereunto. The most remarkable thing in all the course of this history, is the order he held to compass a desseine of so great importance. As he discoursed covertly of his intention, and openly of the urgent necessity to provide speedily for the estate of the Realm: Pep●ns means to make himself King. he had feed men to preach forth his praises, and the disgraces of Childeric, being as visible in the one, as remarkable in the other: reason giving due praise to virtue, and dishonour to vice. In the one they see a simple stupidity, in the other a wise vivacity▪ in the one a foolish lightness, in the other a stayed gravity; in the one a brutish fu●ie, and in the other a moderate and temperate spirit: in the one a beastly carelessness, in the other an active diligence; in the one a dissolute intemperancy, and in the other a well governed continency. So as in the one was all good, and in the other all bad; in the one all pleased, in the other all displeased; and theiractions were the table of their contrary dispositions. Childeric loved no man, neither did any man love him. Pepin loved all, and was beloved of all, tying all unto him by all occasions and good turns, and all to his master's loss. The common people loved Pepin entirely, as the Protector of their liberty▪ and hated Childeric as one that regarded not the common good, in respect of his foolish and beastly voluptuousness: being neither willing nor able to do well. So the one being contemned and hated, was held unworthy to reign▪ the other praised and beloved, was esteemed most worthy to be a king. The friends of Pepin failed not to proclaim his merits in all places, and the people embraced it with all content. But there were many difficulties in the execution of this general desire: 746. religion (much respected by the French): the natural reverence and devotion they bore to their Kings, and the remembrance of the merits of old Clovis, were strong lets to stay the violent desires of the most affectionate. But Pepin could well prevent all this by an admirable and happy dexterity. To the remembrance of Clovis virtues, he opposed the memory of horrible disgraces and infamies, wherewith his posterity had been polluted: and withal, the carelessness of these latter Kings, noating all in rank from father to son. And contrariwise, he did represent unto them, the lively remembrance of the great merits of Pepin his grandfather, of Martell his father, and his own▪ and from experience past, he concludes of the future hope. As for the reverence of the French to their Kings: he showed that it was vowed to true Kings, and not to Kings in imagination, painted and disguised: and that the oath of fidelity tied them to a religious King, b●ing valiant, just, merciful, upright, diligent, practised in affairs, fit to withstand his enemies, to punish the wicked, to defend the good, and to protect the Christian law, according to the express words of the solemn oath which the French give their King at his Coronation. Why should they then be bound to a vicious King, negligent and careless of himself and his subjects, under the colour of a Crown and Sceptre? To conclude, the contract was limited, and the French were bound to obey that King that was a lawful King, who (being endued with royal virtues) performed the office of a true King. These reasons were plain, and easily received of all men, finding this change to be very necessary for the common good: neither was there any one but expected some profit in his own particular, and sought to purchase the favour of Pepin. But yet there remained a scruple of religion, for the dispensing of their oath. This article must be decided at Rome, where Pepin (assuring himself of his good friends, who were necessarily to use him) hoped for a good end, seeing the principal was determined by the consent of the French. He therefore sends Bruchard Bishop of Bourge● and Folrad his Chaplain unto Rome, (men pleasing to all, and faithful to himself,) to represent the Estate of France, and the general desire of the French, to Pope Zacharie. The Pope (duly informed of the weakness of Childeric (being hated and contemned of all men, without any support,) and of the general resolution of the French to receive Pepin, but chiefly moved with hope, to draw great helps from him against the Lombard's his capital enemies) dispensed the French from their oath of obedience to Childeri●, and to all his race. Now shall that race be dispossessed, and this decree shall be the last act of the Merovingiens' Tragedy. THE SECOND RACE OF THE KING'S OF FRANCE, called Carolovingiens, either of Charles Martel, or of Charlemain, the chief pillars of this race. Oracles to judge rightly of the estate of this second race. God is judge, he pulls down one, and sets up another. Man walks as a shadow: he strives in vain: he gathers goods, and knows not who shall enjoy them. O Lord what is man, that thou shouldest be mindful of him? or the son of man, that thou so regardest him? Man is like unto nothing: his days are like a shadow that vanisheth, the sons of men are as nothing: and great men are but as a lie. If they were all together put in a balance, they would be found more light than vanity. It is he notwithstanding, that preserveth Kings. CHARLES MARTEL. CHARLES MARTEL portrait A particular Chronologie of the second Race, From the year 741. unto the year nine hundred eighty eight. Years of grace. Number of Kings. CHARLES MARTEL OF 741. 22. The stock or stem of this second Race, is numbered among the Kings, the 22. for he reigned in effect during the life of the Id●e Kings, and so was buried among the Kings. After the royal government of 25. years, he left it to his son. 750. 23. Pepin, the brief, or short, who was crowned King, Chilperic 4. being degraded in the year 750. & left the crown peaceable to his son. 814. 24. Charlemaigne, great in name and in effect, who remaining absolute Monarch of the realm of France & Austrasia, with all the dependences Northward: he added to this great mass, all Italy, & the greatest part of Spain, & so possessing the territories of the Empire in the west, he was received & installed E●p. of the west, having raigne● 40. y. 840. 25. Lewis his son▪ surnamed the Gentle, succeeded him, and reigned King & Emperor 27. years, and to him succeeded: 878. 26. Charles the 2. called the Bald King an● Emperor, who reigned 33 years: and to Charles the 2. succeeded, 879. 27. Lewis the 2. his son, called the Stuttering, King and Emperor, who reigned but a year and six months. At his death he left his wife with child, who being borne, was acknowledged for lawful King, and called Charles the Simple: his minority lasted 22. years. Many Tutors, & many confusions. These Regent's are crowned Kings, and (acknowledged by that name) do hold the rank among Kings, and so we must divide these 22. years, to every Regent according to his reign. 881. 28. Lewis the 3. and Caroloman, bastard of Lewis the stuttering, reign as Regent's five years. 889. 29: Charles the 3. a Prince of the blood, called the gross▪ as Regent, he reigned 7. years, being both King and Emperor▪ he was put from them both. 896. 30. Eudes or Odon son to Rob. Duke of Anjou, as Regent he reigned 10. y. In the confusion of these last Masters, the royal authority being greatly weakened, many Countries freed themselves from the obedience of the French Monarchy. So fell out THE ECLIPSE OF THE EMPIRE▪ B in Germany & Italy. The body of the Empire remained in Germany, being afterwards governed by an Emperor, chosen by the Prince's Electors. And Italy was dismembered into divers Principalities, under divers Potentates. In the end, after this minority of 22. ●eares, 899. 31. Charles the 4. called ●he Simple, son to Lewis the Stuttering was crowned as lawful King, & reigned 25. years. But Raoul of Bo●rgong●e, 923. 32. A Prince of the blood, was called by the League, to put down King Charles, called the Simple: being imprisoned by them, and forced to renounce the Crown. Charles dying with grief, Raoul reigned 13. years: but in the end was expelled from this unjust usurpation. 936. 33. Lewis the 4 called d'Outremer, or beyond the sea, son to Charles the Simple, being called out of England, (whether his Mo●her had carried him to preserve him from the League) was acknowledged King, and reigned twenty and nine years. 954. 34.. Lothaire his son succeeded him, who reigned thirty and three years. 986. 35. Lewis the 5. son to Lothaire, reigned about two year's, and dying without issue, interred with him the race of Charles Martel as his Ancestors had of long time obscured his virtues, and that of the valiant Charlemain, unfortunate in their successors. Thus the second race called Carl●●ingiens, having reigned 230. yeared, ended 〈◊〉 Lewis the 5. and gave place to the third ra●e, which reigns at this day. 750. PEPIN the short, the 23. King of France: and first of the second race. PIPIN KING OF FRANCE. XXIII portrait THE French thus freed by the Pope's dispensation, from their oath of obedience, assemble their general Estates: and to avoid confusion in the Realm, apparently grown by the negligence of their Kings, they conclude to reject Childeric, and to choose Pepin: the one unworthy to reign, by reason of his vices, and the other most worthy to be King, for his royal virtues. And to the end, the fundamental Law of state should not be directly infringed in this new election, they bring Pepin from the race of great Clovis, of whom they said he should be acknowledged for the next heir, Pepin chosen King by the Parliament, and Childeric rejected. seeing that (virtue & his race being duly weighed) he approached nearest to him in virtue. Pepin himself would not assist at this assembly: that the offer of this dignity (being made without his apparent seeking it) might be the more honourable. Being called to hear the general conclusion of the Parliament, and the common desire of all the French, he presents himself, being pleasing to all men, in more than an ordinary sort: little of body, but showing in his countenance the greatness of his spirit: amiable by his mild and modest behaviour, and admirable for his grave pleasing Majesty. The Assembly lets him understand by Boniface Archbishop of Mayence or Mentz, that the French (in regard of his virtues, and their future hope) h●d by a free and general consent, chosen him King of France. And for execution of the said decree, he was instantly (in the presence of them all) installed King, the royal Crown was set upon his head by the said Archbishop, and then he was raised upon a target, and carried about the assembly, after the ancient ceremony of the French. And by virtue of the same decree, Childeric was challenged as unworthy of the Crown, degraded, shaven, and confined into a Monastery, thereto pass the remainder of his days. This notable change happened in the year 750. in the City of Soissons, but with so resolute a consent of all the French nation's, as there appeared not any one that made show to dislike thereof. A most assured testimony, that Go● had so determined, Sovereign c●u●es of this charge. having reserved to himself the sovereign authority over Kings, to place and displace, gird & ungird, raise and cast down, according to his good pleasure, always just, & always wise. To him we must ascribe the principal and sovereign cause of all changes: For God is the governor, as he is the Creator: It being a necessary consequence, that he governs that which he hath created and by his providence wat●●eth especially over mankind, for whom he hath made the world. If we shall otherwise seek the nearest causes of this alteration, we may justly say, that vice dispossessed Childeric, & virtue set Pepin in possession of the Crown: love & the reverence of subjects▪ being the support of public authority: hate and contempt the ruin thereof. To the end that Princes by so worthy an example, may learn to banish vice▪ (which making them hateful & contemptible) thrusts them from their Thrones: and to plant virtue, which causing them to be respected and honoured, makes them to reign over nations. Now we begin a new government, under new Kings, and in a new race. In the beginning we shall see two great Princes, The estate of this second race. under whom good order shall make an alteration of affairs, with an abundance of all blessings, both spiritual & temporal: justice, wisdom, policy, arms, valour, large limits of territories, abundance of peace, & the excellent knowledge of learning, to raise this estate to the greatest happiness that ever it enjoyed, & scarce any other kingdom whatsoever, let foreign nations say what they please. But the happiness of these two Kings shall not be hereditary in their posterity, who beginning soon to degenerate, shall decline by degrees, until that vice depriving them of the Crown, virtue shall give it to another, who shall show himself a more lawful successor, and righter heir to Charlemain, having a better part in his virtues. This second race shall enjoy the kingdom 237. years, beginning to reign in the year 750. & ending in the year 987. having begun by virtue, and ended by vice. A goodly l●s●on for Potentates: th●t bounty, wisdom and valour, Instruction for gre●t men. are no hereditary possessions to be left unto their children, but they are the gifts of God, the author of all good, and their sovereign Prince, to whom they own homage for their greatness, as to him of whom depends absolutely all the kingdoms of the earth, and whose providence is the infallible rule of the changes which we se● incident to mankind, the w●●ch the ignorant without reason, attribute to blind fortune. Pepin seeing himself seated in the throne of the French Monarchy, by the honourable favour of the French: Pepin strives to win their loves by good ●eeds. he resolves to satisfy their hopes by the effects of his actions: and gins to confirm in their minds the true and firm bond of obedience, the which is united with these two strings, love, and the people's respect to their superiors. No thing being more natural, then to love him from whom we receive or hope for good, and to respect him whom we hold sufficient to make us to live peaceably and in quiet, especially when he hath power and command in the commonweal, without the which the particular cannot subsist. Thus Pepin assembles the general estates, meaning to lay a good foundation in time for the affairs of the realm, by the advice of such as had called him▪ An assembly of the general estates. and according to his Father's stile, he names this assembly a Parliament, whereunto he calls the Clergy, the Nobility, the judges of the land, and the common people: that with one consent they might resolve what was necessary for the whole estate, consisting of these goodly parts. During these alterations, the Saxons (as farthest from their Masters) had shaken off the yoke of the French obedience: The Saxons rebel and are subdued. and by their example and practices, had drawn other people of Germany (subject to this Crown) to the like revolt. Pepin arms presently, and goes with such expedition, as he overthrows them at the passage of the river of Vistula: but the Pope's distress gives him presently a new cause to employ his forces▪ for Zacharie being dead, Stephen the second (a Roman born) succeeds both in place and trouble●▪ 751 being forced to defend himself against the lombards, the capital enemies of the Roman 〈◊〉. Astolpho was then their King, who made great preparatives against this new Pope, although he made no show of open hatred. Stephen well informed of the Lombard's h●mour and intent, resolves (not to attend the stroke) but to fortify himself in time, & seeking ●i●st to Constantine Emperor of the East, without any success, he entreats Pepin to secure him: from whom having received a favourable answer, the better to obtain the remedy he expected, Pe●in provides 〈◊〉 the affairs of Italy. he resolves to go into France: where being honourably entertained by Pepin, he doth again Crown him King of France, in Saint Denis Church, in a great and solemn assembly, and makes miserable Childeric a Monk, assigning him the Cloister for a perpetual prison, & a Friar's frock for an ignominious punishment, without any hope of return. Then he employed all his wits to persuade Pepin, to undertake the voyage of Italy against the Lombard's, and drew him easily thereunto. But Astolpho (fearing the Pope,) employed Carolom●n the brother of Pepin to divert him from this enterprise. This Caroloman was a Monk, and in great reputation of piety▪ A w●se 〈◊〉 of Pepin 〈◊〉 undertaking a war. but he could not dissuade Pepin from this desseine: yet would he not attempt any thing rashly, but first try mildness before force. He therefore sends his Ambassadors to the Lombard, to summon him to yield Ravenna, and all the Towns of the six governors to the Pope. Astolphe useth great temperance in his answers, to show the reverence he bore to the Church of Rome, and to Pippins intercession: but he resolved never to yield any thing. Pepin finding the Lombard's evasions and policy, who sought but to auo●de this storm, assembles a Parliament: and lays before them both duty a●d necessity, to secure the Pope. To t●is end he resolves to le●●e an Army against the Lombard. Winter being spent in these treaties, and in the preparations for war: in the Spring he enters Italy with a strong and mighty army, which marcheth victoriously in all places, taking Towns, and spoiling the country of Astolphe, and then he went to besiege Pavia, the capital Ci●ty of Lombardie. Astolphe foreseeing his ruin, flies to humble entreaties, both to the Pope and Pepin. The Pope lulled a sleep with the Lombard's fair promises, not greatly loving the French, but by constraint: suffers himselve first to be abused, and then he persuades Pepin to return back into France Astolpho promised to yield up both Ravenna, and all that he detained from the Church, the which ●e could not perform in so great a desolation of his country, being 〈◊〉 charged 〈◊〉 such an enemy. 〈◊〉 breaks his 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 Rome. Stephen was we●l satisfied with this promise, forgetting ●he Lombard● humour, so wel● known unto him. Pepin glad to see the Pope satisfied having no other object b●t to give him satisfaction) returns presently into France, to his ●wne ●ffaires. But he had s●arce passed the Alpes, when as Astolpho assembles all hi● subiect● (being mad with rage for their great losses, and infinitely incensed against the Pope, who had drawn in the French) and enters the territories of the Church in 〈◊〉 manner, The Lombard 〈◊〉 Rome, and is forced to 〈◊〉 and to sue for a peace. sacks and 〈◊〉 all with a furious cruelty: & suddenly besiegeth Rome, where t●e Pope was resident. Stephen amazed at this unexpected violence, sends back to Pepin, implores his aid, laments his credulity, and detest the treachery of the Lombard's: ●e beseecheth him to make haste, if he will preserve his old age from the cruel hand of this disloyal, and the whole Church from a horrible desolation, exceeding that of the Vandals or Ostrogoths. Pepin moved with the Pope's entreaties, and the ancient danger▪ assembles his force●, with a wonderful celerity▪ and although Constantin by a most affectionate message laboured to divert him, yet he brings back his army into Italy. ●he fruit of his return was both sudden & great: for Astolpho at the brute thereof raiseth the siege from before Rome, and retires to Pavia, the capital City of his realm. Pepin besiegeth him an●●orceth him to accept of such conditions of peace, as he wou●d prescribe. viz. 〈◊〉. Astolpho should presently deliver up all that he held of the Church▪ and give 〈◊〉 and Pepin should remain in Italy at the Lombard's charge, until he had 〈◊〉 all things. Astolpho sends in forty hostages, yields Raue●na, with the Cities of the six Governors, 754. and those he held in Romagna▪ but when there remained no more to deliver up, but the Cities of Ferrara and Faenze▪ the Lombard did cunningly delay the full accomplishment of his promise, to find some means to send back so rude an officer as the French, lying upon his country in garrison, and spoiling it, and so to deceive both the Pope and Pepin: but behold a strange accident befalls him. Of an ill life an unhappy end. Being a hunting, chase more after his fantasies then the beast, his horse casts him down a rock and breaks his neck. Thus the subtle Lombard thinking to deceive, was deceived: he ended his subtlety with his life, and the war begun by him without reason, by a just death. The Pope recovers his places, and Pepin returns into France, taking nothing in Italy, but leaving the realm of Lombardie in the same estate he found it, without any alteration. This Kingdom ended not with Astolpho, for Didier Duke of Hetruria his near kinsman, seizeth presently thereon, by means of his intelligences: but Rachise brother to Astolpho (who was lately become a Monk) leaves his frock, to enjoy his father's kingdom: yet for that he was the weaker in this just title, the Pope pacified this controversy in favour of Didier, who remained King of Lombardie, upon condition that the Cities of Ferrara and Faenze should be yielded to the Church. But let us return to Pepin▪ his absence, with two years continual wars, had broken the usual custom to call a Parliament, and bred many disorders within the realm▪ Pepin confirms his authority by a Parliament. so as being returned into France, he presently called a solemn Parliament, wherein he established laws according to the inconveniences that were to be redressed: as good laws do commonly proceed from bad manners. In this assembly he gave audience to the Ambassadors of the Emperor Constantin, who demanded a confirmation of the amity and alliance which the Emperor had with the house of France: and receives the new homage of Tassillon Duke of Baviere. So referring all matters of importance to the judgement of the Estates, honouring them that had honoured him, he doubled his subjects devotion, and established good laws within his realm. But knowing the humour of the French, impatient of rest, he found how difficult it was to retain them long in peace, without some foreign employment: and necessity presents him two occasions, one in Guienne, He makes a foreign wit to avoid a civil. and the other in Saxony, Country's subject to the Crown of France, but both impatient of the French command. The Saxons began first▪ with whom Tasillon Duke of Baviere, (who as we said did homage to the King) joins, contrary to his oath. This war seemed of some difficulty, drawing to it all the other Germans subject to this Crown: but Pepin prevented it with such speed, as having suppressed the Saxons, he forced them to a new obedience, charging them to bring him yearly three hundred good horses for an homage: that they should undergo the censure of the Estates, & be enemies to the enemies of the King and realm. Having thus pacified Saxony, he makes a general assembly at Worms, to settle the affairs of Austrasia: from thence he marcheth with his victorious army, against jeffroy Duke of Guienne, according to the resolution of th● Estates, being levied for that occasion. We have said, that Eudon father to jeffroy had greatly disquieted France, and left his children heirs of his discontent▪ but Martel withdrawn by new difficulties, could not finish that which he had begun▪ jeffroy remains sole Duke of Guienne, by the death of his brother▪ he grows daily more insolent, bandies all his subjects of Guienne openly against France, and afflicts the Clergy infinitely in their lives and livings. Pepin gins with admonitions and threats▪ but jeffroy grows more obstinate in contemning his Kings command▪ so as they must come to open force, and jeffroy must pay the interests of his long delays. Pepin enters Guienne with an army, and jeffroy seeing his resolution, sends his deputies to avoid this storm, War in Guienne. beseeching him with all humility to pardon what was past, promising obedience. Pepin (having commanded him to make restitution to the Clergy) returns into France and dismisseth his army, supposing Guienne to be quiet▪ jeffroy seeking his own ruin by his furious rashness, goes to field with such forces as he could levy among his subjects, & having pas●ed Loire, he enters Bourgogne in hostile manner, hoping to surprise Cha●lons. The King held a Parliament at Orlea●s, 764 when this intelligence came unto him, he sends them presently to Nevers: assembleth his forces, and marcheth against jeffroy, who suddenly repasseth the river, and with great marches recovers Bourdeaux, as the City of his greatest safety, being as much confu●ed in his defence, as he was rash in his attempt. Pepin pursues him, and in his passage all the Towns of Guienne yield without any difficulty, as to him whom they acknowledge for their lawful King. jeffroy forsaken of all men, pursued criminally by his Prince, is slain by one of his household servants, and is interred like a beast, in a marish ●ere to Bourdeaux In detestation of his memory, Ieffr●y pitifully slain, 〈◊〉 like a beast. A foolish life, a filthy end. the place is called the Tomb of Caiphas unto this day. Thus was the unjust and rash rebellion of jeffroy punished: & by his death the war died in Guienne: and the wise valour of Pepin was so much the more commended, for that his just pursuit was accompanied with patience and mildness. But Pepin was mortal▪ the toil of so great wars, & the care of public affairs, had much broken him, so as his old age might be more profitably employed in the maintenance of justice and peace, then in war, the burden whereof he might without danger lay upon his eldest son Charles, Pepin resigns the Crown to Charles. a wise & a valiant young Prince, of whose modesty and obedience he was well assured. Thus resolving to pass the rest of his days in quiet, but not idly, he retires to Paris. but soon after he was surprised with a sickness, whereof he died, and so went to heaven, there to find rest which he could enjoy on earth: it was in the year 768. & of his reign the eighteenth. By his wife Berthe with the great foot, he left two sons, Charles and Caroloman: recommending them to the Estates, to give them portions at their pleasures. So great was the assurance of this good Prince in the love of his subjects, whom as he had made the most assured guard of his person & state, so at his death he left his children to their faithful discretion. Pippins children He had seven daughters, Berthe the wife of Milon Earl of Man's, mother to that great Roland, Hiltrude wife to René Earl of Genes, mother to that renowned Oliver, Ro●arde, Adeline, Idubergue, Ode and Alix. He had the happiness to enjoy his own father, until he came to the age of man: the like good hap continued in his children: and for the perfecting of his happiness, he had a son, one of the greatest and most excellent Princes that ever aware crown. Thus Pepin the first of that race, His death. mounted the royal throne of France: thus he reigned, thus he lived, and thus he died, leaving to his posterity a happy taste of his name. A religious Prince, His manners. wise, moderate, valiant, loving his subjects, & beloved of them, happy in father, in children, & in his government, an excellent pattern for excellent Princes, who by his example hold it for a resolute maxim, That the strongest citadel of a Prince is the love of his subjects, and the surest bond of their authority, a respect gotten and preserved by virtue. Estate of the Empire and of the Church. But before we enter the reign of Charlemain, we must briefly represent the estate of the Roman Empire, the which was happily united to the French Monarchy, and of the Church of Rome, by reason whereof there happened great and notable exploits under his reign. The Empire in the West. The Empire of Rome had nothing remaining in the West, as we have showed. Gaul was possessed by the French, with the best part of German●e: & since the beginning of their Monarchy, unto the time we now describe, it hath been greatly enlarged, In Gaul. not only in compass of territories, & obedience of people, but also in reputation of civility, mildness, justice, wisdom, and valour, aswell by the happy success of their victorious armies, as by the modest usage of their victories, towards such as they subdued▪ In Spain. Spain was apportioned to divers nations, Vandals, Goths, Saracens, pellmell, some here, some there▪ Italy was in miserable estate. Rome (sometimes the head of the world) was then the sink of all confusion, In Italy. the Rendezvous of all furious nations, as if they had undertaken the ruin thereof by task, having sacked it three time: for under the Empire of Honorius, in the year of grace 414▪ the Goths, by their King Alari●, took it after two years siege, and sacked it, without demanteling thereof. Forty five years after, under the Empire of Martian, in the year 459. the Vandals under the conduct of Genserike their King, take it again, sack it, spoil it, and disgrace it, leading the widow of the Emperor Valentinian the third, basely in triumph. 768. In the time of I●st●nian the Emperor, the Goths under the command of To●ila, having undermined it with a long siege, took it, sacked it, and demanteled it. Thus Rome was no more Rome, but a horrible confusion, after so many ruins, retaining nothing of her ancient beauty, but only the traces of her old buildings, and the punishment of ●ertyrannie, having endured that which she had caused other Cities to suffer. Behold Italy wasted, infinitely tormented by sundry enemies, Ital● desolate, by the Goths. who had unjustly afflicted all the nations of the earth. The Goths had fi●st seized thereon, and enjoyed it long▪ but as under the Empire of justinian in the year of Christ 552▪ they were expelled by the valour of Narses, an excellent Captain, who defeated their army, slew their King Totila, and repeopled Rome: so soon after, the Lombard's coming out of Germany, lodged in their place, as if they had played at level coyle●, being drawn thither by Narses himself, discontented with the ill usage he received from I●s●nian his master. The Lombard's held Italy about 200. years, By the Lombard●. until that Cha●l●magne expelled them. At the same time the six Governors for the Empire of Rome, held Ravenna and some other Cities depending, (thus was the greatness of the Roman Empire restrained) but with such covetousness and insole●●●●, as it tired them no less than foreign foes. That government of six ended by the Lombard's, and the Lombard's by the French, (as the sequel will show) who purchased credit every where, The which 〈…〉 by the F●●nch. by comparing of the barbarous and confu●ed invasions of these warlike nations, they adding to the valour and good success of their arms, justice, piety, temperance and clemency: this re●utation of virtue, winning them as many hearts as the●r swords did C●tties. During these confused and obscure times, there passed about 400. years, from the first sack of Rome, until that Charlemain (expelling the lombards) became absolute master of Italy, & was made Emperor at Rome. All this passed under the Empires of Theod●sius, son to Arcadius, of Valentinian the 3. Martian, Leo the second, Zenon, Anastasi●s, justin the fi●st, justinian the first, justin the second, Tiberius, Mauritius, Phocas, Heraclius, Constantin the second, justinian the second, Philippicus, Artemius, Leo the third, Constantin the third, Leo the fourth, Ireneus, Nicephorus, under whom by a public and solemn contract, the distinction of the Eastern and Western E●pires was made. The command of the West is left as it were in guard with Charlem●gne, and the French nation. But the East was in a bad plight, although the name and ●eate of the Empire were yet at Constantinople: for besides the dissipation of the State, (to increase their misery) a new sect sprung up, forged by Mahomet an Arabian borne▪ Estate of the East. under a colour of liberty, by the mixture of sundry doctrines, and after a mou●d of carnal felicity. With this charm he corrupted infinite numbers of people, and erected a new Kingdom in the East, from whence he utterly expelled the Roman name, with all the dignity of the Empire. This was in the time of the Emperor Heraclius, in the year of grace 623. an infamous date, The beginning of Mahomet's sect. to note the beginning of Mahomet's blasphemies. He began in Arabia, having won credit with the Sarrazins, who were Arabian Soldiers, desperate adventurers▪ and discontented with the Romans': and by the first beginning of his new doctrine, he got so great reputation, as he assembled an infinite number of men, armed with an incredible celerity, under the ensign of liberty. So as he marched as a conqueror in all places, having not only subdued (by the force of these tumultuous troops, Arabia, where he was borne) but also Persia, Palestina, judea, Egypt, and Africa, and then ranging over Asia the less▪ he came to the gates of Constantinople, in less than thirty years. Bu● the providence of God, caring for the preservation of his Church, opposed the Fr●●ch Monarchy, against the violent rage of Mahomet, which else had overflowed all Europe, into the which he had already made a breach by Spain, had gotten a great country, and was ready to invade France, if Charles Martel had not stopped his course at Tours▪ as we have said. During these confusions in the Empire, the Bishop of Rome grew great by these ruins. The Goths and Vandals were more enemies to the estate, then to religion: for although for the most part they were Arriens, yet did they advow themselves Christians, The Estate of the Church of Rome. and held the common sign of Christianity, so as in the taking and sacking of the City of Rome, the Bishop was somewhat respected, & in his favour the people built upon the foundation of the ruined houses▪ and many of the Country finding more safety at Rome, then in other cities of Italy, retired themselves thither, and peopled the City. So by this occasion new Rome (the seat of the Pope's jurisdiction succeeding the Emperors) hath been built within old Rome, amidst the Palaces, walks, Basiliques, Coli●ees, Amphytheatres, and other ancient buildings. But above all, the credit and authority of the Bishop of Rome (by these new occurrents) crept in by degrees, until he advanced hi●selfe above the Emperors, Kings, & Princes of Christendom: yet he of Constantinople held himself the Superior, being in the proper seat of the Empire, and in the light of the Imperial Court. Thus they fall to debate, Contention for the Priemacie. and the cause of their dissensions was the pre-eminence of their seas, and the authority of the univesall Bishop. This contention bred infinite confusions in the Church, and in an unseasonable time, which invited men to sack and spoil. So as S. Gregory Bishop of Rome (a man of singular p●et●e & learning) having courageously opposed himself against john Bishop of Constantinople, who affected this title of universal Bishop, and detesting so unreasonable and unseasonable an ambition, cries out. Oh times, oh manners, the whole world is set on fire with war. Christians are every where massacred by Idolaters, A worthy speech 〈◊〉 S. Gregory. Cities and Temples razedby Barbarians, and yet the pastors of the Church (as it were treading under foot the common calamity of God's people) dare usurp names of vanity, and brave it with th●se profane titles. The reader curious to understand the Estates of those times, and to note the degrees and authority of this universal B●shop, established in the Church, may read the epistles of this good father, great in name, and in effect, without troubling myself to ●et them down in particular▪ whose intention was to show, That who so taketh upon him the authority and title of universal Bishop in the Church, and to have any Sovereign pre-eminence, presumes above jesus Christ, the only head of the sacred body of the Church, He that takes on him the title 〈◊〉 universal 〈◊〉 is the 〈◊〉 o● Antichrist. and by consequence he doth affirm that he is the forerunner of Antichrist. And yet after these grave and serious admonitions of Saint Gregory the great, within ten years after Boniface the third obtained from Phocas the Emperor the title of universal Bishop, with authority over the universal Church, as Platina the Pope● Secretary doth re●ort. To this quarrel for the Supremacy, was added the controversy for images, which caused infinite confusions: Dispute for Images. the emperors and Bishops were banded one against another, and by their dissensions the people were stirred up to seditious revolts, the which a●ter many Tragical events, were a mean to ruin the Empire of the East. It was a popular custom to erect Images to those whom they would honour, as having deserved well of the Common weal. Christians desiring to honour the memory of holy men, began to set up images even for them also, following this civil custom, and did erect them in Temples, as places consecrated to devotion. Some Bishops ●auored this new device in the Church, and others did impugn it. Epiphanius did tear a picture in pieces, Images at the 〈◊〉 a politic 〈◊〉. and Serenus did beat down an image, the one in the E●st, the other in the West. The Christians borne and bred in this ancient doctrine of the Apostles, My children beware of Images, maintained in the Catholic Church, by succession from father to son, could not digest this innovation: no more could the Emperors. Hence grew the dissension, the greatest part of the Bishops holding the contrary; That it was a part of the service of God, and a bond to retain men's souls in devotion with reverence. This contention grew in the time of the Emperor Philippicus called Bardanes, who by an Edict caused them to be thrown down, in the year of grace 713. the which continued to 782. under Constantin the second called Copronimus, an enemy to images, who commanded them to be cast down, contra●y to the liking of his mother Irene, who not only maintained them with violence, but also caused them to be confirmed by a Council held at Nicee a City in Bithynia, seeing 〈◊〉 at Constantinople (where sh● had made the convocation of this Ecclesiastical Assembly) the people were resolute to withstand them. Hence grew an execrable Tragedy in the Imperial Court. Irene seeing her son resolute against her de●ence o● Images, was so transported, (as having seized on him in his chamber) she caused his eyes to be put out, so as dying with grief, she usurps the Empire. Through this bad government, Tragical cruelty of a mother against her so●ne. confusion so increased in the East, as in the end necessity made the way for Charlemain, to take upon him the dignity and title of the Emperor of the West, and to preserve provinces in those parts from the disorders of the Gr●● Emperors, as we may see in the continuance of t●is history. I am bound to observe these so notable occurrents, in those times, as belonging to the subject of my History, to represent truly both the Estate of the Empire and of the Church, when as Charlemain undertook the government of the Empire, and united it happily to the French Monarchy. The wise reader may verify more plainly in the Originals, (from whence I have drawn this Inventory) what I have briefly set down here touching the occurrents of those ages, wherein the Oracle of holy antiquity was verified by the end of these strange Tragedies. The truth is lost by contending. The first simplicity of the Catholic Church, being rich in her poverty by the abundance of truth, contained since the golden age of the Apostles and their Disciples, was changed into rich and stately pomp: the Crowns of martyrdom wherewith the fi●st Bishops of Rome had been honoured, into a triple Crown, Estate of the ancient church which not only hath and doth give Laws to the Emperors, Kings and Princes of the earth, but doth tread them under foot, dispossess them of their estates, Insolency of Pope's at this day. and declares them incapable of rule when they obey him not: and for a mark of this sovereign authority, he makes them to kiss his feet, in token of the homage of devotion, and spiritual reverence, as having power over souls, to judge of all men, and all things sovereignly, and not to be judged by any, as the circumstances of our history will show in diverse places. This was the Estate both of the Empire and of the Church unto the death of Pepin the short, the first King of the second race, in the year 750. or thereabouts. CHARLES the Great, or CHARLEMAIN, the 24. King of France. From the year 768. unto the year 814. CHARLES THE GREAT KING OF FRANCE. XXIIII. portrait 768. THE Estates of France assemble after the death of Pepin, and by their consents and advice, Pe●ine children divide the realm. Charles and Carolomon his sons divide the realm betwixt them by equal portions. Ch●rles was crowned at Worms, Carol●man at Soissons: writers agree not in the declaration of their portions, for that by the death of Caraloman, the whole realm came to Charles, three years after the death of their Father. Brothers of divers humours, who in the end had ruined each other by this equality of power, which proves often an unjust and a dangerous balance in an estate. But Gods will was to preserve so great a Monarchy in Europe, to be a harbour for his Church, by choosing a great Prince, to unite in him alone the power which is dismembered by the command of many Masters. Charles was endued with singular gifts, both of body and mind, whereunto (by the wi●e care of his father Pepin) was added (as a seal) the instructions of a virtuous conversation, Charles the pattern of a great King. His manners. learning and arms. For the ground of all virtues, he was carefully instructed in religion, the which he loved and honoured with great reverence all his life time; and likewise the Churches and Pastors. Charity, temperance, equity, care of justice, and of order to relieve the people, to keep his faith both to friend and foe, and to use a victory modestly, were the notable effects of this excellent knowledge as remarkable in him, His studies. as in any Prince that ever lived. He loved learning by 〈◊〉, and learned men. Paul of Pisa instructed him in the Greek and Latin tongues, an● ●●mon in Philosophy and the Mathematics. He called these humane sciences his pastimes, and the companions of his Sword, and sometimes did recreate himself therein. He took a delight in poetry, as some of his writings do witness: but especially in Histories, wherein he was exceeding well red. The universities of Paris and Pisa, (built or enriched by him) witness the love and honour he bore to learning. In arms he had his father Pepin for h●s chief schoolmaster, and experience doth testify how much he profited. Before his father left him, he had great commands, and discharged them with such reputation, His arms. as the continuance of his arms, when he was King, show plainly, that there was never soldier that carried sword with more valour, nor great Captain that commanded with more obedience, nor performed any thing with greater fortune, nor used his victories with more mildness & judgement▪ neither did ever King or Prince reign with more authority, nor was more reverently obeyed then our Charlemain, well deserving the name of great for his virtues. He was of a lively disposition, quick, active, and vehement: but modesty and wisdom did season this vivacity and vehemency, with so good a grace, as i● the one could not be without the other: and this moderation of divers humours, made him as admirable in his wit, as venerable in his countenance, and person. There appeared in him a grave sweet Majesty, in a goodly parsonage, great, strong, and patiented of labour, A quick spirit, clear, sound, both in apprehension, memory, and judgement: resolution never failed him in difficulties, no reply in discourse: terrible to some, amiable to others; according to the cause, persons and occurrents. Virtues which purchased him so great credit, as he was beloved, respected and feared of all men: with such obedience, as the effects of his reign do show: for having received a great Kingdom from his father, he enlarged it with a wonderful success, God having raised up these three great Princes, one after an other, Charles Martel, Pepin & this great Charles, to preserve the Christian name in a great Monarchy, The success of his raign●. amidest the deluge of barbarous nations and the ruin of the Empire. I have coated these his singular virtues in the beginning, to give a taste to the observation of his great and admirable actions, where there wants nothing but order, to relate them fitly in so great a diversity, the which hath ministered occasion to the obscure writers of those times, to be too brief or too tedious, & ofte-times to report matters very unlikely, for the greatness of things which they have handled in a fabulous manner: and in deed the events are almost incredible, and more miraculous than ordinary. Doubtless I could gather out of the most confident authors, and that according to the order of times as every thing hath changed, and answerable to the greatness of the subject, that which cannot well be represented without some direction. All the deeds of Charlemain must be referred to that which he hath done either whilst he was King alone of France, or when he was Emperor, and had united the Empire to his royalty. And in those times, there is first to be observed what he did in the life of Caroloman in Guienne, and after his death in Italy, Spain and Saxony, where he had great matters to decide. This is the desseine of our relation. The deeds of Charlemain in the life of his brother Caroloman. CAroloman was infinitely jealous of his brother's greatness, whom with gree●e he did see be loved, honoured and obeyed of all the French, for his singular virtues, both of body and mind. This jealousy (too ordinary a Counsellor to Princes) made him to seek all means to countermine and overthrow the affairs of Charlemain, who had his eyes fixed upon Italy, as the goodly and most beautiful theatre o●●is va●our, the true subject to maintain his authority and power among Christians: and Carolom●● did all he coul● to cross 〈◊〉 desseins. And this was the estate of Rome and Italy. 771 Presently after the decease of Pepin, the Church of Rome fell into great confusions, by the practices of Didier King of Lombardie, a sworn and capital enemy, having corrupted some of the Clergy: he caused Constantin brother to Toton Duke of Nepezo, (his vassal and trusty) to be chosen Pope, with such violence, as he made Philippicus (being already Canonically chosen) to be degraded. Troubles at Rome. This better party, seeing themselves contemned by the Lombard, assemble together, and by one common consent choose Stephen the third, a Sicilien, for Pope, who resolves to call in the King of France, and to oppose him against his enemy's desseins. Charles solicited by the Pope, sends twelve Prelates speedily to Rome, to fortify their party, against the other: meaning at greater need to apply a greater remedy. The matter succeeded according to their desire that had entreated him, for the Counsel being assembled at Latran, they confirm Stephen lawfully chosen, and depose Constantin raised by disorder and violence. The Lombard● dissimulation. But Didier would not be controlled with this repulse, and seeing that force had not succeeded, he resolves to try policy, and to under-mine Stephen wit● a good show. He sends to congratulate his election, purgeth himself of the Antipope Constantin degraded: accuseth both him and his brother of ambition, protesting to live with him in amity: and for proof of this his good meaning, he desires him to be pleased with his repair to Rome, there to confer with him in private. The Pope (who never flies to the French but in necessity) was easily persuaded by Didier: who came to Rome▪ confers with the Pope, and makes great protestation of his obedience. But this good show continued not long. There was a governor at Rome for the Emperor, called Paul Ephialte. Didier corrupted this Grecian: and as the execution of justice was in his hands, he makes use of him so cunningly, as in the presence of Pope Stephen, he causeth him to seize upon two of his chief Secretaries, Christopher & Sergius, (accused by him of supposed crimes) and to hang them infamously. Their greatest offence, was to have favoured the French. This presumption proceeded farther, The Lombard's presumption hanging the Pope's Secretary's. for he caused all the principal Citizens to be banished, whom he noa●ed to be of the French faction: that having taken away all le●s, he might be master of Rome in despite of the Pope. Stephen discovering the Lombard's practice, to his prejudice, flies to Charlemain, beseeching him to prepare an army against his force that did ruin him by his apparent mildness. Charlemain was fully resolved but Didier had provided a remedy in France, by the means of Caroloman, to stop Charles his passage into Italy, making work for him in Guienne, where there grew a perilous war upon this occasion. We have said before, that although the Country of Guienne depended of the Crown of France, yet were there many tumults through the practices of some Noblemen of the Country, Rebellion in Guienne by Hunau●t. who stirred up the people (being mutinous of themselves) to rebellion. The cause of these revolts was the abuse of the King's bounty, who suffered such people as they had conquered, to enjoy their privileges, and liberties, entreating them with all favour. Eudon began first under Martel: jeffroy and Hunault his children, and heirs of his discontent, had continued it under Pepin: jeffroy being dead, Hunault succeeds him with the like hatred, the which Caroloman entertained to employ him against his brother Charles. And as jealousy and ambition thrust him on to attempt against him, so did he make his profit of the covetous ambition of Hunault, feeding him with the hope of the revenues of Guienne, seeing his humour was to be a Duke, supposing to have credit enough with the people, if he were favoured by one of the Kings of France against the other. Guienne was a part of Charles his portion: Hunault lays the foundation of his desseine, to withdraw himself wholly from the Crown of France, and to make open war against Charlemain, in practising the people of Guienne, to be declared Duke by their consent, according to the ●ight which he pretended. The countenance of Caroloman could do much, but the wisdom and courage of Charlemain prevailed more, for being advertised of Huna●lts practices, and of his brothers secret designs, he armed with such speed, as he surprised the towns of Poitiers, Xaintes and Angoulesme: 774 and by that means all the Country adjoining▪ Hunault (who made his accoun▪ without Charles) finding himself prevented, fled to a Nobleman of the Country named Loup, whom he not only held to be very firm to his faction, but also his trusty and affectionate friend. Charlemain sends presently to Loup▪ he summons him to deliver Hunault into his hands, as guilty of high treason: and in the mean time he builds a fort in the midst of the Country, whereas the ri●ers of Dordone and Lisle do join, the which he called ●ronsac, as it were the front of the Sarrazns, whom he had caused to fear if these desseins had succeeded. Thus getting Hunault with all his family, he doth punish him as a rebel: he pardoned Loup, and all that had obeyed him: and so ends a dangerous war without blows: but he grants life and liberty to Hunault, and the enjoying of all his goods: Instruction how Princes should carry themselves in civil war. leaving a memorable example to Princes, how they ought to carry themselves in civil wars, preventing a mischief by wisdom and diligence, and not to thrust their vanquished subjects into despair, by rigour. Caroloman seeing his practices against his brother to succeed ill, undertakes a voyage to Rome, with an intent to cause some alteration there: yet with a show of devotion. His Mother Berthe (who likewise went this voyage), was honourably received in her journey by Didier king of the Lombard's, treating a marriage betwixt her son Charlemain and Theodora, Sister or Daughter to this Didier, one of the greatest enemies of her sons good fortune. Yet Charlemain, to please his Mother, received this wife, but soon after he put her away, as unfit for his humours and affairs: and so that which seemed a cause of love, bred greater hate betwixt these two Princes. Caroloman having effected nothing at Rome, but only made show of his foolish and malicious jealousy, too apparent in this his feigned devotion, returns into France, and there dies soon after, in the year. 77. Now is Charlemain alone by his Bothers' decease: Caroloman dies and leaves Charlemain King alone. who quietly takes possession of his Estates, and retaineth such of his servants as he knew to have been most trusty to his brother, during their common jealousies, expecting the like faithfulness, having entertained them when there was least hope. The deeds of Charlemain King of France alone until he was Emperor. CHarlemagne having put away his wife Theod●re for suspect of incontinency, ●ee married with Hildegrade or Ildegrade, Daughter to the Duke of Sueve his vassal, by whom he had Charles, Pepin, Lewis, and three daughters ●otrude, Berthe & Gille, the nursery of his Noble family. Carolomans' jealousy died not with him, but survived in Berthe his wife: who (impatient of her condition●, thrust headlong with 〈◊〉 o● revenge against her brother in law Charles) retires with her two sons to Di●●er King of Lombardy, as to the most bitter and irreconcilable enemy of Charlemain. Didier entertains her kindly with her children, hoping to effect his desseine: but this was the Levaine of his own ruin. His practice together with the widows, was to procure the Pope (Stephen being dead and Adrian a Roman gentleman succeeding him) to confirm and Crown the sons of Caroloman for Kings of France. The Lombard had two strings to his bow, meaning both to put the Pope in disgrace with Charlemain (the easier to suppress him being destitute of French succours, whereon he chiefly relied,) and likewise to set France on fire, by the establishment of new Lords. Didier bes●echeth the Pope to grant this confirmation, to the children of Caroloman 〈◊〉 his sake. But Adrian (well acquanted with the Lombard's humour,) was so resolute 〈◊〉 denying his request, as they fell to open hatred. Didier discontented with this repulse 〈◊〉 and enters the six governments, with all his forces, being a signory under the Pope's jurisdiction, spoils the Country, and beseegeth Ravenna, the chief City of the exarchy. 757 The Pope sends his Nuncio unto him, to expostulate the cause of this so sudden war against his subjects, desiring him to yield what he had taken, and not to proceed in this hostile manner, without any reasonable cause, upon pain of excommunication. By his own practices. At that instant there fell out a great occasion to increase the hatred betwixt Charles and Didier, for that Hunault (who had been vanquished in Guienne) retired himself to Didier, and is not only courteously received: but honoured with the charge of general of the army, the which he had levied against the Pope. Didier suffered himself to be so abused with the persuasions of Hunault, touching the means to attempt against the Estate of Charlemain, that holding Italy undoubtedly his own, he plotted a war, and assured himself of a certain victory in France. Thus pride and iniquity hastens his ruin. The Pope having no other defence but his excommunication, not defensible against the armies of Didier, flies again to Charlemain, as to his sacred Anchor or last hope, entreating aid from him in his necessity. Charlemain had great reason to arm against Didier, who had always crossed his affairs: fed his brother's ●ealousies, received his widow and children, laboured to have them chosen Kings of France, to trouble or ruin his Estate: entertained his rebellious subjects, and with them practised to make war against him. The suit and summons of the Roman Church, was a great motive to induce him to arm, against him who professed himself an open enemy to Christian religion, whereof the Kings of France had always showed themselves protectors and gardiens. But not to attempt any thing rashly, Charles opposeth himself against the Lomba●d. he first sends his Ambassadors to the Pope, to assure him of his good will, the which should not be wanting in his necessity: but he thought it best to try mildness, before he used force against the Lombard. He therefore sends his Ambassadors to Didier, and doth summon him to restore what he had taken from the Pope, and to suffer him to live in peace. Didier (who relied much upon his policy,) gives good words to the Ambassadors, promising to perform all that Charles demanded: but in effect he would have the Pope accept of conditions of peace from him, and that the children of Caroloman should be declared Kings of France. These demands were found unreasonable on either side: the treaty is broken, the French Ambassadors return, and Didier renews the war more violently than before, against the Church: and having spoiled all the territory of ravenna, he takes Faenze, Ferrara, Comachio, Compagnia, and Romandiola, towns of the six governments. Charlemagnes Ambassadors inform their master, that the war with the Lombard is insuitable, and find all things at their return ready to invade Italy▪ for Charlemain being forced to suppress the rebellious Saxons, who (impatient of the French yoke) revolted daily, had levied a goodly army, the which was ready to be employed against the Lombard. He makes war by the advice of the Estates. But Charles would not attempt any thing in a matter of so great consequence without the advice of his Estates. Yet loath to lose time, he causeth his army to march, and makes his Rendezvous at Geneva (a town under his obedience upon the way to Italy,) and having divided his army into two, he seizeth upon the passages of Mont Cenis, and Saint Bernard, which are the two entries from France to Italy. The Estates having found the causes of war against Didier King of Lombardie to be just, Charlemain causeth his army to advance with all speed, and joins near unto Verteil. Didier attends him there, and gives him battle: but at the first encounter, he is vanquished by Charlemain. The Lombard twice defeated by Charles. The Lombard having rallied and fortified his troops, receives a new defeat, and so great a one, as he is enforced to suffer his enemy to be master of the field. An infallible entrance to his ruin. Thus having tumultuously trussed up what he could, he sends his son Aldegise to Verona, with the widow and children of Caroloman, casting himself into Pavia, the which he had carefully fortified, as the dungeon and fortress of his last fortune. Charlem●gne pursues him at the heels, beseegeth him with all his forces in Pavia, and resolves to have it at what price soever. And to show his resolution, 775. he sends for his wife and children into France, to the end the Italians (that were doubtful) might know his mind, and without attending any new occurrents, resolve to obey the victor. Having cooped up Didier in Pavia, and seized upon all the approaches, he resolves to take Verona, which they held the strongest place of all the Lombard's estate. So leaving his Uncle Bernard to continue the siege at Pavia, he marcheth with part of his army to Verona. His resolution accompanied with these goodly beginnings, and this check of Didier (shut up as it were in a prison) gave a great alteration to the affairs of either party, amidest these people of divers humours. The Spoletins, the Reasons, those of Ancona, of Farm and of Ossino (as it were in spite one of an other yield to Charlemain and detest the wretched estate of Didier, as a worthy reward of his treacherous injustice and violence. The Venetians (being Neuters, spectators of this tragedy, who never had dealt in any sort with Didier,) offer amity and succours to Charlemain, who was desirous they should keep the sea quiet, lest the Emperor should be an actor in this quarrel for Didier. Charlemain stayed not long at Verona, before the City began to yield: Berthe the widow of Caroloman, being the chief instrument to draw them to composition, his forces being (as she said) very fearful. Aldegise the son of Didier finding himself unable to resist so resolute a consent of the Citizens, nor to relieve his father's misery, flies secretly to the Emperor of Constantinople. Thus Verona yields to Charlemain by composition, Verro●a taken by Charles. who receives both Berthe and the Inhabitants to mercy, to whom he performs his promise: he inflicts no other punishment upon Berthe and her children, but a gentle admonition of their uncivil rashness, and to return into France, there to do better, and to live more honourably. This was about Ester, which drew Charles to Rome, Charles entertained at Rome. where he remained only eight days, to visit the holy places, and to confer with Pope Adrian. They writ wonders of the great entertainment the Pope gave him, and of the shows of amity of Charlemain. He confirmed all that his father Pepin had given unto the Pope, and greatly augmented it. The Pope made Charles a Patrician of Rome, a degree to moun● unto the Empire: from thence Charles came to Pavia, the which being for the space of ten months pressed without by war, and within by pestilence and ●amine, Pavia taken and Didier 〈◊〉 it. in the end yields by composition: and Didier (who had hated Charles without cause, and attempted war upon an hour) ●al●s into his hands, who shows himself wise and modest both to undertake a war, and to use the victory. Thus Charlemain having wisely undertaken a just war, and ended it happily, he ruined the Kingdom of the Lombard's, carrying Didier prisoner to Lion, or to Liege, The Kingdom of the Lombard's ruined. for writers speak diversely of the place of his imprisonment. This was in the year 776. A notable date to represent the tragical end of so great a Kingdom, the which continued in Italy only two hundred and ●oure years, under Princes of divers humours. But injustice, tyranny and pride provoked the wrath of God against them, so as thinking to take from an other, they lost their own: to usurp the liberties of others, they fell into an ignominious slavery, and their subtlety was the cause of their own misery. A mirror for Princes and great States▪ never to attempt an unjust and unnecessary war▪ to usurp an other man's right, & never to think to prevail over a good cause by craft and policy. Charlemain used his victory with great moderation towards the conquered nation, to the great content of all the Italians, who held it a great gain to have lost their old master, and to be rightly free, being subject to so wise a Lord▪ for he left them their ancient liberties, and to particular Princes (such as were vassals to Didier) their Seigneu●ies: to Aragise son in law to Didier, he left the Marquisate of 〈◊〉. He placed French Governors in conquered Lombardy, meaning to have thē●●treated with the like mildness, as the ancient patrimony received from his Predecessors. During the siege of Pavia a Council was held at Rome by Pope Adrian, in favour of Charlemain, 778. to give him honours answerable to his deserving of the Church, and namely the right to give all benefices throughout all Christendom, was said to belong unto him. Charlemain being returned into France, Aldegise the son of Didier sought to disquiet Italy, aided by the Emperor Constantine, and the practices of Rogand to whom Charlemain had given Friul, who revolted from his obedience: but all these rebellious were ●oone suppressed, by the faithful care of the French Governors, whom Charlemain had left in the Country newly conquered: and Rogand being seized of it, suffered the pains of his treacherous rashness, being beheaded by the King's commandment. Thus Italy remaining quiet to him and his (as conquered by a just war) it shallbe hereafter incorporate to the French Monarchy in this second race, being given in partage to the children of France whilst that the good government of our kings maintains the dignity of the Crown. A memorable war in Germany. But the end of this war was the beginning of an other in Germany, whereof the Saxons were the chief, darwing unto them according to the diversity of occasions) other people of Germany their neighbours. This war continued 33. years, not all successively, but at divers brunts & seasons▪ the Saxons having for a perpetual subject, to cross Charlemain in his desseins, especially being busied in many other matters of great consequence. I will briefly relate this war of Saxony, reporting with one breath, what hath been severally dispersed in the whole history, without confusion of times or matter, following a stile fit for this history. In those times Germany was subject to the Crown of France, although it had particular Estates, vassals to our Kings, whatsoever the Germans say, who confess but a part thereof. The Saxons were subject to our Crown, as appears by that above written, and namely under Martel and Pepin his son. The motives of this war were divers, the impatiency of a people desiring their ancient liberty, not able to bear an others command, & (as the Germans say) the hatred and jealousy of a mighty neighbour, threatening them with servitude, & the controversy for the limits of their lands: but the greatest and most important cause of these wars, The causes of this w●●re. was the diversity of religion, for that the Saxons would obstinately hold the Pagan superstition, which they had received from their Ancestors, and Charlemain urged them to forsake their Paganism, and to make open profession of the Christian faith: moved with zeal to the general advancement of the truth, and the private duty of a Prince to his subjects, to provide for their soul's health. A thing very worthy observation. Belial did then fight against Christ, The difference betwixt the wars which C●arles 〈◊〉, and 〈◊〉 this day. Pagan superstition against Christian verity. But alas, by whom, and wherefore are these uncivil wars at this day? Christian fights against Christian: the most sacred sign of Christianity appears on either side in Christian and French armies: Christians blood is spilled by Christians, through a blind fury, & want of understanding in the fundamental accord of the saving truth. These are not only different, but contrary wars to those of Charlemain: and our incaged tumults, are begun & nourished without reason, both against the good of the Estate and Church. Upon this controversy of religion, the Saxons made war eight times against Cha●lemagne: especially when they found him busied elsewhere, watching their opportunity, either to cross him in his des●eine, or to frustrate his attempts. At such time as he was in Italy they played the wild colts, not only in rejecting the French command, but also making open war against those Cities in Germany, which obeyed Charlemain: they had taken Eresbourg from the Crown of France, even upon his return, & besieged Sigisbourg, robbing, & spoiling all the Country about Charlemain assembling a Parliament at Worms, He subdues the 〈◊〉, and persuades 〈◊〉 to be a Christian levies a great army, to charge the Saxons in diverse places. This Council succeeded happily: for having vanquished the Saxons twice in one month in a pitched field, he reduced them to their ancient obedience, using his victory with much modesty and wisdom, desiring rather to show them the power of his authority, than the rigour of his force. The chief among them was Widichind▪ & as religion was the chief motive of these ordinary rebellion▪ so Charlemain seeking the establishment of Christian religion in Saxony with great zeal, happily e●●●cted it. Having vanquished this Widichind by reason, and humanity, and brought him to the knowledge of the truth, by his grave & wise conversation, whom he persuaded without any violence, to leave the Pagan superstition, 784. which force of arms could not effect in him, nor in the Saxons: for men's souls are not gained by force of arms, but by reason. By the means of this Widichind, the greatest part of the Saxons were drawn to the knowledge of the true God, and the obedience of the French monarchy: the most obstinate were forced either to obey, or to abandon the country: as in deed great numbers of the Saxons retired themselves into divers strange countries. Thus the war of Saxony ended (being both long & dangerous) & those which were conquered by the truth, were the true conquerors, in knowing the true God. Charlemain having caused the Saxons to leave their false opinions, was careful to have them instructed in the truth: Care of religion most worthy of Princes. to this end he appointed holy and learned men in all places, and gave means to maintain them: as the german histories report more particularly. It sufficeth me (in declaring this briefly) to show his piety, compatible with his valour and happiness, and for a precedent to Princes, to make religion the sovereign end of their arms and authorities. This Widichind was a great parsonage both in wisdom, valour, and authority, and by consequence very notable in the order of our subject. From him are descended very famous races: The two Henry's, the one called Oiseleur or the Fowler, and the other of Bamberg, and the two Othoes, all Emperors: and likewise the Dukes of Saxony, the Marquis of Misne: the Dukes of Savoy, and also the most famous race of Hugh Capet, is drawn from this spring, The offspring of Widichind by the common consent of learned writers, the which ought to be well observed in the continuance of this History. From this war of Saxony sprung many other in the Northern parts, whereof I will entreat, having discoursed briefly of the war of Spain, both for that it chanced during that of Saxony, as also (being very memorable) for the overthrow of the Saracens, who threatened Christendom like a deluge. Histories differ much touching this war, but I will report what is most likely, by the consent of most approved writers, whereof the studious reader may judge by conference, I being but a faithful reporter. The motive of this Spanish war, was more upon pleasure then necessity; but the zeal of religion gave a colour and show of necessity, to the heroical desire of Charlemain, seeking to enlarge the limits of the French Monarchy by arms. War in Spain. So this war of Spain was more painful, more dangerous, and of less success then that of Italy, whereunto necessity and duty had drawn Charlemain: but his wise proceeding in the action, did warrant him from all blame. The occasion which made him bend his forces against the Saracens in Spain, was the assurance of his good fortune, the quiet peace of his realm, the means to employ his Soldiers, the Spaniards hate against the Saracens, and the general fear of all Christians, lest these Caterpillars should creep farther into Europe. This was the estate of Spain: the Saracens had conquered a great part thereof, Estate of Spain. and were divided into divers commands, under the title of Kingdoms: yet these divers Kings resolved to oppose their united forces against Charles their common enemy. Foreseeing then the tempest, they seek to prevent it, and to cross the designs of Charlemain, which being discovered, they caused King Idnabala, a Sarazin, to insinuate into his friendship, being a man full of subtle mildness. This stratagem prevailed more than all their forces. Charlemain was thrust forwards by Alphonso surnamed the chaste, King of Navarre, and by the Asturiens and Galliciens (Christian people of Spain) to undertake this war, being easy, profitable, and honourable, and by consequence most worthy the valiant happiness of Charlemain. Moreover this Idnabala (making a show of friendship,) laboured to hasten him to the execution of this enterprise, from the which he knew well he should not divert him: but in effect it was to betray him, by the discovering of his intentions: flattering his desire to get the more credit by pleasing him. Charlemain then well affected of himself, and persuaded by others, calls a Parliament at Noyon, and there concludes a war against the Saracens of Spain. 786, The army he employed in that action was goodly, both for the number of men, and valour of great warriors, Wa●●e against the 〈…〉 being the choice of the most worthy Captains in Christendom. Amongst the which they number Milon Earl of Angers, Rowland the son of Milon and Berthe sister to Charlemain, Renald of Montaban, the four sons of Aimon, Oger the Dane, Oliver Earl of Geneva, Brabin, Arnold of Bellande, and others: the great valour of which persons hath been fabulously reported by the writers of those obscure times, with a thousand ridiculous tales, unworthy the valour of those heroic spirits: Institution of the twelve Peers. proofs of the ignorance of that age, being barren of learned wits. They say that Charlemain, to make this voyage more honourable in show, did then institute the order of the twelve Peers of France. Being entered into Spain, he found no Sarazin forces in field, but their Cities well fortified, having resolved a defensive rather than an offensive war. The most renowned Sarazin Kings were Aigoland, The treachery 〈…〉 the Sa●azin. Bellingan, Denis●s, Marsile and Idnabala, which be the s●b●ect of our fabulous tales: but the last as I have said, made show of friendship w●th Charlemain, and open hatred against the other Sarazin Kings: with whom notwithstanding he had most strict correspondency to betray Charles. P●mpelune tak●n. The first City he attempted was Pampelune in the Kingdom of Navarre, the which he took, by force, but with much pain, loss, and danger. Having sacked it, and slain all the Saracens he found, Saragoce yields to him by composition, with many other small Towns, terrified by the example of Pampelune. This beginning encouraged him to march on, relying on his wont fortune: but as he passed through the Provinces of Spain, like a victorious Prince without any difficulty, having given a part of his army to lead to Milon of Angiers his brother in law, it chanced near unto Bayonne, that Aigoland a Sarazin King, (having in this common despair, thrust an army into field,) encountered ●ilon with his troops, little dreading any enemy) and took him at such an advantage, as he defeated him. The loss was very great, for they report it was of forty thousand men: The Saracens victory. where Milon was slain for a confirmation of the Saracens victory. Charlemain was far off, and not able by any diligence to prevent the loss: he pacifies this amazement▪ lest it should daunt the whole army▪ He hastens thither, and gathers together the relics of these discomfited troops, keeping the conquered Cities, and such as were friends in their obedience. But after this follows a second accident. Aigoland puffed up with the pride of this victory passes into Gasconie, and besiegeth Again, to divert Charlemain from his pursuit, and to draw him home to defend his own country. The Saracens 〈◊〉 into G●s●onie. So as Charlemain fearing lest his absence, and the Saracens late victory, should alter the minds of them of Guienne, being then subjects of small assurance, he returns into France. Aigoland having continued some months at the siege of Again, and prevailed little, but in overrunning the country, the which he did freely (without any great resistance) even unto Xaintonge▪ the countrymen being retired within the Towns, expected the return o● Charlemain their King. Aigolands' army was great and proud, with the remembrance of their late victory: so as Charlemain returning with his troops from Spain we●l tired, he maintained his countries more through his authority, then by present force, yet he fortified the courage of his subjects with his presence, and bridled the Sarazin: who could not be ignorant with whom he had to deal, nor whe●e he was: being environed with enemies on all sides, and in an enemy's country. The Sarazin seeming to incline to a peace▪ gave Charlemaigne to understand, that he had first invaded, and that his passage into France was only to draw him out of Spain, and to leave to the Saracens their conquered countries free: and therefore the treaty of an accord was easy, seeing there was no question, but to yield every man his own, and to suffer him to enjoy it quietly, the world being wide enough for them all. But to the end this treaty might take effect, after many messages on either part, they resolve to parley. So vpo● Charlemagnes faith, Aigoland comes to the Campe. Ch●rlema●n● and 〈◊〉 part. Cha●●emagne either moved with zeal of religion, or making it the colour of his actions, gave the Sarazin to understand, that he should have his friendship, if he would leave his Pagan superstition, be baptized, and make open profession of Christianity. 787 The Sarazin, although he had a goodly army, yet not willing to hazard any thing: content with this revenge of Charlemain, desired nothing more than to return quietly into Spain. ●eing now in charlemagne camp, to maintain his reputation, he makes no show of fear, Conditions propounded by Aigoland. but talking to his own advantage (as if no force but only reason should move him,) he enters into a serious and cunning discourse with Charlemain, showing, That unnecessary wars were the ruin of mankind, and that he was grieved to see so much blood spilled: That he had not begun, but followed, being urged by necessity to defend himself against the forces of Charlemain. That he was not yet so abject, nor his forces so weak, as to refuse the battle▪ but for that it were an infinite loss to hazard so many men, he desired to make trial of the right by some troops, and he that vanquished should have the right and true religion on his side: protesting to ●eeld to that religion which should appear the best by that trial. Accepted by Charlemag●e. The condition was accepted by Charlemain. The proof of this private combat was made: and the Christian troop vanquished the Sarazin. Thus Aigoland protests openly to be a Christian: but in heart he had no such meaning, and takes this occasion to break the treaty. He finds Charlemain at table, well accompanied with his chief followers (for then it was the custom of our Kings not to eat alone) and sees twelve poor men ill appareled sitting by upon the ground, near to the table of the Noble men. He demanded what those poor mi●erable creatures were which did feed apart. One answered, they were the messengers of God. He then said, their God was of small account, seeing his messengers were so miserable and contemptible: and thereupon takes occasion to retire himself, having lost no labour by this treaty, but qualified the force of Charlemain, viewed his train, and made show of his courage and dexterity, even without an Ambassador. Charlemain, on the other side was resolute to have his revenge, Saracens defeated in Spain. for so notable a loss of men, and so bold an affront of the Sarrazin: with all speed he raiseth an army of an hundred and thirty thousand men. A notable number for this realm, and so (fraught with choler and indignation) he returns into Spain. His entry was prosperous, for at the first encounter he defeated Aigolands' army, near to Pampelune, and for a seal of his victory, he carried away the head of his enemy Aigoland, slain by the hand of Arnold of Belange, a noble and valiant Knight▪ but the sequel was not answerable to the beginning, for notwithstanding the overthrow of these Sarazin troops, all the rest in Spai●e were n●t vanquished, where there were more Kings and more men of war, who had great correspondency with Amurathe King of Babylon, where was their nursery and storehouse. Marsille and Bellingand brethren, were the chief of the remainder of the Sarazin army, wherein there was a great Babylonian Giant, called Ferragut, of an exceeding greatness, who was slain by Rowland nephew to Charlemain. and this act is famous in our Histories, and is sung by our Romans' with a great fabulous show. After the death of their brother, they gather together the relics of their defeated troops: they make show of resolute men, and vow to sell this victory dearly to Charlemain, being favoured by many good Towns within the country. Charlemain stays suddenly, and pursues not his victory. But God reserves to himself a sovereign power over men's designs, yea over the greatest, and in matters of greatest consequence▪ to the end that all may learn to ask council and success from him. It was his will that the French forces should not possess Spain▪ the which he allotted as a portion for another nation. Thus Charles, who should have been all fire after his victory, tempered his heat, which caused Idnabala the Sarazin, A treaty of peace with the Sarazin which they accept. (having free access unto his camp) to make some motion of peace. He was a good Secretary of his companions minds, what she● soever he made to speak of himself. Charlemain (considering by late experience, that the success of arms was variable, and that this war was to his subjects' loss, employing both lives and goods for the purchase of an uncertain victory, and seeing himself charged with infinite great affairs in his estates, to the preservation whereof reason called him, 791. rather than to seek for new) he seems not unwilling to harken to the motion of Id●abala, who told him plainly, that he found the Saracens affairs to be so desperate, as they would gladly embrace his friendship, at what rate soever. The Saracens answer (rejoicing at this new accord) was soon made. The treaty being begun, the fundamental article of religion was propounded, the which Charlemain makes show to maintain with great vehemency: but the Saracens being obstinate, Charles is content to grant them peace, paying some great sums of money, as a token they had been vanquished. He sends a Noble man of his Court names Ganes, The Treason of Ganelon. to treat with them: (the people have since called him Ganelon, as an odious name) who (being corrupted by Marsile and Belligand) promiseth them means to send Charlemain into France, and to make him receive a notable disgrace. They agree to make a composition, being in show very honourable for Charles: to whom they promise to pay (as an homage and an acknowledgement of the peace he should grant them) what sums he should appoint, Treachery of the Saracens. and so should retire with his army into France, leaving such troops in Spain as he pleased, to maintain the conditions agreed upon. Ga●es discovered unto them the necessity of his return, and Charlemagnes great desire to leave the smallest forces he could in Spain. The composition made Charlemain departs with his army, attending a better opportunity to end what he had begun: leaving Rowland only with twenty thousand men, for the execution of this treaty. But to make his passage the more easy, he commands him to lodge in a place of advantage, of the Pyrenean Mountains, called Roncevaux. The French army passed, marching towards France, under the conduct of Charlemain, who dreamt not of the disgrace he received by this means. Whilst the French army removed, Marsile and Bellingand slept not, but gathering together all the forces they could, they lodge their troops secretly in the hollow caves of the Mountains, being places inaccessible and unknown but to them of the country. They had intelligence from Ganes, what forces Charlemain had lest in Spain, under the command of Rowland, to whom the authority of his uncle, and the credit of the people of Spain in the chiefest Towns, was of more esteem than his twenty thousand men, Rowland de●●●ted at Roncevaux. although they were the choice of all the army. Rowland had no fear of the enemy, when as returning to his garrison, he is suddenly charged by the Saracens, far more in number then the French. Seeing himself thus assailed on all sides, they defend themselves valiantly against these miscreants: but still fresh troops issue forth on all sides, in so great numbers, as in the end the French (tired with so long and painful a combat) are oppressed by the great multitude of Saracens. Rowland performed both the duty of a good Captain, in so extreme a danger (gathering together the pieces of his shipwreck) and of a resolute soldier, in fight valiantly, for having beat down a great n●mber in the press, in the end he slew King Marsille with his own hand. But Bellingand holding this victory absolutely his own, pursues the French, so as Rowland (not able to stand) retires himself a part, where he dies for thirst, through the long and painful combat he had endured: and all together tired, he strives to break his good sword Durand●ll: but his strength ●ailing him, he dies, R●wland dies ●or th●rst. and with him Oliver and Oger the Dane, Renold of Montauban, Arnault of Belande, and other great personages, whose names remain in fabulous tales: and the fame of their singular virtues, not only in the Originals of true Histories, but the honour of their heroical deeds, is engraven in the common belief of all French men. Charlemain advertised of this unexpected and strange loss, returns suddenly, and takes revenge upon the Saracens, Charlemain takes revenge of this treacherous defeat. killing an infinite number upon the place: he causeth the traitor Ganelon to be drawn in pieces with four horses (found to have been the author of this miserable defeat) and transported with a just disdain for this prejudicial affront, he resolved to pass farther into Spain for his revenge. But the great affairs of his other estates, called him into France, and so the war of Spain ended with sma●l success, having troubled Charlemain at divers times, for the space of fourteen years. But God had appointed the limits of his designs, as he reserves to himself a Sovereign power over all men's enterprises, yea of the greatest. 793 Charles made a tomb for his nephew Rowland, and honoured the memory of those worthy warriors, (being dead in the bed of honour) with monuments. I have reported this in one discourse, to represent as a table, what hath chanced most memorable, the which can hardly be gathered without some direction in the confusion of so long and obscure reports, wherewith this history of Charlemain is entangled. End of the Spanish war At his return from Spain, necessity bred divers wars, to exercise the valour and diligence of Charlemain, both in Italy and Germany, God favouring him in all places. Italy (during these troubles of Spain) had rebelled by Adalgise the Duke of Beneuents means, to repossess the race of Didier, but it was soon suppressed by Charlemain, to the cost of the Lombard rebels▪ but in the end, behold an other war in Germany. The like occasion bred a war in Baviere, for that King Tassillon son in Law to Didier King of Lombardie (pressed by his wife being wonderful discontented with Charlemain) shakes off the yoke, and flies to arms. but Charles surpriseth him with such celerity, as Tasillon was forced to sue for peace. Charlemain grants it▪ Baviere incorporated to the Crown for rebellion. imposing the yoke of the French Monarchy, but Tasillon not able to contain himself, raiseth a new war in another place, as when we stop one breach, it opens by another vent. He stirs up the Huns and Auares (a neighbour people of Austrasia, one of the Estates of our Monarchy) against Charlemain, who suppressed them with such happy success, as Tassilon vanquished by Charlemain, and found guilty of rebellion and treason, was condemned to lose his Estate according to the Salic law: and so the kingdom of Baviere ended, the which was wholly incorporate to the Crown of France. The Huns and Auares (of whose names joined together, the word of Hungary hath been derived, and the Hungarians be issued from these united nations) were likewise punished by Charlemain, & brought under the yoke of the French Monarchy. They had begun a war in disquieting the Country of Austrasia: Charlemain opposed his forces, but at diverse times: so as the war continued eight years, and the success was, that all their Country obeyed him: and the Danes, the Sorabes, Abrodites, the Westfaliens (all united in this war of Hongarie) were likewise brought under the same obedience of Charlemain. The limits of the Northern region called Austrasia were so extended, The limits of the French Monarchy in Germany as it was distinguished into two kingdoms, noted in the german tongue, to show that the Original of our Ancestors is out of Germany, and that our ancient Kings have commanded there, seeing their possession is manifest, and that they have not only given a german name to the Country that is beyond the Rhin, but also to that on this side. I am not ignorant how much this discourse is diversified with sundry probabilities, every one preferring what likes him best. But, not transforming of conjectures into Oracles, (as without doubt the plainest is the best) behold a true division of the Seigneuries which Charlemain had in Germany, as the traces of names yield an assured testimony. The Realm of Austrasia, which joins upon France, was called Westreich, that is to say, the realm of the West, and that which is towards Danube Osterreich, that is the kingdom of the East, whence the name of Ostrich is properly derived, being then of a greater command than at this day, for it contained Hongarie, Valachia, Bohemia, Transiluania, Denmark, and Poland. Then was our Monarchy great: but all these nations have either returned to their first beginnings, or were seized on by new Lords. It was very needful to show the estate, that we might observe the declining thereof, with the motives and seasons of these diverse changes. Thus the French Monarchy grew great by the happy valour of Charlemain, and his children grew in age and knowledge, by the wise care of their father▪ who framed them to affairs, meaning first to make them succeed him in his virtues, and then after in his dominions: But man purposeth, and God disposeth. France, Italy, Germany, Spain, & Hongarie made the Roman Empire in the West. Charles being master of these goodly Provinces, was in effect Emperor thereof. There wanted nothing but the solemn declaration of this dignity, to have the title as he enjoyed the thing, and to be autentically invested by a free and public declaration of his possession. The providence of God, who gave him the thing, procured him the title by this means, Leo was the Pope of Rome, against whom was raised a strange sedition, by Silvester and Campull, 798 men of great credit in the Court of Rome. Upon a solemn day of procession they seize upon Le●, The occasion why Cha●●emagne was proclaimed Emperor. before Saint Laurence Church, they strip him of his Pontifical robes, cast him to the ground, tread him under their feet, bruise his ●ace with their fists, and having drawn him ignominiously through the dirt, they cast him into prison: but he stayed not there, being freed by a groom of his Chamber called Albin: and having recovered Saint Peter's Church, he entreated Vingise Duke of Spolete, to free him from this miserable Captivity. Vingise failed him not: he came to Rome, and carried him to Spolete. Being arrived there, he presently went into France to Charlemain, whom he found full of troubles: yet Charles neglected all other affairs, to assist Leo in his necessity. So as he came to Rome with a goodly army, to succour the Pope: where he did speedily pacify the confusions wherewith Rome was afflicted, punishing Leoes enemies according to Law. They demanded audience, the which Charles granted them, assembling the Clergy and people to hear and decide this scandalous controversy. But when as he demanded their opinions, the Prelates told him plainly, that the Church of Rome could not be judged by any other then by itself, and that the Pope ought not to undergo the censure of any man living, and that he himself ought to be judge in his own cause. Charlemain willingly leaves the judgement seat: and then Pope Leo mounted up his throne, where (after he had protested by oath to be innocent of those crimes, wherewith his enemies had charged him) he absolues himself, and condemns his enemies, according to his Cannon. The Pope is judge of all men, and all things, and not to be iudge● by any. Charlemain being drawn to Rome upon this occasion, finds all disposed to declare him Emperor of the West, seeing that with the price of his blood (opposing himself against the furies and incursions of barbarous nations) he had valiantly gotten possession of the Empire. The beginning of the Empire of Charlemain: Acknowledged and installed Emperor by a free consent of the Roman people in the year of grace. 800. 800 THE Pope by this possession (acknowledging Charles for true Emperor, Charlemain Crowned Emperor. ) crowns him Emperor of Rome, with a full consent of all the Roman people, which assisted at his Coronation, crying with one general voice happiness, long life & victory to Charles Augustus Crowned the great and peaceable Emperor of the Romans, always happy and victorious. This was in the year 800. on Christmas day, the thirtieth year of the reign of Charles, Italy having suffered a horrible confusion during the space of 33. years, without Emperor, without Laws and without order. The seat of the Roman Empire, since Constantine the great, remained at Constantinople, a City of Thrace, situate in a convenient place ●or the guard of the Eastern Provinces, all the West being full of new guests, who having expelled the Romans', the name, authority, and force of the Empire remained in the East, where the State was in a strange confusion, the mother being banded against her son, and the people within themselves. Constantine son to Leo the fourth, was Emperor, being governed from his infancy (with the Empire) by his mother Irene: being come to the age of twenty years, he took upon him the government. There was then a great division in the East, continued from father to son for 80. years, touching Images. The Bishops would needs bring them into the Christian Church. 801. The Emperors with the greatest part of the people opposed themselves. This contention had his beginning under Philip Bardanes (as we have said) continued under Leo Isaurus, and from him to his son Constantin, surnamed Copronimus: and of Leo the 4. son to the said Cons●antin. This disquieted all the East with infinite scandals. The same fire continued in the minority of Constantin, governed by his mother: a woman of a violent spirit, who having undertaken the protection of Images, held a Council of many Bishops for the defence thereof▪ but the people growing into a mutiny expelled them Constantinople by force, where their assembly was held. But this woman (resolute to proceed) assemble the same Council at Nicaea a City of Bithynia, honoured to have harboured the first general Council under Constantin the great, the first of that name: where it was decreed, that the Images of Saints should be planted in Christian Churches for devotion. Charlemain did not allow of this decree, and either himself, or some other by his command, did write a small treatise against this Council: the which we see at this day with this title. A treaty of Charlemagnes, touching Images against the Greek Synod. This cunning woman had made choice of the City of Nicaea, that the name of this ancient first Council might honour this new introduction with the pretext of antiquity, for there are some that confound the first Council of Nicaea with the second, and Constantin the 4. with the first. Constantin continued in the hereditary hatred of his father and grandfather against Images, so as being of age and in absolute possession of the Estate, he disannulled all these new decrees, and caused the Images to be beaten down in all places: yet he made all shows of respect unto his mother, yielding unto her a good part of his authority and command. This respect was the cause of a horrible Tragedy: for this wom●● transported for two causes (both by reason of her new opinion, and for despite that she had not the whole government in herself) grows so unkind, as she resolves to dispossess her son of the Empire, and to seize on it herself. Thus the authority her son had left her, and the free access she had unto his person, made a way to the execution of her desseine, for having corrupted such as had the chief forces at their command, and won them with her sons treasure, she seized on him, puts out his eyes, sends him into Exile (where soon after he died for grief) and took possession of the Empire. These unnatural and tragic furies, were practised in the East, The tragical death of Constantin. whilst that Charlemain by his great valour built an Empire in the West. Irene in her sons life would have married him with the eldest daughter of Charlemain: but this accident crossed that desseine. After the death of Constantin she sent to Charlemain, to excuse herself of the murder: disavowing it, and laying the blame upon such as had done it without her command. And to win the good liking of Charles, she caused him to be dealt withal touching marriage (for at that time Festrude was dead) with promise to consent that he should be declared Emperor of the West, and to resign unto him the power of the East. But Charlemain would not accept thereof: the Nobility and people of the Greek Empire did so hate her, as having suffered her the space of three years, in the end they resolved to dispossess her. In this public detestation of this woman, the murtheress of her own Child. Nicephorus a great Nobleman of Grece, assisted by the greatest in Court, and with the consent of the people, seizeth on the Empire, in taking of Irene: Irene banished▪ division of the Empire. whom he only banished▪ to give her means to live better than she had done. He afterwards treats and compounds with Charlemain, that the Empire of the East continuing under his command▪ that of the West should remain to Charlemain. By this transaction of Nicephorus and the consent of the Greeks, the possession of the Empire was ratified and confirmed▪ to Charlemain, and then began the division of the two Empires, East and West. That of the West began with Charlemain, and continued in his race whilst his virtues did protect it: afterwards it was transported to the Princes of Germany, 8●6, who likewise acknowledged the german stem of Charlemain, borne at Worms, crowned at Spire, and interred at Aix, all Cities of Germany: and the truth showeth, that as the Original, so the first command of the French, was wholly in Germany. hitherto we have represented, briefly as we could (considering the greatness, and richness of the matter) what Charles did whilst he was King of France only: now we must relate with the like stile, what hath happened worthy of memory under his Empire. His deeds while he was Emperor. CHARLES lived fifteen years, after he had united the Roman Empire to the French Monarchy. Grimoald Duke of Beneuent sought to disturb Italy for the Lombard: War in Italy. but Charles prevented it in time, by the means of Pepin his son, a worthy and valiant Prince. Grimoald was thus vanquished, yet entreated with all mildness, so as being restored to his Estate, he became afterwards an affectionate and obedient servant to Charlemain, who was a wise Conqueror, both in his happy valour, and the wise using of his victory. About the same time, the war in Saxony was renewed, In Saxony. being always prone to rebellion: with the war against the Huns, Bohemians, Sclavoniens: and the second against the Sarrazins. The which I have briefly reported in their proper places: here I note them only, to show the course of things according to the order of times, the goodly light of truth. At Veni●e▪ 〈…〉 the repu●●e. He had likewise a great and dangerous war against the Venetians, wherein he employed his son Pepin. Obeliers and Becur, great personages, were the chief Commanders for the Venetians. The Emperor and his Frenchmen received a great check by the Venetians, who had this only fruit of their victory, (that among all the people of Italy subdued by Charlemain) they alone were not vanquished, but had happily made head against great Charlemain. They did greatly increase their name, and reputation, but nothing enlarged their territories by this conquest, glad to have defen●ed themselves against so noble and valiant an enemy. By reason of this Venetian war, Charles stayed some time in Italy, to assure his estate. He would have the Country conquered from the Lombard's, to be called Lombardie, with a new name, to moderate their servile condition, by the continuance of their name, in the ruin of their Estate. Seeing himself old and broken, his children great, wise, and obedient, he resolved to give them portions, 〈…〉 to his child●●n and to assign to every one his Estate. To Pepin he gave Italy, to Charles Germany and the neighbour Countries, keeping Lewis his eldest son near about him▪ whom he appointed for the Empire and Realm of France. He sought to reduce all his Estates under one Law, An order for 〈…〉 making choice of the Roman, both for the dignity of the Empire, and being more civil but the French loath to alter anything of their customary laws, he suffered them as they desired: and those which had longer served the Romans', and loved best the Roman Laws, he gave them liberty. So as Gaul Narbonnoise (which comprehends Daulphiné, Languedoc & Provence,) do use the written Law (as the ancient Province of the Romans') and the rest of France observe their customary Laws. Denmark (a dependence of the realm of Germany, and part of Charles his portion, The Da●e●●●uolt. as we have said) was revolted from the obedience of the French. Charles by his father's command prepares to subdue them: but God had otherwise decreed, for hereupon he dies, to the great grief of his father, and all the French, who loved the lovely qualities of this Prince, the true heir of his father's name and virtues. Charlemain mourned for his youngest son, C●●●les loses tw● o● his 〈…〉 when as suddenly news came of the untimely death of 〈◊〉 his second son, King of Italy, a Prince of admirable hope, a true pattern of h●s ●athers greatness. Thus man purposeth, and God disposeth: thus the sons die before the father: thus the greatest cannot free themselves from the common calamity of mankind. Thus great Kings and great Kingdoms have their periods. 809. Charlemain lost his children, and the realm her best support: for these two Princes carried with them the father's valour, leaving Lewis their brother with large territories and few virtues, to govern so great an estate. After the death of the●e two great Princes many enemies did rise against Charles, seeming (as it were) deprived of his two arms, the Saracens in Spain, the Selavons, and the Normans, in the Northern regions▪ Rebellion against Cha●les. but he vanquished them all, and brought them to obedience, old and broken as he was. We have showed how that N●cephorus had been made Emperor by the death of Irene. It chanced that as he fought against the Bulgartens (a people which had possessed a part of Thrace, near unto Constantinople) he was slain in the conflict. He had one son named Staurat, who by reason should succeed him: but Michael his brother in law seizeth on this poor young man, and makes him a way, and having corrupted the chief men with gifts, he usurps the Empire: The Empire confirmed to Charles. and lest that Charlemain should cross his designs, he seeks to insinuate with him, not only ratifying what Nich●phorus had done for the division of the Empire, but by a new contract doth acknowledge him Emperor of the West. Thus the affairs of our Charles were daily confirmed, but his mind (toiled with these new losses, and the painful difficulties he had suffered throughout the whole course of his life) required nothing but rest. All his life time he held the Church in great reverence, Charles his care to ●●le the Church. & had employed his authority to beautify it, and bountifully bestowed his treasure to enrich it▪ but this great plenty in so happy a peace, made the Churchmen to live loosely. Charles well instructed in religion (knowing how much it did import to have doctrine and good manners to shine in them that should instruct others:) he doth call five Counsels in divers places of his dominions, for the government of the Church: At Mayence, at Rheims, at Tours, at Ch●alons, and at Arles: and by the advise of these Ecclesiastical assemblies, A good instruction 〈◊〉 princes to lou● piety. he sets down order● for the reformation of the Church, in a book entitled Capitula Caroli magni, which they read at this day●, for a venerable proof of the piety of this great Prince. A worthy precedent for Princes, which seek true honour by virtue, whereof the care of piety is the chief foundation. He held likewise a great Council in the City of Francford ●These are the very words of the History) of the Bishops of France, Germany and Italy, the which he himself would honour with his presence, where by a general consent, The false Synod of the Greeks, (I 〈◊〉 the very words of the Original) untruly called the seventh▪ was condemned and rejected by all the Bishops, who subscribed to the condemnation. 〈◊〉 there fell out a new accident, which drew Charles again to arms▪ Adelphonse King of Navarre surnamed the chaste, by reason of his singular temperance, did carefully advertise him, New war in Spa●n● crossed by secret practices. that there was now means utterly to subdue the Saracens in Spain. Charlemain (who desired infinitely to finish this work, so oft attempted without any great success) gives ●are to this advise, levies an army, and marcheth into Spain, relying on the Spaniards favour, being Christians. Adelphonse meant plainly, but so did not the chief of his Court, nor his associates, who feared his forces no less than the Saracens, and eu●n the most confident servants of Adelphonse, doubted to be dispossessed of their governments by a new Master. So they cros●e Adelphonse in countermanding of Charles but the lots were cast, his army is in field, and he resolute to pass on. He enters into Spain, where he finds so many difficulties, as he returns into France: and so concludes all his enterprises, embracing again the care of religion, and of the Church, as a subject fit for the remainder of his days. A happy conclusion of Charlemagnes life. He was th●ee score and eight years old when he left the wars: so he spent three whole years in his study, reading the Bible, and the books of Saint Augustin▪ (whom he loved above all the Doctors of the Church. He resided at Paris, ●o have conference with the learned: where he had erected a goodly 〈◊〉, ●urnished ●ith learned men, such as that time could afford, and enriched 〈◊〉 goodly privileges. He had an extraordinary care to have the service of the Church supp●●ed, as a Nursery of the holy Ministry. Thence grew so many Colleges of Chanoins, with such sufficient revenues. 81●. Thus Charles spent three years happily in the only care of his soul, lea●●ing a goodly example to Princes, to moderate their greatness with piety, their enjoying of temporal goods, with the hope of eternal, and to think of their departure out of this life in time. He makes his 〈◊〉. Thus foretelling his death (whereunto he prepared himself by this exercise) he made his will, leaving Lewis his son sole heir of his great Kingdoms, and bequeathes to the Church great treasures, as more at large is contained in his will, set down in the History. His Testament was the messenger of his death, for soon after he fell sick, He dies. and continued so but eight days: dying happily unto the Lord, in the year of grace 814. of his age the 71. and of his reign the 47. including 15. years of his Empire. He was interred at Aix La Chapelle, where he was borne, and his memory honoured with a goodly Epitaph, set down in the History. The true 〈…〉, and He was one of the greatest Princes that ever lived. His virtue is the pattern of Princes, his good hap the subject of their wishes. The greatness of his Monarchy is admirable, for he quietly enjoyed all France, Germany, the greatest part of Hunga●ie, all Italy, and a part of Spain. But his virtues were greater than his Monarchy: his clemency, wisdom, and valour: his learning (yea in the holy Scripture) his vigilancy, His vices. magnanimity and singular force be the theatre of his immortal praises. And yet his virtues were not without some blemish (as the greatest are not commonly without some notable vice,) for he was given to women, adding Concubines to his lawful wives, by whom he had bastards. I have noted elsewhere the number of his wives and children. Lewis the weakest of them all, remained alone, the sole heir of this great Monarchy of France & the Roman Empire, but not of his noble virtues. We are now come to the top of this great building, we shall see it decline: and therein note the admirable providence of God, who amidest the confusion of this estate, hath always preserved the Majesty of this Crown. LEWIS the gentle, the 25▪ King, 815. and Emperor of the West. LODOWICKE. I. KING OF FRANCE. XXV. portrait AS the virtues of Charlemain had raised this estate to an admirable greatness, so the small valour, or rather the vices of his posterity, caused the declining, and (if God had not prevented) had been the ruin thereof. His intent was only to change the race unworthy to reign, but not the realm, the which he hath preserved unto this day by his providence, in the bosom of one country, and in it his Church: for the which he maintains, both the estates where it remains, and the whole world, which cannot subsist but in regard of it. Thus the French Monarchy being come to the height of her greatness, The declining of this race. the law imposed upon all humane things, would have it decline, that of her pieces other estates might be built. Not long after the death of Charlemain, it began to decline. The foolish lenity of Lewis his son, was the beginning, the which was continued by the disordered confusions of his successors, who (in spite one of an other) hastened the ruin of their house, making the way by their vices and misfortunes. This is the substance of all the Kings remaining in this second race: the which we cannot represent, but in noting faithfully the order of those confused times, during the which this bark hath been in a manner guided without a Pilot, and without helm, by the wisdom of God, who hath miraculously preserved it, amidest so many tempests. And therefore without any tedious discourse, being intricate enough of itself, I will labour to show (as in a table) both the continuance of this race, and the divers motives of events to bring Hugh Capet upon the stage, and carefully to show the estate of his posterity, as the chief end of my design. Lewis was surnamed the meek, or gentle, as well for his devotion, (whereunto he was more given, then to govern his estate) as also for his great facility: which was the cause of many miseries both to himself and his subjects. He began to reign the year 815. and ruled 26. years Emperor of the West, and King of France. His father had not greatly employed him in affairs, observing his disposition, and had married him with Irmengrade the daughter of Ingram Duke of Angers, an officer of the Crown of France, having given him the D●chie of Guienne for his maintenance. By this wife Lewis had three sons, Lothaire, Pepin, and Lewis, who acted strange tragedies against their father. To his second wife he married judith the daughter of Guelphe Duke of Sue●e, by whom he had Charles, surnamed the Bald, who succeeded him in the Crown of France. Bernard the son of Pepin was King of Italy, as Charlemain had decreed. Lewis (more fit to be a Monk then a King) was so given to devotion, and of so soft a spirit, as he made his authority contemptible, both within and without the realm. This disposition (unfit for a great command) made the nations subject to the Crown, to fall from their obedience, Base facility. the Saxons, Normans, Danes, and Britons. And although Lewis did his best to prevent it, yet could he not prevail, but made himself wholly contemptible, in attempting that which he could not effect, and (after his vain striving) compounding of great controversies with unreasonable conditions. Bernard a young man and ambitious, was persuaded by the Bishops of Orleans and Milan, to attempt against his Uncle Lewis, and to seize upon the realm of France, which belonged not unto him. So his ambition cost him dear, and that suddenly: for being in field to go into France against his Uncle, with an imaginary favour of the French, to be proclaimed King, it fell out contrary, for both he and all his Councillors, were taken by Lewis his subjects. Lewis wonderfully moved with the presumption of this springal (as we often see mild natures fall into extremities of choler when they are moved) having both his Nephew and Councillors in his power: A furious 〈◊〉. he despoiles him of his realm of Italy, declares him and his unworthy, confines him to perpetual prison, and puts out his eyes: the like he doth to all the Bishops and Noblemen he could get: and after some few days patience, he chaps off their heads. This act was held very strange, proceeding from Lewis, and committed against such persons, it began to breed a general di●ike, the which was aggravated by a domestical dissension, all which together caused a horrible Tragedy. Lewis had indiscreetly given portions to his children, making them companions of his regal authority. After the decease of Bernard, he gave Italy to Lothaire, and did associate him in the Empire: Lewis his indiscretion. to Pepin he gave Aquitaine▪ to Lewis, Bavaria: and would have them all bear the name of Kings. Lewis good to all, was too good to his second wife judith, an ambitious woman: who having one son by him, called Charles, had no other care but to make this son great, to the prejudice of the rest: not foreseeing that they were of power, and could not patiently endure the jealousies of a mother in law, nor the words of an old man, being too much affected to the one of his children against the rest, at the suggestion of a Mother in law: an ordinary levaine of bitter dissension in families of the second bed. Moreover this imperious german, abusing the facility of her good husband, played the Empress and Queen over all, to the discontent of the greatest, who had no favour with Lewis, but by the favour of his wife: they did hate and contemn him, as being unworthy to reign, suffering himself so slavishly to be governed by a woman. This was the general motive of their discontent: but there were many other particularities, which grew daily upon divers and sundry occasions. The Bishops were most of all incensed against Lewis, by reason of the death of those men of the Church, whom he had so cruelly caused to be slain with Bernard. So Lothaire, Tragical rebellion of child●●n. Pepin, and Lewis (by the advise of these malcontents) resolve to seize ●●on their Father, Mother, and young Brother, to dispossess them of all authority, and ●●en to govern the State after their own appetities, wherein they must use force and a public consent. Lothaire (as ringleader of this design,) levies a great army, and calls a Nationall Council of the French Church at Lions▪ 829. supposing sooner to suppress Lewis by this means then by a Parliament. Lewis appear▪ he receives all complaints against himself, and yields to the Censure of the Prelate, which was to retire himself into a Monastery, there to attend his devotion, and to resign the Empire and the realm to his Children. This was put in execution. Ab●se in the Clergy. Lewis was conveyed to Soissons, to the monastery of Saint Medard: his wife and son were confined to other places, and the whole government committed to Lothaire and his brethren. ●hus Lewis, so much addicted to Churchmen as he purchased the name of devout, was ill entreated by them, & received a poor recompense for his so humble submission. The name of a Council (venerable of itself) did at the first retain men, supposing that this ecclesiastical jurisdiction did not extend but to admonition: but seeing this tragical attempt of the Children against the father, there was no good man but stood amazed at this presumption, and pitied their poor King, being brought to such calamity. But all power remained in the hands of the rebellious Children, and the greatest of the Church were guilty of this outrage, seeking to maintain their decree. Lewis imprinted by his Children. Thus this poor Prince (to the general grief of his subjects) continued in prison five years: for he entered in the year 829. and came forth in the year 834. But this delivery was the beginning of a new confusion. For Lothaire having been forced to yield unto his father, goes to field, takes him prisoner again and leads him to the Covent at Soissons, where he stayed not long, for the French did bandy openly against Lothaire, and his brethren did abandon him, He is forced to give the● portions. so as he was forced to yield unto his father and to crave pardon. This miserable King, thus led for a long time, gives portions to his Children. To Lothaire he leaves the realm of Austras●●, from the river of Meuse unto Hongarie, with the title of Emperor: to Lewis Bavaria, and to Charles France▪ Pepin enjoyed Guienne without contradiction. Lewis (not content with Bavaria) quarrels again with his father, and (to force him to give him a better portion,) he levies an army and passeth the Rhin. The pitiful father, although tired with so many indignities, yet transported with choler against his son, goes to field with an army: but age and grief deprived him of means to chastise him: for he fell deadly sick, which made him leave this world, to find rest in heaven. He dies. This was in the year of grace 840. of his age 64. and of his Empire the 27. He left three sons, Lothaire and Lewis of the first bed, and Charles of the second, these two first Children did much afflict the father and themselves, and all were plunged in bloody dissensions, the which order doth now command us to represent particularly. The Estate of Lewis his Children, presently after his death. LOthaire as the eldest and Emperor by his father's testament, would prescribe Laws to his brethren, and force them to a new division. As he had escape against his father in taking him twice prisoner, and stripping him before he went to bed; Division among the brethren and the cause. so he sought to disannul his will, as made against the right of the elder, and the Imperial dignity, the realm of France belonging to the eldest, and the goodliest territories of the Empire to the Emperor. Thus he quarrelled with Charles King of France: and with Lewis, who had his part in the inheritances of the Empire, in Baviere, the dependences of the realm of Bourgondy (that is to say Provence and Daulphiné) and in Italy. This was the Levaine of these tragical dissensions among the brethren (as Nitard a writer of approved credit, learned, and a Prince, (for he was son to Angelibert the ●●nne of Berthe daughter to Charlemain, and was employed to compound these quarrels) doth very particularly describe. 820. Behold the direction to a longer discourse, whereof I own but an abridgement, noted with the principal circumstances. Lothaire then armed with authority, force, malice, policy, and boldness, thinks to give his brethren their portions: and there were great presumptions he should prevail, joining his force with the intelligences he had in the dominions of Charles and Lewis. This common interest to defend themselves against a common enemy▪ made them to join together, resolute for their general preservation. Lothaire seeks by secret treaties to divide them, but not able to make any breach in their union, he prepares force and policy. Lewis was in Baviere, of whom he kept good guard, that he should no● pass the Rhin, to join with his brother: he likewise levies an army to surprise Charles in France. This preparation of war did awake the united brethren, who assemble their forces, and join notwithstanding all Lothaires oppositions. Lothaires army was at Auxerre, meaning to pass into the hart of France. The united brethren (having assembled their forces near unto Paris, Saint Denis and Saint german) approach, to have a better means either to treat with him, or to encounter him. F●s● with great humility, they offer to perform what should be held reasonable, beseeching him to remember the condition of brethren the holy peace of the Church, and the quiet of Go●s people, suffering them to enjoy what their father had bequeathed, or el●e they would divide France equally, and he should choose what part he pleased. Lothane refusing nothing flatly, ●ed them with delays, expecting forces out of Guienne, led by Pepin, and in the mean time he divided the Cities by his practices, meaning to as●a●●e ●is brethren both within and without, and to surprise them by authority and force, as he had done heretofore his poor father, presuming of the like means. But the subtle was taken in his own snare, for as Lothaire (finding himself the stronger) refused these conditions of peace, Lothaire thin●ing 〈…〉 his brothers, is u●ris●● and defeated. saying openly: That his brethren would never be wise until he had corrected them, behold the armies lying near to Fontenay (after these vain parlays of peace▪ Lewis and Charles charge Lothaires army (already a Conqueror in conceit) with such advantage, as he was not only put to rout, but also overthrown with a notable slaughter, noted unto this day, by the place where the battle was fought, the which for this occasion is called Chaplis, and the strait is called by the victor's name, the valley of Charles, to continue the memory of so bloody a victory, where even the conquerors had cause to weep, having shed their own blood, although forced to fight. It is not now that France 〈…〉 to be indiscreet, banding against itself, and digging in her own bowels, by ●●●se domestic all and vn●●●ll dissensions. Lothaire after 〈◊〉 defeat changed his hu●●r with his estate, for hardly could he retire with his shame to save his dominions. ●●e enjoyed the ●●●arie mask of the Empire with Aus●ras●a, yet very much cu●alled and d●●ided to his three sons, Lewis, Charles, and Lothaire. Of these great inheritances, there remains nothing clear but Lorraine, of the name of Lothaire. And so the great discourses of him whom the whole earth co●ld n●t ●ati●fie, without taking from father, and brethren, were buried in a cloister: for Lothaire (having remorse of conscience for attempting against his father and brethren, and all to bear rule) lost the honour he had sought with such eagerness, and (to ●●der the pains he had inflicted upon his father) he professeth himself a Monk in the Abbey of Plwiers, Lothaire 〈◊〉 a Mon●e. and dies a Monk in the year 855. taking on him the frock, and being shaven, as the civil death of a King or Prince of the blood royal, according to the French opinion, which continues unto this day, for a note of the greatest pain they could suffer that were borne in this authority, to be shaven and made Monks, and to change the crown of France into a Monks crown, dead to the world. This was the Catastrophe and end of this turbulent Prince, by the just judgement of God, published then in the greatest assemblies, and made known unto 〈◊〉 open and public writings, for a notable testimony and witness to all men. That whosoever disobeys father and mother: deceives his brethren, 824 troubles the peace of the Church and state, in breaking the sacred Laws of God and nature, he dismembers himself by piece-meal, losing his goods, honour and quiet, for assu●ed gauges of the horrible torments which attend him in the everlasting prisons, appointed to tame the untamed, and to make them suffer the infinite pains of their infinite wickedness. Charles and Lewis were well satisfied to have prevented their brother's desseins, not making any further pursuit of their victory. An maccord betwixt C●a●l●s and Lewis. They seek to confirm true concord by the settling of their Estates. Having stayed sometime upon the place where the battle was fought: buried the dead, released prisoners and proclaimed a general pardon to all that would follow their arms: they call the Bishops, to take their advice upon ocurrents, who being solemnly assembled exhort them unto concord, laying plainly before them the just judgement of God against their brother Lothaire, lest they should draw the people again into these extremities by their dissensions. The Brethren (believing their good advice) part good friends▪ but when as Lothaire sought to renew the quarrel, they met again: but this striving was in vain: they assemble in the City of Strasbourg then belonging to this Crown, and there make a sollomne alliance for them & their subjects, to live together in peace & concord. The form is double, one in the Roman tongue, the other in Dutch, that is to say the german. As for the Roman, it seems to be that of Languedoc and Provence, by the Language, although there be some words which are not at this day in use with us, as the reader (curious of this antiquity) may see in their proper places, excusing my stile which suffers me not to dilate any further, but only to note what may be found in the originals, touching this subject. This alliance made, they come to the dividing of their parts: and to this end they appoint twelve deputies, (whereof Nitard says he was one), who without respect of fertility or quantity, regard that only which was most convenient, for the nearness and commodity of their estates. I know this partition is diversly set down by many: and who sees not in so obscure antiquity, that it is impossible to make a true dessignation, seeing that in small successions there is so great diversity? But in all this variety of opinions, it remains for certain, that Charles the only son of the second bed, (who had be●ne so much persecuted by the Children of the first wife,) remained sole King of France: that the territories of the Empire were much decayed, nothing remaining in effect, but the name of those which lie on this side the Rhin, especially in the dependences of the Realm of Bourgongne, as Daulphiné and Provence. The portion● of Charles and Lewis. Daulphiné doth yet carry the ancient name of the Empire, in respect of the river of Rosne which doth separate it from Vivaretz, a Country opposite, called by an express name the Realm, as also for this cause Charles was called by express words in the designation of his portion, King of France, it confines at the one end with Lionnois, at the o●●er with Vzege, which extends from Saint Esprit to Ville-newe of avignon, along the Rosne; all the said limits being of his portion, be called by a particular name the Realm, unto this day, especially in their Leases, which retain more plainly the traces of the ancient tongue. An observation which I ought unto my Country, for the which I keep a rank in the Theatre whereon I mean to represent the Estate of our goodly Provinces of Gaul Narbonoise, in old time honoured with the name of a second Italy, and at this day so grossly unknown to strangers, as in the Theatre of the world they leave a blank for it, like to the deserts of Africa, although it yields not to any Province of this great and goodly Kingdom, whereof it is one of the chief parts, and worthiest members. So Daulphiné and Provence were left to Lewis in his partage, for the commodity of Italy the which was given him, notwithstanding the pretensions of Bernard's Children. But Lewis enjoyed not long these great possessions, for the which he had so much troubled his poor father, 829. his miserable subjects and himself: for he die● 〈◊〉 ●●ter, Lewis dies. without any issue male, his great Estates. 847. Behold the last rebellious son of the father, and one of his scourges, dead without any great memory, the which was likewise extinguished in his daughter an●●n the divers changes happened in these Estates. Thus the Children impatient ●o●●e their poor father live, died after many fruitless toils, the one in a monastery, the other without heir to carry his name, although the imagination of a famous race and of an extraordinary reign, had made them forget the holy Laws of nature against their father. Charles and Lewis had made profession of more than brotherly love, as their familiarities carefully observed by Nitard, in eating, lying and playing together do testify, leaving to the wise reader to judge, how uncertain the love of brethren is when as Covetousness and ambition creeps into their councils. Charles married his Niece Hermingrade, daughter to his brother Lewis, to Boson Earl of Ardennes, brother to his wife richild. His colour was to match his Niece with a Prince of a good house, Hermingrade daughter to Lew●s married to Boson King of A●les. and of more virtue, and thereby to bind Boson unto him, but his intent was other, as we shall hereafter see. Boson took possession of the Countries belonging to his wife as her dowry, & calls himself King of Arles. A point very remarkable, to unfold many difficulties that shall follow in the foresaid Countries, and especially in Provence, where have happened many changes, the which we will endeavour to represent in their proper places. This was the Estate of the heirs of great Charlemain, but his posterity did worse: where the most famous memory of our Kings shallbe noted by their vices, either of body or mind, one being called the stuttering, an other the bald, the simple, the cruel, the Barren, and all misfortune's, to show as it were in a goodly table, that all the greatness of this world, is but mere vanity. CHARLES surnamed the bald, son to Lewis the gentle, the 26. King and Emperor. CHARLES .2. KING OF FRANCE. XXVI: · portrait CHARLES called the bald, King of France, began to reign the the year 841. and reigned thirty eight years. 841 He caused himself to be proclaimed Emperor after the death of Lewis, who survived Lothaire, without contradiction. The greatest part of his reign passed in the confusions before mentioned, or in the hatred and dissensions of brethren, or in combustions and open warns. But why ●●ould I increase mine own trouble and the readers, with the report of these particularities, unworthy of brethren, and worthy of eternal forgetfulness? A reign of small fame, but only to note the confusion from whence sprung the first occasion of the fall of this race: a King of small merit, A confused and unhappy reign. having performed nothing praise worthy, for in that wherein he desired to win the reputation of doing well, he did exceeding ill. His greatest ambition was to seem a good Uncle to the only daughter of his brother Lewis, with whom he had made so strict a League of love. He married her to Boson, as I have said: but the events show that he married her with an intent to go●erne her inheritance at his pleasure. Being proclaimed Emperor, he levies a great and mighty army, and goes in person into Italy. His pretext was to suppress the Dukes of Spoletum and Beneuent, who ●ought to free themselves from the subjection of the Empire, and to become Sovereigns: but ●is intent was to seize upon the strong places of Italy, Charles seeks to deceive hi● Niece. and so ●y consequence, of that which belonged to his Niece Hermingrade. But Bos●n her husband discovering her uncles intent, prevented him, joining with the said Dukes, and providing for the Cities of Italy with all expedition, 879. as his wives inheritance: and then he advertised Charles entering into the Country, that it was needless for him to pass any farther, and to put Italy to unnecessary charges, seeing that he himself could guard it sufficiently, & the foresaid Dukes did submit themselves to reason. But being easy to judge that Charles having an army in field, Charles diverted from the war of Italy. and a resolute desseine, would not retire without constraint, Boson makes factions in France, in the heart of his Estate, to divert him. An easy matter, both for their discontents against him, and the misery of that age, nourished in the liberty of uncivil wars. This occasion drew Charles from this unjust desseine, for at the first brute of rebellion, he turns head towards France▪ but there chanced more to him then he expected, for he not only left his nieces patrimony, but his own life in Italy, with a notable instruction, Not to lose this life for the desire of an other man's goods. Thus died Charles the bald at Mantova, the year 879. leaving the Realm to his son Lewis, Where he dies the which he sought to augment with an others right. LEWIS the second called the stuttering 27. King and Emperor. . LUDOWICK .2. KING OF FRANCE. XXVII. portrait HE reigned only two years, and succeeded his father likewise in the Empire, but not without opposition, for the Princes of Italy sought to be Soveraines, and the Germans (bearing impatiently the confusions passed) desired to restore the beauty of the Imperial dignity, greatly decayed in Italy, by such as possessed the ●a●ds of the Empire. They spared not the Pope himself, who by little and little, usurped the Imperial rights in Italy. These complaints being made to Lewis the Emperor, john the 3. Pope of Rome came into France to redress that which concerned the Sea of Rome. He was courteously received by the King, 880. stayed in France a whole year, and there held a Council at Troy's in Champagne. The reign of Lewis was very short. The Pope was scarceg●ne, but he was lodged in the bed of death. He had no lawful children but two bastards, Lewis and Caroloman, both men grown, whereof the one was already married to the daughter of Boson King of Arles. His wife was with child. In the doubtfulness of the f●●ite which should be borne, he must provide a Regent to govern the realm, if it were a son. And although Lewis loved his two bastards deere'y, yet would he not have them Regent's, but made choice of Eudes or Odon Duke (that is to say governor) of Angers, the son of Robert of the race of Widichind of Saxony (of whom we have before made mention) to be Regent of the Realm, and experience taught, Lewis leaves his wife with child. that his judgement was good, Thus Lewis died, having left nothing memorable but a son: wherein I observe three notable things, The efficacy of the Law of State, preserving the right of the lawful heir not yet borne: The minority of a King, subject to many confusions and miseries: and the liberty of great men in the weakness of a young Prince, who fiche boldly in a troubled stream. In this reign happened the Eclipse of the Empire. The first check given to this second race, was by a League, which dying in show, made the King to die in effect, and in the end carried away the Crown, burying both the King and all his race in one tomb. This History is very obscure, by reason of the Regent's which are numbered among the Kings, during the minority of the lawful heir▪ and therefore good directions are needful in so confused a labyrinth of divers reigns Behold therefore the simple and plain truth. Lewis the Stuttering being dead, the Parliament assembled to resolve for the government of the realm, until that God should send the Queen a happy delivery: The estates honour the Queen's womb. and if it were a son, appoint who should be Governor to the King, and Regent of the Realm, until he came to the age of government. There was no Prince that made any question to the Infant's title that was to be borne: or that sought to take the advantage of the time, to advance himself under colour of nearness of blood: but it was concluded by common consent, they should carefully preserve the Q●eenes womb, until her delivery. The King's will was plain, for he called Eudes (as we have said) to be Governor to his child unborn, and Regent of the realm: Regent's crowned as Kings. but Lewis and Caroloman, bastards of France, had so laboured for voices, as they prevailed against this Testamentary decree, and were chosen Regent's by the Estates, who for confirmation of this authority, decreed they should be crowned, yet with a profitable exception for the pupil's interest, the lawful heir of the Crown. A dangerous proceeding, A dangerous course. making servants taste the sweetness of Sovereign command, which made the way to a horrible confusion, and multiplying the authority of many masters, did greatly prejudice the lawful heir, the which may not (without extreme danger) be imparted but to one only. The Queen was happily delivered of a son, the which was saluted King, and was called Charles, of whom we shall speak hereafter. The day of his birth was the 12. of December, Charles borne after his ●athers death. in the year 881. But we must now pass 22. years full of troubles, before our pupil comes to age so as to march safely in so obscure a labyrinth, we must distinctly note the divers parcels of this interreigne. 882. The Minority of Charles called the Simple, the which continued 22. years under 4. Regent's, whom they call Kings. LEwis and Caroloman Brothers, the bastards of Lewis the Stuttering, chosen by the States, reigned two years or there abouts, to whom they add Lewis the idle, the son of Caroloman, but he is not numbered among the Kings. Charles the gross reigned nine years. Eudes or Odon, eleven years. Behold the 22. years of this minority. The 28. reign under LEWIS and CAROLOMON. Jews .3. KING OF FRANCE. XXVIII portrait CAROLOMAN KING OF FRANCE XXVIII. portrait THey talk diversly of these Kings, who in deed were no lawful Kings, but guides to a lawful King. A confused and obscure age, which hath le●● such famous persons in doubt. But we may say in their excuse, that men being weary of these confusions, have willingly left them doubtful, to hide the infamy of their times, or else no man durst set Pen to Paper, to represent the shameful courses of those miseries. Lewis and Caroloman took either of them a part to govern: Lewis the country on the other side of Loire, and Caroloman that on this side. They had the Normans, and Boson King of Arles for common enemies, Lewis defeated by the Normans and ●yes for grief. and as continual thorns in their sides, in divers places and upon divers occurrents, for the ending whereof, they besiege Boson in Vienne, and resolve to take it: but presently the Normans come to his succour. Caroloman continues the siege, and Lewis goes to encounter the Normans. But oh the vanity of humane conceptions: the Regent's are frustrate of their hopes, for Lewis looseth his Army, and afterwards his life, through grief of his defeat. Carolomon on the other side takes Vienne, but not Boson, who saves himself in the Mountains of Vivarez. And contrariwise, he that hoped to have his greatest enemy in his power, was surprised by death unlooked for and extraordinary, 885. having ended his ●eege and become sole Regent by the death of his brother. But the manner of his death is diversly observed: some writ, that running in jest after a gentlewoman, he was crushed under a gate, whether his horse had violently carried him. Others say, that he was slain by a boar, going a hunting: or that being at the chase, he fell down and broke his neck. But all this notes, that the manner of his death was violent and extraordinary. Caroloma● 〈◊〉 a violent death. So the Regency of these two bastards, gotten by suit against the Law, was both short and unfortunate. Lewis succeeded to these two brethren. Men dispute with much uncertainty what he was to Caroloman, either brother or son, but all agree he was an idle person. It is likely he was the nearest kinsman, having seized on the authority after the death of these two Regent's, but in effect the French had the power in their own hands. It chanced as they were ready to free themselves off this Lewis, that he died, and so they called Charles the gross, King of Baviere, first Prince of the blood, to this great dignity. CHARLES called the gross or great, 29. King and Emperor. An Example from a tragical change to a worthy person. CHARLES THE GROSE KING OF FRANCE. XXIX: portrait Charles' called the gross, began to reign the year 88●. and reigned nine years. 885. His entrance was goodly▪ but his end tragically fowl. He was installed in the Regency with the same ceremonies that the other two forenamed, for he was crowned King, with promise to restore the Crown to the lawful heir, and to govern according to the will of the States. He was son to Lewis called Germanicus, son to Lewis the gentle, as we have said. This nearness of blood gave him an interest, and the Imperial dignity, power, and means to govern the Realm well. So the eyes of the French were fixed on him, as the man which should restore their decayed estate, Great hopes o● Charle● his good government. after so many disorders and confusions. His entrance was reasonable happy, (as at the first every thing seems goodly) being respected of all his subjects. He went into Italy, and expelled the Saracens which threatened Rome, but being returned into France, he found a new task, for the Normans (a Northern people, gathered together not only from Denmark, but also from Sweden and other neighbour Countries, as the word of Norman doth show, signifying men of North) were dispersed in diverse parts upon the sea coast of the Realm of France: and had chiefly set footing in the Countries of Arthois, ●herouenne, and other low Countries, and in Neustria one of his greatest and nearest Provinces, taking their opportunity by the troubles so long continued among the brethren. Neustria new calle● Norman●ie. Cha●les defeated by the No●mans, yields to a prejudicial peace Charles marcheth with his army against them, but at the first encounter he was beaten. This check (although the loss were small) struck a greater terror, and in the end caused an apparent impossibility, to recover that Province from so great forces: so as he was advised to enter into treaty with them, and to make them of enemy's friends, lea●ing them that which he could not take from them. The which he did absolutely of his own authority, (being very great, united in these two dignities,) without the privity of his Estates. So Charles yielded Neustria to the Normans, upon condition they should do homage to the Crown of France. Then gave they their name to the Country which they had conquered, ratified by this solemn title, and called it Normandy. He likewise lost Fr●seland, and gave Gisele in marriage (being the daughter of Lothaire his Cousin) to Sigefrid or Geffr●y one of the chief of the Normans, thinking thereby to stop this storm. But thereby he wrought his own ruin, for this grant was found so wonderfully strange, that the French, not only grieved that the Regent had done it without their advice, but also that (in yielding this goodly country to the Normans) he had dismembered the inheritance of the Crown, which is inalienable by the law of State. And although necessity might infer some consideration for Charles his excuse, yet the French for this respect conce●●ed so great a hatred against him, Charl●s extremely hated. as they could not rest until they had degraded him. And as one mischief never comes alone: Charles finding himself thus disdained, fell sick. This corporal sickness was accompanied w●●h a distemperature of the mind, far more dangerous: by an extreme jealousy he had conceived against his Queen Richard, daughter to the King of Scots, suspect●ing her to have been too prodigal of her honour. These two infirmities of body and mind made charles altogether unfit for his charge, which consists more in action then in contemplative authority, and in a season when as occasions were ministered on all sides. This difficulty and disability to serve effectually in the regency of the Realm and Empire united in one person, of whom all men expected much, and they discontent of the ill government which the French and Germains (depending of this Crown) pretended, in quitting Normandy, made both the one and the other, to enter into strange alterations against Charles. At the first his great authority kept the boldest in awe, and his sickness did excuse him: but after some years patience, the French & the Germans by a common consent resolved to dispossess Charles, and to call a more sufficient to the place, every one according to the limits of his country. Charles dejected from the Empire and ●e●lme. The Germans made choice for their Emperor, of Arnoul son to Carol●man, the son of Lewis the gentle, retaining the respect they bore to the blood and memory of Charlemain. Thus the Eclipse of the Empire chanced not altogether, but this change was the first motive to alter the Imperial dignity, whereof afterwards was framed an estate in Germany, under the title of an Emperor, as we shall see. The French likewise reject this miserable Charles, from the regency of the realm, and call Eudes or Odon Duke of Angers, named by the will of Lewis the stuttering. So this poor Prince is dispossessed of all his estates, and abandoned of every man, rejected both from realm and Empire, having so ill provided for himself in time of prosperity, as he remained naked without a house, where to shroud himself from the disgrace of this shipwreck: being banished from his Court, and d●i●●n into a poor village of Suevia, where he lived some days in extreme want, 891. without any means of his own, or relief from any man, in the end he died, 〈◊〉 dies poorly in a village. neither pitied nor lamented of any: in a corner unknown, but to have been the Theatre o● so extraordinary a Tragedy, That one of the greatest monarch of the world, should die without house, without bread, without honour, without mourning, and without memory, but the note of this end so prodigiously memorable. A notable pattern of the vanity of this world, in divers circumstances: In Charles, in the people, and in the Chastisement. The fruits of this memorable example. In Charles, to learn by his example, to carry themselves wisely, both in prosperity and adversity. He wanted no judgement, and had abundance of wealth: but he was neither temperate nor wise in his abundance, in the which the actions of his life show him to have been imperious and indiscreet, purchasing enemies, in contemning those that had raised him to those dignities, having been too confident in himself, and careless of the condition of man's life: and from this extremity he fell into another, in the time of his greatest afflictions, suffering himself to be carried away in the current of melancholy, and his soul to be swallowed up in despair. In the People, who worship him in the beginning, whom they devour in the end, and with an inexcusable malice, tread under foot the afflicted: and without due consideration of the true cause of affliction, they esteem no crime greater than affliction itself, whereon they should have pity, and detest the vice, the which they cover with the cloak of prosperity. But from Charles, the People, and the Rod, let us ascend to him that holds it, which is God, and learn to depend on him, both in wealth and woe, not trusting in ourselves when we abound, nor distrust in him when we are in greatest extremes: the which he can easily redress. Doubtless greatness cometh neither from the East nor from the West. God raiseth one, and pulleth down an other, that weighing duly the uncertainty of this life, and profiting by the example of others, we may learn not to be wise unto ourselves, but to stop our mouths, and open our ears and eyes, to see what God doth, and hear what he saith, seeking the true remedies of consolation, in him that never fails the afflicted which fly unto him. So that great King and Prophet banished from his house, said, I have held my peace, for thou hast done it, and The Lord is just in all his ways. A most reasonable warrant of justice, and excellent fruit of afflictions. Such was the entry and end of Charles the Gross, at the first a King and Emperor, and in the end less than his most miserable subject. After him Eudes came in place, thrust forward by them that had rejected Charles the ●rosse, EUDES, or ODON named Regent by Lewis the second, called the stuttetering, ●nd received by the Estates, the thirtieth King of France. ODON KING OF FRANCE. XXX. portrait 894. BEh●ld Eudes at last, who should have been in the beginning. He began to reign, or rather to be Regent, the year 894. and reigned eight years and some months, but not without difficulties. For the order of the history we must carefully observe his race, which in the end shall gain the highest place. 〈…〉 whence 〈…〉. We have made mention of W●a●eland of Saxony, one of the most famous personages of his time. Being greatly favoured by Charlemain, he sent a son of 〈◊〉 into France, named Robert or Rupert, who had great dignities. This Robert had two sons, Eudes and Robert, who shall soon minister matter to ta●ke of his life. This last Robert was father to Hugh the great, and he father to Hugh Capet, who in the end shall sit in the royal throne▪ we shall see by what degrees and means. But to unfold ma●y difficulties which appear in the reading of this history, and in the diversity of tit●es gi●●n those that are descended of Eudes' race: we must observe, that the name of E●●●e and D●ke, were titles of government, and not of inheritance, and that their governments were temporary, Duke and 〈◊〉 bu● tit●es of Officers. so as one & the same man (being possessed of divers governments at divers times) doth carry in divers respects the title of Duke, and Earl of those Provinces, whereof he hath been governor: the which was usually for a year, or for th●ee. So as we fi●d in this house, Dukes of Angers, Paris, Guienne, and Bourg●ngne, according to their commands. Eudes undertook the government of the Realm, according to the decree of the Estates, ●hen it had m●st need of a good Pilot. He was held to be a good and a wise man, ye● could 〈◊〉 not ●lease all the French that had called him to the Regency. They complain that Eudes was well pleased to rule and to keep the King in awe, 896. being no more a child: & after so bad government of the former Regent's. Eudes maligned in his Regency. such as sought to be partakers of the authority under the young King, did vehemently insist against Eudes, to have him leave the government of the realm: but necessity did contradict it, not permitting him to abandon the helm in these tempests. In the end (after many clamours) Eudes authority is limited to the government of Guienne. Eight years passed in these contentions, but now the seed of innovation was in the heart of the State, the liberty of private men having cast away all respect: all the members of the body were sick, and the sovereign authority shaken by a general disorder, which in the end changed by degrees. Italy wavered, France full of ●actions. Germany was quite fallen away, as I have said: and France was greatly troubled with divers factions, among the which, the King's part was reckoned the greater: but experience showed it was the weakest, for Eudes kept them in awe. The King who had the greatest interest, thought least thereon, being ill advised by them who sought to abuse his simple and tractable disposition, and to advance themselves by his ruin. He solicits Eudes in such sort as in the end he strips himself of all authority, and resigns it into the King's hands, who knows neither how to manage it, nor how to avoid his own misfortune, the which Eudes prevented whilst he lived. It was not long before his death, that he resigned all his authority of Regent unto Charles as to the lawful heir, the which he could not long keep when he was in possession thereof, according to his sovereign desire. CHARLES the 3. called the simple: 31. King. CHARLES .3. KING OF FRANCE. XXXI. portrait HE was Crowned in the year 902. Eudes governing with him eight years from his coronation, 902. Charles remaining alone after the death of his Regent in the year 902. reigned 27. years. His reign was miserable both in the beginning, midst and ending. He ratified the accord made with the Normans, by Charles the Gross, and sealed it with the marriage of his sister Gilette with Rhou or Raoul (he is also called Rhoulon) their chief Commander, who having left the Pagan superstition and embraced Christian religion, purchased a great reputation in that Country, whereof he was first called Duke. But the Normans suit ceasing, a more violent fire is kindled by confusion. All breaks forth: A league made against the King, discovers itself, and takes arms without shame or respect, A memorable league of Robert against King Charles the 3. but being the breeding of the change of this second race. We must observe it very distinctly, and seek out the motives thereof. The League of Robert brother to Eudes, 906 against king Charles the simple: the first step to the change of this second Race. The which lay smothered 53. years before it was fully discovered, under Hugh▪ Capet. from the year. 923. to 976. ROBERT Duke of Anjou, that is to say, governor by the death of his brother Eudes, becomes the head of this League, accompanied with many great men of France. The motive of this league. The event shows that their intent was to reject Charles the simple, as unworthy to reign, and to choose a new King. I doubt not but Robert affected the Crown for himself: but that is very likely that he covered this his desseine with some goodly pretext. The writers of that obscure age have concealed the motives; but as by the effects we know the cause, so by the event of this League when it was strongest, we may judge of the intent. They advanced a Prince of the blood for king, causing Charles to quit the Crown, Charles 〈◊〉 from the Crown. disgracing him with the name of simple or foolish, and declaring him incapable of so great a charge. Who seethe not then the reason, that during the minority of Charles the simple, the diversity of masters had bred infinite confusions in the state? and that since his coronation, things were nothing repaired, although Eudes had resigned him the Regency. They pretend it was necessary to furnish the realm with a more worthy Prince, to give an end to these miseries. But that which chiefly moved the undertakers, was their private interest, the which they cloaked with the commonweal. The humours of this insufficient King offended many, too mild to some, too severe to others and ingrateful to such as had best served him. The commentary which hath been added to the text of the Original is not likely, that Robert as brother to Eudes pretended the Crown, as heir unto his brother being lawfully chosen by the States. But whereunto tends all this? Eudes had le●t no suspicion to pretend any interest unto the Crown, having been Regent after others, and enjoying it but by sufferance, resigning it willingly or by constraint unto the lawful heir. Truly the French men's careful keeping of their Queen's womb▪ their acknowledging the child borne after the father's death for King: their choosing of Regent's: their placing and displacing of one and the same Regent, do plainly show both the efficacy of the Law, and the resolute possession of the French, the which they yielded not easily to a man with so weak a title. What then? I should rather think that the people's complaint, tired with so long calamities, Robert the head of the league and in ●●mes. was their colour to furnish the realm with a more wise and profitable guide, and that they sought a Prince (as in the end they took Raoul King of Bourgongne, the first Prince of the blood) of which League Robert was the ringleader, as the first in dignity and most valiant in courage, or the most rash in so dangerous an enterprise. The memory of his brothers wise and peaceable government, and his own valour, opposite to the foolish and base disposition of Charles, blemished with this name of simple, (for his folly and contemptible humours) gave a great Lustre to this enprise, with those great intelligences he had within the realm, and namely with the Normans his confident friends. With this assurance he arms boldly against Charles, promising himself an undoubted doubted victory, by the valour of his men, and the baseness of his enemy. Charles the simple awakes at this strange revolt, and (distrusting his own subjects, who 〈◊〉 sees risen in arms, to dispossess him of his estate (he flies to Henry the 3. Emperor, and prepares all he can to calm so great a storm. As their army's approach, Robert (to have some title to make a war) causeth himself to be crowned King at Rheims, R●b●rt causeth himself to be crowned King by Herué the Archbishop, who died three days after this unlawful Coronation. The opinions are divers: but for my part, I do not hold that Robert caused himself to be crowned, with a better title than his brother Eudes, who was neither crowned nor reigned as King, but as Regent. But all the French complained, that they needed a better King than Charles the simple, who would lose the Crown, if it were not foreseen. The errors of King Charles. He had already ratified the folly of Charles the gross, in continuing the usurpation of Neustria to the Normans, who with the King's consent were seized thereon, with the title of lawful possession: and moreover they were much incensed, that he had put himself into the protection of the Emperor Henry, to give him a cause to invest himself King of France, as of late days the Germans had enfranchised themselves from the French Monarchy, by the division of brethren which had reigned, and the minority of Charles who then commanded. This jealousy inflamed the hearts both of the one and the other, and served Robert for a show, meaning to fish in a troubled water. Now they are in arms. Reason and respect of the common good fights for Robert. The same reason joined with the royal authority, arms for Charles against these new design. But God, who guides the least moment of our life, watcheth mightily for the preservation of m●ankind, and disposeth of Kingdoms by his wisdom) had limited this bold attempt, reserving the change to another season, and yet for the same ●ace of Robert. Even so, the death of him that had crowned Robert, was a foretelling of his own. The armies lodge in the heart of France, near unto the great City of Paris, the seizing whereof was a main point of State: but see what happens, he that thought to vanquish, is vanquished. As the armies approach near to Soissons, striving (in the view of Paris) who should do best, they join. The combat is very cruel: but Robert fight in the front is slain, Robert defeated and slain by Cha●le●. leaving for that time the victory to Charles the simple: and a ●onne in his house shall revive his desseine in his posterity, that is Hugue 〈…〉 to Hugh Capet. ●he death of Robert did not daunt his army, but it continued firm under the command of Hebert Earl of Vermandois, son in law to Robert. And Charles did so ill manage hi● victory, as it became a trap for his own ruin: for seeing these forces to stand fi●me, he seeks a treaty of peace, with an unseasonable fear. Hebert embraceth this occasion, beseecheth Charles to come to Saint Quentins, to confer together. Charles (simple indeed) comes thither without hostages. C●a●les taken prisoner by 〈◊〉. Hebert having him in his power, takes him prisoner. And having declared unto him the will of the French, to have the Realm governed by a more sufficient man then himself, he resolves to assemble the principal of the Realm to that end: conveys him to Chastean-Thierry, and from thence to Soissons, where he had assembled the chief of the Realm, chosen after his own humour: where he makes him to resign the Crown to Raoul his godson, the first Prince of the blood, by his mother Hermingrade, daughterto Lewis and wife of Boson, King of Bourgongne. So this poor Prince is led from prison to prison, (for the space of five years, yet 〈…〉 in his reign) and after he had renounced his right, he paid nature his due, C●a●les di●s oppressed with grief, and dying of a languishing melancholy, to see himself so ignominiously entreated by that audacious affront, done by the treachery of his own vassal. Queen Ogina flies to England w●●h her son Lewi●. He had to wife Ogina the daughter of Edward King of England, a wise and a courageous Princess▪ by her he had a son named Lewis. This poor Princess (seeing her husband prisoner, and foreseeing the end of this Tragedy, 908 by the strange beginning) takes her son Lewis, and flies speedily into England, to her brother Aldes●on, who then reigned, yielding to the time, and the violent force of her enemies. Thus Raoul was seated in the place of Charles the simple, a Prince of apparent virtue, and so they account him. RAOUL the 32. King, but in effect an usurper of the Realm. RAOULE KING OF FRANCE. XXXII. portrait HE was proclaimed and crowned King of France at S●issons, 923. in the year 923. and reigned about 13. years, Raoul an usurper, his reign was unfortunate. during Charles his imprisonment, and after his death. This reign was painful and unfortunate: Normandy, Guienne, Lorraine, and Italy, were the cause of m●ch fruitless labour. He sought to suppress the Normans, and to repair the errors of Charles the Gross, and Charles the Simple, (who were blamed to have su●●ered them to take footing in that country, to the prejudice of the Crown:) but he prevailed not, nor yet in Lorraine, nor in Guienne, whether he made voyages, with much brute and small fruit. From thence he turned his forces towards Italy, where the State was much troubled, by the decease of Boson, and boldness of the Commanders: who held the strongest places, playing the Kings, in refusing to acknowledge the Empire, but in name: and in effect, they commanded as Sovereigns, imagining their governments to be hereditary for their children. He performed some things worthy of commendation, in suppressing Berenger Duke of Friul, 925. who having freed himself from the Empire, had vanquished Lewis the son of Boson, who enjoyed Italy (as we have said) as husband to the daughter of Lewis one of the sons of Lewis the gentle. Raoul made a quiet end with Hugues Earl of Arles, who had gotten possession of that goodly City as governor, seated in a fertile Country, and very convenient: he suffered him quietly to enjoy the City and territories about it, holding it of the Crown of France. Thus passed the reign of Raoul, without any great profit after so much toil and trouble, under a colour to do better than the lawful heir, wrongfully dispossessed by him; Leaving no memory but his ambition and injustice, in a deluge of troubles and confusions, wherein the Realm was plunged after his departure to the great discontent of all the French. He died after all these broils in the year 936. at Compiegne. An age wonderfully disordered, Necessary observations for great estates. wherein we may profitably observe by what accidents and means great estates are ruined. Civil wars bred the first Simptomes. As order is the health of an estate, so is disorder the ruin. The servant having tasted the sweetness of command, imagines himself to be master, being loath to leave the authority he had in hand, holding it as his own by testament. In this resolution there is nothing holy, all is violated for rule, all respect is laid aside, every one plays the King within himself: for one King there are many, & where there are many masters, there are none at all. The which we must well observe, to unfold many difficulties in the History of this confused age, wherein we read of many Kings, Dukes, and Earls, although these titles were but temporary, having no other title but the sword and the confusion of times. Confusions of thos● times. Thus was France altered after the death of Charles the simple, by the practices of Robert's League. There was no governor of any Province throughout the realm, which hold not proper to himself and his heirs, those which were given unto them but as offices. From hence sprang so many Dukedoms, Earldoms, Baronies, and Seigneuries, In France. the which for the most part are returned to their first beginnings. Italy (given to an Infant of France) was possessed by divers Princes. In Ital●e and Germany. Germany withdrawn from the Crown, was banded into divers factions, so as the Empire of the West confirmed in the person of Charlemain, continued scarce a hundred years in his race: for Lewis the fourth, the son of Arnoul (of whom we have spoken) was the last Emperor of this blood. In his place the Germans elected Conrade Duke of East Franconia, the year of grace 920. the Empire being then very weak. After Conrade was chosen Henry the ●ouler Duke of Saxony, and after him his son Otho, Princes adorned with great & singular virtues, fit for the time to preserve the West: for the East did run headlong to her ruin, so as since Nicephorus (who lived in the time of Charlemain) they did not esteem them, but held them as abjects in regard of those great Emperors which had lived before them, namely Michael Curopalates, Leo Armenien, Michael the stamering, Con●usion in the East. the two Theophiles father & son Basi●e the Macedonien, Leo the Philosopher, Alexander, Constantine a Roman, all which had nothing of the Roman but the name. Thus this poor sick body languished, being torn in pieces by the infamies of these men, either of no valour, or altogether wicked, attending the last blow by the hand of the Mahometans, whose power they fortified by their vicious lives, until they had lodged them upon their own heads. A notable spectacle of God's just judgement, who dishonours them that dishonour him, In the Church and expels them from their houses that banish him from their hearts. In these confusions of State, the Pope of Rome's power increased daily, by the ruins of the Empire, who thrust himself into credit among Christians by many occurrents. Their desseins was to build a Monarchy in the Church, by authority, power, Seigneuries, civil jurisdictions, arms, revenues, and treasure, being grown to that greatness, as afterwards they sought to prescribe laws to Emperors and Kings, who refusing it, and disputing upon this primacy, many dissensions grew among them, and so were dispersed among the people. This is the sum of all that shall be discoursed in the future ages in Christendom, wherein we shall view the the sea of Rome, the Empire and the kingdom. I treat but of matters of State, 929. whereunto the subject and the order of our desseine doth tie me, to report by degrees so long and so obscure a discourse of those ages plunged in darkness. Plantina the Pope's Secretary reports a very notable accident, happened at Rome in those times▪ a young maid loved by a learned man (these are his words) came with him to Athenes, attired like a boy, In vita joannis octaus'. and there profited so well in knowledge and learning, as being come to Rome, there were few equal unto her in the Scriptures, neither did any one exceed her in knowledge: so as she had gotten so great reputation, as after the death of Pope Leo, she was created Pope, by a general consent, & was called john the eight. But it chanced, that having crept too near to one of her grooms, she grew with child, the which she did carefully conceal. But as she went to the Basilique of S. john de Lateran betwixt the Colises and S. Clement, she fell in labour, Pope joan delivered of a Child in the open street. and was delivered of this stolen birth, in a solemn procession in view of all the people. And in detestation of so fowl a fact a pillar was erected where this profane person died. So without flattering the truth, not the Empire alone went to wrack, but also the realm and the Church, being in those days full of confusions, in which they fell from one mischief to an other, by the barbarous ignorance of all good things, both in the State and Church, as the wise and unpassionate reader may observe in the continuance of the history plainly described. But let us return from the Empire and sea of Rome, to France. We have said, that when Charles the simple was first imprisoned, the Queen Ogina his wife had carried her son Lewis into England to Aldestan the King her brother. She had patiently suffered all, during the furious reign of Raoul the usurper, while the experience of divers masters did ripen the Frenchman's discontents, to make them wish for their lawful Lord. After the death of Raoul, Aldestan King of England, (having drawn unto him Willam Duke of Normandy, the son of Rhou) sends a very honourable embassage to the States of France, entreating them to restore his Nephew Lewis to his lawful and hereditary dignity. The French wish it: so as without any difficulty, Lewis the son of Charles was called home, by the Estates of France, whether he was accompanied with a great troop of Englishmen and Normans, as the show of a goodly army, which might seem to force them to that which they willingly yielded unto. LEWIS the 4. surnamed from beyond the seas, 33. k●ng Jews .4. KING OF FRANCE. XXXIII. portrait 935. LEWIS returns into France, having remained nine years or thereabouts in England, surnamed D'outremer or from beyond the seas, by reason of his stay there. He began to reign in the year 935. and reigned 27. years. A disloyal and unfortunate Prince, having made no use of his afflictions, 〈…〉 disloya●●●rince. unworthy the blood of Charlemain. And thus their ruin advanced by the default of men, the which God held back by his patience. He found the Estate of his realm like unto one that returns to his hou●e after a long and dangerous navigation. He was received with great joy of all men. Those which had been most opposite unto him, made greatest shows of faithful and affectionate service, to insinuate into his favour. Amongst the rest William Duke of Normandy, but especially Hug●es the great, Mayor of the Palace, whom we have already noted, as the son of Robert the chief of the said League. He had employed all his means for the calling home of Lewis into France, and at his return he spared nothing to confirm his authority. This was the means to ●ay the foundation of a greater authority for his successors. They must begin the new government of this Prince with a wife, to have lawful issue. The emperors alliance was very needful. Ot●o he●d the ●mperiall dignity, being the son of Henry the fouler Duke of Saxony. ●ewis marrieth one of the Emperor's sister's 〈◊〉 ●ather to H●gh Ca●et marrieth an other. He had two sisters He●bergue and Auoye. King Lewis marrieth the eldest, and in sign of brotherly love he motioned the marriage of the youngest with Hugue the great. Lewis had two sons by Herbergue, Lothaire (who succeeded him to the Crown of France) and Charles, who shallbe Duke of Lorraine and contend for the Crown, but shall lose it. Hugue the great was more happy than Lewis, for of the youngest he had Hugh Capet, who shall take their place, and ascend the royal throne, to settle the French Monarchy, 937. shaken much in the confusions of these King's unworthy to reign, or bear any rule▪ And of the same marriage Hugue had Otho and Henry, both Dukes of Bourgongne, one after another. Behold now upon the Stage two great and wise personages, the King and his Mayor, whom we may call a second King: they strive to cirumvent each other, the which their actions will discover▪ but man cannot prevent that on earth, which is decreed in heaven. At this time William Duke of Normandy, the son of Rho●, The Duke of No●man●●● tra●terously ●●aine. (who had showed himself so affectionate in the restoring of the King to his dignity) was traitorously massacred by the means of Arnoul Earl of Flanders his capital enemy: leaving one son named Richard, a young man under government. This unexpected and extraordinary death must needs breed great troubles in Normandy, an estate which was but now beginning. It did greatly import for the good of France, to have this Province in quiet. Lewis was likewise particularly bound, Troubles in Norman●ie. for the good entertainment he had received of William in his greatest necessity, the which tied him to his son. These were goodly shows to ma●e him embrace this cause: so as having intelligence of this accident, he sends expressly to Richard and his Council, to assure him of his love and succour, and follows him●elfe presently to Rovan, with a train fi●te for his royal greatness, being loath to be the weakest after so strange an alteration, where the most audacious do commonly fish in a troubled stream. The colour of his coming was to comfort Richard with his council and favourable assistance: but in effect, it was to seize upon his person and estate. He sends for this young child to his lodging, conducted by his governor the Knight Osmand: he doth assure him with sweet words of his fatherly love: but when night came, he would no● suffer him to departed, detaining him three days with a careful guard. The people incensed by them that had the charge of the young Duke, mutiny, and besiege the King's lodging. Having pacified this popular fury, in delivering them their Prince, he protests to have no other intent, but to preserve his estate. And so in an open assembly of the City, receiving him to homage, having given him a discharge of his lands and Seigneuries, he doth solemnly promise to revenge the death of William against Arnoul Earl of Flanders, and gets the consent of the Normans, to lead their Duke with him to be instructed with his son Lothaire, a young child of the same age. He brings him to L●on, whether Arnoul the murderer of William repairs, in show to purge himself of the murder: but in effect, to persuade him, so to seize on Richard's person, as he might enjoy his estate. Lewis being resolute in this determination (a man disloyal by nature, Lewis deals treacherously w●th the Du●e of Normandy and loving nothing but himself) he caused this poor young Prince to be straightly guarded: but this Governor Osmond, retires him cunningly out of Laon, conducting him to Senlis, to Hebert his father's confident friend. This is ●ee which imprisoned Charles the Simple, contrary to his faith: and now he detests Lewis his Sovereign Lord, who seeks to do the like unto on● of his vassals. But we shall soon see the justice of God above all, who will punish one by an other, and show himself an enemy and revenger of all disloyalty and misdemeanour, both in servant and master, and in all other▪ as all are naturally subject to this sovereign law of integrity and faithfulness to all men. Hugue the great, Earl of Paris, and Mayor of the Palace, had won great credit with the Cities and men of war: but, he was more feared then loved of Lewis, a treacherous and revengeful Prince, whom he disinherited, and opposed his authority against him. Hebert was his confident friend. So in this occurrent of this young Prince, he comes to Paris, and wins him to promise favour unto Richard, or at the least to make him promise not to be his enemy. 942. The King likewise (knowing how much his friendship did import in these 〈…〉 labours to win him, (such was the strangeness of that age, as the master must 〈…〉 the servant) the which he obtained, upon condition to give him a good part 〈…〉. Hereupon the match was made, that Hugues should accompany Lewis 〈…〉 war of Normandy, and should enter on the one side while the King came on the other, promising to divide their conquests according to their agreement. But this succeeded not according to their meanings, the two deceivers were deceived▪ but the greatest bore the greatest burden. This complot of Lewis and Hugue could not be so secret, but it came to the knowledge of Hebert, who gave intelligence to Richard and his governors, Osmond, and Bernard the Dane: so as they assemble at Senlis, and resolve to cross this double dealing of Hugues, with the like policy. To this end Hebert (according to the familiarity he had with Hugues) goes to confer with him, to put him in mind of his promise: of the right of a young Prince unjustly pursued by Lewis, and of his treacherous and disloyal disposition, who having used him to work his will, would in the end deceive him, beseeching him to stand firm in a good cause, for his ancient and faithful friends, and not to fortify their common enemy by the afflictions of an other, but in defending the right unjustly set upon, provide for his safety and profit. Hugues (who thought it best to have two strings to his bow,) distrusting Lewis in his hea●t more than any man living, doth easily grant Hebert to assist Richard against Lewis, and doth confirm his promise's by oath. Hebert having thus engaged Hugues, and yet distrusting him greatly, whom he sees to play on both sides, returns to Senlis, to Richard and his governors, where they conclude, that if Hugues joined with the King against Richard, they would compound with the King to his cost: The deceiver is deceived. and so it happened. The King goes to field with his army on the one side, and Hugues on the other to invade Normandy in divers parts, when as Bernard the D●ne, chief governor of the State for Richard, and Osmond of his person, came boldly unto Lewis and said unto him, that he had no need to attempt Normandy by force, when as he might enjoy it by a voluntary obedience: for proof whereof, if it pleased him to come to Rovan, he should be obeyed. But withal he advised him to take heed of Hugues his ancient enemy, showing him treacherously the countenance of a friend & servant, lest he were circumvented, but rather to accept of all Normandy with Rovan, the which offered itself unto him to receive peace from him, & yield him obedience as their Sovereign Lord. Lewis willingly gives ea●e to this advice: he comes presently to Rovan, and is honourably received, sending word to Hugues, that seeing the Province obeyed, there was no need of further proceeding, and having not employed him in this voluntary conquest, it was not reasonable he shoul participate in an other man's estate: that the public good and reason required him to leave Richard as he was, under the obedience of the Crown, without dismembering of his Estate. Hugues (who pretended a good part of this rich Country) was greatly discontented with Lewis. Having dismissed his army, he retires to Paris, detesting his infidelity. Hebert embracing this occasion, comes to Hugues, and according to the familiarity of their ancient friendship, he laughs at him, in su●●●ing himself to be abused by his approved enemy, abandoning his trusty friends against all right. The shame to have failed of his word, & despite to have been deceived, ●ade Hugues soon resolve, not only to leave Lewis, but to embrace Richard's party against him, with all his power. It was a notable stratagem, to divide Hugues, and leave him discontented with Lewis: but being assured of his friendship, they send into Denmark (from whence the Normans ●ere descended) to King Aigrold, kinsman and friend to Richard, for succours, the which succeeded more happily than they expected. Lewis is at Rovan, who doth not only command there as Sovereign, but doth seize on their goods, Lewis oppreseth the Nor●mans. whom he doth any way suspect; devising occasions, and holding it for a capital crime to be any way affected unto Richard, favouring his followers with the best matches in the Country, and giving them credit and authority in the Province, by marriages: he imposeth extraordinary charges upon the people, 945. already surcharged with the feeding of so many horsemen. To conclude, he doth all a man may do, that hath no other councillor but his greatness, and that seeks his own ruin by his blind covetousness. In the mean time Aigrold arms in Denmark, The King of Denmark comes to secure the Duke of Normandy. and in the end comes into Normandy with a goodly army: the King likewise brings his forces to field. Richard, who had the chief interest, is at Senlis in safety, and Hugues at Paris, a looker on. Aigrold, before he enters into open hostility, sends his Ambassadors to Lewis, to let him understand, that the reason which had drawn him into Normandy with his army, was to maintain the right of his cousin Richard, who had not deserved to be spoiled of his estate, upon no other cause but his minority, who (although he had no father,) yet should he not be destitute of Kinsmen and friends. And therefore he entreated Lewis (rather then to come to the doubtful event of arms) to suffer Richard to enjoy Normandy, as his father and grandfather had done. And this he did to have the right on his side. Lewis bold in deceiving, and a coward in danger, charged with the wrong he had done unto a pupil, seeing himself abandoned by Hugues, whom he had discontented out of season, and not trusting much the other Noblemen that followed him, he makes a very mild answer to Aigrold: and after some negotiations, he yields to a parley with him, as the chief mediator of Richard's rights. B●ing in field, and conferring together upon this occasion, behold an unexpected accident falls out. He which had been the cause of the Earl of Flanders quarrel, and by consequence of the murdering of William, the father of Richard, was there present with the King. Our histories say, it was Ell●in Earl of Montrevill. A Dane (an old friend of Williams) knows him, he chargeth him therewith: and as they grow to choler, he kills him. Then both parties fell to arms: the French charge the Danes, but they find themselves too weak: all are dispersed, and with this uproar the Kings break off their parley. Lewis goes to horse, the which being strong headed, carries him among the thickest of the Danes. Behold he is now prisoner in the hands of some soldiers: but as in this tumult the guard was neglected, he escapes: yet in the end he is taken again, Lewis taken prisoner, ●t a pa●l●e, and and lead in triumph to Rovan. Thus the murder supported by Lewis, was the cause of his imprisonment: and he seeking to wrong a pupil, did relieve him with his own person, in exchange that he had restrained him against all right. The Queen Gerberge greatly troubled for her husband's imprisonment, flies to Oth● the Emperor her brother, who (prevented by Hugue his other brother in law, and seeing the wrong Lewis did, to disquiet a young Prince in the possession of his estate) refuseth to secure him: so as necessity enforceth Gerberge to use Hugue (to her great grief) to be a mediator for the delivery of the King her husband. Hugue entreated by the Queen his sister in law, deals at length in this accord, but upon good terms; That the King should yield to Duke Richard all the Duchy of Normandy, and for a surplusage that of Brittany, Enlarged upon conditions to hold them freely without retention of sovereignty or homage: the which was much more than the pupil required, who would willingly have done homage to the King, as to his sovereign Lord, and have yielded him faithful obedience. Behold the issue of Lewis his deceit, being deceived by a poor young man, whom he thought to cirumvent; verifying by a notable example, That whosoever seeks to take away an other man's right, looseth his own. Behold Richard restored to his estate, where he carrieth himself with such equity and moderation, by the wise advise of Bernard and Osmond his Governors, as he wins the love of his subjects, and by their council, he takes to wife Agnes or Eumacette, the Daughter of Hugues the great, Richard marries the daughter of Hugues the great. for confirmation of the good turn he had received from him in his necessity. This alliance of Hugues with Richard, increased Lewis his jealousy against him, so as he resolved to employ all his forces to suppress him. He goes to the Emperor Otho his brother in law, informing him, that Hugues practised to deprive him of the realm: and that he would speedily attempt it, if he were not prevented: 951. with whom he so prevailed, through this common jealousy of Princes, Lewis se●kes to ruin Hugue his brother in law. (who impatiently do see any other to grow great by them) as he levied a great army, the which joined with that of France, and besieged Rovan: but with such unhappy success, as the Emperor (having lost both his Nephew and a great number of his men) advised the King to compound with Hugues his brother in law, and to leave Richard, Normandy in peace, according to their former treaties. So having laboured to reconcile these brothers in law, he returned into Germany. This counterfeit reconciliation, was but a breathing of the people's miseries, which they suffered by the dissension of Princes: but there was no firm friendship, for Hugues trusted not Lewis, but kept aloof in his great: City of Paris, leaving the King at Laon, being then the chief seat of his royal abode. Hugue, by this cunning proceeding, kept himself out of Lewis his hands, who on the other side dissembled: & seeing that force could not prevail, he watched all opportunities to surprise his enemies: amongst the which he hated none so much as Hebert Earl of Vermandois, both for that which he had done against his father, and his late proceed against himself. He governed this dislike so wisely, as in the end Hebert was hanged. And this was the means: Lewis pretending to love Hugue, showed a good countenance to all such as were affected unto him, especially to this Cont Hebert, whom he favoured extraordinarily, protesting to trust him in all things: the success was answerable to his plot. He calls an assembly of his vassals at Laon, and fortifies himself to be the strongest▪ thither he calls Cont Hebert, of whose council in show he made great esteem, and writes his letters unto him, that he would use him. Hebert grown familiar with Lewis, and sent for by him, comes to the assembly, fearing no enemy. Lewis being master of the City, reading a letter after diver in the great hall, he cried out. Treachery punished with treachery. It is truly said, that English men are not very wise. The Noblemen about him desirous to know the cause of this speech: he feigned, that the King of England had demanded his advice by this letter, What he should do to a subject that had called his Lord into his house, under colour of good cheer, had seized on him, and caused him to die shamefully? Hebert answereth with the rest: That he must die infamously. The King replies unto him presently. Thou hast condemned thyself by thine own mouth, thou wicked servant, thou didst invite my father to thy house, with a show of love: being there, thou diddest detain him and cause him to die cruelly. The company stood in show amazed, but in effect ready to execute the King's pleasure, not able to contradict so manifest a truth: for the information of the death of King Charles the simple was notorious to the world, ●ont Hebert hanged. so as presently, by Lewis absolute command, Hebert was taken away, delivered to the executioner, and hanged in view of all the world, the place being near unto Laon, (noted by so memorable an execution) is called Mont Hebert unto this day. And thus the treachery of Hebert (after a long delay, when he least suspected) was punished by the treachery of Lewis: Lewis dies hated o● his subjects. and he himself after all these exploits died at Rheims, in the year 955. hated and detested of the French, leaving to Lothaire his son a Crown near the ruin, and to Charles his youngest, the favour of his elder brother, for a poor portion, as we shall declare hereafter. LOTHAIRE the 34▪ King of France. LOTAIRE. KING OF FRANCE. XXXIIII. portrait HE began to reign in the year 956. and reigned 31. years, 956. performing nothing that was memorable, but that he was heir to his father's treachery & misfortune, and the last but one of his race. He was a forerunner of the change, which happened to his posterity. Lothaires treacherous King. He renewed a League with the Emperor Otho the second, who had succeeded his father Otho the first, with an intent to ●e●iue the enterprise of his father Lewis, against Richard Duke of Normandy, either by policy, or else by open force. He sought twice to surprise Richard, a good and a wise Prince, with a show of good meaning: but having attempted all in vain, in the end he used open force, and was shamefully repulsed and beaten. Thus he spent some years unprofitably in this wilful passion against the Normans, He attempts war against Richard of Normandy▪ but in vain. bringing infinite confusions into ●●ance, both by his own forces, and by theirs against whom he undertook this vo●●●tary war. These miseries are set forth at large, by those writers which lived in that age. This brief will serve for the matter, according to our stile to show, That these calamities, bred only by the passion of an ill advised King, thrust the subjects into fury and despair, and then into hatred against him, being unworthy to be respected, having so little regard of public peace. The general Estates assemble for the redress thereof. The Normans suffering as well as the French, demand nothing more than peace, and Duke Richard, notwithstanding his treaty with Lewis the fourth, offered to hold of the Crown to France, so as his subjects might live in quiet. These honest, profitable and necessary offers, augmented their hate against Lothaire, 〈◊〉 sought war without any cause, although he were unfortunate, always mutinous, and always beaten. To this phrenetical passion of his fruitless quarrels against the Normans, 957. a new fantasy possessed Lothaire, to break the league with the Emperor, & to make war with the Germans, or the possession of Lorraine, (anciently called Austrasia) the which he said belonged unto him by right, time out of mind. He sought by ill government to repossess that which lay far off, being unable to keep that which he had in his possession. Lothaire makes war against the Emperor. He engaged Regnier and Lambert, the sons of the Earl of Mons in this action, promising to divide the conquest: and did so contemn his Brother Charles (whom his father had recommended unto him) leaving him no portion but his favour, hoping this liberty should breed more love in him, and also the reverence of a brother tied to his eldest, should make him respective to the public authority) as he fled to the Emperor Otho for help. Otho (embracing this occasion) determines the suit which Lothaire would commence against him, in respect of Lorraine: investing Charles therein, who sought relief of him for his brother's discontent: but Otho restoring Lorraine unto him, took from it great Seigneuries given to the Bishops of Cologne and Liege, Lorraine given to Charles of France by the Emperor. with condition also that he should depend of the Empire. Hereof grew great jars betwixt the French and the Germans, with so violent a rage, and passion, as they were rather furious robberies, then just and well governed wars. Charles the brother of Lothaire, carried himself very indiscreetly, as if he had been no Frenchman but a german, and was wedded to the emperors passions with such vehemency, as if all his good fortune had depended thereon, and had utterly renounced France as a capital enemy. Moreover, the ordinary traffic from France to Germany, was a daily cause of discontent to the French: to whom Lorraine was an ordinary passage for their commerce so as divers persons receiving daily, and upon divers occasions, discourtesies from Charles Duke of Lorraine, the French conceived a hatred in their hearts against him, which burst out in a seasonable time, for the utter overthrow of all the good hap whereunto God had called him, the which he could not govern by his indiscretion and cruelty. But the providence of God, making way for his decrees, would expel them from the Crown, which had banished all faith, valour, humanity, justice, and other royal virtues, and disposed the people to these changes, by their default, who had the principal interest to entertain their loves by equity and good usage. Lothaire hated of all men, died in the year 964. leaving behind him an execrable memory of his actions, Lothaire dies detested of all men. and Lewis his son for a final conclusion of his race, as an outcast of great Charlemain. LEWIS the 5. the 35. King, and the last of this second race. Jews .5. KING OF FRANCE. XXXV portrait HE reigned one year only, and died without heir, 964. without friends, and without memory, The last King of the race of Charlemain. leaving his place void at time of need, in troubles of State, and confusion of times horribly corrupted. He was likewise called idle, having done nothing worthy of memory, but in leaving the place to a better Prince, and more worthy than himself, whom God, the protector of the Crown of France, had reserved for this estate, in so great necessity, God the disposer of Kingdoms and states. for as God had decreed, that out of the house of Hugues the great, should issue a great King, which should repair the errors of this bastard race of Charlemain, so likewise he had prepared the means, both for the father to lay the foundation, and for his son Hugh Capet (appointed for this dignity) to finish this goodly building, as it appears in the following discourse, THE THIRD RACE OF THE KING'S OF FRANCE: Called Capets or Capevingiens, of the name of Hugh Capet, Father to the Kings which reign happily to this day. I have made the earth with a stretched out arm, and dispose of the estates of men at my pleasure. By me Kings do reign. A particular Chronologie of the third Race. Years of grace Kings From the year 988. unto the year. 1598. 988. 36. Hugue, or Hugh Capet, The first of that race, who settled the Estate of the French Monarchy, much shaken by the confusion of civil wars, and the multiplicity of masters. He reckons twenty and eight Kings issued from him successively from father to son, or from branch to branch, according to the order of the fundamental Law of the State of France. Having reigned nine years, he leaves 996. 37. Robert his son, alone of that name, a peaceable King, who reigns 32. years, and to him succeeds, 1028. 38. Henry the first of that name, his son, who reigns 33. years, and to him 1061. 39 Philip the 1. his son, who reigned 49. years, and to him 1109. 40. Lewis the 6. called the gross, his son, who reigns 29. years, and to him 1137. 41. Lewis the 7. called the young, who reigned 44. years, and to him succeeded 1181. 42. Philip the 2. surnamed Augustus, or given of God, his son, who reigned 44. years, and to him succeeded his son 1223. 43. Lewis the 8. called the father of Saint Lewis, who reigned 3. years, and to him 1227. 44. Lewis the 9 called Saint Lewis, a great and famous Prince: he reigns 44, years, and to him his son 1271. 45. Philip the 3. surnamed the hardy, who reigned 15. years, and to him his son 1286. 46. Philip the 4. called the fair, who reigned 29. years, and to him his son 1315. 47. Lewis the 10. surnamed Hutin having reigned 2. years, he leaves the Crown to his brother 1317. 48. Philip the 5. called the long, who reigned 6. years, and leaves the sceptre to his brother 1322. 49. Charles the 4. called the fair, who reigned 6. years: And by the law of State, for want of sons or brother, the Estates of France, notwithstanding the pretensions of Edward King of England, 1328. 50. the son of the only daughter of Philip the fair, placed in the royal throne 1350. 51. Philip of Valois the 5. son of Charles Earl of Valois, and second son to Philip the 3. and by consequence, the nearest kinsman to the three former Kings. Heraignes' 23. years, and to him succeeds his son john alone of that name. Under him began a confusion in the Realm, the which continued near a hundred years, with much misery: that is from this john, until the war of the common weal, under Lewis the XI. So we reckon 5. very troublesome reigns, under john, Charles 5. Charles, 6. Charles the 7. and Lewis the XI. who settled and augmented the Estate of the realm, being greatly decayed by the continuance of civil wars, john having reigned 14. years, leaves the realm to 1364 52. Charles the 5. his son, called the wise, who reigned 18. years, and to him succeeded 1382. 53. Charles the 6. his son, who reigned with much pain 42. years, and to him 1424. 54. Charles the 7. his son, Who expelled the English out of France, and settled the Crown, seized on by the King of England, who was Crowned and proclaimed King in Paris, having reigned 39 years. He leaves the royal sceptre to 1463. 55. Lewis the XI. his son, Who united Bourgongne and Provence to the Crown, and thereby took away all occasions of trouble, leaving the royal sceptre to his son 1483. 56. Charles the 8. with peace. The which continued without any disturbance, a bout a hundred years, from the year 1462. unto the year 1562. under the reigns of Lewis 12. Francis 1. and Henry 2. Charles the 8. having reigned 14. years, dying without Children, the realm was transported to 1498. 57 Lewis the 12. Duke of Orleans, who reigned 18. years, and for want of heirs male, remits the Crown to 1515. 58. Francis the 1. of that name, Duke of Angoulesme, who reigned 32. years. An excellent Prince, who after the long ignorance of obscure ages, caused the knowledge of learning to flourish, having beautified his university of Paris with excellent learned men in the tongues and sciences, the which were dispersed over all Europe: and to him succeeded his son 1547. 59 Henry the 2. of that name who reigned 12. years, and to him succeeded 1559. 60. Francis the 2. his son, who dying without Children, there succeeded him his brother 61. Charles the 9 who dying without Children, left the Crown to 62. Henry the 3. his brother, the last of the royal race of Valois, who being slain by a jacobin, and dying without Children, there succeeded in the lawful masculine line 63. Henry the 4. before King of Navarre, and the first King of the royal line of Bourbon, who now reigns and long may he rule happily and holily, beloved, obeyed and respected. The Genealogy of King Henry the 4. now reigning, according to the order of succession, is at the end of the royal branch of Valois. HUGVES, or Hugh Capet, the 36. King, and the first of the third race: the which reigns at this day under Henry the fourth. HUGH CAPET KING OF FRANCE. XXXVI. portrait THE royal throne of France (remaining void, 987. by the death of Lewis the 5.) did visibly call Charles Duke of Lorraine to the Crown, (of whom we have before made mention) as the first Prince of the blood royal, to whom I say the fundamental Law did adjudge the Crown, for want of heirs males, Charles Duke of Lorraine hair presumptive, rejected from the Crown, and. Hugh Capet chosen King of France. lawful sons of Kings. Charles was son to Lewis the 4. brother to Lothaire, Uncle to Lewis the 5. the last King. But it chanced otherwise, for Hugh Capet, son to Hugue the great, Mayor of the Pallais, Earl of Paris and also Prince of the French, carried it from Charles, being advanced to the Crown by the free election of the French, assembled in Parliament, according to the ancient and inviolable customs of France. By whose decree Hugh Capet was elected King, and Charles Duke of Lorraine rejected from the Crown. This election being confirmed by the blessing of God, who hath maintained the possession (thus made lawful, by the consent of the French nation,) in the successive posterity of Capet, who happily preserved the French Monarchy unto this day, The date of this change unto the third Race. against the sundry violences of strangers. This change happened in the year 987. in the month of july. But as this action was one of the worthiest that ever chanced in this realm, being an estate under which our Ancestors have lived, and we do live at this day: which government hath continued 619. years. Yet all this is handled, by our ordinary writers, with such obscure brevity, as if Hugh Capet had fallen out of the clouds, or been suddenly bred in one night, like unto a mushroom. 987. The wise reader, which seeks the truth, must give me leave to dilate my stile, to show him by degrees, the breeding, continuance and establishing of this new royalty, in the house of France, transplanted into the house of Capet, as I could collect it by the curious search of the Originals, and as the traces of truth could direct me in so crooked a Labyrinth, unknown to the greatest part of our French nation. What I have here described, is faithfully drawn out off divers authors which lived in those times. I have only fitted my report to be the more intelligible, and will simply represent what passed in this change, not giving my judgement, but leaving it free to the unpassionate reader. We have said in the second race, that Lewis the 5. son to Lothaire, dying without heirs males, had buried the royalty with him: for Charles Duke of Lorraine, (whom the Law of state preferred to this dignity) had by his actions made himself unworthy of this great honour. He had recourse to the Emperor Otho, and had taken the oath of fealty, The reason why Charles was rejected. to be invested in the Duchy of Lorraine. So by this homage he had renounced all the interest he could pretend to the Crown of France. Moreover he had aggravated this error by an irreconcilable hatred for (being Duke of Lorraine) he had showed himself a passionate enemy to the French, in maintaining the german saction against them, who had not long before withdrawn themselves from the obedience of our Monarchy. It is also likely, that many private men were moved with the interest of this general quarrel, by reason of the situation of Lorraine, the ordinary passage from France into Germany, Provinces of commerce together. These private injuries, bred in the end a general discontent, the which was increased by such as had a private interest in the wrongs they pretended to have received. The feeling of these bad practices, acted so lately by Charles against France, both in general and particular, did incense the French against him. But the example and cries of them of Lorraine, added to their experience, confirmed their resolution, to stop his entrance to the Crown: for Charles (being a rash and a wicked man, bearing a King's mind under a Duke's title) did infinitely oppress his subjects of Lorraine, for the supplying of his prodigal expenses: having as little judgement and temperance to entreat them of Lorraine mildly, as he had reason to govern himself. The precedent of these new subjects (whom he en●●●ed but sufferance,) prevailed much with the French in this new accident: 〈◊〉 ●●at could they with reason conclude of his usage against them, who should be his natural and necessary subjects? being yet terrified with the memory of that which 〈…〉 ●●●red under Lothaire his brother. This wa● the preparative of Charles his 〈…〉 wrought by himself, to deprive him of that authority whereunto God had 〈…〉. These were the causes which made the French resolve to withstand Charles 〈…〉 with all their force, in his pretension to the Crown of France. But how then▪ Charles being re●●cted, the realm had need of a King, unable to subsist without one, no more than a body can without a head. Thus the end of the one is the beginning of the other, and necessity gave the people this first ad●●ce to change, thrust forward with the only consideration of their quiet and pro●lit. But the Nobility grown great by the disorders of troubles past, had yet more interest in this change, for the preservation of their goods and honours. They could not live all equal. 〈…〉 command, the 〈◊〉 of an ●state. This equal command is a plague to the French: they had devoured 〈◊〉 an other without a great commander respected of them all, for, so many Provinces, so many petty Kings, which had never yielded one to an other without a Controller. In this estate they could have no recourse but to Hugh Capet, being accompanied with all the commendable qualities that might make a man worthy of a great command: Hugh Capet 〈…〉 wots 〈…〉 Crown. with authority, power, understanding, courage, wisdom, equity, mildness, dexterity, valout and credit, both within and without the realm. We have before spoken of his father Hugue the great▪ the son of Robert Duke of Angers, who was the head of the League against Charles the Simple: showing, that he not only maintained himself after the death of his father Robert, but also built his designs upon the same foundation, under the reigns of Lewis the 4. and Lothaire, Princes hard to be circumvented. They feared him more than they loved him: yet he used their authorities to his own good, and did so wisely prevent the practices of these two malicious and revengeful Princes, as he maintained his authority firmly by the means of his great commands. Being Duke of the French, The wise proceeding of Hugues the great his father. he had the command of arms. As Mayor of the Palace, he held the helm of the affairs of State: and being Earl of Paris, he had the chief credit with the people, who had their greatest trade in the Capital City of the realm. This was the fruit which the respect of these offices brought him, being well governed by his wise dexterity. And although these Kings loved him not, yet the alliance he had with them, as brother in law, but especially virtue countenanced by so great credit, were the cause they not only made show to love him as their ally, but also to respect him as one of the chiefest pillars of the State. But to these offices and dignities, he added the friendship of the chief Noblemen of the Realm, being very careful to entertain their loves. Richard Duke of Normandy was one of his most confident friends, whom he had gratified, maintaining him in the possession of his estate. He received requital of this good turn with interest, in the person of Hugh his son, to seat him in the royal throne, as our History shall declare. But all these advantages, were not only crowned with a goodly and great offspring, but also with a son endowed with singular graces both of body and mind. He had six Sons and two Daughters, The offspring of Hugues the great. but his eldest was the chie●e heir of his name, virtue, authority, credit, and happiness, with such success, as he made perfect the work his father had begun. He was named Hugue, and by surname Capet, either for that he had a great head, He was called Capitosus. or that being young he was accustomed to catch at his companions caps, as a presage of that he should do to Kings: Oth● and Henry, two other sons of Hugues, were Dukes of Bourgongne one after another: his other sons were advanced to Ecclesiastical dignities, the one Archbishop of Tholouse, the other of Rovan, and the third died young. One of his Daughters was married to the Duke of Normandy, the other to Fredrick Earl of Metz. He had taken his first wife from England, the Daughter of King Edward, and sister to Queen Ogina, the wife of Charles the Simple, mother to Lewis the fourth: and although he had no children by her, yet did he carefully preserve the friendship of this alliance, and before his death he chose a wife out of this great house, for Hugh Capet his eldest son, the which was Adelais the daughter of King Edward. Thus he fortified his greatness by all means, the which raised his posterity to the royal throne, purchasing credit both within and without the Realm, by all means fit to establish a great family. These were the ordinary proceed which humane policy (being the gift of God, and a branch of his wisdom in those that he will bless, leaving the wretched plunged in their wretchedness, by their own indiscretion) doth usually prescribe to wise and careful men. But Hugues the great had another benefit, which surmounted all these his great means, or the force of his friendships and alliances, having a son capable of judgement for great attempts, fit for the time, brought up and instructed by himself. To conclude, all things were so disposed in France, as they must necessarily receive him for King. Necessity, the general consent both of great and small, and a means to preserve the Crown from ruin, the which he alone could effect. But if the French were forward in seeking to him; Hugues was so much the more encouraged to embrace so great and famous a dignity. And in the execution of this generous design, he carried himself with so great wisdom, moderation, and dexterity, as we may well say, that God called him, as it were from heaven. There remained nothing but an orderly proceeding to that which reason presented unto them. Hugue began with the greatest, who had a special interest to preserve what they held. Hugh Capets proceeding to attain the Crown. He treated mildly with them for the common necessity. The condition was, To leave them all that by inheritance, which they held of the Crown by title of office, and they to do homage, and acknowledge him for their lawful King. Thus was the accord made betwixt the Nobility of France, & Hugh Capet, profitable for the great men, necessary for the people, honourable for Hugues, & beneficial for the realm: for by this mean the realm was maintained in one body, under the authority of one absolute Commander. Hugue was well furnished, having a son capable of the realm which was hereditary. The better sort had what they could desire for them or theirs, A Parliament called at Noyon ●or the election of Hugh Capet. and the people remained in quiet, after so many miseries. Things being thus disposed on all sides, the Parliament assembles at Noyon, whither they run from all parts: and both necessity and desire to win his favour to whom reason should assign the Realm, brought all the cities, and made such haste thither as sought to settle their private estates by this public authority. Hugh fails not likewise to call all his friends, to reap the fruit so long sought for, with so great pain and travail, both by himself and his father, and now to employ them as in a day of battle. The assembly was great, by the concourse of all the Provinces and Cities of the Realm, which repaired thither. It was the more famous, for that in show the French offered the Realm to Capet, as if he had not affected it, As things pass in this sort, Charles Duke of Lorraine, well advertised of the Frenchmens intent, & the designs of Hugh, labours to prevent him: and being resolved to employ all his forces, he gins first by admonitions, but so ill seasoned, as it made the way more easy for Capet: for he sends his Ambassadors to the assembly of the States, not to entreat them to receive him into their favours, Charles sends his Ambassadors to the Estates, and and so to the Crown, according to his hereditary right, but to summon them, That if they did not speedily obey, he would reduce them to obedience by force. The French already incensed against Charles, and having placed their hopes in Hugh (being present, and soliciting for himself, assisted with his best friends) fell into so great a rage against Charles, by his rough and importune speeches, as hardly could the law of nations restrain them from doing some outrage unto his Ambassadors, for their indiscretion. Then the Estates enact by a solemn decree, That for as much as Charles had showed himself a friend to the enemies of France, I rejected from the Crown. and a sworn enemy to the French, so likewise did the French renounce his friendship, declaring him incapable of the benefit of the Law, both for that he gave the first cause, as also not being bound to acknowledge him for King that is an enemy to the State, (their oath binding them to a King which is a father, just, wise, mild, and temperate.) And therefore, Between God and their consciences, without any alteration of the fundamental law, they renounce him, and declare that their intention is to choose a King which should provide for the quiet of France. They deliver this declaration to Charles his Ambassadors, commanding them to avoid the Realm presently. Thus Charles his rejection, was the raising of Hugh Capet, for presently the general estates (assembled in one body, and representing all the Provinces of the Realm) declare by an authentic and solemn decree, That being necessary to choose a King▪ for the preservation of the Crown of France, destitute as well by the death of Lewis the fift, as by the apparent treachery of Charles Duke of Lorraine, That in equity, according to God and their consciences, the Estates did choose Hugh Capet for King, promising to obey him, Hugh Capet chosen King o● France. and and his, as their lawful Kings, according to the law of State. This is the ground of Hugh Capets' royalty. There was no need of any preachers to persuade the people, nor to send to Rome for the Pope's dispensation, as Pepin did. The people were fully persuaded in their minds, and a fit occasion was offered, that without any injurious change (as that was in the person of Chilperie) they might supply the place (being void) with a better King, 988. and more profitable for the common weal. This Act was made at Noyon, in the month of May, in the year 987. and to give more authority to this famous decree, Crowned at Rheims. the same Assembly goes to assist at the Coronation of Hugh, who was anointed and crowned King the third of july, after his election. Hugh Capet being thus chosen and crowned King, he studied by all means to let the French understand by the effects, that they had made a good choice, as the success of his reign, and of his posterities will show in the following discourses. From Rheims he went to Paris, well accompanied, where he makes his entry, to the great applause of all the people. He employs his first endeavours, to send them all home well satisfied, who had given him so notable a proof, of their affection. But every one being returned to his house: behold, Charles of Lorraine rejected, assembles forces, and with part of them gins to overrun Champagne, showing all acts of hostility. Within few months after, he himself comes to field with a great army of Germans, Charles of Lorraine gins war and surpriseth towns Lorrains' and Bourguignons': and having taken Rheims at his first approach, he passeth on towards Paris, as to the head or heart of the Estate, and enters into Picardy, where he seizeth on the Cities of Soyssons and Laon, all by the practices of Arn●lphe the bastard son of King Lothaire, and Archbishop of Rheims: a man both cunning and headstrong: from thence he runs even to the gates of Paris, filling all the country with fire and fear. Hugh sleeps not, but knowing how much it did import, to possess the people with good conceit of him, and to stop the courses and spoils of Charles, (who of purpose tormented the Parisiens', to breed some innovation) he gathereth together what troops he can, attending the rest which he had sent for, and with them he goes presently to field: but it chanced that Charles (being far stronger than Capet) did easily defeat him: so as having cut his troops in pieces, Hugh Capet defeated at the ●irst, & in great danger. he had almost surprised Hugh in the sight of Paris, where he saved himself with much pain and danger. These beginnings did as much amaze the people (who had so cheerfully chosen Hugh) as it puffed up Charles already a Conqueror, and a peaceful King in his own conceit: Charles promiseth to him●selfe a happy reign. who being retired to Laon in great triumph, sends new letters to all the Provinces of France, persuading them to acknowledge him for their lawful King, vaunting of this happy beginning, as a gage of the felicity which did attend him in his reign. But he had not cast up his accounts with him who holds the events of things in his hand, for the contrary fell out to that he had imagined. Hugh is nothing dismayed at this first repulse, these summonings of Charles make him to use all haste, and pricks them forward with whom he had divided the Realm, having an especial interest in his reign, according to their election. All men fly unto him: Charles (supposing that Hugh meant to yield, and that these assemblies were made to have the better conditions) had dispersed his army about Laon, and retained the least part within the city: and with this assurance, that all necessaries should abound, he had no care to make use of his victory, when as suddenly Hugh appears with his army before Laon: (having stopped all the passages) he beseegeth it: all the Lorraines small troops which were found in the villages thereabouts, were easily taken and disarmed, and the city was presently summoned to yield in the King's name, and to deliver up Charles of Lorraine, guilty of high treason, and enemy to the French, upon pain of fire and sword. Charles flies to entreaties and tears. The inhabitants complaining of him, as the cause of their misery, resolve with the advice of Anselme their bishop) to obey Hugh Capet, as their lawful King, and to deliver Charles into his hands. The which they did with his wife and children. Charles taken in Laon, and This happened in the year 991. and so the controversy betwixt Hugh, and Charles of Lorraine for the crown, was decided in less than four years. Hugh being a Conqueror, goes to Orleans, and leads with him, Charles, Carried to Orleans, where he dies in prison. and the remainder of his miserable family, inflicting no greater punishment on him, then perpetual imprisonment, where he was well kept with his wife, unto his dying day, in the which he had both sons and daughters. 990. There are divers opinions upon this point. Some say they died all there, others say, that they repeopled the State of Lorraine, and transplanted their race unto the Princes that rule there at this present. But howsoever: As the Romans had expelled the Gauls, and themselves were afterwards driven out by divers nations: and the race of Pharamont which had dispossessed them, was displaced by Pepin: so Hugh Capet expelled that of Pepin, with a better title than Pepin, being lawfully called by them which had the right: and the presumptive heir was justly degraded for his fault: Hugh Capet no usurper▪ N●c●ste Hugo regni invasor out usurpator eliqua●i●er est iudicandus quem regniproce●es elegerunt, saith Nangius. so as no man can with reason say, That Hugh Capet was an Usurper, seeing he had so solemn and lawful a calling, by a decree of the general Estates of the Realm. To whom the application of the Sovereign Law belongs, as Nangius an ancient writer doth testify. For what avails it the legitimation of his royalty, to say, that Hugh Capet came of the race of Charlemain by his Mother Auoye, daughter to Otho Duke of Saxony and Emperor. In this regard she could not be of charlemagne race (the which without doubt, failed in Lewis the fourth, the son of Arnoul) neither would it avail him any thing to be the son of a daughter of France, seeing the Distaff may not lawfully succeed. This victory added an incredible reputation to Hugh Capets' virtue, the which was most apparent in greatest extremities, and made him an easy way to purchase obedience in his new Kingdom. He began by homage, as the seal of authority, To that end, The subjects do homage unto Hugh. he calls all Dukes, Earls, Barons, Noblemen and Gentlemen, to come and take the oath of fealty. They run on all hands, only the Earl of ●landers (that Arnould which had been the firebrand of those wars in Normandy) plays the mutiny. Hugh having called him to do homage, and noted his contumacy, goes to field with his forces, to compel him thereunto. Having seized on the greatest part of his country, He forceth the Earl of Flanders to his obedience. the Earl flies to humility, and by the mediation of Richard Duke of Normandy (whom he had so much wronged in his youth) he makes his peace with Hugh, yielding him the homage which he had denied, with promise to obey him. Having thus fortified the authority of his Sovereign command, he passed unto the government of the realm, and to make this voluntary obedience (so well begun) more pleasing to his new subjects: he calls an assembly of the chief of the Realm, and gives them all to understand that his desire was to have their advice, for the well governing of the State. Necessity spoke, and his proceeding did win the most violent. Hugh doth institute the Pecres, of France. Having renewed their homages, he sets down the order of the twelve Pecres of France, and protests unto them all, that he will not do any thing of importance, either in peace or wa●re without their advice. So as in yielding, he did advance himself with a wise and victorious modesty. By the most ancient institution, the chief charge over arms, belonged to the Mayor of the Palace, to the which Martell added the authority of Duke of France. But these two great changes, gave a sufficient testimony, how much this great authority did import, to counte● balance and cheek the sovereign authority of Kings: and Hugue himself was both a witness and judge of that which he had done in the execution of this charge, being in a manner royal. He therefore resolves to suppress it, He suppresses the Mayor or the Palace. and to bury it in an honourable tomb. He sees many Competitors, and takes thereby an occasion to discover his intent, declaring to the greatest of his nobility, how happy he was in his reign, having the choice of so many persons worthy of this great dignity: but finding himself bound to all, he knew not to whom he was most indebted: and was so affected unto them all, as he could not say, to whom he wished best. And therefore to satisfy all his good friends, he had bethought himself of an expedient. That his son (whom nature had given him, and France had nourished and brought up for her service,) should be the person, to content all his friends in the execution of this charge, which should be in title of a royalty. All the Noblemen (which would have endured it o● an other impatiently) embraced this speech willingly, the which prevented all jealousy, and cured the chief sore. So with one consent it was decreed, That Robert son to Hugh Capet, Crowning his son Robert King. should be his Lieutenant general, and to that end should be anointed and crowned King: as he was at Rheims in the year 990, three years after his father's election. A wi●e Prince, and of a temperate disposition, a well seasoned plant for the fruitful continuance of this latter reign, of whom it is said, That he was a son without frowardness, Robert's virtues. a companion without jealousy, and a King without ambition. So Hugue effected 3. things by this wise proceeding. He took away the breeding of future dangers, by restraining of so great a power: he suppressed all jealousy, and assured his own estate in the person of his son. But in burying thus honourably the name and apparent show of this dignity, he confirmed an other, to reap the same fruit: for it is a resolved maxim, That in a royalty, the first mover of an estate, must be fortified with some near instruments, with whom he may communicate some beams of his authority, to impart them to other inferior motions, according to their order. The Constable in old time, had no command but over the horse, either as great master, or as general under the charge of the Mayor, The Constable succeeds the Mayor. as the name doth signify. Hugh amplified this dignity, and in suppressing the name of Mayor, he gave that authority to the other, for the which the mai●altie had been in old time instituted, reserving the fruit, and preseru●ng France both from danger and fear of so great power, which might advance the servant above the master: yet this authority of Constable is very great, sovereign over arms, under the King's good pleasure, to order the men of war, to take knowledge of their faults, The authority of the Constable. and either to punish, or to pardon offences at his pleasure, to order battles, to dispose of all things that concern the soldier: and finally he keeps the king's sword, for which the Constable doth him homage. Moreover under this dignity Hugh appointed Marshals to execute the Constable's commands, as his chief hands, and so by these two goodly institutions, Marshals. A proclamation to call all gentlemen together, that hold l●●d of the Crown, for martial affairs. Hugh decrees that the elder should reign alone amongst his brethren. He suppresseth the Mayor of the Pallais 〈◊〉 the charge over arms continued in great credit, under the great light of the royal Majesty. He likewise fortified by new decrees, the royal homages of Ban and Arrierban, instituted by Charlemain: and to conclude, he made all those military orders, wherein France surpasseth all other nations, to be reduced to their ancient institution and right use. And as good laws spring from bad manners, so Hugh (having carefully observed the errors of former reigns) endeavoured to redress them, and to prevent the like inconveniences. The most dangerous error had been the multiplicity of many sovereign masters, one King being sufficient for a whole Realm, as one Sun is for all the world. He therefore decrees, That hereafter the title of King should not be given but to the eldest, who should have some reign, power, and command over his brethren, and they should respect him as their Lord and father, having no portions but his good favour, As for the lands which their elder should assign unto them for their portions, they should hold them of the Crown, to do homage, and to be augmented & diminished at the King's good pleasure. The advancements of King's bastards had much interessed the State, having been allowed and apportioned with the lawful children, yea even raised to the royal throne, as we have seen. Therefore Hugh decreed, That hereafter, bastards should not only be rejected from the Crown, but also from the surname of France, the which before was allowed them. To him likewise are due the goodly ordinances of justice, and of the treasure, wherein without doubt France excels, so as they be well executed, according to the institutions of the golden age. Thus by these wise decrees, he prevailed more than all the arms of his Predecessors, in preserving a great Monarchy unto this day: supported with these goodly laws and ordinances, wherein (without flattering the truth) we may see by the effects that which the most learned Academic doth represent but in discourse, touching the true and perfect pattern of a well governed State, under the fatherly authority of a King, reverenced by the hereditary Law of his race, with the free consent of the people, confirmed by the Estates, counterballanced by the authority royal, 993. determined by the liberty of those which own him voluntary obedience. The continuance of civil wars had bred such disorders in all parts of the realm, as it was not without cause, (if men which lived in these miseries) said that God had sent Hugh to restore the French Monarchy, and they avouch predictions, and prophecies of this reign, The fruits of Hugh's reign. William Nangius. as Oracles. Doubtless this mass of building, was too huge to continue long against so great a storm. God made use of it for a time, as he had wisely decreed, that is to say, to deliver the west from the blasphemies and furies of Mahomet, and there to preserve his Church. But it was necessary this power should be limited within his bounds, to the end it might be well governed, and in the end, give some rest unto Christendom. This happened in his reign, as if the building had then taken a firm and sure foundation. War had reigned too long, and ruined the poor subjects to enrich men of war, who being seized of the strongest places, had without doubt devoured one an other, an ruined the Realm, if a greater authority had not showed itself to maintain every one in peace, under the reverence of the Laws, in the bosom of one common Country. This confused warlike season, had more need of a wise man to save what was gotten, then of a valiant man and stirring, to make new Conquests. Such was Hugh Capet, a wise Prince, advised, experienced, resolute, neither dull, nor a coward, (as he made proof in the beginning of his reign against the rebels.) And whereas he parted with the Crowne-lands so easily, to such as were seized thereon, seeming thereby to have blemished the greatness of his State, it was like unto one which had much land lying waist, and had let it to farmers at an easy rent, yet remaining always master thereof, and to seize on it again at his pleasure: else all had been lost for want of good husbandry, in so great and confused an abundance▪ for Hugh Capet leaving to the possessors that which he could not take from them, assured the Crown lands by certain homages, and preserved the royal authority throughout the Realm. And that which was profitable and necessary for the State, proved the most easy, for the governors of the provinces and strong places, hoping to hold that which they had in hand, desired rather to obey a King with any title available to them and theirs, then to play the petty Kings at their pleasures, and command absolutely alone for a while, & over few, and be●n danger to lose all as usurpers. A notable proof of the Frenchmens humours, The French ca●ot subsist but ●nder a Re●●l●e. borne to obey a King, and not able to subsist but under a royalty. The French had no less powe● than the Germans, to make an elective common weal, as they had done, but their humour sorted with an hereditary royalty, without the which they could not stand. Thus Hugh Capet had settled his reign with ●o great wisdom and authority, and was so fortunate in the success, as we may justly say, he restored the Realm of France, when it was almost ruined, He reigned nine years, four alone, and fi●e with his son Robert, in great peace, beloved and honoured of all men. France (as after a long and tedious winter) puts on the new face of a pleasant spring. All men honoured him, Paris the chief ●lace 〈…〉 as the means of their assured rest. His most usual retreat was to Paris, the which was greatly augmented and beautified in his reign, whereas other Kings before him remained in diverse places, at Aix la Chapelle, Compiegne, Laon, Soissons and else where, according to occurrents and their humours. We have said, that Arnulphe bastard to Lothaire, was the only man which had favoured Charles of Lorraine against Hugh Capet. The history notes this man to be perverse, and disloyal, having deceived both Charles of Lorraine, and Hugh Capet, who had given him the Archbishop●●ke of Ro●an, in recompense of the service he promised him against Charles, to whom notwithstanding (contrary to his faith) he gave means to seize upon the Cities of Rheim●, Laon▪ & Soisson▪ Hugh taking this presumption for a prejudice to come, learning by what had passed, Hugh's proceeding against Arnulp●e bastard to Lo●●aire, who is deposed from his Bishoprik. how much the name of a bastard of France might import, for a colour to disquiet the State, and what danger there was of trouble, in the beginning of his new reign, not yet well settled, he therefore resolves to suppress Arnulphe: but respecting his quality, he assembled a national Council of the French Church, in the City of Rheims. This assembly deposeth Arnulphe, as guilty of treachery, and a troubler of the public quiet, and they substitute Gilibert in his place, 995 who had been Schoolmaster unto Robert. Afterwards Hugh confines him to Orleans with Charles, there to end his days in rest. Pope john the 12. very ill satisfied with Hugh for that he had not appealed to him for his confirmation in this new royalty, disanulls this decree of the Counce●la● Rheims, excomunicates the Bishops which had assisted, restores Arnulphe, and deprives Gilibert of the Archebishoprike of Rovan, and to temper this sharp and ●ough proceeding with some sweetness, he doth invest Gilibert with the Archebishoprick of Ravenna. But we shall presently see that this was a means to raise him to the dign●●y of Pope. Hugh doth not for all this contend with Pope john, but having restored Arnulphe, he took from him all means of troubling the state to his prejudice. It is that Pope john, The m●nners of Pope Io●n the 12. of whom Platina writes so plainly, as the wise reader may find in the original itself: where he shall read with admiration, not only the depraved man●ers of that man, raised to so great a dignity, whom he disgraceth as a monster, terming him most lewd, most wicked and most pernicious. These are his very words: but also the confusions which reigned in those times: for we read of nothing but partialities and factions, one to expel an other, and all to overthrow the authority of the Emperor of Rome. All these practices were not made without sharp and long contentions: as the history shall note the occurrentts: & this my inventory shallbe but a simple direction to the Originals, where as (the pure truth speaking more freely) the reader may peruse it without passion. Here began the great jars and contentions betwixt the Emperors and Popes. The Estate of the Church and Empire. The ancient custom of the Catholic Church, practised from Constantin the great, the first Christian Emperor, was, That the Emperor should be precedent in the election of all Bishops, even of the Bishop of Rome. The Popes would not allow the Emperor should hold this prerogative over them, since the time that Boniface the 3. took upon him the name & pre-eminence of universal Bishop: but were chosen without licence from the Emperor. john had held the pontifical sea by unlawful means, & did lead a dissolute life, to the discontent of many: for the redress whereof the Emperor Otho comes to Rome, and upon complaints, (having laboured to reclaim this man to his duty whom he found incorrigible) in the end he calls a Council within Rome, where by a decree of this Assembly john the 12. was deposed, and Leo 8. substituted in his place. But the Emperor is scarce gone out of Rome, The Pope confirmed by the Emperor. when as behold new factions. Leo the 8. being chosen by his order, is ex●e●led by disorder, and Benedict the 5. seated in his place. Otho returns and restoreth Leo, who upon this occasion made a decree: That in executing the ancient rule of discipline, which gives the election to the people and Clergy, The power to choose and consecrate the Pope, and to rule things belonging to the apostolic sea▪ and to establish and confirm the Bishops, should belong unto the Emperor, as the head and first moderator of discipline. Seditious election of Popes. So the remedy was well expounded, but not well applied: for after the restitution of Leo, they number seven Popes, john the 14. Benedict the 6. Donus the 2. Boniface 7. Benedict 7. Gregory 5. & john 1●. which were one after another placed and displaced by sedition, either expelled, or imprisoned or strangled: until that Gilibert Archbishop of Ravenne (of whom we have spoken) came to be Pope, being named Silvester the 2. In the life of Silvester the 2. He was brought in by so strange a manner, as I have horror to read Platina, who says, it was by devilish arts. But the wise reader may view the rest of this troublesome report in the author himself, altogether unreprovable, being a confident servant to the Pope's▪ and so may ea●e us of this tedious toil. Such was the Empire and the sea of Rome, amidest these horrible confusions, Hugh Capet dies. whilst that our Capet laboured to repair the breaches of his new Kingdom. Having reigned peaceably nine years, he died the 22. of November in the year 996. Leaving his son Robert, not only successor to the Crown, but al●o of his virtues, his happiness & his credit, in the devout love of the French. He had him by Adelais the daughter of Edward King of England, in whom he was so happy, as not only to see him of age, but also crowned King, and well married. He reigned both alone & accompanied with his son: 996. beloved and honoured of him and his subjects, if ever father and Prince were. A pattern of a great State's man, coming to the extremity of a desperate disease, whereunto he applied such seasonable remedies, as he might well be called the Restorer of the French Monarchy. But from him we must ascend to God, the true gardien of this estate, meaning to preserve it by his care and wisdom, who governs changes by his wise providence, and gives virtues and success at his pleasure. Now we begin a new raign●, a wiser, more happy, and longer, than the two precedent, whereof the one continued but three hundred and twenty years, and the other two hundred thirty eight: and this unto Henry the 4. now reigning, continueth 619. years, so as counting the date of it, first beginning from the year 420. making of all these particulars one gross sum, The Monarchy of France of greater continuance than ever any. from the year of our redeemers coming into the world, we shall find in all 1596. years inclusive. A term which no State ever attained unto. It is true, that the bounds of this Monarchy shall not be so large, as under Charlemain, yet better limited: and although it seems that Hugh Capet (in yielding the property of the Crown lands unto the Governors of places,) did diminish it: yet in effect he did augment it, in assuring the Crown by this good husbandry, being extraordinary, yet very convenient in such extreme necessity. And since, all that which seemed to be dismembered, is returned from whence it came. We must therefore set before our eyes, all this great Monarchy, imparted to divers Lords, a●d the royal authority over all, as the head over the whole body, which hath divers members▪ giving life and force to every part, to exerci●e his proper function: we shall see in order (as things have fallen out,) the greatest part of those Provinces which were made hereditary by this convention of Capet, return to the Crown again. The which I will labour to effect, so long as the light shall guide me in the diuersi●ie of these changes. We shall now enter into a more temperate reign then the two former. We shall not see so many armies in field, so many victories, nor so many conquests; neither shall we see so many audacious and infamous outrages, so many murders and parricides; so many unnatural cruelties of children against the father, of brethren against brethren, of husbands against their wives, and of wives against their husbands: we may well note and observe diseases, but neither so dangerous nor so tedious, as have been played on the theatre of horrible Tragedies in former reigns. Doubtless as the body and mind have their proper diseases, so hath the estate of mankind. Man cannot be always sound, nor always pleasant: his body and mind have their passions in their seasons, according to the degrees which God hath prescribed them by the course of nature. Likewise the changes are remarkable in all this Monarchy: but this reign judicially considered, we may admire the notable proofs of God's providence, who would fortify this estate, for the preservation of his Church in Europe, whereof France is a notable member, and doth import much to all other nations. The History therefore of this third reign is most worthy of memory, for the use whereof we may observe three famous parts, to help the judgement and memory. An order for the use of this third reign. The first from Hugh Capet to Philip of Valois: where began the controversy of the English against the French, long and lamentable for the pretension to the Crown of France. The second from that reign to Henry the third, the last King of that branch of Valois. The third gins at Henry the 4. now reigning, the first of the most noble race of Bourbon. This Inventory shall faithfully and briefly quote the particularities of these last reigns, to sent the Reader to the whole History, to the which we leave him. THE FIRST PARCEL OF THE THIRD ROYAL RACE, CALLED CAPETS. Containing thirteen kings, from Hugh Capet to Charles the fourth, called the Fair. The names of thirteen Kings, of the first royal branch of Capets. placing HUGH CAPET, For the stem and foundation of the third royal race, which reign at this day. ROBERT PHILIP the 1. LEWIS. the 7. called the long. LEWIS the 8. PHILIP the 3. called the hardy. LEWIS the 10. called HUTIN. HENRY. LEWIS the 6. called the gross. PHILIP the 2. called AUGUSTUS' LEWIS the 9 called S. LEWIS. PHILIP the 4. called the fair▪ PHILIP the 5. surnamed the long. CHARLES the 4. called the fair, the last of this first branch. From the year nine hundred ninety six, unto a thousand three hundred twenty and eight. ROBERT alone of that name, 37. King of France. ROBERT. KING OF FRANCE. XXXVII. portrait ROBERT began to reign alone, The reign of Robert ●●ng and happy. in the year 996. and reigned 33. years. He had three sons, Hugh, Robert, and Henry, by his wife Constance, the Daughter of William Earl of A●les. Following the example of his father Hugh, he desired to assure the Crown in his house, installing his heir in the right purchased to him and his, by a decree of the States. So he crowned Hugh his eldest son at Compiegne, in the year 1028. But God (who was wiser than Robert) determined to call Hugh to a better Crown, for soon after he died: being dead, Robert continued in the same design, to assure his estate in his house: and observing a more royal disposition in the younger, then in the elder, Robert prefers Henry his younger son to the crown before the elder. he preferred virtue before the prerogative of eldership: causing Henry the younger to be crowned in his life time: decreeing by his will, that Robert should content himself with the Duchy of Bourgongne, doing homage for it to the Crown of France. So having happily disposed of his affairs, and reigned with the general content of his subjects, he died in the year▪ 1031. being three score years old. Robert dies, high disposition. A Prince very fi●te for the time, being wise, resolute, peaceable and continent. But Piety was the Crown of all his virtues, and the knowledge of Divinity seasoned with learning, one of the flowers of this goodly crown: for he is commended to have been very devout, and to have loved both divinity and humanity. They sing Hymns of his invention, and namely that which is to the honour of holy martyrs, which gins, O constantia martyrum mirabilis, the which bearing resemblance with the name of his wife Constance, he was wonderfully pleased with the humour she had to be honoured with his writings, being then greatly esteemed throughout the world▪ 1010. There is nothing more dangerous in an Estate than the change of divers masters. 〈◊〉 experience hath taught in former reigns. Wile Kings and of long life happy for an estate. So God, who meant to confirm the Monarchy in this Race, gave a long and a happy life to these first Kings, issued from Capet, without any sudden change from reign to reign. For Robert reigned 33. years: Henry his son as much, Philip his son 49. years, Lewis the 7. forty four, Lewis the 9 called Saint Lewis as much. All wise Princes, moderate, valiant, peaceable and happy. As good houses are settled, even so Kingdoms are confirmed. As when one good hus band succeeds an other, adding wealth to wealth, new upon old, houses than grow great: even so the long life of these good and wise Princes, was continued with much happy success, as we shall see in every reign. This in particular is remarkable in the reign of Robert. We have said, the realm was divided, as it were to many masters. As there is small respect among equals, who seethe not what should have succeeded betwixt so many great lords being equals, and especially in France? but Robert did so firmly govern the helm of this great bark in the midst of the tempestuous seas of French humours, as he controulled all such as sought to free themselves from the Crown: whose authority by this means was great, Robert maintains his royal autho●y. by the obedience which he forced all them to yield that would play the mutines. He enterrayned the amity his father had with Richard Duke of Normandy, confirmed by alliance, and for that there was jealousy betwixt him and Otho Earl of Chartres, he could wisely make his profit of them both. In the beginning of his reign one Gautier governor of Mel●n sold the place to the Earl of Chartres above named, according to the manner of confused times. At the complaint of Bouchard (to whom the town belonged, He suppresseth the seditious. ) the King commanded Otho to restore it unto him, who refused to obey. Robert sets the Normand against him, who handles him in such sort, as in the end the Earl humbles himself unto the King, and delivers up both the place and merchant, who was hanged. Henry brother to Hugh Capet was Duke of Bourgongne, by the decease of his brother Otho. Henry then died, and so Bourgongne returned to the Crown. But passion persuading Landry Earl of Nevers to make a benefit of his right of neighbourhood, and time inviting him to embrace this occasion to fish in a troubled water, he seized on Auxerre by intelligence. But he was deceived, to think this a time wherein all things were lawful: for Robert goes presently to field with his army, and beseegeth Auxerre, where this ill advised Landry was: but the Inhabitants open their gates to the King, and deliver Landry into his hands. All the Auxerrois obey, except Auallon, who after a few days yields, and in the end all Bourgongne. Landry guilty of treason, ●●●●ers an easy punishment for his rashness. Having confessed his fault, he obtains pardon of Robert, promising all future obedience. 〈◊〉 giu●s Bou●gongne to Robert his eldest son. Thus Robert being master of Bourgongne, he gives it to Robert his eldest son. But Robert doubly interested (his younger being preferred, and he having a very small part in the State,) was not pleased with this portion. Bourgongne, was then distinguished into Duchy and County, whereof the County belonged to the Empire, and the Duchy to the Realm, according to the division made by the Children of Lewis the gentle. At that time Henry the 2. Duke of Baviere, surnamed the holy, held the Empire. Lorraine was the ordinary cause of debate betwixt France and Germany. Robert (to end this controversy) meets with Henry at a place called Enol, Agreement with the Emperor for Lorraine. upon the river of Cherseoli, and made an accord with him, the which continues to this day. At that time Gothelon brother to the Earl of Ardenne held Lorraine. Hereupon the hatred betwixt the Duke of Normandy and the Earl of Chartres kindled in such sort, Robert reconciles the Duke of Normandy & the Earl of 〈◊〉 by the yielding up of Melun) as they assembled their friends & servants on all si●es. The Normand calls his farthest friends to his succours, Logman king of Sueden and Olane King of Norway his kinsmen. But Robert pacified this quarrel in time, by his wisdom, showing by the effect, how much authority employed in time may prevail, and that we must speedily quench a small fire, the which neglected burns a whole forest. There were great personages in all provinces with hereditary power, according to the grant made by Hugh Capet. In Normandy Richard the third, in Anjou Geoffr●y Grisegonelle, in Guienne William, of the race of Pepin son to Lewis the Gentle, in Languedo● Count Matthew, in Champagne and Touraine Odo, all great and valiant men, with other worthy personages throughout the Realm: all which were rash men & of high attempts, but the name and royal authority of Robert, contained all these great and courageous spirits with in the bounds of their duty and public respect. And so this reign passed quietly without any great tumults. Leaving a lesson for Princes, A notabl● reign. to join wisdom with authority, and valour with mildness: it being as great a conquest to preserve his own, as to get an other man's, and to vanquish men's minds by reason, as by force. A pattern in these two reigns, of the means to restore an Estate, dismembered by the disorders of civil wars. HENRY the first, the 38. King of France. HENRY. I. KING OF FRANCE. XXXVIII. portrait HENRY, 1031. being in possession of the realm during the life of his father, succeeded him in the year, 1031. and reigned 33. years. Henry's raign● He had two sons, Philip and Hugh, by Anne the daughter of George, or Gautier the Sclavon King of the Russians, and one daughter, the which was married to Robert Duke of Normandy, son to that Richard of whom we have discoursed. The beginning of his reign, was ●ough and unquiet, and the end more mild and profirable. But Henry in the preservation of his Estate, did nothing degenerate from the wisdom and dexterity of his father. The cause of this hard entry, was the brother's portion, apparently unequal and prejudicial, although a wise father had so decreed it. Queen Constance, mother to these two Princes brethren, nourished this dislike, supporting Robert against Henry, that is to say, the elder against the younger, Contention betwixt the brethren, as oftentimes mothers have the like humours, to love one more than an other. The cause was plausible, 1037 that it was against the law, use & customs of France, that the younger should be preferred before the elder in a royalty. The parties were great for Robert, Constance mother to the King, Bauldwin Earl of Flanders, and Od● Earl of Champagne, a busy man and rash. For the King, the royal majesty, the will of his father, Robert yields unto his brother. the forces of the Realm, and (amongst all) those of Robert Duke of Normandy. The armies approach ready to fight, when as behold Robert (for whose interest the question was) being a Prince of a mild and quiet disposition, gives his mother and friends (who had brought forces to his aid) to understand, that he would not be the cause to shed Frenchmens blood: and that Bourgongne should suffice him, seeing his father had so decreed. Upon this declaration of Robert, Queen Constance changeth her mind, and sends back her troops, embracing peace with her children. The armies were dismissed, and agreement ratified betwixt Henry and Robert, who lived like brethren and good friends: That Bourgongne should remain to Robert and his successors, with the title of a fealty to France, (which they call Peer) & to be Deane among the Peers. Thus Robert of France enjoyed Bourgongne, and left it hereditary to his heir successively, until the reign of john, in the year 1360. But the County of Bourgongne and Normandy were the cause of much trouble in those times, during the which he kept the stakes, not only as a spectator, but as an usurper. This Odo Earl of Champagne (who had incensed his brother against him) looked for a good part in Bourgongne, and had already won Robert to promise him Sens, who even upon the accord making had seized thereon: but being easily expelled by the King's authority, he runs an other course, to lose both himself and what he had, supposing to usurp an other man's estate. He held under the Crown, Champagne, Touraine and the Country of Chartres. He had two sons, Stephen, and Thibauld: yet he sought to join Bourgongne to his other Estates, which was the cause of great troubles. We have before made mention of Boson the husband of Hermingrade, daughter to Lewis the son of Lewis the Gentle, who had the Realm of Bourgongne and Italy. He had two sons, Ralph and Lewis. Lewis was overthrown by Beranger Duke of Friul, who easily seized on that, which remained in Italy, & of Provence, as lying near, and of easy access. Ralph had the rest of Bourgongne, the County, Savoie, & Daulphiné▪ for the Duchy of Bourgongne remained to the Crown of France. From this Ralph, sprung Lewis, and from Lewis another Ralph, who lived during the reign of Henry, being old, without children, and ill obeyed of his subjects. He had two sisters, the one married to Conrade surnamed the Salic, Duke of Francony, who was Emperor: and an other to the Earl of Champagne, father to this Odo, who seeks to persuade Ralph his uncle to make him his heir, as son to his eldest sister: and employs the favour of many subjects, who desired rather a neighbour then a stranger to be their Prince. But Ralph preferred Conrade before Otho, and sent him his testament, his crown, and Sceptre, instituting Henry his son and his Nephew his heir general. Conrade made war in Hongary▪ Odo embraceth this occasion, & (seeing him thus busied) he enters into Bourgongne, Odo Earl of champaign, seeks to seize upon the County of Bourgongne. where he takes certain cities: the rest hold at Conrades devotion, being called to the inheritance: but these desseines were soon cut off. For behold the Emperor Conrade returns with a goodly and victorious army, who not only recovers again the cities of Bourgongne that were lost, but also takes some in Champagne, so as Odo doth with great difficulty hold Troy's: he is forced to seek by humble petitions to his Uncle, who gives him his own, and forbids him to take from another. The Earl being thus suppressed, Conrade parlays with King Henry, and ratifies the ancient accords, for the dividing of Bourgongne, whereof we have spoken. From that time, the german Emperors challenged the right and title of the realm of Arles, which the Emperor Charles the fift shall alienate, and shall be soon divided into sundry principalyties, as we shall show in their places. Thus the Realm of Bourgongne had an end in the posterity of Boson. The Emperor Conrade being forced to go into Italy, after all these treaties, to redress the confusions which grew daily. Behold Odo revives the war more furiously than before, and enters Lorraine with a strong army, but his enterprise fell upon his own head. For Gothelon Duke of Lorraine (confirmed by the Emperor) defeats him, burying his ambition and his life in one sepulchre, and thus much for Bourgongne. Normandy gave no less cause of employment to Henry. Robert Duke of Normandy, had maintained the hereditary love of his father with the King, greatly relying upon his friendship. Having resolved a long and dangerous voyage to the holy Land: Robert Duke of Normandy prefers his bastard before his lawful children. he entreated him to affect the protection of William his bastard son, whom he had made his heir, excluding his lawful children. This testament seemed unreasonable to all men: but Robert had settled his Estate before his departure, appointing him good Governors, and putting the strongest places, and treasure into their hands: as William remained Conqueror after his death, which happened in this long voyage beyond the seas. But this was not without great difficulties, in the which Henry kept the stakes, balancing both parties with his authority. William remaining the stronger, Normandy had some rest, being freed from men of war by this occurrent. A gallant troop of Warriors, weary to live at home, and desirous to see the world, led by Robert and Guischard valiant Gentlemen, Happy success of the Normans in Italy. seeking their fortunes, came into Italy: where they are employed in private quarrels, and there get so great reputation, as by their example, they draw many to the same voyage: and an other notable swarm of brave soldiers are led thither by Tancred, a man very famous for this attempt, the partialities of Italy give them occasions and means to seize upon Poville, Calabria, and Sicily, as the history describes at large. This briefly may suffice to note the Estate of this reign. Thus Henry passeth his reign amidst these troubles, being too light to shake the body of an Estate, following the example of his Grandfather, and Father, he causeth Philip his son to be crowned King, being but seven years old: and gave him Baldwin Earl of Flanders for Tutor and regent of the Realm. He lived little after his Coronation, the which be hastened by reason of his indisposition, and so he died 55. years old, in the year 1061. Robert dies. Beloved and lamented of all his subjects, whom he entreated with much mildness some years before his death: the beginning of his reign being disquieted with the fear of civil dissension, and the end crowned with a plentiful rest. PHILIP the first, the 39 King of France. PHILLIPPE. KING OF FRANCE. XXXIX. portrait 1061. ACcording to King Henry's decree, Baldwin Earl of Flanders, took upon him the government of young King Philip's person, Baldwin Regen● in Philip's minority. (already confirmed by his coronation,) & of the affairs of the realm with quietness: having the reputation of a good & wise man, although he were not pleasing to them all. For certain Noblemen of Gasconie did cross him, charging him with ambition, as if he would make himself a King, like to other Regent's, whereof the memory was yet fresh in all Frenchmens minds. But his integrity and wisdom (preserving his credit with the greatest part of the French) gave him means to subdue the rebellious Gascons, who made this their pretence, to fish in a troubled stream, during the minority of the young King. Baldwin doth not wink at this repulse, neither doth he suffer it to pass unpunished, He arms wisely, with a show to go against the Sarrazins, which sometimes did overrun the frontiers of France, bordering upon Spain. This zeal having moved many to accompany him, Baldwin punisheth the rebels of Gasconie. he punished the rebels in Gasconie, and prevented many which began to mutiny in sundry places of the realm, as shall appear in the future reigns. It is the ordinary ebbing and flowing of worldly things, in the impatience of the French, never to live long in one estate. We have now passed above seventy years in peace, in these three reigns: this Prince shall add forty nine more of great tranquility to this realm. But setting before our eyes the horrible confusions in other parts, it doth show us plainly the occasions, whereby the disease grew in the State, which in the end bred so long and dangerous a fever by civil war. For why doth a history represent unto us the effect known unto all men, if it touch not the causes and motives of these great events, the which succeed not presently, but by degrees, as a Clock which carried by contrary motives strikes the hour at the time appointed amongst all the minutes. This judgement is necessary for the right use of what we read. The King's minority passed quietly by the wise government of Baldwin who having accompanied his pupil to the age of 15. years, leaves him his temporal realm in peace, and seeks an eternal Crown in heaven: being greatly lamented of the good, leaving a memorable example of a good tutor to a King, Baldwin dies much lamented. and a wise Regent of a realm. Philip takes in hand the helm of the Estate, beholding from a safe harbour the storms of other nations, which exceed in pernicious furies, not foreseeing the seeds cast by himself in the bosom of his own realm, & that his example gives liberties to his subjects to the like disorder. A wise Prince, but disloyal, taking covetousness and ambition for his Councillors, The disposition of Philip. seekingonely his own profit, and contemning that plain simplicity, which had purchased so much happiness to his father & grandfathers, & to himself a respective credit withal the French, and immortal praise to his posterity. A looking glass for Kings & Princes without any deceit, wherein they may view the true causes of the happiness of their Estates. Flanders, England and Italy, began first before that France entered, who shall act a long and tedious part upon this stage. Baldwin of whom we have made mention, left two sons, Baldwin and Robert, with their mother richild. Their Uncle Robert the Frison pretended the inheritance to belong unto him: or at the least the gardianship of his Nephews. richild and the states opposed to both his demands; so as they grew to words, and then to war. King Philip (as their sovereign) ought to be judge to compound their quarrels, but he labours to kindle them, seeking his own profit in these garboils. Robert the Frison prevents him, with promises to do what he pleased. He wins him and gets a promise to be succoured against the right of his Nephews. But richild mother to these pupils, knowing the King's humour, goes unto him to cross Robert's desseins, who brought nothing but words. This woman brought money with her good behaviour, and won him against Robert, who discontent with the King; assembles his other means, goes to field with his army, and gets part of the Country: richild flies to Philip, who comes himself with a very great army, and enters Flanders. The uncle suppla●●● his Nephew for the County of Flanders. His meaning was to make a benefit of their common quarrel. But it fell out otherwise, by his providence who doth pull down one & raise up an other, always justly, although the causes be unknown unto us. Robert defeats the King and his Nephews. After this victory he is received Earl of Flanders, without any discontent of the King for the distressed pupils: who relying no more on him, fled for succour to Thierry Bishop of Liege: who makes an accord. That Robert the Frison should have the Earledom of Flanders, & give his Nephews some recompense. After this peaceable possession of the Earldom of Flanders, Philip forsakes Baldwins Children at their need. In England. Philip became a dear friend to Robert, forgetting the good offices he had received from his tutor, measuring friendship by profit. Such was the the state of Flanders. England had a greater change: we have said that Robert Duke of Normandy had instituted William his bastard son his heir, and that he had gotten possession of the D●chie, but behold a greater happiness attends him. Edward King of England having received much kindness from him, and knowing him fit for the government of the realm, names him his heir by his testament; by virtue whereof (notwithstanding all the policy and force, that Herould, brother to the Queen could use) William is received King of England, and crowned in a solemn assemble of the English, homage is done unto him, as to their lawful Lord: & this great dignity continued in his posterity. Philip sees this new power impatiently, Philip discontented at William's advancement to the crown of England. yet can he not prevent it, but God hath prepared it as a rod to correct this realm, by the three sons which William left to succeed in his Estates, Robert, William and Henry. Ambition is the Levaine of these wars, it showed itself soon after the birth of this new power grown to the Dukes of Normandy, (whose first breeding we have seen in the second race) by the increase of the realm of England. Robert and Henry the sons of William, come to the King at Constans upon Oise. As they play at Chess with Lewis the son of King Philip, there fell some contention among these young Princes, and from injurious words, they fell to blows: Lewis called Henry the son of a Bastard, Henry struck at him with the Chessboard, and had slain him, if Robert had not stayed him. This blow being given, Robert and Henry made all haste to save themselves in Normandy: The Levaine of distension betwixt France and England. where they incensed both heaven and earth with their complaints. From this light beginning, grew all the troubles which disquieted these two Estates during 400. years, upon divers occasions. Robert & Henry being escaped, the fathers so embrace the quarrel for their children, as they fall to arms. Philip goes to field, and takes Vernon depending of Normandy. Robert goes out of Normandy and doth seize upon Beawois. King William parts from England, and lands in France, with a great and mighty power, The English enter into Guienne. and invades Xaintonge and Poito●. Behold the first check of a dangerous game. Philip moved with these losses, enters into Normandy with a great and mighty army: but he cures not one wound in making of another. William on the other side, runs and spoils all the Country, even unto the gates of Paris, where he entered not then, but his posterity did after him. He dies soon after, but the quarrel survived in his children, who augmented this hereditary hatred in many sorts. While they began to weave this web, Italy was in no better estate, being full of horrible combustions, and the cause was so much the more lamentable, for that the mischief came from them, Condition's in Italy betwixt the Emperor and Popes. from whom all good was to be expected. We have formerly spoken of the divisions grown betwixt the Emperors and the Popes of Rome, for their pre-eminences. In all ancient times the Popes were subject & to be summoned before the Emperor, who had authority to create them, & to depose them that were unworthy of their charges: to call Synods, and to confirm all things which concerned the outward government of the Church. The Pope on the other side maintains, that all this authority was his, The Pope's usurpation. as universal Bishop, having power to bind and lose, & to judge of all men, and all causes, as the sovereign judge of the Church, not to be judged by any man: and so to dispose absolutely of all matters, as well Ecclesiastical as Civil, as Monarch in the Church, not only armed with power of excommunication to damn rebels, and authority to remit sins: but having also the temporal sword, with sovereign authority over Emperors, Kings and Princes of the earth, to place and displace, and to dispo●e of their estates. Hereafter we shall find in every reign, some memorable example of this sovereign authority. This reign gives a very notable one. After the death of the Emperor Conrade called Salic, Henry the 3. of that name, (having happily governed the Empire) left it to his son Henry the 4 yet very young, so as the Popes during this weakness of the Empire, had means to fortify themselves: and so embracing this occasion, Gregory the 7. called Hildebrand, did prohibit the Emperor all authority over the Clergy, and forbade (upon pain of excommunication) to have any recourse unto him for the collation of benefices, or for any thing else that depended on the Church. Henry moved with so great an affronted, Strange confu●o●s betwixt the Empero●r and the ●ope. lets Gregory understand, that this his decree was contrary to the ancient orders, & the use of the Catholic Church. Upon this refusal, he lets him know, that he will maintain the rights of the Empire, and complains to the Clergy of Rome in an open assembly. Gregory calls an other, wherein he doth excommunicate Henry and all his adherents, and sends forth his Bull into all parts, whereby he declares him excommunicate and degraded of the Empire, and in his place causeth Rodolph Duke of Suevia to be chosen Emperor. Thus there grows two factions in Italy, and in Germany, one for the Emperor, and the other for the Pope: behold two armies levied of these factions, ready to shed Christians blood: nine battles were given upon the quarrel of these pre-eminences. In the end, Rodolphe the new Emperor is taken and slain by Godefroy of Bovillon, who followed the Emperor Henry the fourth: who after this victory, assembled a great Council at Bresse, where as Gregory the seventh is excommunicated, and Clement Bishop of R●uenna appointed to succeed him, they conduct him to Rome with an army, & take the City after a long siege; whereas the new Pope is sollemnlie installed, and Henry the 4. Emperor restored by the decree of Clement. But this was not all, those which were opposite to the Emperor, chose in the place of Gregory, Vrbain the 2. and their party growing strong, the confusions increased, opposing o●e Emperor against another▪ Herman of Luxembourg to Henry, and after him Egbert Marquis of Saxony: the which were taken by Henry, and slain one after another. Vrbain hath other practices against Henry, he animates his own son by his first wife against him, forcing all the laws of nature. The Pope incenseth the son against the father, who takes from him both his Empire & his life. And as Henry had suppressed the practices of this his eldest son, Pope Paschall who succeeded Vrbain the 2. succeeds him even in the like monstrous practices, incensing his other son Henry, whom the father intended to make Emperor, relying on him as on his child, beloved above all the rest. So this son (bewitched by ill council) found means to seize on his Father, depriving him first of the Empire, and then of his life. The Pope added to this death a new disgrace, causing by his thundering Bulls, The Pope's malice against the Emperor being dead. the body of Henry to be digged out of his grave. These were the fruits of their serious controversies, for pre-eminence not only unknown to the ancient Church, nor practised by the Apostles, but expressly forbidden by the holy mouth of the son of God. The Pope's one after another (troubled with these crosses) had recourse unto our Philip, so had Henry the 4. being a prisoner to his son, but the respect of his common friends, made him to keep the stakes, and to be a spectator of these lamentable confusions. And yet many orders were erected by the Popes, amidst these disorders, that of the regular Chanoines, for a difference of the secular; the Charteaux, Templiers, Benedictins, and Carmes. Thus Philip a witness of others miseries, reigns peaceably, during this age full of confusion, both in Church and State. The Emperor had reduced the realm of Bourgongne to the Imperial jurisdiction, distinguished as we have said: but during these disorders, The beginning of the estates of Daulphiné, Savoy, Provence, and Franc●e Conté, the whole body was dismembered, and reduced to an other form; as when one is weary of an old garment. The industry of such as held the Cities and Country in their possession, made four pieces of this garment. The one was for Otho of Flanders, which is the Country about Besançon, with the title of an Earldom, whereof it carries yet the name. The other for Berald of Saxony, who enjoyed Savoy. The third for Guigue the fat Earl of Grisivaudan, who from little, grew so great in the confusions of times, having taken the chief Cities of the Country, and in the end, Grenoble the capital City, as he became absolute Lord of all that Province: the which he called Daulphiné, in favour of his Son, who having married the Daughter of the Earl of Albon and V●ennois, named Dauphin, would carry the same name, holding himself honoured by so worthy an alliance. The fourth piece is Provence, one of the goodliest and richest, both for the fertility of the Country, and commodity of Ports, most convenient in all the Mediterranean Sea: this was fallen into the hands of Berengers successors, by the means before specified. So the Empire lost the command of these four Provinces, which fell to four divers Lords, leaving yet in Daulphiné some traces of the ancient name, without any effect, for they yet call it the Empire in their common language, as we have said elsewhere. But as during the reign of our Philip these confusions were notable, Voyage to the Holy Land. so that great and renowned voyage to the Holy Land, made by our Argonauts Christians, ●s worthy to be carefully observed. The project was to deliver the Christians of Asia, tormented by the furious tyranny of the Mah●metaines, and to repeople the land, the which God had honoured with the first fruits of his Church. This zeal of Christians was commendable. I would to God they had at this day changed their disordered passions, glutted with their own blood, into so holy a resolution, uniting their minds and forces against the common enemy of all Christendom. The occasion was given by a French Gentleman called Peter the Hermit, The moti●● of this enterprise who having long traveled in the East, and seen the miseries of the Christians among the Barbarians, the manners of the Levantins: and the commodities and discommodities of the Provinces of Asia, nearest to the Holy Land: he laid a p●ot with Simeon Patriarch of jerusalem, to solicit all Christian Kings and Princes, to employ their forces for the conquest of the Holy land. The event was answerable to the project: for being come to Rome to Pope Vrbain the 2. he did so well lay open the estate and importance of this action, as being satisfied by him, he resolves to invite all the Kings, Princes, Potentates, States, Como●altie●, Lords and Gentlemen of Christendom thereunto. To this end he calls a Council at Clermont in Auuerg●e, where he assisted himself, and induced the whole assembly by his persuasions, with so great efficacy, as they resolved neither to spare their persons nor estates, in the execution of so important a work. Godefroy of Bovillon, son to Eustace Earl of Boulogne upon the Sea, being Duke of Lorraine by his Uncle Godefroy the Crooke-back, the son of Gothelon, a great and a generous Prince, offered himself the first to this expedition, and was chosen chief of this famous action. The Emperor and all Christian Princes, promised to contribute their means, some their persons. A troop of all the selected Nobility of Europe, did willingly consecrate themselves. The names of such as went to the Holy land. The most apparent were Eustace and Baldwin, brothers to Godefroy, Hugh the great, Earl of Vermandois, brother to Philip King of France, Robert the Frison Earl of Flanders▪ Robert the second son to William the Bastard, Duke of Normandy and King of England. Stephen Earl of Blois and Chartres, Aimar Bishop of ●uy, William Bishop of Oranges, Raimond Earl of Tholose and Saint giles, Baldwin Earl of Hainault, Baldwin Earl of Retbel, Bohemond Duke of Apou●lie, Garnier Earl of Grez Harpin Earl of Bourges, Ysoard Earl of Die, Rambaud Earl of Oranges▪ William Earl of Forest, Stephen Earl of Aumal, Hugh Earl of S. Pol, Rotron Earl of perch, and many others, worthy to be registered in this History, I have only noted such as I could find out. All Europe was moved with this voyage, France, Germany, Italy, England, Scotland, Hongarie, Denmark, and Sueden: Spain only failed, being at that time much troubled to keep their own home from the Sarrazins, who were lodged even in their bowels. France did contribute more than all the rest of Christendom. The zeal which moved these generous and valiant men, made them to hazard all, Dukes, Marquises, Earls, Barons, Knights, and Gentlemen, sold and engaged their Seigneuries, to furnish themselves in this affected voyage, at what price soever. Godefroy of Bovillon, chief of the army, sold the Seigneurie of Bovillon, to Aubert Bishop of Liege, and Metz to the Inhabitants: Robert Duke of Normandy, engaged all his lands to his brother William King of England: Herpin Earl of Berry, his Earldom to King Philip. A sale far more honourable for the sel●ers then for the buyers. There was a quarrel betwixt the children of Ta●cred the Norman of whom we have spoken● who by his valour had conquered Scicile, Calabria, & Apulian ● grown from light beginnings. It seemed to be immortal, the question being betwixt wilful Kinsmen; but this zeal did so pacific their quarrels as they brought above twenty thousand brave men to the army, with their own persons. I● every 〈◊〉 there was nothing but men making their provisions, the ways were full of soldiers, horse●, & baggage, which repaired to the Rendezvous; the Ports, Havens, and Seas swarmed with s●ips and vessels, to transport our generous Argonauts, they being guided with this holy zeal, The number of the Army to the Holy l●nd. to settle the State of Christians in the Holy land. The number of the army is diversly reported. Some writ they were six hundred thousand fight men, others restrain it only to a hundred thousand. The first number were more likely, for what were that in Europe, but for our wretched dissensions? But that which they add is to be considered. That many else well affected, were kept back by reason of the dissensions betwixt the Emperors and Popes: so as Germany (a great nur●erie of men of war,) sent very few: and Italy fewer, being dispensed withal by the Pope, who had engaged others. See the ordinary fruits of homebred quarrels, the which fortifies the enemies of Christendom. Some writers of judgement add, that Pope Vrbain did cunningly use the Christians zeal, to weaken the Emperor and his Partisans, that he might prevail with more facility, causing them to march in this action, and retaining such as were at his devotion. This is their opinion as the wise reader may verify in their places. 1096. The sequel will show that this voyage did nothing mortify the quarrel, betwixt the Emperor & the Pope, the which was revived after a tragic manner. We follow the traces of truth as every thing hath succeeded. Here we discourse of the beginnings and motives of this war, we shall see the end and issue of this great preparation. Let us reurne to the haven to our Argonauts, the trumpets sound, they are all ready to set sail. Godefroye divided his army into three fleets, making the Rendezvous a● Constantinople, whether he had sent his Ambassadors to Alexis Emperor of Greece, The army parts and arrives at Consta●tinople. who entering into jealousy of so great an army, made some difficulty to grant him ports: yet in the end he yielded, and gave him an honourable entertainment. The departure of these Christian Adventurers was in the year 1096. the first day of April. Behold our Latins arrived in safe port, (thus hereafter we shall call them, to distinguish them from the Greeks being Christians, & friends: & the Turk's Levantins enemies. They undertook no small work, neither went they to take possession of an empty inheritance, The Turks and Mahometains their enemies, were Lords of Asia, from the realm of Pontus (towards the Mediterranean sea) unto Hellespont: after they had expelled the Greeks, overthrown the forces of the Caliphes' of Babylon and Egypt, The Ma●●metain, command. and had seized on Palestina, judea, and all the rest of the Kingdom of Israel, from the entry of the holy Land unto Libanus. jerusalem was in their hands. Their estate (springing from weak beginnings) increased daily. Soliman Belchiaroc was their fi●t Sultan or Emperor, who quickened with so hot a summons of Christians, assembled his forces together, stood upon his guard, and prepared to fight. Godefroy (taking the advice of Alexis, Emperor of Greece, who made show to employ all his means to advance the common cause) resolved to pass into Chalcedone, and beginning with the Cities of Asia to make his passage more easy. The Christian troops tw●se defeated by the Turks. He had sent Peter the Hermit before, the first trumpet of this war, with Gaultier (who was a better soldier) and some troops to discover the Country, but both together making scarce one good Captain, suffered themselves to be beaten by the Turks: so as Godefroy sends in their place one called Regnaud or Raimond, who makes profession to know the Country, but he speeds worse, sugaring himself to be beaten by the Turks, and to ●ace his life, he renounced the Christian religion, abandoning all that had followed him to the slaughter. This was a foretelling of ill success. The army marching by Asia the less, first they besiege Nicomedia the less, & takes it, ●●en they attempt Nicaea a City of Bethinia (famous for the first general Council 〈◊〉 ●as held against Arrius). The Sultan had thrust Mahomet into it, one of his bravest Captains, yet was it taken by assault by the Christians after two and twenty days ●●ege. The Sultan had his army in field, the which approached to favour the besieged, Gode●●oy wins the greatest part o● Asia. and to save the remainder of this shipwreck, and likewise to hold the Cities in obedience, which stood amazed. Nicaea being yielded, there were some skirmishes so favourable for the Latins, as Soliman retires his army to the mountains, & leaves the plains & Cities to Godefroy, who puffed up with this happy success, and leaving a good guard in Nicaea, he passeth through Bethinia and comes to Heraclea, the which yields presently, and goes on with such success, as in less than four years he subdued all the goodliest Provinces of Asia, that is to say Lycaonia, Cilicia, Cappadocia, Paphlagonia, Syria, Mesopota●ia and Comagene, as the wise reader may see in the Originals of the whole History without making of any particular relation in this discourse. These happy and gainful conquests struck as great a terror in Soliman and the Levantins, as it purchased honour and reputation to Godefroy and the Christians: so as having taken Antioch, Tripaly, and other renowned Cities; Iude● and jerusalem taken Godefroy of Boull●n chosen King of jerusalem. they came into judea and to jerusalem with a victorious courage. Thus jerusalem is besieged with such diligence and resolution, as after eight and thirty days it is taken by assault, and all the Turks ●ut in pieces. The poor inhabitants without arms are carefully preserved, to purchase a double victory to the Latins, of valour in fight well, and of clemency in sparing the vanquished. 1109. The City won, the Latins assemble in council, & with one common consent choose Godefroy of Bovillon King of jerusalem. All the royal ornaments were taken & accepted by him, except the Crown of gold, the which he would have of thorns, like to that of our saviour jesus Christ, to augment the price of gold & precious stones dedicated to his Crown by a Holy humility, and a religious acknowledgement of the victory, which the Son of God hath gotten by his blood, to give us in Heaven the Crown of immortal life. This famous act chanced in the year 1099. in the month of March. Having put Godefroy and the Christians in possession of the Holy Land, let us return into France to our Philip, not without grief to see the dissension betwixt the Emperor and Pope, who were nothing reconciled by the voyage to the holy Land. The increase of this new power, purchased in England to the Sons of William the Conqueror, gave him no small occasion to look to his affairs, and the rather, for that this new King of England had begun to make a breach in his Estate, taking Xaintonge and Poitou Countries very important, being members of one of the principal Provinces of his realm, The sons of William King of England. foreseeing also that Normandy would bandy itself against France without all respect. William had le●t three sons of great hope: William surnamed Rufus King of England, Robert Duke of Normandy (whom we have left in the holy Land) and Henry Earl of main withal his treasure. Philip therefore to secure his Estate (following the example of his Ancestors) caused Lewis his son, (whom he had by Berthe, daughter to Baldwin Earl o● Flanders) to be Crowned King. Philip dies. There was a scandalous breach in this marriage, for Philip falling in love with Bertrade the wife of Fo●ques Earl of Anjou, puts away Berthe, and afterwards (having rejected Bertrade,) he received Berthe again, His disposition. being mother to King Lewis, to whom having resigned the crown at Orleans, he died at Melun in the year of grace 1109. of his age 57 and of his reign 49. having reigned long to settle his Estate, but not without a levaine of much trouble to come, having degenerated from the virtues of his grandfathers and father. He was disloyal, covetous, loving nothing but his own profit, pitiless, ingrate: and one who sowed dangerous seeds of much mischief, which began to bud in the reign ensuing. LEWIS the 6. called the gross the 40. King. Jews .6. KING OF FRANCE XXXX. portrait AS we foresee a storm by the clouds that rise, 1110. by the dark mists of the thick air, The estate of this reign, pierced through with sparkles like the shining of a close fire, and by the motives of the water, driven with a violent and sudden wind, even so there be simtomes & fits in an estate, which foretell the alterations which shall ensue: the which fall not all at one instant, but the subject being gathered together, in process of time, breaks forth when it can no longer hold. There is this difference betwixt natural things and those which belong to man, for that men can well discern what the wether will be, but he is blind in that which concerns himself, and never believes until he feels the blow, falling into the danger which he flies, by his own fault, never wise but after danger. France had enjoyed peace above a hundred years, under these forepast reigns: she now grows weary. This reign is a preamble to a mornfull song, which shall make them to weep that rejoiced in the fruition of so long rest. The name of royal authority held all those great men back which had any interest therein, the wisdom of Capet, Robert, Henry, and Philip, had so bridled them, as they willingly obeyed. Now they are of an other humour. The Duke of Normandy (who since Capet had been obedient and affectionate to the Crown, The French begin to fall from their obedience. ) seeing himself strengthened with the Realm of England, he frames all his practices to overthrow this order, by rebellions and tumults. Lewis had scarce performed his father's funerals, before the fire of rebellion kindled in divers parts of the realm: and (as if the King's youth had been a blemish to his dignity,) every one will play the petty King. The places near unto Paris began these first revolts, by reason of the many great horses thereabouts. Corbeil had an Earl, 1109 Chartres an other, Piseaux in Because had one, Crecy had his Lord, Marle his, Pompone his, and so divers other Seigneuries had every one their particular Lord. But as a disease stirs up all the humours in a weak body, so all that were discontented with Lewis, gather together into one head, to afflict him under the countenance of the King of England. They were for a time suppressed, yet this was but to open a vain, and not to cure the fever. Guy of Crecy, the Lord Piseaux, 〈◊〉 Earl of Dammartin, Thibaud Earl of Champagne, and Brye, Pean of Lowre in Parisi, Milon of Montleh●ry, and Philippe the bastard of King Philippe, all jointly play the mutines and rise against their King. At the same instant, Henry King of England goes to field, his private quarrel was for the Town of guysor's, seated upon the river of Epre, on the confines of Normandy. Rebels suppressed and punished. But this small process was soon ended, for Lewis having defeated the English near unto guysor's, he forced Henry to retire, and afterwards punished all these rebels, increasing his revenues by their confiscations. But the quarrel betwixt the Emperor and the Pope, did hatch a more dangerous process for France. We have said that Henry the 5. banded against his father Henry the 4. (who had associated him to the Empire) and had cast him into prison by the Pope's Council, where this poor man died for grief. Henry the 5. wonderfully troubled in conscience, and vexed with daily approaches, that he had violated the Imperial rights, resolved to have his revenge of Pope paschal, the author of this cruel and unkind Council. To conclude, he a●mes, and that with so great a resolution, as in few days, The Emperor 〈◊〉 for his 〈…〉. he assembles threescore thousand foot, and thirty thousand horle: with this army he goes into It●lie, and having taken and spoiled No●arre, Pontremolo and Arezzo, he comes a Conqueror to the gates of Rome, the which were opened without any resistance. Being entered the City, and causing the Pope and College to assemble, he makes known unto them the rights of the Empire, as Pope Leo the eight had acknowledged them to Otho the second Emperor, The Emperor com●s to Rom● and 〈◊〉 the ●o●e to take an oath. and before him Adrian to Charlemain, according to the decree of the Council at Rome, contained in the sixty third distinction: and to conclude, he forced him to take the oath of fidelity, as to the true and lawful Emperor and then returns with his army. Pope Pascal extremely moved with this 〈◊〉, calls a Council, wherein he protests to have been forced by 〈◊〉, so by consequence pronounceth, that whatsoever he had promised was of no force, and after all these toils he died. Gelisais' succeeded him both in place and hatred against the Emperor Henry: but being too weak of himself, neither having any such friend as the King of France (according to the trial so often made, time out of mind) he comes into France, but he died at Clunie: and in his place Calixtus, son to the Earl of Bourgongne was chosen Pope. The reputation of the place from whence he was descended was great, so as he being a Frenchman, easily called a Council in France, to the great satisfaction of the French. The Emperor degraded by the Pope's decree, in a Council at 〈◊〉. It was held at Rheims, where by an ecclesiastical decree, he declared Henry an enemy to the Church, and degraded of the Imperial dignity. As this ignominious decree did move the Emperor, so did it minister matter to the King of England his brother in law, to embrace all occasions to annoy Lewis his capital enemy: for seeing this Council had been held in France, and consisted chief of the French Church: it was very apparent that the King's favour was very prejudicial to the emperors affairs. The English fails not to harp upon this string to the Emperor, The Emperor and ●ing o● England join against France. being already incensed by the thing itself: promising him all his means, & encouraging him to enter France on the one side, whilst that he came on the other with all the forces of Normandy and England. The party was not small, neither had Lewis small cause to fear, being encountered by two such enemies. But God showed him the rod, and reserved the punishment for an other season: for as the Emperor was going to field, the german Princes (foreseeing the misery of a war undertaken lightly upon despite, and weighing the importance of neighbourhood) gave him to understand that he ought not to attempt war against the King of France, without declaring unto him the causes of his discontent. He therefore sends his Ambassadors to this end. 1112. Lewis doth wisely answer him, that he is exceedingly sorry, to see the two great Pillars of the Church so shaken by these dissensions: and that it was to be feared, the whole building would be ruined. So as being a friend to both, he desired greatly to be a mediator of concord, and not to carry coals to increase the fire, too much kindled already, the which ought to be quenched for the good and quiet of all Christendom. This embassage was pleasing and prevailed so much, as the Emperor disarms, The French King and the Emperor reconciled. and was content to make Lewis a mediator for an accord betwixt him and the Pope, to the great grief of the King of England, who expected a long continuance of this ia●●e. The composition was made at Worms, very beneficial for the Pope, in the year 1122. whereby Henry grants him the installing of Bishops, and other benefices. This did ease the sore, but not cure it: as the sequel of the History will show. While that Princes have leisure to contend, the poor people die for hunger in many places of Europe. This famine was exceeding great in Flanders, Notable troubles in Flanders. who then had for their Earl, Charles surnamed the good, for his good disposition, and great charity to the poor. He sought by all means to relieve them. But as barrenness was one of the causes of this famine, so the cruel covetousness of the rich, was a great hindrance to the commodity of victuals: whereby there grew as remarkable an act, as the success was strange, the particular report whereof, the reader must pardon in the briefness of our stile. There were three brethren at Bruges, of the chief of the Country, the which had gathered together a great quantity of grain, and would not sell it, expecting a greater dearth, which might cause a greater price, that is Bertholphe Wendestrate, Povost of S. Donas, and Chancellor of Flanders: Lambert and Boussard Wendestrate brethren: and an other rich Bourges called Lambert, one of the chief of the City. This dignity of Provostand Chancellor was so great, as he supplied the Prince's place in his absence. Upon the people's complaint, the Earl decrees, that all the graniers of these great houses should be opened, and the Corn sold to the people at a reasonable rate. The Commission was given to Thamard, Almoner of the Earl's house, as a thing befitting his charge: he causeth the graniers of these rich Bourgesses to be opened, the corn is sold to the people, and the money delivered to the owners. The people being relieved by the courageous care of Thamard, commend him. The Wendestrates and Lambert (greatly discontented with this sale, wherein they held themselves interessed) cause many indignities to be done unto him. Lambert is directly accused by informations, being a very audacious young man, and the Wendestrates were touched therewith. The Earl offended with these audacious attempts, repaired them by justice: threatening Lambert that if he continued, he would severely punish him. There was also an other complaint, made by an old Abbot against the Provost, Treachery against the good Earl of Flanders. to whom the Earl spoke roughly, commanding him to restore unto the Abbot what he ought him. These free admonitions of the good Earl Charles, did so alter the proud & treacherous minds of these Citizens, as they resolve to kill him: his mild facility giving these wicked spirits both courage to attempt, and boldness to execute. And the end is answerable to their wicked desseine. As the good Earl Charles went ill accompanied in the morning to his devotion, to the Church of S. Donas, on Ash wednesday, behold a troup of young mad men, led by this Lambert, comes unto him, (being unarmed on his knees in a Chapel, the Priest attired in his ornaments at the Altar,) the Earl holding forth his arm to give his alms to a poor woman) & without any warning, they beat him down with their swords, & kill him, and so forcing all to give way, The Earl of Flanders and his Almonet murdered. they seek for Thamard, whom they find & massacre, with so great a fury, as they leave him upon the place hewed into many pieces. Their troup increaseth, and they fly to the Palace, where all are amazed▪ and finding it without guard, without keys, & without any gate shut, they enter it with horrible cries, they kill, sack, and spoil: and running from thence into the City, Cruelty in the City of Bruges. they commit the like in those houses which they knew best affected to the good Earl Charles. This furious cruelty was accompanied with an overweening indiscretion, as if they had made some goodly conquest, they brave it, 1117. and play the masters without fear of any punishment. The people exceedingly grieved to see these barbarous cruelties against their good Prince, whom they loved as a father, durst not speak a word during this fury, whereas this troop of murderers commanded absolutely. But the wisest Citizens fled to Lewis, as to their sovereign Lord. Lewis comes to Bruges with great speed: these butchers attending their misery, Lewis King of France punisheth the rebels. shut themselves into the great Tower of S. Donas. Lewis doth first bury the body of this good Earl honourably, (the which had lain without sepulchre) and then doth punish the murderers and their complices rigorously. But this is not all. He must provide for the Earldom, remaining without a Lord, by the death of Count Charles deceased without children. Pretendants for the Earldom of Flanders. There wanted no pretendants, William of Ypre son to Philip of Flanders, the second son of Robert the Frison. King Henry of England (who desired greatly to join this goodly Country with his Normandy) Stephen of Blois Earl of Montrevill and Bologne: Baldwin Earl of Hainault, and William the son of Robert called Court-house brother to the King of England, but his sworn enemy, having used his father ill and kept him prisoner. Lewis was sovereign judge of this controversy, Flanders depending on the crown of France. He assigned all the pretendants of the City of Arras: signifying that his intent was to do him justice, but in effect he inclined to favour: adjudging the Earldom of Flanders to the last, that is to William of Normandy, to bind him with more strict bounds against his ●●nsman. On the other side the Flemings assemble at Ypre, and chose William of Lo● Lord of Ypre. The King advanceth with his forces to Ypre, to prevent this popular election, where he enters the stonger, and forceth William to renounce it. William of Normandy made Earl of Flanders. From thence he goes to all other good Cities: where by his authority, he causeth William of Normandy to be received for lawful Earl▪ and puts him in solemn possession by a public act. But his favour had ill bestowed this goodly inheritance of an unworthy man, whose fury deprived him presently. Lewis having installed him, He oppresseth his new subjects. returns into France. William instead of winning his new subjects by equity and mildness, gins to oppress them after a rigorous and imperious manner: by infringing of their previleges, ostentations of his authority, taxes, subsidies, new impositions, and by all other means which Princes (that seek to lose their Estates) hold to torment their subjects. He had so far exceeded as the Cities without any wavering resolve to provide a better Earl, and to this intent they seek a head. The memory of their good Earl, makes them to cast their eyes upon him that hath most right to this inheritance, as the nearest kinsman, which is Thierri son to the Duke of Alsatia, and of Gertrude daughter to Robert the Frison. The Flemings entreat him to come into their country, The Flemings choo●e them a new Earl. promising him all assistance to conquer the State. He comes, and is received with an extraordinary joy by all the people. All the Cities assemble, to acknowledge him by order, and dismiss William of Normandy, who seeing a flat repulse by this people thus freed, repairs to Lewis for succour in this extremity. Lewis fails him not, his army marcheth with great speed: he himself comes in person, and is received into Arras: from thence he adiornes Thierry, to come and answer before him as his sovereign, by what warrant he carries himself for Earl: this summons is made unto him at Ypre, whether he had retired himself. Having condemned him by default, Thierrithe new Earl of Flanders defeated. he approacheth his army to Ypre, to vex the inhib●bitants. Thierri sallies forth with a notable troop of men: they join, the fight is fierce, but the check falls upon Thierries forces, who with much a do, saves himself in Alost. William pursues him, and approacheth the town, summoning the Inhabitants to obey and to deliver up Thierri as an Usurper. William of Normandy st●●●e in Flanders. But he was not advised that one with a Crossbow, shot an arrow at him, and pierced him through the arm. Behold he is wounded and within two days he dies. Thierri and the Flemings send presently to Lewis to beseech him to receive them into favour, whereby he may be assured of their faithful service. Lewis consents, and confirms him: and having caused him to take the oath of fidelity, and received his homage after the manner of his Ancestors, 1121. he returns into France. But Flanders continued not long in quiet, as we shall see hereafter. To these stirs of Flanders, were added some garboils in Bourbonois and Auvergne Archibauld Earl of Bourbon was deceased, leaving one son of the same name, Troubles in Bourbonois. but a young man: and a brother called Haman, who abusing the time in the weak minority of his Nephew, would make himself Master of Bourbonois, pretending the Earldom to appertain unto him by the death of his elder brother, to whom he must succeed in order, as the youngest of the house. The mother and friends of Archibauld, opposed against Hamon, the right of representation (inviolable in France in great houses) which is, that the son of the eldest brother, represents the Father, and without doubt succeeds in all his rights, to enjoy them, as if he himself lived; for that the Father revives in the Son. Hamon building his chief interest upon force, would not admit any reason that made for his Nephew: so as the matter was brought before the King: who by the advise of his Council, declares Archibauld the lawful heir, and puts Haman from his pretensions, commanding him to leave the possession of Bourbonois free to his Nephew. 1123. This Archibauld did afterwards marry his daughter Beatrix to Robert Earl of Clermont in Beawoisis, son to the King S. Lewis, The st●●ke of the house of Bourbon. and of this marriage by the royal stem, is descended the most famous race of Bourbon, the which at this day doth happily enjoy the Crown and realm of France. But Haman (who held some places in Burbonois) would not leave the possession, refusing to obey the King's commandment, relying upon the favour of Eustache Earl of Auvergne, who sought to free himself. There was a private subject of complaint against him, having displaced the Bishop of Clermont against the Kings will. These occasions drew the King into Bourbonois, where having besieged Haman, he ended this controversy in favour of Archibauld. The affairs of Auvergne were more difficult, by reason of William Duke of Guienne, who embraced the cause for the Earl of Auvergne, pretending that he was his vassal. This quarrel seemed to take a long course, but it was pacified by this means. Lewis had six sons, Philip, Lewis, Henry, another Philip, Peter, Robert, and one Daughter, Constance. He had crowned his eldest son Philip, who died by a strange accident▪ going to take the air on horseback, Philip eldest son to Lewis died by a strange accident. a Hog passed under the belly of his horse, the which being feared, did shake this young King so violently, as he threw him down, and so bruised him, as within few days after he died. This unexpected 〈◊〉 having much troubled Lewis, made him to provide for the rest of his children: and the 〈◊〉 of the time among so many of his subjects (which did check his authority by their greatness) moved him to look more carefully thereunto, to make him great, whom he had appointed his successor in the realm above the rest. Lewis was his second son, whom he resolved to crown King in his Brother's place, and to marry him. Guienne is one of the worthiest members of this estate, Lewis the young marries the heir of Guienne. the Dukes were yet of the ●●mainders of great Charlemain, as we have seen. William was then Duke, and had but one Daughter to be heir to this great and rich Country. Lewis resolves to take th●s Daughter for his son, and so to end all strife. This Daughter was called Ellenor, she was given in marriage to Lewis, which was called the young: to distinguish him from his father Lewis, with whom he reigned. Lewis expected a great advancement by this alliance, but the event will show that he had not reckoned with God above. As for his other children, he leaves them to the discretion of the eldest, whom he had resolved to make their superior, both in authority and power, that they might depend only upon his favour. He made Henry his third son, Bishop of Beavois, the other Philip Archdeacon of Paris: Peter Earl of Courteney; Robert Earl of Druex, and married his only daughter Constance to Raimond Earl of Saint giles and Tholouse: which shows that it was a great house; as we shall note in our Theatre of Langudo●: but the course of the history shall make us see plaienly that this alliance did not warrant Raimond from the miseries that fell upon him after this reign. 1137. Lewis the Gross having thus provided for his estate, died, aged 61. in the year of grace 1137. the 25. of October, Lewis dies. leaving one Son settled in his Realm, with an apparent peace, yet breeding great troubles for the State, having reigned twenty and nine years. LEWIS the 7. called the young, 41. King of France. Jews .7. KING OF FRANCE. XXXXI. portrait The 〈◊〉 of 〈◊〉 ●aigne. HE ●egan to reign in the year ●137. and raigne● 43. years. This long reign was nothing happy, and contains nothing in it that was memorable, but that the ●oundatio● was laid for a long calamity ●●r France. The subject was t●e more ●o●●ble, for that the misch●●fe came fr●m thence, from whence g●●● was to be expected, w●ich was from the heir of Guienne. In hope and expectati●●▪ a 〈◊〉 of rest: but in effect a ●e●●n of lamentable confusion, 〈…〉 Monarchic, and transported ●● unto Strangers. The estate of 〈…〉, and some mutineers suppresse● (who in the beginning of 〈…〉 themselves, under colour of the Father's weak old age, and the 〈…〉 ●of the Son) France continued in great quiet, and the accord made betwixt the 〈◊〉 Henry the 5. The Christians assures in the ●a●●. emperor, and the Popes: had pacified the dissension, which had troubled all Christendom. But the affairs of the Christians in the East. were not answerable to their happy and victorious beginning, so as all the Kings and Princes of europe, were called by extreme necessity unto their succours. Such was their estate, as all things fell out happily in Asia to Godefroy of Bovillon, and that the taking of the Holy Land and jerusalem, did seem an absolute conquest to the Christians: but the Turks on the other side slept not: they enter Palestina with an army of six hundred thousand men (as the Greek History of those times doth witness) Godefroy fights with them, the combat was great, and the issue happy for the Christians, Godfrey of Bovillon dies. if the death of that great and famous Prince had not followed soon after, and too soon for the affairs of Christendom, which began greatly to decline by his decease. Baldwin his brother was chosen in his place. A Prince valiant enough, but unfortunate. At his first entry, he very indiscreetly charged a great troop of Sarrazins, where he was beaten with so great dishonour, as even then he lost both courage and authority: although during his reign (which was seven years) tire & Apamea, (which they call Raphanea) notable Cities, were added to this new Kingdom of the Christians. Fouques Earl of Anion, his son in law, succeeded him: but he was scarce in possession, when as he was slain a hunting with a fall; leaving two children, Baldwin and Amaulry, and the affairs so dismembered, as they could no longer stand: pressed within by divisions, and without by a dangerous war: The Christians lose all in the East. so as all these goodly Provinces gotten with so great facility, were through these civil dissensions among Christians, lost within few days. Behold new Ambassadors from these young Princes, and all the great States in Asia: To the Pope, Emperor, and King of France, emploring their aides, else they were undone, to the shame of Christendom, and triumph of those miscreants. Lucius the 2. was then Pope. Conrade of Suevia Emperor. And Lewis King of France. S. Bernard (whom they called the Mellifluous Doctor, for his sacred & divine eloquence) lived then, having won great reputation with the French, for his doctrine & holiness. The Pope employed him much, to persuade the King to embrace this action, and to secure their afflicted brethren. Lewis resolves easily, The Emperor and King of France resolve to secure the Christians. his zeal being strengthened by the persuasions of this holy man. Conrade of Suevia took the like resolution, so as they are both well affected, to employ all their means to cross the complots of these miscreants, and to settle the Christians affairs in the holy land: when as behold a great mischance which had almost hindered all their resolutions. Alberic Archbishop of Bourges being dead, the Pope without the King's privity, (to get footing in France of his absolute authority, which he had so much disputed with the Emperor) advanced to the Archbishopric of Bourges, a favourite of his named Peter, and sent him with his Bulls to take possession of the place. Lewis (who had always supported the Sea of Rome in all their quarrels; who had seen his Father ready to enter into a deadly war with the Emperor upon this occasion: who moreover prepared himself at the Pope's persuasion, to employ, not only his treasure, but his own person, in a voyage to the East, for the common good of all Christendom:) seeing this act of the Pope directly contrary to the liberties of the French Church; was mightily discontented with this his proceeding, as if he purposely meant to brave him at his own door. It is a privilege time out of mind of the Kings of France, that they admit not any to Ecclesiastical dignities, preferred by the Pope, or chosen by the people, if he be not agreeable to themselves. The reason is apparent, to avoid either disloyalty, ignorance or ill life, in such as are advanced to these dignities: our Kings having right to be sovereign overseers of the Church. The King would not allow of Peter thus advanced to this dignity, The Pope & king of France at 〈◊〉 although the Chapter of Bourges had given their consent to the Pope's decree. Peter (being rejected) had recourse to Thibaud Earl of Champagne, & to the Earl of Blois, men discontented with the King, and only fit to be opposed. But to this difficulty there was added a greater at the same instant. Raoul Earl of Vermandois had put away his wife Gilibert, the daughter of Roger Lord of Chasteaubriant, upon suspicion that she had been prodigal of her honour, without any proofs to convince her. But jealousy made him to see that plainly, which was concealed to others: so as he put her away, and took Peronnelle, the Bastard Daughter of William Duke of Guienne in her place, being advowed sister to Queen Elinor, and her dear friend. Gilibert complains to the Pope, being rejected (as she pretended) without cause, and demands justice. The Pope commands Raoul to receive his wife again, and to put away Peronelle, as unlawful, and (for not obeying) doth excommunicate him. The King entreats the Pope for Peronelle, but he prevails not: for he sends Yues into France as his Legate, to revive the first censure, 1143. not only against the Earl, but also against the Bishops which had consented to the divorce of Gilibert, forbidding them any more to exercise their charges. The Earl Thibaud had undertaken to have the Pope obeyed; to the great dislike of the King, as it were attempting it of purpose to offend him. Lewis moved with this affront, went against Thibaud: And at the first takes Vitry, and not only sacks the Town, but in disdain of the Pope, caused the Churches to be spoiled: and many being fled out of the villages, to save themselves from the fury of the disordered troops, A horrible massacre committed by the soldiers of Lewis, and by his consent. had retired themselves into a Temple, as to a place of safety: Lewis gives such liberty to his Soldiers, as they set fire of the place, and burn fifteen hundred persons, men and women. The horror of this Massacre offended all good men, but especially Lewis, who was so much grieved as he could not be comforted. Misfortune is good for some thing. Lewis loathing the voyage to the East, for the foresaid occasions, was easily confirmed by Saint Bernard, who had persuaded him to yield all succours to the afflicted Christians, for a reparation of so execrable a fact, committed by his commandment, upon so many poor innocents: And likewise he embarked Conrade the Emperor and the Germans. These two great Princes, carried with one zeal, and united in one will to this work, make great preparations for the voyage. Conrade arms three score thousand horse, and an infinite number of foot, and he himself is chief of this goodly Army, taking the way of Hongarie to Constantinople, through the Country of Alexis his brother in law, Emperor of Greece: The Emperor and Lewis go into the East. he arrived some months before Lewis; for the Emperor parted in February, and Lewis went to field in may, and takes the same course the Emperor had done. The King's Army was nothing inferior to the Emperors: and so▪ much the more remarkable, for that Queen Elinor desired to accompany her husband in the voyage: so as after the King and Queen's example, all France thought to fly into the East. They sent a Distaff and a Spindle to all those that were fit for Arms, if they marched not with this troop of brave Warriors. Conrade arrived first at Constantinople: And so he returned much sooner into Germany. Having passed into Asia by the Bosphorus of Thrace, it was likely that all should yield to so mighty an Army: but it fell out otherwise then he had desseigned. All the cities won at the fi●st voyage were almost lost; and the Christians ill government was so well known, as the Turks made head in all places. The Emperor measuring his triumph by the number of his men, contemned the enemy, and was negligent in his proceed: Having referred the provision to Alexis Emperor of the East, The Emperor's voyage to no profit. his brother in law, he found little Bread, and store of enemies in all places. So as what by Hunger and the Sword, scarce the tenth part of his men come to his friends in the Holy Land, where he found them all amazed. Lewis (warned by Conrads example) did somewhat better in the beginning: for being refreshed at Constantinople, and other Cities of Greece: he passed the Channel into Asia happily: where having beaten the enemy, he came without loss to Athalia and having caused his Fleet (which was at Rhodes) to come to the friends Ports of Palestina, he arrived by land safe with all his troops at Antioch, where he was honourably received by ●aimond Earl of Saint giles his brother in law: In the mean time the Emperor besiegeth Ascalon alone, but prevails not. Lewis arrives at jerusalem, whether Conrade comes likewise. After they had visited the places of devotion, they resolve to besiege Damas' in Syria, a City very important for the commerce of judea; but after a long and fruitless siege, all are dispersed. The Emperor who came first, The Emperor of Greece deals treacherously with the Emperor & King. returns first. The King stayed not long after him. There were four years spent in this fruitless voyage, with much pain and cost, and not only without fruit, but it also took away the terror of Christian armies in these miscreants, and left the affairs of Asia in far worse estate, then when they came. There was yet another inconvenience. The Emperor Alexis (a friend at their entry) showed himself an enemy to them both at their departure. Conrade saved himself as well as he could, more fearing the treachery of the Greeks, than the cruelty of the Turks. 1146. Lewis provides in time to have the Fleet of Sicily come for his convoy, else had he lost both himself and his treasure, The Emperor and King of France make a shameful return from the East. the which had been a means for the Greeks to make their peace with the Turks, and open war against the other Christians, being better than themselves. This shameful and prejudicial departure, was hurtful to the whole Christian Church. But there was a greater loss for Lewis, very troublesome to himself, and prejudicial to all France: for Queen Elinor his wife, (who made profession to go visit the holy places,) suffered her eyes to be abused with an unchaste and filthy lust, which tainted her honour, and the King her husband's heart, with an outrageous jealousy. This woman accustomed to the liberties of Time and Place, had so abandoned herself to the pleasures of the East, as the stench of her incontinency was public to the whole world, before her husband had any notice thereof: her impudency did so fa●re exceed, as she would dishonourably have stayed in Antioch, and left her husband: presuming to cloak her shame with a show of Religion: saying without blushing, that she could be no more the wife of Lewis, to whom she was Cousin in the fourth degree, preferring the love of a jester, named Saladin, of the Sarrazin race, Queen Eleno● unchaste. before the greatness of a King of France, her lawful husband. Lewis being much disquieted, persuades this woman to return, (a heavier burden to his mind, then to his ship,) being returned to his house, he frees himself with all the speed he can. And whereas he should have cast this insatiate woman into the River, being no more his wife, and retained her Dowry justly gotten, she playing bankrupt of her honour: Lewis pretends a cause to be divorced from Elinor, and restores her Guienne. he calls a Council at Baugency to have her divorced, the which was granted, under colour of this far fetched consangunitie. But his desire was to be freed from her. So retaining two Daughters, borne under the vale of their marriage: he restores unto Elinor all her Country of Guienne, that is, he puts into the hands of his furious enemy a Torch to set his whole Realm on fire: for so soon as she sees herself freed from the subjection and fear of a husband, she stayed not long to acquaint herself with Henry King of England, and Du●e of Normandy, Elinor marries with Henry King of England. the greatest and most capital enemy that Lewis had. So he obtained Guienne by the voluntary session which Lewis made, to have the better means to annoy him and his whole realm▪ Moreover, Lewis paid dearly for so great a discomodity, for the Pope would not give him a dispense to marry again, without a great sum of money, to be employed in the wars of the Holy Land: and to finish this work, he took to Wife Constance, the Daughter of Alphonso King of Galicia, being a weak friend, Lewis marries again. and far off. This marriage was not greatly convenient, neither for his own quiet, not the peace of his subjects. This subject of deadly rancour, increasing the hatred of these two neighbour Monarches of France and England, burst forth soon by dangerous effects. The benefit of the new purchase of Guienne, was the cause of that perilous war, the which had so long, and so lamentable a continuance. William Duke of Guienne, Grandfather by the Father to Queen Elinor, had married▪ the only Daughter of the first Raimond Earl of Tholouse, who had engaged the said County to Raimond Earl of Saint giles, who since also called himself Earl of Tholouse, being seized of the said County, and enjoyed it quietly under the King's obedience. Henry King of England offers the money to Raimond, to redeem it, The first war betwixt France and England, for the Earldom of Tholouse. and demands the Earldom as his Wives right: Upon his refusal, he arms, enters into Quercy, takes Cahors, spoils the Country, and besiegeth Tholouse Lewis (entreated by Raimond) runs to quench this fire: Being arrived, and the two Armies ready to join, a peace was made betwixt the two Kings, by the marriage of Marguerite the Daughter of Lewis, with Henry the eldest Son of Henry King of England: The two kings reconciled by a marriage. But for that she was very young, and not yet marriageable, she was delivered into Henry the Father's hands, until she were of fit age to marry. Lewis had now buried his wife Constance, who left him but two Daughters, without any heirs male: so as being desirous to have a successor, he made no delay to matry, and took to his third Wife, Alix the Daughter of Thibaud Earl of Champagne, his vassal, 1151. and newly reconciled, but not greatly affected unto him, until that time. He had a Son presently by her, whom he called Dieu Donné, or given of God, as an acknowledgement that God had sent him, at his and his subjects prayers, This is he that shall succeed him. I should begin to describe his reign, but order commands me to relate what happened, during the reign of Lewis, in the neighbour nations of England and Italy, wherein Lewis had great crosses. Henry King of England had two sons by Elinor: Richard and Geoffr●y: and by his first wife he had Henry, who was made sure to Marguerit of France, of whom we have spoken. The Father caused him to be crowned, to settle him in his life time, and tied the English unto him by homage. A young Prince, ambitious, audacious, ill advised and rash, who cannot long contain himself with the taste of this new authority, Notable troubles in England, betw●●● the father and the son. but will play the King with his Father. And although his Father's admonitions restrained him for awhile: yet this ambitious humour still burst forth: So as the Father from mild admonitions came to threats, the insolency of this young Prince increasing daily: Some years passed whilst this fire lay smothered, very long for young Henry, to whom the Father's life seemed too tedious, and the children of the second wife grew by the care of Elinor their Mother. Henry the Father, discontented with his Son, and fearing that in consumating the marriage betwixt him and the Daughter of France, the young Prince would grow proud, augmenting his train and State, and (through the favour of King Lewis his Father in Law) attempt something prejudicial to his authority: He delayed the accomplishment of this marriage, although the Virgin wer● of more than sufficient years to marry. To this mischief was added an other more shameful, for that Henry the Father caused this Princess to be carefully kept, the which should be his Daughter in Law, fearing lest his Son should violently take her away, Prince Henry jealous of his own father. and marry her. Elinor falls into jealousy, as if Henry had abused her: And it was easy to settle this conceit in her son in Law Henry's head, who had the chief interest in this delay: And to publish this scandalous report unto the people, to make the old man more odious unto the whole world. A malicious and importune woman, borne for a great plague to both these Estates. As men do commonly adore the Sun rising: so there wanted no Sycophants in Court to flatte● the cares of this young King, and likewise to incense the two Kings one against the other, in flattering their passions. Thus Henry transported by these occasions, complains to Lewis of the double wrong his Father did him, both in the delay of his marriage, and denial of his authority. And as Lewis at his request had given some admonitions unto Henry, in the end this passionate young Prince came to Paris, where being well received, he enters League with Lewis, to make war against his Father, and to disquiet him in divers parts. William King of Scotland is an associate, upon condition that Henry shall give him the Country of Northu●●●●and adjoining unto Scotland, for his charges in the wars. Henry the father (advertised of all these preparations) moves not, hoping that reason should reclaim his Son, and to this end he sends an honourable embassage to Lewis, and to his Son, being in France: the which made them more resolute, an usual thing in such as are sought unto. Elinor adds more to this dissension (great enough of itself, The sons make war against the Father. ) to cross the affairs of her old husband, with whom she stood in very bad terms. She doth bandy her two Sons Richard and Geoffrey against the Father, causing them to join with their Brother Henry, who is puffed up wonderfully here-with, having his brethren for companions of his fury. The war breaks forth amongst them, the King's Army enters into Normandy, the which obeyed the Father. Henry the Son takes some places, and engageth some men of war with great promises, and by great assurances of good, the which was not in his power to perform. Henry the Father (having provided for England against William King of Scots) passeth into Normandy, where lay all the burden of the war and Arms with great speed: The coldness of his age was chased by the lively apprehension of so many indignities. The greatest part of his subjects detested the presumption of this Son, neither could they allow of Lewis his proceed, 1155. who had done better in casting Water then Oil, into this homebred fire. Lewis supports the sons against the father. Lewis besiegeth Vernueil, and fearing to be forced to raise the siege, under colour of a parley with Henry▪ he takes the Town, and sends forces from other parts into England, to cause new broils. Richard Duke of Guienne by his Mother's right, makes war there: but all these unlawful attempts have no success. The French that passed into England are beaten: & Richard prevails not against his Father, to whom most of the Cities yield daily, & leave the Son. Richard drawn to his duty by the respects of Nature, But they prevail not. which cannot be denied, & forced by necessity, desires to parley with his Father. He is received into grace, and deals with his brother Henry for the like reconciliation. Lewis finding Henry's disposition, allows of it. They send Ambassadors of either side. This uncivil & unlawful war was ended by this accord. Henry King of England reconciled to his sons. That the Father should re●aine alone in the Royal authority: acknowledged and obeyed of all his sons, that he should give honourable allowances to either of them, according to their degrees: That the marriage of Henry with Marguerite the eldest Daughter of King Lewis, should be consummated: and that Alix his other Daughter, should be given in marriage to Richard, the other Son of Henry, to make an absolute accord. Thus this Tragedy seemed to end with a Comedy: But there shall be change of subjects upon another Scaffold. As these things passed in England, Italy was nothing quieter, by the dissensions that were revived betwixt the Emperors and Pope. After the death of Conrade: Frederick surnamed Barberousse, is created Emperor, of whom Histories yield an honourable testimony of his wisdom and valour. Having pacified Germany, he came into Italy, to repair the confusions bred both by long absence, and the death of Conrade. The Emperor having punished the Veronois and the Milanois, New dissension betwixt the Emperor and Pope. had incensed Pope Adrian, who supported them, (the factions of Guelphs and Gibelins being confusedly spread throughout all the Cities) so as he was ready to excommunicate him, when as death stayed this storm, leaving it ready to his successors. The Schism which grew in the Sea of Rome by these factions, stayed the blow, some having called Victor, as most affectionate to the emperors partie● others Alexander, as his sworn enemy. To remedy this division, Frederick calls a Council at Pavia, and sends to both the Popes to come thither: Victor comes, and offers to perform what should be decreed. Alexander on the other side makes the old answer (these be the words of the History.) That the Pope was not to be judged by any man living, and that he neither aught, nor would appear. The Council being thus dissolved, without any good conclusion; the Emperor for the making of an accord, entreats Lewis King of France; Henry King of England, and the Kings of Scotland and Bohemia, to meet in some convenient place for a parley. Dijon was appointed, as bordering upon the Empire: They meet, but their conference did aggravate the quarrel. Lewis was wholly for Alexander, who had likewise gained the Venetians, and the greatest part of Italy. The issue of this pa●ley was open force, the which Frederick employed against the Milanois being the principal cause of this dissension: Frederick the Emperor ruins Milan. whom he did punish severely, having taken, spoiled, and sacked their City, ruined it utterly, causing Salt to be sown there, & punishing the authors of this rebellion capitally. Alexander not able to resist Frederick, retires himself into France, from whence he planted his battery against the Emperor. The Milanois (saving what they could in this shipwreck) begin to build their City, under the favour of Pope Alexander, & to make new designs against Frederick, who returns into Italy, makes himself master of Genoa, He takes Rom● and creates a new Pope. from whence their means came, defeats the Romans' in a pitched field, takes Rome, & causeth another Pope called Calixtus, to be created in the place of Alexander the 3. Alexander saves himself at Venice. Otho The son of Frederick follows after to take him with 75. galleys. Otho the Emperor's son ca●en by the Venetians. But the chance turned, for he himself was taken by Cian General of the Venetians, and carried prisoner to Venice. Then Frederick grew more mild, & accepted of such conditions of peace as Alexander had prescribed. That he should crave absolutions on his knees, and himself should lead his army into Asia. So as Frederick comes to Venice, and being prostrate at the Pope's feet in a solemn assembly, 1171. he asketh pardon. The Pope sets his foot upon his neck, and cries with a loud voice: Super aspidem et basiliscum ambulabis. The Emperor moved with this disgrace, The Emperor subjects himself basely to the Pope. answers. Non tibi sed Petro. The Pope replies: Et mihi & Petro. This bravado of Alexander seemed so strange to some of his train, as Theodore Marquis of Misnia, trembling and gnashing his teeth with choler, was held back by the reins of respect: yet he runs to the Emperor and takes him up. The Pope fearing least these Germans should offer him some violence, being amazed, casts himself about frederick's neck, whom even now he held under his feet, beseeching him to preserve him from his train. The Emperor gives him his word, for he was the stronger both within the City and without, having humbled himself for no other respect, but for the reverence of Religion, and the zeal of public peace. This famous act happened at Venice, in the year 1171. in the presence of the Ambassador of the Kings and Princes of the greatest States of Europe, that were Mediators of this Accord. From Venice, Frederick went into the East with a goodly Army, according to his promise: And the dissension was well pacified by his humility, but not altogether suppressed in Italy, for it revived afterwards, as we shall see in the continuance of this History. Thus the Christians lived, whilst their enemies prevailed daily in Asia, to the great and shameful loss of all Christendom. Such was the estate of the Church and Empire, under the reign of Lewis the 7. 1179. Lewis caused his son Philip to be solemnly Crowned at Rheims, at the age of fourteen years, in the year of Grace 1179. He betrothed him to Isabel the Daughter of Baldwin Earl of Hainault, and having thus disposed of his affairs, he died the year following 1180. An unwise Prince, and unhappy with all his policies, Lewis dies. leaving a Levin of great miseries to his posterity. Doubtless the greatest policy is to be an honest man. This assured peace caused the University of Paris to flourish, as far as those obscure times would permit. Gratian, Peter Lombard, and Comesior, Complaints against the abuses of the Church. learned men lived in that age. The inexcusable confusion which reigned in the Church, was a just subject of complaint to the good, as appears by the writings of Peter of Blois, John de Saraburck Bishop of Chartres, and Bernard Abbot of Cistea●x, great and worthy men, Their Books live after their deaths, wherein the wise Reader may see, an ample and free Commentary of this Text, the which the Histori● suffers me not to dilate of. PHILIP the 2. called Augustus, or God's Gift, the 42. King of France. PHILIPPE .2. KING OF FRANCE. XXXXII. portrait THe title of Augustus given to Philip, is worthy of his person and reign: who not only preserved the French Monarchy, An excellent King and an excellent reign. amidst so many sorts of enemies and difficulties: but enlarged it with many Provinces, (divided to divers proprietaries by Hugh Capet) and united them to the Crown: for this cause he was also called Conqueror. His disposition. The beginning of his reign was a presage of happiness, for there appeared in his face a great show of a good disposition, inclined to piety, justice, and modesty, being strong, quick, vigilant, valiant, and active. He did consecrate the first fruits of his reign, to purge the corruptions which reigned among the people: Blasphemies, Plays, Dicing houses, public dissolutions in infamous places, Taverns and Tippling houses. He made goodly laws which our age reads and scorns, doing the contrary with all impunity, but whilst he reigned they were duly observed. The jews were mightily dispersed throughout the Realm, who (besides their obstinate superstition, used excessive Usury, and were supported for some great benefit, by the Pope and o●her Princes and States, where as they have liberty at this day, to live after their own manner. Philip expelled them, The jews banished out of France. although they obtained a return for money▪ yet in the end they were banished out of all the territories of the French obedience, and so continue unto this day. This was a small apprenticeship, and an entrance of much more happy pain, the which he should undergo, both within and without the Realm, in great and troublesome affairs, as a famous subject worthy of his valour. England, Flanders, and Asia, provided variety and change of work to employ his reign, the which continued forty four years: but the change of his intricate marriages troubled him more than all his affairs, 1190. as the progress of our discourse will show. In the beginning there was emulation who should be nearest to govern him. Philip Earl of Flanders, and the Duke of Guienne were competitors. The one as Uncle to the young Queen Isabella his wife, Competitors for the government of the state. and named by his Father Lewis: The other as his nearest Kinsman, and both the one and the other had great means to prevail: but Richard was the stronger, as well by the King's favour, as by the forces of England, of whence he was an In●ant▪ and well beloved of Henry his brother, who then reigned. Behold the King is embarked against the Earl of Flanders, by the advise of his Council: The subject of their quarrel was for Vermandois, which the Earl enjoyed, the King demanded it, being no longer his, by the decease of Alix dead without children, and therefore must return to the Crown: From words they go to arms. Their troops being in field and ready to fight▪ a peace was made, with this condition. That Count Philip should enjoy Vermandois, Troubles in Flanders for the Earldom of Vermandois during his life, and after his decease it should return to the Crown. But this peace continued not long among these Princes. The King could not love his Wife Isabel; It seems this was the chief cause of the dislike the King had against the Earl of Flanders her uncle. In the end he put her away, in the year 1188. from which time Philip loved Richard Duke of Guienne. But this good agreement continued not long, by reason of another controversy betwixt him and the English. Margu●rite the Daughter of Lewis the 7. sister to Philip, married to Henry of England as we have said, died then without Children. Philip doth presently redemand his Sisters' downy, Hen●y, son to H●n●y the 1. King of England, dies before the father which was the Country of Vexin. The King of England is loath to leave the possession, so as they fall to Arms and the mischief increased by this occasion. Henry, first son to old Henry died▪ Richard Duke of Guienne his brother, (who might have compounded this quarrel) being called to the Crown, embraceth the action with all eagerness: And to cross Philip by an important diversion, (like to old Henry) auoides the blow in Normandy, and enters Languedoc by Guienne into the County of Thol●usa, renewing the old quarrel he had against Count Raimond. Philip being assailed in two places, is nothing amazed: Having levied an Army with all celerity, War with England. he enters the English pale. Where he suddenly takes Chasteaucaux, Busa●cais, Argenton, Leuroux, Montrichard, Montsor●au, Vandosme, with other Towns: and passing on, he batters and takes Man's: and having waded through the River of Loire, he presents himself before Tours, which yields at the terror of his forces. Philip of Fr●nce and Ric●ard of England make ● peace. Old Henry amazed at the sudden valour of this young Prince, faints, and oppressed with grie●e, dies at Chinon, in the year 1190. leaving his Realm to his Son Richard, but no● his Mal●ce: For presently after his Coronation, he concludes a peace wi●h philip upon a cause very honourable to them both. The Christians affairs in Asia declined still▪ The Pope persuaded the Kings of France and England with many reasons, The Christians ●st●●● in Asi● very miserable. and the zeal of the common interest of Christendom, made them resolve. They became good friends, with an intent to make a voyage together to the Holy Land, to the incredible content of all their subjects. But whilst they prepare for this voyage, let us pass into Asia, to visit the afflicted Christians. After the fruitless return of the Emperor Conrade, and of Lewis King of France, things went from bad to worse, having caused the Christian forces to lose their reputation with the Turks, being grown proud with this vain show of Arms. Baldwin dies after the fruitless attempts of these great Princes: Amaulry his Brother succeeds him▪ who toiled himself in Egypt, against Sultan Sarracon, and Saladin his successor: He was relieved by the coming of Frederick Barbarousse, who failed not to perform what he had promised to Pope Alexander. But the Christians found small comfort in his coming: The forces of the Empire (which were great) being dispersed by the death of the Emperor. Amaulry likewise dies, who leaves one Son named Baldwin, both young and a Leper, so as having voluntarily resigned the charge, finding himself unfit, he did invest his Nephew Baldwin, the son of William Longsword, Marquis of Mon●errat, and of Sibell his Sister: and considering the weakness of his age, he appoints Raimond Earl of Tripoli for his Tutor. 1121. Hence sprung a horrible dissension among the Christians: for Sibille (by whom the right came to Baldwin her son, after the death of Marquis William) was married to Guy of Lusignan, who was seized of the young Infant. He is now his Tutor by force, the child dies, and Guy of a Tutor becomes a King, The Christians in Asia at Civil wars. (not without great suspicion of treachery against the Infant) and in the end they fall to war. Every one doth strengthen himself for this goodly realm; and they are incensed with greater fury, then when they jointly made war against the Infidels. Guy seeks for secure of Saladin Sultan of Egypt, who embraceth this occasion, and runs with a great Army to besiege Tiberiades. The Christians assemble and are defeated in a set battle. The Cross is taken by Saladin and carried in triumph. Then was Tripoli delivered into his hands, The Infidels make their profit by their dissensions. and the Earl Raymond found dead in his bed, when as he should have reigned; to teach all men how to trust Infidels. Saladin passeth on, he beeseegeth, takes and sacks jerusalem, and in this amazement, Ptolomais, Azot, Baruth and Ascalon yield unto him. These victorious conquests of Saladin, were accompanied with great mildness to the people whom he had subdued, that by this wise course, the Miscreant might encounter the Christians disorders, by a notable example of virtue. Moreover, there happened another tragical confusion: Alexis a young man of fifteen years, The Emperor of Grease murdered by his Tutor. son to Emanuel the Emperor (issued from that Alexis, of whom we have spoken in the beginning of this Eastern war) was cruelly slain by his Tutor Andronicus, and he himself afterward, by Isaac, and the people of Constantinople, who had called him to the Empire. Such was the sick estate of the East, when as our Kings were solicited to go and visit it, in the year 1190. Philip calls a Parliament at Paris to settle his estate: they dissuade him from the voyage, but zeal transported him, and made him fight with impossibilities: So great efficacy this resolution had to go to this war, which seemed to be the gain of their soul's health, as the History saith, King Philip & Ric●a●d King of England made a vo●age to the East. great charges were imposed upon such as went not the voyage, to pay the tenth of all their revenues, both spiritual and temporal, called for this occasion the Saladins Tenths. Richard King of England came with many Dukes, Marquises, Earls, Barons, great Lords, and an infinite number of young Gentlemen. The Kings swear a brotherly and inviolable League: The great 〈…〉 among Kings breeds contempt and hatred. but the continual and private intercourse by the way, bred a familiarity, and this familiarity engendered a contempt, and contempt hatred, as the course of the History will show. A notable lesson for Kings and Princes, to teach them how far they should converse familiarly. Having crossed the Seas with some difficulties, in the end they come into Syria. The loss of the Cross made them to besiege Acon, the which they take very valiantly, after great loss of their men: but the Cross would not be found, As the Original saith The plague fell among their troops: every one talks of returning. Philip speaks 〈…〉 indisposition. Richard made some difficulty, lest that Philip in his absence's should attempt some thing in his territories of France. Philip having assured him by oath, returns, and passing by Rome, comes safe into France: Having left the greatest part of his forces in the East, under the command of Odo Duke of Bourgongne. Richard remaining alone, was better obeyed of the Army, and achieved great and memorable exploits against Saladin, being already amazed by the taking of Acon. Richard King of Englandhis exploits in Asia 〈…〉 Gaza and jaffa, having repeopled them with Christian Colonies, and vainquished Saladin in batta●le: From thence he resolved to besiege jerusalem; but as he was kept from this enterprise by reason of the Winter, so was he forced to leave Asia upon this occasion, and return into England. During his voyage and Philip's, there had passed some unkind speeches, by reason of Alix Sister to Philip, and the wife of Richard, who in great disdain said: That he had never touched her: & that she should never come near him, blaming her, as if she had been prodigal of her honour, by a monstrous Incest with his Father. Notwithstanding all shows at their parting, yet this did stick in philip stomach, 1061. who at his return found his Sister Alix at Saint German in Lay, whether she was retired, expecting his return, who failed not to seek all means of revenge: Richard had left his brother john in England to govern the State in his absence. Philippe solicitts him and promiseth him all his means, with his Sister Alix (being unworthily rejected) for a gage of his love. Philippe st●rs up john against his brother Richard King of ●ngland. But Elinor the mother of these Princes, kept john in awe from joining openly with Philip against his absent brother, yet could she not restrain john from giving his word to Philip, who fails not to seize covertly, seeing his faith plighted and the reverence of the cause which held Richard from his house would not suffer him to work openly. So he takes guysor's by intelligence, and all the other Towns of Vexin, which were in controversy. These news gave Richard just cause to resolve upon his return: but it cost him dear, for Saladin (whom he had kept in awe sense the taking of Acon, Richard mak● a truce with Saladin upon unreasonable conditions. ) well informed of his necessity & resolution, makes him to buy a truce for five years at a dear rate: yielding him up all that had been taken sense the coming of the two kings into Asia, and so the Blood, Time and Cost, spent in this conquest, were lost in an hour by the ill government of our Kings. Richard having left the absolute comande of the affairs of Asia, to Henry Earl of Campegne, takes his way for England; but as he came to Vienna, in Austria, he was known and stayed, Richard King o● England stai●d by the Emperor, & m●de to pay a ransom. first by Leopold Duke of Austria, and then by Henry the Emperor, for some discontent he had against him. Thus Richard was retained 22. months, and not delivered but for a ransom of an houndred thousand pounds sterling, which was then a great and notable sum. This was the success of that long and dangerous Eastern voyage, crossed with so many toils, take and yielding up; and with such troublesome consequences for both Kings and both Realms: for the quarrel ended not upon King Richard's release out of prison as we shall see. Richard being returned into England, Strange marriages of P●ilip. he sought all means of revenge for the Wrongs he supposed to have received unworthily of Philip in his absence and calamity. But let us return to Philip, he had put a way Isabel, & taken Alix the daughter of the King of Hungary, who lived not long with him. She being dead, he took Gelberge sister to the King of Denmark, whom likewise he put away, and in her place married Marie the daughter of the Duke of Moravia. After a long and bitter controversy upon the repudiation of Gelberge, the king remaining obstinate in his resolution, yet in end he received her again beyond all hope and ended his days with her, sending back Marie with honourable means to live in this kind of solitary life, in manner of a widow. But our Inventory may not excuse itself upon the brevity of the stile, without reporting the manner which Philip held in receiving Gelberge after so long and obstinate a suit. The King of Denmark pursued vehemently in the Court of Rome; for the honour and quiet of his sister rejected Philip not able to avoid the decision of the cause: And yet resolute not to receive Gelberge, prepares his Advocates to show the reasons which had moved him to put her away. The cause was to be pleaded before the Pope's Legate in the great Hall of the Bishop's Palace at Paris; thither they run of all sides. In this great and solemn assembly, Philipps Advocates pleaded wonderfully well for him against his wife, but no man appeared for her. As the Crier had demanded three times if there were any one to speak for Gelberge, and that silence should be held for a consent: behold a young man unknown, steps forth of the press, and demands audience: An Advocate unknown pleads against the King for his wife Gelberge. It was granted him with great attention. King Philip assisting, every man's ears were open to hear this Advocate, but especially Philipps, who was touched and ravished with the free and plain discourse of truth which he heard from the mouth of this new Advocate, so as they might perceive him to change his countenance. After this young man had ended his discourse, he returns into the press again, and was never seen more, neither could they learn what he was, who had sent him, nor whence he came. The judges were amazed, and the cause was remitted to the Council. P●ilip relents ●nd takes Gelberge again. Philip without any stay in Court, goes to Horse, and rides presently to Bois de Vincennes, whether he had confined Gelberge: having embraced her, he receives her into favour, and passed the rest of his days with her in nuptial love. 1193 By Isabel he had Lewis▪ the 8 of that name, whom (during his life) he employed in affairs, and left him the Crown, But the peace of his house was blemished by these crooked changes, whereby we may observe by the disquieted mind of this worthy Prince, that there is nothing absolutely perfect in human affairs. He which could surmount the insolencies of his enemies, could not vanquish his own passions. He that could get else. where, could not preserve that which was most precious, that is, the peace of his house and of his bed: and which is more of his soul: who could not live quietly a midst these continual debates bred and nourished in his bosom. This was the banquet which was prepared for him at his return, after so many broils passed in the voyage of the ●ast. Flanders and England ministered him matter of troubles all his life time, 〈◊〉 had moudry wars 〈…〉 King of England and 〈◊〉 Earl of F●and●rs. and he requited his enemies with the like, over whom he had victorious advantages, Bal●wine Son to Baldwin Earl of Hainault and Namur, called the fourth, and of Marguerit of Alsatia the Heir of Flaunders, by the decease of her brother Philip, (dead of late in the East,) was then seized of these goodly Seigneuries: whereunto he had added Vermandois, the which he pretended to belong unto him by a certain agreement: but in effect it was by the right of conveniency: the which he had seized on in Philip's absence▪ who at his return recovered it from him by force, with the country of Artois; the which he gave to his Son Lewis being now grown great, who took possession and received homage from them of the Country. Moreover Philip caused Bauldwin, to do homage (as his vassal,) for Flanders and other Lands of the Low countries, noted by that name at Paris, according to the solemnities required: from thence he marcheth into Normandy, takes guysor's and the Country of Vexin, giving it for a dourie to his sister Alix being put away by Richard; whom he had married again to the Earl of Ponthieu. But suddenly there are complaints from England. That Phlilip did break his promise. He replies. That seeing his sister was nothing to Richard, there was no● reason he should enjoy her dowry. But this quarrel must proceed farther. Richard, receives his brother john into favour, and pardons what is past, so as he will serve him faithfully against Philip, and be no more seduced by his practices It chanced moreover that Otho of Saxony, the Son of Richard's sister, was choose Emperor, in his absence, being then in England, from whence he presently departs, assisted with his uncles means, the which hereafter shall import him much▪ Richard seeing how much Tholouse did import him for his countries of Guienne, enters into a strict League of friendship with Raymond Earl of Tholouse, them a widower by the death of Constance, Aunt to Philip, giving him joane his sister in marriage, the widow of Willam King of Sicilia. All these were preparatives of great war against France. And could Baldwine Earl of Flanders be well satisfied being entreated as we have seen? Richard joins with him. They resolve to make war against Phi●ip in divers places, Having assembled fo●ces their, Baldwine enters into Artois, Richard into Vexin (countries then in Controversy whereby reason the war should begin, seeing the process was bred there, Philip without any amazement provides for Artois, sending forces thither under the command of his Son Lewis. Wars with Richard King of England. He himself marcheth in person against Richard, who besieged Corceeile, the which he relieved in despite of him▪ Richard not able to hinder these souccors, takes his way into the country of Beawoisin and spoils it, Philip doth the like in Normandy. All tends to trouble, by the wilfulness of these two Princes: when as the Pope (some say Celestin others Innocent .3.) sends his Noncio to exhort them to peace. This persuasion stayed it not, but only made a diversion of their arms: for Richard supposing that Philip could not avoid the blow, being engaged in Nomandie, he marcheth into Berry, and being assisted w●th all his forces of Guienne, beseegeth Yssoudun, having wasted and spoiled all the country. Philip besieged Vernon (although the name be diversly coated Vernon Vernueil or Aumale) he leaves the Town and flies to Richard to draw him to fight: who finding himself to weak retires to his town & Philip returns to his siege, and wins the Town not withstanding all the attempts of Richard, who now takes breath to seek his revenge; but God had otherwise disposed, with whom all Princes ought to account for their actions, 1223. who laughs at men when they vex themselves most. During his abode at Lymoges, he was advertised that one of his men at arms had found a great treasure in the ground. This Soldier fearing to be ill rewarded by Richard, flies to a small Town of Limosin, which the History called Caalac or Cailus, held by the French: although it were of the Province of Guienne, then belonging to the English. Richard besiegeth it, but as he approached too near the walls, he was wounded with an Arrow in the left arm. His desire to follow this siege, makes him to neglect his wound, which impairs not being dressed: He takes the Town, but the man saves himself, having hidden his treasure, so as Richard took not the treasure which he hunted after, with a desire so unseemly for a great Prince, but instead of taking gold, Richard King of England dies. death surprised him, who leaving his life upon so light an occasion, leaves a notable example of the vanity of this world, in the lightness of humane spirits, who suffer themselves to be transported with covetousness, a miserable councillor both to great and small. This death did somewhat temper the bitterness of their dissensions, but it did not quench it betwixt France and England. john had right to succeed in the Realm of England, as brother surviving the King deceased; john succeeds Richard, and makes peace with Philip. but Arthur Duke of Brittany, son to Geoffrey the other brother: as we have said, pretended the Crown to belong unto him, as the son of the elder, Elinor their mother being yet liu●ng. john was received by the English, so as being in possession, he had the better and stronger title. Philip favoured Arthur, but he meant to make his profit of the Brother's d●uision, and to keep the stakes. Being sought unto by john the new King of England, (who had then nothing of greater import than his friendship.) he concludes a peace with him, upon condition: That john should yield up all that his Brother had taken in Berry, and never pretend any thing of that which Philip had taken Vexin in these latter wars: and that Elinor (Mother to john) Duchess of Guienne, should do homage to the King for that Province, as depending of the Crown of France. This accord is ratified by a new alliance, the which increased no love. Lewis the Son of Aug●stus, takes to Wife Blanch the Daughter of Alphonsus King of Castill, War betwixt john King of England, and Art●ur his Nephew. and of john's Sister, being his Niece. In the mean time Philip favours Arthur underhand, who (assisted by his means) takes the City of Tours to his great content. Arthur doth him homage presently for the Countries of Touraine, Anjou and main, and so passeth on and takes Mir●●eau, where Elinor his Grandmother was, resolving to proceed on further, but the Almighty GOD stayed his course. For john comes, besiegeth and takes Mircbeau again, and Arthur his Nephew likewise. john murders his Nephew Art●ur. Elinor extremely afflicted with these divisions, dies for grief, and john puts his Nephew Arthur (whom he held Prisoner) to death, to extinguish all controversies, for the title ●f the Realm: although this death were cloaked as accidentally fallen out for sorrow. The cau●e of a cruel war. Hence sprung a cruel War: Constance the Mother of Arthur Duchess of Brittany, demands justice of Philip, as her Sovereign: Philip adiornes john, and (for not appealing) he condemns him as guilty of the crime imposed, john declared 〈◊〉 of murder & felony by 〈◊〉 and of felony, in disobeying of his commandments. He proclaims him an enemy, and doth confiscate all he held of the Crown. This sentence is seconded by open force, to make the execution thereof more easy: The Britons and Poitevins, (wonderfully grieved with this cruel fact) arm and come to Philip. So john abandoned of all, flies to Pope Innocent the third, accusing Philip of the breach of his faith, in making War against him. Innocent the third declaring that the breach of faith belonged properly to his authority, and so by consequence carrying himself for Sovereign judge of the controversy betwixt the two Kings: commands both the one and the other, to lay aside Arms▪ and to suffer the Churches in peace: threatening to curse his realm that should disobey his authority. Pope Innocent ●●●●rposeth his authority. Philip shows, that he hath neither broken his faith nor peace with john: But that he being his vassal, had slain his Nephew, in the territories of his obedience, as it appeared by good proofs, so as it was not reasonable the holy authority of the Church, should serve as a defence or support for his impunity in so detestable a crime, seeing the punishments of subjects and vassals, 1201. appertained to the Prince by all divine and human Laws. But there were new complaints to the Pope against Philip: that finding himself oppressed with war, he imposed certain tenths upon the Clergy, to ease the people, who complained of their burdens. He did not exact this of the Church by his own decree, but had assembled a Nationall Council at Soissons to that end. The Pope said, this was done against his authority, and not only threatened Philip by his Censure, but also all the Clergy that had assisted at this Assembly. Philip lets him understand; That (touching the Clergy of the Realm) it was necessary that out of their abundance they should help to bear the charge for their common preservation: the which he would discharge when as the necessity ceased. And having thus sent back, the Pope's Noncio, he pursues john, so as in few days he becomes master of all Normandy, the which had been divided from the Crown since the year 88●▪ as we have said. Normandy being thus reduced to obedience, with an admirable celerity. Philip takes Normandy & Poitou from john. Poitou doth likewise yield unto him. john upon this Alarm comes to Rochel, and from thence passeth into Anjou, but in vain. He takes and unpeoples' Angers, and seeks to seize upon Britain, being well guarded through the care of their Duke Guy; so as he knows not which way to turn him: when as suddenly behold new occasions in Flanders, the which he feeds all he can to kindle new troubles, whereby he hopes to find some rest: but his death shall seal all these toils, as due punishments for his blind covetousness and horrible parricide. He seeks all means possible to trouble Philip with the ruin of France: Flanders ministers matter by this means. We have formerly spoken of Baldwin Earl of Flanders, after he had done his homage to Philip, he resolves to pass into Asia to succour the afflicted Christians. He had two Daughters, joane and Marguerit, the which he left in the guard of Philip Earl of Namour their Uncle, with the King's good liking; who required the eldest to give her in marriage to Ferrand of Portugal to the dislike of the Flemings; and in the end he took her himself, when as he hoped for profit. john employing all his means, he first useth this instrument to oppose him against Philip in his aid. Great enemies against Philip. Otho the Emperor his Nephew joins with him in such sort, as France was in great danger of ruin, by so great forces, in so resolute an Enterprise. Philip takes counsel for his passage into England finding so good success in his affairs. Ferrand having openly in Counsel dissuaded this attempt, showing it to be both unjust and impossible, he made many of the chief to waver, over whom Philip commanded with great respect, and among the rest, Reginold Earl of Bullen, of whom he had great need, for his descent into England. Holding him in suspect, he sought to make trial of his faith, offering him a French Garrison, the which he refused; whereupon Philip comes to Bullen, where the people give him entry, and Count Regnauld (descovering himself) retires into Flanders to Ferrand. The league was great against Philip, being encountered by two so great enemies, neighbours and united: A dangerous league against Philip. but Otho the Emperor swayed most▪ having promised to assist john his Uncle with all his means in this war. But the issue of this great League was not answerable to their design. Philip foresees this storm, and resolves to prevent it. He goes to field, seizeth upon Cassal, Ypre, and Lisle, and takes assurance of the Cities of Gand and Bruges, employing his son Lewis in these exploits, having means thereby to be in sundry places, by so faithful a Lieutenant. On the other side, Count Ferrand falls upon Tournaisis, and having taken Tournay, he crosseth Philip's designs, john having sent an Army to Sea-defeats the King's Fleet at Dan, and having passed into France, he recovers Poitou. In the mean time, the Emperor Otho comes down with a great and mighty army, in the which they number a hundred and fifty thousand foot, and a notable troop of horse not specified. There were great Captains on either side. Against the King were Ferrand and Reg●old resolute men, who had fury and hope to encourage them. Otho the Emperor brought his honour with the Imperial Eagle in the view of all Europe. john having intelligence of some stirs in England, returns with speed, leaving his army to his Confederates, 1215. and providing to send unto them upon all occasions. On Philip's side, his greatest advantage was in his own person, which did shine like the Sun. Lewis likewise was there; Odo Duke of Bourgongne, and the Earl of S. Pa●l held the first ranks. The common soldiers were nothing inferior to their enemies in courage. Yet the surmounted them in number and expectation of victory: for who would doubt, but the greatest number should vanquish. But the sovereign judge of victories had otherwise decreed; whom Philip had called on, in this extreme danger. He sought to encounter his enemies a part, but God had prepared him a greater triumph in a greater Combat. The Armies were betwixt Lisle and Tournay, where there was a River to be passed by a bridge. Philip takes it, and whilst the Army passed in their ranks, he sleeps; being awaked, they give him intelligence, that the Emperor had pas●ed the River at a ford, meaning to charge him behind. Philip when he had prayed unto God (a circumstance very profitably observed in the history) meaning to prevent him; he causeth those troops to turn head which had passed the River, and that with such celerity, as they came upon their enemy's backs. The Combat was furious on either side, under the most famous Ensigns of the world. On the one side, was the Eagle holding a Dragon in his Talents: on the otherside, the Auriflaine or standard of France. The Germans, Dutch and English, shot at the King, the French at the Emperor. the King was in extreme danger, overthrown under his horse, Philip in danger o● his life in the battle. the which was slain, and rescued by Hugh of marvel. The fame of which fact, is more honourable to his posterity, than the Lordship of Villebois which was given him by the King, in recompense of so worthy a service. The Emperor Otho having fought valiantly, was in great danger, and had fallen into the King's hands, as the Earls Ferrand and Reginald did, having performed as much as Great and Valiant Captains might do. Philip● victory at B●●●uen● against the Emperor. But God would punish (both in the Emperor and in them) the rashness of an unnecessary war. The slaughter was great on either side: blood unjustly spilled through ambition and covetousness were reproachful causes of a voluntary loss. The signs of an absolute victory remain to our Augustus. The Field, Ensigns yea and the Imperial Eagle, (the which was torn instead of tearing) the chief commanders, the Camp and the dead bodies. Philip added Clemency to this victory of his valour, dismissing all the base prisoners, and honouring the Nobility with good usage, Ferrand and R●gnal● prisoners led in triumph. and their liberty. He retained Ferrand and Regnald prisoners, whom he accused of ingratitude and rashness, to have rebelled without cause against their Lord and benefactor▪ he led them in triumph to Paris, where he made a stately entry, drawing them chained in Litters, and condemned them to perpetual prison. Regnald to Pironne and Ferrand to the Lovure at Paris. All France made Bonfires, for this happy success: and Philip built a Temple in honour of the holy Virgin which de called Victory, near unto Senlis. By a decree of the Parliament at Paris, the Earldom of Flanders was adjudged unto the King as forfeited who gave it again to jane the heir of the said Earldom, being not guilty of her husband's treachery. This memorable victory called the battle of Bovuens chanced in the year 1215. the 25. of july. To make his triumph absolute, Philip gave free passage to the Germans; and Otho the Emperor being returned to his house (willingly resigned the Empire, & died of a pining grief, The Emperor di●s for gr●e●e of his lo●●e & disgrace. which never left him after that shameful flight, having willingly sought his own misery: in supporting wrong against right, and searching danger, to perish in danger. A notable example which shows; That victories come from the Eternal, that mortal man dies before his time by his own rashness, and that no unjust war can be successful. But what shall become of john the only motive of this war? while the Emperor, and the Earls of Flanders and Bullen (great Princes whom he had embarked) be at war; he remains at home free from blows attending the event. Seeing his Confederates thus defeated, he fears the whole storm will fall upon him, what doth he? he plays at Double or Quit, and flies to Innocent the fourth as to his Sanctuary. And being forced to save his Estate in this extremity, he resolves to give him a good part. The Pope's hatred, with the power of France, was the last end of his down fall. The Pope had excommunicated him, not only for the parricide of his Nephew Arthur, but for the ill usage of his Clergy. To purchase so difficult an absolution, there needed a great satisfaction. He therefore sends confident men in all haste to Innocent 4. humbly beseeching him to pity him in his calamity. john makes the realm of England tributary to the Pope. That if it would please him to receive him into favour, and protect him against the King of France, he would bind the realm of England and Seigneurie of Ireland, to hold of him and his successors, and in sign of obedience to pay him a yearly tribute of a thousand marks of silver. This frank offer caused john's Ambassadors to be well entertained. Innocent ●ends his Legate presently to absolve him, to pass the contract, and to receive the homages of fealty, as well of himself as of his subject. john is absolved, & having laid his Crown, Sceptre, Cloak Sword and King; (the royal enseigns of a King) at the Legates feet, john doth homage to the Pope's Legate. he doth him homage for his realm of England, kissing his feet as his tributary; and binds the English to the like duty by a solemn oath. He was also willing to discharge that which he had taken from his Clergy. This shallbe the means to make him lose both his estate and life. This happened in the year 1215. These things performed in England, the Legate returns into France, and denonceth unto Philip in the Pope's name. That he should suffer john to enjoin his realm of England in peace, and freely to possess the lands which he held by homage of the Crown of France. Moreover that he should satisfy the great complaints which the Clergy of his realm had made against him, restoring that which he had exacted from them during the wars, upon pain of excommunication, if he did not presently obey. Philip promiseth to submit himself: and before the Legates departure, he frees the Clergy of his realm of the tenths which he had exacted for the charge of the wars, according to the decree of a Nationall Council held at Soissons. john lives at peace in England, for that which concerned Philip▪ but see, he is the instrument of his own misery. Being exhausted of means, through the long and chargeable wars, wherewith England had been afflicted, he had bound himself to the Pope, to restore unto the Clergy, all such sums of money as he had extorted from them, during his troubles▪ and for want of payment, he sees an excommunication ready, the which was revoked, but upon condition of obedience. john's oppression o● his subjects the cause of his ruin. Thus freeing the Clergy, he surchargeth the people: and pressed by the Pope to satisfy his command, he oppresseth his subjects, by extraordinary impositions, and tyrannical exactions, adding force to his commands. So as it fell out, that as he could not help the one without hurting of the other, and that the people hate him commonly, that wrongs them: behold the English make strange complaints in Parliament against john, who doth incense them the more by his rigorous answers. The English seeing themselves rejected by their King, fly to extraordinary remedies: and being denied justice by him that should give it they seek it else where, choosing a King in the place of a Tyrant. France was their only refuge in these extremities, The English reject ●ohn an● offer the realm to Philip. and therefore they send the chief Noblemen of the realm to Philip, to offer him the Crown of England, promising to obey him as their lawful King. Philip (who desired nothing more) makes show to refuse it: pretending both the truce made with john, and his word passed to the Pope, but under hand he sends them his son Lewis, his faithful Lieutenant, giving him a train fit for his person in so great an exploit. Lewis having taken hostages of the English, (for assurance of their faith, Lewis of France received by the English. ) he passeth into England, being received of them all with great joy, as the Prince from whom they attended their health and quiet▪ He makes his entry into London, which was the Rendezvous of his most confident friends, and by their example many Cities come and offer him obedience. In the mean time, complaints come to Philip from Pope Innocent, as if he had broken his faith: and threats, if he did not repair it. Philip denies any breach of faith. The Po●e sends to Philip ●or john. They be (said he) the discontents of the English against john, whom they accuse to have slain Arthur their lawful King: and having free liberty to make a new election, they repaired to his Son, who was of age to govern himself, for whose errors he was not answerable. But attending the end of this suit, let us return to England. 1217. john held strong places; Winchester (whether he had retired himself) Windolisor or Windsor, The Pope ●ends to Philip for john. Norwiche and Dover, he had likewise factions in other Cities. Lewis (having received homage from many of them) commandeth his Army to march, to reduce the Cities to obedience, who for the most part received him willingly. Norwiche yields without any dispute: from thence he goes to Dover, (having attempted the Captain by means of his brother, whom he held prisoner,) he resolves to take it by force, and in the mean time he beseegeth Windsor by some Noblemen of his party. john sleeps not, he makes a virtue of necessity, employing all his means to levy men, and to keep what remained. But behold an accident which ends both his suit and his life. One of his Captains brings him certain troops to relieve Winchester, where he attended the siege▪ but they were charged by Lewis his men. john seeing his people to perish, some by the Sword, and the rest drowned, flying to save themselves, oppressed in his conscience, not able to endure the revenging furies of his Nephew's blood unjustly spilled, he falls to a despairing grief, King john dies for grief. and shortly after dies, suffering the punishment of his injustice and cruelty. Leaving a notable example and precedent to all men, never to hope for good by doing evil, although the offender grow obdurate by the delay of punishment. This was after eighteen years patience, during the which john reigned with much trouble, a slave to his furious passions, the which is a cruel and insupportable commander. The English ch●nge their opinion. Thus the decree of God's just judgement against john the parricide, was put in execution in the year 1217. But this death of john did not settle Lewis in his new royalty, as it was expected. The discontent of the English dies with john, and the love of their lawful Prince revives in his Son Henry. God limits the bounds of States, which man's striving cannot exceed. The Sea is a large Ditch to divide England from France: the Pyrenei Spain: and the Alpes Italy, if audacious Ambition and Covetousness would not attempt to force Nature. The English (pleased with his death that made them to languish) cast their eye▪ upon their lawful King. The Pope interposeth his authority for Henry against Lewis; Who desirous to preserve what he had gotten, prepares his forces, when as the loss of his Fleet (coming from France to England) makes him to change his resolution, yielding to reason and time: restoring another man his right and estate, to keep his own at home the surer and safer. The English receive Henry the son of john, and dismiss Lewis of France. Thus Henry the third, the Son of john, was received King of England, and Lewis returned into France, but john's posterity shall be revenged of the Children of Lewis, with more and greater blows than he had given. Lewis (being returned into France) finds work at home, to employ him in War, which he sought beyond the Seas. The occasion was to make head against the Alb●geios, of whom we will discourse in his life, and not interrupt the course of this reign. It is now time to finish this tedious relation of Philip's actions, and to show the conclusion of his life. Awergne united to the Crown. He did confiscate the Earldom of Awergne, and united it unto the Crown, taking it from Guy, being found guilty of Rebellion, this was his last act. All the remainder of his days were consecrated to make good laws, for the well governing of the Realm. At Paris he did institute the Provost of Merchants, and the Sheriffs, for the politic government thereof, he caused the City to be Paved, Philip's actions being before very noisome, by reason of the dirt and mire: He built the halls and the Lovure, being beautified since by Henry the second with a goodly Pavilion, and the rest of the new Lodging: Whereunto King Henry the fourth that now reigns, doth add a Gallery of admirable beauty, if the necessity of his affairs suffer him to Crown the restoration of his Estate, by the finishing of this great building. He walled in Bois de Vincennes, and replenished it with Dear and with divers other sorts of wild Beasts: he finished that admirable and sumptuous building of our ladies Church, whereof the foundation was only laid unknown by whom. He made laws against Usury, Players, jugglers, and dicing houses. 1219. An enemy to public disolutions, and a friend to good order and justice. He relieved the people overcharged by reason of the Wars. He restored unto the Clergy all the revenues he had taken from them during his greatest affairs. And thus he employed this last act of his life to govern the Realm, Lands vnite● to the Crown. to the which he had united a good part of that which was alienated by Hugh Capet. That is all Normandy, a good part of Guienne, the Earldoms of Anjou, Touraine, main, Vermandois, Cambresis, Vallois, Clermont, Beaumond, Awergne, Pontheiu, Alancon, Limosin, Vandosme, Damartin, Mortaigne, and Aumale. We shall hereafter see, how the rest of the Crown lands returned according to the divers means which GOD gave by the good government of our Kings. Philip employed his peaceable old age in this sort, when as God did summon him to leave his Realm to take possession of a better. He was very sick of a quartain Ague, which kept him long languishing in his bed, giving him means to meditate upon his death, and to provide for the Estate of his Rea●me; leaving a good guide, whom he had leisure and means to fashion: yet could he not make him the perfect heir of his Virtues and Happiness. Although Lewis his Son were not vicious, yet had he nothing excellent to make him apparent among other Kings. He would not Crown him in his life time, being taught by the late and neighbour example of the ill government of England, betwixt the Father and the Son, finding his forrces to fail him by the continuance of this Fever, he made his Will. Philip's testament In the which he dealt bountifully with his Servants, according to their deserts: he gave great Legacies towards the Christians War in the East, and to the Templets, who were then held in great reputation, to be very necessary for the guard of Christendom: He gave new rents to Hospitals and to very many Churches. And so he died in peace, the year 1223. the first of julie, H●s death. in the age of fifty and nine years, beloved and lamented of his subjects. He was fifteen years old when he began to reign, and governed forty and four years▪ he left two Sons, His cond●tions. Lewis and Philip, and one Daughter called Marguerite. Unhappy in his house, and very happy in his raigne· His minority was reasonable good, but his age was very reverend, Crowned with all the contents a mortal man could desire in this mortal life, having left many testimonies of his Virtues, to make his memory dear and respected of his posterity. His estate peaceable: his heir known and beloved of his subjects, and of age and experience to govern himself, and to force obedience. A Prince rightly called Augustus, whom we may number among the greatest. He was most Religious, Wise, Moderate, Valiant, Discreet and Happy, a lover of justice, of order, and of policy, friend to the people, enemy to Disorders, Dissolutions and public Violence: Charitable, Liberal, and judicious to give with Discretion. To conclude, the Pattern of a great King, by whom our Kings should take example, to learn how to govern the Helm of an estate, in the tempests and storms of many toils and confusions, and by the managing and success of his reign, to gather this goodly Po●sie, or rather to take this passport for the confirmation and greatness of Kings: That a virtuous King is in the end happy, howsoever he be compassed in with difficulties. But before we enter into a new reign, order requires that we observe the estate of the Church and Empire. frederick's humility to the Pope, Estate of th● Empire. had somewhat calmed the violence of these factions, and his voyage to the Holy Land, to perform his full obedience, seemed to bring a perfect peace to Christendom: when as behold a new cause of troubles. Frederick going for Asia, had with the consent of the Princes of the Empire, The Pope opposeth against the Emperor confirmed his eldest Son Henry Emperor, but he being dead, and his Son Henry to succeed him, Pope Innocent opposed an other Emperor, which was this Otho, of whom we have spoken, The Emperor mu●the●red by 〈◊〉 who succed●● him. and did excommunicate Henry in hatred of his Father Frederick. Otho ambitious of command, caused Henry to be murdered in his Chamber. But it chanced, that having committed this fact, he went to receive that disgrace in France, 1223. which was his death: and Frederick the second succeeded him, ●o●as he lived when as our Augustus left the Crown to his Son Lewis. Of Italy. In the mean time the Guelphs maintained the Pope's factions withal vehemency, and the Gibelins that of the Emperor. The cities swelled with these humours, which distracted their minds into sundry factions, whereof grew those cruel contentions, even in their own bowels, The heads of Guelphs and Gibelius. the which have continued long with irreconcilable hatred. At Rome, the Vrsins and Sableds against the Colonnois, Frangepans, Cesarins and others. At Florence, the Medicis, Ricci, Bondelons, Amidees, Cerchis, against the Strossi, Salviati, Passi, Albicci and Donati. At Genoa, the Flisques, Grimaldi, Fregoses, against the Spinoles Adorns, Dories, and so at Bolonia, Milan, Ferrara, Mantova, Luques and other Cities, which by these dissensions have lost their liberties, and are fallen into the hands of diverse Princes. Venice was wise in th●se divisions, preserving her liberty against both factions, whilst the rest dismembered, and ruined one another. The Popes had still an eye upon France, to confirm their authority there, as they had done in Sicilia and England, The Pope's sovereign authority over Christendom. not ceasing upon every light occasion to censure it, or to threa●en it with their censures. But our Kings by the wise Council of their Parliament at Paris restrained them: not suffering them to usurp any thing over their royal prerogative, and the liberty of the French Church. But howsoever (the Imperial State being made subject to the Pope) the way was easy to draw all the Kings and Princes of Christendom to obedience: and to advance their throne above the rest. Their great revenues, and the show of their stately and sumptuous train, kept the people in obedience: but the devout respect of religion (the strictest bond to tie souls) was the fundamental support of this sovereign authority: the which not being limited within the bounds of mortal life, without doubt struck an unavoidable terror into men's consciences, over which it had power. So as the Pope gave law to all men, and whosoever obeyed not what they commanded, he was excommunicated by this spiritual authority of the Keys, which they say do open and shut Paradise, bind and lose sins. This belief settled in the minds of Christians, bred a great devotion and respect in them, and did minister daily new means to increase it. At that time sprung up many orders of religious Friars and Monks, and out of S. Bernard's School (very famous in those times) from this stream grew two branches. One was called The poor in Lions, the other the humble of Italy: which lived of Alms, and conversed with other men, expounding the Scriptures, and reproving the abuses of the Church, with the like zeal and liberty as we see at this day in the writings of S. Bernard. This free and plain reprehension displeased the Pope, who suppressed these two orders with his censures: and confining the desciples of S. Bernard to Cisteaux, he confirmed 4. new orders of religions. The Franciscans instituted by Francis an Italian, the jacobins by Dominick a Spaniard: Orders of religious men. Carmelites by Albert Patriarch of jerusalem, & the Augustins by Innocent the third. The Universities of France, Germany and Italy, were carefully entertained, by means of the great revenues of the Church, to settle and augment the Pope's authority, the which was mightily increased, by the diligence and dexterity of such as instructed the youth, easy to receive such impressions as were given them, especially their teachers, having great power over their souls. Such was the estate both of the Empire and of the Church, when as Lewis the 8. entered the royal throne, after the decease of his father Philip Augustus. Lewis the eight, Father to Saint Lewis the 43. King of France Jews .8. KING OF FRANCE. XXXXIII. portrait LEWIS was thirty years old when he began to reign, 1223. in the year .1223. & was crowned with his wife Blanch being then the mother of many children. His reign & ●e●th. He died in the year 1226. having reigned but three years, neither noted for his vices, nor commended for his virtues: only famous in that. He was Son to an excellent father, & father to an excellent Son: bearing his name, not being famous enough of himself. His father employed him confidently but with small success. The manners of L●w●● the eight. He desquieted England, but reaped no benefit. That which is most remarkable in his reign. Languedoc (one of the goodliest and richest Provinces of the French monarchy) began to return to the Crown, from the which it was dismembered by Hugh Capet, and left as ●n inheritance to the Earls, the means was by the ruin of Count Raimond chief of the Albigeois. The Albigeois take their name of a diocese in Languedoc, languedoc returns to the Crown. whereof the head is Alby the 22. Bishopric of this large Province, but this name was common to the whole party. for that a private impression (divided from the common belief of Christians, which hath caused them to be held for heretics) took its beginning with this people of high languedoc, and so was dispersed into other Provinces. In this difference of religion we may observe divers humours, judgements and censures. divers opinions touching the Albig●ois. In so great an vncert●nty I will report plainly what is written by the most approved Authors, not giving any judgement (the which belongs to the reader) neither will I show myself passionate in a matter which I report as an interpreter, or ●ruchman. Platina the Pope's Secretary. In those days (saith he) sprung up an heresy at Tholouse, the which (by the care of Pope Innocent) S. Dominik suppressed, with exceeding great dilligency, with the help of Simon Montfort, In the reign of Philip Augustus. for they were enforced not only to use disputation of words, but arms also, so great credit had this heresy gotten. Paulus Aemilius saith. The virtue of Dominik was very apparent, in beating down the heresy of the Albigeois. The opinions of the Albigeois as some writ. This infection took first footing in the Earldom of Tholo●●e (of whom the Albigeois depend) & had infected the neighbour Cities. They called our Popes the Bishops of the wicked, & our Church the synagogue of hell. They contemned marriages: & held that for holy which is execrable. To join themselves carnally with women without order. They are held enemies of a● goodmen. Pope Innocent decreed a holy war against them and sent his Legates into all parts to exhort them to make war against so execrable a sect. But the Lord of Haillan (to whom this history is much indebted) saith. Although they held bad opinions, yet that did not so much incense the Pope & great Princes against them, as the liberty of their speech, blaming the vices and dissolutions of Princes and of the Clergy, yea taxing the Pope's life and actions. This was the chief point which made them generally to be hated. King Augustus incensed by the Clergy of his realm (who charged the Albigeois with all kinds of heresies, for that they blamed & detested their vices) entreated Pope Innocent to interpose his authority. The Earl of Thoulose was the head of this faction of the Albigeois, but he was not alone. The Earl of Tholouse head of the Albigois in the reign of Philip Augustus. The Earls of Foix and of Comminges, Gaston of Foix and Roger of Comminges, (very renowned men in their time) were of that party: and Alphonso King of Arragon had joined in the same cause with them. The Countries of Languedoc, Daulphiné, Guienne, Gascony and Provence were full of them. Tholouse, Carcasonne, Alby, Castelnau and Castres' in Albigeois, Narbone, Beziers, Saint giles, Arles and avignon, are directly noted in this history. The first subject of this tumult was the discontent the people had against the Clergy, The occasion of this war●e. discontented with their lewd & disordered life: from discontent grew contempt, and in the end a quarrel, and so open war. The Clergy thus contemned fled to Pope Innocent the 3. who sent the Cardinal of Saint Maria in Porticu, and Nicholas Bishop of Thusculum with Preachers, who went through all the Country but prevailed nothing, for that the Earl did visibly favour this contempt of his subjects, being transported with the like humour. Upon the Legates report, Pope Innocent decrees a sentence of excommunication against Count Raymond, and sends Peter of Chasteauneuf his Legate to publish it, The Pope's Legate slain by the Albigois. but he was slain. Innocent wonderfully displeased with this murder, sends Gallon for his Legate, and by him doth command King Philip to arm against Count Raymond and his subjects, as against heretics and sworn enemies to the Church, and doth likewise command Odo Duke of Bourgongne and William Earl of Nevers to join in this war. The assembly was held at Paris, whether repaired a great number of the Clergy, and there they resolved upon a Croisadoe as against infidels. An army against the Albigois. The Archishops of Tholouse, Rouen and Sens: the Bishops of Lisieux, Bayeux, Chartres, Comminges, Coserans, Lodeux, Beziers, and many Abbots contributed first great sums of money, to quench the fire before it pass farther, Simon Earl of Montfort near unto Paris (a brave and valiant Captain, issued from a bastard of Robert King of France) is chosen general of this army, this was in the year a thousand two hundred & ten. The army enters into Lanquedoc, where the King's name was respected as their Sovereign, but the Cities would not open their gates to their enemy's army, who (they said) abused the King's authority. Upon their refusal Simon threatens to besiege them; Beziers was first attempted, and with such cruel success, A wonderful slaughter of the Albigois. as having taken it, the blood flowed by the loss of threescore thousand persons: and in the end it was spoiled, sacked, burnt and made desolate. All other Towns being terrified, yielded at first summons. Carcassonne held out, but it was taken by composition. That the Inhabitants should departed all naked, only their privy parts covered, and halters about their necks. Castelnau likewise would not obey, yet in the end it yielded, In the reign of Philip Augustus. and Simon caused fifty men to be burned alive. Alby obeys without force. Lavaur by the resolution of Gerarde the Lady of the place, did resist, but the Town was taken by force, and this woman cast into a well: Amaulry a gentleman of the Country, (who had maintained the siege against Simon,) was hanged. By these fearful examples, Castres', Rabastens, Gaillac, la Caussade, Puy Laurence, Saint Antonin, and Saint Marcell yield; Cahors follows, but Moissac being obstinate, was taken and spoiled. Strange executions done by Simon of o● Montfort. This sudden execution amazed Count Raymond, who having excused himself, touching the Legates death, and being so near allied unto the King his Brother in Law, he attended nothing less than an army against him: yea hearing of the Levy, and seeing it to march, he feared not that which was put in execution against his subjects. He conceived it had been only to countenance the sermons of S. Dominike who accompanied the army with a notable number of Clergy men. Being awaked with so great a loss, he seeks out all his means and friends to oppose them against Count Simon of Montfort, who was wonderfully feared by reason of so victorious a success. King Alphonso of Arragon, and the Earls of Cominges and Foix, 1215. bring him great troops. Encouraged by these examples to their preservation, In the reign of Philip Augustus. Raymond employs all he can, his army (as they say) consisted of a hundred thousand men. As t●is army of the Albigeois led by Count Raymond, goes to field to recover their lost Towns. Simon opposeth himself courageously with fa●re lesser forces, Count Raymond and his confederates defeated by Simon of Montfort. and yet overthrew these great numbers with little loss. Alphonso was slain in this defeat, the taking & sack of Tholouse followed, where there died twenty thousand men by the victor's sword. The Cities of Rovergue & Agenois (terrified with this severe proceeding) yielded obedience unto Simon. This happened in the year 1215. the place of the battle is diversly reported, at Muret or at Mirebeau. After this strange & ruinous defeat, Count Raimond (seeing himself spoiled of his possessions) retires into Spain to the Estates of K. Alphonso, attending mean● to repair his affairs in better season. In the mean time Simon doth promise himself the property of all Raymond's estates, the which he had gotten with his Sword: but for that it was apparent, that the King of France would hardly grant so goodly a Province, taken from his kinsman to one of his subjects. Simon therefore flies unto the Pope, by whose authority this war was chiefly engaged, & from whom he attended his chief recompense, having laboured for him. Innocent the 3. finding that Philip (who would not desist in his pursuit against john King of England, notwithstanding his interdictiō●) would not be moved now by his simple authority, to leave so important a piece: he assembles a great Council, meaning to force the King to yield unto his will. ●he patriarchs of jerusalem and Constantinople were there in person, The Council of Latran. and those of Antioch and Alexandria sent their deputies, there were 70. Archbishops, 400. Bishops, and 1000 Abbots & Priors. The Emperors of the East & West: the Kings of France, England, Spain, jerusalem, Cypress, and other Kings, Princes, and great estates had their Ambassadors. By a decree of this notable assembly Count Raymond was excommunicated with all his associates, The Earldom of Tholouse given to Simon of Montfort by the Pope. & his lands adjudged to Simon of Montfort, for his service done (and to do) to the Catholic Church. Philip could not gainsay this decree, confirmed in a manner by the consent of the whole world. He therefore received Simon to homage, for the Province of Languedoc, whereof he took peaceable possession: but he did not long enjoy it: ●or seeing himself invested, he began to oppress his new subjects. An E●le is lost with over gripping. The people of Languedoc finding themselves oppressed with this insupportable burden of Simon, they resolve to call home their Count Raymond, who was retired into Spain, to seek some means to recover the possession of his estate. His case was not desperate, for he enjoyed the Earldoms of Viuare●z, Venaissan, and the City of avignon, places kept by his subjects during these occurrents, whether Simons forces were not yet come. Raymond (being called by his subjects) returns into Languedoc, accompanied with a notable troop of Arragonois, being discontented for the death of their King Alphonso. The whole Country bandied against Simon, hating him as an usurper, Simon hated by his subjects of Langu●doc, for h●s oppression & ●y●●nie. and detesting him as a tyrant, for doubtless unjust & violent things cannot continue. Whilst that Simon seeks to bridle the Cities of his new conquests, leaping from place to place, with an infinite toil, behold Raymond is received into Tholous● by intelligence, & with great joy of the inhabitants, Simon abandons all the rest, and flies thither: but he finds a stop, for coming to the gates of the City, as he approached near the walls to parley, he was hurt in the head with a stone, whereof he died. The example of Tholouse made the greatest part of the subdued Cities to revolt. Simon of Montfort left two sons, Simon of Montfort slain before Tholouse. Guy and Amaulry: upon the revolt of Tholouse, the one seizeth upon Carcassone, the other of Narbonne but Guy was slain in Carcassone by the Inhabitants, who▪ were the stronger. Amaulry having fortified Narbonne▪ repairs to Philip Augustus, beseeching him to succour him in his necessity. Philip had the Wolf by the ear: for as on the one side he desired this goodly Province for himself, rather than for the children of Simon of Montfort, so was he also restrained by the authority of the Pope and Council. He therefore sends his son Lewis into Languedoc, to reduce the Country to his obedience. But he had scarce taken any one Castle, when as his father's death calls him home. Count Raymond received again in languedoc. So as Count Raymond & his subjects of Languedoc had time to revive their spirits, & recover many places gotten by Simon. The king of England would neither assist nor send to the coronation of Lewis, although he were held as Duke of Guienne. 1223. This occasion moved Lewis to war against him; War in Guienne against the English. whereby he got Niort and Rochel: and Savary of Mauleon Governor for the English, retired to his service. This loss made the war more violent. Richard Earl of Cornwall, brother to Henry King of England, passed into France with a goodly army, and having taken S. Macaire, Langon, and Reolle (Towns seated upon the River of Garonne) and defeated some French troops, he made way for a truce, which was favourable for both parties: But especially for Lewis, being desirous to settle matters in Languedoc, the which troubled him, for the daily proceed of the Albigeois: yet was he loath to labour for another. For this reason he treats with Amaulry Earl of Montfort, touching the right he had to that Country: with whom he prevailed the more easily, for that having lost the greatest part of the Province, he was not able to hold the rest with the King's dislike, to whom he resigned it, by order of a decree, made by the Pope in the Council of Latran: and in recompense he made him Constable of France, with the consent of Pope Honorius. Lewis compounds for Langu●doc, with the ●o●n of Simon Montfort. Having compounded with the Children of Simon Montfort, he resolved to win Count Raymond to his devotion, and to persuade him to lay aside arms, whereof he did see the events to be very doubtful. His intent was to unite this rich Province of Languedoc to the Crown. But reason which saith that no man thinks his own too much: the respect which great men do usually bear one to another, and the alliance which the house of France had with the County of Tholouse, were great restraints for the covetousness of Lewis. But how soever, he determined to make himself the stronger, & to prescribe them a law. To this end he levied a great Army, fortified with his Edicts, by the which he thunders against these poor Albigeois, as Heretics and Rebels. These Edicts were of force, whereas his authority was respected. Count Raymond (considering with himself the cruel beginning of this war, and the continuance of the like misery in these second arms, fearing to embark himself the third time with a people against his King) is easily persuaded by Lewis to reconcile himself to Pope Honorius. Thus Raimond leaving to oppose himself, Count Raymond submits himself vn●o the Pope. yields to Lewis, and persuades the ●arle of Cominges (the chief agent of his designs (to the like obedience. Thus both of them abandon the people, & go to Rome, they make their peace with the Pope, and leave the Albigeois to the mercy of Lewis, who seeing them without a head, embraceth this occasion to their ruin. High and base Languedoc was wholly in his power, by Raymond's departure. avignon remained with many other places in the County of Vena●sin, and in Provence. He besiegeth avignon and takes it, from thence he passeth into Provence, where as all yields to his will. The Counties of Vivaret and Dié yields without blows, and many families were made desolate, Desolation of the Albigeois by Lewis. by the rigour of these Edicts, which did forfeit both bodies and goods. The house of Montlor, one of the greatest of Vivaret, having followed the Albigeois party (being cursed) makes his peace, by means of the Town of Argentiere, given to the Bishp of Viviers, who enjoyeth it unto this day. These poor miserable people were dispersed here and there, and such as remained in the Country, were forced to acknowledge the Pope, as sovereign pastor of the Church. This heat was for a while restrained, but the seeds were not rooted out: as we shall see in the following reigns. Lewis having thus subdued the Albigeois, gave order to suppress them, if they should rise again: appointing the marshal Foy of the house of Myr●pois, to command his forces, and leaving the Lord of Beavieu for Governor and Lieutenant general of Languedoc, he took his way towards France. But coming to Montpensier in Auvergne, he died in the year 1225. the 27. of October, leaving four sons by his Wife Blanch. Lewis which succeeded him: Robert Earl of Arthois, who died in Morea. Alphonso Earl of Poitiers and Charles Earl of Anjou, who shall be Earl of Provence, and King of Sicilia and jerusalem. Lewis dies. In this year the Flemings were much disquieted by means of an Impostor, who said he was their Prince: but he received condign punishment for his rashness, and by his death this error vanished, wherewith many had been bewitched. Lewis the eldest son of France, succeeding his father, goes now to sit in the royal Throne. LEWIS the 9 called Saint Lewis, 1227. the 44. King of France. LEWIS .9. KING OF FRANCE. XXXXIIII. portrait THE piety and good disposition of this Prince, consecrated to the happy memory of his posterity, represented unto France goodly first fruits: but his age (not yet capable to govern the helm of this Monarchy: (suffered him only to take the first and most precious gage of his lawful and hereditary right: for being but twelve years old, he was crowned at Rheims, but his mother Blanch (a wise and courageous Princess) took upon her the government of his person and Realm: Blanch regent of the K●n● and realm●. according to the the decree of Lewis the 8. who knowing her capacity, had appointed her for Regent. He began to reign in the year 1227. Blanch had much honour in the education and instruction of her Son, the which purchased her the free consent of the Estates assembled at Paris to be admitted Regent: but this was not pleasing to the Princes of the broud: who pretended this prerogative to appertain unto them; and not to a woman and a stranger borne. From these discontents, sprung two wars in France, in the beginning of this reign, the which were suppressed, not only by the discretion of Blanch, but also by the wisdom and valour of young Lewis, who then played his part with so good success, as he purchased great credit in his youth. The heads of this faction were Philip Earl of Bologne, A Faction in France for the Regency. Uncle to the King by the Father's side: Robert Earl of Champagne: Peter of Dreux Duke of Brittany, and Robert Earl of Dreux his Brother: Princes of the blood, valiant and factious men, who had embarked many of the Nobility, under a goodly pretext. That it was not reasonable a Spanish woman, (abusing the King's minority,) should govern the Realm at her pleasure, and by the Council of Spaniards, whom she advanced, rejecting the Princes, keeping back the Natural French from all preferments. But that which was most to be feared in this occurrent of affairs, was that Raymond Earl of Tholouse, who had so great a subject of discontent against the King (being spoiled of the greatest part of his estate) should join with that party, and draw his cousin the Earl of Provence into the same quarrel: Men which were neither dull witted, nor gouty handed, and who were nothing altered in mind, although they had made a good show, yielding to necessity: the which Blanch prevented happily, winning Count Raymond (who now began to rise in languedoc) by the marriage of joane his only Daughter with Alphonso the King's brother, Languedoc annexed to the Crown by marriage. and Earl of Poitiers, upon condition that Raymond should enjoy it during his life, and that after his death the said Alphonso should succeed in the right of his wife, and if they had no issue, the Earldom with all the dependences, should return to the Crown as to his first beginning. Thus languedoc shaken at the first by Arms (as we have said) was honourably united to the Crown of France, by this accord, as the History will hereafter show in the reign of Philip son to our Lewis. By the like means she drew Robert Earl of Champagne unto her, a very factious man, and did not only thereby weaken the party of these discontented Princes thus disjoined, by withdrawing the most sufficient man they had, but also she employed him against them. There remained a triumvirate, Blanch supplan●s the discontented Princes. the which she divided. They made a good show, but Blanch did cunningly countermine them, discovering their actions even within their Cabinets, where she found access by money. In the end their practice must break forth. The Earl of Bologne fortified Calais, and the Duke of Britain with the Earl of Dreux, did purposely demand some of the Crown lands, which they knew well, that Blanch would not yield unto, as Inalienable; whereby they might pretend some colour to rebel. They now go to arms, and at the first seize upon Saint james of Be●ron and of Belesme. Blanch flies to the Majesty of the King, and threatens these armed Princes to proclaim them rebels, and guilty of high treason, if they obey not. The confederate Prince's answer: That they most humbly beseech his Majesty to give them free access to complain of his Mother, who abused both his name and his authority: Blanch admits them, being well advertised by the Earl of Champagne, that their intent was, (under colour of this parley) to seize upon the King's person. Their desire was to have this meeting at Vendosme, but they had laid their ambush nearer to surprise him by the way. Lewis in danger to be surprised by his rebels. They had advanced their troops to Corbeil, when as the King parted from Paris: being arrived at Montlehery, news came that the troops marched to surprise him. The King retires to the Castle (then being of some strength) and Blanch gives it out that the King is in a manner besieged, The Parisians a●me speedily, and go in great troops to fetch their King, to make the Leaguers thereby more odious, and to confirm the Queen's authority. These Princes being thus discovered, depart from Corbeil, and enter Champagne in hatred of the Earl, who had forsaken them to follow the King's party: But Lewis taking him into his protection, and marching towards them with his men at arms, all their designs came to nothing: And yet they had embarked the Duke of Lorraine and the King of England in this quarrel. Lewis having expelled them Champagne, follows his course, taketh Angiers without any contradiction, belonging then unto the Britons, and from thence he marcheth into Brittany. Terror opens the Gates of all the Cities. The Earl of Dreuz leaves his Brother, who (seeing himself abandoned of them all (but first of judgement) confesseth his fault, and doth homage to the King for Brittany: The League broken. and by this rebellion, he gets the name of Ma●clerck, having so ill employed his time, as to suffer himself to be vanquished by a Child and a Woman. These troubles thus pacified (to the dishonour of the Authors) the young King won great reputation, and his Mother's wisdom was generally commended, Lewis makes a progress throughout 〈◊〉 realm●. who thought it fit that her Son should be seen of all his subjects. As he went this progress, he received homage from all his Nobility, and ordained many things according to occurrents. It chanced that having erected Poitou to an Earldom, and given it to Alphonso his brother: Hugh Earl of March, (which lies within Poitou,) would not acknowledge Alphonso for his Lord: His Wife Isabella, Mother to King Henry of England, (who had been first married to King john) was the motive; scorning to subject herself to an Earl of Poitou. This ambitious passion was the cause of great War: First she drew in the Earl of Lusignan, under the same pretext, (for that there had been Kings of jerusalem and Cypress, issued out of this Noble house) and afterwards the King of England. The first tumult not prevented, had almost surprised Lewis within Saumur, and this Woman transported with pride and hatred, sought to make him away either by poison or sword, kindling the War in England by hired Preachers. In the end, after the two armies had made great spoil in Poitou, Xantonge and Angoulmois, both of friend and enemy, a peace was concluded with the English, upon condition, that La March should remain in France. This was the end of that feminine rage, ridiculous in the issue, but lamentable for the poor people, who always pay for the folly and malice of Princes. Provence was governed by the Berengers (as we have said) since the overthrow of Lewis the Son of Boson: and then in the hands of Raymond Berenger, Provence comes to Charles of Anjou a son of France. a fierce and cruel man: who had so incensed his subjects, being impatient and turbulent of themselves: as they had recourse to Raymond Earl of Tholouse his nearest Kinsman, to install him in their Earl's place, with whom they would have no more correspondency. Being ready to arm, the felicity of Lewis pacified all. Raymond Earl of Provence had four Daughters, Marguerite which was wife to our Lewis the ninth, and Queen of France. Elinor which was married to Henry King of England: Sanchia to Richard his brother Duke of Cornwall, and Beatrix which was to marry: Daughters of great happiness: having had three Kings, and a Royal Prince. The Earl of Provence would hardly have been comptrould by Lewis, but GOD (who meant to plant a general peace in France, by the hand of this good King) buried Raymond with his rage in one Tomb, taking him out of the world, whom a whole world could not contain. Lewis after the decease of Raymond, pacified the Provençals, in marrying his brother Charles the Earl of Anjou, with Beatrix the Daughter of their Earl, to their great content: adding (in favour of this marriage) Main to Anjou: And since this Charles was King of Sicilia. Robert the younger brother was Earl of Arthois. By this means his brethren remained satisfied. Alphonsus' being Earl of Poitou and Tholouse, by his portion and marriage. Charles Earl of Provence and Anjou, and Robert Earl of Arthois, and the Realm continued in happy peace. These things thus happily performed by Lewis, he employed his care in the reformation of the Realm, beginning first with himself and his household: Lewis his disposition. then did he plant Religion and justice (the principal Pillars of a State) for the good and ease of the people. He lead a life worthy of a King, loving and honouring Religion with much zeal and respect, taking delight in the reading of the holy Scriptures, the which he cau●ed to be Translated into the French tongue, which I have seen in a Gentleman's custody, carrying this title. He did greatly honour Clergy men, being worthy of their places, and was a severe censor of them that did abuse it, whom he charged to live according to their Canons, and to show themselves patterns of good life to the people. That they should be preferred to Ecclesiastical dignities according to order, in all liberty, and should enjoy their revenues without let. That the exactions and insupportable charges imposed by the Court of Rome (these are the words of his Edict) on the realm of France, by the which it was mightily impoverished, and which hereafter might be levied, should not in any sort be levied without apparent cause, his express command, and the approbation of the French Church. He had a good soul▪ being just, sober, modest, The Pattern of an excellent Prince. temperate in his eating and drinking, in his talk, habits, and conversation, neither melancholy nor exceedingly merry: circumspect, of a good judgement, stayed, charitable, moderate, vigilant, and severe in the observation of that he had decreed. And as the Prince is the rule of his house, he either chose servants of his own humour, or else his servants framed themselves unto his disposition: so as his Court was like unto a well ordered Church. His train was royal and stately, according to the times: but there was nothing superfluous not lost: so as he had his Treasury replenished to give to such as deserved. He paid his servants well, yet he governed his treasure in such ●ort, as his officers could hardly steal from him, and such as offended he punished with so exact a severity, as the rest feared to commit the like. The orders for his treasure are registered in his Ordinances, where you may see them at large. He loved learning and learned men, and delighted to read and hear good works: favouring his University of Paris, and drawing the Parisians to l●ue Scholars: so as in his time the University of Paris had great prerogatiue●, as the eldest Daughter of our Kings. The realm was corrupted with the injustice & ext●●sion of former reigns, by the sale of offices: being most certain, that what we buy in gross, we must sell by retail. He did therefore expressly prohibit these sales, and supplied such places as were void, according to the merits of persons, after due examination, to draw good men, and of understanding, to apply themselves to study. He punished the abuses of judges severely, as appears by his orders made to that ●nd. And that which caused him to be much honoured, he gave free audience to his subjects complaints, and especially at Bois de Vincennes, where he took delight, and often times (being set under a Tree very simply) like a Father giving his Children council. He was a capital enemy to su●es, commanding the judges expressly to do speedy justice; so as suits were then laid aside, and compromises did end an infinite number of controversies. But his chief care was in sparing, for to ease the people: abating the taxes and subsidies imposed on them by his Predecessors: and he did so husband the public revenues, as he had sufficient for his train and his great affairs, and yet a surplusage to relieve poor Widows and Orphelins, to feed and instruct Children, marry their Daughters, cure the diseased, and the remainder was to build Churches. There are many in this gre●t City of Paris and about it, built or repaired by him. But he said, A worthy saying of 〈◊〉 go●ly Prince. that the chief Stones of God's Temple were living, and they must rather beautify the Church with good manners then rich walls: words which he had learned out of S. Bernard. But these Christianlike virtues were lodged in a royal breast, fit for the government of this royal estate, A happy p●ace in the reign of Lewis. Heroic, Valiant, Wise, and Active. Yet Lewis was more inclined to peace then War, loving better a good and fruitful rest, than the doubtful and turbulent events of War. God likewise sent a greater peace to his Realm, then under any King that ever lived: and with so great authority and obedience, as there was neither great nor small, but held himself most happy to obey so good and happy a Prince. He was likewise well guarded, for all his Subjects were his guard, and he enjoyed the people's hearts by good usage. The people called him Father, the Nobility the●r Head, Religion her defender, the Church her Protector, the Laws th●●r Guardian and Tutor: and Arms their Mars, by the terror whereof he kept the most rebellious in awe, both within and without the Realm: For after the pacification of the former troubles, suppressed in the Spring. There was not any tumult within the Realm▪ neither durst any one mutiny against him. But to crown th●se blessings of GOD, the peace of his house was joined to the public. 〈◊〉 happy ●●u●rnme●t. Blanch h●s Mother had her humours ● extremely loving the sweet of command: but she resigned the Regency to her Son, when as he came to age, and discharged herself in open Parliament, to the great content of all men. Lewis and his subjects loved and honoured her much, being generally well respected for the good education she had given the King her Son, and the happiness of her wise government. Queen Marguerite (the Wife of Lewis) was much beloved and respected of her husband, but not so by her Mother in Law Blanch, being jealous of the love which Lewis did bear her, and of the credit she had in his favour, and generally throughout the Realm: but she could wisely bear with the humours of her Mother in Law, for the love of Lewis, a wise and a mild Princess, wholly of her husband's humou●, whose Continency is commended to have loved none but this woman, by whom he had five Sons, and four Daughters, the gauges of their inviolable love. To this good government was added, the strict love and amity he had with his Brethren▪ and the respect they bore unto him. Worthy considerations of our History, and considerable in our corrupted age. The manuscript of these miserable Albegeois adds, That even as the Pope would have continued his persecution against them, The res● of the Al●●geois. and that the Marshal de La Foy (so called for that he was as it were the chief Champion of the immortal war decreed against the Albigeois) prepared for a new search to root out the remainders. Lewi● ●ee●es to reclaim them by reason. Lewis would not allow of it, saying, that they must persuade them by reason, & not constrain them by force, whereby many families were preserved in those Provinces. They called them Valdenses, either for that the greatest part of them retired into the Valleys & Mountains of Savoy, Vivaretz, Dicis, & Province, where the chief seed was preserved at Merindol Lormarin and Cabrieres, or of the name of Peter Valdo, one of their most renowned Doctors, or that the Valleys of Piedmont have preserved the families, Why they were cal●ed 〈◊〉. from father to son unto this day. In those times also lived Gulielmus de Saint Amore a Doctor of Paris, and Chanoin of Beawais, exclaiming both by word & writing, against the abuses of the Church● and namely against this planting of Monks. Pope Alexander pronounced him an hereretike, and armed Thomas Aquinas and Bonaventure (men of violent spirits, & well read in Aristoles Philosophy) against him, but he prevailed against these reprovers. T●e writings of either part make mention, and the issue of their controversy is apparent. France enjoyed a perfect and plentiful Peace, when as Italy and Germany were afflicted with cruel and tragical dissensions, by the implacable quarrels of the Popes and Emperors, as if they had been hired to multiply the miseries of Christendom by their importune hatred. The subject of the old quarrel continued: the Popes would have Italy, and the Emperors would not yield it. Rome (which had been the head of the Empire,) was then the seat of of their Pontifical authority, belonging wholly to the Pope, the Emperor having no more command there. Estates of the Empire and the Church. This usurpation had been gotten by degrees, but they pretended the like of the whole Country, first they would seize upon what lay nearest unto Rome, then upon Calabria, Appulia, and Abbruzzo, even unto Lombardie the which they left to the Germans, French, and Venetians, to contend for, hoping in the end to carry it, after a long strife of the Contenders, who should leave the possession more easy to their successors. To conclude, in the end the Imperial sovereignty being banished out of Italy, it was dismembered by divers Lords, The Pope ●eck● to drive the ●m●●●our out of Italy. & the realm of Naples & Lombardie were made the subject of long & bloody wars, betwixt the French, Spaniards & Venetians. This reign was a witness above thirty & three years of these disorders, by Excommunications, Depositions, Arms, taking and sacking of Cities and Countries, under the Empire of Frederick the second, who opposed himself against Innocent the third, Honorius, Celeslin, Innocent the fourth, Gregory the 9 Popes, with such Policies, Treacheries, and unkind cruelties, as I am ashamed to set to view these scandals of Christendom, whilst that our dissensions do settle a free Empire for the blasphemies of Mahomet in the East. As the Pope's projects were to become absolute masters of Italy, so their ordinary course was to fl●e unto France when they felt themselves the weaker to use their means in necessity, and to usurp upon them by all occasions, as we have seen, and shall see by that which follows. To Otho the Emperor (who wilfully went to seek his own ruin in France,) succeeded this Frederick the second, grandchild to Frederick Barbarossa, of whom we have spoken: a Generous, wise, and Learned Prince, who being scarce seated in the Empire, (having given Innocent the third the Earldom of Fondi in the realm of Naples, to be proclaimed Emperor) when as Honorius successor to Innocent the third, caused a part of Tuscan● and Apulia to be surprised by certain Noblemen of the Country, esteeming the conquest the more easy, for that Frederick was newly advanced to the dignity, having neither courage nor power to oppose himself against his surprises, and even in the fresh memory of so many affronts which the Popes had done to his Predecessor Frederick. But he was ignorant of his disposition, The Emperor goe● with ●n a●my against the Pope and his confederates. being resolute not to suffer the Imperial dignity to be any thing blemished by him. Frederick goes into Italy, with an army, recovers what had been taken, and punisheth the rebels. Honorius seeing himself the weaker, flies to his accustomed means. To hi● fulminations and Ecclesiastical terrors (these are the very words of the History) against the force & subtleties of the French. He did first excommunicate Frederick; then he flies to France, and doth s●ir●e up Henry the Son of Frederick against the Father. Frederick begins with the most dangerous, for being seized of this disloyal Son, who would have taken and deprived him of his dignity, he confines him to perpetual prison, by a decree of the Princes of the Empire. He had happily made a League with Lewis the eight, father to our Lewis▪ and had renewed it with himself, on whose faith he relied much; but Charles of Anjou Earl of Provence his brother, The Pope d●awes th● Fr●nco to his succour. would be doing, being desirous to get something. He was easily persuaded with the hope of these goodly Realms of Nap●es and Sicilia, which the Pope offered him as the fruits of his labours: so as in the end he shall come to his aid, and being King of Sicilia shall expel the race of Frederick. This Tragedy must continue long, they use craft upon craft, and whilst one is preparing an other is put in practice. The zeal of the holy Land was the Pope's ordinary colour to conjure these storms raised by the Emperors; The Pope's policy to supplant the Emperors. and in sending them far off, to have better means to company their designs at home, without control. john of Breyne King of jerusalem comes, and prevails so much, as Pope Honorius, promiseth to absolve Frederick the second, so as he will make a Voyage into the East. Frederick accepts thereof, and presently makes levies in Germany for an Army: whilst that he assembles the Estates of the Empire at Cr●mona, to ass●●e the affairs of Italy in his absence. The place and subject of the Assembly displeased Pope Honorius, who accuseth Frederick that by his delays he suffered the Christians to go to ruin in Asia, whether he had promised to go, and doth excommunicate him again. This doth hasten Frederick; he parts with his army (but without taking leave of the Pope) and arrives suddenly at the holy Land; 〈◊〉 happy success in Asia. where he strooke such a terror into Sultan Salia●oc, as he demands a Truce, and obtains it upon condition; That he should restore jerusalem and the holy Land to Frederick, and all the Christian prisoners without any ransom. These conditions duly performed, Frederick victualleth Nazareth, fortifieth joppa, and the other Cities of judea, being in a good way to settle the Christians affairs. As he labours thus with a commendable success; the Pope displeased at frederick's departure without his blessing, and holding it done in comtempt of his authority, proclaims him Excommunicate, and ●o●●e ●s his Estates. He presently seizeth upon the Realm of Naples, and raiseth factions in all the Cities of Italy, to cause a revolt against the Emperor. Frederick; moved with these news, leaves Asia; and being returned into Italy, he employs the Princes of the Empire to make his peace with the Pope, The Pope's hatred against the Emperor ●●●ecōciliable. forgetting the pr●uate wrongs he had done him, and obtains absolution, giving him eleven thousand marks of ●old to pacify him. But this accord lasted little; yea it turned into an implacable hatred, which augmented the factions; shed blood, made Cities desolate, buried Frederick and his posterity, and in the end, banished the Imperial authority quite out of Italy. Upon this Accord Honorius dies, and leaves Gregory the ninth, his successor in the same quarrel against the Emperor. Frederick (having satisfied the Pope for his private interest, and paid very dearly for his authority) said, that he could not pass away the rights of the Empire: beseeching Pope Gregory to leave things, as they had been before his going into the East, that the Cities of Italy (which had freed themselves by this occasion) might acknowledge the lawful authority of the Empire. Gregory the ●in●h, is wonderfully moved with this proposition, and forbids Frederick upon pain of a new Excommunication to make any more question thereof, but to leave the Confederate Cities in their liberty. This was to give a Law to the Emperor: to subject his authority to the Pope's command: to give leave to the Imperial Cities to rebel, and to authorize their Rebellion. Frederick much discontented with this answer, and seeing plainly that this was the last farewell of the Imperial authority in Italy, (as without doubt it was) he employed his wit and all his means to prevent the practices of Gregory the 9 who without any dissembling, aught to suppress the Imper●all dignity, in those parts Frederick tries all means to cross the Pope, he solicits the Gibilin faction throughout all the Cities of Italy, he levies a mighty army in Germany, and enters into Italy, The Emperor enters Italy with a great army. with a horrible was●● Taking, Sacking, and Spoiling the revolted Cities, and filling all places with fire and blood: Milan, Genoa and divers Towns of the Duchy of Spoletum, were thus strangely spoiled by violent force, without any mercy, wherein Frederick exceeded the bounds of a just punishment, the which must be in the Magistrates hands, as the rod in the Fathers, and the ra●or in the Surgians, to chastise and not to ruin, to cure, and not to kill. He shall soon receive his reward, by his hand who strikes two strokes with one stone, and doth always well when men do ill, Gregory stood at gaze at Frederices first entry; not much moved with the shedding of so much blood, and the sack of so many cities ruined, for his quarrels sake, But when he sees Frederecks conquests to increase, he strains his wit to find out remedies to stop so dangerous a deluge. He raiseth some troops which he calleth holy, but they were to weak to withstand so great a force. He therefore fli●s to councils (the firmest bulwark of his authority,) he makes a Bull of excommunication; proclaims him a capital enemy to the Church, and lays open the causes by a public declaration. Frederick continuing his 〈◊〉, answers the Pope's writing by an Advocate of Capua, called john de Vignes: and so gives words for words. But frederick's forces had prevailed without a better remedy. Here-upon Pope Gregory dies. Celestin succeeds him, who within few days after his e●ection dies, and leaves the Cha●er to Innocent the 4. with this quarrel not yet determined. Innocent in the life of Gregory was a Gibelin, and by his death (being chosen Pope) he becomes a Guelphe as great an enemy to Frederick, Gregory turn● enemy to Frederick being chosen Pope. as he had been a friend, a cunning and circumspect man: who politicly wrought the means to undo Frederick. After his election he sends his Nontio into France, to exhort our Lewis to succour him, according to the ancient proofs of the most Christian Kings to the Holy Sea, and to assure him the better, he gives him to understand that he is resolved to come into France, as the most safe retreat of Christendom now afflicted. He comes & calls a Council at Lions, whether he cities Frederick, but upon so short a war●ing, as he could not appear. Frederick (having sent his Ambassadors to the Councel●, to require a lawful time, and to advertise the Pope of his coming) begins his journey to perform his promise. Being arrived at Thurin, The Emperor Frederick excommunicated and degraded. he hath intelligence given him that the Pope had condemned him as contumax, excommunicated him, and degraded him of the Empire. But this was not without the consent of the Prince's electors of the Empire, who after nature deliberation proceeded to a new election. The thundering Bull of excommunication and deposition is no sooner published, but the Prince's Electors choose Henry Landgrave of Thuringe for Emperor: upon the recepit of these news, Frederick stays at Thurin, and having sent to sound the Germans minds, he finds strange partialities, the greatest part of the Nobility banded against him and resolved to reject him. The Germans choose an other Emperor. Thus he felt the force of the Pope's power. The proof of this resolution was at hand, for as Henry of Thuringe (the new Elected-Emperour) approached to ulme's, to force them to yield to his obedience, and that the partisans of Frederick would not receive him, having besieged the City, he was wounded with an arrow, whereof he died shortly after: whereupon the Prince's Electors of the Empire did presently choose William Earl of Holland for Emperor, & at the same times the faction of the Guelphs of Pavia being banished, found means to re-enter the City, where they made a horrible and bloody massace of Gi●●lins, with more than ordinary fury used in Civil mutinies. The Emperor Frederick in this various uncertenty of his affairs, being in Italy with his army, 1255. he flies to the nearest. He beseegeth Pavia▪ and for that he would not hazard his forces (whereof he might stand in need, if Germany failed him) he resolved to block it, and builds a Fort which he calls Victoria, but he reckoned ill without him that gives victories; measuring the issue too confidently by the project. Thus God confounds the enterprises of men, when they attribute that to themselves: which belongs to his power. This done, Frederick (leaving his Bastard Encius to command the siege) takes his way to Lions, where the Council was yet remaining: with an intent to repair his affairs, but he is not far gone, when as news comes unto him, that the Inhabitants had made a great sally, and forced and razed his Fort of Victoria, with great loss of his men. He returns to Pavia, takes it by force, and did execute that which the outrage lately committed, might move a Choleric man unto, being half desperate: But this surprise repaired not his Estate, for in all the chief cities of Italy the Guelphs faction was the stronger, through the authority of the Council of Lions, which had wonderfully disgraced Frederick: first by Excommunications, and then by a civil Deposition. The death of frederick. Frederick seeing himself distressed of all sides (as in great afflictions one mischief calling another, the greatest is to be faint hearted) he suffered himself to be so oppressed with grief, as he falls into a burning fever and dies, burying in one grave, his Life, his Designs and his Imperial dignity, whereof at that time he was deprived. Thus Fr●derick dies: Conrade his son poisoned by his Bastard broth●r Manfr●y. leaving Italy and Germany in great combustion: and Conrade his Son, the Successor rather of his miseries then of his inheritance, for seeking to effect that which his Father could not do, and to preserve the Realms of Sicilia and Naples to his successors, he lost his Life and both Realms, having trusted Manfroy his Father's Bastard too much: who poisoned him, notwithstanding he had appointed him Tutor to his Son Conradin, not knowing by whose hand he died. Manfroy seeing himself in possession by this Title, gives it out that Conradin was dead, and under this goodly title to be the nearest kinsman of the lawful Lords. Manfroy usurps S●cilia & Naples. He took possession of these two Realms. The stronger always prevails in an Estate. Manfroy was master of Naples and of Sicilia, although Conradin had the right, and to assure the possession of what he had gotten, he allies himself with james King of Arragon, giving his daughter Constance in marriage, to Pet●r his eldest son. This was in the year 1255. a remarkable date, for so long a quarrel. Manfroy could not be heir to frederick's Estates, but he must withal succeed in the hatred the Popes did bear him; the subject of discontent remaining in those Seigneuries which he enjoyed under his name▪ Pope urban the 4. (who then did hold the Sea of Rome) did excommunicate Manfroy, as a disturber of the Church and of Italy, but finding himself too weak for the execution of his decree, he cast his eyes to the place, from whence his predecessors had always drawn assured & timely succours. Lewis our good King of a contrary humour to their turbulent passions, Lewis refuseth Sicilia & Naples offered him by the Pope. was a spectator of these disorders: but so indifferent, as athough the council of Lions had been held by his consent: yet had he done his best endeavour to quench this fire kindled betwixt the greatest persons of Christendom. He could not be moved by the authority or persuasions of Pope Vrban, to take away an other man's estate, being well content with his own. But Charles Earl of Provence persuaded by his own disposition, thrust on by his wife Beatrex (desirous to be called Queen like to her other sisters) & drawn headlong by the show of these goodly Crowns, C●a●les E●rle 〈…〉 Man●roy in Sicil●a. suffereth himself to be easily transported at the Pope's entreaty. He arms, draws unto him a great number of French Nobility; comes into Sicilia, g●ues battle to Manfroy; defeats and kills him, making him to suffer the punishment of h●s cruel and wicked purchase, the which he enjoyed not full ten years. For Charles Duke of Anjou became master of these two Realms in the year 1265. and Manfroy was confounded in his unjust desseigns After the death of Frederick the 2. & the violent elections of Henry of Turinge and William of Holland, (fear retaining some, and fury thrusting on others) the Empire was in effect without an Emperor, being without a guide, by the furies of civil confusions, like to a great ship at sea beaten with the wind and waves, without Sails, without Helm and without Pilot. 1257. Pope Vrbain pretending then, that in the vacation of the Empire, The Empire without an Emperor by 〈…〉 confusion's. the government belonged to the Sea of Rome. He created Charles of Anjou Vicar of the Empire, and gave him Tuscan, upon condition to secure the Sea of Rome against the Gibelins and Suevians. So at one instant Charles of Anjou was possessed of the two Realms of Sicilia and Naples, and the government of the whole Empire. Charles of Anjou V●car o● the Empire & King of Napl●s and Sic●lia. But these two great dignities purchased by the Pope's bounty, must be countenanced by his virtues, and this was the means. Conradin the Son of Conrade was not dead, as the impostor Manfroy had given it out: but having been patiented during these tempest's, he had so well managed his hereditary means, as finding himself strong, he sought to recover his Realms usurped by Charles Duke of Anjou. 〈◊〉 ●eeks to 〈◊〉 his realm. Having incensed the Gibelins throughout all the Cities of Italy, to draw them to revolt: he levies a goodly Army, with the help of his friends, and comes into Italy, having in the mean time bred an alteration in Sicilia, where many Cities were taken, and Nocera in the Kingdom of Naples. Conradin accompanied by many Noblemen, which hunted after his doubtful fortune: but the chief were Frederick Duke of Austria, and Henry the Son of the King of Castille Charles of Anjou besieged Nocera, where Conradin resolved to charge him. Having provided for the siege, he goes to encounter Conradin, and having drawn him to fight by a stratagem, he defeats his Army, takes him prisoner, Conradin defeated and with him Frederick of Austria, and Henry of Castille, with a great number of the Nobility. This goodly and absolute victory, leading the Commanders prisoners in triumph, should have been seasoned with the wise clemency of our Lewis. But Charles of Anjou his Brother had no portion with him in this excellent virtue. whereby we have seen, that Philip their Grandfather, (in well using a victory,) did purchase the name of Augustus, and did consecrate it to the honourable memory of his posterity. For Charles (having these great Princes in his power,) by the Council of Pope Clement the fourth, Conradin beheaded cruelly by 〈◊〉 with many others. beheaded the two first, bathing the Scaffold with the blood of twelve of the greatest Noblemen of the Army: and cooped up Henry of Castille in a Cage of Iron, to make him die hourly, causing him to be carried through all the Cities of Apulia and Beneuent, in a most ignominious sort. A revenge which shall cost France dear at the Cicilian Evensong. But we have wandered enough in the confusions of Italy; An ignominious revenge. Let us now return into France, and to our Lewis. Lewis beheld the tempestuous estate of Christendom a far off: which was the more incurable in Germany and Italy, for that the sick refused Physic, and that darkness came from them, whence light should have proceeded. He carried himself very coldly ●n the heat of these divisions, the which he could not redress; But seeing his realm in peace, Lewis resolves to go into Asia. and his authority firmly settled in the love of his subjects, and the amity of his brethren: foreseeing also, that by the wisdom of his Mother, he might salve the inconvenience of his absence, he resolved to secure the Christians afflicted by the miscreants, both in Africa and in the East. Philip Augustus with the Emperors (which had passed thither one after an other) had nothing repaired their decayed Estate: and the mischief came from the Christians themselves, one opposite to another, the which gave great advantage to their enemies, as if they had purposely sought to fortify them. The Empire of the East was in a horrible confusion, dismembered by homebred divisions, The confused estate of the Eastern Empire. which drew in the French and the Venetians. One Alexis Ducas called Murzuphile, having himself strangled another Alexis called the young, and caused one Nicholas another Competitor in the Empire to be slain, in the end he is strangled himself. The Theod●res, D●cas and Lascares) being the greatest families) contend for the Empire. In the end Constantinople is taken by the French▪ and Baldwin Earl of Flanders (of whom we have spoken) is chosen Emperor: The Empire ●o the 〈◊〉 transl●●●d unto the French so as the Empire of Greece is transported to the French▪ and divided with the Venetians, who at that time carried away the Isle of Can●●e. So as at one instant there were three Emperors in the East: Baldwin Earl of Flanders at Constantinople: Theodore Lascaris in Anatolia in the City of Nicaea: and the third was Alexis Co●●nene at Trebisonde, commanding over Cappad●cia and Colcida. All this shall be a prey to the enemies of Christendom: 1258. But let us return to our Frenchmen, Three Emperors at one instant in the East. who leave the certain, to run after the uncertain. They scarce held this shadow of the Empire three score years. Baldwin of Flanders was slain: Henry his Brother died soon after: Peter of Auxerre his Father in law succeeded, rather in his misery, then in the Empire: For going against Theodore Lascaris the other Emperor, he was taken and afflicted with the imprisonment of two years: In the end he lost his head upon a Scaffold, leaving the shadow of the Empire to his Son Baldwin, too young to govern a mass of affairs so confused: So as by the advise of Pope Gregory, john of Breyne was given him for an assistant. This john of Breyne (of whom we have spoken) was a French Gentleman of mean calling, who by his valour (having taken the City of tire) became a Prince, and after in the confusion of times (as the most sufficient of these poor afflicted Christians,) was chosen King of jerusalem: the which was not yet in his possession: So as finding himself too feeble for so weighty a burden, he allied himself with this Frederick the second, Emperor, who hath filled some leaves in our discourse, and made his peace with the Pope, upon condition. That he should secure and aid the Christians in the East. Frederick having recovered jerusalem, by the truce he made with the Sultan, (as we have said) left it to john of Breyne his Father in Law, and returned into Germany, to make the end which we have before set down. On the other side, as Christian Kings and Princes laboured what they could to repair this their decayed estate. Andrew King of Hungary (the Son of Bela) assisted by the Dukes of Austria and Nevers (whose names are not specified) went into the East with a goodly Army, and (to make work for the Christian enemies) he besieged Damiette in Egypt, where being succoured by john of Breyne, after a long siege he takes it, but it was soon after recovered by the Mammelucks. Lewis therefore undertook this voyage of the East, when as extreme necessity called him to secure the afflicted Christians. The Popes, Innocent the third, Honorius and Gregory, had one after another vehemently persuaded him to this voyage: but the affairs of his realm had stayed him from attempting rashly, to settle the general estate, and ruin his own particular: Yet being fallen extremely sick, he resolved to delay it no longer, preparing for this expedition upon his recovery. He assembled his Estates, and by their free consent, left the Regency of the Realm to his Mother Blanch, who was gladly received of all men, upon the conceit of her first government. Lew●s goes with an army in●o the East. He parts, accompanied with Alphonso Earl of Tholouse and Poiteer, and Robert Earl of Arthois his brethren, Hugh Duke of Bourgongne, William Earl of Flanders and Guy of Flanders his Brother, Hugh Earl of Saint Paul, and Gautier his Nephew, Hugh Earl of March, the Earls of Salbruke and Vandosme, of Montfort, of Dreux and Archibauld of Bourbon, (very renowned in the course of this History, being Father to the Mother of our King now reigning,) the Lord of joinuille, (who hath worthily written this History,) Hugh Brun and his Son: Gauberd of Aspremont, William Morlet▪ William of Bars, men of great esteem in their times; the Lords of La Voute, Mont laur, Turnon and Crusol, men of account in the Country of Vi●arez, intouled with Count Raymond, who died upon the point of their departure▪ and the rest passed on. This was in the year 1258. about the twentieth year of the reign of Saint Lewis. The Queen accompanies the King. The Army consisted of two and thirty thousand fight men. Queen Marguerite his Wife bore him company in his voyage, but more faithful than Elinor was to Lewis the seventh, the Countesses of Tholouse and Arthois did also go with their husbands, after the Queen's example. Blanch his Mother bore him company to Lions, where Innocent the fourth attended him. He imbarkes at Marseilles. From thence he went to Marseilles, where he embarked with the Genevois that were hired by him. His departure was the 25. day of August, to the best voyage under heaven. He arrived happily in the Island of Cypress, held by Guy of Lusig●an, where (attending the rest of his Army) the plague wasted many of his men, even of the chief of his Court, Archibauld of Bourbon, john of Montfort and others died. The fame of his Holiness moved the King of Tartary to send his Ambassadors unto him, to offer him his friendship, 1260. and to acquaint him with the desire he had to become a Christian▪ Lewis sends him Preachers to instruct him in the Christian religion: The Tartars refuse the Christian religion, by reason of the Christians ill life. But the Tartarians understanding that the Christians lives were not answerable to their profession, they return without any better fruit than the shame of their ill life, whose doctrine was so famous. At the relief of Cypress, Lewis had conference with the Christians of judea, where they resolved to recover the City of Damie●te, as most rich, and very important for their state. The Mamm●luckes sought to hinder Lewis his descent, but to their great loss, and also of their Commander the Satrape of Canope. Behold Lewis is now landed, and from thence he goes to Damiette, the which he speedily besiegeth, yet not with so great foresight, Lewis takes Damie●te, but the stranger garrison (having made show to yield at the first summons) had means to make a hole in the night, and to save themselves. This happy taking of Damiette, gave sundry Counsels both to Lewis and to the Mammelu●ks: To Lewis to pursue his victory: to the Mammelucks to defend themselves, and the rather, for that soon after the loss of Damiette, Meledin Sultan of Babylon died, leaving his Son Melexala for his successor: a young man of great hope. The project of Lewis was to pursue his victory, & to keep his enemy busied in attempting Cairo, the capital City of Egypt, anciently called Memphis, Besiegeth Cairo indiscreetly. but the ignorance of these strange places where he was, not only deprived him of the fruit of his first conquest, but gave Melexala means, not only to preserve himself, but to defeat Lewis his army, and to take him prisoner. Whilst they attend Count Alphonso his Brother with new forces, and spend too much time upon the passage of Nilus, behold the miscreant's forces fly into Egypt from all parts, to secure the young Sultan, from Arabia and Syria. The jealousies betwixt the satraps of Halape & Damas', were by this occasion converted into union and firm love, to expel a common enemy, whose victory would prove their general ruin▪ Lewis engaged beyond Nilus, in an enemy's country, where he must either vanquish or die▪ behold a great and mighty army of enemies against him assembled from all parts. Lewis a brave and resolute Commander, desired nothing more than to employ the first fury of the French in battle, Melexala a politic Commander. encouraged by the happy success of Damiette. But Melexala (who was within his own Country, and prepared rather to defend himself then to assail) resolved to weary Lewis his forces, the which he knew would be more annoyed, by the foggy air where they were lodged, and by the want of all kind of victuals, then by his sword. The success answered his design: the Camp is presently full of diseases, & those contagious. The common soldiers, the Noblemen, The plague in Lewis his Campe. and in the end the King is sick: all is disordered with this infectious sickness. The Guards and Sentinels stand in fear, all are amazed. Melexala well informed of their estate, surchargeth them with an other discomodity, he takes from them the passage of Nilus, by the which victuals came from Damiette to the Christians Campe. And to brave these poor sick men (who had neither hands to fight, nor feet to fly) he sends troops hourly to their trenches to provoke them, and cuts them in pieces that go to forage. Lewis who lay in his bed extremely sick, had nothing but courage to maintain life, & zeal to die in this holy war, in the which he had embarked himself very inconsiderately. Lewis distressed. And not to give his enemies all advantages to brave him thus daily, he makes choice of such as were least sick, being resolute to die under the command of Alphonsus and Robert his brethren. This poor maimed troup was easily beaten by a fresh and strong enemy. The King's brethren were taken. Lewis being then pr●st daily by Melexala to yield, he gives ear to a composition (which till then he had rejected) seeing himself a prisoner without hope of recovery. The conditions were very hard in so great an extremity. L●wis taken by the Sultan of Egypt. That Damiette should be restored to the Sultan, all prisoners freed, and eight thousand pounds of gold paid to the Mammelucks to redeem his life, the which they held as it were in their hands. Lewis pays four thousand presently, & having left the Hostie & the Pix (as a most precious pawn) he was delivered: H● pays his ransom. but before he returned into France he paid the Sum and took his pawn, 1250. hereof it comes that in the Tapestry of Egypt you shall always see the Host and the Pixe for a memorial of this worthy victory. Attending the payment of this sum (very great for that age) Lewis fortified the Cities of judea and redeemed prisoners and relics, being loath to return into France with empty hands. But these news were presently brought thither with an incredible celerity. All things semeed to invite fools and ambitious men to innovations: but God had settled so great a love in the hearts of the French to their good King, as they come all jointly to his mother, The French generally lament for their King. wonderfully perplexed for her sons los●e, (a grief which caused her to die) with as great obedience and respect, as if he himself had been present in his greatest prosperity. Private houses, public places, and especially Churches were full of sorrow, tears and vows, for the distress of their good afflicted Prince, for the which all sounded out with prayers and devotion. Their purses were as open, as their hearts, to furnish what soever was needful for their King's ransom, or his return, so much was he beloved and wished for of all men. The money is speedily provided, sent and delivered to the enemy▪ and Lewis returned into his realm five years after his departure, bringing with him Marguerite his dear spouse with the conceit of the same chastity he had before. But after his absence he neither found his realm so well ordered as he had left it, not his neighbour State in any better peace. He began by the reformation of his own, making constitutions concerning the Church, Lewis make● good Lawe● justice and the relief of the People, against public dissolution, Blasphemies, Stews, Dicings-houses, Plays and other enormities. He made orders for Marriages, Debts, Impositions, Offices, & benefices the which are e contained more at large in the original History, this was in the year .1251. A true commendation of Saint Lewis. The fruits of his vo●age and affliction, was that he became a better man: having increased in zeal, modesty, wisdom and diligence, better beloved and respected then before his departure: and generally had in great admiration, for his good life and constancy in the midst of greatest dangers, as a miracle among kings: he found his mother B●anch wanting in his house, Blanch his mother dies. being dead a little after the imprisonment of her Son, surcharged with age and the grief of so great an affliction. Lewis having ordered the confusions sprung up in his absence, he employed the rest of his time and authority, to pacify quarrels grown among his neighbours, as the General Arbitrator among Christians. The English ●●bell against their King. England did offer a notable occasion▪ The English were revolted against King Henry, under the command of Simon of Mon●fort▪ a man of great credit, for some discontentments touching their previledges. By the countenance and conduct of this commander, their complaints are converted into open war, in the which Henry and his brother Richard are taken prisoners. Lewis exhorts the English to concord, and doth not seek to nourish these d●uisions for his own benefit, as his father Lewis had done: Edward Son to Henry that was prisoner, gives them an other battle, in the which Simon of Montfort was slain, yet his faction dies not, but the war was revived under the command of Guy the Son of Simon. Lewis employed his authority so happily, both with Guy and the people (who held his piety and wisdom in great respect) that having persuaded his brother, Charles King of Sicilia to make Guy his Lieutenant (and as it were companion in the conquest of Tuscanie) he was a means to restore King Henry to his authory, Lewis reconciles the English to their King. and the people to their liberty with a general content. Flanders presented him an other subject, Marguerite Countess of Flanders (issued from Baldwin father to jane the wife of Ferrand as we have said) had children by divers men. Two by one bed which were held unlawful (having been abused either by William her schoolmaster (who was a priest) or by Bessard of Auvergne her governor, or by both of them, having volontaryly yeeled to either of them) and three in lawful matrimony, by Guy or Dampierre a Gentleman of Champagne. The two first were the eldest and strongest in credit, whereby must needs grow great troubles among a stirring people, as we have seen a great combustion of a smaller fire. Division in Flanders pace●●ed by Lewis. Lewis pacified this quarrel without force as the sovereign judge: assigning the Earldom of Haynault to the first, and Flanders to the last, and so ended a suit which in show seemed infinite, and should immortalize a dangerous dissension: 1260. holding those children for legitimate, which could not be rejected without troubling the lawful equity of the country. According to the rule, that a common error makes a just title. But Languedoc was ready to rise upon the controversy of the Earls of Tholouse and Rossillon, both parties were strong, his brother Alphonsus on the one part, and james King of Arragon on the other: The question for those lands was the cause. This great family had divers branches, and by this occasion divers divisions, and so divers names were given to this Provence, now called the Earldom of Tholouse, sometimes S. giles, sometimes Beziers, and other while Narbone, as we shall declare in the Theatre of Languedoc. Lewis decreed, that james King of Arragon should enjoy the County of Rossillon, and all the rest should remain to his Brother without controversy, the which was observed by them and their successors. Thus this good Prince laboured happily to compound controversies in notable actions, being careful to pacify all suits among his subjects, and happily he might have prevailed in reconciling that great division, betwixt the Emperor and the Pope, if zeal to relieve the afflicted Christians, had not made him to abandon his own quiet, with all his good works, to transport his treasure and life into Africa, and there to leave them among the Barbarians. All declined in the East, Mahomet prevailed so, both there and in Africa, as Europe was threatened by their neighbourhood. Spain as the nearest, and Provence and Languedoc by the easy aboard of the Mediterranean Sea. Lewis not able to live without seeking the advancement of the Christian religion, resolves a voyage into Barbary, Lewis goes into Barbèrie. against the advise of his estate, and contrary to his own experience: A zeal which shall succeed ill for himself and his whole realm, whom we cannot excuse of indiscretion. Thus he inrouled himself the second time, and his Son Philip likewise which shall succeed him, with Peter Earl of Alencon, and john Earl of Nevers surnamed Tristan. He left the Regency to Simon of Needle, and Matthew of Vendosme, of whose fidelity he relied much. Before his departure he made a league with the King of England, to whom he had done many good offices in his great necessity. It was agreed: A League wi●h En●land. 1269. ●hat the English should pretend no interest to Normandy, nor to the Earldom of Anjou, main, Poitou, and Touraine, and as for Guienne, he should enjoy the Countries of Quercy, Limosin and Xainronge, unto the River of Charenton, all which Countries he should hold by homage of the Crown of France, and in this regard he should be Vassal and Leegeman to the King of France. For confirmation of this accord, Edward his Son enters into society of Arms with Lewis, for the voyage of the Holy-land, to ma●che at the same time. This accord was made in the year 1269. and their departure was the year after 1270. the first day of May. He parted from Aiguesmortes, and not from Marseilles, as some have written, & for that there was no good port upon the Mediterranean Sea▪ he caused the City of Aiguesmortes in Languedoc to be built, and compassed it with goodly Walls, which speak yet of him, and with Channels for the commodity of the shore, the largest is cal●ed The great Lewis, by his name. Edward takes his course for Asia, and Lewis for Africa the French army consisting of forty thousand fight men: that of England is not specified. The voyage was shot & unhappy for them both, but especially for our good Prince▪ Lewis had scarce lost the sight of shore, and discovered the Island of Sardinia, when as both he and his whole Fleet had almost perished in a storm. Lewis in danger at Sea. A presage of a mournful success▪ In the end he lands in Africa (A Country worthy to lose that ancient name among us, and to be called Barbary, for the barbarous and unfortunate success it brought.) Lewis resolves to take Carthage, a new City built upon the ancient name, and held for a strong garrison of the Barbarians. He takes it, but with great pain and loss▪ From thence he● goes to Thunis, a strong and well guarded City, resolute to have it at what price soever. But man purposeth and God disposeth; For as Edward, son to the King of England, turned back from his voyage of the East, The Army infected with the plague. having passed but to Malta: and Charles King of Sicilia going to join with him, to set upon the Barbarians of Africa altogether. In a manner at the same time as they arrived all at Thunis, the plague had devoured a great part of the French army, and taken away many Noblemen. And to increase the mischief, 1270. it enters the King's paui●●on, and strikes Lewis, although some say it was a Flux. But whatsoever it be, our Lewis is extremely sick: and feeling it deadly, Lewis being sick gives his son instruction. he calls for Philip his eldest son, whose age and virtue preferred him to the Crown. Having given him goodly admonitions, and exhorted him to serve God, to live virtuously, and to govern his people ●atherly under the obedience of his laws, which he himself must first obey: having recommended unto him the love of his brethren, Lewis dies. and entreated all the Nobility about him to obey Philip, he yielded up his soul to God, to take his true rest in heaven, leaving all his followers in great heaviness: being the most perfect pattern of a good King, that ever was read off in History. He only wanted the happiness of a good writer, although these small gleans which we find in the writings of the Lord of joinuille make his virtue admittable. A Prince borne for a testimony to that obscure age, Lewis his virtues. and for ours which is corrupted: to be a Precedent to all Kings and Princes of Religion, Equity, Clemency, Wisdom, Valour, Magnanimity, patiency, and Continency: to Love, Piety, justice, Order and Peace: to join the love of holy things, and the modesty of manners, with arms and State. Having showed, that it is very fitting for a King; To be a good Christian, a good Warrior, a good Husband, a good Father, a good Governor, a good justicer, and to know how to make War and Peace. Virtues required in a prince. That it is very necessary to join unto the Majesty royal, Piety, Clemency, and Authority, to gain the Love, Respect, and Obedience of all men. And to conclude; That the best ga●de, and most assured revenue of a Prince, is the love of his subjects: worthy of that venerable name of Holy, wherewith posterity hath justly honoured him. He was twelve years old when he began to reign, His reign. and governed 44. years. So he died in the 56. year of his age, having received this mortal Crown in the year 1226. and the immortal in the year 1270▪ the 25. of August. Of Marguerite the Daughter of Raymond Earl of Pro●ence, His Children. he had four Sons, and four Daughters. A Princess worthy of so great a husband, the sole Wife of one husband, and he the only Husband of one Wife. His Sons were Philip surnamed the Hardy, King of France, Peter Earl of Alencon, Robert also Earl of Alencon (succeeding his brother Peter deceased without Children, and he likewise died without any issue,) and Robert Earl of Clermont in Beauvoisin. His Daughters were Blanch Queen of Castille, Isabella Queen of Navarre, Marguerite Countess of Brabant, and Agnes Duchess of Bourgongne. His posterity in his two sons, Philip and Robert. So as of his four Sons there survived but two, Philip and Robert. From Philip the 3. called the Hardy, his eldest Son, are issued successively either from Father to Son or from brother to brother, or from the nearest kinsman, to the next of blood. Philip the 4. called the Fair, Lewis the 10. called Hutin, Philip the 5. called the Long, Charles the 4 called the Fair, Philip of Vallois, john, Charles the 5. Charles the 6. Charles the 7. Lewis the 11. Charles the 8. who dying without Children, the law calls the children of Lewis Duke of Orleans, The house of O●le●ns called to the crown the son of Charles the 6. to reign one after an other. Charles Duke of Orleans, and john Duke of Angoulesme, for Lewis the son of Charles ra●gned under the name of Lewis the 12. who dying without issue male, the law takes the other branch of john of Angoulesme, so as it sets the Crown upon the head of Francis the 1. his only son, and from Francis the 1. to Henry the 2. his son, and so in order to Francis the 2. Charles the 9 Henry the 3. his children successively from brother to b other. This direct line ending in Henry the 3. the last King of the house of Vallois: the law calls the second son of S. Lewis, named Robert, who gives the royal branch to Bourbon; Out of the which is issued Henry of Bourbon, the fourth of that name, King of France and of Navarre now reigning: but we will set down his genealogy distinctly in the end of the royal race of Vallois. It sufficeth to have noted the order of the following reigns, returning to the course of our History. Thus S. Lewis the 9 lived, and thus he died, the honour of virtue in our Kings, leaving Philip his eldest Son for his successor. PHILIP the third, called the Hardy, the 45 King of France. PHILIPPE .3. KING OF FRANCE. XXXXV. portrait THE authority of Lewis was so great, as neither his absence not his death, could alter any thing in the estate of France. 1270. Being dead, Philip his eldest Son was proclaimed King in the Army, and (as much as the time would permit) was received with a general applause of all men: as he in whom the Father's virtue and authority was yet living. The Army in the mean time is fortified with the Fleets of England and of Sicilia, so as the Barbarians seeing the whole Country in Arms and on fire, they demand a truce, and obtain it upon condition. That they should suffer the Christians (which were dispersed in divers parts of Africa) to live in peace. But that which did most press Philip, was his return into France. Queen Isabel dies. So as he gathers his troops together (the remainder of the plague, and of the uncivil usage of that barbarous Country) and parts from Africa into Sicilia, where his losses increase: for his Wife Isabella dies there. And his Uncle Alphonsus, with his Wife the Countess of Tholouse, die soon after at Bologne, without any Children▪ so as according to the contract of marriage▪ the Earldom of Tholouse should be incorporate to the Crown. Another sinister accident chanced to Richard the Son of Henry King of England (to the end the English might likewise reckon their gains in this voyage:) for being arrived at Viterbo a City of the Popes, walking in Saint Laurence Church, Richard son to Henry King of England slain traitorously. suspecting no enemy: behold this Guy of Montford the Son of Simon (of whom we have spoken) kills him in the presence of all his followers, and drawing his Sword, he makes his way to the Church door, where finding a Horse ready, he flies into Tuscan: whereat neither the Pope, Philip nor Charles, were any thing moved. This murder thus neglected, shall bleed hereafter. But these were not all the occurrents which Philip had in his return home. Pope Clement the 4. (borne in Lang●edoc) being dead, the Cardinal's loath to yield one unto another, disagree in the election of a new Pope, and continued in this contention, two years, nine months, and one day, as Platina reporteth. Great contention for the election of a new Pope. Our Philip and Charles his Uncle, entreat the College of Cardinals to make an end of so scandalous a dissension. The respect of their admonition was not fruitless: For the Cardinals resolve, that not any one of the College that had assisted at this tedious controversy, should be Pope. Thibaud of Plaisance archdeacon of Liege, (being absent in the voyage of the East) was chosen, and called Gregory the tenth. In the end Philip returns into France, to the great content of his Subjects. Having interred the dead, his Father, Wife, Uncle, Ant and Cousin, he disposed of the affairs of justice, according to the instructions and example of his Father Saint Lewis, famous amongst all our Kings. And then he married with Mary the Daughter of Henry Duke of Brabant: having three Sons by Isabella his first Wife, Lewis eldest son to Philip poisoned. Lewis, Philip, and Charles. But here we shall not find the happiness of our Saint Lewis, for this second marriage was blemished with a sad and foul suspect. Lewis the eldest Son of King Philip, died with apparent signs of poison. This mischief increaseth by the jealousy is had of Queen Marie his Mother in Law: and Peter de la brooch (chief Chamberlain to the King, and principal Intendant of his Treasure, being the Queen's favourite) is accused for this fact, and being prisoner, he confesseth the crime, and accuseth the Queen, as having poisoned Lewis by her command. Moreover as one mischief cometh not alone: La brooch is found guilty of Treason, by his own Letters giving intelligence to the King of Castille, of the estate of France, being then no friend to this Crown. This crime alone was sufficient for his death, being hanged: leaving Mary in trouble by his accusation, and by the strange event: a notable example of the inconstancy of the Court, and the vanity of the world. Marie denies the fact by oath. The King desirous to be satisfied, proceeds strangely. For want of common proof, he resolves to learn the truth by a Sorceress: to whom he sends a Bishop and an Abbot. This Witch remained in Holland, and was Subject to the Duke of Brabant the Queen's Father. The Bishop and Abbot at their return, fa●e not to absolve the Queen by her report, but they free her not from the general jealousy of the French, nor in the King's conceit, who after this accusation, did never enjoy any rest in his house. These were the beginnings of the reign of Philip, whose progress and end shall be nothing better. His Uncle Charles King of Sicilia, shall cross his life with many toils, and end it with perplexity. But let us observe every thing in order. As by the decease of Alphonsus and joane his Wife (being dead without Children) the County of Tholouse came to the Crown: The County of Tholouse annexed to the Crown. so Philip failed not to take possession thereof, as one of the most important pieces of his Estate: but he found some alterations there, through the private quarrels of his Subjects. The Earl of Foix having a notable quarrel with Girard of Casebonne, had taken his house from him by force, Girard fled to the King for justice, but the Earl trusting to his Forts and the mountains, deluded the King's commandments, who knew well how to hunt him out of his Rocks, and to send him prisoner to Beaucaire with his Wife and Children, there to digest his felony, and to teach more mighty Vassals and Subjects, what it is to dally with their Sovereign. Having tamed him with a whole years imprisonment, and drawn from him proofs of a serious confession of his fault, he grants him liberty, his Earldom and his favour, making good use of him in his affa●res. But the quarrel of Navarre was of greater consequence. Henry King of Navarre Earl of Champagne and Brie, Troubles in Navarre. had married Isabella the Daughter of Robert Earl of Arthois, brother to Saint Lewis, and at that time died, leaving one only Daughter his heir named jane, with his Widow, to whom he had appointed the regency of his realm. After the decease of Henry (which was in the year 1274. at Pampelune) the Nobility were grieved to be governed by a Woman, 1274. she flies to Philip as to her near Kinsman. The King sends Eustace of Beaumarais a Knight to assist her with his Council, the which increased the discontent of the Navarrois, who take Arms and besiege the Mother, the Daughter, and this new Councillor in the Castle of Pampelune, hoping to become Masters thereof, and to settle the government at their pleasures. Philip hastens thither, relieves the besieged, punisheth the Rebels, settleth the Government, furnisheth the Forts, and sends joane the Heir of Navarre into France, with the good liking of the Navarrois, by the assurance which Philip gave them to make her Queen of France in marrying her to his eldest Son. Navarre continued thus without any alteration wholly at Philip's disposition, whose authority was confirmed in all those Provinces, and his Name grew great throughout all Spain. This work thus easily ended, an other task began, which brought much misery to this reign. The French affairs succeeded not well at Constantinople; we have showed into what extremity the successors of Baldwin Emperor of Constantinople were brought, and now behold the last act of this borrowed Empire. Baldwin the son of Robert, in the life of john of Breyne his Father in Law, made head against his enemies; so as having employed all his means, and exhausted his treasure, he flies to Frederick the 2. his Brother in Law, but in vain: and this was the period of his ruin, for his absence gave his enemy's means to attempt, and his fruitless labour was a proof of his weakness at his return. Michael Paleologus a Lord of the Country, great, both in means and courage, after the death of Theodore Lascaris, The French exp●●●ed Constantinople by the Greeks. (of whom we have spoken) had so managed this occasion, as Baldwin could scarce enter into Constantinople, to provide for the safety of the City, when he was besieged by Paleologus, and so hardly priest, as he saved himself with difficulty in the I'll of Negrepont, and from thence went into Italy, leaving Constantinople with all this imaginary Empire; threescore years after the taking thereof by Baldwin the first. Thus the Greeks are repossessed under the government of Michael Paleologus who in the end seized on the Empire of the East. But the coming of Baldwin into Italy, was the cause of a long and painful task, wherein our Philip was so far engaged, as he shall leave his life there, and cause much trouble to his subjects. His Uncle Charles King of Sicilia, shall be the motive, Philip's disposition. but his own disposition shall thrust him forward. Philip was a great undertaker, & oftentimes of other men's affairs; as the whole discourse of his life will show; whereby it seems the Title of Hardy was given him. Not so discreet therein as his Father, Why he was called Hard● who carried himself always coldly a neuter in his neighbour's dissensions, but when he found means to reconcile them with mildness. Let us now return whence we parted. Baldwin thus dispossessed of Constantinople, flies to Charles King of Sicilia, a Frenchman to a French: but he had a more strict gage, his Daughter Bertha whom Charles had married after the death of Beatrix Countess of Provence. Moreover he addressed himself to one, whose spirit was never quiet but in Action. A strange man, he was Earl of Provence, King of Naples and Sicilia, Vicar of the Empire & Senator of Rome, holding Tuscan at his devotion, & almost all Italy: 〈…〉 ba●en● Prince. in as great reputation as any Prince of his time, & yet not satisfied. Baldwin arrived presently after this shipwreck; persuading him to hope for better; he tries all means to levy a goodly army to go into Greece; and to restore him with the rest of the French Nobility to their Estates and Seigneuries, whereof Paleologus had dispossessed them: not foreseeing how much more necessary it was for him to guard his new conquests of Sicilia and Naples, and to keep his credit in Italy, in well entreating his new Subjects, and embracing polletikely the Italians love. As Charles devised the means to attempt, so his enemies sought the means to prevent him. They were not small nor few in number. Pope Nicholas, Peter King of Arragon, and Michael Peleologus Emperor of Constantinople, but there wanted a Solicitor. There was one found out, proved a notable instrument. john Prochite, one of the greatest men of Sicilia being dispossessed; he employed his whole study to recover his Estate, by expelling of Charles his capital enemy. Pope Vrbain a Frenchman, 1280. borne at Troyes in Champagne, had called Charles to these goodly Kingdoms: and contrary wise Pope Nicholas an Italian, borne at Rome, plotted this Tragedy to dispossess him, although his successor Martin borne at Tours, did favour him, seeking to restore him again to his possessions, but it was too late. Such is the ebbing and flowing of the favour of the Sea of Rome, subject to receive divers persons, and by consequence divers humours. Peter of Arragon had married the daughter of Manfroy whom Charles had dispossessed of Sicilia (as we have said) and therefore had reason to attempt any thing against Charles for the recovery thereof, A party made against Charles King of Sicilia holding his title, better than the Pope's gift. Michael Paleologus sought to prevent this storm which Charles prepared against his new purchase, and therefore had reason to employ all his forces against him. But that which did most prejudice Charles, was his carriage, and his officers, towards the people of Naples and Sicilia, whom he discontented by all kinds of excess, impo●itions, rigorous exactions of money, insolencies against their wives and daughters, and outrages against their people. This unjust and unchaste liberty which exceeded in the manners of our men, bred a just choler against them, in the minds of this poor Captive people, which made them to seek all means to shake off their yoke, and to be revenged. But they had chiefly offended the Sovereign judge of all the whole World, who never suffereth such iniquities unpunished, although he forbear for a time. Behold the party is made against Charles from many places, and executed with incredible celerity. john Prochite having private conference with Peter of Arragon, and knowing the secrets of his heart, goes to Constantinople to Paleologus of whom he was well entertained, and obtained what he desired, for the King of Arragon which was the charges of the Army the which was presently to be employed. This plot was laid by Pope Nicholas, a Capital and open enemy to Charles, from whom he had taken alhe could. By the advice of Pope Nicholas, Prochite (attired in the Habit of a Friar,) goes into Sicilia, (being well acquainted with all the passages) to incense the Sicilians minds the which he performed to cunningly as there wanted nothing but force. The design was to murder Charles with all the French; and to seize upon Sicilia and all the rest for the King of Arragon; the event is answerable to the project. The King of Arragon levies an Army in the view of all the World, but with this supposition, that it was to secure the afflicted Christians in Asia and Africa, Peter of Arragon levies an Army to invade Sicilia. especially after the death of S. Lewis, who had but stirred up and not suppressed the Barbarians. Philip who was then at Tholouse sent to Peter of Arragon, to know his intent, and to offer him his means. He answers, that it is to follow the steps of S. Lewis, a Prince of immortal memory, and to help the poor afflicted Christians, resolving to set upon the Africans as the nearest: but that his means were short, and therefore he desired him to secure him in this great necessity. Philip provides, with an affection worthy of the public zeal, and sends him money, unfurnishing himself to supply his enemy's want. In the mean time Peter of Arragon, and john Prochite lose not an hour, but they employ all instruments and means. His Army arrives upon the Coast of Bonne in Barbary, called in old time Hippona, and having burnt all the Country near the Sea coast, he takes Port in the Island of Corsica. john Prochite sleeps not, having laid his plot with the principals of Sicilia, at Palermo and Messina, where the conclusion was of the whole practice and made a conspiracy throughout the whole Country, very attentive to their delivery; he gins the game in seizing upon Charles his Galleys and Ships, which lay disperse in the ports of Sicilia, all was easily effected without pain or danger, and this was a signal to the Army. In one day and one hour all Sicilia riseth in Arms against the French, both cities Towns and Villages. Sicilian. Evensong. All are massacred, Men, Women young and old, all overflows with blood. This popular fury armed with a show of just revenge, spares nothing of the French name. This was done in the year of our Lord God, one thousand two hundred eighty two, on Easter day at 5. of the clock, when as every one was sitting of supper on this solemn day. 1281. Charles was wanting (being the chief oblation of this solemn sacrifice, All the French slain in Sicilia ) but the undertakers had changed their first resolutit●on, to watch a time to kill him with the rest, fearing lest his presence should hinder the execution of their desseine. He was in Tuscan, doubting nothing of this rebellion, which at the first brute must needs amaze him, but he recalled his spirits, and sought for remedy. Pope Nicholas his great enemy was dead, during these preparatives. Martin the fourth borne at Tours, held the Sea after him, of an other disposition French by Nation and Humour. But it was too late, the last peal was rung to the Sicilian evensong, he could not prevent it. This massacre thus performed by the Sicilians, a signal being given, behold Peter of Arragon appears in the view of Sicilia, to behold the sport more covertly, giving daily son●e advise to Prochite, and to the chief of the Sicilian tumult, yet loath to embark himself rashly with the humour of a people as soon pacified as moved. But being assured that the people (having cast the chance) grew daily more resolute, and that they wished for him as their deliverer, not to lose their good will, and to give way to his enemy's practices, he casts himself into the Port of Palermo, where he was attended by all the Sicilians in great devotion. Charles in the mean time doth what he can; Peter of Arragon enters into Sicilia. Charles of Sicilia repulsed at Messina. he doth advertise Philip his Nephew of what had happened, assembles forces in his nearest territories, sends into Provence, to gather what he could together in all his ports, and beseegeth Messina by sea and land. The fury of the French is great in their first heat, and had prevailed, if the Sicilians only had withstood them. But the Arragonois was so strong and resolute in his first credit, and the Silicians in their desire to be freed of the French. So Charles is forced to leave the Island to keep the main land, and Peter of Arragon was joyfully received by the Sicillians, & crowned King of Sicilia in Palermo, in the year one thousand two hundred eighty and one, the eight of May. Behold the beginning of a tedious quarrel which shall continue long between the French and the Arragonois, and shall cause many widows & Orphelins, Peter of Arragon crowned King of Sicilia bringing nothing but miseries to them all. A process betwixt Kinsmen, and Allies, for Isabel the first wife of Philip King of France, was sister to Peter of Arragon, with whom he had lived in great love, and had three goodly gauges, Lewis, Philip, and Charles. Oh miserable ambition, and cruel covetousness, the roots of all mischeefs, which make men unkind, deprives them of reason, tears out their bowels, and fills the world with a deluge of all sorts of calamities! Two great Kings and old, The fruits of ambition and covetousness. which should and might live in peace, now entering into their graves, they lay the foundation of a new life, by their new Conquests, as if they should live hundreds of years, and not content to be sick themselves, they infect our Philip with their contagious disease, who imbarkes both himself and his Children in this quarrel. But the year shall not pass before they be all ●●●ombed, and Pope Martin with them, who in stead of casting Water, brought Wood▪ and Oil to this Fire, he shall be bound up in the same bundle, to be cast with the rest into the grave, but let us return to our discourse. The quarrel betwixt these two Princes, gins by reproaches. Charles complains of Peter. That during the Peace, he had against all the rights of neighbourhood, affinity, honesty and friendship, against the Law of Nations, and duty of Kings, usurped and invaded by detestable Fraud, by Theft, and Treachery, unworthy of a Prince, and an honest man, the Realm of Sicilia, given him by authority of the holy Sea, as a holy gage of the Church. Peter answers. That Charles is the unjust usurper, having violently ravished the Lands of the Empire from Manfroy the lawful heir. That he could not be ignorant of his right, having married Constance his daughter, by whom he had Sons, to whom he could not deny the duty of a Father, without wronging of Nature. Thus he opposeth the authority of Nature to the Pope's power, right to wrong, and reason to passion. Moreover to this law of nature he joins faith, the ground of human society, being called and desired by a people unjustly wronged in their goods, lives, and honours. Should he then contemn their tears, being bound to secure them? He hath therefore done what he ought, 1282. a lawful heir against an usurper and a tyrant, for poor people oppressed: resolute to continue so great a work, worthy of a Christian King, persuading himself that God, who had given him a good beginning, would send him a happy ending, leaving Sicilia free and peaceable to his posterity. And thus one for an other. The Pope supports Charles against Peter. Hereunto Pope Martin the fourth did add his thunderings, supporting Charles his cause with as great vehemency, as his Predecessor Nicholas had laboured to plot his practice against him. He sends a Legate to the Sicilians to let them understand that they were excommunicated, and their goods confiscate. The Legate delivers his Commission freely, and cities all the people to Rome, with an express inhibition to all Priests, not to communicate any Sacraments unto them under great pains: So all the Churches in Sicilia were shut up by the Pope's authority. The same thunderboult is cast against Peter, he is Excommunicated, Degraded, and his realm of Arragon accursed, but from words they fell to blows. Charles resolute to hazard all, entreats Philip his nephew to secure him with his best means in this his great necessity. And the better to engage him, he gives Catherine (the daughter of his son Charles the lame) in marriage to Charles the youngest son of Philip, and in consideration of this marriage gives him the Duchy of Anjou. Of this marriage shall issue Philip of Vallois, who shall be King of France, Philip succours his uncle Charles. forty three years after. All France arms for this war: Philip employs all his means, Peter Earl of Alencon the King's brother, Robert Earl of Artois his nephew, the Duke of Bourgongne, the Earls of Bologne, Dampmartin, & joygny, with an infinite number of the Nobility, repair from all parts of the Realm: Charles sending men expressly with private letters, to all his friends to invite them to this war. And to keep Paleologus in Constantinople, he works with the Christians of Asia, and with the islands of Cypress, Malta, Rhodes, and others to make war against him, and likewise he fought to disquiet Arragon, by means of the Navarrois, Philip remaining at Tolouse for that purpose. Behold the Arragonots in great perplexity, charged on all sides: both with spiritual and temporal arms, but that which troubled him most, the Sicilians (excommunicated by the Pope, and amazed at so great forces as came to Charles from all parts) not not only grew cold, The Sicilians seek to make their pe●ce with Charles. but also sought to make their peace with Charles. To this end they go to Rome to Pope Martin, of whom they crave pardon with an extraordinary humility, for the History notes that their Deputies being on their knees, cried to the Pope, Qui tollis peccata mundi miserere nostri. A title belonging only to jesus Christ. This devout respect, had in a manner drawn the Sicilians to Charles his obedience, wherein doubtless he had prevailed, if he would have embraced the occasion, for Pope Martin had persuaded them to yield, but without a French garrison. Whereunto Charles would not condescend, seeking to have them at his discretion. Peter was not quiet in mind amidst all these difficulties, having the Pope in front, the people ready to revolt, Philip watching over his Realm of Arragon, and an army in the Port of Naples ready to land. Peter doth poll●tikly avoid all dangers. He finds an expedient for all these difficulties, to stay all these forces, to quiet this storm of Sicilia, and to escape all dangers, after a manner in show worthy of commendation, for the reputation valour and bounty of so great a Prince. He gives Charles to understand that he lamented the common misery of so much people, whom he did see in danger for their private quarrels, that it were much better to end it betwixt themselves by the sword. That if he were an honest man, a soldier, and a King, he was ready to fight, with him, and Sicilia should remain to the Conqueror. They were both old and broken, but both equal. Peter had only the advantage in one thing, he was more cunning than Charles, and his intent was to cirumvent him, as indeed he did. A Combat appointed betwixt two Kings. Charles willingly accepts the combat. The manner is determined by a common consent. ●hat either King should take a hundred choice horse, and that the conquering troop should purchase Sicilia to his King. Bourdeaux is chosen for the place of combat, the day is appointed. All Europe flies to this Theatre, to see an end of so notable a quarrel, by such an extraordinary means. Charles comes to the place at the prefixed day with his troop chosen out of the bravest Gentlemen of the Army. Peter appears not, nor any one for him: 1283. he is called, he is summoned, they protest against him, but there is no news of him. So after all these solemn protestations, every one retires with laughter: Peter fortifies himself in Sicilia. but Peter was otherwise employed; he assured Sicilia by his wives means, whom he sent thither, providing to fortify the weaker places, both of Sicilia and Naples equally threatened. The heat of the French is cooled, by this intermission of time, by the hope of an accord, and by the departure of so great a multitude disbanded to see this sight? the Sicilians had taken breath, and Peter stood firm to choose his best advantage. The French (being out of hope to see this controversy ended by combat) return to arms, (but with less courage,) To make war in Sicilia, they must approach, and they must land. Roger of Lore a banished man of Apulia, Admiral of the Arragon Fleet, had the guard of the landing: Charles the Lame, son to King Charles, offers to land, but his Fleet is defeated, and he taken prisoner. Charles wonderfully perplexed with this loss, runs from City to City in his Realm of Naples, seeking to raise new forces; when as death calls him to his rest: Charles the Lame, the son of Charles, taken prisoner. the which in his life time he would never enjoy, having given to many, and received himself infinite troubles without any fruit. In his youth his enterprises were happy, but in his age very unfortunate. Robert Earl of Artois (by the decease of the Father, and imprisonment of the Son) remains Tutor to the Children of his Father in Law Charles the Lame, and Regent of the Realm of Naples: Charles King of Naples ●yes. but Peter of Arragon keeps Sicilia (at that time lost) for the French. After the death of Charles of Anjou, behold Peter of Arragon is assailed with a new party. Pope Martin the fourth doubled his excommunications against him, as a capital enemy of the Church, and invested Charles the youngest Son of Philip King of France in his Realm: he absolues the Arragonois from their oath of obedience, and Proclaims a holy War, as against a sworn enemy of the Church. For the execution of these threats, Philip employs all his means to raise a goodly Army, vowing to be no more circumvented by Peter of Arragon. james King of Maiorica and Minorica joins with him an enemy to Peter, Philip makes war against Peter of Arragon. who had spoiled him of his Estate, so as there were four Kings in this Army. Philip King of France, and his eldest Son Philip King of Navarre. Charles his Son invested in the Realm of Arragon by the Pope, and james King of Maiorica. The Army was fair, and the Frenchmens courage great, being very resolute to revenge the massacre of the Sicilian Evensong: the ridiculous scorn of the combat, and the imprisonment of Charles. The Red scarf, the mark of the holy War, War in Arragon. against one excommunicated, and their courageous resolution, to be revenged of a cruel enemy, who had shed blood by treason, appears in these troops bravely armed. All this promised a great victory to Philip, who commanded his army in person. But the issue will show, that being a Conqueror he lost the fruits of his victory, and in the death of three great personages, shall be seen the vanity of this world. Philip enters the County of Rossill●n with a goodly Army: all obeys him, except the City of Gennes near to Perpignan, the which he besieged, and it was well defended, but in the end it was taken by the French. Peter was come out of Sicilia to defend his Father's inheritance: he fortifies all he can against Philip, and the difficulty of the passages, seemed to favour him, but the resolution of the French surmounted the steepness of the Rocks. The passages are forced, Peter's Army is defeated, and he saves himself with difficulty by these inaccessible places. The Army enters the County of Emporias. Peter of Arragon defeated Pierre- 〈…〉 in one day: Girone is besieged, and as Peter comes to secure it, the French encounter him, and overcomes him, who hardly saves himself in Ville-franche, extremely amazed with this happy beginning of Philip. What followed? he that was accustomed to deceive all the world by his inventions and policies, He dies. could not by any means deceive Death, transported with grief, sorrow, impatiency, and despair, he dies the fifteen of August, in the same year with his enemy Charles. The brute of Peter's death makes Girone to yield presently, 1286. being a very strong City, and promiseth Philip an assured possession, not only of the realm of Arragon, but also of Sicilia, where in show they could not resist: when as behold other occurrents, which man's reason could not prevent. Philip assuring himself thus of the peaceable possession of the realm of Arragon, minding to free himself of a needless charge, he dismisseth the Galleys of Genoa and Pisa, the which he had hired, and for that the plague was crept into his Camp, he had dispersed his forces about the Cities of Gi●onne and Perpignan, whether he retired himself very sick, with an intent to pacify the whole Country, having recovered his health, and taken some breath. Roger Admiral of Arragon, (of whom we have spoken) ignorant of Peter's death, was parted from Sicilia, with an intent to bring him succours against the French Fleet. Being arrived at Genoa (a neuter City, and of free access for both parties) he is informed both of the death of his Master, and of the estate of Perpignan, and being there (of this new accidents he takes a new advise. In steed of returning into Sicilia, he hiers the Galleys of Genoa and ●isa, dismissed by Philip, and resolves to enter the Port of Perpignan, where he had intelligence, that Philip remained without any great guard, and the Port to be without defence. He ar●iues so happily, as without any opposition he gives a signal to the people of his arrival, Philip set upon unawares and 〈◊〉 danger. who suddenly rise and kill the French in the houses & streets. Philip lay sick in his bed▪ and the French Soldiers had no thought of Roger. The King made a virtue of necessity, he encourageth his men with a sick and feeble voice, and they behaved themselves so valiantly, as they expel Roger out of Perpignan, and Philip held the City, who was so distempered with this alarm, as his sickness increased daily, The death of Philip. and he died the 15. day of October, having survived Peter but two months, in the same year 1286. and in the same month died Pope Martin the 4. to show unto great Princes the incertainty of their great designs. Thus lived, thus reigned, and thus died, Phillp the 3. surnamed the Hardy, having reigned 15. years, and lived forty, a great undertaker, leaving no memorable act to his posterity, but a good example, not to deal in other men's affairs. Of his first wife Isabel he had Philip and Charles remaining. His children. Charles was Earl of Vallois, of Alencon, and of Perch, Father to Philip of Vallois, who in his course shall succeed to the crown. Philip his eldest Son was King of France: of the same marriage he had one Daughter, Marry who was Duchess of Austria. By his second wife Marie, he had Lewis Earl of Eureux, and Marguerite Queen of England. The estate of the Empire (after a long confusion of divers Emperors, and the interregne) had some rest: the Pope's being busied in the wars of Sicilia. Raoul of Auspourg a good and a wise Prince, was chosen Emperor after these disorders employing himself carefully to cure the wounds of Germany, and held the Empire from the year 1273. unto 93. The estate of the Church appears by that which hath been spoken in this reign. This only is particular. That a Council was held at Lions by Gregory the 10. where it was Decreed. That to avoid the tediousness of the Pope's election, the Cardinals should assemble at the Pope's death, and keep the Conclave, neither going forth, not conferring with any one, until the Pope were chosen. The which is practised at this day. In those days died Thomas Aquinas, a very subtle disputer, Bonaventure, John Duns called Scott, and Gabriel Biel (famous men in those days) survived him. PHILIP the fourth, called the Fair, the 46▪ King of France. PHILIPPE .4. KING OF FRANCE. XXXXVI. portrait HE found his authority respected within the Realm, 1286. as well for his age, The disposition of Philip. as having governed the State with dignity under his Father Philip. A good Prince, judicious, and of a noble mind, and (the which was not the least point of happiness in this life,) he was well married with joane Queen of Navarre, whereof he took the name of King, before the decease of his father▪ His issue. enjoying her as a sweet companion of his complexions. He had three sons by her, goodly Princes of body, and excellent spirits, Lewis, Philip, and Charles, which shall be Kings successively one after another, but all so ill matched, Philip unhappy in the marriage of his sons. as it was his grief to see his children's houses infected with three Strumpets, and put away without all hope of issue: having severely punished the corrupters of his Daughters in law, and confined these insatiate mastiffs into Monasteries. He had also one Daughter of the same bed, named Isabel, who was married to Edward King of England, leaving unto France, a heavy and dangerous Levaine of horrible confusion, by the means of her son, a fatal scourge for this realm. Philip after the decease of joane, His second wife. married Constance the Daughter of Charles King of Sicilia, a fair and a young Princess, whom he left great with a son, the which was borne eight days after his decease, and survived him but few days. His reign. He began to reign in the year 1286. and died in the year 1315. having reigned twenty and nine years. The entrance of this reign was goodly, but Flanders, Guienne, and the Pope, gave him (upon divers occasions, and at divers times,) many great and painful crosses. He loved justice and Learning, wherein he was well instructed for that age▪ so as he did consecrate the first fruits of his reign, to honour both the one & the other: as also the Muses did honour him with a goodly Oration which is read in the Original of this History, 1287. for a commendable memory to posterity, of the virtues of this great Prince. The Parliament was not tied to any place, but changed according to the necessity of Provinces. Suits were most commonly judged definitively by the Bailiffs and Seneshals, and the greatest causes were decided Sovereignly in the King's Council, who gave free audience to their Subjects. Philip having observed (by the experience of former reigns,) that it was very necessary to have ●urisdictions distinctly limited, The Parliament of Paris erected. left a Sovereign power to his Parliament at Paris (a part of his royal authority) in civil and criminal causes: and the better to govern it, he appointed a sufficient number of Precedents and Councillors, with his Advocate and proctor, (which number hath been since augmented according to occasion) and for the greater countenance of this dignity, he placed it in his chief City of Paris: and to that end he caused that great Palace (one of the most admirable buildings under the cope of Heaven) to be built by the means of Enguerand of Marigny Earl of Longueville, The Palace built. Superintendant of the Treasury of France. He first ordained but two sit of the Parliament in the year, the which necessity hath made ordinary under Lewis Hutin his Son, who also erected an Exchequer at Rouen. Other Provinces had their Parliaments at divers times, and upon divers occasions: With like affection he favoured his Universities of Paris, with all manner of privileges: having his Wife joane a companion of the same humour, whom he suffered to build in her name that goodly College of Navarre, where at this day in this Iron age, College of Nau●r●●. we may behold with admiration, the great bounty of ●ur Kings in commendable and virtuous actions. These goodly beginnings (in show the first fruits of a sound peace, were crossed with many difficulties, both within and without the realm. Flanders gave the fi●st subject. This Country is one of the chief Seign●uries of this Monarchy, and in the year 1225. this lawful subjection was acknowledged at Melu● by the Earl of Flanders. Cause of the w●r●e in Flanders. In the beginning of this reign, Guy Earl of Flanders came to do his homage to Philip, who required to have the Cities of Flanders to ratify this peace of Melun, the which was performed, but unwillingly by this rich people, who still complained unto Philip, that his Parliament at Paris did infringe their Privileges, for the which he wisely provided: but the great security of these rich cities mus● ●eeds be the cause of their own afflictions, as it chanceth often, that a rich people, being too fa●r▪ The cause of qu●rrell in Guyenne. se●ke wilfully their own ruin. Guyenne did likewise much trouble Philip, and these two quarrels were intricate one with another, like unto diseases which come together▪ according to the times and occasions when they chance. The King of England was Duke of Guienne since the marriage of Elinor, as we have seen: but many difficulties have fallen out▪ the accord made by the King S. Lewis, specified by us, had limited the Seign●uries of Guienne to the English, the which he should hold by homage of our Crown▪ but he could not limit his desire, being watchful upon all occasions, to free himself from the subjection of France. Let us follow by degrees, the actions and the order of times, in the cumbersome report of these new storms, falling out diversly▪ and in divers places: like as in a time inclined to rain, a Cloud dischargeth itself by Planets in divers parts. ●he force and neighbourhood of England increased the quarrel, and caused a continuance by divers accidents. Edward the first of that name, Son to Henry the third, lived then in England, and Count Guy in Flanders. Edward came likewise into France, and did homage to the new King for the Duchy of Guienne, and other lands which he held of the Crown, Occasions to renew the war with the ●●glish. as Guy had done for his. It chanced that certain English Ships scouring along the coast of Normandy, made a great spoil of the subjects of France. Philip upon their complaints, entreats Edward to cause resti●●●ion to be made of that which had been unjustly taken by his subjects. Edward neglects it: so as Philip causeth him to be adjourned, to yield a reason of this attempt, as vassal to the Crown. He appears not, and so by sentence he is declared guilty of felony, and of high Treason, and to have forfeited his interest in all his Seigneuries of France. For the execution of this decree, Arnoul of Needle Constable of France is sent into Guienne with an army, 1293. in the year 1293. a notable date to coat the fi●st letter in this inventary of a very long process, although with some intermission, yet so violent, as it had a most ruined France. The Constable doth his exploit, P●ilip sends an armi● into Guienne. he taketh Bourdeaux the chief City of Guienne, and then most of the other Towns do willingly yield obedience unto the King. Rions and some other Castles well fortified by the E●glish ●old good, to serve as a Levaine of this wa●re. Edward seeing himself thus assailed, a●mes by Sea and Land. By Sea he sends an A●mie under the conduct of Robert Tiptoste▪ A Le●●ue betwixt Edwa●d o● En●land & G●y of F●anders, the Emperor and Duk● o● B●r against Philip. By land he sends some forces under the command o● john Breton, to preserve that which remained in Guienne: and to fortify himself with friends in the doubtful events of so important a cause: he makes a league with Guy Earl of Flanders, and for confirmation thereof, he demands his Daughter Philip for his eldest son the Prince of Wales, the heir apparent to the Crown of England, which the Earl accepts willingly. And to omit nothing that might aua●●e him, he enters league with Henry Duke of Bar, giving him Elinor his Daughter in marriage, and with Adolphe of Nassau Emperor, both having pretensions against France. The Duke of Bar demanded Champagne of the King, by the rights h●e pre●ended, and enters it with forces. Philip sends Gualther of Cre●y the Lo●d of Cha●●illion upon Marne against him with a goodly Army, who on the other side (ent●ing into Barrois) makes a diversion, and forceth the Duke to return▪ to defend his own against Gualther. ●he Emperor brau●ngly gives notice unto the King, that he will make war against him, to recover the Lands belonging to the Empire. Philip makes no other answer, but sends him a packet well sealed up, in the which was a whi●e Paper folded like a Letter, without any writing. This scoff was a great defy, as indeed the braveries of Adolphe had no success. The Earl of Flanders was the nearest and most dangerous enemy to prejudice Philip who had joined himself to the King of England, by so strict a bond as the marriage of his Daughter. Philip having three great enemies in front, tries his wits to stay them. The most dangerous was he that dealt under hand, that is the Fleming: who made a good show to Philip, St●●ars d●luditur 〈◊〉. and yet treated with his most dangerous enemy, but policy did cirumvent policy. The King finds means underhand, to give him notice that he would gladly see his Daughter, whom he had Christened, and was called Philip by his name, before he led her into England▪ Guy brings her with him to Paris, being arrived, he is committed prisoner by the King: The cause is made known unto him by such as had comman●●ment to arrest him. That being his Vassa●le, he had presumed to ally himself with a capital enemy to the Crown, giving him so precious a gage as his Daughter. Guy obtains leave to speak with the King▪ He excuseth himself, Philip seizeth upon ●he ●a●le o● Fl●n●e●s Daughter. but his Daughter ●●maines as a pawn with the Queen, to be married at the King's good pleasure. 〈◊〉 Daughter (although kindly entertained by the King and Queen,) was full of grief, lamenting daily, as if this honourable ga●de had been a most cruel prison. The Earl entreats Philip to send him his Daughter: he answers him plainly, that he took her not to restore her. Hereupon Guy takes occasion to complain of the great wrong he pretended to be done him by Philip, who detains his Daughter forcibly without reason. The English in the mean time make open war in Guienne. Philip foreseeing that this was the beginning of a greater storm (meaning to lay the burden upon him that might do him most harm) sends a goodly Army into Guienne against the English, under the conduct of two great Commanders, his Brother Charles Earl of Valois, and the Constable of Needle, to molest the enemy in divers places. Rions and Pondesa●, Towns upon the River of Garonne, (than strong, but now desolate) are besieged, and after many difficulties, yield unto the King, and in the end Saint Sever, but with more pain. Edmond, Brother to the King of England is defeated at Sea, The English affairs succeeded ill. and re●u●n●ng into England, repairs his Nawl. But striving afterwards in vain to besiege Bourdeaux with new forces, he goes and dies at Bayonne, then belonging to the English. 1296. Thus all things succeeding ill for the English, he seeks all means to fortify himself. He flies to the Emperor Adolphe, the chief instrument of his hope: and sends him money to leu●e an army. To Pope B●niface the eight, beseeching him to remember the private bond he had to the preservation of England, whereof he was protector. Guy Earl of Flanders joins openly with the English in this society, to make war against Philip with all his forces. But from these light beginnings sprung divers occasions which ●●oubled these great Princes. The fleming is the chief advancer of this Trage●●●, and shall have his share in it. A great assembly of Princes against Philip. He calls a great assembly in the City of Gramont, in the year 1296. at the feast of Ch●istmas, where Adolph th● Emperor, Edward King of England, the Duke of Austria, john Duke of Brabant, the Earl of juliers, William of juliers his Son, john Earl of Holland and of Haynault, Robert Earl of Nevers, William, Henry and Guy of Flanders, John Earl of Namur, and many other great personages meet, and with one co●se●● resolve to make war against Philip. The colour was to maintain Guy Earl of ●landers, unjustly afflicted by Philip, who had violently taken and stolen his Daughter against the right of Nations, and detained her: refusing obstinately to restore her to her Father. It was decreed that Guy should begin by force, and be well seconded by the Emperor and the English, in case of necessity. But before they come to Arms, Pope Boniface should make the first point by the lustre of his authority. All things threatened Philip with much trouble, but the end will show that the attempts of man are all but vain. Boniface (according to the intent of their league) sends his Nuncio to Philip, Pop● Boniface e●en●y to P●ilip. which was james Bishop of Metz, to exhort him to do justice, both to the Earl of Flanders and to the King of England, protesting that he desired nothing more than peace betwixt Christian Princes. He sent the same Nuncio upon the same subject into England, but with an other intent than he made sh●w of unto Philip, casting Wood and Oil into this fire, in steed of Water to quench it. But for that this Pope must appear in many acts of this Theatre, we must observe his disposition, by some sufficient and not suspected testimony. Platina the ●opes Secretary: Being (saith he) a Priest, Cardinal of Saint Martin of the Mount, Platina i● 〈…〉. he affected the Pontifical dignity with such vehemency, as he omitted neither ambition nor fraud to compass it, and moreover he was puffed up with such arrogancy, ●s ●ee contemned the whole world. He reports also, that he used a notable policy to circumvent Celestin, being chosen to the dignity of Pope, a simple man and unfit for ma●●e●s of State, he suborned some one to talk to him in the night like an Angel, persuading him to leave this charge if he would be saved: he prevails by his practices, and wrought so by subtle devices, as he was chosen Pope in his place. Being Pope, he desired nothing more than to kindle the war betwixt the Guelphs and the Gibelins, then called Black and White, by a name and mark of a faction. Platina coats a singular proof of his disposition, nothing inclined to procure peace among Christian Princes. Proch●t Archbishop of Genoa, affected to the Gibelin faction, kneeled at Boniface feet on Ash-wednesday. As the Priest is accustomed to say: Memento homo quia civis es, & in ●inerem reverteris, he said (changing the words.) Memento homo quia Gibilinus es, et e●m Gibilinis in cinerem reverteris, casting the Ashes into his eyes, where as they are accustomed to cast them on the head, in sign of humility and submission. Boniface thus inclined to the peace of Christendom, that is to say (as the Lord of Haillan writes) more puffed up with glory and vanity, then good zeal to the peace of Christian Princes, he commands Philip by his Nuncio, to restore to the English and Flemings what they demanded, and for not obeying, he cities him to appear at Rome upon pain of excommunication. Philip a wise and a valiant Prince, although he were discontented with this course, yet he sent an Honourable embassage to Rome, by the Archbishop of Rheims, and the Earl of Saint Paul, to lay open his right before the Deputies of the King of England and the Earl of Flanders, who were then at Rome to complain as being wronged. All parties being heard, Boniface decrees that Philip (as the fountain and cause of all the miseries and inconveniences which had happened) should yield to Edward and to G●y all they demanded, both in Guienne and Flanders, The Pope makes a decree against Philip. charging the Archbishop of Rhe●ms to signify this Bull unto the King, upon pain of excommunication for not obeying. This was the first blow given by Boniface against Philip: The other Scene of this Theatre shall represent an other act. But what doth Philip after these great threats? He prepares for deeds, not suffering himself to be daunted with words, and t●ies his wit to find out means to maintain himself against so mighty enemies, not holding it fi●te nor worthy of a King of France to be terrified with these Comminations from Rome▪ employed without reason against his lawful authority. So seeking for all helps, he resolves to be ready for all events, holding words insufficient to calm this storm▪ Philip prepares to defend himself. He lays great impositions (which they call Maletost) upon his Subjects for the levying of Soldiers, and imposeth great tenths upon the Clergy. But in the search of th●s remedy, he was encountered with two difficulties: On the one side, The French mutiny being surcharged. his Subjects surcharged with the exaction of these great sums, being almost in despair, were ready to rebel in divers places, especially in the greater Cities: And on the other side, Pope Boniface thundered against him by new Comminations and Censures ● forbidding the Clergy to contribute any thing. This Prince crossed with these difficulties, continues his course resolutely, Philip admonishe●h the Earl of Flande●● of his duty. as a great work requires a noble and undaunted spirit: But before he enters war against Guy Earl of Flanders, he sends the Archbishop of Rheims, and the Bishop of Se●lis unto him, to advise him not to enter into a voluntary war. That the King was as careful of his Daughter as himself, to marry her honourably according to her quality: That he did nothing unworthy of a good King, or a good Godfather, in not suffering his subjects to ally themselves to his capital enemies: the which he spoke not for fear of the Earls forces, or of his friends, but for the care he had of his Subjects, not to see them run headlong into ruin, and therefore he presents him the choice of Peace of War. Count Guy answers; ●hat he is resolute to recover his right by force from the King▪ seeing he might not have it by reason. Philip having tried mildness in vain, comes to force. He had a goodly Army, whereof he takes the one half, and gives the other to Robert Earl of Artois his cousin. He turns the head of his Army against Lisle, and besiegeth it, Philip invades Flanders and defeats he Flemings. whilst that Robert defeats the Flemings at Furnes, and takes the Earls of juliers and Albemont, with many other of great account, and sends them prisoners into France. So continuing his victory▪ he takes the Towns of Cassel, Bergues, Saint Winoch, Furnes, and all the West part with an incredible celerity. The King having taken Lisle, he enters victoriously into Bruges. At this sudden check, all the rest of Flanders stands amazed. This happy beginning did shake the designs of the confederate Princes, so as without any more delay, they sue for peace. Ambassadors come presently unto him from the King of England, demanding a truce, the which he granted, comprehending the Earls of Flanders and Nevers: upon condition they should put their controversies to compromise: And so he returned into France, leaving Raoul of Needle his Constable, Governor of the Country of ●landers. This was the first voyage of Philip into Flanders, in the year 1297. All things seemed to be thus mildly pacified, He seizeth upon all Flanders. but the progress will soon show, that Philip had no meaning to receive the Earl of Flanders into favour: For the truce being newly expired, Charles Earl of Valois enters into Flanders with the same victorious Army, where he takes Beth●ne, Dovay, Courtray, and all the rest of the Country of Flanders, except Gand: whether the Earl Guy was retired with his Children, being disappointed of succours from his allies and confederates. England is quiet, and the Emperor Adolphe is no more to be seen, The Earl of Flanders forsaken by his confederates. who had made this poor Earl to wear the Babble. And the Ga●tois make their peace with the King, keeping their Privileges. But what shall become of the Earl? he yields himself absolutely into the hands of Robert Ea●le of Artois, with promise, that by his intercession he should be restored into the King's good favour, and so into the possession of his estate. 1299. Upon this promise of Robert, Guy (accompanied with his children, Robert, William and Guy, and his Nobility that were most confident unto him, comes to Paris, but his hope was soon turned into a languishing sorrow: for both himself, his children, and all his followers, were dispersed into sundry places under sure guards, Guy put into prison. as the King's prisoners: from whom they could draw no other answer, but that he had passed no word to his Brother, and that they were his prisoners by a just war. Philip without any further delay passeth into Flanders with a goodly troup, to take possession of the Earldom, as Proprietary and chief Lord, and to unite it to the Crown, by virtue of a sentence; whereby the person of Count Guy was found guilty of high Treason, Flanders united to the Crown. and his Lands were confiscate to the King, as to his Sovereign Lord. He comes to Gant, where he is received with pomp, as Prince and Lord, he received their homage, and makes many goodly laws for the government of the Country, appointing james of Chastillon, Lord of Leuse and Condé, for Governor and Lieutenant General, and so returns to Paris. Then were garrisons presently placed, and Citadels made in all the Towns, as conquered by the Sword, they are charged with contributions, taxes, and impositions one upon another, to finish the buildings, and to nourish the Soldiers, with such other things as depended thereon: Such was the liberty and confusion of military discipline. On the other side, there were complaints and popular mutinies for the exactions made by the King's command. These popular discontents did suddenly cause a new confusion. A people ought to be entreated with much mildness, The people of Flanders being oppressed revolt against Philip. be they either newly conquered, or reduced to their old obedience. This ill usage gave all the better Towns occasion to revolt. Bruges began, and is followed presently by the rest, but they must seek means for their preservation, to maintain themselves against the forces of Philip, which undoubtedly would fall upon them. They assemble at Bruges. The first difficulty is to provide a Commander. john and Guy of Namur brethren (sons to Guy Earl of Flanders) were jointly chosen by a general consent, and come to Bruges. There all the Cities (Gant excepted) make an offensive and defensive league, against the King of France for their Earl's delivery. The Dice are cast, all breaks out into a furious sedition. At Bruges the French are slain by their hosts, Count S. Paul (who went thither to pacify these troubles) escaped hardly: And kill the French. fury had found them out Commanders fit for their humours. A wretched Weaver, suborned and counterfeit, mutinous and full of words (named Peter) is one of their chief Colonels, accompanied with like Ruffians▪ & the other Commander a Butcher of like qualities to this Tribune. But as the base sort begin these rebellions, so great men end them. Philip of Flanders (son to Guy) being a prisoner, The Nobility join with the people. flies from Apaville (where he was well appointed) to secure his Father and Country, being ready to suffer shipwreck. The Nobility of the Country (who feared the fury of this mad enraged multitude) join easily with him. The popular state (seeing how needful the arms and direction of Gentlemen was for them) seek all means to have their favour. The cause is plausible, the delivery of their good Earl, & the liberty of their Country. Flanders being thus on fire, Philip was in no less perplexity, resolving to employ all his forces, to suppress this mutinous nation. In few days he leu●es an army of 40000. men, with exceeding diligence, and he himself is in field as General. And yet all this dies like a fire of joae, & breeds events not foreseen by him, who in show was the stronger, but in the end he proves the weaker, and bears the blows: for he was scarce entered into Flanders as far as Bois●due, but he talks of his return, pretending the unseasonableness of the time: yet the cause was apparently known to be otherwise: and some thought that he feared a revolt at home. So this great show prevailed little in Flanders, and bred an infinite charge to France. This was the success of Philip's second voyage into Flanders, with much bruit & no fruit. This his sudden retreat incensed this mutinous people more, and gave courage to their Commanders, to be the more resolute against Philip by the renewing of a mutual alliance: and made Philip seek to repair the error which he had (in his own conceit) committed, in not employing so goodly an army against the Flemings: He raiseth another army of forty thousand men of the companies already levied, 1302. under the command of Robert Earl of Arthois his Cousin, accompanied with Arnoul of Needle, Constable of France, and many great personages. The divers humours of both parties, Philip sends an other army, which is defeated by the Flemings. were a foretelling of the issue of these Armies; for the Earl of Artois marched against the Flemings, as against abase people, easy to be vanquished, and this humour of the General, crept into the Soldiers minds, as going to an undoubted victory, and not to a doubtful combat. Contrariwise the Flemings marched carefully to defend themselves against great warriors, for the defence of their liberty against them that were greatly incensed, and under a Wise and Grave Commander. They choose for their Leader john of Namour, with his brethren Guy and Philip (sons to the Earl Guy prisoner) accompanied with many Noblemen, that were good soldiers, and sworn enemies to the French, leading a people very resolute for their own preservations. The armies meet near unto the Town of Courtray, in a place called Groeminge. The Earl of Artois would by all means draw the Flemings to fight; who sought only to defend themselves, and therefore had chosen a place, for to camp in, which was strong both by nature and art, lying close, with their battalions. This their countenance not to fight, made Robert of Artois the more resolute to force them contrary to the Constable's advice. The great numbers of the French did at the first terrify the Flemings, but (their minds seasoned with the former considerations) they were encouraged by their Leader john of Namour. Battle of Courtray famous for th● great defeat of the French. Robert therefore having commanded his Horse to charge their Squadrons furiously; the Flemings withstood them as courageously, and having disordered them, they forced them to retire upon their own foot; who were placed with so great a contempt of the enemy, as if they were not to fight, but to gather the spoils of vanquished men. The Horsemen thus disordered, pass through their bands of foot, the which thus divided, abandon their ranks, and then their Arms. Some fight here, others fly there; but the horse and foot being in rout, they could not join again. The disorder was general; some defend themselves courageously, but there remain no squadrons to fight in gross. Their multitude is a hindrance unto them: the Flemings incourraged with this success, are the more eager in killing, for that this defeat of our men was unexpected, and this multitude being victorious is fleshed upon the French, (as upon dead carcases) without any mercy, glutting themselves upon them, whom before they feared. Of this great army there hardly escaped three hundred, all are pact together great & small. Not one Commander escaped, & very few Noblemen. Robert Earl of Artois cousin to the King of France, General of the army; Arnoul Lord of Needle Constable of France. james of Chastilion, A wonderful defeat of the French. Governor of Fland●rs, john King of Maiorica, Godfroy of Brabant & his Son the Lord of Viezon, the Earls of Eu, la March, Damartin, Aumale, Auge, Tancaruille & many other great personages which were the offerings of these cowardly spirits. They number 12000. Gentlemen slain in this battle, by this enraged multitude. A notable precedent, not to contemn an enemy, which teacheth what a furious people well led may do: An enemy is not to be contemned how● weak soever. and especially that victories come from heaven, for here the lesser number vanquished the greater, & the weakethe strong. This victory called of Courtray or Groeminghe, was followed with an absolute revolt of all Flanders against the French. It happened in the year 1302. the 11. of july. john of Namour remaining their governor in the absence of their imprisoned Earl. Philip received a great check in this battle; but he had more botoms to untwist. A●● the threats of Edward King of England, & of the Emperor Adolphe vanished; only Pope Boniface the 8. showed himself obstinate in his hatred against Philip. A discourse worthy to be carefully described. In the hottest of these Flemish affairs, Pope Boniface did excommunicate Philip, & curse his Realm upon this occasion. A notable affront done by Pope Boniface to Philip. The Christians estate was lamentable in the East, the Tartarians increased daily. Cassan King of Tartars, allied with the King of Armenia a Christian, made a great profession of love to the Christians, and for that the Mamelus held judea & jerusalem, he desired to draw the Kings and Princes of Christendom to their aid. To this end he sends an embassage to Pope Boniface the 8. and to Philip King of France, to entreat them both to employ their authorities and means in so good a work. Boniface fails not to embrace this occasion, he not only exhorts Philip to succour the Tartar, but also commands him proudly and imperiously upon pain of excommunication. This Bull was given to a sufficient man named Stephen an Arragonois, (whom he had made Bishop of Apa●ters, a City in the County of Foix, which they commonly call Pamiers, and had erected this new Bishopric in the Archbishopric of Tholouse, without the King's privity or consent) who acquitted himself of his charge so stoutly, that when as Philip represented unto him the greatness of his affairs, so as he could not obey the Pope's command: he answered with a bold face, That if the King would not obey the Pope, he would deprive him of his Realm. The subject, the manner, and the person (advanced thus against his will,) did so move Philip (grieved with this late loss, as if the Pope would insult over him for this bad success) that he imprisoned this Bishop. Boniface transported with choler, sends to him again one Peter a Roman born (Archbishop of Narbonne) with sharper Bulls, to summon him to undertake this voyage of the East: to command him not to touch the revenues of the Clergy: to reprehend him sharply for that he had presumed to lay hands upon the Bishop whom he had sent; & to enjoin him to send him presently back in full liberty. His charge extended to no other censures in case he disobeyed not in the principal. The Archbishop executed his charge boldly. Philip showed him with great modesty, the impossibility of this voyage: the reasons which had moved him to levy this tenth of the Clergy, and so to entreat the Bishop, having spoken unto him without any respect. Arrogancy of the Pope's Nuncio. The Archbishop replied with more arrogancy. That he was ignorant of the Pope's authority, who was not only the Father of Christian souls, but also Sovereign Lord and Prince in temporal things. And therefore by that authority he did excommunicate him, declaring him unworthy to reign, and his realm forfeited to the Church of Rome, to invest whom he pleased. Moreover he brought another Bull, directed to the Prelates and Noblemen of France, by the which he did acquire and dispense all Frenchmen from their oath of obedience to Philip. And a third, by the which he did cite all the Prelates and Divines of the French Church, to appear before him at Rome: disannulling all indulgences and privileges granted to the French, by any Popes his predecessors. The Earl of Artois disdaining this affront, takes the Bull and casts it into fire, saying. That no such dishonour should ever befall the King, to submit himself to any such conditions. Philip amazed at these bold affronts, refers the whole matter to his Council, who conclude to send back the Pope's two Nuncios to Rome, and to forbid the Prelates of France to go, or to send any money to Rome: beseeching Philip to proceed in the affairs of his Realm, and not to stay in so goodly a course. This done, Philip raiseth new & great forces to return into Flanders. At his entry the Flemings were defeated at Arques near to S. Omer, in a strait passage. Guy of Namur besieging Xiri●xé, was overthrown by the King's Navy▪ assisted by 16. Galleys of Genoa▪ under the command of Renier Grimaldi: and being taken, is carried to the King, being in his army betwixt Lisle and Dovay. After this fortunate beginning, Philip subd●es the Flemings. many cities yielded to the French, the rest fearing the event, stood amazed: the sum of their victory being evaporated; so as the first heat being cold, they entreat the Earl of Savoy to be a mediator to Philip for a truce, whereby they might obtain a peace, after so many miseries. Philip of Flanders & john of Namur brethren, were great persuaders thereof, for the natural desire they had to free their poor father so long time a prisoner. But Philip thirsting after revenge for his loss at Courtray, refuseth it. He advanceth and defeats the Flemings at air and at Tournay. There chanced in the end that notable encounter at Mons in Penelle, where they were wonderfully beaten, to make them lose the ●ast of the battle of Courtray, yet Philip was in danger of his life, and bought this victory dearly: and the Flemings (like men in despair) assembled together from all parts, although underhand they did sue to Philip for peace: the which in the end they obtained, Philip makes peace with the Flemings. at the instance of john Duke of Brabant, upon these conditions. That the Sovereignty remaining to the King, and the Flemings enjoying their liberties, the Earl Guy & all other prisoners, should be set at liberty, without ransom: and the Flemings should pay eighty thousand pound sterling, for the charges of the war, & the Castles of Lisle, Dovay, cassel & Courtray, should be delivered into the King's hands, 1303. as a pawn, until the end of the payment, and he might beat down what he had built in the Castles of Lisle & Dovay, delivering them to the Earl, as to their lawful Lord. The Flemings tied to strict conditions. That the Flemings should raze the walls and Forts of five principal Cities, Gaunt, Bruges, Ypre, Lisle, and Dovay, and never to build them again. That the King should make choice of 3000. men at his pleasure, in Bruges and thereabouts, that were coulpable of the seditions and murders committed, a thousand of them to be employed beyond the seas, and two thousand on this side, and that the Flemings should furnish 600. men at arms, to serve the King one whole year, where he pleased. And for the performance hereof, the Cities should be bound, Six thousand pounds. and should forfaire threescore thousand Livers for nonpayment, for the effecting whereof, Deputies should be appointed. During this treaty, the Earl Guy and his daughter Philip, Guy Earl of Flanders and his daughter die. (the subject of this troublesome revolt) died, to the great great grief of Philip, who sees himself frustrate of all means to show his clemency and bounty. But when these Articles were brought unto the Cities, the people did mutiny with great impatiency, so as the Deputies persuaded Philip to moderate those which were most grievous. The demantling of the Towns, (except Bruges, where the revolt began, and the banishment of the men, converting it into a pecuniary fine; and a great sum to an annual pension prefixed to easy payments.) Thus the accord was made. Robert, William, and Guy brethren, The conditions moderated the sons of the Earl Guy of Flanders, were delivered with all the prisoners, but we shall see that in the execution thereof there was much trouble. During these hard & rough proceed, Edward King of England having received a check in Guienne, was quiet, fearing Philip's resolution in greatest dangers: whereof he could wisely free himself: in the end an accord is made by the marriage of Isabel, the daughter of Philip, Isabel the daughter of Philip married to Edward King of England. with Edward the 2. who (in regard of this marriage) recovered all he had lost in Guienne, & in the taking of Isabella, he left to his posterity, a heavy pawn to pretend a title to the whole Realm. Philip had his revenge of this Emperor Adolphe, who had so boldly braved him in the beginning of this quarrel, under colour of demanding the lands of the Empire, lying in the Countries of Bourgongne, Daulphiné and Provence, being in old time the realm of Arles, but then in the power of divers Lords, (as we have said) under the King's authority. The King of England, and Earls of Flanders had great cause to complain of him, having received two hundred thousand Crowns to make war against Philip, the which he employed in the pourchase of Thuringe, & taking possession of that goodly Land, so unjustly gotten, being sold by an unnatural Father, who would disinherit his Children. This filthy traffic (aggravated by the complaints of the King of England, and Earl of Flanders, Adolphe the Emperor deposed. ) made Adolphe of Nassau very odious and contemptible, being issued from a noble and worthy race, but this Act against the poor Children, made him unworthy of the Empire, from which he was deposed by a decree of the Electors, & Albert of Austria seated in his place who poursuing him with war, sl●e him (as they writ) with his own hand, in an encounter near unto Spire. But Pope Boniface the 8. (Philip's greatest enemy) remained yet unpacified, who still continued his choler against him, in a season when as he thought him to be drawn dry, both of men and money: for they writ that this war of Flanders had wasted above three hundred thousand Frenchmen in eleven years, during the which it continued. We have seen how he used him by his Nuncios: this last Act will not only show the continuance of his spleen, but shall also represent a bad Catastrophé in this Tragedy the which shall light upon the head of Boniface, sought for by himself. Albert of Austria was no sooner chosen and installed Emperor by the Electors, but Boniface applied his wit to win him against Philip, supposing to prevail against Philip, Pope Boniface his practice against Philip. as Gregory the ninth had done against Frederic the second. He proclaims him Emperor, & invests him King of the realm of France, giving him both the title and arms: and taking occasion to sow division in the heart of the Realm, by means of the Clergy, who by reason of their revenues, had great power in the State, and for the interest thereof great will to preserve them, He did also write his letters to Philip in this manner. Boniface Bishop, servant of the servants of God, to Philip King of Frenchmen. Fear God, He writ arrogantly to Philip. and observe his commandments; we will thee to understand, that thou art subject to us, both in spiritual and temporal things, and that it belongs not to the● to give any prebend or benefice. If thou hast the keeping of any of them being vacant, thou must reserve the profits of them to the successors. If thou hast given any we judge thy gift to be void, and do revoke all that hath been done, and whosoever believeth otherwise, we judge them heretics, given at Latran, the fourth of the Nones of December, the 6. year of our Popedom. The King answers him thus. Philip's answer to the Pope. Philip by the grace of God King of France, to Boniface calling himself the sovereign Bishop, little or no health. Let thy great folly and rashness be advertised, that in temp●ral things we acknowledge none but God for superior, and that the gift of prebends being void, belongs to us by our royal prerogative, and the fruits that grow thereby, the which we will defend by the sword, against all them that shall seek to hinder our possession, esteeming them fools and without judgement, that shall think otherwise. These are the very words drawn out of the original. But Philip (to prevent the plots of Pope Boniface) assembled the Prelates of his realm at Paris with all speed: & having represented unto them the wrong which Pope Boniface had done him by his decree (from the which he had appealed as erroneous,) he makes them to renew their oath of fidelity. He thanks the King of England, in that he yielded not to the persuasions of Boniface. who would have incensed him against him▪ and in the end he seeks to stay the violent course of his furious practices. There was a Gentleman following the Court whose name was Felix of Nogaret (borne in Sevennes, a mountain Country of Languedoc, of the family of the Albigeois as in that Country there were many reserved from father to son, since the grant made them by Saint Lewis) whom Philip held fit for the execution of this charge: there was likewise a guide found out very fit to accompany him. Boniface had ill entreated the Colonois; one of them named Sciarra (flying the Pope's fury▪ and seeking some rest) had been taken by Pirates, and redeemed by a friend of his at Marseilles, and so brought into France. The pride of man is to be abated, saith Platina. They could not choose a more fit instrument to tame his arrogancy, who presumed to control Kings, and to deprive them of their Estates (as Platina saith) The pretext of Nogarets' voyage to Rome was apparent, to signify Philip's appeal from the Pope unto a Council, & to find the means to levy men under hand, for at that time the Realm of Naples obeyed the French, whither Philip had conveyed 60. thousand Crowns, by the bank of the Petrucri, Merchants of Florence, to furnish this levy. The Pope was retired from Rome to Anagnia, a Town of Abruzzo, (where he was borne) by reason of the troubles at Rome, whereas the Gibilin faction was grown the stronger. There were likewise in Anagnia many corrupted by the silver of France, by such means as Sciarra gave unto Nogaret, so as having drawn in 300. Frenchmen well armed, and won many of the Citizens unto him, the Castle (whereas Pope Boniface was lodged) was seized on, and at the same instant the City gates (with that terror which doth usually amaze men) surprised. Anagnia seated on and taken by the French. Then the French cry, the City is won: No man dares appear. In this confusion the Castle gates being seized on by French soldiers, Felix of Nogaret being armed, (accompanied with Sciarra Colonois and many others) enters the Pallace-hall with their naked swords, Boniface is not much amazed, but hastily attires himself in his Pontifical robes, and presents himself unto his enemies. Nogaret gins to say unto him. The good and noble King of France hath sent me hither, to tell thee that he appeals from thee to the Council. But the Pope having not the patience to attend the end, Thy Grandfather said he) condemned for the heresy of the Albigeois, was justly punished by fire, a worthy reward for his wickedness before God and man. I do not therefore wonder if I be thus traterously surprised by thee an heretic, but I willingly bear what happened to that good Pope silverius. Nogaret replies, I will lead thee then to Lions, where a Council shall judge of thy abuses. But as Boniface would have replied Sciarra more hardy than Nogaret, gave him a great blow with his gantelet on the face, which made him to bleed much. The Pope cried, and he struck again, so as Nogaret (having no commission to proceed so far,) drew him out of the Colonoises paws, 1394. and having retired him into his Chamber (howling and blaspheming like a desperate man) he led him to Rome. But Boniface through this accident entered into so cruel a frenzy, Boniface dies like a mad man. as he gnawed and eat his own hands, and so died piteously the 35. day after, to whom the common report registered in Histories made this Epitaph. He entered his Popedom like a Fox, he reigned like a Lion, and died like a Dog. Platina adds this Commentary. Thus died Boniface, The desponsion of 〈◊〉 Boniface. who laboured to keep the consciences of emperors Kings, Princes, and generally of all men in awe, more by terror then by religion: who sought to give and take away Kingdoms, to expel and restore Princes at his pleasure: most greedy to gather gold by what means soever. Let Princes therefore both spiritual and temporal learn to govern their Clergy and subjects▪ not arrogantly with insolency and outrage (as this of whom we speak) but holily and modestly, as Christ our King & his Disciples and followers, who desired to be loved not feared, whence justly proceeds the ruin of tyrants. He writes also of him: That he nourished divisions among the italians, and especially betwixt the Genevois and the Venetians. Behold the testimony of Platina, and the Catastrophe of the Tragedy which Pope Boniface the eight had plotted to ruin the King and his Realm. Philip advertised of the heavy end of him who had practised to ruin both him and his estate, presently sends his Ambassadors to the College of Cardinals, being much amazed with this accident protesting that he gave no such commission to Felix of Nogaret, (to whom notwithstanding he gave in recompense the Barony of Caluisson in Vaunage near unto Nismes) but only to intimate to Pope Boniface, his appeal from him unto the Council, desiring them to expect all friendship and succour from him. The Cardinals revived from their great amazement by this kind message from Philip, stood yet long irresolute in the election of a new Pope, fearing to do any thing unpleasing unto the King. In the end they choose one Nicholas a Cardinal, who had assisted Philip's Cousins in the voyage of Hungary (famous among the Popes by the name of Benedict the 11.) He revoakes the excommunication given ou● by Boniface against Philip and his people, The College of Cardinals a●ply themselves wholly to please Phi●●p. and restores the privileges of the University of Paris, whereof he had deprived them in disdain of Philip: but he lived not long, and the Cardinal's desire was to accommodate themselves wholly to the Kings will they therefore by a general consent choose Clement, borne at Bazadois in Gasconie; of the house of the viscounts of Tartas, and Lord of Vseste, where he built a goodly Castle called Villandrant, as the Lord of Haillan doth testify (an unreprovable witness) being of that Country. This Clement was the first of seven French Popes which held the Sea one after another, unto Vrbain the 6. under whom the Italians recovered it again with much trouble. These seven Popes were Clement the fift a Goscon, john 23 of Cohors in Quercy, Benedict the 12. a Tholousan, Clement the 6. Innocent the 6. Vrbain the 5. Gregory the 11. all four Limosins one after another. Such power had this proceeding of our Philip. Clement the 5. being chosen Pope, he came into France, and the King received him at Lions, The Pope Crowned at Lions. accompanied with the Kings of England and Arragon in great pomp. The Pope was on Horseback, and the King with his two brethren on foot, holding the reins of his horse. He was Crowned in the Temple of Saint Just, where they had built a great Theatre for so goodly a spectacle: but the press of people was so great, as the scaffold broke, and the multitude fell one upon another. The Pope, Kings, Princes and Noblemen were all on a heap, and the Scaffold fastened to an old wall pulled it down, so as the King was hurt in the head, the Pope in the foot, and the Duke of Britain slain, with a great number of Noblemen and common people that were smothered under these ruins. The Pope's Crown fell from his head into the press, 1305. where he lost an Carboncle valued at six thousand Florins of gold: but the life of men was inestimable. The Pope removes his seat to avignon. Thus this feast gave no cause of joy but was famous to posterity by this notable accident, and by the translation of the Pope● seat from Rome to avignon, in the year 1305. unto the year 1379. under Vrbaine the 6. This was the first act of Clement the 5. being arrived in France. In the mean time the Flemings practise new troubles, refusing to perform the conditions of peace, 1305. and their Earl Robert gathered together men and money on all sides for the war: Whereunto Philip (tired with the long miseries which had wasted his Realm) was unwillingly drawn. Yet he gives charge to Enguerand of Marigny Earl of Longueville, Superintendant of his treasure; to find means to levy an Army, appointing Charles of Valois his Brother for General, accompanied with Lewis his eldest Son, and a great number of the Nobility. But the difficulty to recover money was so great, as the King was forced to grant a truce to Robert Earl of Flanders, the which was more available for him then for France. This did greatly displease these two Princes (who had the chief places in the Army) complaining of Enguerand, The Princes discontented against Enguerand of Marigny. as if he had purposely crossed this levy, with a pretext of want of money: when as he himself was rather corrupted by the Flemings. They smothered this dislike until Philip's death, who countenanced Enguerand (as his good and faithful servant) against the ordinary complaints of these Princes of the blood. But after long delays, Flanders continuing still more obstinate in their rebellion, and Robert seeking but to gain time, necessity forced Philip to the War, and want of money held him back: yet both the one and the other were apparent. For the redress whereof he finds an expedient, to call an assembly at Paris of all the Cities of his Realm, and there to represent unto his Subjects the great necessity of his affairs, to induce them thereby to contribute means for so important a War, being both necessary and honourable. The assembly was held in the Court of Parliament, (a solemn place) where the King assisted with all his Council. Enguerand of Marigny made the speech, as the man which had the managing of his affairs. ●he Provost of Paris made offer of any thing the City of Paris could do, that the example of the capital City might draw on the rest, who made the like offer. A penny upon two shillings sterling. They grant a new imposition of ten Deniers upon the Liver or Frank, of all merchandise & wares: but when it came to the execution, there were daily seditions and mutines, in Picardy, Normandy, Orleans and Lions, whither Philip sent Lewis his eldest son to pacify them. But oh the vanity of this world! Philip had lived with much pain, he had passed his apprenticeship in his father's troubles, crossed with the wars of Guienne and Flanders, he had given and received infinite losses, shaken with the pricking thorns of Pope Boniface, who sought to ruin both body and soul, in excommunicating him & seeking to spoil him of his estate. Was it not then time to rest after all these toils? and yet behold he is more ready than before to embark himself in new troubles, by the enterprise of a new and dangerous war, whereof all his posterity could never prevail. But God more wise than himself, did cut off his long discourses (cast in the mould of an infinite life,) in this life so soon ended. So he dies when his troubles began to live, Philip dies. and goes to seek rest in heaven, the which he could not find on earth. He died at Fontainbleau in Gasl●nois, in the year 1314. having reigned 28. years, and lived 58. His disposition and his children, are noted in the beginning of his reign, and the estate of the Empire and the Church, throughout the whole discourse thereof. The estate likewise of the Christians in Asia and Africa, and of the French in Sicilia, Naples and Arragon, must necessarily be described, both that which was past, and that which is to come. The Popes had embarked all Christendom in this action, goodly in show, and very hurtful in effect, for those voyages beyond the Sea, have consumed an infinite number of men throughout all Christendom. The finite of the Eastern voy●ge●. Our France hath a great share, yea of our Kings. Many houses were cast away upon this shelf, whence grew infinite suits. And from thence likewise came the corruption of fees, by means of the sale of Lands made by Gentlemen to peasants. To conclude, they employed 200. years to purchase much pain & infinite loss. We have hitherto seen how things have passed from reign to reign, from the year 1096. the day of the first departure of the Christian army into the East, unto the year 1315.. The ordinary practice of the Popes of Rome, was to free themselves of Kings and Emperors, the more easily to settle their authority over them, as the wise and unpassionate Reader may verify, by all the circumstances and order of the true History. I speak only in terms of State, and as mildly as truth will permit me. In those times, 1314. the Tartar (who had undertaken the protection of the Christians (the better to settle their affairs, obtained of Pope Clement a new Croysado▪ to the which Philip had vowed two Sons, Philip and Charles▪ but it had no success, although Clement did what he could to further the action. But a Dog that is ●cal●d fears the cold water. And experience is the mistress both of wisemen and fools. So all these great shows in the end came to nothing. The Countries so valiantly conquered by the Christians, were seized on by the Infidels, so as after infinite toils, there s●arce remained any relics of this shipwreck, one●y some islands to the Venetians▪ and Gen●uois, Cypress Candie, Corfu, Chio, and to all the Christians jointly Rhodes and Malta. The Christians loo●e all in the East. The Templars (placed for the guard of Christendom) became so disloyal and corrupt, as they must be rooted out, the which Phi●ip did in France, in whose place were instituted the Knights of Rhodes and Malta, the which continue unto this day. Behold the end of the voyage of our Argonauts, which made so goodly a show upon this Thea●er in the first Scene: But the Catastrophe was so miserable, as the Countries where the Gospel had been Preached, remained a shameful prey to the enemy of Christendom, and the Christian Church at his mercy. As for Sicilia, behold the estate: Charles the Lame (heir to his Father's misfortunes, taken by Roger Admiral of Arragon, The estate of Sicilia. and held prisoner four years) in the end was released, upon condition he should relinquish all his interest to the two Sciliaes'. And all which Philip had taken in Arragon, returned presently after his death to james of Arragon, the lawful heir of that Realm. Naples continued longer in the French men's power, but in the end all was lost, as we shall see hereafter: so as the Arragonois retained to himself the possession of these goodly Estates, and left us in our voluntary losses, the gauges of our accustomed rashness, and an apparent testimony, that the Pope's gifts to our Kings, have not greatly enriched the poor realm: as appears by infinite examples. After that of Naples, Hungary was in no better estate, being given by the Pope to Charles Martell, Son to Charles the Lame, th●se two quarrels having drawn all Europe into a strange confusion. So there was every where vanity for truth, brute without fruit, and shows without effect. The originals are my warrant for this truth, the which I ought to the honour of the History without dissembling. LEWIS the tenth, called Hutin, the 47. King of France. LEWIS .10. KING OF FRANCE. XXXVII. portrait 1315. THIS reign is short and of small fame, as the actions of this King are not greatly commendable. He began to reign in the year 1315. and died the year after, the 16. of june, and so he scarce reigned a year and a half, The m●n●rs o● 〈…〉. which time was full of trouble and confusion according to his turbulent and stirring disposition, whereof he bore the name, for a blemish to his posterity, fo● 〈◊〉 in old French signifies Mutiny. A Choleric Prince, Ingrate. 〈…〉, Outrageous, defacing his royal Authority, by the insolent abuse o● his power, cou●ring his mortal passions with the vale of his authority. He first ma●●●ed wi●h Marguerite the Daughter of Robert Duke of Bourgongne, being detected o● 〈…〉, she was confined to Chasteau gaillard upon Seine, where she died in h●r ignominy. Af●er her death, he married with Clemence the Daughter of Charles, brother to Robert King of Sicilia, H●s Wives. pretended King of Hungary. He made a great preparation against Robert Earl of Flanders, but could not pass with his Army for Waters: He discharged his choler upon Enguerand of Marigny Earl of Longueville, Superintendant of the treasure, whom Philip had employed long and confidently. Charles Earl o● Valois, brother to Philip the Fair, accused Enguerand of extortion and robbing the Treasury: making him odious to the people, for that he had long manage● the treasure of the Realm to his masters good liking: 〈◊〉 of 〈…〉 put to 〈◊〉. but Lewis and Charles had hatched th●s hatred against him, to the loss of his life. He had caused the Palace to be built, and he disposed of the public treasure, during the long wars of Flanders, the which had wasted much, to the people's oppression and hindrance. And therefore it was a pleasing spectacle, to see Enguerand of Marigny hanged by a solemn sentence upon the gallows, which he had caused to be made at Montfalcon, beating down his image in the Palace, where the place is yet to be seen, with this inscription by it: Let every one rest content with that he hath, For he that hath not sufficient, hath not any thing. This judgement was very famous, yet afterwards it was revoked, but the body was not taken out of the grave, although he were f●eed from the ignominy of so shameful a death. The Earl of Valois was soon after taken with a languishing disease, which consumed him by degrees, and King Lewis Hutin died so suddenly, as he scarce lay sick one day. These were the works of heaven, which made the foolish people change their opinion, of whom it was rightly spoken. What the people says, a fool speaks; for every one took these extraordinary deaths, as witnesses of God's justice, who punisheth great Princes which abuse the ordinary power which he hath given them, to serve their own passions. And it is to be observed, that this justice of God continued in the posterity of Lewis Hutin, for he left his wife Clemence with Child, who was delivered of a Son, an imaginary King, having lived but eight days: and though he were royally interred with Kings, yet is he not numbered among them. Moreover he left one Daughter by his first Wife, called jane, for whom Eudes of Bourgong●e her Uncle by the Mother, caused great Tragedies against the fundamental Law of State, jane the Daughter of Lewi● Hutin pretends the realm. to have her admitted Queen of France, wrongfully and unjustly, for that women are excluded by the law, whereon the French Monarchy was grounded, as we have said. So this miserable reign was begun and ended by confusion and injustice. A notable example to observe the vanity of the Court, in good servants unjustly afflicted: of the people, in their false and passionate judgements, rendering evil for good, and suffering themselves to be transported with the ebbing and flowing of their passions, speaking good and evil of the same action, and the same man, without rule, without measure, and without truth. And of the vanity of great men, which think it to be the chief fruit of their greatness, to abuse their power insolently, to the ruin of their inferiors: not remembering (being blinded with their passions) that they have a superior over them, to make them yield an account of their unjust proceed, forcing them to make restitution with interest. The Parliament made ordi●●r●●. All that Lewis Hutin did worthy of commendation, was that he made the Parliament of Paris ordinary, which had but two sit in the year, although this commodity of pleading hath bred many suits, to the hindrance of the public and private good. He was called King of France and of Navarre, and left the two realms to his successor, who disposed thereof as we shall see. PHILIP the 5. called the Long, 48. King of France. PHILIPPE .5. KING OF FRANCE. XVIII. portrait THE controversy touching the Crown was easily decided, by the evidence of reason (and also for that jane the Daughter of Lewis Hutin, 1316. remained by the Will of Philip her Uncle, Controversy for the Crown of France. Queen of Navarre, and Countess Palatine of Bri● and Champ●gne,) and y●t for the discontentment of some Princes of the blood, Philip crowned. Philip went to Rheims with a strong Army, to be anointed there, where he was installed, the doors of the Church being shut and well guarded. He began to reign in the year 1316. and reigned six years. He had four Daughters by jane the Daughter of Othelin Earl of Bourgongne and no Sons. By means of his Daughters he made his peace with his discontented Princes: His children. For he gave the eldest to Odon Duke of Bourgongne, (who had supported the Daughter of Lewis against him) and gave in dowry the County of Bourgongne, belonging unto her by her Mother: and to Lewis Earl of Eureux his other opposite, he gave jane with the Kingdom of Navarre, and the Counties of Brye and Champagne, whereof he afterwards carried the title. His disposition. A Prince of a very tractable disposition, and by consequence easy to be corrupted, rather inclining to ill then good. There is nothing memorable under his reign, but that through his facility all was tolerable to his bad servants, who under his name laid great exactions upon the people, the which caused them to mutiny in many places, neither did he (being great of body, and therefore called Long, but little of wit) use his authority. Under colour of a voyage to the East, two seditious men, a Priest and a Monk of the order of Saint Benedict, 1322. assembled a multitude of mutinous people, which committed a thousand insolencies where they passed, Rebels calling themselves Shepherds. calling themselves Shepherds, but in the end they were defeated in Languedoc. The jews expelled before, were now admitted to return for money: a wretched nation, given to all kind of wickedness, and therefore odious to the people, An artificial plague. who exclaimed against the disorders grown up by the facility of Philip. This general hatred bred such a rage in the licentious minds of the jews, as they brought the plague into divers parts of the realm, using the help of Lepars. Many were grievously punished by justice, and the rest banished out of the dominions of France. Flanders seemed ready to fall into new troubles, but in the end they were pacified, by the marriage of Marguerite the King's second Daughter, with Lewis Earl of Flanders, Flanders pacified. Nevers and Rethel, and the payment of certain sums due by the said accord. These are the most famous acts of that reign, for to what end serves it to relate that private justice was done upon a Provost of Paris, who was hanged, for that he had put to death a poor innocent, for a rich man that was guilty, and condemned to die? Or that Philip would make one weight and one measure throughout his Realm, but he could not maintain his authority by the rule of reason. These things either too common, or not effected, are not worthy of a History. Thus Philip the fift died with small fame, the fift year of his reign, in the year 1322. CHARLES the 4. called the Fair, the 49. King of France. CHARLES .4. KING OF FRANCE. XLIX portrait 1322. AS Philip the Long had succeeded Lewis Hutin his brother, with some dispute: Charles crowned without opposition. so Charles brother to Philip, (the last of the Sons of Philip the Fair,) succeeded without any d●fficultie, the question being formerly decided. He was Crowned King with great solemnity, the Princes of the blood and Noblemen assisting, ●n the year 1322. and reigned six years. A wise and a temperate Prince, His disposition. loving justice, and yet unfortunate in his family. He was thrice married. His first wife Bla●che was accused and convicted of Adultery, du●ing his father's life, and was confined to Chas●ea●-gaill●rd by Andely upon Seine. His second Wife was Mary the Daughter of Henry of Luxenbourgh Emperor, by whom he had one Son, whi●h died as he was borne, and his Mother soon after at ●●ssoudon in B●rry▪ His third Wife was Marguerite the Daughter of Lewis Earl of Eureux, by whom he had Daughters only, His issue. leaving ●er with Child, as shall be said. But let us make a collection of his life, which is not long. The facility of Philip the Long, the fury of Lewis Hutin, and the long wars of Philip the Hardy, had perverted all, and given liberty to every man to do what he pleased▪ especially the Nobility: who being armed, committed many insolencies by this liberty and impunity. Charles being anointed, he held a great Sessions in his chief City of Paris, to hear all men's complaints, and causeth many Gentlemen to be punished. C●arles punisheth disorders without respect. Among the rest jourdain of L●s●e a Gas●on, who under colour of being Nephew to Pope john the 22. then resident in avignon, (having had his pardon for eighteen crimes, whereof the least deserved death) continued still in his wickedness. In the end he was taken and brought to Paris. The remitting of what was past, made him presume of Impunity: But the justice of God (which comes in 〈◊〉 even when the insolent and obstinate sinner dreams not of it) prevented him, 1324. 〈…〉 laying all respect aside, caused him to be hanged, as a memorable exam●●●●●at respect is an enemy to justice, which must be executed without sparing of any oldwhat is guilty of any notable crime. 〈…〉 second King of E●gland, stood upon terme● for his homage of Guienne, 〈…〉 s●nt his wife Isabel, the Daughter of Philip the Fa●re, and Sister to the King, 〈…〉 pound with him. Cha●l●s brought him to reason b● his authority▪ and as Hugh 〈◊〉 Lord of Montpesat in Agen●is, would have fortified his house without his permis●●●●●e forced him to obey, razing the Caste●l of Montpesat, whence the quarrel 〈◊〉 and made him to give hostages for the assurance o● that he had promised. 〈◊〉 l●st these general quarrels, Isabel complains of her husband Edward King of England. there chanced a jar betwixt Edward and his wife Isab●● discontented with her husband, for that both she and her Son had lost their 〈◊〉 wi●h him, by the pernicious council of Hugh Spencer. Yet was he so supported by King ●harles, as he sent her back into England without any countenance, commanding her to apply herself to her husband's humours, the which she endeavoured to do b●ing a wi●e and a courageous Princes: yet being assisted (as it is likely) underhand by t●e mea●es of her Nephew Charles the Fair, she prevailed in her designs: causing H●gh to be apprehended and punished as the Levaine of all their breach: and having b●oug●t he● Husband unto reason, she confirmed her Son Edward the third a Prince who shortly shall be the cause of much trouble to this Monarchy. Charles likewise reduced Lewis Earl of Flanders to obedience, although he were husband to his Aunt: 〈◊〉 having called and condemned him by Court of Parliament at Paris, he restored h●m to his estates, the which he had forfeited by felony, showing in one subject, both h●s severity to punish offences, and his clemency to remit the due punishment. The same Ea●le being fallen in some dislike with his chief Towns, & seeking to reclaim them by force Charles advised him to win them by mildness▪ The subiect● infirmities must be cured by mildness. a true remedy to reconcile subjects which are accustomed to oppose themselves against rigour, and in resist●ng to know their own forces, the which belongs to their Princes by obedience. Th●s he pacified these discontents betwixt the Earl and the Cities of Flanders, by a common reconciliation, upon condition: That the Earl should be acknowledged in his degree, and the King as Sovereign. T●is is all that chanced worthy of observation, in the reign of Charles the Fair. A Prince worthy of the French Monarchy, and to be numbered among the greatest a●d most famous men of State. His life was ve●y short, in regard of his great sufficienci●● yet with more order and authority than his brother Philip the Long, who left no●e but Daughters, (whose names are buried in the confusion of times: troubled by the pretences of Males and Females) and his wife with Child, as we have said. A womb which shall breed many long and perilous controversies. Charles died in the year 1328. leaving the Crown to the second royal branch of Capets, whereunto the order of the fundamental law did lawfully call them. THE SECOND PARCEL OF THE THIRD RACE OF CAPETS, CONTAINING THIRTEEN KINGS; in the second royal branch, called of Valois, from Philip of Valois, to Henry the third. THE NAMES OF THIRTEEN Kings of the second royal branch of Capets, called of Valois. Philip of Valois. john. Charles the 5. Charles the 6. Charles the 7. Lewes the 11. Charles the 8. Lewis the 12. Francis the first. Henry the 2. Francis the 2. Charles the 9 Henry the 3. the last of this royal branch. From the year a thousand three hundred twenty eight, unto the year a thousand five hundred eighty eight. PHILIP of VALOIS, the 50. King of France. PHILIP KING OF FRANCE. L. portrait THe doubtfulness of the issue which was expected from the royal womb of jane, 1328. (widow to Charles the fair) held the beginning of this reign in great suspense and perplexity; Controversy for the realm betwixt Edward the 3. King of England, & P●i●i● of Valois. even for the regency itself: for Edward the 3. King of England, (the son of Edward the 2. and of Isabella of France, the daughter of Philip the fair, and sister to the three Kings last deceased,) pretended it as his right; and in case the child died (whatsoever it were) the realm also, by the title of royal consanguinity, according to the laws of England. 〈◊〉, Philip of Valois (the first Prince of the blood of France) maintained, that 〈…〉 of the male (if any were borne) as the realm, (if it were a daughter, o● the son died,) belonged directly unto him, without all controversy; holding the first 〈…〉 among the Princes of the blood after the decease of the three brethren, who had been 〈…〉 a●ter another. For Philip the hardy had left two sons▪ Philip the fair, and 〈◊〉 Earl of Val●i●● of whom it is said, That he was the son of a King, brother to a King, 〈…〉 father to a King, and yet no King. 〈◊〉 Philip and Charles, had succeeded to the Crown one after another▪ so as, after 〈…〉, the right came to Charles and his children, according to the fundamental law o● State? To decide this controversy, the general Estates were called at Paris, Philip of Valo●● preferred to the ●●owne. with great solem●i●●e where they decree, That Philip of Valois should be Regent of the realm (if Queen 〈◊〉 had a son,) and King, if it were a daughter. 〈◊〉 was del●uered of a daughter, the first of April, at Bois de Vincennes, the which was ca●●ed Blanch. This quarrel thus decided; Philip installed King. Philip of Valois was saluted and proclaimed King of France, and within few days after, was anointed and crowned at Rheims, accordi●● to the usual custom. And ●hen (being well accompanied with his Princes, Peers, Officers, and an infinite number of his nobility, he made his entry into his chief City of Paris, with an incredible joy and pomp▪ this was in the year .1328. Being thus in possession of the Realm, he studied to settle his estate, much disordered by the ill government of the forepast Kings: 〈◊〉 settles his 〈…〉 France. and likewise to satisfy the daughter of Lewis Hutin, in regard of the Counties of Brye and Champ●gne, lying too near to his good City of Paris, to be divided from the crown. So he treated with her, and held them by his prerogative, giving unto her as much in exchange as the said Earldoms were worth, lying farther off in the counties of la March, Rovergue and Languedoc. But Flanders troubled him much more: the Earl and his subjects were greatly incensed one against an other, by reason of some exactions of money made by the Earl, for the payment of his old debts due by the accord, so as they made war against their Earl, and took him prisoner. Being the stronger, they controlled their Lord: but soon after they paid for their folly: for the Earl (being delivered) had recourse unto Philip, as to their sovereign. Philip takes the Earl's cause in hand, He suppresseth the Flemings. raiseth a great army against the Flemings, takes, sacks and burns Cassel, where they had made the body of their army, after the defeat of two and twenty thousand Flemings in a pitched field. Having subdued this mutinous people, he advised the Earl to use that advantage modestly▪ to win them by mildness, & not to thrust them into errors by despite or despair, the which are sooner prevented then repaired in popular tumults. Being returned from this voyage, Philip found new work at Paris. The Courts of Parliament, and all the Sovereign judges, (assembled from all the Provinces) made a general complaint against the Clergy of France▪ A notable suit of the Patlements against the clergy. they accuse them ofsundry abuses, & namely, that against the due of their charges, they intermeddled with the politic jurisdiction. The suit was vehement, & famous for the greatness of the parties. The King, to reconcile this quarrel calls a general assembly of his whole realm, at Paris. The cause was pleaded before him, with great liberty, by Peter of Cugnere (this is he who by derision they called M. Peter Cugnet whom at this day they find in the great Temple at Paris noted with a little Monkey's head, placed betwixt two pillars, to put out the candles, being odious by reason of his pleading,) and as coldly defended by Peter Bertrand, both famous Advocates in those times. The issue was doubtful, but Philip foreseeing the event of so important a business, after that he had seriously exhorted the Prelates to reform themselves, & in reforming the abuse, to avoid these popular complaints, he referred the matter to a further hearing. But he had other work in hand. Edward the 3. King of England (for that he was not received King of France,) practised great and new desseines against him, studying only upon revenge. He had purposely refused to assist at his coronation, & makes no show of any intent to do homage for Guienne, whereunto Philip did call him. Edward having no colour to refuse so apparent a duty, came to 〈◊〉, with so great and extraordinary a train, as it seemed plainly, not to be done to honour the king, but rather to strike some fear or admiration into the French, of his great forces. To check this bold bravado, Philip showed himself a King at his first interview with Edward, who even then champt upon the bit, and smothered his choler. Edward appears at the place and time prefixed, royally attired, with a long robe of crimson velvet, powdered with Leopards of gold, a crown upon his head, a sword by his side, and golden spurs on his heels. He presents himself standing before Philip sitting in his royal throne, attired with a long rob of violet coloured velvet, powdered with Fowers-deluce of gold, a crown on his head, and the sceptre in his hand, holding a royal Majesty, accompanied with his Constable, Chancellor and great Chamberlain. The Viscount of Melun, great Chamberlain of France, command's Edward to take off his crown, sword, & spurs, & to kneel down the which he doth. Then he took both his hands, and having joined them both together, he spoke unto him in this manner, The 〈◊〉 of 〈◊〉 King o● England to 〈◊〉. You become a Liege man unto the King, my Lord, who is here present, as Duke of Guienne, and Peer of France▪ and you promise to be faithful unto him & loyal. Say yea. And Edward answered, yea. In like sort he did him homage for the county of Ponthieu: entreating Philip to restore him all those places in Guienne, 1330. which his Predecessors had enjoyed Philip answered him with great gravity, that he would consider thereof. This was the homage which Edward King of England, did unto Philip King of France: the which I have particularly noted, as the first act of a notable Tragedy. The event will show, that Philip had done far better (without prejudice to his authority, Philip's error in receiving homage. lawfully purchased by the law of State) to pacify Edward by all civil means observable betwixt Kings, and not to brave him upon an inferior quality, the which is no blemish to the other, for in the end he showed himself his equal in dignity. A furious bait of hatred among Princes which cannot be reconciled. Edward departed discontented from Philip, The cause of Edward's discontent against Philip. resolute to attempt all means to cross him, and to ruin him. He seeks out all instruments fit for this design, both in Flanders, Britain, and Germany, whereof followed mournful events, both for the King and his Realm. I will note every thing in order, reserving the Estate of the Church and Empire to the end of his reign, lest I should interrupt the order of this discourse. Philip was otherwise affected then Edward, (as commonly desire makes show of that which is not, pleasing men with vain imaginations) for supposing that he had tamed Edward with his imperious homage, he presumed that he had well settled his affairs, to be obeyed by him without any contradiction, and to have his realm enjoy an assured peace, without any annoyance, under his command. Upon this conceit he intends a voyage to the East, Philip resolves to go into the East. desirous to be nothing inferior to the glorious and renowned zeal of his Predecessors. In this devotion he easily yields to the persuasions of Pope Benedict xi borne at Tholouse, then resident at avignon. His fleet was then preparing at Aiguesmortes, (a sea Town of Languedoc) whilst that he provides for the regency of the Realm, giving it to john Duke of Normandy his eldest son, being fourteen years old, leaving him a grave and learned Counsel. And seeking to sound Edward's mind, if he would accompany him in this holy war, imitating the example of his Predecessors, he learns by certain intelligence, that he watched his departure▪ to invade France. This new occasion gave him a reasonable subject to change his resolution, and not willingly to expose his new inheritance to his enemy. But this satisfied not Pope Benedict, The Pope discontented with the King. who grew so bitter upon this alteration, that (exclaiming generally of Philip as disloyal,) he sought all means to annoy him. There was a capital hatred betwixt the Emperor Lewis of Baui●re▪ and the sea of Rome, having excommunicated him as an heretic. Benedict absolues him, and becomes his friend, seeking to oppose him against Philip: who (disliking of this proceeding, sends Entragues a gentleman of Vivarez to avignon, to let Benedict understand that if he did not forbear to speak ill of him, he would force him to silence, after the example of that his Predecessor, whose name he bore, and who had left so famous a remembrance of his rashness to posterity. Edward being returned into England; sleeps not. A Prince of an excellent judgement, great courage, and of a resolute and active spirit, high minded, and a fatal instrument to chastise France. His repulse, his homage, and his great means, Edward resolves to make war against Philip. were both the bait and the 〈◊〉 to this generous resolution, which thrust him on to disquiet the possession of that by force, which he could not obtain by reason. But for so great a project he needed a ●●eat Counsellor, to direct and fortify him in the execution of an enterprise of so great import▪ Robert Earl of Artois, a Prince of the blood of France, (descended from an other Robert son to Lewis. 8. and brother to S. Lewis, had a great suit with his Aunt Mahauld Countess of Burgongne, for the Earldom of Arthois. Robert had laboured much for Philip in his great question for the crown, against Edward King of England before mentioned, assuring himself, that Philip would requite him in his unjust pretension: but Philip preferred the countesses right, before Robert's wrong: so as leaving the course of justice free, the County of Arthois was adjudged to Mahauld, Robert of Arthois the frebrand of war: by a decree of the court of Parliament of Paris. This loss did so discontent Robert, as he presumed to brag openly, that he would dispossess Philip of the crown, by the same means that he had raised him unto it. But this presumptuous threat, delivered rashly before many witnesses, cost both the realm and himself dear, 1331. who in the end smarted for his malicious and vn●easonable discontent. He flies into England, carrying nothing with him, but a mind transported with passion, & armed with policy. He flies into England. Philip proclaims him guilty of high Treason, and seizeth upon his lands. Edward receives him with all shows of love, & gives him the first place in his council. Behold, these two great Kings banded one against another, entering into a dangerous war, which shall much afflict their estates: as commonly the subjects pay for the follies of Princes. The first breach began in the easiest places. Guienne was the first exchecker of this long and dangerous game. The Earls of Foix and Armagnac were for the King in Guienne, the Earl of Albret for Edward. The King of Scotland is a formal partaker for France, war begone in Guienne & Scotland. against Edward. Edward gins to spoil Philip's Country, and Philip takes from Edward the Castle of Xaintes, by Charles Earl of Alencon his brother. Edward on the other side, makes war against David King of Scots, and Philip sends him succours. These were the first drops of that cloud which darkened the heavens, attending the storm which shall fall after these thunder cracks: but what is all this in regard of that which shall presently succeed. By the advice of Robert of Arthois, Edward makes a proclamation against Philip of Valois, as an usurper of the realm of France, and labours to stir up both the French and Flemings to maintain his title, as the lawful heir, being the son of a daughter of France, against an unlawful King: pretending the realm to appertain unto him. 〈◊〉 sends Ambassadors into Flanders and Germany. Moreover he sends an honourable & stately embassage into Flanders and Germany, to incense those Provinces against Philip. These Ambassaders went with a goodly and an honourable train, great in expenses, show, banquets and presents. They began in Hainault, to take directions there from Conte William father in Law to Edward. The Earl doth cause them to be accompanied throughout all the Cities of Flanders and Brabant, & doth countenance them with the favour of his friends in all those cities. They spare nothing in good cheer, james of 〈…〉 leader to the seditious 〈◊〉. nor goodly presents, according to the popular humour of this nation. One of the chief Tribunes, or Colonels of this people, was james of Arteville, a brewer, but in effect he had more credit with the flemings than the Earl himself. They begin to undermine the flank of this fort, by the means of this artisan. He becomes an Englishman, by virtue of the Angels of Englad He shall act his part in this tragedy, but in the end he shall leave his skin in this people's hands, whom he had enchanted; as after many turns the keeper is devoured by his lion. Lewis Earl of Flanders stood stiffly for the King his sovereign Lord: but he prevailed nothing in exclaiming against this ringleader of the multitude, who were the more incensed by Lewis his choler against their captain. For Arteville making it known to all men that he was hated, The Flemings 〈…〉. took occasion to demand a guard, the which he choose among the most seditious, being entertained by him at the charge of England: and so he maintained and augmented his seizure of this confused authority, the which he had usurped over the Flemings, in Edward's favour. There was an occasion which made this popular humour to break forth, (being yet somewhat restrained by the respect of sovereign authority, a bridle for the most audacious.) A french gentleman being at Gand, was too familiar with this multitude. The Earl suspects him to be traitor: and without any other proofs, but only the devotion he had to the King's service, he cuts off his head. The common people were so incensed with this execution, An unseasonable execution. as the Earl could hardly recover France, to avoid the outrageous cruelty of this furious multitude, which pursued him to death without any respect. Arteville being then without control, sets up his ensign openly for Edward, who presently sends a fleet into Flanders. 〈◊〉 practices in Flanders and Germany. He comes himself to Antwerp with his wife and children, and gives his sister in marriage to the Duke of Gueldres, the better to confirm his love. And leaving his wife in Flanders, for a gage of his faith, he comes to Cologne, where he is honourably received by Lewis of Baviere, Emperor by whom (having made an offensive and defensive League) he is declared Vicar of the holy Empire, both in Germany and France, to have thereby a title to force the Vassals and subjects of that Empire to succour him, both with men and money, against Philip of Valois, as an usurper of the realm of France, and sworn enemy to the Empire. In his absence the Queen his wife had so politicly managed his affairs, as at his return he did but pass, and with an incredible celerity sent an army, 1335. (the which he found ready) under the conduct of the earl of Salisbury. But it chanced, Equal losses. as this Earl (having joined with the Flemings) went inconsiderately to the siege of Lisle, he was defended by the Lord of Rombats, which surprised him in this disorder, being drawn into an Ambuscadoe. This first check did import Edward's affairs very much, and even with the Flemings, being subject to alterations. To repair this error, he departs presently from England with his fleet: yet he must fight for the passage with Philip's Navy, the which attends him with great forces, and with a resolute intent to stay him. The English army was not less, neither were their courages any thing daunted with this first loss. The combat was fierce, but the victory remained to Edward. Who notwithstanding bought it dear: by a great loss of his Nobility, and an honourable hurt which he received, for a testimony of his valour. Philip lost thirty thousand men, Battle of Seluse in favour of the English. French and Flemish, and his Admiral Hugh of Quieret,, with the advantage of a good beginning. This battle fell out in the year 1337. in the month of May, noted by the name of Scluse, where it was given. It was seconded with a greater loss, the which made the way open to Edward's desseins, who (being received with great joy by the Flemings) resolved to try his fortune, and to invade France, by Tournay and S. Omer, measuring the courage and not the number of his victorious army, ordained to greater and more famous exploits. Philip was nothing amazed at this first check, but relying in his great forces, 1337. he thought himself assured of a victory against Edward, to the end that he might have no competitor in his hereditary Kingdom: nor France any English Prince to trouble it again. He had levied an army (worthy the possession of this new inheritance) of a hundred thousand fight men, and many great personages: The Kings of Bohemia, Navarre, & Scotland. Philip's Army. The Dukes of Normandy, Britain, and Lorraine. The Earls of Alencon, Savoy, Flanders, Armagnac, Eu. and others to the number of twenty six, with an infinite number of the nobility. He divides his army into three, to answer the enemy in all places. One part for Tournay, under the conduct of the Earl of Eu, Constable of France, & the Mareshall of Montmorancy▪ the other for S. Omer, under the Duke of Bourgongne, and Earl of Armagnac and he: himself remains with the battle, betwixt them and Arras. The English army had neither so many men, not so great personages, being but threescore thousand men: The English Army. but the trial made prose that it was nothing inferior to the French, neither in courage nor valour. It consisted of English, Flemings, and Germans: the which was the fruit of his Embassage and voyage. The imperial Eagle appeared in the foremost ranks in great show: and the title of vicar of the sacred Empire, sounded out in all their military proclamations. Edward desires nothing more than to fight. All his men had the same will, being nothing amazed with the number nor bravery of the French army, not with the fame of their commanders. Such is the force of the great God of armies, who disposeth of the hearts of such as shallbe conquerors or conquered, & draws the motions that are in them to his wise and irrevocable decree, the which never fails to execute things in their due season. Philip had the like desire to fight, although his counsel were otherwise affected. The like advertisements were given from all parts: and reason itself did wish him not to expose his new Crown to the hazard of a general and doubtful battle. So the armies stand some days at the gaze. In the end Edward (to draw him to fight) besieged Tournay. Some skirmishes were made, in the which, the English were beaten. The place is victualled by Philip: but the English army stands firm in the same quarter, watching a fit opportunity for their desseine. All Europe stood gazing at this great and dangerous spectacle. The friends of both parts were greatly perplexed with so doubtful an event, the which brought the estate of two realms into question. But God who reserved the victory and scourge to an other season, dispersed this storm, being in show ready to fall, by this occasion. jane of Valois, sister to Philip, widow to William Duke of Hainault, and mother to Marguerite the wife of Edward, a Princess of excellent virtues (having since her widowhood willingly given over all affairs of State,) had professed herself a Nun at Fontenelles, to attend her devotion and fasting, 1337. She resolves to employ all her credit (as a Sister and Mother in law) with Philip and Edward, to keep them from so dangerous abattaile. She runs to the one, and to the other, Ia●e of Valois labour to stay them from shedding of blood. but finds them both so resolute in their desseins, as she is often rejected: Yet is she nothing daunted. In the end she encounters their violent passions with such patience and dexterity, as she obtains a day and place for a parley: although jeames of Arteville (a dangerous fly in a State) tickled Edward's ears, to cross so commendable a resolution. An example of a woman worthy of eternal praise, even in this iron age, whereas women have been miserable instruments of civil dissensions, Nota. and hellish fire brands to consume France with the fire of con●usion and misery. The great armies of France and England, 〈◊〉 without fight. Edward takes on him the tittle of King of France. A parley being concluded, deputies were chosen on either side, to treat: and by them a truce was made. Tournay is delivered, and the armies dismissed▪ and so the storm prevented for this time, the which threatened both realms. All good men rejoiced, none but jeames of Arteville & his faction were grieved. So as (not able to avoid it) yet to feed Edward's humour, he adviseth him to take upon him the name of King of France: by the which both he and his complices should avoid the infamy of rebellion, and the punishment of high Treason: as having done nothing, but by the commandment of their sovereign. The date of this title of France was in the year .1337. The which England holds to this day, and our Kings the realm in effect. Edward left his wife at Ga●d, to keep the flemings at his devotion, being a wise and a vigilant Princess: & he himself returned into England, extremely grieved, for being unable to satisfy his Germains, for want of money, who expected a great booty by this war, from the which they scarce returned with their pay. The Germans leave Edward, and join with Phi●●●●pe. There sprung up a new combustion from this discontent, the fire being only smothered in the embers, but not quenched. Philip makes his profit of the Germans discontent, and by the means of jane, the wife of Lewis of Baviere, Emperor, being his ne●c●, he wins them to leave Edward's part, and to embrace that of France. Edward in like sort, strives to have his revenge on Philip. But to what end serves all this, but to disquiet their estates, the which they ought to maintain in peace? Thus the passions of Princes are bad counsellors for the good of their subjects. This was the occasion of this new breach betwixt the two Kings. Arthur Duke of Bri●taine, son to that john. 2. Duke of Britt●ine. (who as we have said, had been slain at Lions at the coronation of Pope Clement. 5.) had two wives, A new quar●el for the Duchy of B●itta●ie. and by either of them children, of the first named B●atrix, vicontes●e of Limosin, he had two sons john and ●uy, & of his second wife Yoland, countess of Montfort 〈◊〉, he had john of Montfort, who contended for the duchy of Britain. john. 3. the son of Arthur, dying without issue, he made his niece jane the daughter of his brother Guy, (who died before him) his heir in the succession of the said duchy. In regard of this prerogative given to jane, Charles of Blois nephew to King Philip married her, upon condition, That those children which should be borne of this marriage, should be lawful heirs to the duchy of Britain, whereof Charles was invesied▪ after the consummation of the marriage▪ all homages done unto him, and he was pu●● 〈◊〉 real and full possession of ●he said Country, in the life of john. After whose decease, behold john of Montfort, half brother to jane as we have sa●e●● pretending to the said duchy, surpriseth Nantes, & then Rennes, V●nnes, Breast, the castle of Aulroy with many other places: & having received the homages of the Britons he comes to Paris, to do his sovereign homage to the King for the sa●d duchy and to be 〈◊〉 therein. Charles of Blois opposeth in the right of his wife, and hereupon they are both ●ent by the King to the Court of Parliament of Paris, to do them justice. Adjudged to 〈◊〉 of B●●i● against 〈◊〉 of Montfort. The Court with the King's authority, sitting in his seat of justice, and in the presence of many Princes, decrees that Charles of Blois, in the name of jane his wife (the lawful h●●●● of the duchy of B●ittanie, as succeeding the second son of the first bed,) should be received by the King to fealty and homage, for the Country of Britain, and john of Montfort the third son of Arthur, of the second bed, should be acknowledged in his degree, to enjoy his right when it should fall unto him. john of Montfort disdaining this order, 1341. resolves to win that by force, which he could not recover by reason: and in this humour he goes into England craving aid from Edward, who receives him very graciously: but from thence he returns into Britain. Philip advertised of these practices, pursueth john of Montfort with such success, as having taken him prisoner with the Castle of Nantes, (whether he was retired) he confined him to the Lowre. While these difficulties fall out in Britain, Troubles at Naples. there grows a new trouble, by a strange accident, at Naples, in the family of our Princes of France, of whom we have spoken. We have said, that Charles the Lame had many sons, Charles, Robert, Lewis and Philip, Robert after this loss of Sicily had for his part the realm of Naples and the Earldom of Provence: and left one son named Charles, who had two daughters, jane and Magdalene. jane by the death of her sister, remained sole heir of these two great Estates: and was married to Andrew the son of Charles King of Hongarie. The subject of our discourse will not suffer me to speak of the other children. Philip the youngest son of Charles the Lame, had one son, named Lewis Prince of Tarentum, very fair, but of a violent and bold spirit. jane began to loathe her husband, and preferring the filthy love of her Cousin before the honour of marriage, jane Queen of Naples kills her husband. she caused her husband Andrew of Hongarie to be slain, cloaking this horrible and tragic act with an impudent hypocrisy: for she takes upon her the habit of mourning after the death of her husband, whom she herself had slain: and writes letters to Lewis King of Hongarie, brother to Andrew, full of lamentations. Lewis knowing the detestable dissembling of this mastiff, The kingdom of Napl●s taken by Lewis king of Hongarie. prepares his forces against these feigned tears: and without any dissembling, he marcheth towards Italy, with a mighty army, resolute to take an exemplary punishment of these wretched heads: but jane and Lewis fly into Provence▪ before the storm. Lewis (favoured by the revenging justice of God) takes the Realm of Naples easily, with Charles Duke of Durazzo, left for the guard thereof, and Lewis, Robert and Charles, Princes of the blood. The first he beheads, the rest he sends into Hongarie to perpetual 〈◊〉: and leaving Stephen Vayvoida governor of his new conquest, he returns 〈◊〉 to his realm▪ In the mean time the hatred betwixt the two Princes grows violent, War renewed betwixt the two Kings. both by form of 〈◊〉 & by open force. Philip makes diligent search, both in Normandy, Picardy & 〈◊〉 ●o● all the nobility which favoured Edward's faction. He caused Oliver of Clisson to lose his head, (whose son shallbe Constable under Chales. 6) with B●con, Persy, and Geossroy of 〈◊〉, Knights of mark, in whom he notes no other crimes, but that they were Englishmen. Geossroy of Harcourt was summoned, but in steed of appearing at Paris, he retired 〈…〉 to London, to kindle the fire in France. Yet in these preparations for war, Edward gave scope to his loves, for in the beginning of this war, he instituted the order of the garter, with this motto, Hony soit qui maly pense, in honour of the Countess of Salisbury, honouring in her the chastity which he could never 〈…〉 by all his amorous practices. He arms on both sides, in Guienne and Normandy. The Duke of Lancaster▪ general of the army in Guienne, takes Vilefranche of Agenots, 〈…〉 S. B●s●●e, with many other towns & castles, In Guienn●. to whom Philip opposeth his 〈◊〉▪ john duke of Normandy, who recovers Angoulesme & Villefranche from the English. But the greatest burden of the war fell upon Normandy, whether Edward led the flower of all his Nobility, landing in the Country of Cotantin, with above a thousand sail. At h●● entry he puts all to fire and sword, takes the Town of Carentan, In Normandy. by force kills all he 〈…〉 or disarmed: spoils, burns and razeth the Town. In the champain 〈…〉 puts all to the sword, saying, that he did offer those sacrifices, to Bacon, Persy & his other servants, being unjustly massacred by Philip. The reason was, for that the heads of these men stood upon the cheefegate of Carentan. Then he takes and spoils, S. Lo, and (after a great fight) he becomes master of Caen, with such a terror, as Falaise, Lisieux & 〈◊〉 yielded unto him without any resistance. These towns being taken, he marcheth into the I'll of France, to draw P●ilip to battle, proclaiming generally that he called him to fight in the view of all France, 1346. at the great Theatre of his chief city of Paris. At the same time, by the like practices, Flanders rebelled, by means of james of Arteville, who was more than a passionate partaker of Edward's. So the disordered passion of this desperate seditious man, was a trap for his own ruin. For as he not only laboured by all means to shake off the French yoke, but also grew so audacious, as to persuade the Flemings to leave their natural obedience to their Earl, and to receive a new Lord, such a one as the King of England should appoint: the Fleming's much displeased with this insolent proposition of Arteville, Arteville slain by the Flemings. (as the blood of a faithful subject can never deny his Prince) they fall furiously upon him in open assembly; and without any further process, they kill him, revenging upon him the mischiefs they had committed by his pernicious counsels. Thus in the end, this Tribune received the guerdon due to such as abuse the fury of an enchanted multitude, making them the instruments of their passions against their superiors. This just execution crossed Edward's desseins in Flanders, and gave the Earl means to repair to Philip with his forces, and to consecrate his life to him, the which he lost in this voyage. Philip slept not during these proceed of Edwards. he had gathered together one of the goodliest armies that ever was seen in France, consisting of French, Lorraines, Germans and Genevois: he which he led towards Meulan, where Edward said, he attended to fight with him. Edward retires upon this alarm: They imagined that he fled for fear, but the issue will show, that the great God of armies had appointed his victory in another place. He retires, and Philip follows, who in the end overtakes him at a village called Arenes: a remarkable name, to show that all the trust of human forces, and all the designs of man's policy, are like unto a quicksand. Ph●lips great army having the advantage of being at home, presumed of an assured victory. Edward retired to get the river of Somme at Blanquetaque, but he must fight for the passage. Philip had already seized thereon by Gondemar of Fate, with a thousand horse, and 6000. foot, the most part of them Crossbow men: yet Edward resolved to pass or die. With this resolution he leaps into the water, and cries out; He that loves me, let him follow me. At this speech they all plunge into the river, without any stay, so as presently the English recover the bank. Gondemar troubled at this gallant resolution, The French defeated at ●lanque taque. amazeth his men with his terrified countenance. All give way to the English; who (encountering our men in disorder) charge the rearward; but the retreat was near, at Abbeville, and S Riqui●r, places under our obedience. The loss was not so great as the disgrace, yet was it a presage of a greater mischief which followed France. These poor men arrive at Abbeuill● in a throng, all distempered with the amazement of this shameful and unfortunate flight. Philip exceedingly transported with this disgraceful retreat, Philip's impatience. resolves to be revenged of Edward, to follow him, and to draw him to battle. His council advised him rather to rest his troops some time▪ & to take breath, that they might recover their spirits, and in the mean time to let Edward alone, and to observe his countenance: but hardly had he the patience to stay one day at Abbeville, to repair the bridge, over which his army was to pass; but his drums sound a march, going to seek Edward (like a Stag that flies) and to give him 〈◊〉 at what price so ever; puffed up with a certain hope of an infallible and triumphant victory. But he had not made his account with God, who is not call●d the God of armies in vain, who rules combats, and disposeth of the victories of great monarch, notwithstanding all their counsels, designs, courage and endeavours. The armies were in view one of an other▪ Edward had lodged his army, and stood upon his guard, with a wonderful care, being in the County of Ponthieu, (a country belonging unto himself▪ by the right of his mother) in camped in a village named Crecy: the which he entrenched and fortified carefully, both with trees cut out of the neighbour forest, and trenches wherewith he had strengthened his camp. His army was about thirty thousand men. but their order, industry, and resolution made them double. He gave the forward to Prince Edward his son, The English 〈◊〉. being yet very young, and for a guide, that Geoffrey of Harcourt, who (as we have said) was retired unto him; to whom he had given the office of Constable of England. The battle he gives to the Duke of Suffolk, and reserved the rearward to himself, having placed his cro●bowemen in front, and next ranked his horse, putting in the foremost ranks his battle axes and maces, and behind his Lances: so as every part of the army should fight, when as they came to join, to their best advantage. So much may order and foresight do under that great God of battles, without whom it is in vain to order armies. Philip's army was far greater, of a goodlier show and more advantage: The French army. consisting of above threescore thousand fight men, well armed with an infinite number of noble men, as Charles Earl of Ala●son, brother to the King, Lewis King of Bohemia and duke of Luxembourg▪ Charles Earl of Blois Nephew to the King, Raoul Duke of Lorraine, the Earls of Flanders, Nevers and Sancerre, the Dauphin of Viennois, and may Barons, and gentlemen, in number above three thousand, who were come at the call of this new King, to the first fruits of his new possession: against him who contended for the Crown. His advantage was far greater than that of Edward's, who fought in another man's country. But in truth the commodities and titles he had in France, did balance this advantage, but with a different consideration. Upon the Eve of this battle, Am Ea●le of Savoie arrives with a thousand men at arms▪ as if all things had conspired to make Philip a conqueror. Philip full of hope of an assured victory, desires to fight, placing his army in this order. He gives the forward to his brother Charles Earl of Alencon, the rearward to the Earl of Savoie: and he himself commands the battle. But his desire to fight was so great, as he held every little stay for a great delay. They gave it out in the army, that the English fled: so as they now vaunted of a victory, every one disposing of the English, according to his humour: but in searching out the reason of this brute, Philip thinks it good to discover his enemy's countenance. Behold suddenly he receives a contrary advise. His scouts report, that Edward had already taken the field, & ordered his army, attending the battle. Then there was no hold Philip wil● needs fight, hardly can they hold a council standing about him, The two armies ready to join. to advise what they had to do in so notable an occurrent: and even hast (the stepdame of better affairs) would not suffer them to resolve. For at the same instant, as the King had advertisement of Edward's readiness to fight, Philip (without any breathing) would have led forth his army to battle. The King of Bohemia advised him to refresh his men before the fight, and that his foot (consisting of crossbows, and a good part of them Genevois, Description of the battles of Crecy. which were held to be resolute men) should make the front, and the horse should follow according to the appointed order. At the last they obtained so much respite of the King, as to feed their men speedily. This done, they all prepare to another feast. The forward made the first head, where Charles Earl of Alencon the King's brother commanded. But behold presently an unfortunate occasion of a ruinous disorder. The Earl of Alencon (against the order decreed in Council) misliked that the Genevois footmen were in the first ranks, and makes them to change their places with some disgrace, saying, that it belonged not unto them: Remarkable circumstances in this great battle. and yet on this push depended all on their side. The Genevois discontented with his repulse, not only fainted in courage, but also fell into a rage, so as changing their places, they cried out for anger, as giving a sign to the enemy of their bitter discontent. This was seconded with an other accident, as if Heaven had favoured the English. Suddenly there fell a great shower of rain, and then the burning Sun appeared out of a cloud with a rainbow. In this forced and despiteful changing of places, the Genevois covered not their bows, so as the strings being presently wet, they yielded: and to increase the mischief, this alteration made them to change the order of their battle, so as the Sun lay in the Frenchmens faces and on the Inglishmen backs: and to make their misfortune absolute, every one was more incensed against his commander then against the enemy, as a sign of some check at hand. Dangerous imaginations, they being ready to fight. Philip was sufficiently advertised of the armies disdain against his brother, yet must he needs fight he held himself lost, if all were not lost. Edward (who stood upon a high eminent place, as it were in sentinel, to discover with judgement the countenance of the enemy) sees this change; hears the shout, and marks the place: resolving to charge it at the weakest part. The event favours his design, he embraceth this occasion, not suffering them to take breath, or to repair this error▪ he sends forth a troop of crossbow men, chosen out of the foremost ranks▪ they suddenly discharge a shower of arrows, so thick and violent, as at this first charge the Genevois (who were transported with choler, and surprised with this sudden storm) broke the●● ranks and gave way to the enemy: their wet strings being unfit to serve, and their minds not yet pacified, could not resist so great a force. The Earl of Alencon, incensed much against the Genevois for thus giving back, doubles his choler against them, The battle of Crecy. crying on, like a desperate man▪ God▪ go (says he) my friend's, le● us charge these English horse▪ making our way over the bellies of these Genevois, who do but hinder us. And without any longer stay he gallops through the Genevois foot, who began to gather themselves again together, according to their discipline. The Genevois finding themselves wronged with this new affront, cry out again, like desperate men, being impatient of any disgrace, so as striving to break their bows in ● rage, they make way for the horse, who pass through them. The Earl of Alencon (being followed by the Dukes of Lorraine and Savoy, and by the Dolphin of Viennois.) ●anne with such fury and haste, as they were out of breath, before they came to charge the enemy: whom they found in better order, his ho●se being flanked on the one side, with a good troup of foot, with bows and crossbows, whose strings had not felt the rain like to the Genevois. This troop of French horse (being very violent at the first charge) was to be feared b●t they were suddenly stayed by a storm of English at rows, which galled both horse and men● and for a supply, behold a new troop of English comes, to secure them that were engaged in the fight, and to increase the mischief. Young Edward chargeth the French with 〈◊〉 other band of horsemen, and his crossbow men in flank, being placed on the one side to favour their horse, and to join their arrows (which played continually) with the 〈◊〉 talas, masses, and lances of their horsemen. The which, not only prolonged the parley, but also increased the loss of the French, being charged on all sides. The Combat grows hot, being very equal in valour and courage, but not in force, by reason of the troops of reserve, which Edward kept for the last charge. Philip seeing his brother engaged among so many enemies, runs to his res●●e. At his arrival the fight is doubled, the English bending their forces against Philip, and the French against young Edward. Philip is overthrown under his horse (the which was slain with many arrows) but he was presently rescued, by john Earl of Beaumond: and then all the French cry out, that the King should retire himself out of the Combat. This cry (proceeding from loyal and well affected Frenchmen) gave courage to the English being in fight, seeing the King in this danger. Young Edward was in no less peril, being compassed in on all sides, by the French, and assisted by his own▪ so as they (fearing the event of this charge) send to his father to s●●cou● him: who presently demanded of the messenger, What blow, what wound hath my son received? A noble speech of Edward. hath he been overthrown? But understanding that there was no such danger, and that they only feared the worst. Return (says he) unto him▪ with this charge▪ 〈◊〉 him either vanquish, or die▪ and I will be a witness of his valour, to second him when 〈◊〉 shall require. Prince Edward and his men encouraged with this message, doubled both their coura●● and their blows, and behold they are relieved with a fresh supply. Then the party become unequal▪ these men being fresh and lusty, charge the wearied, and tired, who see 〈◊〉 hope of succours, but discovered a great grove of horse of rescue: wherein Edward the father beheld the sport, and kept the stakes. Despair should have made out French troops resolve to hazard all (as it hath chanced in other times) but their hearts fainted with their bodies. For this last battaillon (where Edward remained,) coming from the hill, and charging our men without any great resistance, gave the last blow, as check and mate to our men already much disordered. Then they all give way, all are disordered, all dispersed. The slaughter is general without respect of persons, the butchery is so bloody, as in the end Edward (having compassion of so great effusion of blood) cries out to spare the rest: yet he was not able by these first cries to stay the soldiers from so easy an execution; who cut in pieces those poor runaways here and there, like scattered sheep. In the end Edward sounds a retreat, and riding up and down, he doubles his command to kill no more, although in effect, the night and the weariness of the victors made an end of this execution. So all were not slain, but all overcome. A horrible defeat of the French. Some troops saved themselves in this general overthrow, having near places for a favourable retreat. King Philip after this unexpected defeat of so goodly an army, being fallen from his hope, followed with a small troop, saved himself at Bray: whether coming by night, and approaching near the wal●es, the governor (being in arms upon so notable an occasion) cries out, Who is there? Philip ●aues himself. Philip answers, The Fortune of France. Being known by his voice, the gates were presently opened▪ but not without terrible cries and lamentations of his poor subjects, flocking about him like his poor children. Shall it in like sort be lawful for me to weep in the remembrance hereof, being moved by the bitter apprehension of our present losses? O my country▪ it is not at this day alone that we mourn for thy miseries. King Philip then comforts them with a resolute countenance, and entreats them to hope for better. He is resolute in this great calamity. He was to be commended in this, that he despaired not in the apparent despair of his affairs Having stayed at Bray some hour to take breath, he retires withal speed to Amiens. The number of the dead was great, they hold for certain, that there were slain above thirty thousand men upon the place: The number of the dead. and the flower of all the French Nobility died or was taken there: as Charles Earl of Alencon the King's brother, Lewis of Luxembourge King of Bohemea, Charles Earl of Blois the King's Nephew, Raoul Duke of Lorraine, Lewis Earl of Flanders, james Dauphin of Viennois the son of Imbert, the Earls of Sancerre and Harcourt, with many Earls, Barons and gentlemen to the number of fifteen hundred. This miserable defeat happened in the year 1346. the 26. of August. A month famous by the event of many miseries within this Realm. Edward King of England had all the marks of an absolute victory▪ as the place of battle, the enseignes, many of the greatest commanders his prisoners, and in a manner all, except the Sovereign (whom the bounty of God reserved for this Realm) the camp, the spoils, the bodies of the vanquished, which could not be buried but by his mercy. Some examine the causes and motives of this great defeat, The causes of this loss. the which they attribute to the choler, hast and rashness of the King and his Brother. Truly hasty & rash heat is the stepdame of great actions, especially in war, where the captains judgement is more available than the soldiers force. But why ascend we not from these second causes (true in that which doth concern us) unto the first and sovereign cause? The arm of the Eternal▪ ●urging this Realm full of vicious and corrupted humours, letting it blood, but not suffering it to die, this blood letting shallbe the beginning of a stronger medicine prescribed by the same Physician; & ministered unto France, in the following reigns, but in the end we shall find the operation, to the recovery of our estate. Let us now see the progress of our miseries. Edward did all he could to manage this victory wisely, & Philip to prevent him. Edward's proc●eding after the battle won. Edward without any stay passeth on, & without attempting the great Cities of Amiens & Abbeville, although nearer, he makes show to set upon Monstrevil & Bologne, but he posted to Calais a fit place for the passage of England▪ john of Vienne Martial of France, & with him the Lord of Andreghan, great personages in those days commanded there, with a strong French garnison, being assisted with the faithful resolution of the inhabitants. So, presently after the b●t●aile of Cressy Edward did besiege the Town of Calais. A long siege; painful and of remarkable success. He 〈…〉 Philip amazed with these sharp crosses fallen out beyond his hopes of ease, slept not, although it were with much pain and less fruit. But his whole care was not for the overthrow at Cressy. He had a further reach, following the trace of this unfortunate loss. He was entered into a new inheritance: this new loss was to him a new check. Affliction is a great crime both in great and small, A remarkable 〈…〉 this reign. and opens their mouths which have their hearts ill affected. The people of France were in extreme poverty▪ and yet the necessity of the King's affairs forced them to a new charge. The ill government of the public treasure. the falsehood of the Treasorers (who enriched themselves by the poverty of the miserable people,) the fall of money embased, the decay of traffic, the increase of taxes, A 〈…〉 by a pl●g●e. imposts & subsidies, were the causes of this general want: the which drew the people into despair, in this surcharge of troubles falling upon the King. This burden grew the more heavy by a great famine, being followed by a strange general plague, throughout the whole realm, as if heaven and earth had conspired to the ruin of France. Philip environed with so many, and so great difficulties, continues constant, with a valorous resolution against them all. He provides for the guard of the Cities of Picardy, lying nearest unto danger and (to drive off the time unfit for arms,) he calls a great assembly of his estates, Philip calle● a Parliament. to take Council, aid and comfort in the perplexity of so many dangerous occurrents. In this assembly it was decreed, to call the Treasorers to an account, and to refer the government of the treasure to Clergy men, & to the Nobility. Thereby to free the people from all jealousy of ill employing it. The Abbots of Marmoustier and Corbie, are chosen for this Intendancie: and to assist them, there are joined four Bishops and four knights. Peter of Essars Treasurer of France is committed to prison, & condemned in a great fi●e to the King. Many treasorers being condemned (justly or unjustly) yield that at once which they had been long in gathering, The treaso●ers called in question for th●●r charge. the sponge being then pressed by necessity. The Bankers, Lombard's & other usurers are then called to a strict account, by reason of their unjust exactions. The interests are proved to exceed the principal, the which is forfaired to the King. The interest is remitted to the debtor, which paid the principal. But the chief fruit of this assembly was, that the whole body was well inclined to succour the King in so vegent a necessity, Bankers and usurer's are sifted. without any alteration for the new difficulties of State. Thus the winter was spent without any memorable act on either side. In the spring Philip goes to field with a great army, and approacheth near unto Calais, to draw Edward to ●ight: but it was in vain: for Edward contenting himself with his victory, and not willing to r●n the hazard of a second battle, kept himself within his trenches and to manifest his resolution unto Philip, Edward to 〈◊〉 not to leave the siege. he built houses about Calais to lodge his army dry, & sends for his wi●e, protesting publicly by a solemn oath, not to rise until he did see an end, and make the inhabitants pay for their obstinate resolution. On the other side Philip laboured to cross Edward's desseines, but with small success. To work a diversion of this siege, he makes war in England, by the King of Scotland's means, and in Flanders, by his son john, than Duke of Normandy, and afterwards King of France: but all succeeded ill. David King of Scotland (having by Philip's persuasion, entered and spoiled England) was defeated▪ taken & brought prisoner to London, through the happiness of Edward's fortune, and the diligence of his officers. 〈…〉 loss in his reign. john Duke of Normandy, having left Guienne by his father's command, comes into Flanders, beseegeth the Town of Cassel, held by the English faction: but he is forced to rise, by them within the Town: Then he falls upon Lisl●, where, he hath a newer repulse, so as hardly could he retire himself to his father Philip, who sees his subjects in danger of shipwreck, yet could he not relieve them. Guienne abandoned by john, for the action of Flanders, suffered much: for Henry of Lancaster Lieutenant for Edward in Guienne, (seeing the Country left weak by john's departure) issues out of Bourdeaux with an army, and finding no enemy, he doth easily surprise many Towns of Xantonge and Poitou, and ladden with spoil he returns home. 1347. In the end Calais yields to Edward, standing to his mercy, Calais taken after a long and cruel famine, and almost a whole years siege (for the siege began the 30. of September .1346. and the Town was yielded up in August .1347. The French garrison was put to ransom, and so set at liberty: the Inhabitants were worse entreated, the base sort only were suffered to departed with what they could carry about them▪ and in their steed Edward sends a Colony of English, to whom he distributed all the goods of the vanquished, and fortified the Town, especially towards France: to leave this place hereditary to his posterity, who held it .200. years that is from the year .1346. unto the reign of Henry the .2. father to the King last deceased. The integrity of these poor inhabitants is remarkable in their extreme affliction. Edward had reserved six of the chief Citizens, to be at his disposition, for the satisfying of his oath: having vowed, to make the blood to flow in Calais. He demands them to this end, according to the conventions. This charge being delivered in the Town house (where th●se miserable Bourgeses were assembled, by his permission, to give their Country their last farewell) they gaze one on an other, terrified with so pitiless a condition. As they all stood mute in this common calamity, one of the troop breaking this mournful silence: S●e●●g (●aith he) I have so often employed my life for my Country's good should I now fear to 〈◊〉 it for my last oblation? A notable farewell of the Caliste's. O my Countrymen I do cheerfully offer my head to the King of England's 〈◊〉, and will live no longer in my Country's misery. This he spoke without tears, and with so resolute a countenance, and a brow so manly big, as he moved the whole company. so as all with one general voice 〈◊〉: Let us go to the death; it is the last duty we can perform to our poor Country. Immediately there was pressing among this great multitude, who should be of the six, to carry their heads to Edward's triumph. They were chosen out, drawn, bound and led to execution. The Queen having notice thereof, desired to see them; who were brought bound in the executioners hands. The Queen 〈…〉 This spectacle moved her to weep, and compassion caused her to beg a pardon of the King, beseeching him to give life to these men worthy to live after so constant a loyalty. She obtain▪ her request, and leave for them to remain still in Calais, esteemed to continue faithful to their deliuere●, who had showed themselves so constant in the faithful love of their lost country. The history did owe this digression to so commendable an act. The same Some: brought Edward a wished success in Britain: Trouble● in B●i●●ain. touching the quarrel for the Duchy. Philip had taken john of Montfort, and Edward in exchange took Charles of Blois, whom he led into England, and still weakeneth Philip's authority in Britain, and settles his own. Thus pass the affairs of this world, every one hath his turn. Virtuous Princess' in their husband's miseries The two Duchess' of Britain, joane the wife of john of Montfort, and joane the wife of Charles of Blois, did wonders in keeping those places they had in their possess●ons, during the imprisonments of their husbands: without entering farther into the discourse of the female wars of these Amazons, worthy yet of eternal memory, having so courageously relieved the afflictions of their imprisoned husbands, and never yielded to necessity. New troubles in Flanders. Flanders likewise grew mutinous, by Edward's practices, being then greatly respected for the success of his victorious arms. The Flemings received their Earl Lewis of mall without any opposition, being son to that Lewis which was slain at Cressy, but the Kings of France and E●gland contended who should win him. Lewis was in heart a Frenchm●n; The Cities were generally affected to England. The marriage of this young Prince was great▪ Edward desired him for his daughter; but especially the opportunity of this rich County, for his affairs. He comes himself to Gand, to compass his desire, but the event was not answerable: The Earl of 〈…〉 into France. for although the Earl made show to embrace this alliance, at the great instance of his subjects: yet his heart was otherwise affected, who (under colour to go fly at the Heron, goes out of Gand with a small train, & flies to Paris, to Philip, who having received him graciously, persuades him to espouse Marguerit the second Daughter of the Duke of Brabant, thereby to cut off all hope of marrying with England. Thus the hatred of these two Princes continued: which in the end must break forth into hostile effects▪ Pacardy was the stage of their lamentable tragedies: & from thence the misery was dispersed over the whole Realm. 1348. Philip gives the government to Geoffry Earl of Charny, & the Lieutenancy to Anthony of Montmorency. They fortify the Towns and bridle Calais, being assisted by a great number of voluntary Nobility, loving the command of these two great captains, as a school of military discipline; to show that the French did not faint in their afflictions. These losses were then repaired by the gain of the country of Daulphiné, one of the noblest and goodliest Provinces of this Realm. And this was the occasion. Imbert or Vmbert Dauphin of Viennois, having lost his eldest son in the battle of Cressy (as I have said) and his youngest being two or three years old, by a strange accident (they say that he himself let him fall out of his arms, as he played with him at a window, thinking to fear him) & moreover having Amés the 6. Earl of Savoy, an irreconcilable & spiteful enemy, being too weak to resist him, nor able to make choice of a kinsman to repair his estate (being weary of the world and decayed in judgement) he resolves to cast himself into the King of France his protection▪ to oppose him against his enemy, and to put this goodly inheritance into his hands, thereby to prevent the Earls greedy desire. Forthwith having advertised Philip of his intention, and being graciously entertained by him, he gives all the Country of Daulphiné to him and his successors Kings of Franc●: upon condition, that the first son of the house of France should carry the name of Dauphin of Viennois, & the arms of the country of Daulphiné should be quartered with the arms of France, & that the Nobility & whole country should be received with their privileges. Amé Earl of Savoy (otherwise a dear friend to Philip sends his Ambassadors to make his benefit of this exchange, but it was not for him: all that he could obtain, was to exchange some land with that which lay intermixed within his territories adjoining, Dauphin incorporate to the crown. the better to live in quiet afterwards. Daulphiné was thus incorporated to the Crown of France. For we cannot with any reason doubt, but in old time it was a member of this our Monarchy, as likewise Savoy was. but in these diversities of portions, under the children of Lewis the gentle, as we have noted before, the Realm and Empire, swallowing up both the effect & the name of the Realm of Arles (in the which these Estates were comprehended) have maintained themselves by a remarkable distinction: and so under the authority of the Empire, they have since held their sovereignty, not acknowledging any Emperor but their Princes. Daulphiné is returned to his first original, and Savoy maintains itself under the obedience of his sovereign Prince unto this day. As for the name of Dauphin, given to the first son of France, the execution of Prince Imberts' will was not put in practice, before Charles the fift son to john then Duke of Normandy, in the life of his father Philip, and not given to john in the year 1348. The town of Montp●llier purchased to the crown. The year following, the City of Montpellier, one of the goodliest of the Province of Līguedo●, was purchased by Philip, of james King of Maiorc●: to whom it belonged. The observations of this first authority of the Kings of Ma●orc● are yet remarkable in the privileges of the commonalty of this goodly City, delectable for the fertile situation & famo●●, being the goodliest Theatre for Physic in Europe. Thus in the affairs of this world, there is time to lose, and time to win, that men might season their spirits with this temperature, neither to be d●ouned with adversity, not drunk with prosperity. Queen jeane of France dies In the flowing and ebbing of these gains and losses, one balancing an other, joane Q. of France wife to Philip died, leaving him two sons, for gauges of her love, most worthy to be noted in the marriages of our Kings, john Duke of Normandy, and Philip Earl of Valois, whereof the first (already of years) governed the affairs of the Realm in his father's life, and shall succeed him in the Crown, and Philip shallbe Duke of Orleans. This issue might have contented Philip, being very old and broken: yet before the year was ended he married Blanch the Daughter of Philip of Eureux, King of Navarre, who had an other Daughter, Margaret, married to Gaston of Foix, from whom shall spring Charles King of Navarre, the scourge of this Realm, in the succeeding reigns. But Philip did not long enjoy this unnecessary marriage: the which was a second burden to his years and toils, so as he fell extremely sick at Nogent. and having recommended concord and the care of his Realm to his 2. sons, leaving the crown to john 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 he yielded up his soul to God, the threescore and fift year of his age, 1350. and of grace. ●350. in the month of August, having reigned .23. years. Philip dies. A Prince whose great 〈◊〉 were balanced with great vices: for he was devout, quick, hardy, valiant, resolute in 〈◊〉, courageous in affliction, loving order, justice and the people. But the presumption of his valour, and his resolution often inclining to rashness, choler and impatience, His disposition 〈…〉 these virtues, and were the causes of great miseries, both to him and his subject. Truly he could not avoid it, but in taking possession of so great and envied an inheritance, and having so strong an adversary in front, he must endure many crosses: but those inexcusable imperfections caused him to suffer much more than he had done, if he had ●etled his authority with judgement and patience, and encountered his adversary already vanquished, with modesty and wisdom. During the forepast reigns, since the year .1300. Estate of the Empire and Church. Neither the Empire nor the Church of Rome, were in any better Estate: by the strange alterations of divers changes, which happened in these two States: seeking to ruin one an other unto the end of this reign. We have left this discourse at the Empire of Albert the x. Duke of Austria, to whom Pope Boniface. 8. gave the title and the arms of France in disdain of Philip the fair, who caused him to be invested after an other sort, by Felix of Nogaret, than he would do the Emperor of his realm. Albert lived not long after the imagination of this new royalty, for he was slain soon after by his Nephew john Duke of Sue●ia, whom he had spoiled of his Duchy, under colour that (being too prodigal,) he could not govern it as was requisite. Henry. 7. Duke of Luxembourg succeeded Albert, being chosen with great affection of the german Princes, who feared least Philip the fair should seize upon the Empire, An Emperor poisoned very strangely. by the Pope's favour being then a Frenchman, both by nation and disposition, and resident at avignon. But having vexed himself with those 〈◊〉 dissensions of Guelphs and Gibelins, in the end he was poisoned by a Monk called Bernard, a jacobin, under colour of giving him the Sacrament in the Communion, at Beneuent in the year .1313. To increase this confusion, Lewis of Baviere and Frederic of Austria the son of Albert, Two Competitors for the Empire. contend for the Empire by open force: but they agreed to hold it by equal authority. Yet this dissension was soon revived, by the means of Pope john. 22. borne at Cahors in Quercy, resident likewise at avignon: who (seeking to hold a sovereign authority over both, and to dispose the Empire to whom he pleased, entertained this hatred betwixt these two Princes, the which burst out into open war. Dissension betwixt the Emperor & Popes. Frederic was taken by Lewis in the year .1323. who (supposing to be now absolute in the Empire) suddenly falls into new troubles by the same Pope john, who did excommunicate him, for that he would not resign the Imperial dignity into his hand to dispose soveraignely thereof at his pleasure. This new affront gave Lewis of Baviere, occasion to examine the Pope's authority, by the learned, and to raise a mighty army to suppress him. So he came into Italy to oppose the force of the Empire against the Pope's excommunications, and to give a Law to the Sea of Rome, which sought to control him. john fled at this alarm. The College of Cardinals assemble, and upon the emperors complaint they depose john, as a fugitive, and create Nicholas 4. in his place. But there follows a strange alteration. john returns and doth dispossess Nicholas, but in the end death surpriseth john, whom Benedect. 12. doth succeed a Tholousane, and to Benedict, Clement. 6. a Limosin, who gins more violently against the Emperor than his Predecessor john: From .1308. to .1350. for he caused Charles Marquis of Moravia, to be chosen in his place, being son to Lewis King of Bohemia and Duke of Luxembourg, of whom we have spoken in this reign. So all the world was turmoiled with a general confusion in this age, the which draws after it a long train of strange calamities. JOHN 51. King of France. JOHN THE. I KING OF FRANCE: · LI portrait 1350. THe difficulties falling in the reign of Philip of Valois (the which we have represented) are but trifles in regard of the horrible tragic confusions, wherewith the following reigns have been afflicted, under john, Charles the 5. Charles the 6. and Charles the 7. I will add also under Lewis the 11. unto the war of the commonwealth itself, the last fit of this intestine disease, the which shall cease for that time. So we will reckon a hundred and twelve years, of the most wretched time, Very considerable observations in this reign. that civil wars could breed in the bowels of this miserable State. The which gins not in our time only to do penance, either for the weakness of Kings, or the folly of subjects, or by the malice of such as have abused both the one and the other; to serve their execrable passions. By the effects, we shall observe what a good King is in an estate, and how pernicious the command of many is in a commonweal, who (having power in the sovereign authority) abuse the people with a show of the common good, an ordinary cloak for such as fish in troubled waters. We shall see, by the unruly events of the contempt of royal authority (the King being either a prisoner, or sick in judgement) what a body is without a head, a realm without a King well obeyed, and a multitude governed by itself. A subject susceptible of all impressions (but of bad rather then good, though always covered with a show of good) an instrument of all mischiefs in an Estate, when as (transported, by violent and disordered passions, covered with a show of common good) it is not restrained with the reins of a lawful authority: I mean a multitude, a dangerous beast with many heads, doing commonly more harm then good. We shall see here what councillors of State, the ambition and covetousness of great men be: especially when women intermeddle, armed with the s●ew of public authority: and to conclude, we shall confess by a sound judgement of this discourse, that all things done in our age were done before. A brief preface for the greatness of the subject, yet necessary for that which is represented in these reigns, the which we will note according to their occurrents. The reign of john. john the eldest son of Philip of Valois succeeded his father in the year 1350. and reigned fourteen years. He had made a long apprenticeship in managing the affairs of the Realm under his father Philip: but he neither ruled better nor more happily. His manners shall be known by his actions. He had for sons by joane Countess of Boulogne. His children and the most remarkable personages in this reign. Charles, Lewis, john, Philip, and one Daughter named joane. Charles his eldest son was Dauphin of Viennois in his father's life, and Duke of Normandy, and after him King of France▪ Lewis Duke of Anjou, john Duke of Berry, and Philip called the hardy, first he was Earl of To●raine, and after (through his brother's favour) Duke of Burgongne, and Earl of Flanders, in the right of his wife. joane was married to Charles King of Navarre and Earl of Eureux: Princes which shall play their parts upon this Theatre, in every scene of the Tragedy that I am to represent, and for this reason they are to be observed in the beginning. This Charles King of Navarre was son to Lewis Earl of Eureux, and of joane daughter to King Lewis Hutin, who by the sufferance of Philip the long, her uncle, Charles King o● Nauar●e the scourge of th●● 〈…〉 The humours of C●arles of Navaare. succeeding to the Crown, remained Queen of Navarre, and by this right Charles her son carried b●th the title and effect of the Realm, with many other great inheritances: A Prince of the blood royal both by father and mother, and son in law to King john, having married joane his only Daughter. A man of a subtle spirit, eloquent, active, vigilant, but 〈◊〉, unfaithful, malicious, revengeful, armed with the prerogative of his blood and the great mean he enjoyed, to be a pernicious instrument to trouble the King & his Realm, beyond all measure, but in the end he shall receive a due reward for his actions, by a death worthy of his life. After john's coronation at Rheims, with his wife joane▪ being returned to Paris, he began his reign by a famous act of an unfortunate presage: for he caused Raoul Earl of Eu, and of Guines to be beheaded in prison, upon light accusations, A mournful beginning of his reign. as having intelligence with the English, and that he betrayed his affairs, for that he had passed and repassed into France upon his faith given during his imprisonment. He was Constable of France. john advanced Charles of Spain to his place, grand child to the King of Castille, and son in Law to the Earl of Blois, and so allied to the King, and exceedingly beloved of him amongst all his greatest fauourits. He shallbe the first fruits of many miseries, when as this reign promised some rest, under a King of age and experience, fit to govern a Realm. F●r as john was busy to institute the order of the Knights of the Star (in the end grown so common, as it remains a badge for the Knight of the watch and his Arche●s unto this day) there chanced a great misfortune to this Constable. Charles of Navarre complained, that the King detained from him the Counties of champaign and ●rie, belonging to his mother by the same title that the kingdom of Navarre did. This was true, but by reason of their nearness unto Paris, Charles of Navarre discontented. the King's counsel had ●●●ted these Earldoms unto the Crown, and given in exchange the Towns of Mante and Meulan, with a pension answerable to the revenues of the said Earldoms, without any prejudice to the Navarrois. But he sought an occasion for a cause, smothering some misch●u●u pretence in his hart, the which he discovered by many effects. Not dating to complain directly of the king, he quarreled with the Constable, as the chief of the Council, Charles of S●aine Constable of France slain in his bed by the King of Navarre. of whom he was exceeding jealous, for the private favour the King did bear him. Having taken Council with his passion, he caused the Constable to be slain in his bed, at Aigle in Normandy, but with so great a presumption, as he himself came unto theplace accompanied with his brother Philip of Navarre, john Earl of Harcourt and his brethren, and with many Gentlemen his followers. This murder thus audaciously committed, he retires himself easily to Eureux (whereof he was Earl) from whence he writes to the good Cities of the Realm, avouching this murder as done by his command, and justifying it as lawful and reasonable. King john found himself much wronged, but not able then to redress it, An imagined pardon. he promised to remit the fact, so as he would ask pardon with the reverence due to his royal majesty. The which Charles is content to do, but upon good gauges holding the King's word insufficient to secure his person. So as john gives him Lewis his second son for hostage. The Navarrois comes to Pa●is, he presents himself to the King's Cou●cell, and seeks to give some reason for this murder: yet the Council condemns him as guilty of high Treason, & decrees that he should be committed to prison. james of Bo●rbon Earl of March (newly advanced to the office of Constable) lay, hold on him, and puts him in guard; but all this was but for a show, to maintain the public respect: for presently the three Queens go to the King. (jone daughter to Lewis Hutin his mother in law; Blanch widow to Philip of Valois, and jone daughter to King john, Queen of Navarre, his wife) Charles likewise came himself, and falls upon his knees before the King: both he and they seem to weep, and to sue for mercy of King john; who had already granted his pardon, upon good assurance: john grants his request, yet could he not command his heart to leave this malicious jealousy, the which made him to seek new occasions daily to cross his father in Laws actions. He than offers his service to the King of England, who fails not to embrace this occasion, having the heart and hand of a Prince of the blood, whose power was great in the State. Upon this assurance he sends Edward his eldest son Prince of Wales into Guienne, with a goodly army: a young man of an exceeding hope. And gives him for council, john Shandos, Robert Knowles, Fra●cis Hali and john of Arondel, great men in their times, and which shallbe famous in those actions which shall follow. New war by the King of Nan●s practices. He attended the end of truce, the which being expired he enters Guienne, and passeth into Langnedoc, to Th●louse, Narbonne, & over all he spoils, sacks, kills, and finds no resistance, and returns without difficulty to Bourdeaux, being loaden with spoils. At the same instant another cloud of English men breaks out of Calis, and spoils the Country of Picardy: but Io●n by these skirmishes foresees the tempest of a greater war; measuring the forces of England by the will of King Edward his assured and tried enemy. He therefore seeks a remedy by an ordinary course: he calls a general Parliament, to take Council and comfort from them in these new occurrents. Charl●s of Naua●re assists: but with an intent to cross the King's proceedings by indirect practi●es, and to withdraw the subjects affections from assisting the King with their means in this necessity: Open force of the 〈◊〉 against the King. but it was in vain, for in regard of john's promise to better the coin, they granted him a reasonable aid to raise and entertain a great army. This faithful resolution of the French did for that time suppress the violence of the English, but not the furious malice of the Navarrois for having laboured in vain to dissuade the people from their promised succours, and having raised, by these practices, seditions in divers parts of the realm, he lands at Che●ebourg with two thousan● men, robs and spoils the country, and takes ●he castle of Coaches in Normandy from the King. An intolerable presumption, of a subject against his Prince, after the mu●ther of a Constable. But john dis●embles this assiont, and by the mediation of his son Charles, Dauphin of Viennois, he rem●ts this second fault, and receives the King of Navarre his son in Law, again into favour: but in effect he doth it to frustrate his purposes, and to punish such as had assisted him. john did then give the Duchy of Normandy to the Dauphin for his portion▪ so as he must take possession thereof. An apparent cause to draw him thither: but in effect john's intention was to draw the Navarrois into a place of easy surprise, to make him and 〈◊〉 adherents to give an account of their wicked actions, and to prevent them hereafter. The new Duke of Normandy arrives at Rouen, whether all the good Towns of the Country run to do him homage. The King of Navarre (who held Eureux and many great Lordships in the Country, with one of the greatest dignities in the realm) comes to do him honour, well accompanied, but better received by Charles his brother in law. The King advertised that the Navarrois was at Rouen with his son, goes speedily from Paris, accompanied with his Brother Philip Duke of Orleans, Lewis his second son Duke of Anjou, the Earl of Tancaruille, and Arnoul of Endreghan Martial of France, and ran to Rouen with this great train. 1352. Arriving about dinner time, he presently goes to his sons lodging, where he finds him at table, accompanied with the King of Navarre, and the most of them which had assisted him at the Constable's murder, where (without any more deliberation or delay) he causeth them all to be apprehended. And then (not pausing longer) he made choice of four out of this number, the two Brethren of Harcourt, the Lord of Maubue, and Colinet Doublet, chie●e actors in the foresaid murder, and without any other form of proceeding, as a matter long before determined) he causeth their heads to be cut off, Charles of Navarre taken p●isoner by the King. Four of his complices beheaded. setting them upon stakes, and drawing their carcases to the gibbet. The next day he made choice of prisoner's, and sends the Navarrois with Friquet and Bontabu, his domestic and most trusty seruan●s, to Arras, under savegards, and presently dismisseth all the rest to their houses, enjoining them expressly unto fidelity and loyalty to his service, binding them by a new oath. This unexpected execution amazed the whole Country, like to a crack of thunder: but it roused up the Navarrois faction: especially Philip of Navarre, brother to Charles, and Geoffroy of Ha●court Uncle to the two brethren beheaded, Occasion of new war. the which opened the gates to a strange confusion, which shall cast john into miserable captivity, and draw the Navarrois out of prison, with a flaming torch in his hand to fire the whole realm. Behold Philip and the house of Ha●court presently in England, crying out against murder. They int●●ate Edward to stretch ●orth his hand to be revenged of so notable an injustice and disloyalty. They offer him their hearts, persons, goods, Towns and havens, to land in N●rmandie without any difficulty, and there to make war comodiously against so treacherous and cruel a Prince. Edward a wise and vigilant Prince, who had his eyes open to all occasions that might annoy his enemy, embraceth this offer: he as●emb●es his troops to send them speedily into No mandie. And, to do nothing by halves▪ he employs all he can to levy a great army, the which he sends into Guienne, to make work for john in divers places, and not to suffer this first heat of the discontented french to cool, he then without any delay sends the Duke of Gloucester into Normandy with .4000. choice men, who lands easily, War in Normandy. and joins with Philip of Navarre, and so they overrune and spoil the Champion Country. The terror of these new forces spreads presently over all. The Towns of Lizieux Orbs, B cheloin and Ponteau on the sea, yield presently. And (not staying to besiege any great Cities) he goes to Bretueil and Tuillieres, and from thence to Vernueil in perch: the which he takes easily, giving it out in all places, that it was to revenge the wrong done to the King of Navarre and his servants. a duty of humanity which Kings ought not to refuse one to another in their greatest necessity. King john hasteth thither with his army, and recovers Bretueil and Tuillieres, and had easily repossessed all the rest, if a new occasion had not drawn him else where, and the secret decree of God, to his own ruin. Edward Prince of Wales, the eldest son of Edward King of England, War in Guienne where the Princes of Wales commanded. was then in Guienne to govern the Country under his Father's authority. Edward sends him two thousand ho●se and 8000. English Archers, with commission to assemble all he can in the Country of Guienne, under his obedience▪ where he was followed by a great number of the Nobility, and houses of mark. The chiefest were Captal de Buch and the Lord of Grail; (some think that out of these two houses united, the race of Candale is issued) with the Lords of Esparre, of Mueidan, of Montferrat, of Duras and of Segur. All prepares for a great hurly-burly john having levied a goodly army, turns head to the place, King john marcheth against the Prince of Wales. whether the greatest burden of the war did call him. Having therefore left sufficient forces in Normandy to make head against the Duke of Gloucester, he matcheth towards Poitou, whether the Prince of W●l●s was now come. Pope Clement the 6. a Limosin, resident at avignon, sends the Cardinal of Peregort his legate to these two Princes (being ready to fight) to calm this storm. But the preparation of john's great force's, was the chief motive to make Edward willing to give over: who began to stay and to think of his retreat, and of reasonable composition by the Legates ●ea●es, ●●●6. who goes from one to another to make this accord. john demanded▪ That Edw●rd should give him four hostages, and as one vanquished should remain at his mercy and discretion. Edward was content to yield up all that he had taken from him, but without any blemish to his honour, whereof he said, he was accountable to God and his country. john would not accept of this offer (notwithstanding all the entreaties and persuasions the Legate could use) finding himself far stronger than his enemy: 〈◊〉 forceth E●war● to defend hi●selfe. saying, it was his advantage to prescribe him laws. But his Father's experience, so dearly bought, should have taught him wit, and not so willingly to run into a mischief. Oh miserable France which a●t never wise but too late. This King shuts his eyes to Precedents, stops his ears to all admonitions of reason, seeking his own ruin wilfully, The error of King john. as if the time had been too short for his perdition. He desired at any hand to fight presently, to whip this young warrior, having forgotten that he● 〈◊〉 pla●d his prize at C●essy; and learned not to be rash in a matter of so great consequence, but what followed? The only means to preserve the vanquished, is to hope for no help. So Edward seeing himselve reduced to this extremity, either to lose his honour or his life, he resolves to employ his life courageously, to save his honour virtuously, & the event favoured his resolu●ion. john had all advantages over Edward, both of number force, show, country and conceit (the which is commonly a consideration of no small importance in worldly affairs) and withal the choice of all his horsemen, (esteemed then the b●st in Europe) with the greatest and wisest Captains of his whole Realm. Being well advertised of the number and estate of the English army, The order of the French army. (which consisted for the most pa●● of footmen) his meaning was to draw him to ba●●ell: presuming easily to defeat this troop of English bowmen with so great a number of Lances and battle axes well armed. So as putting all hope of victory in his horse, he makes the form of his battle according to this des●ein●. But he had forgotten that neither horse not horseman ●aues the man in the day of battle. He resolves therefore to charge only with his horse, and to give his Nobility the honour of the victory, the which he held confidently in his hands, before the battle. Upon this project, he arrangeth his foot apart in one ba●a●lion, and divides his horse into three squadrons, whereof he gives the first to his Co●●●●ble (some name the Duke of Athenes the stem of the house of Tremo●●ile: and som● 〈◊〉, tha● he was of the house of B●em●, accompanied with two Marshals of ●●ance, Arnould of En●reghan, and john of Clermont. The second was given to Charles his eldest son, and the third with his son Philip, he reserves to himself. In this confidence of his horsemen he bethinks himself of a new stratagem: out of every squadron he chooseth a hundred horse, and so made one body of three hundred, meaning therewith to break the first ●ankes of the enemy's army, which for the most part were foot. The Prince of W●les priest by necessity▪ had another d●sseine. Standing upon his defence, he resolves to encourage himself, and by courage to animate his army with an obstinate resolu●ion, to fight desperately against so great and strong an enemy, and so to govern his forces as the combat might prove difficult to the enemy, ●he English Army. whom he sees ready to charge. He lodgeth his army in a place of advantage f●r the d●●●nce against the hor●e, having both behind them, and on their flanks, Vines, Bus●●s, Hedgerowes and underwoods' all of hard approach for the horse. But he adds industry and makes the place more inaccessible, causing the soldiers to cast up great t●●nches with wonderful expedition. Having provided for his camp, he doth place his Ar●h●rs upon the approaches so politicly, as they might secure the horse and be relieved by th●m, and likewise resi●t the enemy when they should be charged. But above all her labours to animate h●s So●●diars, so as the courage of his small troop did equal the● 〈◊〉 of the greater, in 〈◊〉 firm resolution, either to vanquish or to die together, to maintain their honours and good fortunes, & in this order the English attend the French army confidently, whom they see preparing to fight. Whilst that Edward provides thus for his defence, there befell a great contention in the French army, the which sways much in this days fight. A division in the French army very prejudicial. For coming to make choice of a hundred horse out of every battaillon, there were some discontented; (the places being given rather by favour then merit) so as such as were left behind, finding themselves grieved, as with a repulse, were more ready to double their despite, than their courages to fight. Impressions which import much in these great occurrents, when the mind must still be present with that we do, and not be distracted with any other affections: but they are now ready to fight. Behold this troop of 300. horse departs, The French charge the 〈◊〉. commanded by Eustache of Ribemont. The trumpets sound to battle, they all run to the easiest approach of the English trenches, to draw forth their footmen, and to provoke them to fight. This was another ●rrour of john's, that being stronger than Edward's, besieging him in the Vines, and cutting off his victuals, in few days he might have vanquished him without blows. But overweening, impatiency, and hast, drew him to his overthrow. This great squadron forceth into the Vines, and enters fight with the English foot: but the issue of john's new stratagem was contrary to his expectation: for in ●h●s first charge they find resistance. The Archers planted in the Vines with advantage, galled them in the first ranks with their arrows, whilst that others (lying unseen in the rows adjoining) aim at them at their pleasures, shooting forth a dangerous storm of arrows, and upon their flank riseth another shower, which passeth through these horsemen, whereas neither Lance nor Battleaxe could prevail. Having made this first charge with so great los●e, they seek to retire, and to charge the enemy in some other place; Battle of Poitiers. but they fall into a greater perplexity, for the horses sink in this miry ground, and are entangled among the s●ubbes, stakes and trees: some fall, some rise again, all are in confusion; they lie plunging in the ditches and trenches, and the English arrows fly from all sides. This troop having drawn down the rest by degrees, like to a current of water which disperseth itself by a channel, the more men, the more disorder. Our Frenchmen grow amazed at this repulse. The English seeing them give back in confusion, cry victory, The French defeated by the En●●●sh. and follow their advantage, striking on all sides, as they lay wallowing one upon another. King john runs to repair this disorder. He performs the duty both of a good Captain (in gathering together his dispersed men) and of a valiant Soldier, in fight courageously: but the blow was already given, all was lost. The Duke of Athenes Constable, and John of Clermont Martial, were slain at the first charge. The Standard royal appears no more, by the fall of the Earl of Charnie, who carried it in this days fight. The greatest part of the commanders, and of this brave Nobility (who sought to be in the front) are unhorsed. This rampart overthrown, and the rest shaken & broken in pieces▪ the Prince of Wales prevails the more easily. King john is far engaged in the conflict. The English cry; to the King, to the King. Being charged on all sides, he defends himself admirably, and his son Philip (being near him) surmounted the ordinary courage of the most resolute Soldiers, in shielding his father from blows. (This generous valour did first purchase him the name of Hardy, and the course of his life did confirm it in divers worthy actions) but in the end they are both prisoners. There was some controversy, (not without extreme danger to his person,) for having yielded unto Denis of Morbec his own subject, (borne in the country of Arthois, banished for some fact) he was halled by other soldiers, who pretended an interest in this prize. But the Prince of Wales understanding thereof, sent him an honourable guard, of some of his most trusty servants, whilst that he made the victory absolute. The head being taken, all are surprised with fear: all are dispersed, and the slaughter is general without resistance. Edward content to have the head, sounds a retreat, and forbids them to pursue the victory. Many save themselves in Poitiers: which stands upon her guard, lest the enemy should ●nterwith them that fled. The victorious Prince remaining upon the place of battle, sends a troop of Noble men Gascons, King john taken prisoner Prince Edwa●● receives him with great ●espect. to receive the King prisoner, and to conduct him to his pavilion, the which they do with great respect. Edward seeing him approach, meets him with great reverence, honours him, comforts him: entertains him with a loving discourse, and promiseth him all the good usage a great King could expect in his adversity. A young Prince twice a conqueror, having vanquished his enemy, both by valour and courtesy, leaving an honourable trophy of his humanity and wisdom to posterity. john (settling his countenance) showed a courageous mind in his misfortune. A notable example for Princes to show an invincible constancy, against the most dangerous losses, amongst which the los●e of liberty holds the most mournful rank, and is of the bitterest digestion. Our loss was then very great and the sequel very pernitions. They number seventeen hundred Gentlemen slain in this battle, The number o● the dead. amongst the which there were fifty two Lords. The chiefest of mark were Peter of Bourbon the Duke of Athenes Constable of France, john of Clermont Martial of France, George of Ch●●ny great Chamberlain, Renauld of Chameil Bishop of Chalons, the Lords of Pont, and Fayette, and of the common sort five or six thousand. A hundred ensigns were brought away in triumph, the spoil carried away, the place of battle free, the dead bodies at the conquerors mercy. The King was taken (the chiefest part of the victory) & with him was led into the same prison Philip his fourth son (afterwards Duke of Burgogne) james of Bourbon Earl of Ponthieu, The prisoners ●aken in the battle. john of Arthois Earl of Eu, Charles of Arthois his brother Earl of Longucuille Charles Earl of Tancaruille john of Melun, and his son Archbishop of Sens, the Earls of Vendosme, Salbruch, Nassaw, Dampmartin, la Roche and many other men of account. This overthrow happened in the year 1356. the 19 day of September, continued with many confusions, whereof I tremble to discourse. But let us continue the order of our history. john (falling into his enemy's hands) is brought to Bourdeaux, and from thence safely conducted into England to Edward, who showed himself as courteous to his capital enemy being his captive, as glad of his sons victory. Some say he commended him more to have received john with humanity, then to have conquered him by his valour. A lesson for great Princes. A lesson for great Princes to learn, that virtue doth equal valour, and that he is rightly a conqueror that can vanquish himself. He doth lodge him honourably in the City of London in the Duke of Lancaster's house, with his son Philip, under a sure guard. The other prisoners are dispersed into divers places according to their qualities, to draw a reasonable ransom from them: the which as they paid, he sent them free to their houses with much honour, and at that instant he gave liberty upon the king's word, being captive, to all such as he would answer for. In this great calamity, God looked upon France with his eye of pity, willing to chastise it, but not to ruin it. For he reserved (during the King's captivity) royal heads, to save this estate from shipwreck, being almost ruined, both by the great afflictions passed, as also by the imprisonment of their sovereign head, and the death of many great personages necessary instruments for the preservation & greatness of the State As Charles eldest son to john, The admirable providence of God in the preservation of this estate. Dauphin and Duke of Normandy, Lewis Duke of Anjou, and john Duke of Berry escaped in this defeat. Charles was of so wise and temperate a spirit, as he seemed capable to govern this great bark, in the most horrible storms of confusion, which happened in this Realm, during his father's imprisonment. john continued five years a prisoner, for he was taken in the year 1356, in September and was delivered in the year 1361. in the month of May. But let us describe in order the disorders which chanced in his captivity. As soon as the Dauphin (so called until he be regent) came to Paris, he employs all his wits to procure his Father's liberty, and to maintain the King's free authority in the Realm: the which was as much restrained as the King's person. But in this good and commendable resolution he found strange difficulties. He presently calls a general assembly of the Estates at Paris, in October following: an expedient remedy for the greatest affairs of this monarchy, profitably practised in the most urgent causes of our Kings. There Charles layeth before them, not only the misery whereunto the King his father was brought; but also the whole realm in his person; he entreats them to give him council and assistance in this so great an extremity. The cause spoke of itself; his person was an excellent Orator. Moreover, he failed in no point of his duty: for his mournful countenance expressed his sorrow naturally, and he could well urge the necessity of the proof, with so wise & modest an eloquence, as it would have moved and dissolved even the hardest Rocks of the Pyrenean mountains. But the answer which was then made him, A 〈◊〉 ill 〈…〉 dangerous 〈◊〉 an 〈◊〉. and the long continuance of crosses gruen him in so commendable an action, show well what an ill counseled people is, and how dangerous it is to let slip the reins of restraint to so furious a beast; which grows then most outrageous, when there is greatest need of mildness and modesty. Without doubt there had been many disorders in the former reigns: and in this new controversy for the Crown, Philip had made great breaches. But is it now time to complain of the sick, when he lies at the point of death, and to represent unto him his forepast errors, i●●●eed of applying fit remedies for his grief? So do the people (being witty and 〈◊〉) complain of the errors of their superiors, and are more ready to increase the di●eas●, (by remedies worse than the disease itself) rather then to cure it; The people's insolence during K. 〈◊〉 imprisonment. as shall appear by the popular actions, during the reign of King john, who from complaints have exceeded to audacious seditions: and in the end to cruel and tragic massacres: not only to tread underfoot, but to overthrow the lawful authority of this Monarchy. The Parliament consisted of all the best cities of the realm: but as Paris is the chief, so having among the rest the first degree and greatest means, it was also the chief in credit. So as when order is well observed, it brings the greatest benefit to this estate: but when as disorder reigns, the greatest confusion comes from thence. Paris the chief 〈◊〉 of France ●yther for good or evil. The Church holds the first rank in Parliament: and then the Provost of Merchants in the city of Paris, whereas the University had then great credit. All parts shall play upon this Theatre, either for good or evil, by strange accidents. But let us return to our Dauphin. After that he had made his proposition; the Estates being assembled in one body, resolved: That to avoid confusion, there should be fifty chosen out of all the Provinces, to determine of things necessary, according to the instructions & remembrances declared to them. Th●se fifty deputies assemble in the Gray-friars, where by a common consent they resolve what to say unto the Dauphin: who being entreated to come unto their assembly, and set to hear some notable offer of assistance, conformable to the necessity of the time, Robert le C●c● Bishop of Laon spoke thus unto him in the behalf of the company. The Deputies of the Parliament make unreasonable demands v●to the Dauphin. That the assembly beseeched him to swea●e to keep secret what should be delivered unto him by the estates. This young Prince being nothing amazed in this perplexity, answers them presently with a resolution. That he should greatly forget the degree he held in the State, in receiving a law from his father's subjects. And therefore he did command them, by the natural authority he had over them, to speak freely what their hearts conceived. Then the Bishop in all their names, made known unto him the ill government of the treasure, demanding r●●●●mation thereof, with a commission to call the receivers to an account; that all such as had managed the king's money, should be displaced; & that hereafter both the treasure, and the affairs of State should be governed by 4. Prelates, & 12. Bou●gesses, a●o●gst the which the city of Paris should have the first degree & credit: and that without this council the Dauphin should attempt nothing. And for the conclusion of all their demands, they require him most instantly to set the King of Navarre at liberty. And upon this condition they promise the Dauphin aid & secure for his father's delivery. The Dauphin noting plainly both the intention of this ill advised people, and that it was now out of season to take exception at the violence of these popular furies; demands respite to give them an answer; the next day passeth in this sort, without answer to the deputies, who entreat him to resolve. He makes his excuse upon the importancy of the affairs, and demands a new day to consider thereof. And as they pressed him daily to make his answer. so he still prolonged the time by many subtle delays, grounded upon sundry excuses, of purpose to disperse them, and to dissolve their counsels; the which he sees was practised by his enemies. 1357. And having caused the deputies to attend many da●es, (this plot so hotly pursued) grew cold, and (tired with tediousness,) they return home to their houses, without any other fruit, then great skewes: leaving the King languishing in prison, and the realm in pitiful disorder. But they parted not without leaving the chief levaine of their intended mischief at Paris, and too many hands to work in this mass of confusion, to the great prejudice of France. An ill advised people hath this humour. To complain still of the present estate, and to seek the future with hope of better. The Parisiens' who had seized upon authority, (more careful for the delivery of the King of Navarre, then of their lawful king,) summon the Dauphin to set the Navarrois at liberty, according to the decree of the Estates▪ and taking his delays for a denial; they practise with john of Piqueny, governor of the country of A●tho●● (to whom K. john going to the unfortunate battle of Poitiers, had given it in keeping▪ to deliver him out of the Castle of Alleux in Cambressis, where he had remained nineteen months a prisoner. This young Prince environed with all these difficulties, had yet one which exceeded the rest. The King of N●●a●●e set at liberty, comes to Pa●●●. The Bishop of Laon the chief of his council betrayed him, b●ing a private and passionate partaker of the Navarrois. Charles King of Navarre is delivered, meaning to come to Paris, and therefore he demands a safe-conduct from the Dauphin, who grants it▪ will he or no; that is, he puts a sword into the hands of his most malicious and ●urious enemy, and lodgeth him in his own house. These were bitter pills, but he must digest them, even the Dauphin and all good men that did assist him. But many of them (loath to allow of these confusions by their free contents,) retire themselves to their houses. The Navarrois having his passport from the Dauphin, not only as a gage of the public faithfulness, but as a sentence against king john being prisoner, goes to Paris with a state●●● train, where they all prepare for his entertainment. The Bishop of Laon, and the Provost of Merchants, with a great troop of his Partisans meet him, who went to lodge in the Abbey of S. German. He lets the people understand, that he desires to speak publicly unto them. A scaffold is built, & the people throng in great troops, bringing both hearts and ears. The Navarrois (a subtle and an eloquent man) represents unto them the wrong of his imprisonment, and his interest to the Crown: he desires justice might be done him according to his de●●●t and quality; but above all, he spares not to touch that string which should advance him to the royalty. The people applaud him, and give charge to the Provost of Merchants to make the Dauphin acquainted therewith: The Bishop of Laon a tra●tor to his majesty. the which he performs with a bravado. The Bishop of Laon (a treacherous servant to his Master) answers for him (being silent in this necessity) That the Dauphin should show grace and favour to the King of Navarre as one good brother ought to another. He makes the Dauphin so humble, as he prevents the Navarrois (who kept his lodging but to preach to this seditious multitude) and doth v●sit him first, whom he doth scanse meet at the door with a cold welcome. He requires audience of his demands. They are read in council, which consisted for the most part of men corrupted. Whe●e it was decreed: That all which the King of Navarre and his complices had done against the King and his realm▪ should be forgotten as never done▪ The 〈◊〉 yields to the 〈◊〉. his goods seized and in the King's hands, should be restored both to him and his, with their honours, which had been beheaded by the commandment of King ●hon: their bones should be gathered together, and honourably interred: all acts of condemnation disannulled, and an acts of their justification autentically drawn, to free them and theirs hereafter from all 〈◊〉. The demand of the King of Navarres pretended title, was remitted to another time. But the Navarrois brings in the king of England, of whom the Dauphin demanded a tru●e▪ the which he grants upon condition, New causes of war. That he might secure the King of Navarre & john of Montfort duke of Britain in their pretensions. Thus the seeds of war were sown during the confused calamity of this poor realm, by the means of Charles of Navarre. At the same instant Edward makes rigorous demands of his prisoner john, on whom (for all his good countenance) he meant to make a benefit by his captivity. He required homage of him for the realm of France, as holding it of the realm of England, and upon this condition he would set him at liberty. K. john being of a courageous spirit, though a prisone● in his person, answers him freely. That he must not speak to him of that which he neither aught, nor would do, to alienate a right inalienable. That he was resolved▪ at what price soever, The generous answer of King john to Edward's demands. to leave it to his children, as he had received it from his Ancestors. That affliction might well engage his person, but not the inviolable right of the Crown, where he had the honour to be borne: over the 〈…〉 prison nor death had any power▪ & especially in him, who should always hold his life well employed sacrificing it for the immortal preservation of France. This generous magnanimity of King john, gave as great occasion to pity his calamity as the strange conditions of the English being victor, ministered matter of grief and 〈◊〉 to all true hearted Frenchmen▪ but all this could neither temper the malice of the Navarrois, not the furious impudency of this enchanted people. Hereupon the Dauphin entreats the Parisiens' to take pity of his poor father: who not able to avoid the inevitable crosses of fortune, common to all degrees, The Par●sien● in 〈◊〉 to their King. could well show 〈◊〉 in greatest afflictions. But these brutish minds will not be moved by any 〈…〉 reasons: so as after this poor Prince had used all the submissions necessity could 〈◊〉, to win the people, in the end after the loss of his pains, he sought to the other Cit●●● 〈◊〉 France. Having left Lewis Duke of Anjou his brother at Paris, to supply his place, & 〈◊〉 maintain some show of authority, The Daulphin ●olie●s the other Cities for the King's liberty. the effect whereof crept hourly into the Navarrois power, he went from City to City, craving aid of the French, for the delivery of his father and the restoring of his Estate. The history doth much honour the Province of Languedoc, to have made great shows of 〈◊〉 to their King being prisoner: for it observes. That the three Estate of the Country (assembled in one body at Tholouse) under the authority of the Earl of Armagnac their governor▪ did freely grant a great aid to the King: for the performance whereof, The love and duty, of them of Languedo● to their King's and of Champagne. they would not only employ their revenues, but their most precious movables, yea their wives jewels. And to testify their general heaviness, they abandoned all sumptuous apparel and banquets, especially all dances, masks, plays and other pleasures, during the captivity of their King. Champagne followed this commendable example. But examples did no more move the Paristans' hearts: then reason had done, who answer the Daulphin ●oughly, when he entreats them most humbly, that he should call an other Parliament, where they would advise what was to be done. Their intent was to take all authority from the Dauphin, and to usurp it themselves: to dispose of the tresor, of honours and dignities, of peace and war, and of the life and death of the King's subjects at their pleasures. Horrible insolences of the Parisiens' against their Prince. To this end they made this young Prince contemptible & odious, assembling together both without his privity & against his will, in Churches and public places, in private houses, in great and small troops without any fear or respect of the royal dignity. The Dauphin more a prisoner than his father, durst not repine against these disorders, which increased hourly, like to a violent stream which falls from a high mountain, through the force of much rain. This furious multitude (puffed up daily by the practices of the Navarrois, who employed both heart and hand to ruin the Dauphin,) falls in the 〈…〉 threats to blows. The Apostum is ripe, it must needs break. An exchanger named Pe●e● Ma●●▪ picked a quarrel with the Daulphins' treasurer, & kills him in Saint Mary's street. Having slain him, he flies into Saint james of the Butchery, and no man pursues him. The Dauphin seeing his authority too much blemished, in suffering himself to be 〈◊〉 braved, he caused the murderer to be drawn out of the Church, and to be executed: his hand to be cut off in the place where the murder was committed, and from thence to be drawn to the gibbet and hanged. And to the end the people should not mutiny, he went accompanied with a guard of soldiers, led by Robert of Clermont Marshal of France. The same day arrived the Ambassadors of King john being prisoner, to solicit his de●●●, after many voyages made for the space of two years, King john sends to the Parisiens' for his delivery but in vain. that is to say two ages for a 〈◊〉 prisoner, to whom delay is a double languishing. But they were too true witnesses, 〈◊〉 of the frutlesse tears of this poor Prince, and of the barbarous cruelties of these Ca●●●●●es. They beheld the Bishop of Paris, in the Daulphins' sight, and in the view of all the world, to take this murderers carcase from the gibbet, and to carry it to the Church, from whence he was drawn, and there to be honourably interred. But this was not all. john of Piqueny comes to the Dauphin from the Navarrois, to summon him to hold his promise, concerning the demands which were granted him in council. And as the Chancellor replied, that they had been performed. He answered (the Dauphin being present, and the two Queens. The insolency of john of Piqueny, in the Daulphins' presence. ) That whosoever would maintain the contrary, had lied. And to heap one mischief upon another: the Provost of Merchants, with some of the University, come unto the Dauphin, who by a Iacobi● Orator called Simon of Langres, (for it is not at this day alone, that Monks have been meddlers in State) require him to perform the promises made to the King of Navarre, or else the people would rise against him, if he refused so apparent and reasonable a duty. A Parliament was likewise called for the King's delivery, whereunto the blood of France, (which cannot degenerate) caused the cities to be inclined, so as things seemed in the end to promiss some red●esse. The Parisiens' comes in arms to the Daulphins' lodging. Being assembled at the Augustins, the Provost of Paris gathered together three thousand men of the basest artisans, and comes armed to the house of S. Pol, where the Dauphin was lodged, having seized upon the gate, and stopped all the passages, he ascends to the Prince's chamber, being followed by his armed men. The Dauphin was therewith much amazed. Fear not (says the Provost) for any thing you shall see for what shall be done hath been decreed, and it must be so. The watchword being given, Horrible murders com●utted in the Daulphins' presence. behold john of Constans, and Robert of Clerimont Marshals of France, (two trusty servants to the Dauphin,) are slain before his eyes, and so near unto him, as the blood rebounded upon his face. Ha (cries this poor Prince) what is this? will you attempt against the blood of France? No my Lord (says the Provost unto him) fear nothing, it is not against your person we pretend: they be your disloyal servants we seek, who have so● d advised you. Then he took the Daulphins' hood, and put his upon the Daulphins' head, being half red, and half sky-coloured, the city livery: and he did wear the Daulphins all that day, being of a brown black, embroidered with gold, in token of his Dictatorship. The insolency of the Provost of the Merchants. This done, their bodies are drawn to the Marble table, and from thence cast into the Palace yard, for a spectacle to this furious people, which flock thither from all parts, with shouting and clapping of hands. He presently sends to the Dauphin cloth, both red and sky coloured, to make him a hood, and assembles the people at the townhouse, at the Cre●●, where he makes them to approve this massacre and afterwards both the Dauphin and the Estates to do the like, which were then assembled for very contrary effects. The Parisiens' solicit the Cities to rebel. And to confirm and justify his unbridled impudency, he writes letters in the name of the City of Paris, to all the good towns of the realm, exhorting them ●o join with the chief city, and to take their livery as the Dauphin had done, the better to reform the disorders of the realm. As these confusions increased daily and hourly, William of Mountigu Bishop of Terovenne Chancellor of France, The officers of the crown fl●e out of the realm. with many other officers of the Crown, fly from Paris, and for the most part retire into ●ermanie, as a shelter to avoid these storms, expecting a better season. The Chancellor had left the great Seal with King john, being prisoner, so as then they used none but the small Seal of the Chastelet, as well in the decrees of Parliament, as in all other public acts. The Parisiens' likewise erect a Council of State, composed of S●●uen Coeq Bishop of Laon, (the Cock of this confusion) of Renauld of Corby the first Precedent, Stephen Marcell Provost of Merchants (who in the end shall receive the reward of his wickedness,) john Roussac, john Lisle, with many of the University, who had not the least voice in the new commonweal. Affliction is good for something: as the Parisiens' (whom their furious ringleaders had fed with an imagination of the sovereign government of the State, The Cities refuse to join 〈◊〉 the Parisie●●. to dispose of all things at their pleasures,) had assured themselves of a willing obedience from all the Cities of the Realm, to whom (as we have said) they had written, to join with them in a common league. So were they greatly amazed, that for answer to their imperious letters. They received a general denial from all parts o● the realm; the cities refusing to hearken to any private League, 1358. and detesting the excerable example of so audacious a rebellion: standing more carefully upon their guard, for fear of a surprise by the Navarrois, whom they confidently believed to be the cause of the Parisiens ●rensie and confusions. The Dauphin being thus unworthily entreated by the Parisiens', The Dauphin leaves Paris. retires himself out of this great forest of Paris, into Champagne, to the Town of Vertus▪ where he assembles the 〈◊〉 of the Country, and according to the honourable offers they had made him, he obtained all he could desire, answerable to their means and faculties. But the greatest benefit he did reap, was the good example they gave to other Provinces, who employed all their means not to yield to Languedoc or Champagne, in the honour of their loyalty, whereunto God and nature bound all good subjects to their King especially being in necessity. Thus the Daulphins' courage began to revive, seeing by effect (in his extremest danger) that all good frenchmen were not dead. A lesson for great men never to despair in most desperate extremities. The Navarrois had no other care but to ruin the Dauphin. the Nauarroi● seeks all means to ruin the Dauphin. Not satisfied with his 〈◊〉 in Paris, he solicits the King of England instantly, and represents unto him by sundry messages, that a fit opportunity is now offered to make himself master of this goodly estate. There was great likelehood (the King being a prisoner, and the affairs brought to that extremity) that the English should soon have prevailed over this realm. But God had otherwise decreed, who showed the rod, but stayed his arm, holding in his hand● both the hearts of men and the events of things. Edward observed well the means to effect his desseins in this confusion, but knowing the ambitious & disloial humour of the Navarrois, he could not trust him. Yet not to contemn so plausible an occasion: he assists him with some helps, by degrees, Edward distrusts the Navarrois. only to balance what force should be offered, expecting some better and more safe opportunity, the which he promised himself rather by treaty with his prisoner: then by all the intelligences and practices of this Prince, importunately disloyal against his own blood and the State: the which he should have maintained with the hazard of his life. This turbulent spirit, not able to contain itself within the limits of duty, assembles all his forces, to begin the game by open hostility against the Dauphin: and to this end he labours to corrupt the Captains of places; but he could no more move their loyalty, than the 〈◊〉 had done the Cities. The Dauphin seeing the Navarrois in arms, under the command of his brother Philip● doth likewise arm, and very lawfully against so unjust a violence. But herein he did wisely draw profit from his enemy, and maintain his authority, not duly respected with 〈◊〉 force of arms: nor pleasing, if arms had not been taken by necessity▪ And fr●m hence there grew a great occasion to confirm his authority, in the reasonable and necessary employment of his forces. Laque ●orhomme. The disorder and confusion of times had wonderfully dispensed the Nobility against the people, by reason that the Navarrois, (having employed them two years to make himself redoubtable and fearful, and keeping certain troops in field, which were abandoned to all licentiousness, for want of pay:) they had no other enemy, but the Ox and the Ass of james the goodman (for so did 〈◊〉 soldiers of confusion call the countryman in derision, Country men defeated by the Dauphin. ) whom they had long tormented with all impunity. But patience too much moved turns into fury. The poor Country man thus tortured, in the end resolves to show his teeth to this 〈◊〉 of the people, and to fall on them with open force, who had so often oppressed 〈◊〉 without any resistance. Upon this occasion they make a popular League in the Country of B●au●ois▪ the people being armed in great troops skirmish in divers places, and fall upon the gentlemen, by whom they had been wronged: they kill them, their wives and children without respect: spoil, sack, burn and pull down their houses. This armed multitude in the beginning did much harm, like to a fire suddenly kindled▪ A dangerous course and of great consequence, but it was happily suppressed by the Dauphin pairing the fault, for the which the Navarrois was blamed. This popular frenzy quenched in the breeding, was called the jaquerie of ● aques or james the good man, too common in the soldiers mouths, as we have said, more ready to devour the countryman, then to look upon an armed enemy. Thus it was suppressed by the Daulphins' diligence, who opposing his men of war to this seditious multitude vanquished them easily▪ as the people's rage moved against reason cannot long continue▪ dangerous fits of civil war, when as such as have the government in hand, neither can nor will do justice to the subject unjustly oppressed, who have reason always to demands, and can complain when it is denied them. But they seek a remedy worse than the disease, when as being culpable of the insolencles they reprehend in such as oppress them, they will take upon themselves to seek revenge, the which they may not expect but from the hand; of such as may lawfully take it, that is from such as have the public authority under the law. The Dauphin (having repaired this confusion) assembles the Estates at Compiegne, to the great dislike of the Parisiens', A Parliament called a Comp●●gne. being partisans to the Navarrois. They sought (as it were by especial privilege) to hold the possession of the Estates still at Paris, and were much discontented they should be held in any place else. But the Parliament proceeds without regard of their complaints, and decrees, That Charles the King's son, Dauphin of Viennois, (who till then had been called but lieutenant to his father being prisoner, should be acknowledged and called Regent of the Realm of France & that all good Frenchmen should obey him as the King himself. The Dauphin declared Regent. This new title purchased great authority to this young Prince throughout all France, and (making him to appear in these obscure times of afflictions, as a lantern during the tempest of a cloudy night) it revived his courage: seeing himself at liberty without the walls of Paris, whereas Marcell should not brave him, nor murder his servants in his chamber, yea in his bosom. Thus did he settle his authority by degrees, wonderfully shaken by the audacious credit of the Navarrois who having another intent, did run a contrary course. For as the Navarrois desseine was to usurp the state against all order, so he trod it under his feet, having recourse to unjust violence. So as in the field he had armed troops, in the city of Paris a seditious multitude, and generally passion and fury. The two pillars of his desseins were Injustice and Violence, supported by the people's favour, who may do much being well advised but what mischief can we imagine in an 〈◊〉 which a multitude will not attempt, being bewitched by such as abuse them, like a 〈◊〉 beast which goes where he is driven▪ The pro●ect of this Prince, (otherwise great both by blood and means) had an unfortunate issue, as wicked attempts must have a ruinous end. The mischief fell first on him by the people, in whom he had relied, and after by him upon the people, whom he had deceived, to make them an instrument of many mischiefs. yet was the people less punished than himself, as less culpable. But he who had disloyally abused this brutish multitude, felt in the end thereu●●● 〈◊〉 hand of God, not only in seeing all his practices 〈…〉 the fire of God's wrath justly kindled against such as confound the society of m 〈…〉 the laws of State under which they are borne. Without doubt bad counsel is 〈…〉 to the giver. This Prince preached peace, and made war reformation of 〈◊〉 nourished confusion: liberty, and yet brought those Cities which obeyed him 〈◊〉 slavery. He abused the people with a shadow of liberty, and sought to 〈…〉 devices, but the contra y effects made him so odious, as having pla●ed the 〈◊〉 of his credit, The Navarrois gins to grow odious to the Parisiens'. he sell into the hatred, and detestation of all the world, as these 〈◊〉 discourse will testify. To teach all men. That the greatest policy is to be 〈◊〉 man. The Regent countenanced with this new Title, and the faithful love of the French, testified by the former effects, not sought for by practices, but 〈…〉 hearts; and increasing daily in experience of affairs, began to amaze the Navarrois and to terrify the heads of this Parisien multitude, he seized upon 〈…〉 and Pont Charenton. And not to lose any opportunity, he approacheth the City of Paris, and burns and sacks the Parisiens' houses, in revenge of that which the Navarrois had done to the King's servants: Thus both armies were in field, Two French 〈◊〉, one against another. and doing much harm generally, they multiplied the losses on either side under colour of revenge. The Parisi●ns thus tired, chose the King of Navarre for their Captain 〈◊〉 him to bring soldiers, yea Englishmen, into the City, of whom the most of his troops consisted. The armies approach: the Regent's forces encamp at Conf●●ns, and those of the Navarrois at S. 〈◊〉. The Parisiens' heat began to cool amidst to many miseries, and without their commanders it had been quite frozen. joane the widow of King Charles the fair, and by that means Ant to the Navarrois, joane desires to make peace. desired infinitely to see these two Princes at peace. Her degree and age gave her free access to both. She visits them and persuades them to concord, with all the best reasons she could. In the end, after many journeys, she obtains an interview, to parley themselves o● their affairs without any mediators. The Regent (a young Prince, wise and temperate) would not at the first be entreated, but in his heart he desired nothing more; The Na●arrois pa●●e with the Dauphin. foreseeing it to be the only means to bring the Navarrois in jealousy with the Parisiens', who relented daily, growing weary of his actions. The success was answerable to his design, for behold the people are presently incensed against the King of Navarre, and the Prou●st, who had accompanied him to this parley. They suddenly make public and private assemblies to prevent the practices of these two traitors (as they term them) which would make their peace without them. The Parisien● grow 〈◊〉 of the Na●●●rois john Roussac and others (jealous for that they were not employed) run from shop to shop, to set fire to this flax, showing that private treaties are very prejudicial to the general good of the City. The Navarrois is amazed at these news; he leaves his army, and runs to Paris with the Provost of Merchants, to pacify these new tumults, the which he found to be practised against him. Being arrived, he employs all his Partakers to prevent it; and by their means he renews the league with the Parisiens', protesting to live and die together. He swears the Regent's death with them, and persuades them to admit a new supply of Englishmen for the safety of the City. And to show that he had his heart free from all intelligence with the Regent (as they had suspected) he makes a brave ●allie upon his troops by S. Anthony's gate; but he soon found a stop for as he did charge boldly, so was he repuised valiantly, being charged and beaten by the Regent, so as with difficulty he recovered the gate. Within few days after, he tries by the other gates, if he might speed any better, in diverse resolute attempts? but all is in vain; he is chased, shooted at and beaten with loss and shame. This charge did so alter the mind of this in constant beast with many heads, I mean, of this Parisien multitude, who of late had so much loved, honoured and supported him in all his wrongs, as now there is nothing but cries against him, as against a disturber, an ambitious and disloyal man, ● prater, a deceiver and teller of lies. That it is no longer time to depend on him, Parisiens' discontented with the Navarrois. but the City must provide seriously for their own affairs, and join with their lawful Lords. During these popular humours, the Navarrois appears not, nor any man for him, being so odious unto the Parisiens', as it was very dangerous even to talk of him. It was in vain to hide himself at Saint Denis, during the hear of this popular rage. But to bring words to effects, the Parisiens' by a common consent in their townhouse, resolve to treat with the Regent: and to this end they send a messenger unto him, beseeching him to grant a safeconduct for their Deputies to come unto him. The Regent in braceth this occasion, and gives them an ample passport; upon which grant and assurance, the Parisiens' send a troop of their gravest Citizens to the Regent with these requests. That it would please the Regent to pardon the Parisiens' (being ill advised) what was passed, and to grant them free traffic, until a peace might be made to his content. The Parisiens' submit themselves unto the Dauphin. The Regent having received them graciously, grants their requests and demands: and makes his troops retire from about Paris, to the Contesses Valle●, expecting this people's course, being newly reclaimed to their duty, the which might as suddenly return to their fury; suffering them to taste of peace, and to see the rod ready, being like unto a furious beast, not to be trusted but upon good warrant. The Navarrois and the Provost of merchants labour to repair their credit at Paris, supposing▪ (if this fury were once evaporated) they should return into credit, having both the 〈◊〉 and the Lowre at their devotion. But they are deceived. The chance was cast, and the hour of their ruin was at hand, the people being resolute to give an apparent testimony of their intent; and a fit occasion was 〈◊〉. The English nation was the chief support whereon the Navarrois relied, having lodged them in great troops both within and without the City, for his own strength; the which did much harm in all places. The Parisiens' cry out, that there was no more need of any soldiers, seeing that a peace was concluded▪ and then they began with them within the city, which were in their power. The occasion was very small. Behold a troop of English men which came from dinner at the King of Navarres lodging: the multitude (without any other cause, but that they were English) falls furiously upon them, The Parisiens' mu●●ny against the English that had ●erned them. they kill five and twenty at the first, & take forty seven, whom they drag into prison. Then every man seized on his guest at one instant, so as there were 400. cast into the prisons of the Lowre, without Magistrate & without order. Only a tumultuous cry was heard in the streets. That they must punish these wicked Englishmen, which had committed so many disorders, and that the prisoners should answer the spoils their companions did abroad. The Navarrois, the bishop of Laon, and the provost of Merchants, accompanied with their followers, run to this Alarm: they entreat the people to assemble and to do things by order and reason. The multitude comes to the Greue. The Navarrois) having whetted his natural eloquence, with a long & artificial discourse) makes known his love and the good succours the English had given him in his necessity. The multitude at this name of English, cries out. That they must kill them without any further speech, and then go speedily to S. Denis, to dispatch the rest. So without any more speech they command the Provost to lead them thither. The assembly being thus confusedly dissolved the Navarrois, nor Provost not daring to reply) every man runs to arms, especially such as were best furnished, so as in few hours there were sixteen hundred horse and ten thousand foot resolved to charge the English, which spoilt the country with all impunity. The Navarrois and the Provost make a good show at this sudden mutiny of the people, and seem more busy than the rest, to remain still commanders of this multitude: but they dispatch sundry messengers under hand, to wish the English men stand upon their guard, and to attend resolutely this multitude of Parisiens', which came against them without all order. The troop is in field, the drums sound, & the Ensigns are displa●ed. But the King of Navarre made a stand betwixt Montmartre & the windmills, to give the English breath, who did say a strong ambuscado at Bois de 〈◊〉 & send forth some of their best horsemen to draw this unwarlike and ill governed multitude into danger. These scouts appearing, they are hotly pursued by the parisians ● but with such disorder, as is incident to people courageous in the streets, but cowardly in ●ight of an enemy that understands his profession. They run in this Ambuscadoe, who ●●●rge of all hands upon this disordered multitude, and follows them flying even to the gates of Paris, in sight of the Navarrois and the provost, who are beholders of this defeat and relieve them not. The Navarrois retires himself to S. Denis, where the body of his Army was lodged, & the provost of Merchants to the city, the which is filled with cries, lamentations and injurious speeches against them both. The Provost fearing the people's fury goes guarded with a troop of 200. men▪ & lest all should be lost, he seeks to assure himself of the Lowre and Bastile. The mask is now uncovered, and the people runs to arms. john Ma●llard (Captain of a quarter at S. Anthony's gate) takes a banner with the Arms of France, and running through the City cries Mountioye S. Denis. At this cry, & the sight of the standard, all flock together on heaps. The Provost seeks to save himself in the B●stile, to avoid the fury of this multitude, whom he had so often employed to shed innocent blood: and with him were Simon Palmier and Philip Guyphart, two torches of popular sedition. They enter but (oh the judgement of God which the wicked cannot fly, at such times, and by such means as he hath prescribed for their time) the place they had chosen for their safety, was the pitfall of their misery: for b●ing entered, they willbe Masters, under colour of certain letters from the King of Navarre, who gave the chief command of that place to the Provost. The Provost is slain and some others with him. They fall to great words with them which commanded the place: and from words to blows: where without any great difficulty they are all mas●ared, to the people's great con●ent; who flock to the Bas●ile to see the end of their Provost. They require the carcases, the which are presently delivered unto them and drawn from thence with all sorts of ignominy before Saint Caterins' Church: whether the Provost had dragged the bodies of the Ma●eshals of France, by him so unworthily m●tthered: God punisheth ●aul●s with answerable pains. to the end we should honour God, who appoints the punishment according to the offence, with an equal balance▪ and punisheth faults with answerable pains. Thus the City of Paris was freed from the 〈◊〉 us levaine of confusion, and restored to the lawful obedience of their King, in the year .1358. the second day of August remarkable for so notable an act. The just execution thus made, The Regent received into Paris. the City (as it were recovered of a deadly disease) sends 〈◊〉 to the Regent: beseeching him to come and take possession of the authority due unto him. The Regent comes, and is received with as much affectionare joy, as before he had been odious and contemptible. Such are the people: such they have been, and such they s●albe, that great men may learn by these examples, how to govern a multitude. This happy success troubled the Navarrois; who imagining the Crown of France upon his own head: did (to his great grief) see him settled in the State, who had been almost ruined. Until than he had the King's service always in his mouth, as his good Kinsman and subject, but now passions drive him into such fury and despair, as he resolves to cast oft the mask of humility and obedience, and all other civil respects: and to make war against the Regent with all violence, not only by secret practices, but by open force. The Navarrois, seeing the Parisiens' to grow affectionate to the Regent, The new attempts of the Navarrois against the Regent. sought by all means to torment them: making strange spoils of their houses, especially of such as were his most devoted servants: but in general all that belonged to Paris, was abandoned to the spoil. The Regent assembles his army, the which he had retired to ease the people. But the remedy proves often very hurtful to the champain Country, upon the first application. Behold two French armies are in field in the heart of France, committing that which we have seen with our own eyes in the bosom of our miserable Country: for what better commentary can there be then our own experience? Open warr●. Thus harm grows both from the enemy which assails▪ & the friend that desends: so as we may truly say, that in civil wars the cure is often times more hurtful than the disease. The Navarrois finding himself too weak alone, calls in the English to the sack of France without a head, and almost without a soul. Edward advertised from the Navarrois, by sundry messengers, of the Estate of Frante, & Regent's happy success; condemned himself, as having failed his own good fortune▪ taking the King of Navarrs' complaint in no better part: who said, Edward reputes an opportunity neglected. that he had not been assisted as the cause required, applying all his wit to the ruin of his Country: holding it again to take from his own blood: so blind are passionate councils. He ●u●on Edward sends new forces to the Navarrois: who fortified with these succours, and with his goodly promises, gins the war more fiercely than beforce. He takes the castle of Melun with half the City, by the means of Queen Blank, whilst that the King's soldiers fight for the rest▪ he burns the Abbey of Lis, & all other places alongst the forest of 〈◊〉 and Gastenois. Then crossing the Isle of France▪ (to annoy the Parisiens', and to strike a terror by his forces) he takes S. German in Lay, Creil upon Oise, Poissy and many other places, with great booties & many prisoners: running daily to the g●ts of Paris. The exploits of the Navarrois. Having stayed some days at Mont, he goes to meet with the succours from England (taking Castres' under Montlhery as they pass, the which he spoils, sacks and burns.) led by Captal de 〈◊〉 in Medoc, a Country in Bourdelois, a great and a mighty Lord: who resigns them to his brother Philip of Navarre. With these forces he takes Clermont in Beawoisin. On the other side Rebert Knowles, a valiant English Captain, with a troop of thieves rather than soldiers, runs up the river of Loire into the country of Auxerre, spoiling sacking, burning and carrying away both men and beasts into his forts, bringing the country to a miserable desolation. This was rather a robbing then a war, as commonly civil wars be: the which with more reason they may call uncivil. The desolate estate of France. The cattle taken, houses burnt, men being dead or beggared, the land remained desolate, untilled and unsowne. So as there fell so great a famine, as half the people died for hunger, lamentable troops of poor families wandered up and down creeping into towns, like desperate folks, to beg bread of them which had it not. The Parisiens' seeing that this alteration did nothing repair their estates, grew mad: & as the common sort values no friendship but for their profit, The Parisiens' mutiny again they abated much of the love and respect which in the beginning of their reduction they did bear unto the Regent: who was not only troubled to encounter armed men in field, but also with men's humours grown bitter by affliction, especially in Paris▪ a sea subject to the ebbing and flowing of men's sundry humours and affections. The Navarrois (who was still watchful to embrace all occasions to annoy the Regent) seeks means to nourish the seeds of his ancient credit with the Parisiens', by some of his faction: The Navarrois makes new practices in Paris. giving them to understand by divers writings spread abroad, that he lamented to see France undermined with this desolation, whereof the Regent was the original cause. He sounded forth the vain name of liberty and reformation of State, vexing the Regent more by his practices, than by open force, although he were supported by the succours of England. The Regent was thus perplexed with many difficulties, finding himself as it were besieged not only within the walls, but also within the humours of this great city, being ignorant how to counterbalance force with mildness, in the perplexity of so many miseries, and the diversity of such contrary humours, wherein he sees himself engaged. Amidst all these difficulties, the wisdom and courage of this Prince is very considerable, for he seemed to the people of a resolute countenance: and in the managing of affairs he had always a care to their relief, so as they could not but love him for his amiable & sweet behaviour, yet for the maintenance of his authority (being come within the city) he caused some notable executions to be done, The Dauphin executes some within Paris. of certain desperate & seditious men, and committed others to prison. This was done with the people's liking, incensed against the Navarrois▪ but seeing themselves to fallout of one mischief into another, the Parisiens' began to return to their old waywardness. The Regent having work for both hands, encounters his enemy in field by force, and in the City by eloquence, He pacifies the Parisiens' being discontented causing the people to assemble at the Creve, sitting upon that cross which we see at this day: his tongue prevailed more than his soldiers arms, whereof we observe no great success▪ but his eloquence was so happy, as the people regarded it as an Oracle, giving him the title of wise, having joined a wise carriage to his admirable eloquence▪ as appears in those goodly discourses. Three years passed thus, during the imprisonment of our King john, whom it is now time to visit in England. Edward had caused john to be conducted from London to the Castle of Windsor, with his son Philip. Conditions for the King's delivery not granted. There he propounded unto him new conditions of peace, not so rigorous as the former: but yet so hard as (being delivered to the Regent, and by him to the Estates then assembled at Paris) all the Kings good subjects (though very desirous to redeem him.) did not allow thereof, for that they did import the honour of the King, and realm too much, making too prejudicial a breach in the sovereignty. The extremities were notable, in the Kings languishing being a prisoner, and the present war: The resolution of the Parliament. but lest they should suffer all to run to ruin, in so great a suspense of affairs, the Estates resolve to comfort the King, by advice, to attend an other time for his liberty, and to labour by all means to maintain the wars. The Provinces did their best endeavours to furnish money for this necessity: and even Paris promised to maintain 600. Lances, 400. Archers, and a thousand Corselets, that is 1000 foot armed with Brigandines a kind of armour then much used. Preparation to defend the Realm, The nobility notwithstanding their privileges, offered to contribute towards the charges, and restored the orders for martial affairs, in a manner forgotten through the indulgency of our kings. 1359. The clergy showed a notable zeal, and all those officers which had managed the public treasure made a great & extraordinary sum of money, by means whereof they were discharged from further accounts, and the realm much eased. This provision came happily for the preservation of France; against the which Edward made then great preparation at the instance of the Navarrois. The truce expired, he did forbid the French to traffic into England▪ in the mean time his army lands at Calais, & himself follows in person with a goodly train. Being landed & resolved to take possession of the realm of France, or by force to turn it, he marcheth directly to Arras. the which he takes in 3. days, Edward enters France with an army. having assured it with a strong gar●ison: he goes towards Champagne, where passing only, he besieged Sens, which yields without resistance, and by their example Nevers. All Bourgongne was struck into such a terror, as they redeemed their country from spoil with a great sum of money. Having thus found means to entertain his army at his enemies charge, & enriched his soldiers with an inestimable booty, he marcheth towards Paris, as the head city of the whole realm, & the chief end of his desse●●e, the certain triumph of his conquest, & the goodly theatre of his victories. Our regent was nothing amazed at these threats of Edward, for (having assembled a goodly army with great expedition) he attends him at Paris, where the whole burden of this was did lie. He lodgeth his army in the suburbs, & fortifieth against approaches, being taught by the examples of his grandfather & father, not to hazard any thing, resolving only to defend himself within his trenches. This resolution succeeded happily, He besiegeth Paris, but in vain. for Edward seeing the impossibility to draw the regent to fight (notwithstanding all his alarms) raiseth his siege, & marcheth into Britain, to refresh his army, to the great content of the Parisiens', who could not sufficiently commend the wisdom of their regent, having so politikly avoided this storm. The regent embraceth this occasion, he furnisheth Paris with abundance of victuals, & commands the soldiers to live orderly without oppression of the inhabitants: he fortifies the weakest places with all speed, and doth so encourage the people, as they are ready to sacrifice themselves for the preservation of the State. Edward (supposing the great waist caused by the men of war resident in this great city, would have taken from them all means to continued, & have bred an impatiency in the minds of this unconstant people, giving him the better means to enter it) he returns with his army being strong & lusty, by this good refreshing of Britain. Being returned, he finds things better ordered then before: so as prevailing nothing, but walking about the city, & beholding a far off the great towers, and the admirable mass of so many buildings, as a brief of the whole world, he resolves to leave the siege & return no more. Thus experience teaching him, what the strength of our chief city was, he packs all up, and goes towards Chartres, meaning to besiege it. But whilst he lodged there, his army making a horrible spoil of the whole country, there chanced an occasion (as the work of heaven) which suddenly quailed his ambitious disseine to ruin France. for behold a horrible & extraordinary tempest of hail, thunder and lightning falls with such violence as many horses & men in the army perished, as if that God had stretched forth his hand from heaven to stay his course. Edward amazed with thunder. He resolves to conclude a peace with King john. This amazemennt causeth Edward to vow to make a peace with King john, and the regent his son upon reasonable conditions. He which had thus thundered, did likewise open the Duke of Lancaster's mouth; showing how reasonable it was to limit human attempts within restrained bounds. & not to attend an infinite & perpetual prosperity in worldly affairs, being more safe to content himself with a mean success, them to be transported with the violent course of human hopes, cast in the mould of indiscreet desires. He likewise laid before him the impossibility of so extraordinary a desseine, as to make himself master of all France, a notable example for Princes to behold their own infirmities and the greatness of God to whom they own the homage of their enterprises▪ being then most happy, when they are most sober & ●●●rate, without imagining an infinite power in the short weakness of this mortal life, whereunto they are subject like other men. A peace concluded at Bretignie. The Articles. This lesson mollified Edward's hart inclining to the delivery of K. john his prisoner, & to a general peace: the which was concluded at 〈◊〉, a village near unto Chartres, in the year 1360. the 8. of May, upon these conditions. That the country of Poitu, the Fiefs of Thovars & Belleville, the countries of Gascony, Agenois, Peregort, Limosin, Cahors, Tarbe, Bigorre, Rovergue, and Angoumois, in sovereignty with the homages of the two next years after, 1360. at reasonable payments. And for the consideration, the said King of England and the Prince of Wales his son, both for themselves & 〈◊〉 successors, should reno●●● all rights pretended to the Crown of France, the Duchy of Normandy, the countries of Tourance Anjou and main: the soveraingty and homage of Britt●ine, and the Earldom of Flanders, and within three weeks they should deliver King john at Calais at their charge, the expenses of the King's house only excepted. The hostages given for the performance of the conditions. For assurance of which agreement, there should be delivered into the King of England's hands, these hostages: Lewis Duke of Anjou, john Duke of Berry, sons to the King of France: Philip Duke of Orleans, the King's brother: Philip Duke of Bourgongne, the Earls of Blois, Alencon, Saint Pol, H●●court, Porcian Valentinois, Grandpre, Den and Forest: the Lords of Vaudemont, Coussy, Pyennes, Saint Venant, Preaux, Montmorency Careneieres Bo●●● guion, Estoute-ville, the Dauphin of Aweigne, Andregel and Craon. A cho●●● of well selected personages, to be a sufficient caution for the money and conditions that were to be performed. The Deputies that treated. The Deputies for King john, were john of Dormans' Bishop of Beawais, and Chan●eller of France, john of Melun Earl of Tanearuille. the Lord of 〈◊〉 Marsha●● of France ● the Lords of Montmorency and Vigny: john Cro●●●e, Simon of 〈◊〉, john Mar●●● Lawyers, and john Maillard, and Stephen of Paris, Bourgesies of Paris. For the King of England were, john Duke of Lancaster, the Earls of Northampton, Warwick and Suffo●●●, Renau●d of Cel●s●an, Gualt●r of Ma●ny Knights, with certain learned men for their Council. This treaty of a general peace, signed by the two Kings, was ratified by their two eldest sons, Charles and Edward, and proclaimed by Heralds: first at the wi●dow●● of the Kings and Princes lodgings, and then at the corners of the streets in great solemnity. The hostages were delivered to Edward the father, who embarked at 〈◊〉, and lead them into England, leaving the Earl of Warwick in France, to see the execution of the peace. King john brought to Calis. King john (having long expected the time of his delivery) parts from England with a strong guard, and is conducted to Calis, attending the money 〈◊〉, the first pawn of his liberty. The Regent his son labours earnestly: the 〈◊〉 of Paris did contribute willingly a hundred thousand Royals, and after their example all other cities paid their portions. Of such power is our head city both to 〈◊〉 good and evil: so by this end they made amends for all former errors. The money is brought to S. Omer, whether the Regent comes to see the delivery: Edward returns to Calis, he is wonderful kind to john, The two Kings swear a mutual league of friendship. and they swear a league of friendship, and comprehended Charles King of 〈◊〉 (being absent) in this peace; his brother Philip undertaking for him, to the end that all quarrels might be trodden under foot and all men live in peace, unity, and concord. So john being set at liberty, after a languishing imprisonment four years, take his 〈◊〉 of Edward with all the shows of love that might be betwixt brethren and 〈◊〉 friends. Being parted f am Calis, he finds his son Charles coming to meet him, with a great and stately train. I cannot well express the joy of this first encounter: this good King embracing his son (as his redeemer) with joy mixed with tears, and full of fatherly affection, with the content of his sweet recovered liberty: seeing himself in his 〈◊〉 arms, who had given him so many testimonies of his faithful love in his necessity, 〈◊〉 in the midst of his subjects with his first authority, depending no more upon another's will. King john received by his son with great joy. And contrariwise, what joy was it for this wise son to enjoy his father, so precious a gage of the authority, order and obedience of a State, and a great discharge for him of this painful burden. Thus discoursing of what had been done during his imprisonment, and of what was to be done, they arrive at He●in: whether not only the whole country repairs. 〈…〉 the Deputies of Paris, and of all the provinces of the Realm, to congratulate their good King's delivery, where he disposeth of the government of his house. The King of Navarre meets him at Compiegne, having fi●st sent back his hostages, to show that he relied only on his word, put himself into his power. Thus passeth the world, after a storm comes a calm. 1361. King john made his entry into Paris with this goodly train, being received with an incredible joy of all his subjects. The King's reception into Paris. The Parisiens' going to kiss his hands, offer him their hearts, with a goodly cubberd of Plate, worth a thousand marks, for homage of their fidelity and obedience. The Parliament had surceased above a whole year: john, for the first fruits of his recovered authority, would honour the opening of the court with his presence: being set in the seat of justice, in the midst of all his officers, to the incredible content of all men, who beheld the cheerful countenance of this Prince, like the Sun beams after a troubled sky. Such was the return of King john into his realm after his imprisonment, as the catastrophe of a Comedy, in the which after mourning they rejoice. This happened in the beginning of the year 1361. Some months were spent in these public joys, but they must seek to get again his hostages. in the effecting whereof they found many difficulties: for neither the private Lords (whose homage he had bound to the King of England,) nor the countries (whose Sovereignties he had yielded by this accord) would obey. They argue with the King in council, and demand an act, showing, Difficulties in the performance of the conditions of peace. that the King cannot dispose of the sovereignty of his realm, nor alienate the revenues of the crown. john on the other side (fearing lest Edward should reproach this unto him, as a practice betwixt him and his subjects,) made them sundry commandments to obey. He went to avignon, to visit Pope Innocent, who died at this time, and Vrban the sixth succeeded in his place, both Limosins. To handsel john's recovered liberty, and to ease his mind, afflicted with long imprisonment, Vrban exhorts him to undertake the voyage of the holy land, as general of the action. john promiseth the Pope to go with an army. john not remembering the examples of Kings his Predecessors, Lewis the 7. & 9 nor apprehending the present burden of his great affairs; nor the danger of so mighty and watchful an enemy, who had so long, and with so great pain kept him prisoner) accepts the charge, and makes a solemn promiss: and to hasten the execution thereof, he returns into England. Some say, the love of the Countess of Salisbury (whose husband had the guard of the King being a prisoner) was the principal motive of his return. The which I cannot believe, upon the report of the English: being unlikely that his age, his afflictions, his great affairs, and the voyage whereunto he prepared, should suffer this Prince to follow so unseasonable a vanity. But whatsoever moved him thereunto, he died there, leaving his life in England, where he had so long languished, as a presage of his death. Thus john died in England, in the year 1364. the 8. of April, john dies in England. His disposition. leaving Charles his eldest son heir to the Crown of France. A good man he was, but an unfortunate Prince; wise in ordinary things, but ill advised in great affairs: just to all men, but not wary how or whom he trusted in matters of consequence: temperate in private, but too violent in public. To conclude, a good Prince, but not considerate: more fit to obey then to command. Truly these heroic virtues are the proper jewels of Crowns, and wisdom is a companion to the most excellent virtues, especially in Princes, who are advanced upon the Theatre of manslife, to govern the rest. We have noted that Bourgogne had been given to Robert the grandchild of Hugh Capet for his portion. A little before the decease of King john, Bourgogne annexed unto the Crown. it was united to the Crown of France by the death of Duke Philip, a young man of the age of fifteen year, son to that john which died in the battle of Poitiers. He was betrothed to the heir of Flanders, but both the Duchy, and the Daughter were for another Philip, the son of john: to whom the father gave this new succession, in recompense of the faithful service he had done him the day of his taking, and had continued it in prison. CHARLES the 5. called the Wise, the 52. King of France. CHARLES THE. V KING OF FRANCE .52. portrait THis Charles, during the life of his father john, had given so many testimonies of his sufficiency to govern well, 1364. that he was held for King before he took the crown, Charles his reign. the which he received at Rhine the 19 of May 1364. having before his coronation provided honourably for his father's funerals. He reigned sixteen years, being called and known by the name of Wise. In his youth he did taste the bitter roots, and in his age the sweet fruits of virtue; His manners. beloved, honoured, feared, and respected, both of his own subjects, and of strangers. A devout Prince, wise, temperate, chaste, vigilant, loving justice, order and the people, endued with as great authority as any Prince that ever reigned over this Monarchy, accompanied with other virtues fit for those t●mes, to preserve a state, the which had more need of council then of force, too venturously hazarded by his grand father and father. He was well assisted by the Princes of his blood, and the officers of the crown: very wished worthy advantages for a King, who being the head of an estate, aught to be well served by the principal members, to guide and govern the whole body. We have said, that he had three brethren: Lewis Duke of Anjou, john Duke of Berry, & Philip Earl of Tourraine: to whom according to his father's testament, he resigned the Duchy of Bourgongne, with a marriage of great advancement. He gave to Lewis the Duchy of Orleans, Charles augments his brothers portions. and to john he gave Auvergne, Poitou and Xaintonge, (besides Berry) for his portion, and Languedoc for his government. He was likewise well served for Military causes, by Bertrand of Gueselin a Britton, (an excellent Captain) whom he honoured with the dignity of Constable, in the place of Maurel de Fiennes (having deposed him for sundry crimes) and for affairs of state, he had john Dormans' Bishop of Beawais, and Chancellor of France, & in the end Cardinal, whom his brother succeeded in the same charge. With these helps of council and force, he soon restored the realm, being dismembered by the strange confusions of the forepast reigns. In his youth (during these former bro●es) he was poisoned by the practices of the Navarrois, of whom we have so often spoken. This was prevented by counterpoisons, yet left it a great infirmity in his body, the which forced him to a quiet life, more profitable both for himself and his whole Realm, then if he had been a man of action: 1364. for he dispatched affairs in his Closet without danger, and encountered his enemies with a happy success. In the beginning of his reign, Charles his marriage and his children. he married with joane the daughter of Charles Duke of Bourbon: a Princess of excellent beauty: the which he preferred before the great wealth of the heir of Flanders, and the benefit of his own realm: he had three sons and one daughter. In the former reign there was nothing but war, desolation, tears, cries, lamentations, despair, and generally the mournful image of death. After these long and insupportable calamities, the wisdom of Charles (reducing things to their first beginning, by his happy dexterity) gave France a new form: like unto a man who having a long & dangerous sickness, recovers himself by careful keeping. But there remained an infinite number of men accustomed to live dissolutely, through the licentiousness of the war; the which if he had sought to reform by any good order, it had bred some tumult in the State▪ according to the violent and headstrong or restless humour of the French, who must be doing at home, if they be not employed abroad. The English provided work for these warriors in Britain, in Flanders, in the heart of France and in Castille but the wisdom of Charles prevented all. I will note what happened, rather according to the subject, than the order of times; for that the matters are so confused, as I cannot represent the dates distinctly, without repetition and tediousness, Britain was the first list to try our men of war there might they make war without breach of truce; and the quarrel betwixt Charles of Blois, and john of Montfort, continued more violent than before: for that john of Montfort had married the daughter of the King of England, and Lewis Duke of Anjou, the daughter of Charles of Blois, who embraced and enkindled their private quarrels, by these new occasions. Bertrand of Gueselin a Gentleman of Brittany (of whom we have before made mention) had done the King good service, during the war with the Navarrois. War in Britain. Charles relying upon his fidelity and valour, gives him the charge of the war, to assist Charles of Blois, being old and broken; who was pressed by the enemy, being supported with forces from England. Gueselin being arrived, the Nobility of Brittany (which were of Charles his faction) repair unto him, to the number of 1500. lances. The History names the houses Roh●n, L●ual, Leon, Dinan, Rieux, Chas●eau-Briand, Tourne-mire, Raiz, Malestroit, Quintin, Aua●gour, Lohe●c, Ancenis, Pont, and many others. This notable occasion was ministered to employ these forces (seeing that joane the heir, the Duchess of Brittany, would not end this controversy by composition, as her husband Charles of Blois desired.) john of Montfort besieged the Castle of Aulroy, well defended by the contrary faction. john Chandos an Englishman, a wise and well experienced Captain, commanded the English troops. He had an adversary in front, no less valiant than himself, Gueselin, who ●ought for his country, and the despair of Charles of Blois (much grieved with the t0ediousnesse of so painful a process, The French & English fight in Brittany. ) was a new spur to animate him to fight. They join with their troops, the encounter is furious, well charged, well defended The two commanders made great proof of their valours. Gueselin & Clisson are noted to have omitted nothing of their duties: but God, who holds victories in his hand, gave it to john of Montfort, and the English army. The overthrow was great, The French army defeated for Charles of Blois▪ (the head of the army) with john his bastard brother, the Lords of Dinan, Auaugour▪ Loheac▪ Malestroit, Pont, Quergourlay, and many others were slain: the Lords of Rohan▪ Leon Raiz, Mauny, Tonerre, Roville, Frainuille, Renevall and Rochfort, were taken prisoners, and so were john and Guy the sons of Charles of Blois, with Bertrand of Gueselin, the which did greatly prejudice our King's reputation. The place of battle, the ensigns and the dead bodies, remained in the power of john of Montfort, who sent the body of Charles of Blois with an honourable convoy to his widow. The castle of Aulroy (the cause of this battle) yield to the conqueror. This happened the 29. day of September .1364. This great defeat troubled Charles, as a thing beyond his expectation. john of Montfort sends his ambassadors▪ beseeching him (as his Sovereign) to receive homage of him and his 〈◊〉 the Duchy of Brittany, won by rightful arms, by the defeat of his enemy, as God adjudging unto him this right and possession. 1365. Charles embraceth this occasion: he assigns him a day for the performance thereof, and to do right and justice to both parties being hard, the widow of Charles of Blois being called, King Charles reconciles the p●e●endants for Brit●aine. and the matter debated, he reconciles them upon these conditions: That, for the interest which joane pretended for her and hers, to the Duchy of Britain, she should have the Earldom of ●onthieure, the Seigneuries of Auaugour, Guello, Gincamp, Rochedorie, Lawton, Cha●●eaulin in Cornwaille, Dualt, Vhelgost and Rospreden, to the value of twenty thousand Eures or franks of rent: 2000 pound starling. and if john of Montfort died without lawful heirs, the Duchy of Britain it should return to joane and her issue male or female. This accord drew john of Montfort to Paris, where having done his fealty and homage, as well for the Duchi● Britain, as the Earldom of Montfort, and other Lands he had in France, the widow of Charles of Blois ratified it by virtue of the decree. Oliver of Clisson at the same treaty was restored to the possession of all his Lands, forfeited when his father was beheaded, (as we have said). He shallbe Constable, and shall give us good cause to speak of his life. This accord was made in the Town of Guerande, in the year .1365: but it continued not long: for Lewis of Anjou the King's brother, (son in law to the Duchess of Britain▪) was not pleased with this agreement: whereby he said he was greatly wronged, & john of Montfort distrusting King Charles, had his recourse to the King of England, to whom he went in person, to require aid against the forces which he pretended would come against him: The war revived in Brittany. leaving Robert Knowles an Englishman in Britain, who not attending john's return, began to make war upon the French, with all violence. Charles being pressed (both by the Duchess joane▪ and by Lewis of Anjou his brother) declares john guilty of high Treason: for that he had broken the accord, & would no● appear upon sundry summons daily made unto him. So the war began again: the success whereof we will note here after. Thus there passed six or seven years, with variety of accidents in Britain. In F●anders. Whilst that Britain was thus shaken with sundry storms, Flanders was not without trouble, by the accustomed practices of the English. Lewis Earl of Flanders, son to that Lewis which was slain at the Battle of Crecy, had one only daughter named Marguerite, who remaining heir of this great and rich estate, was the L●uaine of the ancient jealousy betwixt the two Kings, Charles and Edward, striving who should have her. The Cities of Flanders, of greatest power in this pursuit, held stoutly for the English, Con●e Lewis father to the maid, was in suspense: fea●ing both the English and the Fre●ch, for divers respects: and yet he loved the first and feared the last: But in the end, by the means of Marguerite of Arthois, mother to the Earl: a marriage was concluded in favour of Philip the hardy, brother to Charles King of France, to Edward's great grief, both father and son: who in disdain of this refusal, sought all means to breed new troubles in France. The treaty of Bretigny ministered a new subject, and apparent cause of discontent to the King of England, who complained that he had been deceived by Charles, under a show of faithfulness, having restored unto him all his hostages, receiving only the sums promised for the ransom, levying upon his simple word, the revenues of those Seigneuries granted him by the treaty. The cause of new war 〈…〉 and ●n●●and. Charles had retired all his hostages, in good time paying ready money: and making known unto Edward, the sundry charges he had given to the Countries and places comprehended in the treaty, to yield themselves wholly into his power, he likewise signified unto him his subjects answers: who in the beginning excused themselves civilly, by honest delays but in the end the general Estates give Charles to understand, That the question being for the general interest of the States they were not to be forced to yield to an unlawful action directly contrary to the fundamental law of the realm, which suffers not the King to prejudice the Crown, nor to alienate the revenues thereof, which were not to be alienated. That t●is accord made in prison for the King's redemption, was forced, and so by consequence, uneivill, and not to be allowed by the Law of nations. The effects followed this resolution, with such an obstinacy of the Countries, Cities & Noble men, which were charged by this treaty to yield, as they protest freely to Ch●rles, that they will willingly spend, goods & lives, rather than fall into the king of England's hands▪ & contrariwise, would employ all their means to live under the subjection of the king of Fra●ce. This faithful constancy of the interessed subjects, must needs be pleasing unto Charles: 1366. but to that he himself had made this treaty; his honour was greatly engaged the which he must 〈◊〉 by good and available reasons: and make it known unto all Europe who ha● their eyes fixed upon these two Princes, playing their parts upon so famous a Theatre. 〈◊〉 complains by a solemn embassage to the Emperor Charles the fourth▪ 〈…〉 the pains to come into France, The Emperor se●kes to reconcile thei● two Kings. with an intent to employ his authority and 〈◊〉 to reconcile these two Princes▪ but it was in vain. The cause of this fruitless 〈◊〉 proceeded from Edward, being resolute to have his part tried by arms, being 〈…〉 by his victorious success in the former reigns. Ch●rles ●ad always protested to observe the treaty of ●retigny inviolable. But having 〈◊〉 the general resolution of the States, and of the countries and Noblemen 〈◊〉 b● the said treaty, he resolves to protect them: and having excused himself both to the Emperor and foreign Princes▪ by a public declaration, he sends a Gentle●●● 〈◊〉 B●●uss● called Chapponeau, to the Prince of Wales being at Bourdeaux, summoning 〈◊〉 to appear before him at Paris, C●arl●s proclaims wa●●e against the Kin● of E●●●l●nd. at the instance of the Nobility and commons of 〈◊〉 complaining of him. He also sent a Herald to the King of England, to proclaim w●rr● against him. The Earl of Armagnac, the Lord of Albret (who had newly married 〈…〉 Bo●rbon, and by this alliance was become French) the Earls of Perigort, Comin●● and Carma●: the Lords of bard, Condon, Pincornet, Pardaillan and Agenois, began 〈…〉 against the King of England, followed by all those Provinces, protesting 〈◊〉 the crown of France. At 〈◊〉 example all the Towns of the County of Ponthieure, yielded to Guy Earl of 〈◊〉 and to 〈◊〉 of Chastillon Master of the Crossbows. Then the King's armies march 〈◊〉 parts▪ under the commands of the Dukes of Anjou and Berry▪ & the Constable 〈◊〉 to whose wisdom, (& especially to the Chancellor Dourmans, The success o● the Fr●n●● army in Gehenne. ) they attribute the obedience of the people of Guienne, discreetly practised by them▪ Lymoges and 〈◊〉 yield at the sight of the King's army. Carl●●▪ Bergerac, S. Severe, and in the end Rochel by siege, and by the success of these Cities (reduced to the King's obedience by force) 〈◊〉 A●gely, Angoulesme▪ Xaintes, Fontenay, Parthenay, and many other Towns obey voluntarily. The fortresses of Mortaigne, Lusignan and S●nzay, are added to this conquest a●d in the end Tours stretcheth forth her hands to the King, and shakes off the 〈…〉. Whilst that the King's army performed these happy exploits in Guienne: the Pr●nce of Wales (a hardy and generous warrior) to turn aside this deluge, the which he 〈…〉 upon the country of Bourdeaux) resolves to enter by another quarter, The exploits of the Prince of Wales which 〈…〉 en●mie) should be found without defence. Hau●ng made a flying camp of 〈…〉 well armed, he slips into Auvergne, from thence into Bour●onois & Berry, w●●re hau●ng refreshed his troops some days, ●e passeth into Forest, and gathering together the 〈◊〉 upon the river of Loire, he passeth over at Morsigny of Nuns, & so crossing 〈◊〉, he comes into Bourgongne, where finding all desert, without victuals, all 〈…〉 into walled Towns, by the care of Philip the King's brother; he marcheth into 〈◊〉, and from thence into Gastinois▪ in the end he stays before Espernan, with an army of twenty thousand men, which terrifies the whole country, and takes the Town easily, being not relieved. Ch●rles recalls his army out of Guienne, giving the Constable 〈◊〉 commission to 〈…〉: the which he executes so happily, as all th●s cloud was presently 〈…〉 as the Prince of Wales could hardly retire himself to Bourdeaux, not laden with 〈◊〉 as in former times, but with shame and loss. This was the success of the first passage the English made through France. But what is become of our N●uarrois? we have observed how he made his peace with K. john, The Nauarr●is doth practice under hand against Char●es. when as he returned from prison. He thence retired himself quietly into his realm of Navarre, 〈◊〉 his jealousy, and watching all opportunities to cross the affairs of Charles, 〈◊〉 spared him with so great respect. The nearness of Bourdeaux was a fit means for 〈…〉 continue his practices with the English underhand: although by means of the Queen's▪ he entertained a show of friendship with Charles his brother in law. Castille ministered matter of employment for our warriors, with a very notable success. Peter King of Castille, The subject of war in Castille. son to Alphonsus, (making great profession of love to the French) married Blanch the daughter of Peter duke of Bourbon, and sister to joane the wife of our Charles the wise, and so brother in law to the King. Whilst the castilian loved his wife, the alliance and friendship of our King, was his greatest honour: but abandoning himself to a strumpet named Padille, he forsook all duty to his wife, left France, and linked himself with the English, Peter King of Castille murders his own wife. against his sworn faith to his allies. To this treachery he adds the murder of his wife, and a cruel tyranny against his subjects. These execrable proceed procured the wrath of God against him, with the hatred both of great and small, which drew him headlong to his ruin. Alphonsus' his father making him his heir and successor of his realm of Castille, had bequeathed a legacy by testament to Henry his bastard son, a virtuous man, that is to say, as lawful by his virtue, as Peter was grown degenerate by his vices; and as greatly beloved of the people, as Peter was hated in general, by reason of his abominable life. He spoilt Henry his brother of this legacy, the which his father had left him; but thinking to take from another, he lost his own▪ for Henry (thus ill entreated) flies to Pope Vrban the 5. resident at avignon, beseeching him to use his authority by admonitions to his brother, advising him to restore that which his father had given him. Vrban inclining to his just request, cities them both to appear before the consistory, Charles sends an army into Castille against the King being a murderer and a tyrant. to draw them to their duties; Peter not only refuseth to obey the Pope, but doth outrage to his Nuncio. Henry thus repulsed, repairs to Charles, by the means of Peter of Bourbon, brother to the Queen of Castille, whom her husband Peter had murdered. The indignity of this fact procured Henry great succours from King Charles, even at such a time as he wanted work for his men of war. The command of this army was given to Peter of Bourbon a Prince of the blood, with the council and direction of the Constable Gues●lin, who also ba●e the name▪ as he took the greatest pains. The army is levied in Languedoc by the king's command, & the exceeding care of the Duke of Berry, The Castilians revolt against Peter and expel him. governor of that country, to the incredible joy of many voluntaries, who went cheerfully to so just a war: the success was both happy & speedy; suddenly as the French army appeared for the succour of Henry, all the castilians revolt against Peter, who (with great difficulty) saves himself with his concubine, and three daughters he had by her, and one only servant, carrying nothing with him but a little ready money, and the miseri● of a dispossessed Prince. This his calamity did first move the Prince of Wales to compassion, & then his father Edward commanding his son to secure him with all his forces; The King of England succours Pe●er & restores him. the which he perfomed speedily with a goodly army, meaning to cross the designs of our Charles: But (oh the patience of God, which gives a sinner so long a time of repentance, that in the end (without any excuse) he might pay both the principal and interest▪) the success of this English army was such in favour of Peter of Castille, The French defeated in Castille by the English. that having vanquished the French army, by a notable defeat of four & twenty thousand men; taken Gu●s●lin the Constable, Arno●l of Andreghen Marshal of France, and many other great men prisoners; Peter was restored to the possession of his realm, and Henry dispossessed: who escaped hardly in this great danger, & retires himself into Languedoc, to john duke of Berry the King's brother, and governor of that country. But after this gracious assistance of God's mercy, his justice must take place, as it did against Peter by this means. Hen●y being courteously received by the Pope & the duke of Berry, and the Constable of Gu●selin set at liberty with all his companions, having paid their ransoms to the Prince of Wales, he recovers a second aid by the bounty of our wise Charles, and the diligence of the duke of Berry, to attempt a new the recovery of the realm of Castille. The Constable Gues●lin was appointed to this charge, to withstand the first check, if it were possible. The event answered the project, and by an admirable means, the which ruined Peter through his own folly. This tyrant (grown proud by the wishful success of the English forces) makes no regard to satisfy the Prince of Wales for the charges of this war (although the success were for his good, but busying himself to take revenge of such as had risen against 〈◊〉, he contemned such as had succoured him: yea treading all piety under foot, he allied himself with the King of Belle-marine a Saracen, and marrying his daughter) he abjured the Christian Religion; holding the neighbourhood of so mighty a King, Peter forsaker● by the English is taken prisoner. to be more certain and profitable, than all the forces of England. But it fell out contrary to his conceit, for Henry assisted by the constable Gues●lin and the French forces, having won five battles against Peter, in the end he was quite defeated and taken prisoner. Having him in his power, Peter King of Castille beheaded. at the Castilians su●e (wonderfully incensed against this Tyrant) he caused his head to be cut off, reaping the fruits of his impiety, the which made him to forsake the true religion: of his vanity, trusting to a rotten plank, with the loss of his conscience, and of his exceeding cruelty, having murdered his wife, tiranised over his subjects, and spoiled his brother of his estate against all right. An excellent lesson for all men, especially for great Princes, not to dally with God, who punisheth heinous crimes with heinous punishments▪ even in this life, attending the everlasting pain in the life to come. Charles King of Navarre was much perplexed, seeing himself betwixt two armies, for desiring to be a neuter and to please both, he knew not how to govern himself. He seeks to entertain both Charles and Edward, although he were more engaged to the English, and could not well trust his brother in law, having greatly offended him. The King of Navarres dissembling. So he lets the English army to pass through his dominions when it marched into Castille, to succour Peter, and suffered himself to be taken prisoner by Oliver of Mauny a Gentleman of Britain who led him into Castille to make the English think he had been forced, and the French, that he did willingly employ himself for them being in their troops. A miserable hypocrisy, which of a master makes himself a slave, who might have been one of the chief of the army, without this wretched dissembling. The good and wise King, taught by the example of his father john, that an Eel is lost by overgriping it, desired only to pacify his brother in law, although he were well acquainted with his bad disposition, and the practices he continued with England. So he gave him a safe conduct to come unto him, and restored unto him Nantes and Meulan, and the free possession of his lands in Normandy. but this prince fraught with malice, could not be reclaimed, neither by the King's prosperity, no● by his clemency, for (not trusting him) he retires to his realm of Navarre, where he continues his old practices with the English: Th● 〈…〉 King Charles. he helps the Britton with men out of Normandy, and attempted against the King's person, seeking to poison him by jaquet Rue and Peter of Tertre, his domestical servants: who were executed, and the Navarrois places seized on, as guilty of high treason. Thus Charles was forced to fight against his own blood, and to have the malice of his kinsmen and allies. No small combat for a great Prince. We have discoursed at large of the valour and happy success both of Edward the 3. King of England, and of Edward his son Prince of Wales. But as human things are not durable, so there chanced a great accident upon his return from the war of Castille, which brought them both to the grave. The Prince of Wales finding himself threatened with a d●opsey, passed from Bourdeaux into England, to take the air of his native country, but he died soon after his arrival, the 46. year of his age. A Prince of great hope, not only lamented of his friends but commended of his enemies. Edward the father, The death of both Edward's seeing his right arm as it were cut off, died for grief: leaving Richard the son of his son Edward in his place, who was received (without any question made by his uncles) as the first by right of succession. Richard (not to degenerate from the example of his grandfather and father, The English second passage through France. being crowned King) undertakes a war in France: whether he sends a goodly army under the command of the Duke of Clarence his uncle, who (having landed at Calais) passeth the River of Somme, at Clery near unto Peronne, & bending towards Soisson, he crosseth the River of Oise & Ain. Then marching towards chaalon's he passeth Marne, and showing himself before Troy's in Champagne, he spoils the country, and so goeth over Seine betwixt Villeneufue and Sousey, and bending towards Beausse and Gastinois he crosseth into Britain, there 〈◊〉 the war in favour of john of Montport spoiling the country with a strange desolation. On the other side there lands an other army at Bourdeaux, the which having entered the country, fortified such places as held for the English, to nourish the seeds of this new war. 1380 In the country of Gevaudan (a diocese in that large Province of Languedoc) there was a Castle near to mand named random, whereas the English maintained a strong garnison, a retreat for thieves, which did infinite harm in the country. The country having sued unto the King, to free them of this encumbrance, he granted them Gues●lin the Constable, a man of great reputation, but the army should be defrayed at their charges. He comes into Languedoc 〈◊〉 random, and brings them to the last extremity▪ but as the besieged (not able to hold out) were entered into composition, behold the Constable (sick to the death) yield up the ghost. At the same instant the place was yielded unto the King▪ so a● in sign that the honour of this prize was due to Gues●lin, the Captains carried the keys of the castle upon his hearse. The death of the Constable 〈◊〉, Thus died 〈◊〉 leaving an honourable testimony of his valour and loyalty: and to Charles an 〈◊〉 sorrow for his death, who honoured him with a notable obsequy, causing his body to be interred with the Kings at S. Denis: & at the foot of his own tomb was that of Gues●lin, with a burning Lamp maintained by foundation, called The Lamp of Gu●selin unto this day. King Charles had given all Bourgogne to his brother Philip for his portion, according to the will of his father john as we have said, and had married him with Margueret the rich heir of Flanders. Being in possession of Bourgogne, there happened another occasion in Flanders, which won him great credit with those people, whom he should command after the death of Lewis his father in law, who was yet living. The Inhabitants of Gand, a mutinous people by nature, who never want matter to mutiny, Troubles in Flanders pacified by P●ilip. had then a great discontent, both against their Earl in general, (by reason of some new impositions) and against them of Bruges in particular (jealous to see them in so great favour with their Prince) by reason of a Channel which they had drawn from the river of Lis, for the commodity of their country. which River crossing the river of Gand, the Gantois supposed it was all theirs in proper: so as none might use it without their liking. This jealousy grew so great, that this great city (as big with their wayward and contentious humours, as it was populous and rich) being thus moved, resolves to make show thereof: and in this fury they make a League, and choose a head, bearing a mark or token of their faction, and from words they go to blows. One called Leon (a bold practiser of popular seditions) was found fit to be the Ringleader of this tumult: their mark was a white cap, for all the troop. These Ga●tois gather together, they hinder the work of this channel, and the gathering of the custom, being the cause of this quarrel: they kill Collectors and receivers, and in the end the governor of the city called Roger, who being there for the Earl, laboured to teach them their duties. Their fury exceeded so far, as they spoil the Earl's Palace, fire it, and in their rage pull it down to the ground. They run in great troops to other towns, to draw them to their league. They besiege 〈◊〉, held by the Earl's men, crying in all places, Liberty, as having a meaning to change their Lord, and then to seize upon Flanders. This cruel disorder amazed the Earl, when as behold Philip Duke of Bourgogne, his son in law, flies unto him to quench this fire: and as men admire rather the Sun rising then sitting, and that the name of the house of France, and the greatness of his goodly portion gave him great authority: so it chanced that he pacified this rebellion, to the content both of the Earl and cities, taking a happy possession of this great inheritance, by a famous and profitable occasion. But Flanders alone was not subject to these mad mutinies: for those of Montpellier, newly reduced to the obedience of our King, Sedition at Montpel●ier. grew into so great a fury, as they slew james Pontel a Knight of the order, and Chancellor to john Duke of Berry, Governor of the Country, Guy of Scery Sen●shal of Rovergue, Arnauld of Montelaur Governor of the said city, and other officers of the Kings and Dukes, to the number of four score, and cast their bodies into a well. As the outrage was odious, so the punishment was memorable. The Duke of Berry, comes with forces, assisted by the whole Province, detesting so ●oule an insolency, so as the Inhabitants (calling to mind their audacious frenzy,) resolve to submit themselves to punishment, and not to stand desperately against force. The Consuls of the City having halters about their necks and torn clothes, The Duke of Berry comes to Montpellier, to punish the seditions. the keys of the city in one hand, and a red cap (the mark of their office) in the other, met with the Duke their governor being followed by the Clergy (carrying a cross) all crying for mercy, and weeping with a lamentable noise. In this mournful sort the Duke enters the city gates, being without any guard, he finds the streets full of poor and desolate people, upon their knees, men and women, old and young, crying for mercy, and redoubling their pitiful cries, as witnesses of their repentance. Then the Duke commands, they should presently bring all their arms into one place near unto his lodging, placing a guard at the gates and upon the walls. The next day, he caused a scaffold to be made in the market place. where having sharply rebuked the people for their rebellion, he pronounced a sentence in the King's name, whereby he declares: That all their privileges were taken from them, their Consulship, Town house, The sentence pronounced against them of Montpellier. common Arches, university, their Bells, Saltpannes, and all jurisdictions of the city, either of sovereign courts, or of the commonalty: six hundred Inhabitants to be chosen at adventure, condemned to die, that is, two hundred to lose their heads, two hundred to be hanged, & two hundred burnt, their children declared infamous and slaves for ever, & their goods confiscate. The commonalty should pay six score thousand franks of gold, and the charges of the Duke's voyage, and his armies. The Consuls with certain counsellors that were named, should draw the bodies of such as had been massacred out of the well, and bury them. A Chapel should be built for their obsequies. With the same Bell which did sound the alarm. The gates and city walls should be beaten down, and their arms burnt publicly. This was their doom: but it was moderated at the intercession of Pope Clement, The sentence moderated. then resident in avignon, by the means of Cardinal de la Lune. The same was qualified, the privileges restored, the gates and walls preserved: but the Aurhors of this sedition were put to death, that the rest of the Inhabitants might live in safety. A notable precedent for subjects to suppress their fury, even when they think to have a just cause of complaint, feeling themselves surcharged or otherwise grieved. considering the errors are sooner committed, then repaired. And for commanders, that it is a dangerous resolution to let lose the rains to a mad multitude, which augments the mischief, supposing to cure it. Queen joane wife to our wise Charles, daughter to Peter of Bourbon, dies about this time, Queen joane dies. to the great grief of her husband, to whom she left two sons, Charles & Lewis, both very young: for Charles was borne the 3. of December 1371. and was carried to the Font by Charles of Montmorency, and baptized by Dourmans Bishop of Beawois, and Chancellor of France. Lewis was Duke of Orleans. She le●t him also one daughter, Isabella, married afterwards to Richard King of England. Necessary observations for the course of our history. Her children. This good Prince after his wives death, was nothing healthful, so as broken with poison the which had much weakened him, & with the tedious toils of his youth more than with age, he decayed daily, and he himself perceived it, so as feeling the end of his life to approach, remembering what troubles he had passed, during the mournful imprisonment of his Father, by the contempt used of his young age, lest the like should happen to his son Charles, under colour of his minority governed by tutors, he decreed in a general assembly of the States, by a law, and an irrevocable Edict, That after the decease of the king of France, his eldest son should succeed him presently, and at the age of 14. years▪ should be declared capable to govern the estate alone, & be freed from Tutors. But (oh the weakness of man's wisdom) he did not foresee that his son should be ill governed by his Tutors in his minority, that the age of 14. should not free him from Tutors: and that even his son coming to man's estate, should give more scope to the ambition of his own uncles (more worthily to be called murderers, than tutors) than his weakest youth had done. He had a Fistula in one arm, by the which those ill humours were drawn away, which grew by poison, and gave him great ease when it did run. It chanced this Fistula stopped, and then his malady increased much. Charles (resolving by this sharp alarm, to go the common way of all flesh) calls for his three brethren, Lewis, john, and Philip: and having recommended his children and subjects unto them, he gives them particular advise, for the government of the Realm. lea●ing the custody of his son, and the Regency of the Realm unto them. He died the 16. of September .1380. in the Castle of Beauty, seated upon the River of Marne. He commanded that Oliver of Clisson should be Constable, having commended his fidelity and sufficiency, and that they should carefully preserve the amity of Germany. Thus died Charles the wise, wonderfully beloved and lamented of his subjects, leaving his Realm in good estate, Charles dies. after so horrible a desolation. And although the confusions passed had wonderfully impoverished the subjects, and wasted the King's treasure, (neither was his reign free from war) yet did he leave the Provinces of his Realm very wealthy and an infinite tresor in his coffers: although he had built the Lowre, S. German in Say, Montargis, Creill, the Celestures and some other Churches. Of such power is good husbandry in this realm, as in riches it yields not to the treasures of Peru, not in ●e●tility to any country under heaven, to subsist amidst so many storms, and to be presently restored by good husbandry. An example for Princes to imitate, and not to despair in like confusions, but to hope for all that may be wished for in the restoring of an estate, by pa●ience and dexterity, virtues proper to our wise Charles. A Prince so much the more praise worthy, having preserved this Estate, when it seemed lost, His disposition. religious, wise, modest, patiented, stirring and stayed, when need required, able to entertain every man according to his humour: having by these virtues won a great reputation, both within and without the Realm, and honourable to his posterity; as he to have saved France from shipwreck. He loved learning and learned men: Nicholas Oresme was his schoolmaster: whom he honoured with great preferments. He caused the bible to be translated into French, imitating S. Lewis. I have seen the original in the King's lodging at the Lowre, signed by King Charles and his Brother the Duke of Berry. A goodly observation of the ancient simplicity of those royal characters. I have likewise seen a Manuscript of the translation made by the commandment of S. Lewis. He delighted in the reading of the holy Sc●iptu●e & Philosophy▪ having likewise caused the E●hic●s and Politics of Aristotle, with many books of Tully, to be translated into French. The fau●ut he showed to learned men, stirred up many good wits, who began to draw the Muses from their graves, both in France and Italy The History doth particularly note, that he did often v●sit his Co●rt of Parliament and his chamber of accounts: gave audience unto suitors, read their petitions, and heard the●r complaints and reasons▪ employing some days of the week, even in his greatest affairs, to do those fatherly and royal works of justice. He took grea● delight to advance his household servants, giving them means secretly (and without the privity of any) to instruct their sons, and to mar●ie their daughters. A testimon●e of a good conscience, and of a wise man. This bond of loyalty could have no better foundation, then in transporting it from the Father to the son: nor alms be better employed then from the master to the servant. Royal virtues and worthy of eternal memory. But alas, what shallbe the success of this bounty and wisdom? The reign o● his son Charles sh●lbe most miserable, 〈◊〉 hath done the part of a good Brother, of a good master, a good Father and a good 〈◊〉 but God the Sovereign of Kings, had limited the events of his cares. To ●each us 〈◊〉 a notable example: That unless the Lord build the house the work men labour but ●n vain: if the Lord keep not the city, the watchman watc●eth but in vain,) for an eternal maxim of government and state▪ Considerations worthy to be observed by Princes. Whosoever glories, let him glory in the Lord. But virtues are no● her●d●●ie john not very wise▪ begat Charles a wise and happy Prince, and he begets a frantic man, unhappy both in youth and age. We may on the other side oppose other considerations very disputable. Profit advised him to marry the heir of Flanders, not only to pacify that country, but also to enlarge his own dominions, adding thereunto that great and rich estate of Flanders, from whence so many mischiefs have sprung to France, but his delight made him prefer the fair before the rich. Moreover the rules of State did not permit him so to advance his brother, making him in a manner equal to himself in power, the which must needs be the cause of many inconveniences, as it after happened. The cause of his brother Philip Duke of Bourgongne, is ordered by the same rule, for who can with reason mislike that Charles gives a portion to his brother by his father's will; and that in the rich marriage of a Prince his vassal, and of a near estate (whereby his realm was daily annoyed) he prefers his brother before his capital enemy? But God had reserved the honour to himself. Bourgongne since Robert, the Grandchild of Hugh Capet, had been successively in the power of Princes, who had always done faithful service to the crown, and now it shallbe a scourge unto it: yet in the end it shallbe united unto the crown again and taken from such as had abused it. Experience doth teach that in matters of State, the end is not always answerable to the beginning, nor the success to the desseine, to the end that Princes may depend of him who is greater than themselves who hath made them, and can mar them: & without whom they cannot do any thing. Behold the life, death, race, reign and manners of Charles the 5. called the wise. But before we enter into the troublesome reign of Charles the 6. The Estate of the empire. Let us observe the estate of the Empire and of the Church. We have said that Charles the son of john King of Bohemia had been chosen Emperor, and called Charles the 4. He held the Empire 32. years, beginning in the year 1350. So the reigns of john and Charles his son are contained in this Empire, for he died in the year 1●78. Before his death he provided that Wencesl●s his son should succeed him in the Imperial dignity. At the first he married Blanch Countess of Valois, daughter to Charles Earl of Valois, and sister to Philip of Valois King of France, being very young, (for she was but seven years old when she was betrothed unto him) he had been bred up in the Court of France, and learned the French humours: he loved our crown better than our Laws. A Prince wholly inclined to his own particular: making show to love our Kings, but underhand he supported their enemies against them. Th●s was the principal reason why his coming into France proved fruitless, after so long a voyage and so great expenses, ministering a sufficient cause of jealousy to our Charles, who gave him the best entertainment he could, to make him known, that the sovereignty which he pretended to have over France was but a dream. Yet he suffered the Country of Daulphiné (which they called the Empire) as a member of the ancient Realm of Arles) to be wholly enfranchised from that subjection, to cut of all pretensions from his successors, embracing the commodity to settle his affairs even by their means who he knew were not his friends. This Emperor Charles the 4. did all he could both in Italy and Germany, to apply unto himself the ●ights of the Empire, being wholly inclined to his own profit, The emperors disposition. for the which he used the name of justice & good order, being more learned in law, then in doing right, and having more knowledge than conscience. It is he which made the Golden Bull, both to rule the Election of the Emperor, and the rights and dignity of the Empire. The former confusions of the Empire had so dispensed all private governors of countries and cities, as every one played the Emperor in his government. These tyrannical disorders were the cause of the Cantons, in Suisserland, Original of the Cantons in Suisserland. who since have established a goodly commonweal, consisting of thirteen Cantons, who maintain themselves with great order and force, having the amity and alliance of the neighbour monarches, and an honourable place among the Estates of Christendom unto this day. Their particular history, belongs not to our subject, it sufficeth to have noted their beginning, and the occasion of their common weal, newly erected in the disorders of that age. The church of Rome was in very poor estate, first by the continual factions of the Guelphs & ●helins and of itself by a distraction bred by an open schism, having two Popes, Estate of the Church. two cha●es, two seas: and a deadly hatred, the which troubled all the Kings & princes of chris●endome, some defending the Pope, others the Antipope as his opposite. We have said that in the reign of Philip of Valois the Pontifical Sea was translated from Rome to avignon, where it continued about 70. years, Clement 6. having bought this city for his successors, being a pleasant and fruitful seat. These quarrels (continued with such violent passions) had tired men's minds like as a long process doth wea●y the most obstinate pleaders. The Pope's being absent from Rome, governed the estate of Italy by three Cardinals their Legates, but all went to ruin. Gregory 5. a Limosin, being chosen Pope at avignon, went to Rome to redress these confusions, wherein there was small help. Being received with an incredible joy of the Romans, Division at Rome for the Election of a new Pope. and of all Italy, he returns no more to avignon, but passeth the rest of his days at Rome. After his death the people with all vehemency require a Roman borne, or an Italian for Pope: but there was some difficulty in the election, for the College consisted, for the most part of French Cardinals, who desired to have one of their own nation. They were much divided: but the Cardinals (fearing the people's fury, armed with an intent to murder them if they did not choose one of their nation) yielded to the election of a Neapolitan, named Bartholomew, who was received and proclaimed by the name of V●ban the sixth. But within few days after, the Malcontents retired from Rome (under colour to fly the plague) to Fundy, a town in the Realm of Naples (of the French faction, by means of Queen joane, An Antipope chosen. when they did choose Clement the 7. a Limosin, who retired to avignon, and was opposite to Vrban the 6. with open deffyance one of an other: which schism continued until the Counsel of Co●stance, each Pope with his faction. Clement had for him the Kings of France, Cas●ile, and Scotland. Vrban had the Emperor, the Kings of England and Hungary▪ Clement held his seat at avignon, and urban at Rome. In those days lived Bartholl, Baldus, Petrarch, Boccatio Planudes a Greek by nation, Bonaventure, and john Wicli●e. These hurly-burlies touched the hearts, & opened the mouths of many good men, wonderfully grieved to see such division in the Church, apparently grown by the ambition of such as had greatest authority in the same. Their writings lie open to their reasonable complaints, which every one may read, without any further discourse. CHARLES the sixth, 53. King of France. CHARLES. VI KING OF FRANCE .53. portrait AS it is necessary to have some direction to pass through a Labyrinth; so this crooked reign hath need of some order to guide us, 1380. in the disorder of so many obscure confusions, Necessary observations for the understanding of this reign. which we are to represent. I will first observe the most famous acts and worthiest personages of this reign, and then will I distinguish the subject according to the occurrents. This miserable reign continued 42. years, beginning in the year 1380. and ending in the year 1422. The several dates. Charles the 6. succeeded h●● father Charles the 5. at the age of 12. years (being borne in the year 1368.) he was crowned in the year 80. married in 84. dismissed his Tutors to reign alone in 87. falls 〈◊〉 a frenzy in 93. and dies in the year 1422. So being under age with his Tutors, and of age in perfect sense, he reigned 13. years, and lived in his frenzy 29. years. Who sees no● then the just calculation of 42. years in this reign▪ Ch●rles the 5. his father, had three brethren: Lewis Duke of Anjou, john Duke of Berry, and Philip Duke of Bourgogne. Queen joane, daughter to Peter Duke of Bourbon, The King's Uncles. wife to C●arles the fift, and mother to Charles the sixth, had one brother, james Duke of Bourbon. Th●se four uncles shall play their parts upon this stage in divers occurrents; but let us add ●he rest, every one shall have his turn▪ We have said, that Charles the wise left two sons; this Charles the 6. whose reign we now defer be, and Lewis Duke of Orleans. And our Charles had three sons, Lewis, john and Charles: and one daughter named Katherine, all by Elizabeth of Baviere, Charles unworthily married. one of the chief fire brands of this Tragedy: an outrageous woman, an unnatural mother, and altogether unworthy of this crown. These three sons were Daulphins one after another in their father's life: but Charles succeeded him, notwithstanding all crosses and difficulties: and Katherine his sister was married to Henry the 5. King of England: a mournful gage of a horrible confusion for this Realm. But alas, how many cruel acts of ambition, vanity, and treachery of such as held the helm of this estate, being either royal persons, or settled in the highest dignities? How many changes and revolutions of these froward humours, daring any thing under the liberty of this reign: the King being either a child, or sick, and always weak and unable to govern so great a charge? Strange ●uents. In the first Scene of this Tragedy, we shall see the Uncles of this young King in division one against another. Lewis Duke of Anjou (declared Regent, as first Prince of the blood) is crossed by his brethren, the Dukes of Berry and Bourgogne, and he abuseth his authority imperiously. Lewis Duke of Anjou being dead, Lewis Duke of Orleans, brother to King Charles the sixth shall take his place, as the first Prince, and shall fall to quarrel with Philip the Hardy, duke of Bourgogne, his Uncle, who dying, shall leave john his son successor of his jealousy, against Lewis Duke of Orleans his cousin. john shall exceed all humanity, and kill him; but the hatred shall not die, being transplanted into Charles Duke of Orleans, son to Lewis massacred, the which shall breed infinite troubles. The Daulphins shall play their parts, sometimes friends, and sometimes enemies one to another. john who had murdered Lewis of Orleans, shall be slain by Charles the Dauphin, who shall be King: but from john shall spring another Philip of Bourgongne, who shall kindle a new fire, to be revenged of his father's death. The Stranger is engaged in these civil wars: women augment it by their furies. On the one side Valentine Duchess of Orleans: on the other Isabel Queen of France. The Constables of Clisson and Armagnac are likewise drawn in: and the subject grows licentious in these disorders. Passion prevails with such fury, as the mother forgets the birth of her own womb, and so abuseth her authority, as she dares attempt (against the fundamental law of state) to give the realm to a Stranger, who was crowned, and proclaimed King in the heart of France, by her boldness. These be the contents of this wretched reign, with these two parcels distinctly to be observed; the King's Minority, and his majority, and thereby we shall divide our whole discourse. THE MINORITY OF KING Charles the sixth. From the year 1380. When as Charles received the Crown by the decease of his Father, unto the year 87. that he dismissed his Uncles, to rule alone with absolute authority. THe general estates assemble at Paris, 1380. presently after the death of Charles, called the Wise, to provide for the government of the King and realm, and to avoid all apparent jealousy betwixt the King's Uncles, they decree, That according to the declaration made by their good King deceased, Charles his son should be anointed and crowned King, and that until he were of competent age to govern so great an estate, Lewis Duke of Anjou, (as eldest of the house of France, and so the first Prince of the blood) should be Regent, Lewis of Anjou Regent. and have the authority of Council and royal command. And likewise by virtue of King Charles his will, Clisson Constable. Oliver of Clisson (a brave and valiant Knight borne in Brittany) was made Constable of France. Oliver of Clisson took possession of his charge, preparing for the King's Coronation: And the Duke of Anjou receiving the King's treasure, which they say was eighteen hundred thousand Crowns. A very great sum for those times, and after so wretched a ●eason. He forced Savoisy the head Treasurer, to deliver those sums into his hands, and by this excess laid the ground of a great presumption which followed. Charles is anointed at Rhe●ms, and Crowned after the custom of France, the 25. of October, in the year 1380. in a solemn assembly of his Princes of the blood, A controversy for precedence betwixt the Kings Vncle● at his coronation. Princes allied, and Officers of this Crown. The Dukes of Anjou, Be●ry, and Bougrongne the King's Uncles, Wencelin Duke of Brabant, the Dukes of Lorraine and bar, the Earls of Savoy, of March and Eu (friends and confederates to our Kings) did assist. At this solemnity there was some question for place, whether should take it: the Duke of Anjou as Regent of the Realm, or the Duke of Bourgongne as first Peer of France and Deane of the Peers: distinguishing the degrees according to their qualities, to whom the order was given. The King to crown his instalment by some notable act, took upon him to decide this controversy, and decreed: That for as much as at the Kings anointing▪ the Peers of France ought to hold the first rank, in all ceremonies the Duke of Bourgongne as the first Peer s●ould take place of the Duke of Anjou: And so Philip was preferred before his elder brother, continuing the possession of the name of hardy, the which he purchased in defending his father john so stoutly at the battle of Poitiers. But he increased this name of Hardy too much in his carriage, leaving it hereditary to his children▪ converting this stoutness into an imperious presumption, which b●ed a huge deluge of miseries to the great prejudice of the whole realm. The day after the coronation, the States beseech the Regent to provide for the relief of the poor people, whose burden was too heavy for the great arrearages they were to pay of debts grown in former reigns, and the rather for that there was no war which imposed the necessity of so great a charge. The Regent did not yield thereunto, Tumults in France. but continued these levies of money more and more, which was the occasion of tumults in divers Provinces of France, as if this popular humour had been like unto a pestilent fever, or an infectious disease. Flanders likewise kindled great fires upon sundry occasions, which were quenched with much trouble, after memorable combustions. Flanders shall embark first in this misfortune, and shall come last to land, not without danger by strange accidents. To teach Princes, how far they should press their subjects. And for subjects, with what respect they should reverence their Superiors, in seeking out remedies for their afflictions; for in the end (amidst all these tumults) the victors weep and lament in the ruin and notable loss and overthrow of the vanquished. Flanders. We have said, that Philip Duke of Bourgongne, made a composition for the Gantois, with the Earl of Flanders his father in law. But this accord lasted not long: for the Earl disdaining the indignities he had digested, during the sedition, could not forget them: but under feigned quarrels (to the end they should have no cause of complaint, as breaking the accord (he pincheth some, The Earl of Flanders seeks revenge of his subjects. and ruins others: and for that the Gantois stood upon their guard, not suffering the Earl's men to attempt any thing within their City, he made a search in the City of Bruges, (where he commanded absolutely) for such as had been of the faction of White Caps, where he executed above five hundred. This execution kindled a new fire: Gand falls to arms, and Ypre follows; to whose secure the Gantois send three thousand men. The Earl being the stronger, cuts them in pieces betwixt Courtray and Pourprigny, The Flemings ●●ke arms. as they march: Ypre yields unto him; being entered the Town, he cuts off seven hundred of the chiefest men's heads: and then without any stay, he marcheth to Gand, and beseegeth it. But his forces were too small in regard of that great and spacious City, so as having employed all his means, they had still the liberty of four gates. The Gantois loath to be shut up, and to endure the discommodities of a siege, having a wonderful advantage by the numbers of their people, resolves to provide well for the guard of the City, and then to draw forth a good troop to spoil the Country, and to force some of the Earls places, thereby to make a diversion of the siege. They go to field with six thousand choice men, under the command of john de Launoy one of their Tribunes. They take and burn Tenremonde and Gramont, towns belonging to the Earl, committing infinite spoils in the country. The Gantois go to field with an army and are defeated. The Earl leaves the siege, and marcheth away with an intent to fight with them. He finds them near to Nivelle, chargeth them, defeats them and puts them to flight. They recover the gates of Nivelle, and the Earl enters with them pell mel: some of them (led by Launoy) recover the fort of the Town: the Earl besiegeth them, and causeth many ●agots and Bavins to be brought about this Tower, and to be set on fire. All these poor wretches are burnt, making most horrible cries. This Tribune entreateth, that they might be received to ransom, and showing his purse, but receiving no answer from them, but scorns and mocks, he casts himself from the top of the Tower upon their Halberds and Pikes, Many of th● burnt in a Tower. and so he dies very valiantly. This sight was horrible, and truly unworthy of a Lord displeased with his subjects, and yet he continued it with a new slaughter of this poor people, who being amazed with this great defeat, had neither feet to run, nor hands to defend themselves. All are put to the sword, A cruel execution of a Lord against his subjects. so as of six thousand, there hardly escape three hundred. But the Gantois shall soon have their revenge. At the bru●e hereof, they were as much amazed, as the Earl was puffed up with pride to pursu●e his victory, being in so ready a way for the execution and pursue thereof. In this disorder, the Gantois choose another head, Philip of Arteville, son to james of Arteville, (who (as we said) was slain by the people,) who adviseth them to humble themselves unto their Earl, and to crave pardon. They are resolved, having necessity for their chief councillor, The Gantois 〈◊〉 for mercy. praying and beseeching their Earl, To have pity of the blood of his subjects, who submitted their lives and goods to his mercy, to dispose at his pleasure, either in pardoning them, or suffering them to departed, in abandoning their native Country, as a perpetual banishment, that it would please him only to grant them their lives. The Earl was greatly incensed against them, and in such a choler, as they could receive no other answer. But that all sorts within the City, The Earl makes the Gantois desperate. men and women above the age of f●●eteene years▪ should barefeets and bareheaded submit themselves to his mercy, and being in this estate he would advise what to do. The people of Gand seeing him transported with wrath, and no means to pacify it. They resolve (by the advice of Philip of Arteville, their leader, in this extreme necessity) to hazard all, and not to hope for any safety but in despair, being the least of two mischiefs, to die courageously, for the liberty of their country, and defending themselves against the unjust violence of so inexorable a man: then having seen their wives and daughters deflowered, they should either survive their infamy, or be slain and massacred without any defence, like Dogs, at the mercy of so cruel an enemy. The event, or rather GOD the protector of the afflicted, The Gantois desperate resolution. favoured this courageous resolution. For the effecting hereof, they make choice of five thousand of their most resolute and best armed men, to try their fortunes against the Earl, and provide the best they can for the guard of the City: with a general resolution and consent. That if these five thousand men should be defeated: to the end they should not attend the doubtful event of a siege, nor fall into the hands of so irreconcilable an enemy, they would set fire of the City, and every one save himself as he could. This being concluded, Philip of Arteville parts from Gand, with his desperate troop, and marcheth directly to Bruges, takes a seat of advantage, and entrencheth himself, attending the opportunity, either to defend themselves with advantage: or to sally upon the enemy. The Earl puffed up with his first success▪ imagining them too few for the Laquays belonging to the Gentlemen of his train, came to charge them within their trenches, and to force them to fight. Arteville not like a Brewer of Beer, as he was, but as a great Captain, ordered his troops with such dexterity, as the Earl's army had the sun in their eyes: upon this sudden change, having a full view of the Earls men, he goes resolutely to the charge, leading forth this desperate troop, which fell upon them like a great stream of water, breaking forth suddenly, having found a passage. The Earl of Flanders defeated by the Gantois. The first ranks (troubled with the Sun beams which dazzled their eyes, and not able to withstand so violent a charge) give way, and turning their backs, they disorder all the rest. The Gantois upon this advantage, tear all in pieces, they encounter, as famished Wolves do in a flock of sheep. This brave Nobility flies▪ as astonished, and is put to the sword. The Earl cries, entreats, and runs, but all in vain: he that had the swiftest horse, and the best legs, to fly was the most valiant. The passage thence to Bruges was near: the multitude flies thither, like a current of water. The Earl encounters with the rest, not able to gather again together his people, and shuts himself into his Castle. They enter Bruges. The Gantois following, and killing them that fled, enter pel mel, and seized upon the gates. Arteville having speedily provided for the guard thereof, the Gantois (being victorers) disperse themselves through out the City, crying against the vanquished. The City is won: and proclaimed for the good Citizens, Liberty, killing all such as they found to favour the Earl, searching all houses for his servants, and commanding to spare the good Citizens. The Earl (foreseeing by this brute) that the enemy would presently pursue him, he suddenly leaves his rich attire, and takes the simplest of one of his grooms, and so forsakes the Castle, to seek some corner to hide his head in. He was scarce gone out, but his Castle was beset, and easily taken and spoiled, whilst that he saves himself in a poor woman's house: The Earl hides himself. where in her silly cottage she had only one room beneath, and above a gatret, to the which they mounted by a ladder. The Earl creeps into this cabin, and the woman hides him in the bedstrawe, where her children did lie, and coming down, took away the ladder. The Gantois having made search in every corner for the Earl, they came to the house where the Earl was, and searching it, they went up to the place where he lay hidden. The Earl of Fland●rs in great perplexive. He that could have read the secrets of this poor Prince's heart, in this amazement, should have seen a remorse of conscience, for that he had not entreated his subjects with more mildness. Being thus freed, he creeps out of this cottage, and gets forth of the Town, being alone and on foot: running from bush to bush, and from ditch to ditch, fearing every one that passed▪ when as behold (lying hidden in a Ditch) he discovers a household servant of his own, named Robert Martial, who takes him up on horseback behind him, and in this order he recovers Lisle. This unexpected success bred new designs, in the frantic brain of this Tribune: and of this furious multitude, who should have been satisfied to have avoided shipwreck, The error of the Gantois. and (returning to their houses) should have fallen to their usual trades, and have used this profitable success) to good purpose, and made their peace with their lawful Lord, being sufficiently chastised. But vanity thrusts them on, and the certainty of God's threats showed itself in the following punishment: to teach us, That man hath but the miseri● which he seeks by his own folly. A general lesson for great and small, both for men, families, and States. Arteville with his Gantois (having glutted themselves with the sack and blood of such as were any way affected to the Earl, having spoiled his Castle, and left it desolate, beaten down the gates of Bruges, and filled up the ditches) From thence they go to conquer the other cities of Flanders, where he conceived a new Empire. Presently all obey him. Ypre, Dam, Bergues, Bourlbourg, Furnes, Scluse, Pourprigné Courtray, and the lesser towns, Andenard resists. It is presently besieged. At the brute of this success, all Flanders flies thither: so as in few days there were above a hundred thousand men assembled before the town. All Flanders revolts and joins with the Gantois. The Earl amazed with so violent a revolt of all his subjects, hath recourse to his son-in-law Philip Duke of Bourgongne, that by his means he might be relieved from the King: although he were more affected to the English then French, having been too much respected by our Kings. A proud Prince he was in prosperity, and too much de●ected in adversity. The Regent and the Council refused to venture the King with this man in so dangerous a cause: but two reasons moved the King thereunto, and made him overrule both the Duke of Anjou his Uncle, and his whole council by the persuasions of the Duke of Bourgongne. King Charles succous the Earl o● Flan●●●●▪ contrary to he advice of the Regent and Council. The one was Arteville himself, who during the siege of Andenard (not content to have ruined the noblemen's houses of the Country) had made some roads upon the frontiers of France. The other was King Charles dreamt that he was mounted upon a flying hart, which carried him gently through the air, and a Heron under him, which did beat down all other birds, came then flying to his fist, and the Hart brought him to the place from whence he carried him to his great content. Arteville, to avoid this storm, fortifies the passages into Flanders, especially Pont du Lis near to Comines. The french surprise this passage cunningly, having patiently attended all night in the miry fen up to the ankles, expecting the commodity of the passage there. As the King conceived a delight to report this dream, 1382. as presage of some good success, so the Duke of Bourgongne laboured to draw him into Flanders. The King upon these motives doth presently levy an army, and goes to field. Arteville to avoid this storm, fortifies the passages of Flanders, especially Pont du Lis, near unto Comines. The French surprise this passage politikly, having attended all night in the dirty ma●●sh up to the ankles, expecting the commodity of the passage. Their patience was the more commendable: for that it was in the depth of a sharp winter, in December▪ Comines and Ve●rain, being taken, sacked and burnt, the Town of Ypre kills their governor, who would not suffer them to obey the King, and yield themselves, paying forty thousand franks for a composition. By their example▪ Cassel, Bergues, Bourlbourg, Gravelin▪ Furnes, Dunkirk, Fourprigné, Tourront, Vaillant, Messine & other neighbour Towns resolve to seize upon their Governors, being Gantois: and to send them bound hands and feet unto the King as testimony that they had yielded upon force. Charles receives the Towns to mercy, and cuts off the heads of these unlawful Governors. Arteville fearing the revolt of other Cities, The Towns of Fland●rs seize upon their Governors and send them to the King. and that his forces (which were great) would fall from him, resolves to prevent Charles, and to force him to fight, promising himself the like success as he had against the Earl before Bruges. With this resolution he chargeth the French army betwixt Courtray and Rosebecque, upon the Mount of gold▪ but he ●ound an alteration. The Gantois charge ou● forward, like furious beasts, which at the first shock did somewhat amaze them, they recoiling a little, but without any disorder: yet supported by the Battle and rearward, they breath, and all together charge this multitude with so great a fury, as all are put to flight, are cut in pieces, or taken with a strange disorder. They number above threescore thousand men slain, and an infinite number of prisoners, taken: after the Nobility had glutted their choler upon this seditious rabble, The Flemings overcome by Charles and threescore thousand slain. who had made rebellion a virtue, Philip of Arteville their leader was slain he was found breathing among the dead carcases, whom the King commanded to be hanged, and so he had the reward of his imagined Empire. This double event may serve as a lesson, both for great and small, for great men, in the Earl's person; for small, in that of this Tribun. For the first, to command well, for the others to obey well: and forall, not to pass the bounds of their duties. God punishing the great for their tyranny and cruelty, and the lesser for their disobedience: dangerous plagues of mankind: the which canno● stand but by order and authority, well governed, and well applied. They calathus overthrow the battle of Rosebecq●e, which chanced in the year 1582. in December: it was the more remarkable, for that the vanquished had soon their revenge. Charles thus victorious, could not manage his victory: for in steed of surprising the Gantois in this amazement, he lingers too long at Courtray, to seek out the remainder of those miserable mutynous, which remained in this defeat: whereas, in pardoning the vanquished, the victor gets a double victory. This place also (being infamous by a great overthrow which chanced in the year 1312.) moved him to choler, for that this ill advised people, to note the memory of that day, did ce●ebrate a solemn feast yearly, An unworthy revenge taken by King Charles. and had reserved five hundred pa●er of gilt spures, which they had taken from the French in that battle. Charles was so transported with the memory of this audacious indignity, as he caused this poor Town to be burnt. An unworthy revenge of so great a monarch, who should hold it the greatest revenge upon his enemies, to pardon when he may revenge. The Duke, of Bourgongne in all this confus●on▪ did not forget to seek for goodly movables, whereof there was abundance. He carried away that goodly clock, and that exquisite tapestry, which is now at Dyion in the King's house. The Gantois seeing their ruin, fly to Richard King of England: The Gantois fly to England for succore. they choose Francis Artrem●n, one of their Citizens for their head, and renew the league of white caps, more obstinately than before, being resolved to die, rather than to trust their Earl, to whom they imputed the cause of all their miseries, the which had continued five years, and devoured two hundred thousand men. So fatal are civil dissensions betwixt the Lord and his subjects: Lewis their Earl, having laboured to settle his affairs both by the French and English, against the Gantois, feeling daily the inconveniences of this rebellious people, as thorns in his sides, fell into such a melancholy, as he died. Leaving his whole estate much troubled, to his sonne-in-lawe, Philip Duke of Bourgongne: who being fa●re engaged in his Fathers-in-law quarrel, was nothing pleasing to this his people. The war●e was revived, both by practices of the English, and by means of Artreman, the head of that faction: who having tasted the sweet of popular command, desired nothing more than to maintain this division: but there fell out a sudden accident, which pacified all this great trouble, as a little rain doth a great wind. Two Citizens of Gand (whose names deserved well to be registered in this history) discoursing one day of their common miseries, A strange mean, to pacify Gand. and noating the true causes of these calamities within their City, as feeling the wound, they sought the means to cure it, the which had continued so long, and cost their miserable Country so dear. The King's pleasure, and the Duke of Bourgongnes, must be known: they were not ignorant of the people's humour, being very weary of so many miseries. Their enterprise was not without exceeding danger, by the absolute authority of three or four, who had most credit with the people, being susceptible of any mischief, when they are thrust forward with a show of good. It was requisite in the managing of so important a business to use wisdom and silence, until the foundation were well laid▪ and for the execution thereof, there needed one which had both credit and authority with both parties. The God of peace presented one unto them, which governed this action discreetly, john Delle, a gentleman of Gand, but bred up in the Court of France. He that seeks peace, finds it. This Delle goes to the King, and Duke of Bourgongne, he lays open his dess●ine, and is well entertained. He returns with a good answer, both by letters of credit, and private instructions, to the Gantois. At his return the matter is so well furthered by those two Citizens (who were in great reputation with the people) as without the privity of Artreman, or the English Negotiators, the banner of Flanders (the signal of their popular power) is solemnly planted in the great market place. All the people flock thither, where having signified unto the chief Magistrates, that they would have peace, and obey the Duke of Bourgongne their Prince: Deputies are appointed with power to negotiate & conclude a peace with him. This was effected after a long confusion, to the content, both of the Earl and Flemings. Of a light beginning, God performs a great work, when it pleaseth him. Thus the Duke of Bourgongne pacified Flanders in the year .1384. when as he feared greatest tumults by means of some seditious persons: to whose great grief a peace was proclaimed throughout all the Estates of Flanders, 〈◊〉 in Flan●●●●. which gave an incredible content to all the people after so many miseries. Now King Charles grew great, and although he were but sixteen years of age, yet was he desirous to marry. The Duke of Anjou his Uncle, according to the advice which King Charles the wise had gruen on his death bed, thought good to seek him out a marriage in Germany, in the house of Baviere, to counterbalance the credit of the Emperor W●nceslaus, no friend to the house of France, what show soever he made. He therefore marrieth with Isabel the daughter of Stephen Duke of Baviere, a Princess from whom they expected much good: but she brought infinite troubles to France, as we shall see hereafter. Thus man's wisdom is deceived, when as he hopes for best: that God might be known for the author of all good, both in the family and State. This imperious Proserpina, verified the proverb, That a woman raiseth, or ruins a house. She had almost overthrown the State. But shortly there shall an Italian woman be joined to this german, to augment the confusions of this reign, reasonable good in the beginning, but very miserable in the end. This year likewise concluded a peace in Britain, after many troubles, john of Montfort having renewed his homage to the King, and sworn fealty, which shall not long continue, to the great prejudice of the King and his realm. The truce was continued in show betwixt France and England, but with no more love of the two Kings, then betwixt capital enemies, who sought to annoy one another by new attempts. Charles having pacified Flanders and Britain, resolves to be revenged of Richard, who had sought all means to annoy him in either province, besides the ordinary bravadoes he gave him within the hart of his realm. Charles sends men and m●nition into Scotland. He therefore sends a thousand men at arms to David King of Scots, and threescore ships well appointed with furniture to arm twelve thousand men of his country, under the command of john of Vienne, Admiral of France. Their entry into Scotland was pleasing, but the Scottishmen grew soon discontented with our men▪ either through their fault or our, they accusing us of insolency and looseness, and we them of barbarousness and cruelty to their friend a stranger, who came to secure them. This division caused David to make a peace with Richard, and our Admiral of Vienne to return speedily home with his Frenchmen: but not without observing the manners, strength and commodities of this Island, divided into two kingdoms. And lest he should seem to have made a fruitless voyage, yielding an account unto the King of what he had done, seen and learned in Scotland, he lets him understand, that the strength of Scotland consisted but in five thousand horse and thirty thousand foot half armed, and that of England in eight thousand horse and threescore thousand foot. This relation (were it true or false) gave advice to assail the King of England in his own Country, where he might be vanquished with more facility than abroad▪ the which so moved the mind of this young Prince, (transpotted with the great harms suffered with much indignity by the English) as it was easy for the Duke of Bourgongne ● whom it much concerned to have the English molested, being often disquieted by him in his country of Flanders, Charles resolves to make war in England. to persuade the King to undertake this war. Opportunity did likewise seem to invite him: for that the Duke of Lancaster (pretending right to the realm of Castille by his wife) had exhausted England, both of men and money, and the Gantois being pacified▪ all Flanders would be held in subjection by this check. The Regent acquainted with the Duke of Bourgongnes humour being his brother (who for his private interest would hazard the whole) and noting the eminent dangers in the King's person (who would embark himself in this action) the great want of money the people's exclamations: the great danger of tumults, by the great exactions which must be made, and in the action itself, the inconueniency so apparent to any one that would open his eyes, the impossibility of so great an enterprise▪ to assail a great King (so oft a Conqueror) within his own Realm, not holding any land there; The Regent dislikes of th●● enterprise. he was utterly against it, yet he spoke soberly, lest he should offend the King, who greatly affected it. Lewis Earl of Touraine the King's brother (who soon shallbe Duke of Orleans) the Constable Clisson, the Earl of S. Pol, the Lord of Coussy, and others in whom Charles had most trust, had been so persuaded by the Duke of Bourgongne, as they had nothing else in their mouths, nothing sounded in this young Prince's ears, but the necessity, profit, honour and facility of this voyage. What my Liege (say they) are you less than the King of England? shall the French yield to the English in valour, courage or force? what an indignity is it to have this people always at our gates, to nourish them in our bosoms, and to furnish them with arms to beat us? what a benefit will it be to take their nest from them and leave them no place of retreat? Your Countries of Guienne, Normandy, Picardy and Flanders, are wholly yours. How much doth that import for the honour of your Majesty, and the good of your Realm, to return them their own, who have so often defeated your armies, taken your ancestors, spoiled your Estate, braved it in your Towns, and besieged your chief city of Paris? As for the facility of the execution, who sees not but you may effect, it if you please? The Saxons conquered England with a handful of men, far from their own home and with small means. and William the Conqueror with his sword alone. And you my Liege having a realm full of men, victuals & money, even at your enemy's gate shall not you prevail? England opens her arms unto you: your Realm invites you, which without doubt will employ both heart and purse for so great & generous a desseine the which imports both the honour and quiet of your Majesty. Such and like speeches they did continually buzz into Charles his ears, but from his Chamber they were published in the Court, and so through out the whole realm, as that which pleaseth the King doth commonly please all. The desseine was to be wished against a capital enemy of the State, and the proceeding had a fair show. At the general instance of all the French, the King decrees in counsel, to levy a great army, for the voyage of England: letters are sent out to all parts, Subsidies, Taxes, Loans imposed, greater than during the imprisonment of King john, but all was shadowed with this reason. That they must endeavour once for all, to root out the English, who undermined this estate and sought to ruin it. This decree was put in execution with great applause of all men, as if France had laid new foundations of her greatness: both to warrant it self from danger at hand, to have a revenge of former losses, and to build a new Estate at the cost of the common enemy of the French nation. The Navy is prepared at Scluse and Blanguerge to the great content of the Flemings. They armed four hundred eighty seven Ships for war, with an infinite quantity of victuals the which came from all parts like to a flowing stream. The nobility strives who shallbe best appointed. Strange Princes are invited. The King of Spain (than a friend to our King) the Earl of Savoy, Preparation for the war of England. The Dukes of Saxony and Baviere send men. Our Princes will not yield one to another in costly shows: they add superfivous curiosity to necessity. They paint and gild their ships: All glisters with goodly ensigns, pennons, banners, standards and streamors. The masts painted with rich grounds shining with leaves of Gold, gave notice to all men, that they went not only to a certain victory, but to some joyful nuptials. But all this feast was made without any reckoning with God, who laughs from heaven at these ants, that strive to climb without a Ladder, and at Princes, who made these bravadoes at the poor people's cost, who remembered not that God hath a sovereign court, and a register to control their actions, and to oppose against their vanities. The army was prepared in two places, in Flanders, and in Britain. It consisted of twenty thousand Knights and Squires, as many Ganovois archers on foot, and five hundred men at arms Britons, under the command of the constable Clisson, who was with the fleet in Britain. They had a care safely to lodge this great army after their descent in England, expecting with safety the variable events of war, against a king and people, whom they came to fight with on their own dunghill. To prevent all in conveniences, they build a great frame or engine (some attribute this invention to the Constable Clisson, others to john of Vienne, Admiral of France, who had laid the first plot of this enterprise) like to a town of war, with towers, bastions, bulwarks, A strong sort of wood made. flanks and other defences, according to the manner of that age. There was a lodging for the King and his court, according to the degrees of Princes, Officers and Noblemen of mark: Lodgings for the chief of the army, according to their quarters, and space to set up their tents and pavilions, halls and common places for the munition and victuals which followed the army, and to conclude, convenient room to embattle a great number of men of war. Th●s enclosure or frame was round, and made of many pieces with admirable art, and so great abundance of stuff, as if they had cut down a whole forest: it was finished with wonderful speed, by the great number of workmen which came from all parts. To the men, ships, victuals and this engine, the King's court gave an extraordinary beauty, being accompanied with the Dukes of Lorraine and Bar, the Earls of Savoy, Armagnac, Geneve, S. Pol. Longueville, Eu, Dauphin of Auvergne, the Lord of Coussy, Master William of Namur, with all the great Barons of France, and an infinite number of brave nobility who embarked themselves more willingly then in the voyage to the holy land. The preparation of the English for their defence. Thus was the preparation made in France for England, where they remained in great perplexity, to see so great a storm ready to fall upon them. They provide the best they can, first by devotion, (having recourse unto God) than they fortify their ports and all passages with great diligence, both with men of war and all sorts of encumbers, to help those places which nature had made of hard access in this Island. They say that Richard levied a hundred thousand foot, and ten thousand horse, which was not answerable to the Admiral's relation, the first Architect of this ridiculous attempt. But thus are princes oft times abused, embarking themselves in dangerous actions without reason, whose ends are not answerable to their beginnings. All was ready in the end of September: the King had provided for the government of the realm in his absence, leaving his brother Lewis Earl of Touraine, assisted with the Duke of Berry his uncle, and the bishop of Beawois his chancellor. Thus he parts from Paris, and comes to Scluse with great speed, to recover the time lost. The Regent should not abandon his person in so long and important a voyage, but he stays behind the King promising to follow presently, but his meaning was to bring this enterprise to nothing. The king being arrived, the hours of stay are tedious, he tells the minutes, and complains of the time lost: he solicits his uncle to come by sundry letters, The Regent seeks to overthrow the action. and sends post after post▪ he stamps, he chafes by reason of his stay. The whole Court is of the same humour. The Duke of Anjou answers the King, that he will part to morrow. but he stays at Paris to make good cheer at leisure, of purpose to draw on winter, to make the voyage impossible, and so to overthrow the action, the which was never pleasing unto him, either for that it was pleasing to the Duke of Bourgongne his brother, and so to cross him, or for that he held it prejudicial to the King and his realm. But seeing himself priest by importance, and impatient letters from the King, he parts from Paris, and the same day the Constable Clisson ways anchor at Lantriguer in Britain, with this great Town of wood and seventy two ships of war, meaning to join with the whole body of the army at Scluse: but it fell out contrary to his disseine, and otherwise then the facility of his supposed victory had represented unto him. For having ●un his course towards Flanders, to take port at Scluse, behold a contrary wind casts him upon the coast of England, Part of the French navy dispersed at sea. where (notwithstanding all the diligence of his Mariners) his fleet was dispe●sed into divers parts, three ships (wherein this great Engine was) are driven into England, and run on ground at the mouth of the River of Thames. Behold our Argonauts as much amazed to see themselves taken in a weyre, as the English were glad, who with joy and admiration see themselves possessed (beyond all hope, and without any pain) of that which had cost their enemies so much to ruin them. These news fly speedily to King Richard, who commands this great booty to be brought up the river unto him, whether all the Country flocks to so strange a spectacle, and every one holds it for a presage of good success, to have taken their City which should have taken them. another part of the Fleet is driven into Zealand, and the Constable of Clisson with the rest arrives at Scluse, much amazed at this first success. All their joy of an assured victory is converted into a general fear, lest some new loss should follow this unfortunate beginning. The Regent opposeth himselve directly against thi● voyage. But whilst this amazement troubled most of the French, the Duke of Bourgongne and those of his faction (who desired the performance of this voyage at any rate) made these difficulties light, as common accidents which should not hinder great enterprises, the which cannot be executed without some crosses, for the which they must seek a remedy and not despair: He had persuaded the King again, easy to be drawn to what he desired. Hereupon the Regent arrives, who (seeing the King resolved to embark) vales his mask, speaks plainly, and tells the King in his Counsel. That he will never consent he should expose his person and estate to the hazard of the sea, of weather, and of war, and upon an advice which seemed apparently false: being most certain, that the King of England had assembled above a hundred thousand fight men. That these first losses were advertisements from heaven to bridle those vain hopes, which are sooner conceived then brought forth. He had always sufficiently declared, that it was not his advice, yet for that he would not seem to contradict the Kings will, & cross such as gave him this council, as honourable to himself and profitable to his Realm, he would not rashly oppose himself. But seeing now that God spoke, he did open his mouth the more boldly, bearing in his heart a faithful zeal unto the King's service and the good of the State. That shortest errors being best, it were better to retire in time then to make an absolute shipwreck of the King's person, and the honour and good of the Realm, too much dismembered by former afflictions. The enterprise broken off. This check from heaven which God had sent; Winter, and the fear of worse, made the Regent's advice to be allowed, both by the King and his council, who changed opinion for their voyage to England. So this great enterprise was disappointed, being very prejudicial to the poor people, who endured the war that their enemy should have felt, by an unseasonable and excessive charge. I have coated this action in the year 1381. under the Regency of the Duke of Anjou. I know some attribute it to the Duke of Berry, but I have followed the first opinion, upon the relation of true Authors, and as it shall appear by the progress of this report most likely. This action was the cause of seditions at Paris and Roven, bred without doubt by the discontent of this bad government: for this great show so incensed the people (being weary and grieved to have borne so great a burden for so vain an enterprise) as they rise at Paris, Roven, Amiens, Pottiers, Lions, and many other Cities, by this new occasion which presently succeeded the first folly. The Regent was blamed by the people, to have been too slack in his opposition against this preparation for England, Sedition at Paris. and the chief in Court hated him for being so hasty, for that he was the only stay thereof. Thus ill thought of by both, he was maligned of all hands. It chanced the realm of Naples was offered unto him by Queen joane and Pope Clement the 7. This was his whole desire but he must conquer it by dint of sword. The title only was offered him, Naples offered to the Regent. both by her that might give it as being heir, and by him that might confirm the donation as being Pope. All the King's council (being weary of the Regent's command) wished to see him gone▪ but they must fly to the people for money; the which was hard to get, as experience did witness. Presently as they hear talk at Paris of a new imposition (although they sweetened these bitter pills with the goodly name of subsidies) all the world gins to cry out▪ and from Paris this boutte flies through the whole Realm. The people run●e tumultuously to the grieve▪ they desire the Provost of Merchants to bring them to the Regent, th● which he delays from day to day by excuses, but in the end he cannot retain them. A great multitude runs to the Regent's lodging, they give him to understand by their Provost into what extremity they were brought, and urge the late superfluous expenses. To what end then (say they) serves a new war to conquer a new kingdom in the air with the ruin of the widow and the Orpheline? This was not decreed, no● practised by the good and wise King Charles, whereunto he had bound his son, who should not suffer the memory of his father's ashes to be taxed with this dishonour. The Chancellor dorman's speaks at the Regent's request: he lays before their eyes the necessity of this voyage whereby both the King and realm might reap profit & honour, promising the King should provide for the relief of the people. This was gently put off, to make them lose this humour in dividing them: but the people continue more obstinate, they require a plain & resolute answer to their demand, so as the next day, they come in troop before the King's lodging, where the whole Council was assembled with the Regent. The King gives audience to the provost of Merchants in the people's name, who delivers the same complaints. Then john de Marais an advocate in Parliament, an eloquent and popular man, prepared carefully for the purpose, makes a goodly and artificial oration to divert the people from this bitterness, laying before them their duties, the necessity of the King's affairs, and the good which should redound by the enterprise of this foreign war. He omitted nothing of the office of a good Orator: but he prevailed not, for the people going from thence, without respect of the King or his Council, run presently to the jews, Lombard's, and such other merchants houses as had been accustomed to gather all public exactions: they break up their shops and counting houses: they take away what was good, and ill entreat all such as they meet of that profession, yet they kill no man in this first tumult. The Regent winking at this insolency, and fearing lest it should increase by moving the people already in choler, thinks it best to refer the matter to an other time, until the fume of this bitter discontent, were blown over: advertisements coming from all parts of the realm, that the Cities grew into the like humour. But all this disswads him not from his enterprise; he employs all such as he thinks fit to win the people. john of Marais, Peter de la Riviere, james Andelle and such like Tribune's, who seemed to be in credit with the people, in showing themselves affected to the common good. And to lose no time, he prepars his army, being resolute to levy this imposition byforce whatsoever it cost. The farmers of this levy, have charge to begin it. A Collector at the Hales requiring a denier from a poor gardener, for a basket of herbs, she crying out, a great troop flock about this Collector and tear him in pieces. But this is not all, in this tumult all run to gither on heaps: Porters, peddlers, The Parisi●●● in 〈◊〉. Cart●rs▪ Butcher's, Taverners and such like, the scum of the base sort: they go in troops to the Town house, they break open the doors, and take such arms as they find. By the Constables command they had made beetles or axes to arm their men withal: they take them, and so use them, as this sedition was afterwards called, by the name of Maillotins. Being thus armed, they go to the Farmer's Lodgings, beat down the doors, break open coffers, cubberds and coumpting houses, they draw forth their books and papers, they tear and burn them: they take away money and movables, and in the end they kill and massacre all the farmers they can find, searching all corners of their houses. They cry that one had saved himself in Saint james Church at the Butchery, they run thither, and murder him holding the image of the blessed virgin in his arms. The cruel●●nsolency of th● Parisi●ns. Some save themselves in Saint Germains Abbay, where they are presently besieged. But whilst that some labour after this siege, the rest run to the prisons of the Chastelet and Fourl'Euesque where they release the prisoners and arm them. They bethink themselves of a head, there was a very sufficient man in prison named Hugh Aubriot, who in former times had: been Provost of the Merchants, and had with honour executed great charges, both in the Treasury and State, but for certain disliks of the university, (which was then in great credit at Paris) he was condemned to perpetual prison. This multitude draws him forth, upon promise's to be their leader, but being at liberty he slips away and retires wisely to Dy●on: being loath to engage himself in these popular confusions, the which discreet men do fly, as plagues in a Common weal. This rabble finding themselves countenanced with a Commander so well experienced: presume farther, yet seeing themselves abandoned by the departure of Aubriot, and recalling themselves from this frenzy, their hearts faint and every one bethinks himself how to yield an accou●t of that which had chanced, The Parisi●n, begin 〈◊〉 faint. all this zeal of public good vanishing away with the consideration of private danger. Such as had most to lose, (finding themselves actors in these insolencies) seek for Council of john de Marais a popular Advocate, entreating him to be intercessor for them unto the King. The university is also requested to employ their credit with the Provost of Merchants and other notable Citizens, which were not guilty of these frenzies. There is a number chosen to go to the King, and to sue for pardon. These deputies, The Parisiens' sue to the king for pardon. in their habits, countenances and words show the greatest sorrow that may be, for an offence committed. john de Marais is their Advocate, the King having heard them, sends them away, until his Council had advised what answer to make: who decrees, That for punishment of this popular insolence, the City of Paris should pay a hundred thousand fr●nes, and the heads of this sedition (with such as had broke the prisons,) should be at the King's discretion. This decree is delivered to john de Marais to make known unto the Parisiens', in whose name he had spoken to the King's Council. 1383. He acquaints them with the Article for the fine, and conceals the punishing of the Authors of this sedition: whether it were by commandment, or otherwise, the History makes no mention: yet he kept their heads and his own for the scaffold, as we shall presently see▪ to reap the deserved punishment for dealing in these dangerous affairs, and to pay a dear interest of their popular brokerage. The Parisiens' tamed by this reprehension, pay the hundred thousand franks, as a fine for their folly, and the whole taxation imposed for the war of Naples, without any question. These sums are given to the Regent for his voyage into Italy, where his brethren, the Constable of Clisson and the greatest part of the Council wished him, rather than in France (the chancellor dorman's only excepted, who soon shall reap the fruit of his departure) notwithstanding any show they made him, to see him in so good away to settle his greatness. He parts from Paris taking an honourable leave of the King, of his Brethren and of the whole Court, Lewis of Anjou crowned King of Naples, goes to take possession. leaving the Regency to the Dukes of Berry and Bourgongne until his return. But taking the way of Italy, he takes the way of much pain, and the Rendezvous of death, which soon swallwes up both his life and all his desseins. His army was goodly, some say thirty thousand horse and an infinite number of foot: others thirty thousand men without specifying horse or foot: but all agree that he went to the conquest of this realm, not only well accompanied but also well furnished with silver, the necessary sinews of a long war. They gave out, that it was the treasure of Charles the 5. the which he caused Savoysy to deliver in the beginning of his Regency. The order of the History commands me● now to set down the titles of the realm of Naples, for the which our Lewis of Anjou marcheth into Italy with his army: and the success of this voyage. The title of the Kingdom of Naple. We have said, that Charles (brother to the King Saint Lewis,) Duke of Anjou and Earl of Provence by his wife Beatrix, was called to the realm of Naples by Pope Vrbaine the 4. and conquered the possession by his sword, having defeated Manfroy and Conradin of Suevia. That he was dispossessed of Sicily at the Sicilien Evensong, by Peter of Arragon son in law to Manfroy, favoured by Pope Nicolas the 4. taking from Charles what his predecessor Vrbain had given him: so as after he had contended long with Peter of Arragon, the realm of Naples ramayned unto him, leaving it to his children with more trouble then content. This Charles of Anjou brother to Saint. Lewis, had many Children, Charles, Robert, Lewis and Philip. Lewis surnamed the Lame, married Marie the Daughter of Stephen King of Hongarie. Charles Martell had two sons, Lewis and Andrew: Lewis was Prince of Durazzo or Di●rachium, and Philip Prince of Tarentum. All appeared on this Theatre in some sort, but Robert second son to Charles, was King of Naples, and Earl of Provence: he had one son named Charles, who succeeded him in these two estates, and he had but two daughters, joane and Marguerite. joane as the eldest, was Queen of Naples and Contesse of Provence, and was married to Andrew brother of Lewis King of Hongarie; a lose and an audacious Princess, who slew her husband (as we have said) and married with Lewis sone to Philip Prince of Tarentum, hi● Cousin, against all order. Lewis King of Hongarie, son to Charles Martel, comes to Naples, to revenge the murder & adultery of this mastiff bitch: who flies with herincestuous husband into Provence, yielding him the free possession of the city of Naples, and that of the greatest part of the realm, some places remaining in Apulia, in the guard of certain Captains, confident servants unto joane: who were the means to put her again speedily in possession of that estate, soon won and soon lost. It is manifest that the institution of the realm of Naples belongs to the Sea of Rome. Lewis King of Hongarie being victor, having performed the duty of a good Brother, and done all he could against this villainous murtheress, returns home, leaving all his new Conquest to the disposition of Pope Clement the 6. a Limosin, joane means to recover Naples. then resident in avignon. joane who was near unto him, and to whom avignon, (where the Popes had now long held their Sea) belonged, had no great labour, for yielding avignon unto him she recovered Naples, both by the Pope's favour (who had the chief authority,) as also by money, wherewith she did both win the Governors of places most easy to corrupt: and also levied an army to force them that were most affected to the King of Hungary. Now she is settled again in the realm of Naples, with her Adulterer Lewis of Tarentum, who survived not long after this exploit of Naples and the sale of avignon. After his death she marries presently with james of Arragon Duke of Calabria of whom she was soon weary, falling in love with Otho of Brunswike, a young german Prince, of a good house, but not of ability to support joane, so as she held him not as a husband, but used him as a Stallion. Amidest these alterations of Naples, the sea of Rome, was not quiet, for after the death of Pope Gregory. XI. who retired from avignon to Rome, the College of Cardinals fell to a horrible contention for the Pope's election: the Romans being resolute to have one of their own nation, and the French one of theirs: from whence sprung that strange Sichsme whereof we shall speak. Vrbain the 6. was chosen at Rome, after the decease of Gregory the XI. and the French Cardinals yielded to this election: but for that they said they had been forced by the Romans, who had them in their power and threatened to kill them, under colour to change the air, having obtained leave to go to Anagnia, they retire to Fundi, a City of the realm of Naples, favoured by Queen joane, French by stock and humour, A Schism in the Church. and there they choose Clement the 7. for Pope, to oppose him against Vrbain. Clement retired to avignon, and Vrbain keeps at Rome. Two Popes, two Seas, two Factions, which trouble all Christendom with horrible confusions. Clement seeks to fortify himself, and as France held for him, so did he labour to have Naples wholly at his devotion, by reason of the nearness, much importing for the City of Rome, where the chief quarrel was debated, Contrariwise Vrbain the 6. to be revenged of joane (a partisan to Clement the 7. his enemy,) hath recourse to Lewis King of Hongarie the first interessed, being brother to him whom this strumpet had slain, that he might oppose the same scourge which had already corrected her. But Lewis excusing himself by his age, and the infirmity of his body, sent him Charles issued from that Lewis Prince of Durazzo, who we said, was son to Charles of Anjou, seeking even in the race itself, a man to punish this wicked woman, giving him a goodly army to that end. joane seeing this great storm ready to fall on her, flies to Pope Clement the 7. and by his advice adopts our Lewis Duke of Anjou, of whom we now treat. Lewis having prepared his army, and being crowned King of Naples and Sicily by Pope Clement the 7. in avignon, he lands at Naples, to take possession of the realm, Estate of Naples. whereunto the lawful heir and the Pope's authority did call him. But he came too late, for Charles of Durazzo (being parted from Hongarie with his army, and happylie landed,) entered the Country, overcame Otho the pretended husband of joane and holding him prisoner, he forced this miserable woman to yield unto his mercy, the which was too great, for that he only caused her to be smothered betwixt two pillows, Queen joane taken and smothered. deserving as cruel a death as her life had been execrable. Notwithstanding all these difficulties, Lewis of Anjou (thrust forward by his own ambition,) proceeded: having given such order to his affairs (after the adoption, made by joane in his favour, and the Pope's coronation) as he procured all the Captains of places to hold for him, having engaged them by money and golden promises, so as many places held good for him: and the people desired him, being glad to be freed from joane and to have so mighty a Lord, to maintain them in peace. Lewis enters the realm of Naples: at the first he wins Tarentum and Beri, Lewis Duke of Anjou and King of Naples by Adoption dies. but whilst he determines to proceed in his desseines, death surpriseth him, making an end of his infinite ambition and of all his toils: but not of his children's, Lewis and Charles, nor of their posterities. Thus Charles Pince of Durazzo, of the race of Anjou (called the Hongarien, for that he had been borne and bred in Hongarie, and brought up by King Lewis) remained peaceable King of Naples: 1384. leaving two Children, Ladislaus and joane, who shall prepare a new stage, whereon our Princes shall soon play their parts, as you shall understand. Let us now return to France. The Duke of Anious departure put all authority into the hands of the Dukes of Berry and Bourgongne, The Duke of Berry and Bourgongne in credit. who began to manage the affairs of State at their pleasures. There was no great love betwixt them, although they were brethren, but only to maintain themselves against such as might hinder their ambitious plots. And for that they had known the chancellor dorman's, to be wholly affected to the Regent, they persuaded the young King to dismiss him, for some reasons, the which are not specified in the History. The Chancellor Dormains disgraced. But Princes want no colours when they will disgrace their servants. Peter Orgemont was appointed in his place, after the seal had remained some time in the hands of Robert of Corby, first Precedent of the Court of Parliament of Paris, and of Philip Moulins a Chanoine of the said City. But Flanders (which always bred some monster in that age) stirred up by the English, and puffed up by the ridiculous conclusion of this great and vain preparation, began new troubles, and had practices with them of Paris, to draw the rest of the Cities of the realm into some popular league. New troubles in Flanders. These news put the King into great perplexity, the rather for that he had surprised certain letters from the Maillotins of Paris, to the white caps of Gand, to make a correspondency betwixt them, the accustomed Levaine of rebellion with ill advised people. As these things amaze both the King and his Uncles, behold Richard lands at Calais, with an army under the command of the Duke of Lancaster, who at first spoils Picardy, and then plants himself before Ypre, The English enter Picardy. and beseegeth it. The Gantois had made a good show, both to the King, and Duke of Bourgongne, until that time, seeming resolute to observe their former accord: but the English army being entered into Flanders, they go to field, and join with them before Ypre. The King's Uncles muster men in all places with great diligence, and entreat their nearest friends to come speedily to their succour. The Duke's of Lorraine and of Bar make haste: the Duke of Britain comes with a goodly troop. They have suddenly assembled twenty thousand Frenchmen at arms, besides the succours of Lorraine and Britain, the number of foot is not specified. Charles (thus accompanied) comes to Saint Denis in France and having taken leave of the Martyrs, (according to the ancient custom of Kings) and given the forward of his army to the leading of the Constable Clisson, and the Duke of Britain, (the Constable marching before the Duke, A great quarrel grows for Precedence. by reason of his place) the ground of a dislike fell out betwixt them, which being nourished by divers occasions, shallbe the subject of a great desaster both for the King and realm. The King followed (accompanied with the Dukes of Berry, Bourgongne and Bourbon his Uncles, and the Dukes of Lorraine and Bar: he lodgeth at Blandelle, two leagues from cassel, with an intent to charge the English: who presently leave the siege of Ypre, Cassel and Gravelins, and retire to Bergues, where Charles presently beseegeth them. The English demand a parley with the Duke of Britain, they put him in mind of the benefits he had received from their nation, Charles makes a truce with the English. and demand requital in this occurrent. The Duke of Lancaster remains at Calais, by reason of his weakness: the English Captains require respite to understand his pleasure. In the end the King receives them upon honest conditions, to departed with bag and baggage and to leave Flanders, the which they perform. Being returned into England, they are accused to have sold the Earldom of Flanders to the French, so as by Richard's commands they are beheaded. The Gantois made a dutiful answer, and promised obedience and loyalty to the King. A Truce was concluded for one year with the English, by means of the Duke of Lancaster for King Richard, and the Duke of Berry for our King Charles. Such was the issue of this sudden voyage of Flanders, being a means to settle a business of a deeper consultation and more dangerous consequence; seeing it concerned not only the heart, but the whole body of the Sta●e. They sought how to suppress the sedition, which was apparently bred in Paris, and by their example, in many great cities of the Realm. To this end, Charles upon his return from this voyage, stayed, at S, Denis with his uncles, the Constable, Chancellor, and his whole Council▪ they were all troubled to resolve in so important a cause, for what should they do? To punish the poor people ●yred with the wars, threatened with losses: half dead by the feeling of so great calamities, that were to beat one lying sick in his bed, for his waywardness, The King consults what course to take 〈◊〉 the mutineus' 〈◊〉. and not to cure him of the pain which is the cause thereof. It were a means to drive him to d●●pai●e, to apply a remedy worse than the disease. And not to punish them, would argue ●ea●e, and make them grow more proud and insolent, a means to animate them to all impu●●ty, and to lay the way open to a disordered rebellion. But the last advice prevailed, being well verified, that since the payment of the sine, the Parisiens' were grown worse and more bitter: having had conference with the 〈◊〉 audacious mutines, and the right artisans of rebellion, holding it a virtue to play the mad men against their natural Lords: and also had so far abused the King's bounty, as they had presumed to solicit the best Cities of the Realm to the like disorder. It did greatly import for the good of the King's service and of the State, that such frenzies should be suppressed by an exemplary punishment done upon the chief authors. john de Marais was very deep engaged in these tumults, and the more dangerously, for that he cast the stone, and withdrew his arm: and making a show of service to the King▪ he fed the people in these mad humours, very torches of sedition, under a colour of the Common weal: for who can believe they would put so famous a person to death without some ●ust cause. I know they writ diversly, and every man hath his judgement ●r●e: yet is it not true not likely, that in pardoning a whole multitude offending, they would punish him in whom there were no show of offence. If he were not culpable at the least, he was accused of that which was the subject of a public condemnation. Charles being advised to punish the Parisiens' for the insolencies they had committed in h●s patience, caused his army to lodge about the City, and on a certain day he sends for the Provost of Merchants & the Sheriffs, who come unto him to Saint Denis, with a countenance full of humility, and show of amendment. The King gave them to understand, by Peter Orgemont his chancellor, that he meant to go to his City of Paris, to punish the rebels and seditions, who had not respected his presence. The Provost makes answer. That the whole body of the City was wonderfully grieved for that which had been committed by men in despair, worthy to be severely punished but the good Citizens had no comunity with these rascals▪ and that the whole City was ready to do him faithful service. There were many about the King which made all odious that concerned the Parisiens': but Charles made them no other answer, but that he would be soon at Paris, The King enters Paris with his army. and do what reason and the duty of a good King required. He causeth his forward to march, led by the Constable Clisson and the Mareshall of Sancerre, who seize upon the gates, the which they found open without any guards. The King accompanied with the Dukes of Berry, Bourgongne and Bourbon, with other Lords of his Council, and an infinite number of Noblemen and Gentlemen in great show, terrible to the people, marcheth into the City. Being come to Saint Denis gate, he causeth the bars to be beaten down. The Provost of Merchants, the Sheriffs with the chief Inhabitants of the City, carrying the keys, beseech the King to give them audience: he denieth them, and passeth on to the house of Saint Pol, but the army is dispersed throughout all the quarters of the City. Presently they take away all the chains, and send them to Bois de Vincennes. 1385. They search all houses for arms: the which are instantly carried to the Lowre, and the Bastile. The Dukes of Berry and Bourgongne, with the Provost and his Archers, go throughout the city, causing 300. of the most seditious to be apprehended. The next day many heads were struck off at the halls, & amongst the rest, that of john de Marais, john de Marais a f●mous advocate with many others executed. whom all men had heard of late discourse so eloquently with admiration, being held for the Oracle of France. These executions were done by fits, with such a show of gravity, as the seat of justice did more terrify, than the executioners arm upon the scaffold. A whole day was spent in these slow proceed, the city gates being kept so straightly, as no man might issue forth: houses and shops were shut up, with so great a silence as if all had been dead, every man being hidden in his house, or else so amazed as he durst not look into the streets. The university (which then was in great credit with the King) becometh suitor for the people, and beseecheth him not to include the Innocent with the culpable. The King answereth coldly, that he would advise what to do, willing them to retire. In the mean time a great Scaffold is made on the highest stair of the Palace, before the great image of Philip the fair, with great show and pomp▪ in the midst was a royal throne, and seats on either side. The Herald▪ give commandment throughout the city in the King's name, that every man should repair to the Palace at a certain hour. The King sitting in his seat of justice having on either side of him, the Dukes of Berry, Bourgongne and Bourbon, his Uncles, with all the rest of his Counsel in order: he commanded Peter Orgemont his Chancellor, to deliver his mind to the people of Paris. The multitude being disarmed, compassed in round about with armed men, being bare headed, they fall upon their knees, seeing Orgemont rise from his chair: who having made a great obeisance to the King, he turns to the multitude. Orgemonts' speech to the Parisiens'. If thou hadst (quoth he) O City, as much care of thy duty, as thy Kings have always mildly and fatherly entreated thee, thou wouldst remember the sovereign bounty and clemency of our late King of happy memory, Charles truly wise, who (desirous to tame thy folly & rashness by a wise mildness) pardoned the strange and cruel errors which thou hadst committed against his father being a prisoner, without any respect afflicting the afflicted, and supporting his capital enemy against him, with all treachery and insolency. Thou canst not deny, ingrateful people how much thou wert indebted to that good Prince: duty did bind thee to sacrifice thyself cheerfully for him in his afflictions. But all these things being trodden underfoot, he used towards thee all the humanity, which the most affectionate and faithful subject may hope for of his Prince. His son our King seated at this day in the royal throne, and heir to his virtues, hath followed his father's steps in this mildness and clemency, having supported thee more than a father could do his child. But thou hast followed being mad and ingrateful) thy wretched disposition, suffering thyself to be furiously transported by thy wicked counsellors, (the firebrands of sedition and disobedience) and by the unruly passions of thy blind fury. The goodly work thou hast made of Late the disloyal intelligences thou hadst with those mutines, enemies of all command and policy▪ the audacious practises thou hast presumed to make in the Cities of this Realm▪ and th● blood which thou hast spilled in the bowels of this thy country, whereof she hath horror, feeling her bosom polluted with the blood unjustly shed by thy violent hands. All th' see horrible and tragic effects are known to the world: for the which thou canst yield no excuse, which doth not double the offence. O wretched people: be not these authentic testimonies to the whole Realm yea to all nations of thy ingratitude, disloyalty, cruelty▪ villainy and fury? Miserable, what hast thou deserved? The King's bounty? But thou hast treacherously abused it Thou hast made show to contemn public authority, drunk with thine own frenzy and of thy wicked councillors. The King, the King I say, shall make thee feel, that he hath one arm to support and maintain the good, and another, to punish and root out the wicked. Thou hast seen examples upon these wicked heads. which made thee to forget thy duty. But the punishment is light in regard of the offence: neither dost thou feel any smart, whereof thou thyself art not the cause. Orgemont, having thus ended, turns unto the King. My Liege (saith he) is this it which your Majesty commanded me to say unto the people. 1387. It is (answered the King) but this sufficeth not, in regard of what they have deserved. This short and rough answer from the King, the Chancellor's speech, uttered with great vehemency, and especially the blood freshly spilled, which they did see as it were rebound upon the place of execution▪ the fearful arms wherewith the people were compassed in, had brought them into extreme perplexity▪ like men already in the grave: so as every one bethought himself, according to the offences he had committed: and such as had wealth, according to the enemies which did malign them, being terrified with the tragic spectacle of john de Marais. They stand all mute, their eyes fixed on the ground, prostrate before his throne, men and women, young and old, infinite in number. In this great silence the Dukes of Be●ry and Bourgongne rise from their seats; with a very mournful countenance, and fall at the King's feet, beseeching him to have pity of his poor City of Paris, and not to comprehend the innocent with the culpable, good men with rascals unworthy of his grace. Presently after their speech, without expecting any answer from the King, the sorrow of this miserable people, suppressed during these complaints and threats▪ burst forth into so lamentable a cry, as if the whole city had been lost. All cried fo● me●cy. There was nothing but cries, lamentations, and howl, The Parisiens' cry to the King for mercy. of women and men, old and young. The Ladies and Gentlewomen of the City, with their hair hanging down, full of tears, cry out. Liege Lord, will you ruin your City of Paris for somerascall●s▪ let it begin by us and ours, we desire not to survive this misery. Take pity Liege Lord of your people, who sue for pity. The people cry out again with a fearful voice, Mercy▪ Mercy. This spectacle was pitiful to behold: there was no heart so hard but relented. The King in the end answered, (the noise being quieted,) That he would not punish the good for the bad & that he did pardon the people▪ upon condition they should be better advised hereafter, and not suffer themselves to be seduced by these wicked ring l aders of sedition. That for God's sake, and at his uncles suit, he gave life unto the prisoners, paying such fines as his Council should decree. Those to whom the prisoners belonged, cried out, God save the King: and the people freed from their fear, redouble their cries with great joy, and so they all departed. The council decrees, That forasmuch as the City of Paris had been engaged in this sedition, The King pardons the Parisiens'. they should be deprived of their Magistrates, chains and arms, and should lose all privileges until the King had otherwise determined. That for recompense of this capital crime, as well the prisoners, as all others guilty of the sedition, according to information duly made, should pay the moiety of their goods. The which was speedily put in execution, to send home the men of war, by means of the great sums of money which they levied by this exaction. Thus the sedition at Paris was suppressed, and afterwards at Roven and Orleans, but with far more rigour then at Paris. An example for all subjects, how to oppose themselves against their Lords: who soon or late make them to reap the fruit●s of their rashness and insolency. Their Magistrates, chains, arms, and all privileges, were soon restored to the Parisiens', by means of the Duke of Bourgongne, who from that time sought all means to creep into the people's favour, which he and his son shall use no less than the Navarrois had done: this happened in the year of our Lord God 1387. in the month of December. This just execution did greatly countenance the young age of Charles, for that in so solemn an act, he had carried a countenance worthy of a royal Majesty. His age and the name of a King, made him know that he was a King; together with the daily instructions which did sound in his ears, by his most inward and trusty servants: yet his uncles kept him still in his minority, disposing of matters in council by their authority. 1388. Charles was much discontented with this proceeding of the Dukes of Berry and Bourgongne, who should rather have prevented him then he them, experience having taught all Frenchmen what he was. He therefore seeks a remedy for their error. He caused a council to be held at Rheimes, where it was decreed, That Charles should be free from the government of his uncles: Charles out of his uncles government who gr●we discontented. for that both his age and the proof of his judgement did testify plainly that he was worthy to govern his realm. This resolution greatly displeased the Dukes of Berry and Bourgongne, who would gladly have held a longer possession of this royal authority which they enjoyed, being discontented with such as had put this spirit into the young King. The Cardinal of Laon (one of the first authors of this council) enjoyed it not long, for he died (not without suspicion of poison) john of Montague shall pay both principal and interest in this time. john Mercier and the Lord of Noiant shall have their parts, these shall now enter into quarter, and have all the credit. It is this Noiant which caused the golden Hart in the Palace to be made for a model of that which he would make of gold, of the Ingots he had gathered together in the treasury, having reduced the coined money into this form, lest Charles, a young Prince and very bountiful should give it away prodigally. The Dukes of Berry and Bourgongne retire themselves quietly to their houses, making a show to be very well satisfied, although they hatched a great discontent, and especially Philip, being a man of an imperious and insupportable spirit. The order ●f this relation. We have drawn Charles out of his Minority, the first parcel of our discourse. Let us now see his majority, into the which I tremble to enter, foreseeing so happy a beginning to have so lamentable an end. But alas what shall we see therein, which we have not seen in our miserable age. Our experience shallbe unto us a mournful commentary, most tru● in the reign which we are to represent. The majority of King Charles the sixth. Remarkable in two respects, of health and sickness. HE reigned thirteen years, either with his Uncles or alone in his good sense, and 29. in frenzy, not ruling but ruled, or rather ravished by the sundry passions of others. So we will distinguish his Maioritye, according to the calculation of these two seasons, and in either of them the most famous acts of these homebred confusions. The first time of the King's health. From the year 1388. unto 1393. FRance enjoyed a long rest, the tempests of these popular tumults being pacified, Flanders subdued, and the English forced to hold a truce (by reason of their homebred quarrels, the which brought forth strange effects, as we shall hereafter show.) Charles then undertook the charge of his Realm, to govern alone, without any Tutors. The flower of his youth, framed to great affairs, and commendable for his mild disposition, promised the fruits of a reign both wise, moderate, peaceful and most happy. But o● the vanity of man's hopes, a dream of him that wakes, a fruitless pain which hunts and gets nothing. Being freed from the government of others, having absolute authority, he was desirous to marry Lewis his only Brother, and to give him authority: neither would he abandon his cousins of Anjou, Lewis and Charles in their pretensions to the Realm of Naples. The Estate of Milan did wonderfully import to advance this action, for the commodities it hath in Italy. To this end he married his brother Lewis with Valentine the daughter of john Galeas Duke of Milan, a marriage which succeeded not according to his desseine, no more than his own. An Italian woman joined with a German, shall make strange work: to show that all is not gold that glisters: for both these marriages were built upon grounds of apparent good, as far as human reason could comprehend: to the end they might have great intelligences both in Germany and Italy, alliances which import much for the good of France. Philip of Valois, the King's brother, and john Duke of Orleans, were dead without children, and the duchy returned to the ctowne. Charles gives the Duchy of Orleans to his brother L●wis Charles gives this duchy to his brother Lewis, who was but Earl of Touraine, and now shallbe duke of Orleans, and by this name shallbe much spoken of. In this profound peace, it was necessary for Charles to make himself known to his subjects, after so many confusions. He makes a progress into languedoc, one of the farthest Provinces from his chief City, lying upon the Mediterranean sea, and yet one of the most fertile and best affected to the crown. He had especial reasons to visit this goodly Province, for the great complaints they made against the duke of Berry their governor, who committed great extortions by his officers, under colour of authority. Charles passeth by Dijon to his Uncle the Duke of Bourgogne, He visits Bourgongne. who accompanies him to avignon, The Earl of Savoy comes unto him, the people of Daulphiné and Vi●arez show a wonderful joy to see their King after so troublesome a time. So he comes to avignon, being kindly received and much made of by Pope Clemen● the 7. who could not stand without him, having Vrbain the 6, for his competitor. The widow of Lewis Duke of Anjou repaired thither, who by the favour of Charles caused Lewis the 2, her eldest son to be crowned King of Naples. This course we must hold for the countinuance of our history. From avignon he went into Languedoc to settle his authority, the which was much respected by the people of that country, but had been greatly blemished by the government of the Dukes of Anjou and Berry his Uncles, Governors of that goodly Province one after another. He stays at Montpellier a City of a goodly and pleasant situation; 1389. where he heard many complaints against the Duke of Berry, ●reat complaints against the Duke of Berry in Languedoc. his Uncle, for his great oppression of the country. But the absence of this Prince, and the authority of his name stayed the remedy to another season. The Estates of the country made suit to have the Earl of Foix for their governor, having heretofore lived quietly under him; but he would not accept of this government, without the good liking of the Duke of Berry, so as all the punishment fell upon Betizac his chief Treasurer, who 〈◊〉 burnt at Beziers, Betizac the Duke's treasurer burnt. purging in the fire the extortions he had committed under his mastery authority. At that time Charles King of Navarre died, so often blemished in the truth of this history: we have noted how he had retired himself from Court, into his realm of Navarre. As this retreat was unto him a reproachful banishment, so this shameful solitariness was a civil death. But the Catastrophe of his tragical life was a famous proof: that God doth often revenge notable sins by notable punishments even in this life. He was much broken by the excess of venery, and all sorts of dissolutions, the which he had exceedingly used with his wonderful tyranny and cruelty. As they did anoint him with medicines fit to warm and comfort his benumbed members (some say they had chafed him with Aquavitae, The tragical 〈◊〉 of the Nauarro●. and wrapped him in a sheet) but behold, fire takes hold of this sheet with such violence, as (being unable to quench it) he was consumed by degrees, living some days, as surviving his pain; and that which increased the horror of God's judgement, his death made both great and small to rejoice, and was received in France with as great content, as the winning of a great and famous battle. Great robbing during the truce. There was a general truce betwixt the French and English, so as the garrisons lying st●ll, the Soldiers bred up and nourished in arms, fight no more by order under their ensigns, sought now their prey by disorder upon the labourer and merchant. The countries of Rovergue, Perigort, Limosin, Auvergne and La March, had English garrisons, who spoilt these countries, and did run up into the nearest parts of Languedoc, Velai, Gevaudan, Vivarez and Suenes, where the villages are for the most part walled in, to prevent these sudden incursions. There were many thieves amongst them: Teste noire or Black-pate in the Castle of Ventador; Amerigor Marcel at Ro●h-Vandais, who breaking the truce, sought to be supported by the King of England, but in the end they all fell into the hangman's hands, or perished miserably by some strange death, an Image of our late confusions. Liberty had bred up these warriors with so great abundance, as the English passed the sea to make Attorneys, and to fight at Barriers, as they use at great Triumphs. There was a Tilt set up betwixt Calais and Saint jaquelvuert, where the Nobility made trial of their valour, as in a School of Fence. To take away this troublesome abundance, they took occasions to make long voyages into Castille and Italy, but in the end there was a very famous one offered against the miscreants of Barbary, at the Genevois request, who suffered many discommodites in their traffic, by these barbarous Africans. Charles granted them succours willingly, and gave the charge of this war to Peter duke of Bourbon, assisted, with the Earls of Auvergne and Foix, the Lords of Coucy, Guy of Tremoville, A voyage into Aff●●●ke by ●he Fren●h & English together. john of Vienne Admiral of France, Philip of Arthois Earl of Eu, Philip of Bar, Harcourt, Antoing, Linge, Pyquiny, and many other great men from all parts of the Realm, which ran to so famous an action, under so worthy a commander, and at so great leisure, more painful than the toil of war, to men that desired nothing but employment. Richard King of England, to imitate Charles, granted succours to the Genevois, under the command of the Earl of Salisbury, accompanied with many Noble men and English Gentlemen, moved with desire like unto the French, in the enterprise of this pleasing pain. The Deputies of the Kings of France and England assembled to treat of a general peace: but not able to effect it, they continue a truce for four years, with goodly provisions against robberies, for the safety and quiet of their Estates. Charles gave free passage to the English, by the Countries of Lang●ed●● and Daulphiné, to pass the Alpes safely. All come to Genes, to the great joy of the Genevois. Being shipped, they land within few days in Barbary. Presently they besiege the City of Africa. So our histore terms it, as bearing the name of all the vast and barbarous country. They call the Af●ricanic commanders Agadinquor of Oliferne, and Brahadist of Thunes. But our Argonauts found them which stayed their fu●y. The Barbarians defended themselves with an obstinate resolution. But their force did them less harm than the air, and diet being very contrary to thei● complexions, so as our army decreased daily, especially of men of account. This siege continued six weeks with much loss & no hope to prevail. The 〈◊〉 noated alwa●es to be faithless. The Genevois having conceived a hope of a sudden victory, began to grow cold and slack in furnishing of the army. The Duke of Bourbon foreseeing the difficulties which might grow in continuing obstinate at this siege, fearing the winter, and not trusting the Genevois (who are famous for that they have no faith) remembering the example of the King S. Lewis, resolved to return, without any greater loss. He trusseth up his baggage, & brings back his troops into France: continuing the example to all such as are capable of reason, how difficult it is for Christians to perform these strange attempts, after the experience of many ages. The ●rench and the English having lived lovingly together in this voyage, returned to their houses, without doing of any memorable act, but to have endeavoured to do something worthy of memory, to avoid idleness during so peaceful a time. britain did then conceive, and afterwards bring forth more prejudicial effects than B●rbary i● sel●●▪ and the way was made by light occasions to horrible and monstrous effects, to the great prejudice both of the King and Realm: for a notable testimony to posterity, what Councillors Envy and ambition be in a state▪ we like wretches seek for peace, and when God g●ues it, we fly from it, we malign an other man's good, and dep●●ue ourselves of our own. But alas it were a small matter for a great parsonage to hur● himself by his own passions, if this poison did not spread abroad to the prejudice of ●he common weal. We have said that john of Montfort remained peaceably Duke of Britain, by the death of Charles of Blois, and the agreement he made with his widow▪ Hatred betwixt the duke of Bri●●●ine & the Constable Clisson. whose eldest son john of Britt●ine Earl of Ponthieure was redeemed from prison out of England, by the constable Clisson, who gave him his daughter in marriage & paid his ●ansome. The constable was a Bri●ton, and so a subject to john of Montfort Duke of Britain his ancient and capital inimy, and yet by this new succession was become his Lord. Doubtless in this quality Clisson could not but yield unto him as his vassal, but as constable of France and dearly beloved of his Master, the greatest monarch in Europe, and Sovereign to the Duke of Britain, herein the Duke must needs respect him, his place giving him authority in many notable actions, over the greatest personages within the Realm. This was the ground of their hate, which not only embarked King Charles, lord unto them both, but carried him so far into the main, as he could not avoid a notable shipwreck by their means. By the former accord, john of Montfort was to yield unto Clisson all his patrimony, whereon he had seized under colour of a confiscation, revoked by Charles▪ ●he which he had not yet performed. And although he had promised the King and given him a new assurance, Complains against the Duke of Bri●taine. yet did he not ●●ust ●he King but continued h●s intelligences with the English▪ fortified his places, and coined bo●h gold and silver against the Laws of State. He refused likewise to acknowledge Cl●ment ●he 7▪ for lawful Pope, whom France approved▪ no● to suffer the Ea●le of Ponthi●ure aforesaid to beat the name and arms of Britain. These were the chief causes of their complaints and differences. The King and his most secret council Mercier Montagu, and la Riviere held for the Constable. The Dukes of Berry, and Bourgongne, and the Chancellor Orgemont, for the Duke of Britain, a cunning dissembling Prince and high minded. He spoke proudly, by reason of his intelligence with England, which could not f●ile him▪ and mildly when as he found means to do his business underhand, & not to break with the King. 1391. He comes to Tours unto Charles, where af●er many discourses, their quarrels are ended by marriage's: He is reconciled to the king & Constable. the King's daughter (being yet young) is promised to the Duke's son, and the son of john Earl of Ponthieure) borne of the Constable's daughter) to the Duke's daughter, who promiseth likewise to restore Clisson his lands, in show, friends, but in their hearts irreconcilable enemies. hereupon Clisson goes into Britain to receive his lands. The Duke held a Parliament at Vannes, whether he called his nobility. The Constable comes, fearing no enemy: the Duke had built a Castle called the Hermine, where he feasts the S●ates. The Constable is called and welcomed with the first▪ this countenance did not show what was prepared for the end of the banquet against the Constable. After dinner ●he Duke taking him by the hand, under colour to show him his building and to have his advise▪ as of a great Captain and well seen in Architecture, he leads him from place to place, through halls, chambers, and closerts, until he had brought him to a great Tower, having an iron do●e, wherein were armed men. The Duke enters first, the Constable follows him as viewing the proportion of this work, and the thickness of the walls by the windows. But behold the Duke slips out of the Tower, where he leaves the Constable, and shuts the door after him. This sign given, ●he armed men seize upon the Constable's sword, and keep him prisoner putting irons on his legs. The Duke of Bri●●a●● ●e●zeth treacherously on the Constable. The Constable was not so much amazed at this strange usage, as the Duke rejoiced at this sweet content of revenge, thinking to attain the full of his desires, to be revenged of a capital and cruel enemy, and in the heat of his fury he commands a faithful servant of his, called john Bavalan to dispatch the Constable presently. Bavalan accepts this charge, but he doth not execute it. He goes to the Tower and assures himself of the Constable's person, retaining the soldiers, whom the Duke commanded to ●bey him, and so he passeth the night with the constable. But the night gave him Council. The Duke transported with joy in the heat of his choler, goes to his rest, but care awaked him, and reason (of more force than his passion) lets him know the fault he had committed, and repentance followed this first act. A wise servant in not obeying his master's passion. The Duke lying restless a great pa●t of the night, riseth ●arely in the morning, calleth Bavalan, and demands what is become of the Constable? The Duke of Bri●tain reputes him of what he had done. his passion bewrays his mind before he spoke, witnessing the shame he had of his choler, and his grief for this furious charge. Bavalan comforts him, and assures him that the Constable is well. The Duke wonderfully glad of this news, which freed him from so cruel a torment, commands he should be well entreated and with respect, attending news from the King: from whom there comes post upon post with complaints and commandments to the Duke. The Duke without any great delay excuseth himself of his imprisonment, and sends the Constable to the King. It had been more available for him to have suppressed his choler, in committing this error. But he did verify. That he which offends doth never forgive. The Constable goes to the King to Blois, he thanks him for his care of his delivery: the Duke doth likewise send unto him, to crave a safe conduct to come himself to make his just excuses, and to show what reason had moved him to put the Constable in prison. The Dukes of Berry and Bourgongne holding openly for the Britton, obtain leave for him to come upon the King's word. He comes well accompanied, and not only justifies the taking of Clisson, being his subject, and in his own Country, but also he would have the King beholding unto him for the respect he bore unto his officer, whom otherwise he might justly have put to death. It is an easy matter for great men to manage their affairs at their servants cost. The Constable digested quietly this new affront, being glad to have recovered his liberty▪ but the Duke of Britain's malice shallbe the cause of great misery both to the King and realm, seeking new devices to satisfy his choler, a furious beast which can never be tamed by flattery. It burst forth upon a light and ridiculous subject, which bred a horrible Chaos of sundry confusions. Peter Craon a Nobleman of the Country of Anjou, 1393. had great credit with the King and with Le●is Duke of Anjou his Brother, who loved him so dearly as he trusted him with his greatest secreats, even with his amorous passions, whereunto his lose disposition, his age, ●as●▪ and Court made him too prone, to the great discontent of Valentine his wife, who exceeding jealous of her husband, and an Italian, seeking by all means to learn how he was affected, feeling him so cold to her, she finds no better expedient then to gain Craon, whom she handled so cunningly, as she drew the worm from his nose. Having special advertisement of her husband's loves, she threatens the Lady that was beloved, and complains to her husband, naming the reporter. The Duke of Orle●ns finding himself wronged by this disloyal affront done him by Craon, Peter of Craon disgraced f●om Court. in a very light sub●ect but a proof of his ●ash treachery, unworthy of so strict a friendship wherewith he had honoured him, he complained to the King his Brother, who loved him exceeding●y. Both of them detesting this disloyal rashness of Craon, as a treacherous and an insufficient man, holding him unworthy of their service, dismiss him with great disgrace, refusing to see him or to hear his pretended excuses. Thus Cr●on retyers to his house wonderfully perplexed with this disgrace, and finding himself not greatly safe, he retires to the Duke of Britain his kinsman and dear friend, to whom he reports his misfortune. The Duke embraceth this occasion, and with a deeper reach, persuades him that the Constable is the cause of this disgrace, The Duke of Britain persuades Peter Craon to murder the Constable Clisson. making his profit of the passions of these young Princes: and proceeding in his discourse, (thrust on by the inveterate hatred he bore him) he persuades Craon to kill him, to rid the world of so pernicious a man: and thereupon offers him his means, upon all occasions. This was that miserable council which hatred & malice gave him, two bad counsellors: ●or if choler be a short fury, who sees not by the effect, that hatred is a continuing rage, the mo●her of revenges, the seed of all misery to mankind. As it was simply concluded betwixt them, so was it vainly executed by Peter of Craon. He had a house at Paris,) whether he finds means to send men fit for this mu●●her, and follows himself secretly: (an easy matter in this great forest of Paris, The Constable assaulted by Craon. ) who knowing the hours of Court, and having set spies to observe when the Constable should go f●om ●he King at night to his lodging, he attends him with his murderers in a li●●le house where he should pass, and sets upon him with twenty armed men. Th● Constable thinking at the first, that the Duke of Orleans had done it in i●st, made no great regard thereof, but understanding it was Craon, he defends himself, with a great skein, (such as they did usually wear in those days;) who being charged of all sides by ●hese twenty murderers, and crying for aid, he saves himself (all wounded) in a bakers shop. The people ●hat were near, came running at this noise: Craon saves himself on horseback by Saint Antonis gate, with the greatest part of these murderers: three only were taken in this disorder. The Constable was carried to his lodging called the house of Mercy (it is now the house of Guise, as the history observes) all wounded. The King and Court (disquieted by so audacious an attempt,) are all the night in tumult. These murderers being examined confess that Peter of Craon had not only caused them to commit this act, but was also present at the execution, and so they are beheaded. The King comes to visit the Constable lying in bed: he doth comfort him, and assures him, that he will not leave so execrable an act unpunished. But in effect this affront so impudently done to his Constable in the bosom of his head City, in the ●●we of all his Court, and in his presence, together with the scorn of his audacious imprisonment, and ●he patience of Clisson, who keeping silence, the indignities he had so oft received of the Duke of Britain, pleaded for him, being sealed by these outrageous wounds. All these things put Charles into such a choler, and made so great an impression in his heart of settled hatred against the Duke, 1394. as he was far more sick than the Constable himself. 〈◊〉 of 〈◊〉 con●●mn●d for ●●●empting against the Constable. King Charles assisted by his Council, declares Peter of Craon guilty of high Treason, and enemy to the Crown of France, having attempted against his chief Officer, and doth cite him to come and justify himself speedily. He is called, and (not appearing) is condemned for his contempt: he is declared a banished man, and his body and goods confiscate. And in the execution of this sentence, his house at Paris was razed. The Tragedy began by this act, in the year .1393. in the month of May, but it shall continue with many other mournful acts, and shall cause new Scenes upon this Stage. This sentence thus executed at Paris, it went into Anjou and Britain. All Craons' places and houses were seized on, and put into the King's hands: and the Duke of Britain was commanded by the same Commissioners, to deliver him. The Duke of Britain excuseth himself, The first act of no mournful tragedy. swears that he hath him not in his power: discovers the place where he is: makes offer of all his means, for the execution of justice: he sends to the King to reiterate his excuses, assuring him, that he was not privy to this murder. Craon was fled to the Town of Sable in main, which appertained unto him. Charles (transported with choler) lost both meat and rest▪ incensed by the Duke o● Orleans his Brother, Charles distempered with chollet. and his most trusty servants, Noiant, Mercier, and Montagu, dreaming of nothing more than to be revenged of the Duke of Britain, whom he held to be the very cause of this attempt. Such as were of judgement and without passion, thought no otherwise. But alas how weak is man's understanding, even in the best things, wherein there often wants a good proceeding. Charles had great cause to be grieved with the Duke of Britain, but he should moderate the heat of his choler, by the temper of wisdom, expecting wisely a fit opportunity to punish, not troubling the quiet of his mind with such violence, in seeking revenge of his enemy. We may well say. That Charles had a good cause▪ but it was ill managed, and the Duke of Britain a bad, the which he governed with policy. Wherein our Charles should have used cunning, to cross his enemies cunning▪ following the example of his wise father Charles the 5. who vanquished the Navarrois with patience, and flying the vn●empered rashness of john his grandfather, who seeking hastily a revenge of the same Navarrois his enemy, did thrust himself into a mortal prison. The Children are neither heirs of their father's virtues, nor of their happiness, whose bodies they have by the will of God, being the instruments of their ●ssence, but he reserves to himself the sovereignty of virtue and happiness, to govern them in the difficult paths of this world. The King's Uncles difswade him from the war of Britain. The Dukes of Berry and Bourgongne advise the King their nephew to leave the deciding of this quarrel to the Constable and Craon, and not to attempt any thing against the Duke of Britain, who disavowed the fact, who feeling himself oppressed, wou●d s●eke for extraordinary remedies to defend himself, whereby strange inconveniences might ensue. But the King was resolute, at any hand to make war against the Duke of Britain. All ●re sent for: every man doth march: the R●ndez●uous is at Mans. Peter of Craon retyers from Sablé, whilst this storm ●iseth: but the King marcheth on, assuring himself that he was in Britain, although some say that he was in Arragon, and that the Queen of Arragon had given him intelligence, that she held a French Knight prisoner at Pe●pignan, who would not discover his name. This distempered choler had much impaired the King's health, who carried in his face the disease of his mind. His Physicians dissuaded him from this voyage, as most prejudicial for his health, and the Duke of Britain by a new excuse, The King marched against the Duke of Britain. beseeched him to believe, that he had no dealings with Peter of Craon. The King could not be diverted by all these difficulties, from passing on in this journey, so wilfully undertaken by him▪ although his uncles found new devices to stay him, both at Chartres and at Man's, employing his physicians, to show unto him, how dangerous it was to march in Summer, being extremely hot, 1393. considering the debility of his health, much impaired sense his burning choler, the which had alt●red all his blood, whereof he had proof by daily fevers. His physicians dissuade him. But this passion of cholle● had so possessed his poor afflicted spirits, that such as were about him, besides himself, perceived his grief to be the more weak in that he was insensible of what he suffered▪ & his servants espied that which they could not but see in him, by the extreme apprehension they had of the harm which was at hand. Moreover the Duke of Britain (to calm this great storm which was ready to fall upon him, (although in truth he had hidden Peter of Craon at Susmet, and was ●o●y that he had not slain the Constable Clisson) sends a certain Bishop of his Country to the King, called the Bearded, a very famous man for the integrity of his life: The Duke of B●ittain labours to satisfy ●he King. to beseech him to believe that he was nothing guilty of this attempt, neither did he know what was become of Peter of Craon, whom he would send unto him with his hands and feet bound, if he were in his power. That he should not make war against his own Country, and against a poor people, which must suffer for an other man's folly. In the end, this man pronounceth the threats of God's judgement against Charles, if he should proceed unto war, so lightly undertaken against his vassals and subjects, and against the articles of marriage concluded betwixt his daughter and the Duke's son, as a seal of their loves. This Bishop was heard in Council, and the Duke of Berry speaking more boldly than the rest, for the authority which his degree and white hairs gave him) laid open all that m●ght hinder this voyage. But Charles stopped his ears to all good Council, having his brain disposed to the distemperature which shall presently seize upon him, running headlong into the mischieve which should afflict him and all France. He parts from Man's in july, (in an exceeding hot day, as the history says,) as if all things had conspited to afflict this poor Prince: The King parts fr●m Mans. at nine of the clock in the morning, to receive the coolness of the greatest heat at Noontide, weak in head and mind: distempered with choler, grief, despite and languishing: his body wearied with watching and distaste, not able to eat nor sleep, having his head muffled with a great cap of Scarlet, and his body covered with a thick jerkin of Velvet: (too weighty for a sharp winter,) marching on a sandy plain, so scalt with the sun beams, as the strongest did melt in sweat, and were out of breath. Being entered the forest of Man's, behold a man bore headed and bore legged, attired in a coat of white rug, steps suddenly forth betwixt two trees, A strange accident befalls the King. taking hold of the reins of his horse: he stays him, and says unto him. King, ride no farther, but return back, for thou art betrayed. Charles, (whose spirits were otherwise dulled) was amazed at this voice, and his blood greatly distempered. His servants run to this man, and with blows make him leave the reins of his horse, and so without any farther search the man vanished. After this accident there presently follows an other. Charles and his Noble men did ride in troops divided, by reason of the dust, and he himself was all alone pensive, with the pages of his chamber, who were so near unto him, as they trod on his horse heels. He that was nearest carried his helmet upon his head, and the next his Lance, being garnished with crimson silk. As the heat of the Noon day makes men drowsy on horse back, it chanced the Page which carried his Lance, (being very sleepy) let it fall upon him which carried the helmet, making a great noise, like the rushing of arms▪ The King starts with amazement at this noise, and seeing the crimson bande●olle of the Lance, having his spirits weakened with the former distemperatures, transported with the imagination of this voice, sleepy with labour and heat, he imagined himself to be compassed in w●th many armed men which poursued him to the death. The second season, from the time of the King's sickness. From the year 1393. to the year. 1422. This time of his infirmity is distinguished into many acts, whereof this is the first Scene, of a long and mournful Tragedy. THUS Charles transported with this frenzy, lays hold on his sword, draws it, runs violently after his pages, and cries amain, Charles falls into a phren●ie. At these Traitors. The pages conceiving at the first, that he had been displeased for the disorder of the Lance, fly from him. The King follows after, doubling his cry. At this noise the Duke of Orleans runs towards him, to understand the cause. The King lays at him, not knowing him: the Duke flies, and the King follows. The Duke of Bourgoigne. ●ides to him. All gather together with great outcry. Squires & knights compass in the king, till that being wearied, and his horse out of breath, his most trusty Chamberlain takes hold of him gently behind, and stays him, cheering him with flattering words, and speaking unto him with that familiarity that befitts a faithful servant to a good master. Then all draw near unto him, they take his sword from him, they lay him on the ground, and disrobe him of his thick velluet jerkin and his scarlet cap, to give him breath. His Brother and Uncles salute him: but he knows them not, neither makes he any show to move: The first fit of the King's frenzy. being pensive, his eyes troubled, turning up and down, mute, sighing, panting, moving both body and head with great amazement. All signs of frenzy appeared in this poor Prince. The Physicians are sent for in haste: they come, but he knows them not. The pitiful estate of the Cou●●. Brother, Uncles, Lords, Physicians all sigh: all lift up their eyes to heaven. Tears fall from the Duke of Orleans eyes: he beats his breast and crosseth his arms, he approacheth near to his poor brother, and he recules from him. All are amazed, all confounded. O my Country, what trouble shall this poor head give unto thy body? But may I lawfully sigh with my Countrymen who sighed then, foretelling the miseries tha● should befall them by this frenzy, as if myself had been (in this disorder) a witness of so great an affliction, both to this poor Prince and to his Estate. A general Censure of this accident. The History doth very fitly set down the divers Censures that were given of this accident, both at Rome and avignon (famous places being then the seats of Popes) and also in England and in France. The poor subjects (as men whom it concerned) spoke soberly, & with great grief: some blaming the Duke of Britain and Peter of Craon others the Constable of Clisson, and Mignons of his chamber, who had induced the King into this action: but all in general lamented bitterly this great desaster. England was amazed at this report, and sorry for it: especially the Duke of Lancaster, who had conferred with out Charles very privately in the treaty of peace which they had at Amiens. He wept, commending this good & wise Prince, being desirous of the good of all Christendom. Rome and avignon (being then banded one against the o●he●, by reason of the Schism of Antipopes) rejoiced at this calamity befallen unto our poor King. ●roisard to●. 4. Chap. 5. Vrbain (as his professed enemy) triomphed in his misery whereinto he ●ayed he was fallen by a just judgement of God, having supported Clement his competitor against him. Clement rejoiced▪ for that he was not fully confirmed in his authority by him: the King having busied himself with his subjects quarrels: whereas his greatest charge was to restore the dignity of the holy Sea to her ancient beauty. This the History observeth of the Censures of these Antipopes. But the divine Oracle says, O how happy is he that judgeth wisely of the afflicted, representing an admirable example in the per●on of job, to govern themselves discreetly in their Censures, job hath the testimony of a very good man, and yet he had great afflictions, having lost goods, children, house and health, tormented by his wife, and not only abandoned, but also persecuted by all his friends, in that which was more de●re unto him than his goods and life, his credit, whereof they seek to deprive him, accusing him that he had lived wickedly like an hypocrite, having but the show of a good man, and not the integrity of a good life whereof he made profession, Such is the vain judgement of this world, which holds adversity for a vice and prosperity for a virtue; measuring things according to their passions, and not with ●eason, but the t●●th doth teach us an other lesson. O Lord how great are thy works, thy thoughts are very deep▪ the ignorant man doth not know them, nor the fool doth not understand ●hem. Th●t we might know the chastisements of God to be always just, although the cause's be unknown unto us. We cannot deny but there wer● errors in Charles; but yet we must confess, in acknowledging things as they be, that he was one of the least vicious Kings of France, and if we shall examine the zeal he had to the government o● his Estate, he must hold an honourable rank among the most virtuous Princes that have at any time deserved well of this monarchy. Many nearer causes of his infirmity, may be truly and soberly observed: The second causes o●●he Kin●s frenzy. the disposition of his body, his manner of life, the surcharge of affairs▪ the weakness of his blain, the abounding of choler, grief and waywardness, the want of rest and food, the importunity of his voyage, the terror of this voice, & the noise of arms, ●o weigh down the balance ever charged with so heavy a bur●hen. But why from man do we not ascend to God? Truly God doth hold & govern this rod: and as Charles was the head of this great Estate by his wise decree: so he not only punished the person of Charles, but the whole body of this ●ealme: that both great and small might learn by this pitiful spectacle, to humble ●hem selves under the mighty hand of God, who hath created the spirit of man, to wo●ke according to his good and wise will; and disposeth absolutely of men & their affairs▪ as he pleaseth: and that this saying may be the seal of a ●●ue and sober humilit●e, I have held my pe●ce O Lord, for thou hast done it▪ drawn from this Maxim, God dot● all well, what so ever he doth. O Kings, ●his famous example belongs to you, in so famous a K●ng. O Subjects, you must learn by the head o● Ch●rles, of what p●ice his head is whom God hath gruen you for king: ●hat you may pray unto him with all your hearts, to make him fit for the government o● the whole body, without the which it cannot subsist. But I will return to our Charles. Pardon courteous reader th●s d●gression, for the s●arch o● the use o● so famous an Accident. This new and strange accident made them presently to dismiss the troops, having other work in hand then to make war in Britain. The army dissolved. All the Court is wholly affected to the King's health. He is presently carried back to Man's: his sickness increaseth, he must be transported to a better air. The Physicians advise it should be to Creil● 'pon Oise, one of the royal houses, in the Country of Beawaisin, betwixt Beawais and Senlis, a pleasant and halsome seat upon the river. He is conducted thither with great care: but his frantic fever continues still. They seek to conceal it, lest the fame thereof should be dishonourable but truth speaks generally. james Harsely, an excellent Physician of Laon is sent for, and preformes his duty happily, as shall appear by the event. Ca●● of the King's person. Nothing wanted that man's wit could devise to help and cure the infirmity of so great a King. Let us l●aue Charles, in the physicians hands, and return to the Crown as sick as the head, having as great need of a good and speed remedy. A Parliament is presently called: they assemble at Paris, with all speed. All France, mourns for the affliction of their King▪ whom they loved dearly, for his mildness▪ and the singular hope they conceived of his reign: whereby Charles purchased the name of Wel● beloved. 1394 The Estates assemble to resolve what was necessary for the government of the realm in this accident. They determine first, what might be fittest for the form of government, hoping verily of the King's speedy recovery, being loath to seek a remedy that might any way prejudice his authority. It was therefore set down for a law, That they should abstain from the name of Regent, unfit in this sudden accident, An order for the government of the Realm. the King being alive & of years. And they concluded, That during the King's infirmity, and without any prejudice to his authority, the sovereign government of the Crown of Fr●nce should be given to the Princes of his blood. But this point being decided, there was an other of no less difficulty. To what Prince? The order of the fundamental Law, called Lewis of Orleans the King's Brother, as first Prince of the blood▪ but neither his age, nor the present necessity could allow thereof. The States yielding unto reason, Contention for the government. decree; That being apparently necessary to provide, for the State, by reason of the king's weakness, being very seek, it were not convenient to lay so heavy a burden upon so wea●e shoulders, as the King's brother, a young Prince: but that the Dukes of Berry, and Bourgoigne, his uncles, next to his brother, should have the government of the realm, until the King's recovery. john Duke of Berry was elder than Philip▪ but having purchased an ill fame in Languedoc, The disposition o● P●ilip Duke of Bourgong●e. to be covetous and violent, he was nothing pleasing: so as the French were better affected to Philip the hardy Duke of Bourgongn●, a cunning, cold, temperate, mild, patiented and popular Prince, but ambitious, factious, revengeful and malicious. Being therefore pleasing to the States, the chief charge was imposed on him: the title was common to both brethren, but the effect of the authority was proper to him alone. The Estates add to their decree (especially in his favour,) that the Duchess of Bourgongne should have the first place next to Queen Isabella our sick King's wife, and by consequence, they give her access to her chamber, and the government of the Children at all events. This was Marguerite the heir of Flanders▪ a woman of a manly courage, Women rule in the State. raised for her great possessions, and wholly bred to ambition. This new presidence displeased Valentine the Duchess of Orleans, who yielded nothing unto her in greatness of courage. We stand now upon good terms that must be governed by three women, a german, an Italian, and a Flemings, all which had absolute authority over their husbands: whose distaffs did cut like sword, whereof they will give us presently a sufficient proof. Philip Duke of Bourgongne Advanced to the government of the Realm by a decree of the States. BEhold the King's Uncles now at the helm, to the great discontent of the Duke of Orleans, and of james of Bourbon his Uncle by the mother side. The wind changeth, and the sails turn, Two fac●●on● in Court. the Court is transformed. There are two factions: but that of Berry and Bourgongne is the stronger. The Dukes of Orleans & Bourbon make the other: but there is no equality. The authority of the whole government, and of the treasure, is in their hands to whom the States had decreed it. Such force hath this solemn consent of the ●rench in matters of State. Such as had been of Charles his most secret Council, were out of favour: An alteration in Court and the favourers di●gra●ced. the Constable, Begue de Villains, Montagu, la Riviere and Mercier, they are all in bad estate, for their overthrow is plotted, by what means soever. The Duke's authority must begin with them, yet there was no love betwi●xt the two brethren (for who can believe that ambition and covetousness are fit to win friendships) b●t only to ruin their common enemies, and to suppress their authority. Such as were in their roll, had their tur●es, but diversly. The Duke of Bourgongne standing upon his guard, restrained his imperious wife, who at his first advancement to this great command, would have turned all topsie tu●uy tu●uy▪ but he seeks all means to pr●u●nt his enemies, being resolved to begin with the Constable, as with the strongest: The mignona of King 〈◊〉 a●e ill entreated. and this he concluded with h●s brother of Berry. Montagu cunningly smells out this practice, and withal the best he could carry away, saves himself at avignon, attending some better opportunity▪ but he shall return too soon to lose his head on a scaffold. The Constable Cl●sson, at his fi●st speech with the Duke of Bourgongne, is so checked and threatened by him, as swallowing this pill quietly, he steals out of Paris, & retires to his house at Montlhery, from whence with extreme danger he saves himself in Britain, The Constable Clisson fl●●s from Pa●is. having the Duke for h●s capital enemy. But he had his son in Law there, the Duke of Anjou▪ the Earl of Ponthi●ure, and so many friends within the Country, as in the end the equity of his cause shall draw the Duke of Britain to reason, being his most dangerous enemy. After notice, that the Constable was fled. Begue de Villains a gentleman of Beausse, (who had married the Contesse of Rebelde in Castille) la Riviere and Me●cier were cooped up, but all escaped by sundry means, only Mont●gu in the end shall lose the mould of his double●, although he seemed to have better provided for his safety ●hen all the rest. That we may hold for an undoublted Maxim in all the resolutions which man's reason can set down in greatest dangers, That what God keeps, is well kept. Yet not rashly to omit the lawful means of our preservation, neither to rely over much upon our own wisdoms, no more then to a rotten plank in passing of a great river. The Duke of Bourgongne had nothing less in his hea●t, nor more in his mouth then the sacred name of justice. Having the Court of Parliament of Paris at his devotion, he begins to plant his artillery against the Constable, by this authority. The King's Advocate (having framed a complaint against him) Comissions are sent into Britain to summon him, who not finding him, The Constable condemned being absent. they proceed against him by exceptions: all formalities being observed, they condemn him by a decree of the Court of Parliament (in the presence of the Dukes of Berry and Bourgongne) as guilty of high treason, having attempted against the King's person by poison, and against the state by theft and treason▪ That as guilty of these crimes, he was degraded of the office of Constable, condemned in a hundred marks of silver to the King▪ and banished the Realm. A strange alteration, ●he which the History represents in these vers●s. Inconstant Fortune never stays, her motions turning are always: The highest mounted on the wheel, is strangely cast behind the heel. But truth corrects the vanity of this popular opinion▪ God is judge, he raiseth one, and casts down another. Advancement comes not from the e●st nor from the west; but Goddoth raise up and pull down by his wise providence: for God that hath made the world, should not he govern the wo●ld? the eye sees not the Sun through a thick cloud▪ and yet it is in heaven, notwithstanding the weakness of our sight. That which: he ignorant call fortune in deuers ●uents of worldly things, is a secret operation of the wisdom of God, always just, even when it is most unknown unto us: the which is no more polluted with humane passions, then ●he Sun beams with ●he most infected car●on, whereon it works by his heat, Necess●●ie observations for all men. O man, distinguish the rod from the hand that rules it: do thou thy duty and leave the events to God: fear God and thou shalt have to need to fear ●ortune. An assured passport not only to a void the strange alterations of Co●●●, but all other accidents of man's life, which hath nothing constant in it, but inconstance itself. But every man ●●eads on him that falls, saith the same history. Every man speaks infamously of the disgraced Constable they cry out against him▪ as having bewitched ●he King. Thus ●he afflicted is always held culpable, according to the censure of ●his wi●e world, which ●udgeth only by outward circumstances. But who would believe, that Clisson and his companions (who had so great an interest in the King's health) would make him sick? The ●s●ue will show ●he contrary, verifing. That as Slander is the touchstone of virtue, so there is nothing more courageous than a good cause, nor more victorious th●u ●he tr●●h. Clisson stirs not all this b●ute, he stands upon h●s g●●d ●ourchase●h friend's, and attends the time, which in the end brought him to a sa●e po●t, as we shall s●e hereafter. A●ter his condemnation, the Dukes of B●rry & ●ourgongne hastened nothing so much, ● to advance one to this goodly charge, whereby they might tie some grea● pe●son ●nto them. Phili●p● of 〈◊〉 Made Conntable. They offer it to the Lord of Coussy, who re●use●h it, whereupon Philippe o● Eu Ea●le of Archois is advanced, and ●or a confirmation of this new league, he gives 〈◊〉 son to the Duke of berries daughter. T●us passed the beginning of this new authority, when as Charles, by rest a good a●●r, the coolness of the winter, & good usage▪ began d●●●e to recover his health coming first to the knowledge of such as were ordinarily about him, & of his w●●e, children and Brother, who parted not from his bed whilst his uncles made this goodly work at Paris. 〈◊〉 recovers hi● health Having recovered his health, & ●ames Harsely dismissed with an honourable reward, all France was reuland with incredible joy, to see their King as it were raised ou● o● the grave and given devoutly to his prayers▪ But he hath a g●ea●er relapse into this miserable d●●ease by a new accident, and this was the occasion. Charles returned to Paris to his subjects great comfort, who sou●ht to delight him with alkinds' of spo●ts. Every man employed his wits there to; ●o as there was a new invention of a ma●●, of wild men, attired in fin● linen cloth, all coue●ed with very fine flax from the foot to the head, being glued tooth cloth so artificially, as if it had grown to the skin, & ●hat they which ●●d wear i● had been naked. They were six, and the King would make the seventh, to lead the da●nce, for the avoiding of all danger of fi●e, which might ●asely take the flax. Commandment was giu●n to put out all torches; but it chanced that the Duke o● Orleans, unacquainted with this mask, came into the Hall, followed by his pages, who carried torches (according to the usual manner): even as these Savage men (tied one to an other like prisoners) present themselves unto the Company▪ the King (who marched first) goes presently to the Duchess of Berry: she holds him, and ●efuse●h ●o let him go without knowledge what he was. And even then the Duke of Orleans, with a quick resoluteness answerable to h●s age and natural wantonness, takes a Torch and comes near to these Savage men, to know them by the lifting up of their masks, when as fire takes hold of this flax, so suddenly as all w●re on a flame, not able to free themselves being all tied to on● line. The violence of the fire kindled with the resin, caused a most horrible cry, but generally all men cry out, Save the King, whom they knew to be one of the Savage men. The Duchess● of Berry wraps him in her gown, being long & large after the manner of those times▪ and so drawing him out of the Hall, they led him into the next chamber, without any hurt to his person. But the amazement was such, by the horrible cries of these poor men which burned in the flames; The King ●alls into a relapse by a strange accident (not able to be helped well in so sudden an outcry) as the King could not be stayed in this amazement. They lay him on his bed, but his spirits could take no rest. Thus the night passeth away, this poor Prince being much distempered in mind, and all his servants distressed with grief. There fell out another unhappy accident▪ In the morning it was bru●ed through the city, that the King was dead, so as the people d●d run in flocks to his uncles lodgings, exclaiming against them for the ill guard they had kept of his person, whom they desire to see either dead or alive: so as the Dukes of B●rry and Bourgongne yielding to this violence, were forced (even when as the King began to take some rest) to raise him out of his bed, and to lead him through the City to our Lady's Church, to pacify the people's fury. A this return his spi●i●s fail him ●he fallis into his former frenzy, and never after were they settled, notwithstanding all the he●ps men could apply. He languished twenty and two years in this pitiful estate, and in the tediousness of so long an infirmity the Realm was not without languishing. Sometimes he was in good temper, (as frenzies have their respites, The Paris●e●s mad to see th● King. and do not always distemper the facul●es of the mind) but still he fell, and even when as he thought to do best▪ he erred most, when as he sought to retain the authority to himsel●e, and that nothing should be done but by his command. Hence sprung the horrible confusions in this reign, ●or ●hat deuers passionate men ruled his weak brain diversely, one undoing what another had done, covering their passions with the King's name and authority. And all the liberty to do ill, grew from this spring. But let us return to the end of our painful web. The Duke of Orleans wonderfully perplexed to have been cause of this scandal, excuseth himself presently in the hall, and to the king his Brother: The Duke of Bourgoigne seeks to mak● the Duke of Orleans odious. Jealousy betwixt ●●e Dukes of O●lean● & Bourgongne. but all this did not satisfy. The Duke of Bourgongne reproacheth him, and exceeds the censure of an uncle: for he lays hold on this occasion, to make him odious to the people, as if it had been done of purpose to kill the King. This Mask of burning men (which chanced in the beginning of the year 1394) shall burn farther, and kindle a greater fire betwixt the uncle and the Nephew, fo● the space often years, until the death of Philip Duke of Bourgongne, leaving this hatred hereditary to his posterity. There is no means which the Bourguignon doth not attempt to wrong his Nephew of Orleans. Certain Augustin Friars undertake to cure the King, by incisions in his head, whenby he was in great danger of his life. These counterfeits were brought forth publicly in their habits, and beheaded, but the scars of these wounds will remain in Lewis his ●ace, who recommended them unto the King. The women are dealers in these actions. The Duchess of Bourgongne persuades Queen Isabel, that Lewis his meaning was to kill the King her husband, & his children. These impressions are confirmed by the grave and sweet discourses of the duke her husband, who by degrees settled a hatred in the Queen's mind against her brother in-law. Thus this faction is much fortified by the authority of Queen Isabel, and by her, with her husband's name, whom she makes to speak what she pleaseth, sometimes as her will directed him, but not alwa●●●. Yet this weak brain is the chequer of all these courtly policies, by the means o● women; who are continually about his bed or his chair, to distemper his brain with variety of news springing from their wretched passions: and this poor Prince is sometimes won▪ sometimes lost, and always tormented w●th these importune discourses. V●len●ine to the Duke of Orleans, an I●a●●an and daughter to john Galeaz (one of the cunningest and most subtle wits of her time, which subtlety some held she increased by conjuring) would not yield to the bravadoes of these two Princesses: against whom she opposed herself, not only by her husband's degree, but also by a politic courage bred in herself, visiting the sick king with such civil entertainment, as her greatest enemies could not find any honest colour to deny her the door. So as the King did not only willingly see her, but did call for her, and in his greatest fits did know her only, among all the rest, refusing to take any thing but from the hands of his good Sister of Orleans. The more the Kings love kindled a jealousy in these two Princesses her enemies, the more it raised up the mind of Valentine, and by her means, of her husband: who remembering (too hatefully) the degree whereunto he was borne, and the wrong done him in rejecting him: yet having neither dexterity, nor means to win many servants, he gave the Duke of Bourgongne all advantages, being grave, cold, pleasing and modest: so as by his wise temper he dissolved the heat of the Duke of Orleans immoderate vehemency, who tiring himself with the show of his greatness, makes it known by effects, that all the authority was in the Duke of Bourgongne. for whosoever had need of any public help he must pas●e through his hands. & what business soever chanced, either within or without the realm, the true rendezvous was at his lodging. Thus the Uncle made his Nephew towalke horses (as they say) although he chafed and stamped beyond all measure. These divisions troubled the whole court, making them to neglect the affairs of state: and what can we observe more famous in so disordered an estate. All businesses are done in the King's name, yet without the King, unless the parties would have him to countenance some great passion. I do purposely omit all that which passed in this reign touching the schism of the Church, and the house of Anjou in the realms of Naples and Arragon, not to break off the course of my intent, meaning to represent in due place all that concerns this foreign history. Richard King of England sends his Ambassadors to Charles, to congratulate his recovery, offering him a general peace, and demanding his daughter in marriage. The King's relapse delayed the conclusion for a time, Richard king of England marrieth with Isabella of France. but soon after, by the care of the Duke of Bourgongne, who had a great interest in this alliance, by reason of his country of Flanders, it was concluded, in the year 1395. Charles had some intermissions, by means whereof he could ride: Richard repairs to Calais, and Charles to Ardres, whether Richard came to ratify the peace concluded betwixt their Ambassadors, and to receive his new spouse. The Kings encountered one another with love and kindness, making shows of great good will: but it was a short joy for either of them. For as it seemed that the quiet of these two realms had been settled by this general peace, sealed by this marriage, and seasoned with so many reciprocal shows of cordial affection betwixt these two great Kings, behold a great combustion in England, which entangles both these Kings in this common calamity. Richard being of himself effeminate, careless, voluptuous and idle, grew more delicate by this profound rest built upon the alliance of his enemy, who alone might have quickened him. He is always with his young wife, embracing her, dallying with her and attiring her, with such contempt of his authority, abassing himself too much to his subjects. so as he grew contemptible unto his enemies, who presumed to attempt against his person. The ordinary wars of England against France, had caused many necessary impositions without any grudging of the subjects: but when as necessity ceased by this general peace, the people require to be relieved: William More makes an oration unto the king in the name of all the English in general. Richard having no means in these infinite exactions to supply the charges of his idle & voluptuous life, contemned his subjects request: and in the end pressed upon the same matter by the Duke of Gloucester & the Earl of Arondel, in the name of them all, he puts them unjustly to death. The English mad with rage for the death of their deputies, fly to such remedies as despair gives to necessity. From this general discontent sprung a strange Tragedy against Richard, for the English seeing themselves thus despised by their King, they cast their eyes upon Henry of Lancaster his cousin: and having called a Parliament, they put Richard into prison, and crown Henry of Lancaster in his place; Richard King of England put from the Crown. Richard being forced in open assembly to resign the Crown, and to condemn himself to perpetual prison, as having abused his royal authority and his subjects. But this tragic change concerns the History of England. This may briefly suffice for ours, in the conference of our estate with theirs. Charles did greatly grieve at this dejection of Richard his son in law, from whom he expected great love and quiet for his subjects. But who seethe not the vanity of this world, both in great and small, to fear a shower even when the Sun is hottest? He sends for Isabella his daughter of twelve years old, whom Richard had not yet touched, being content to behold her (like a puppet) until she came to age, satisfying his humour by some other ways, howsoever it were, it proved to the dislike o● his subjects, and scorn of neighbour nations. Isabella being returned to her father, shallbe married to Charles Duke of Orleans, son to this Lewis who is now in quarter, and from her shall spring a goodly plant, which in the end shall give us many Kings in their order, to preserve this Monarchy. But▪ as if France had been the storehouse, or rather the common Sanctuary of all Christendom, to whom the afflicted Christians might repair in their greatest extremities. It happened in those days, that Sigismond King of Hongarie entreated Charles ●o secure him against the Turk, the common enemy to the Christian name, The King of Hongarie craves succo●● of K. C●arle●. who got footing in the Empire of the East. For, the schism in the Church, the confusion of the Empire, and the daily wars betwixt France and England, had so mortified all Christians zeal, from all care to support the affairs of the East, against the Turks our sworn enemies, as the way was made easy for the planting of themselves there to our ruin. But all the fault was not in the Western Provinces: the Christians of the East were in horrible confusions, and even at Constantinople, whereas the Paleologues had in some sort maintained the name of the Empire of the East, since the bad government of our French. All the Lords of Greece, vassals to the Empire, joining with the Despote of Bulgaria, against the Emperor, did strive to ruin one another. This civil watte drew the Turk out of Asia, (where he was yet confined) into Europe, overthrew all the rest of the Empire, and in the end shall bury the whole body of this great estate, with the Christian name, in the ignominy of our disordered passions, as in a common sepulchre. It sufficeth to note the motive of this war, which was to expel Raiazet) of the race of the Ottomans, who yet hold the Empire of the East) being called in by john Palcolog Emperor but seeing so mighty an enemy entered within his dominions, under a colour to succ●●● him, he sought to be freed from him by means of Christian Princes his friends. The nearest was Sigismond King of Hongarie, who had reason himself to s●are this overflowing deluge, the which in the end hath overrun Hungary, being at this day for the most part under the Turks tyranny. But the event was not answerable to his design. Charles being solicited for succours, granted them, as freely as his infirmity would suffer. But the Duke of Bourgongne made the provision: the charge of the army was given to his son john Earl of Nevers, being two and twenty years old, and married to the daughter▪ of Albert of Baui●re, Earl of Hainault, Holland and Zealand, by whom he had then one son, who shall succeed him. The army was goodly, beautified with the presence of many great personages, as Ph●lip of Eu Constable of France, the Earls of La Mark, Saint Pol, and Bar, The French pass into Hongarie. the Lords of Coussy, Tremoville, Vienne, Bouciqualt, Roye, Monterel, S. Py, & Brezay, to the number of a thousand Knights and squires. Being joined to Sigismonds' army, which consisted of many Hongariens, Bohemiens, and Germans, they desired at any hand to have the vanguard, & to march in the face of an unknown enemy, of whose discipline they were ignorant: and to make proof of their valour. 1395. Against the advise of Sigismond, they cast themselves desperately into the midst of the Turks avant coureu●s, all the Christian army being too far behind to second them. The French defeated in Hongarie. but it chanced, that Bajazet (followed by a far greater troop than theirs) compassed them in easily as with a Net, so as after they had fought valiantly, and made a great slaughter of Turks, not able to withstand so great a force, they were all cut in pieces, or taken prisoners. john of Bourgongne, and all the above named Lo●ds, were either slain or taken, not one escaped the sword or slavery. Faiazet moved with the great loss of his men, would have slain all the prisoners: but the greedy desire of ransom was helpful to some few of the Noblemen. The history of ●ermanie notes but five, all the rest were murdered after their taking, by the commandment, and in the presence of this Barbarian, who having resolved to kill john of Bourgongne as the head of the army, was dissuaded by an old Turkea Necroma●cien▪ who said unto him; Preserve this young man, who shall kill more Christians then thine army. A Prince borne to the spoil and ruin of his country, whereof he shall be shortly a more cruel scourge then the Turks. They spared him, but he spared not the blood of his cousin germane, to defile his incestuous hands, and to profane the bosom of France, wh●ch had so greatly honoured him. Eng●errand o● Coussy, a great man in his time, died in prison, and Philip of Eu Constable of France, (by whose death the Earl of Sancerre was advanced to this great dignity,) but after him there shall be other Constables in this confused reign. This defeat chanced in the year 1396. before Nicopolis a City in Misia, near to the which trajan vanquished the Danes. This victory of the Turks had proceeded farther, by the terror it gave to those countries: but God gave those Christians some time of breathing before the last stroke, the which came but too soon for the scorne●s of God: y●t af●er this overthrow, as Bajazet prepared to pursue his victory against the Christians, Tamberlan, another scourge of mankind, overflowing Asia like a great deluge, overthrew him, and took him p●isoner, and so God stayed the Ottomans force for that time▪ but the Christians malice (abusing the patience of God) provoked his wrath, which being justly kindled against them, he suffered the Turks to take Constantinople, the capital City of the Eastern Empire, as we shall see else where▪ but let us return to France. Charles had some truce with his infirmity, who notwithstanding this indisposition of his b●a●●e, was in reasonable good health of his body, so as he had children during this time. The King's children during his infirmity. Before his sickness he had Isabella (of whom we have made mention) and L●wis the Dauphin Duke of Guienne. But john Duke of Touraine, & Charles Earl of Ponthieu, Michelle, Marie and Marguerite, two sons, and three daughters (a goodly issue to keep the Crown from being an Orpheline) were borne to him by Isabella of Baviere, du●ing the weakness of his spirit. And much happ●nesse befell him. After the taking of B●iazet, and the return of john of Bourgongne into France, Happy success ●or the Fr●nch. hau●ng paid his ransom: the Lord of Bouciqualt, (being sent to Genes, to receive it to the King's obedience, to whom they had willingly given themselves) he made a voyage to Constantinople with a new army, more happy than the first, f●eeing the City, and returning victorious into Italy. Milan belonging to Valentine▪ by the decease of john Galeaz her father, had been surprised by Francis Sforce, but at the return of the Marshal Bouciqualt, it yielded to the French obedience, and so did Plaisance and Pavia, cities in Lombardie. But these conquests continued not long with them, no more than the rest of Italy, by the fatal influence which hath always made it a Sepulchre for the French: so as this sudden yielding of those Italian Cities to the French obedience, was like unto a fire of Straw. Verdun being ill entreated by the Duke of Lorraine (although it were an Imperial Town) cast itself into Charles his protection. Charles, the son of Charles of Navarre, rightly marked with the name of bad, made great instance for his Seigneuries of Eureux, Cherebourg, and other lands in Normandy, the which Charles, 5. had taken from his father, 1398. who resigned his interest by an agreement made with him, for two hundred thousand franks that were given him▪ and the Seign●urie of Nemours, then made a Duchy upon that occasion. But in these happy events the jealousy betwixt the Dukes of Orleans and Bourgongne continued and increased hourly, through the violent practices of their Prose●pinaes, of whom we have made mention: who failed not to bring fuel to this fire, not only making coals to scourse one an other, but also a burning flame to fire both their houses & the whole realm. The occasion and means was very strange. Valentine Duchess of Orleans (whom King Charles did know and love during the sharpest fits of his infi●mtie, even when as he knew not his own wife Isabel) being in the King's chamber, (whether she had brought her little son to play with the King's children) she cast a fair apple, a●ter the which the children did run: but Valentine's son caught it, and having eaten it, ●ell presently sick, and within few days after died. There upon they concluded directly, that this child died of poison, prepared for the King's son: which confirmed the old opinion, That the King had been bewitched by her: so as all respect laid aside, they cried out against her, as against a ravening wolf. There was no other talk in Court, Paris, and through all the Provinces of France. The Duke of Bourgongne seemed very busy, & sent all complaints to the King's Council, who decreed, That, to avoid a greater scandal, Valentine should retire from Court: the which she did to the Castle of Asmiere, upon the way from Paris, to Beawais: the Duke of Orleans disdaining it much, who must needs be touched with this ignommie▪ and the people's hatred increasing mightily against him by this new accident. Whilst this homebred hatred continued in Court, betwixt the Uncle and the Nephew: the Constable Clisson fortified himself in Britain, both with friends and means, having by his dexterity gained the greatest Noblemen of the Country: by whose means he made a profitable peace for himself with john of Montfort Duke of Britain, to whom he had been a capital enemy. The manner of this unlooked for reconciliation is worthy of memory, to give after ages the subject of a notable judgement in so famous an example: The Duke pricked in conscience, and moved by necessity, having banded all his subjects against him, seeing apparently the notable wrong he had done to the Constable Clisson, he resolved to be reconciled unto him, and to win his love. But foreseeing, that having so often deceived him, he would no more trust him but upon good assurance, he resolves to secure him by an extraordinary means, The 〈…〉 conciles h●●selfe to 〈◊〉 a●ter an extraordinary 〈◊〉. sending him his eldest son as a pledge of his faith. The Constable seeing himself possessed of this young Prince, without any other security than his father's letters, stands amazed at so unexpected a proof of the Duke's love, and resolves to have his revenge by a courtesy not only strange, but less expected, for although he had all the reason in the world to distrust the duke, who had detained him prisoner under colour of a banquet, and had sought all means to ruin him: yet taking a new advise upon this new occasion, he parts from his house, and bringing back this young man to his father, puts himself into his power. The Duke more amazed at this strange confidence of the Constable, so changeth his mind, as after that time he became his most assectionate friend, The Duke of 〈◊〉 and the C●unst●ble reconciled having built a firm friendship upon this foundation, the which continued betwixt them the rest of their days, to the mutual content of either, and the profitable quiet of their subjects, verifing, That Courtesy is a wise and happy Councillor of State: teaching great men, That patience triomphes in a good cause; and that we must hate as if we should love, even in the greatest heat of passionate quarrels, being well said by the Ancients, That Hatred must be mortal, and love immortal. The hatred betwixt the uncle and the Nephew ended not so quietly. The Duke of Orleans having received this disgrace in the person of his wife Val●ntine, Dead●● 〈◊〉 betwixt the uncle and the Nephew growing ve●y impatient, redoubles his complaints with great vehemency, saying, that it was no longer time now to object his age, against the degree where unto both nature and the fundamental law of State had openly called him, seeing it was now ten years since this borrowed authority of the Duke of Bourgongne, had given him respite to be of age to enjoy his right: the which they could not take from him without prejudice to the Crown. 1399. that it is a visible usurpation, being no longer able to disguise his gross practices. The Duke of Bourgongne did frustrate these complaints by his coldness and authority: but the Duke of Orleans grew more vehement, falling from words to deeds: and having had conference with the Duke of Gueldres, he raiseth a good number of men at arms by his means, and lodgeth them about Paris, where he enters with the said Duke, having advertised no man thereof, but only the King, who favoured his brother exceedingly, when he came to his right sense. The Duke of Berry made show to be a neuter: but seeing the Duke of Bourgongne to usurp all to himself, tired with his ambitious dissimulation, he inclined more to the Duke of Orleans his nephew, although in show he laboured to reconcile them. The Dukes of Bourbon and Anjou Princes of the blood were of the like humour. The King's council labours by all means to end this quarrel betwixt these Princes, disallowing the government of any one in particular, and confirming a command of all the princes together, The Council seeks to reconcile the princes by alliances. supporting it by alliances: for, Charles the eldest son of Lewis duke of Orleans, married Isabel of France, the eldest daughter to our King Charles the 6. Lewis the King's eldest son, Duke of Guienne and Dauphin of Viennois, was betrothed to Katherine of Bourgongne, daughter to john Earl of Nevers, son to Philip. To john the King's second son, Duke of Touraine, jaqueline is promised, the only daughter of William of Baviere, Earl of Hainault and so his heir. To Philip of Bourgongne, son to the above named john, Michelle the King's second daughter is promised: for these marriages were all but future promises, by reason of the young age of the parties. This was to engage the faith to come, and now present to satisfy the discontented. Queen Isabel was double pleased, both in her children and her race, which by this means was transplanted into the royal blood of France, by her cousin, who also carried the name of Baviere. But what? as ambition cannot be tamed, so in all these marriages, there was more alliance than friendship, and more dissembling than truth. God must needs reconcile them at the last by a stronger conclusion. Philip Duke of Bourgongne dies, leaving his son john the heir of his passions, against Lewis Duke of Orleans, in the year 1404. The beginning of the civil wars. THus Philip Duke of Bourgongne, raised up with a new hope to maintain himself against his enemy Lewis duke of Orleans, as well by the cement of this alliance, as by the increase of power which his son john brought him, (being his right arm, the true Image of his great and haughty courage, and a new firebrand of his ambition) dies at this time, when as he dreamt lest thereof: for he died at Hal, going to visit his Towns in Flanders, and to cross the practices of the Duke of Gueldres, who was a principal support to the Duke of Orleans. Marguerit his wife (a companion in his ambition) did not survive him a whole year, who fearing to find her husband too far indebted, renounced his movable goods, laying down her purse and girdle upon the place appointed, according to the usual custom, 1404. and so required an act from a public notary. Grief for her husband did not hasten her death, seeing that she feared her living should fail after him. P●ilip of Bourgoigne & his wi●e die. Duke of B●ittaine dies. john of Montfort Duke of Britain (who had kept such a stir upon the Theatre) died 4. years before him, yet more wise & happy in one thing, having mortified the hatred he bore to the Constable Clisson before his death. So death doth suddenly stay men's desseines, which else fly most violently. How wretched are we to be thus blind, in these goodly examples. But let us return to our discourse. Philip left three sons, john, Anthony and Philip; but john Earl of Nevers, his eldest son succeeded him in his great Seigneuries of Bourgongne and Flanders; john Duke of ●ourgongne: here o● his father's quarrel and the chief heir of his hatred and other vices. He was equal to him in ambition, malice, dissembling, & policy: but herein he did surmount him, That his father Philip having for the space of ten or eleven years, crossed the desseines of Lewis his Nephew, yet he carried himself with such a cunning temper, as holding the helm and making him to carry the babble, he made his unlawful government supportable by his modesty, & reasonable by the order which had confirmed him in this authority. But john continues his practices with such violent fury, as within three years (having given the Duke of Orleans a thousand crosses, and plunged France in a civil war) he murders his cousin germane most cruelly, defiles his country and his blood, and continues his furious desse●ne with so great presumption, as countenancing this murder with a free confession, & seeking to maintain it by reason, he omitted no kind of mischief, but brought in all disordered confusions, as if France had been the Rendezvous of all villainy & impiety. A text, the commentary whereof may be read at large in the following discourse. Behold the beginning of a civil war among the French, both long and furious, bred by the ill council of the princes of the blood, abusing their authority. A history the more worthy the noting, for that it serves us to mark the fits and accidents of diseases wherewith we have been afflicted, to apply the use thereof to our own experience. A●ter the death of Philip, all the government of public affairs was without all controversy delivered into the hands of the Duke of Orleans. The Duke of 〈…〉 to the government. The King loved his one●y Brother dearly, and desired to grace him what he could▪ The Queen (to please her husband) made show to rejoice thereat, having no more a Duchess of Bourgongne to incense her: reason gave him this pre-eminence, and the French obeyed him willingly, as the lawful guardian of the French Monarchy. All things favoured this young prince, if he had not failed himself: but this choler hatched in his breast, having for so long a time swallowed up so many indignities, the immoderate heat of command, so much desired. and the ambition and covetousness of his wife Valentine; all these plucked from him the fru●t of these favourable occasions to settle his greatness, and gave his enemy means to ruin him. These errors were accompanied with indiscretion, The Duke indiscreet in his government. which commonly shakes the miserable. The Dukes of Berry and Bourbon, his uncles, had favoured him much, during the Bourgognons' reign. and their age had greatly countenanced his authority, if he could have used them rightly. But this young Prince was so pleased with the sweet of command, as he was loath to impart it to any: the which must needs discontent them, although (being wise) they dissembled it, yet this dislike encouraged the Bourguignon his enemy to attempt against him. The covetousness of Valentine prepared the way to these disorders. Lewis was desirous to purchase the Duchy of Luxembourg: his wife urged him thereunto hourly: wishing him to devise some means to make the King to pay for it. Upon this advice Lewis propounds in council, that for the King's important affairs there must be a taxation made. There never wants some pretext to colour these exactions: but in effect it was for this purchase. john duke of Bourgongne opposeth for the good of the common weal. On the one side it was a goodly means to show both his love to the people, and his zeal to the king's service, and and on the other, a reasonable subject to make the Duke of Orleans odious. Yet this proposition passed in council through the absolute authority of the D●ke of Orlea●s. 1405 The Bourguignon embraceth this occasion, Th● Du●e of 〈◊〉 grows 〈◊〉 to the 〈◊〉, by re●●on o● an imposition. & flatters the Paris●ens, to join their loves, & to oppose them against his enemy, who could not be more od●ous than in this cause. And even then they gre●e into such dislike of him, as they could never love him. This was spread throughout the Realm, and the D●ke of Bourgongne having protested that this charge was imposed upon the subjects against his consent, laying a good foundation of firm correspondency with the Paristans, he retires into Flanders, to take possession of his mother Marguerits inheritance and credit with that rich people▪ but in effect it was to build upon the hereditary hatred he had against his cousin and capital enemy. To omit nothing that might avail him against t●e D●ke of Orleans, being at Brussels he sends his Ambassadors to King Charles, beseeching him, with all affection to consummate the marriage betwixt Lewis his eldest son, Duke of Guienne & Dauphin of Vienne, & Katherine of Bourgoigne his daughter. Charles thought it fi● to content his cousin john upon this demand: but his brother Lewis crossed this marriage, as prejudicial to the hous● of France, being already weakened by the uniting of Bou●gongne to Fland●rs, the which would be much more ●ortified by this alliance with the K●ngs son. john's Ambassadors (after long delaie●) return home without any effect, making the●r ma●st●● acquainted with the cold proceedings of the Court, the which required his pre●ence. I● the end, he resolves to go in person, ●o solicit a matter of so great imporportance. But being ready to march, behold the King of England sends an army into Flanders, The Duk● of O●●ea●● ●o●●eth the Duke o● Bo●●g●ng●● to besiege Scluse, ●hich make him yee●d ●o necessity, & to demand succours of the King, 〈◊〉 h●s soveraigue, against the common enem● of the S●ate, staying himself in Fland●rs, to prevent the●e practices of the English Lewis of Orleans) pretending a truce betwixt France and England (causeth succours to be denied him: as if they should d●awe●●arre upon Franc● being already tired ●ith s● great and long troubles. john held him sel●e m●ch ●ronged by this denial, & to have the better means to return to Paris, he compounds with the English, being desirous to make it known, that he would oppose himself against the D●●e of Orleans desseines, taking hold of the occasion which he himself offered him to his g●●at prejudice. The imposition was levied by the D●ke of O●leans his command, and commission● were brought into Flanders. At ●aris it was exacted with all rigour: but john comm●nd, his subjects of Flanders ●o● to pay ●t, ●nd go, well accompanied to ●aris to assist the pe●ple, who greatly discontented with ●his burden, durst not yet utter their grief, expecting the countenance of a great commander. The Parisi●ns incensed against L●wis of Orleans, 〈◊〉 john of B●urg●●gne ●o com● to Paris, being resolved to employ all their means in the defence of thi● cau●e, The Pavilions solicit I●●n of 〈◊〉 to come. whi●h they he●d to be very important for their relief. john desired nothing more: so as redoubling his courage a● these calls, he goes in haste to Paris, & stays at Lowre in Pa●is●s, gluing the Parisiens' notice to co●e unto him. The King remained at Paris, as he was accustomed. the queen & Lewis of Orleans (having discovered the D●ke of Bourgongnes ●●tent, & fearing le●●t (being the stronger, & having t●e Parisiens' at his devotion) ●e should force the king to marry the Dauphin Lewis, made sure to his daughter: they thought it best to convey this y●ng prince into Germany, to some place of safety. And going together from Paris they lef● the Dauphin with Lewis of Bau●ere his uncle by the mother's side) who sho●d conduct h●m secretly in a litter to Corbeil, where a goodly troop attended him. The Bourgognons' follower's give him present intelligence of their departure. john follows so speedily as he overtakes the Dauphin Lewis at V●liuif●e, john of B●●rgo●gne ●eizeth on the D●●●p●●ns person. conducted in a l●tter by Lew●s of Ba●●ere hi● uncle, & bring▪ him back gently to Paris, where they receive the D●ke of B●u●gongne ●●th great joy, and are glad of the Daulphins' return, going to meet them ●n great pomp, as at a joyful triumph. john being come to Paris, hath conference wit● them of this faction, and finds them at his devotion. The Provost of Merchant's, ●nd the University, assure him of their faithful service: they entreat him to undertake the reformation of the State, a charge which he doth willingly embrace, as a fit mask ●or his ambitious humour. He than presents a petition to the King, beseeching him to reform the S●ate, 1406. strangely corrupted by the ill government of the treasure, whereby t●e subjects were oppressed with insupportable charges, and sacred justice ill administered. the ordinary ●ub●e●● of the people's complaints: but in effect it was to arraign the Duke of Orleans. T●● King forbore to make any answer until his brother's return, being Precedent of th● counsel, and greatly interessed in this complaint: b●t these had been words wit●●u●●ffect, if force had not followed this admonition. The Bourguignon, had brought gr●at ●roupes, under the conduct of john without pity, Bishop of L●ege, Ciu●ll wa●●● be●in●. and t●e Du●e o● Cleves. The Duke of Orleans had also assembled an army from divers parts, by the Lord of H●rpendanne, fortified with the forces of the D●ke of Lorraine and the King of Sicily, being made re●dy for the voyage of Naples. Thus the I●le of France is full of sould●●●● of one livery, but of contrary humours, as the manner is in civil wars, French against French, and kinsman against kinsman, all making profession to maintain the good of their country in ruining it. john of Bourgongne in show had the advantage, being in the capital City, and possessed of the people's hearts: he had the King in his po●er, and (for a gage of this new authority, which men honour like the sun rising) the Dauphin of the house of France, ●hom he pretended to be his son in law. All these considerations made his hea●● s●ell, and his tongue to speak proudly. But Lewis Duke of Orleans sounds forth the name of public authority, which then remained in his hands, as in a sacred guard. T●e most passionate make a stay at the name thereof, to attend the event of ●o great a quarrel. Such force hath the name of lawful authority and order in a S●ate, whereon it depends as on a firm foundation. These armies thus lodged about Paris, the generals minds appeared in the devices of their standards. In that of the Duke of Orleans was written. Iel●enuie, The de●●se●: of the 〈◊〉 with a staff ●●ll of knots painted in it, signifying that he would knock him on the finger's that should presume t● touch his authority. In the Duke of Bourgongnes was written in Flemish. Ick Houd, t●at is to say, I hold it, with a joiners plane to make smooth the knotty staff, & ●o to encounter the force that threatened him: yet these passions were suppressed by the only respect of authority, without the which all had tended to a violent spoil. The Princes of the blood (who were not engaged in these quarrels) labour to reconcile their cous●●●, seeing the King's infirmity will not suffer him to use his absolute autho●i●●. Lewis of Anion, King of Naples & Sicily, and Lewis of Orle●ns, were with th● Que●n● at Melun. The Dukes of Berry and Bourbon and the King of Navarre, are at Paris w●●h the K●ng, and all the faction of Bourgongne. The King of Sicily comes to Paris, he le●● the Dukes of Berry and Bourbon understand, how necessary it was to quench this ●ire in ●●●e. All these Princes are willing to mediate an accord, but the indiscretion o● the D●ke of Orleans had almost spoiled all. A● the first he grew amazed, but seeing no man to st●rre, and having some feeling of his authority, he began to speak big, writing to Paris, and to the best Cities of the Re●●me, against such as had made this petition. And (contrary to the advise which t●e P●●nces his cousins gave him, not to part from Melun) he resolves to come to Paris, and to oppose himself against the Duke of Bourgongne. The Duke of O●l●a●s discontents th● Pari●ien●. The City and University of Paris send an honourable deputation unto him, excusing themselves, beseeching him to he 〈◊〉 to a g●od reformation: but he so checked the deputies, as they returned ill satisfied ●o a pe●ple big, with a seditious humour. He showed himself indiscreet in two sorts: Excusing himself when no man accused him, which was properly to accuse himself, and in wa●ing of a sleeping dog, incensing this mutinous people, who were then kep● in awe by h●s only authority, not daring to mutter against him but in secret. The Bourguignon desired nothing more than to have some apparent cause to draw t●●s people into mutiny, The Pa●i●●●n● a●med against t●e Duke o● O●l●an●. giving it out openly that the Duke of Orleans came in a●mes to spoil the city of Paris. Behold the Parisiens' are in arms, prepared both with●n a●n without, to withstand the Duke of Orleans coming: they beat down pentises wit●in the C●ttie, to make the streets more free for to cast stones. The people troop with the Duke of Bourgongne● men, and issue forth armed above Montfaucon, in view of the Or●eanois, lying in great numbers upon the plain. The Chancellor of France, accompanied with the Precedents and Councillors of the Court of Parliament, go to the Princes, advertising the Duke of Orleans of the danger of a great confusion, if ●e did n●t foresee it. Hereupon Lewis commands his troops to retire, and stays at the Castle of Beauty upon Marne, to have the better mean; A peace betwixt the Du●e of Orl●ans a●d B●u●gongne. to hea●e from his Uncles, who (by the authority of reason and alliance, after many voyages) reconciled Lewis of Orleans, and john of Bourgongne, having seen and embraced one another like kind Kinsmen, with all outward signs of perfect & cordial love. This was but a coloured peace, the which in the end was so heavy a burden to them both, as it weighed them down: and by their own wilful follies, as if they willingly sought their own ruins, verifying this assured maxim: That man hath no harm, b●t ●hat he seeks himself; confirmed by the truth of these Oracles. They have no h●rme, but by their own iniquity: and; My people have not obeyed my voice: and, Israel would none of me▪ ratified likewise by the experience of all men, all estates, and all age. The Duke of Orleans sought his own death, in provoking his enemy without reason: and the D●ke of Bourgongne in murdering him, erected a scaffold to s●●ed his own blood. This agreement made; john of Bourgongne informs the King and his Council, how much it d●d import to take the Town of Calais from the English, where the commodity of landing, and the nearness of the King's estates, gave the common enemy great means to molest the provinces of F●anders and Picardy, requiring aid and succours from the King to besiege ●t; the which he grants. Whereupon he with all his Cities, make great preparations to fortify the French army: the which enters into Picard●e, attending a commandment to beleaguer Calais. The artillery and munition was ●eady to go to field, through the great diligence of the Duke of Bourgongne, stirred up with hope to pull this tho●●e out of his foot▪ and to free the traffic betwixt his subjects and France; when as suddenly the King, Letters Patents come to the heads of the arm●e, commanding all men of war, of what condition so ever, not to pass any farther, upon pain of their Lues. This unexpected countermand, accused the Duke of Or●eans as the author thereof; A new cause of d●scon●ent b●t●●x●●he Duke o● Or●●●● and Bourgongne. and gave occasion to all men that desired the good of Fra●ce to de●est him, as serving his own passions, to the prejudice of the commonweal: but above all it gave too important a cause of discontent to the Duke of Bourgongne, who infinitely grieved with so inexcusable an affront, and such inhuman circumstances of a cruel indignity (for whereto serves it to discover in particular, the grieves of so apparent an injury) he resolves to have his revenge once for all. Thus far the Duke of ●ourgongne had reason to complain of the Duke of Orleans, but he exceeds: from reason he f●ies to passion, the which is a dangerous councillor; which presented unto him a pernicious remedy, being then pleasing to his troubled mind, leaving him nothing but a late repentance, and his body taken in the trap which he himself had made. The Duke of Bourgoigne resolves to kill his cousin of Orleans. Thus john resolves to free himself of his Cousin the Duke of Orleans, who he supposed would be a perpetual and irreconcilable enemy. The motives of this cruel resolution, are visible by the forepast actions. But they added jealousy hereunto, an intestine fire, which consumes him that lodgeth ●t in his bosom. The original of the history speaks nothing hereof: for this shameful injury (which the wise conceal) was not spoken of by those that were chiefly interessed. But the learned observe, that the Duke of Orleans had used his cousin of Bourgongnes wife too familiarly, when as he● husband was in the voyage of Hongarie. A young Flemish Princess & brown, of whom they had made a song, the which the Duke of Orleans caused to be put into music, and to be sung before the jealous husband, at a banquet which he had made him, having the Princess picture in his Cabinet, and vaunting that it was the triumph of his love. These are stabs which pierce the hearts of generous men with an incurable wound. Th●s they set down for one of ●he motives of the Bourgognons' hatred against his cousin of Orleans. This vanity cost Lewis of Orleans decree, 1407. being given exceedingly unto women: and as it was one of the causes of his death by the just judgement of God, so is it considerable. for being slain by his enemy, amongst his other vices, he shall reproach him of luxury, to justify the murder. But let us observe the sequel of this Traged●e. Lewis Duke of Orleans is slain by john Duke of Bourgongne, and in the end john makes a counterfeit peace with the children of Lewis, but it is the renewing of greater troubles. IOhn of Bourgongne having resolved to kill Lewis of Orleans his cousin German, went to Paris, with so good a show, as if he had no intent to break the accord so solemnly made betwixt them. That which most troubled him, was to see his enemy's authority confirmed by this reconciliation, having the absolute government of the State, respected as the king's brother, and the first Prince of the blood▪ And (to give him greater authority and power) the good King Charles had given him for a new years' gift i● 〈◊〉 year 1407. the Duchy of Guienne for his portion, whereof the Dauphin than carried the t●tle. This new favour and great advancement, kindled the coal of jealousy in the bourgognons' brain, being already much transported, and holding it for certa●ne, ●hat he should never by any ordinary course p●eu●●le against so passionate & powerful an enemy, who as his means did increase, so would his desire augment to ●●●●e him. He ●here●ore thinks it convenient to prevent him, and draws unto him men f●●o● 〈◊〉 audacious a murder, Raoulet of Au●onuille a Norman, an ancient servant of his h●use, and discontented with the King's brother, for that he had taken from him the o●●●ce o● General of Normandy, and a Soldier of Guines called W●lliam Corteheuze, with others of the same hu●or, to the number of eigh●eene. This William had a brother called S●as of Courteheuze, a groom of the King's chamber, who should be the instrument to draw this poor prince into the pittfall. The Queen lay then in childbed: the Duke of Orleans goes to visit her after supper, when as this S●as of Corteheuze goes to the Queen's chamber to tell him, that the King desired him to repair presently unto him for very important affairs. The Murtheters were lodged secretly in a house by the which the Duke should pas●e. Being mounted upon his moil, accompanied only with 2. Squires upon one horse, and one that followed on foot, his pages carrying torches both before & behind him: as the horse (which carried the 2. Squires (came before the house where this ambuscado lay, he began to snort & to run. The Murderers issue forth instantly and charge the Duke: at the first they cut off his hand which held thereines' of his horse. He cries out, I am the Duke of Orleans, and they answer: The Duke of Orleans murdered by th● ●ou●g●●gno●. It is you we seek for. They double their blows with such violence, as they beat him down and cleave his head, so as the brains lay scattered upon the pavement. The young Squire that remained with him, runs desperately among their weapons, & is presently slain upon his poor master. The page's had already given the alarm at his lodging, and many came running to succour their Lord, whom they find thus massacred. There was nothing to be heard but cries and lamentations, whilst the murderers (having fired a house and cast calthrop's in the streets) get themselves into Bourgongnes house. Thus the night passeth in miserable lamentations. Valentine doubles the terror of this horrible accident with fearful outcries. The Princes his Cousines run thither to participate in this sorrow. All weep and lament, all cry out in this mournful house. When the day appeers, they find his hand on the one side, and his brains scattered on the other. The relics of this head are gathered together with tears, and all is kept for an honourable funeral. O head, how many mischiefs attend the? O murderer, thou shalt be murdered, disloyal, thou shalt be disloyally slain. I have horror, yea I tremble to shed this blood again by my report. The very enemies of Lewis were amazed at this audacious murder, foretelling the miseries that should follow. The Queen wonderfully passionate, causeth herself to be removed to the King's lodging, and doubles the guards. In the end the King hath notice thereof, and apprehends it according to the weakness of his brain: but the Princes provided presently for his safety and their own: every man fearing for himself in so strange an accident. Such was the violent death of Lewis Duke of Orleans, traitorously slain at Paris by john Duke of Bourgongne, The sequel of this treacherous murder. the 20. of November in the year 1407. who thinking to kill his enemies, slew himself, and left this blood prodigiously shed, as a mournful Legacy to his posterity: and hoping in his overweening spirit, to usurp France from the lawful heirs, he lost Bourgongne from his posterity: neither could he hinder his issue whom he had so treacherously murdered, from the happy enjoying of the whole realm: for Lewis Duke of Orleans left three Sons by Valentine the heir of Milan, Charles, Philip and john: from Charles the eldest (being Duke of Orleans,) is issued directly King Lewis. 12. the father of the people, & of john Earl of Angoulesme, father to King Francis, The i●●ue of Lew●● of Orlean●. 1. the father of the muses, who hath given four Kings successively to ou● monarchy. But of john of Bourgongne we can reckon but two successors, Philip and Charles. Philip was his son, who by the patience of God left Charles in his place: but Charles suffered for his grandfathers errors and his own, for he died in blond: h●s pride was interred in an unknown tomb, and Bourgongne was pluck from the felonious hands of this murdering race, and united to the Crown. Now john of Bourgongne shall commit strange disorders during twelve years, f●om the date of this massacre, and it seems that blind Fortune hath adorned his temples with ba●es and triomph, to guerdon these execrable crimes: but he is not freed that draws his halter after him. He shall soon pay both principal and interest to God's just judgement, which slacks not, although it seem slack, but comes in due season, marching slowly: to take all excuse from the obstinate and impudent sinner, recompensing in the end this apparent slackness of punishment, by the greatness of eternal pain. But les us retune to this desolate house: Valentine widow to Lewis, with her three sons, and Isabella of France the King's eldest daughter, wife to Charles, the eldest son of L●wis, now Duke of Orleans, by the decease of his father, come all to our poor King Charles, Val●●●ine demands justice for the death o● her husband. (being sick) to demand justice. All cast themselves at the King's fee●e, as much discomforted as themselves, for the cruel death of his only brother, whom he had always loved dearly both sound and sick. Lewis of Anjou King of Sicil● and Naples, the Dukes of Berry and Bourbon, with all the Princes of the blood, accompany them in this lamentable state, wherein Charles promiseth to give them satisfaction. The King's Council being assembled, they require an account of the Provost, what he had done in search of these murderers. He answers, that having done his duty he could not find any thing. That there were no places unsercht, but Princes & great men's houses, where if he might be suffered to enter, he would do his best, to discover the murderers. The Princes were all in Council, and the Bourguignon amongst them, all promise it freely: John of Bourgongne (guilty of the crime) holds his peace: and as they beheld one an other, he riseth, and drawing the King of Sicily and the Duke o● Berry apart, he confesses, that through the devils motion he had committed this murder. These Princes (being amazed) conceal i● for that day. The next day coming to Council, the Duke of Berry willed him to retire himself. Thus amazed he returns to his lodging, and presently without any stay he flies with five more into Flanders, where the murderers likewise find a sure retreat. That conscience which at the first had terrified him, is now hardened: and that which had moved him to contesse himsel●e the author of this murder, doth now animate him with new motions, to become obstinate, and to maintain by unjust force, that which he had committed by furious violence. Having sought the love of all the Cities of Flanders, he finds them willing to support him, in right or wrong in his necessity. upon this assurance he calls an assembly at Gand, to levy those succours whereof he stood in nedde. At the news hereof, the zeal of justice grows cold in Court: they seek an accord with him whom they should pursue: the King of Sicily, and the Duke of Berry go to him to Amiens, being prouder than if he had done a meritorious act, where making open pro●ession of his pride, he had placed over the door of his lodging, a table wherein were painted two Lances a cross, whereof the one had a well steeled head for the war, and the o●her a but head for the Tilt, as giving the choice of war and peace: publishing generally that he not only had done the murder, And offers 〈◊〉 i●st●●● the mu●●her by ●●mes, but that he would and ought to do it. And to the end, he might be mad with reason, he finds Divines in those days that confirm him in this passion, & protest to maintain it by the Scripture, as the sequel will presently show. The Princes that were sent unto him, (not able to move him to confess his fault, and to humble himself:) they command him in the Kings name not to come to Paris. He answers them boldly, that he would presently go, to inform the King what reason had moved him to punish the common enemy of France. And having revived his practices at Paris, by means of his intelligences, john of ●●●●●gongne 〈◊〉 armed t● Paris contra●y 〈◊〉 the King's pleasure. he gathers together a great army, and accompanied with h●s two Brethren and the Dukes of Lorrain● & Cleves, he comes to S. Denis & lodge●h his troops about this great City, who willingly stretch forth their hands unto him, as to their redeemer, who should purchase them perpetual rest. The Princes go unto him, & entreat him in the King's name, not to enter ●nto Paris, but with his ordinary train of .200. men. john makes them answer: That for the surety of his person, he could do no less th●n to go well accompanied & the next day he arrives at Paris withal his troops, being received by the Parisiens' with cries of joy, as a new Monarch. He fortifies himself in Bourgongne house, where he is visited by the whole body of the City and the university, who seek to support ●his execrable murder. The next day the game is played with a strange praeludium. john Petit, a doctor of divinity, maintained (with wonderful impudency,) that the Duke of Bourgongne had caused the Duke of Orleans his Cousin to be worthily slain, by reason of many notable crimes, whereof he doth accuse him. The Original of the history doth set down these detestable frenzies, to show how much disorder prevails in an estate without a head. The Council of Constans shall condemn ●his Impostor, being accused by the College of Sorbonne, who shall disavow this mercenary man, af●e● the death of the Duke of Bourgongne. The issue was answerable to his speech. The King being sick in mind, and the Princes fainting, john of 〈…〉 for the ●●●ther. john of Bourgongne is absolved of the murder committed on the person of his Cousin germane. The King (to cover this bad act) declares by his letters patents. That in case he died he would that L●wis his eldest son, Dauphin of Viennois, should have the government of the realm, & after him john & Charles his younger sons, one after an other, without any Regent. But the Bourguignon was ignorant, that this decree gave him authority that should punish him: being also advised (for some special considerations) not to deal any more with the affairs of France, 1409 but with his own. So he retires into Flanders, not daring to attempt any thing, being thus justified and absolved. This insolency, accompanied with some indignities against the King's majesty, displeased the whole Court: and not justifiable by the Bourguignon faction, it caused Valentine and her Children to renew their complaints to the King's Council, who stoutly made a decree against john Duke of Bourgongne, for satiffaction of the murder committed by him on the person of the Duke of Orleans. But what avails it to report that which took no effect, A frivolous decree against the Bou●guignon for the murder. but only to prove, That when lawful authority is suppressed, justice is of no force, and the stronger treads under foot th● right of the weaker. As it proved in this ridiculous & imaginary sentence, given in favour of the Children of Orleans against the murderer of their father: for it was scarce recorded for the benefit of the interessed, when as news came of the victory which john of Bourgongne had gotten against them of Liege, in favour of john of Baviere surnamed without-pittie, their Bishop. This did quite change all their thoughts, countenances and words in Court; all Commissions for the levying of soldiers, for the execution of this decree, by force are revoked. There is no talk, but how to warrant the King and Dauphin from the Bourguignon, who without doubt would (according to his humour, bring his victorious army to Paris, disannul the decree upon their heads that should maintain it. So as the Dauphin with the Dukes of Berry, and Bourbon conduct the King to Tours for his better safety, being unwilling to leave him in the Parisiens' power, The King forsakes Paris. who were affected partakers of the Bourguignon. The Parisiens' are wonderfully discontented at this departure: they arm, draw their chains, as in a time of war: and call in the Bourguignon: assuring him of their hearts and means. He comes speedily with a great army, and stays at S. Denis, contrary to the Parisiens' expectation, who thought, he would have kept more stir, having so great forces. But he wisely weighing the vanity of popular tumults, resolves to husband this occasion, and to make his peace with the King and the hous● of Orleans, having so great an advantage over them, to ratify the abolition which he had obtained, against at all events. He than sends his Ambassadors to King Charles to Tours, William Duke of Baviere, the Lords of Saint George, Croy, Viefuille & Dolehaing, to treat a peace with him and the children of Orleans, making great shows of humility and love. This new course moved the King, and Princes, the which they expected not from the Duke of Bourgongne, Valantine Duchess of O●leans dies for grief. being so late a Conqueror: so as they easily yield to an agreement, upon conditions: but still to the prejudice of the poor widow and afflicted orphans. In this confusion, Valentine Duchess of Orleans (seeing her pains lost in the pursuit of so just a cause) dies for thought within few days after: leaving great trouble and few friends to her Children, and great joy to the Bourguignon, seeing his cause won by the death of this courageous woman, who only might oppose herself. The King comes to Chartres, to solemnize this peace: he sends for Charles Duke of Orl●ans and his brethren, and for john Duke of Bourgongne; and all appear at a prefixed day. A counterfeit peace betwixt Io●n and the Duke of O●leans children. A scaffold is made, where the King sits in his seat of justice, environed with the Princes of his blood, in great state. john Duke of Bourgongne (approaching near the King) kneels down with Dol●haing his advocate, who speaketh thus. Licge Lord, behold the Duke of Bourgongne, your servant and Cousin, is come unto you, for that he understands you are much offended with him, for the deed done and committed on the person of my Lord the Duke of Orleans your brother, for the good of the realm and of your person, as he is ready to let you understand when soever it shall please you, & therefore my Lord, he doth humbly beseech you, that it would please you, to forget the wrath and indignation you have conceived against him, and receive him into favour. After these words, the King commanded the Duke to retire himself: which done, the Queen, the Dauphin the Kings of Sicily and Navarre & the Duke of Berry fall on their knees before the King, & the Queen said. Dread Lord we beseech you to grant the request of your Cousin the Duke of Bourgongne. The King answered, We will and do grant it for your sakes. The Duke of Bourgongne being call●d again, kneels before the King, who says unto him▪ Fair Cousin we grant your request, and pardon you all. The Duke having thanked the King, rises. Behind the King's chair stood Charles of Orl●●ns with his Brethren weeping bitterly. The Duke of Bourgongne goes unto them accompanied with his Advocate, and having saluted them with a very humble countenance, the Advocate spoke thus unto them My Lords the Duke of Bourgongne ●ere present entreats you, to put out of your remembrance that hatred which you may have against him▪ for the outrage committed on the person of my Lord of Orleans your father, The Dukes of Or●●●ns a●d 〈◊〉 reconciled. and that here after you will remain good Kinsmen and loving friends. The Duke added: And hereof I pray you. But they answered nothing. Then the King said unto them; My fair Cousins, I will h●ue it so. And they answered. Li●ge Lord seeing it pleaseth you to command us, we yield thereto▪ for we will not disobey your commandments in any thing. The Duke accepted it, thanking the king and his Cousins of Orleans, Then the Cardinal of B●rr brought ●he holy testament, whereon bo●h parties did swear a peace, never to remember what was past, and ●o hold a perpetual League of friendship. And the King said, We will that hereafter you live likegood Kinsmen and friends together, and we straightly charge you, not to wrong one another, nor any other person that hath favoured you: neither show any malice or hatred▪ unto them as you tender our displeasure, except such as committed the said murder, whom we banish our ●ealme for ever. The●e are the very words faithfully out of the Original of that age. This happened the 9 of March .1409. Then followed nothing but marriages: the Duke of Bourgongne married his two brethren, Philippe Earl of Nevers with the heir of Coussy, and Anthony Duke of Brabant with the heir of Luxembourg. He is greatly in credit both with the King and Queen: his ●●ayne seemed greater than his masters. The bounty of his Kitchen draws men from all parts: but he had not made his peace with God, neither in his heart with th●●e poor orphelins, destitute both of friends and means: at whose cost this peace was made. the which was but counterfeit and continued not long. john Duke of Bourgongne governing all in the King's name and the Daulphines. The faction of Orleans opposeth. The civil waters revive, ended with a peace and the new authority of this Dauphin, who disposses●eth the Bourguignon and restores them of Orleans. From the year 1409. to the year, 1413. AFter this accord the Court takes a new form. Queen Isabella thinks no more of her poor Nephews of Orleans, she is wholly the Duke of Bourgongnes. The Duke of Berry follows the same train. For proof of a cordial friendship, john gouer●●● the court. The Dauphin marrieth the the duke of Bouringongne● daughter. the Queen doth openly favour the marriage so long promised, of Lewis the Dauphin her eldest son, with Katherine daughter to the Duke of Bourgongne, which marriage was solemnised. Now john of Bourgongne is father-in-law to the Dauphin: it is he which governs both his heart and house. Moreover Charles, King of Navarre, Lewis duke of Bavierre, the dukes of Lorraine, Britain, Bar, Alenson, Cleves, Vaudemont, and (after their example) the greatest Noblemen in Court, are all on his side. There is nothing but feasting in his house, all joy, whilst the Orphans of Orleans weep. Paris honours him as their protector, and trusts none but him: and john doth affect ●othing more carefully with the King and Dauphin, than the love of the people. He doth all he can to please them. The chief subject of his discourse, is to reform the State, to seem thereby more affectionate to the common weal. In a solemn feast, (where all the court was present) he gave to his friends, in stead of a banquet, plomets of gold and silver, showing by this figure, that his desire was to rule the State ●ell: and to show the effect of his words he procured this notable occasion. All men cried out of the Treasorers, as horseleeches of the common treasure, & the chief causes of bad husbandry, whereby the King and people were so much impoverished. We have made mention before of one of the King's chief mignons called Montag●, who had too soon fled the storm: being returned he grows in greater credit with the King then before, who gives him the offi●● of Lo●d Steward, and marries his eldest son to the sister of the Lord of Albert, his Constable, although Montagu were but of a mean calling. The show of his train exceeded Princes houses, and made him odious to all in general, so as they accused him to have rob his Prince and the public Treasure. The Bourguignon begins with him, in the reformation of the State. The Princes of the blood were easily drawn to allow of his proceeding: Montagu put to death. so as Montagu was taken, examined, condemned & speedily beheaded. Whether this were done by commissioners, or judicially (as it was said to be justified after his death) it is not certain. This is a good lesson for mean men, that grow rich by the public treasure, not to abuse their wealth by excessive pomp: to keep their credit in Court, and to fly the fury of great men, under his protection that hath power of life and death, arming themselves with a good conscience and unreprovable in their charges. But the Bourguignon had a farther reach than Montagu: for under colour of the public good, he revenged himself of him who else might have crossed his desseines. H●s meaning was not to reform the State, but to govern it absolutely. Thus he seeks to usurp all: and in the ruin of Montagu, he will have all men know that he hath power to hurt and help. This first insolency furthered his enemies, being in a manner forsaken of all men, even of their own blood▪ for john Du●e of Berry (carried away with the vent of this new favour) had subjecteth himself to the Bou●guignon. But finding himself contemned by him, who took all to himself, and rejected such as had served him to ●ise john resolves to join with the house of Orleans, and to oppose themselves against the Duke of Bourgongnes greatness. This is the beginning of the t●o factions of Orleans and Bourgongne, which troubled all France during this reign. This league (whereof the house of Orleans bore the name as the first and most interessed) was concluded at Gyen in the year 1410. the tenth of March, being defensive and offensive against the house of Bourgongne. The chief were Charles Duke of Orleans, and his brethren, john Duke of Berry, Lewis Duke of Bourbon, The League of Armag●a●s and john Earl of Alencon, Francis Earl of Clermont, Bernard Lord of Arm●gn●●, and Charles L●rd of Albre● Constable of France, with their friends and follower's ●n great numbers. Of the Bourguignon faction, were john Duke of Bourgongne with his brethren, Charles King of Navarre, (son to that wicked, of whom we have made mention) the Dukes of Lorraine, Bourg●i●nons. Brabant and Britain, the Marquis of ●ont, the Earls of Nevers, Vaudemont, S. Pol. Ponthieure and many others. This mournful division continued unto the year 1419. in the which john was slain, but it ends not so. During these eight years we shall see divers changes, one in, and an other out, as they could enable themselves with the King's authority, which is the strongest battery of civil wars. Now the Duke of Bourgongne is in quarter, and plants his ordinance against the Orleanois, as guilty of hightreason. but shortly he shallbe dispossessed, and they of Orleans shall take their turn. The 〈…〉 Orleans complains, 1410. that they are not respected according to their 〈…〉 to be admitted to the privileges due to Princes of the blood, The house of O●l●an● complains of their wrongs. and that ●he D●ke 〈◊〉 ●o●r●orgne, should not command absolutely, holding (as they said) both the bodies a●d w●●es of the King, Queen and Dauphin in captivity. They assemble in great ●roupes, fi●st at Chartres, and after (to manage their affairs with greater show near unto t●e capital City of Paris) they lodged at the Castle o● Wincester, then called Bic●stre, bu● now ruined. The Duke of Burgongne accused the Duke of Orleans for practising to take the Crown from the King and Dauphin, in forcing the King to what he pleased against them, as against rebels and disturbers of the public quiet. This fire continued but seven or eight months, wherein there chanced no memorable accident, bu● only the death of Lewis the good Duke of Bourbon, who died for grief in the be●●●ning of th●s war, being accused as the motive of these troubles. Queen isabella laboured to reconcile these Princes, but she prevailed not, being suspected by the Orleans faction, whom she had left without cause, to join with the Bourg●●g●●n. Af●er some Edicts of confiscation, not executed (like Canon shot spent in the 〈◊〉) a peace was made by means of the Duke of Berry, upon condition that he and ●he Duke of Bourgongne should jointly have the Dauphin in guard, and the house of Orleans should be respected in their degree: and that Peter of Essards (a sworn enemy to thei● par●e and a most passionate servant to the Duke of Bourgongne) should be no more Provost of merchants. This was concluded at Wincester, The peace of Winc●s●er. whereo● it bears the name, ●he twentieth day of November in the same year, having contended this summer about P●ris only, to the hurt of the poor people, discontented chiefly with the Gaseous that came out of Armagnac, who gave their name to the troops of the Orlean ●action, called for this occasion Armagnacs, wearing for their colours a white scarf, the which they have used in our last troubles. This first peace continued not long, neither were all promises performed. The Burg●●gnon did eat the ●ake alone, and yet he complained first, as having to do with 〈◊〉 He sends the Lords of Croy and Douries, to the Duke of Berry, to disjoin him 〈◊〉 the Duke of Orleans his Nephew: who having intelligence of their negotiation and passage caused them to be surprised in Sologne, and brought prisoners to Blois. But 〈…〉 back Douries', and detained Croy, as suspected to be guilty of his father's death, and by consequence punishable by the treaty of peace. The King commands him to set 〈…〉 and he demands justice of his father's murderers. Here upon they go all to 〈◊〉. They cau●e the King to summon him by his Edicts: whereunto Charles Duke of 〈◊〉 answers, by a challenge to the Duke of Bourgongne, as the murderer of his father, and ●he author of all the miseries which then reigned in France. Beginning of the s●cond Wa●●●. Thu● be●an this second war, the twentieth of july the year following, 1411. 〈…〉 passions giving the poor people scarce seven months respite to breath in so many calamities, which they suffered through their voluntary d●uisions. The Orle●● 〈◊〉 assembles at G●rgeau upon the river of Loire, to resolve of the means to make 〈◊〉 against john Duke of Bourgongne, whom they challenge by a public cartel, as ●he murderer of a Prince of the blood, the King's only brother: and as usurper of the ●●●all authority, holding the persons and wills of the King and Dauphin Captive. Io●n Duke of Bou●gongne had great advantages, the King's authority, and the Daulphins, (who was heir apparent to the Crown of France) the capital City of the realm, the approbation of the best Cities, most of the Provinces, and without comparison g●eate● means of himself, both for men and money. Th●s ●●cond war continued a veare, it began in july, 1411. and ended the year af●e●, 1412. in the same month, far more variable and violent than the first; and memorable in this, that the vanquished was victor and the victor vanquished. The same autho●itie which had supported the stronger, was in the end favourable to the weaker▪ ●uch as most pleased their master's humour, received death of him for their reward▪ Very necessary observations to judge of these Civil wars. The Orlean faction went first to field. They were about seven or eight thousand horse. The number of their foot is not specified. 1411 Charles Duke of Orleans makes the body of his army in Gastino●s: the Duke of Bourbon in Bourbonois, and the the Earl of Alenson in Vermando●s. Peronne, Chauny, Needle and Han, yield unto them. Clermont, (which belonged to the Duke of Bourbon,) is fortified: they seek to surprise Reteil and Bapaumes, but in vain. This was the first sally begun by them of Orleans. But the Bourguignon takes an other course, he prepares the King's Edicts against them, he employs the people's force within the Cities, and arms in field, and all avails him at the first. He had a great army, both of horse and foot, the which doth presently march into Picardy, where the Orleanois had begun, and easily recovers what they had gotten. Han stands resolute▪ they besiege, take, spoil and sack it. The Flemings which were vassals to the Duke of Bourgongne, being laden with spoil, crave leave to return home, neither could the Duke's promises, nor threats retain them, but they leave his army and departed. This had almost overthrown his affairs: he abandons Mondidier, the which was presently surprised by Peter of Quesnes, Lord of Gannes, of the Orlean faction, and putting his army into garrisons, doubting the event of this war; he sends with all speed to Henry the 4. King of England, craving succours in this necessity. The Bour●ignon craves aid of the King of England. Henry makes his profit of these civil dissensions in France▪ he presently sends twelve hundred men to the Bourguignon, to supply the Flemings want. under the command of Thomas Earl of Arondel. The Orleanois lose no time: and for their ne●rer approach to Paris, they surprise Saint Denis, and Saint Cloud, places of importance, and fortify Corbeil for the passage of the river, of purpose to famish this great City, which lives by daily provisions brought from divers parts. But he finds one to countermine his practices, using the same instrument he had employed to hurt him. The Orleanois keeping the field about Paris, must needs be the cause of great calamities. And all this was acted in the view of the King and Dauphin. john informs the King of his enemy's insolency, who (without appealing to his Majesty) presumed to spoil the heart of Franc●, as if they were strangers or enemies. Charles apprehends this error but too easily, T●e King & Dauphin incensed against the Duke of Orleans. desiring nothing but rest: but Lewis the Dauphin especially is incensed by these informations, and his choler increaseth da●ly against his Cousins of Orleans. The Bourguignon said, that they played the Kings, and could not conceal their intention, which was to seize on the Crown, seeing they presumed to take arms against the King. There are rigorous Edicts made against the Orleans faction, as against rebels and guilty of high treason. All their goods, honours and persons are confiscate which remain in th●s army, if within fi●teene days after publication of the King's letters patents, they retire not themselves to their houses▪ And to begin with thegreatest, Charles of Albret Constable of France, and arnold of Corby the Chancellor, are dispossessed of their dignities, and the Earl of Saint Pol preferred to the first place, and Dol●haing the Duke of Bou●gongnes advocate to the last. This storm● makes work at Paris, they seek out all of the Orleans party, and presently cast them into prison. The Parisien● mutiny against the Orlean faction. Peter of Essars being restored to his place, remembers the article made against him at Wincestre, and a●mes the people against them. Whosoever is found out by the Parisiens', b●eing of the Orleans faction, he is brought with hazard of his l●fe to prison. All is lawful in this popular rage, so it be against the Armagnacs. All these engines forced from divets parts, do strangely shake the Orlean party. Such as were restrained within any Towns, dared not breath: and many in the army slip away daily, fearing the rigour of these Edicts, which were executed withal severity, Cha●les Duke of Orleans (having taken counsel of the Princes, and Noblemen, his associates, what course to follow in this alteration, before a greater in conveniency) resolves to draw the Bourguignon to battle, although he were fortified with these new forces from England. So as having passed the river of Oyse, upon a bridge of boats (all the passages being seized on by the Bourguignon in the King's name) he presents himself before the gates of Clermont in Beawoisis, 1412. where john his capital enemy remained. The Orleans a●my yet fair, beautified with the presence of great personages: the Duke of Bourbon, the Ea●les of Alenson, Cl●rmont, Albret, Vertus, Vienne, Bouciquaut, the Archbishop of Sens, (brother to that Montagu, which was beheaded) Craon, Montbason, Hangest, with many Batons, Knights and Squires, all resolute to end this quarrel by battle: and to that end (having defied the Duke of Bourgongne) they attend him, betwixt Clermont and Cathenay. But the Bourguignon leaving them there to spoil that goodly and fertile country of the Isle of France, whereby they increased the hatred and curse of the people, more incensed then ever against these A●magnacs, exclaiming of him as of a coward that durst not fight, he arrives at Paris, to the people's great content, who attend him with all devotion. He presently takes Saint Cloud and Saint Denis from the Orlean party, to their great loss, notwithstanding any diligence of Charles their head, who proclaimed a victory before the combat. Thus Paris is freed without any restraint, and all the Orleans party brought very low. Neither Charles no● his Associates, talk any more of fight with the Bourguignon: they had work enough to retire themselves, and to defend their Towns, expecting a present siege. john of Bourgongne fails not to husband this good success: and (●o countenance his forces) he doth entangle the King and Dauphin in the pursu●e of his enemies half vanquished. So his victorious army enters into Beausse, turning head towards the Country of Orleans, the inheritance of his chief enemy. Es●ampes yields ●o the King. The Duke of Bourbon is there taken prisoner, and sent presently into Flanders. Whilst that all things succeeded thus happily for the Duke of Bourgongne, Henry the 4. King of England calls home the troops he had sent to his succour, The English troops leave the Bourguignon. under the Earl of Arondells' command, entreating the Duke to hold him excused, if he did use his own at his need. He had no meaning to favour the stronger pa●ty, but to succo● the weaker, as experience did soon teach. This sudden alteration did somewhat stay the Bourgognons' desseine to attempt Orleans: but making war advisedly, he attends his enemies proceeding, and taking an honest leave to retire, by reason of the winter, he comes to Paris, where (not to lose any time) he continues the King's thundering Edicts, and executes many of his prisoners, to flesh the people. To blood he adds Ecclesiastical excommunications against the Armagnacs: whilst the Orleanois ●ake cold by making war in Charolois, and sending for succours into England, seeking for relief in the same place where their enemy had found a scourge to whip them. Certain letters (carried by a monk from the Duke of Orleans to the King of Engl●nd) were intercepted, and brought to Paris, being examined in full assembly of the university, and from thence imparted to the people, with the Bourgognons' commentaries. They made the Orleans faction so much the more od●ous, as if the Dukes of Orle●ns, Berry and Bourbon (combined together) had sought to take the Crown from the King and Dauphin, and to dismember the realm in giving part of it to the English, and to divide the rest among themselves. Strange news without any subject, which vanish at their breeding: but yet they serve to purpose, according to the desseine of their Architect. The King and Dauphin (being possessed by john of Bourgongne,) have no thought but to ruin the Orlean party, and puffed up with this first success, hoping to finish the rest, they employ all their means to levy a great army, the which (through the Bourgognons' care) was held to be a hundred thousand men. A notable number, after so many miseries, and ●n so great a confusion. The City of Bourges was of great importance, for the uniting of the Provinces on that side Loire, where the Associate Princes had their greatest supplies of men. The Bourgognons' greatest malice was against the Duke of Berry, who not only had forsaken him, but (●or his degree and age) understood much i● his enemy's affa●res. They resolve therefore to besiege it, to make the way more easy for conquest of ●he rest. In the beginning of the Spring, the King and Dauphin go from Paris, to the●r army, which assembled in ●as●inois: being entered into Berry the lesser Towns yield without question, Dun le Roy, Fontenay, and Sancerre. Bourges being summoned, makes answer. That neither the King nor Dauphin did make this war, but the Duke of Bourgongne, The King & Dauphin besiege Bourges by the Bourgu●gnons ●eane. who holding their people, and wills captive, would deprive the Princes of France of their right, having imbrued his murdering hands in the blood of the fi●st Prince of the Clown▪ seeking to usurp the State. There were very many good soldiers within the City, which were supplied with all that might be wished for in a long siege. They entreated the enemy (in corn) that he would approach near the City, and leave their gates open in a bravery. Many fortunate sallies are made by them, crying in field, God save the King. They take many prisoners. The waters abroad are poisoned, and many die before they discover the cause. All ●●ngs out with military railings of Armagnacs and Bourgognons: but the greatest defeat is in spoiling o● the Country. ●erry made desolate. All ●he provision being carried into the City, what a spoil should an army of a hundred thousand men with their followers make? and (to increase the misery) all the houses of the champion Country were either sacked, or burnt. The English (being victors in France) never committed greater spoils than these French armi●s. As the Duke of ●erry (the Lord of that Country) was much grieved to see these spoils: so the Dauphin (●he hei●e apparent of the Crown) was discontented with his father in laws ambition, growing odious unto him. His blood (which could not degenerate) moved him to compassion, and the blood unjustly shed, troubled his conscience. Fo●, to what end should they ruin a whole ●ealme to ma●ntaine so execrable a murder? The Dauphin discontented with his father in Law▪ the Du●e of Bou●gon●●●. If zeal to reform the State (saith he) b●e the Bourgognons' intent, is th●s the way? His father (being sick) could not apprehend these things, by reason of his infirmity▪ what reproach then were it for him (being his ●ldest son) to ●uffer himself to be baffled by his father in Law, like unto an infant? These apprehensions moved this young Prince, who nothing dissembling his conceptions, told his ●ather openly, that he was not pleased with these confusions, & that they must find out some mean▪ to pacify them. It chanced one day, as they advertised the King that in a sally made by them of the Town, they had slain some one of his servants, the Dauphin cried out in the presence of the Bourguignon: Shall we never have an end o● these miseries? I am resolved to make them c●●sse. The Bourguignon having before discou●red some coldness in this young Prince, found his mind now to be wholly changed. He therefore replied mildly: That it should be well done, so as they of Orleans would acknowledge their error. How (saith the Dauphin) shall they acknowledge th●ir fau●t, if we do not know them for our blood? And then they resolved to make a peace. The Duke of Berry had laid the foundation by Lign●c, great master of Rhodes, who failed not to embrace this occasion, seeing the Dauphin so well affected. The Ea●le of Savoie had sent his Ambassadors, to exhort both parties. After a months siege they begin to treat of ●he means to pacify these troubles. The Bou●guignon m●k●s hast to be the first in all things, and parlays with the Duke of Berry, betwixt two bars. One accuseth, the other excuseth▪ but in the end a peace is concluded by deputies. The Prince's, at an enteruewe embrace one an other, with all shows of cordial lou●, such as their blood makes show of, after long bitterness. The Bourguignou onel● is troubled, doub●ing this peace to them would be a war●e to him, for that he had no peace in his own Conscience. The King en●ers into Bourges, where ●he peace is signed, and for that reason it was called the Peace of Bourges, the 25. of july, in the year .1412. ●he peace of 〈◊〉 A Parliament is called at Auxer●e, to co●firme it by solemn oath. The Princes are received in●o favour with the King and Dauphin, al● Edicts made against th●m, were disannulled and of no force. They and thei●s restored ●o their degrees and dignities. All things to be forgotten. T●e names of Armagnac and Bourguignon, (as in famous marks of civil dissension) forbidden upon pa●ne of death▪ and the English (come to the succour of the associate Princes) to be satisfied out of the King's t●easor. Without the City of Auxerre, nee●e to the Abbey of Saint M●ri●●, a stately scaffold was made, where the King sitting in his seat of justice, environed with his Princes, the officers of his Crown, and the chief deputies of the Parliament, the peace was proclaimed with as great joy, as the war had been tedious, and mournful. To confirm this peace with john of Bourgongne, Philip Earl of Vertus married his daughter: but all this could not reconcile him to the house of Orleans. The Dauphin rejoiced much at this peace, and made all shows of love to his Cousins lately reconciled, being grieved to have been so long dissension between them: desirous ●o repair what was past, & above all to maintain an inviolable peace within the Realm. The good sick King present at all, yielding his consent and authority, sometimes inclined to good, sometimes to ill. Queen Isabel held with the strongest. but all these good motions were crossed by the Bourguignon: so as all the confusions of this reign are not yet ended. john of Bourgongne seeing himself crossed by Lewis the Dauphin, and the house of Orleans restored to grace▪ stirs up new troubles, from the year 1412. Unto 17. when as the Dauphin died, but the troubles ceased not. FRance began to hope for better, by the means of Lewis the eldest Son to King Charles: having a desire to make a peace against the Bourgognons will. But this was not all they expected of the Daulphins' first resolution: yet the weakness of the sick King, The Bourgognons' 〈◊〉 in Court. and the inconstancy of his young Lieutenant gave the subtle brain of john of Bourgongne too great an advantage to suffer the French to enjoy the fruits of peace so much desired, who never yielded to ba●e threats, but grew more resolute▪ And notwithstanding this alteration of the Dauphin his son in law, yet he left not the Court, being always near the King, keeping the Council in brea●h, who were for the most part all on his side: and although they worshipped the Sun rising, yet seeing the spirit ●f this young Prince to be weak and inconstant, and the Bourgognons' fi● me resolution, they stood upon their guard, doing nothing that might openly offend either the one or the other, but under hand they sought to please the most polytyke and redoubted master: who else m●ght prove a most cruel and dangerours' enemy. Thus were affairs handled in the King's council. And as not only the Court, but the whole world, is an ebbing and flowing of divers humours, the which do change according to occasions: and the scaffold whereon dissembling, treachery and treason play their parts diversly: so at that time the Bourguignon (a principal artisan of these goodly shows), found an ample subject wherein to employ his filthy trade. But although he seemed to have gained all, whatsoever he desired that should come to pass, and to have attained the full of his desires, yet all his enterprises came to nothing, and in the end he paid (with the price of his blood) the great debt of his horrible wickedness. But this act shall have many Scenes. In the first our History shall set down the new government of Lewis the Dauphin. The estate of the Court under Lewis the Dauphin. This young Prince was not capable of so great a charge, having an idle brain, being careless and voluptuous, given to his own will, obstinate, taking no advice from any but of himself, or from young men of his own humour: loath to yield to any that understood more than himself, and especially to his uncles, whose grave hairs he disdained▪ neither could he love his father in law, being resolved to govern the realm alone. The Queen seeing her sons humour inclined to love the house of Orleans, made show to favour them▪ but in effect she was indifferent, being wholly given to flatter which her husband, and to govern him according to the time. The Bourguignon dissembling his son in Laws wayward humours, was always near the King, giving him such goodly reasons as the good Prince could not gainsay him. The subject of his suits was pleasing to the Parisiens', whose good liking he entertained carefully, but always with an intent to be revenged of his enemies, under this goodly name of the common wealth, as the sovereign end of all his desseins: but in effect he held still one of the chiefest places, not yielding in any thing, to govern them which seemed to rule, and to keep back such, as might cross his authority. By the peace of Bourges the Constable of Albret should be restored to his dignity, and Arnold of Corbie to his Chancellourship. They delay them from day to day, but in the end they are restored with much difficulty. The meanest have many delays, more troublesome than a flat repulse, being more willing to leave all, then to make these frutlesse poursuites Arnold of Corbie being honourably restored to his place, resigned it into the King's hands, to avoid the danger of so confused a time▪ more wisely than Henry of Marle that suceded him, being slain at the massacre at Paris, with the Constable of Armagnae. But the Bourgognons flew a higher pitch, then to prejudice the house of Orleans in their goods and honours, or to cross their affairs and their followers. The Bourgognons' resolution. He found no better expedient, then to do as he had done with Lewis their father, for a dead Lion doth no harm. To this end he assembles some of his most trusty followers at Paris, to find means to murder the Dukes of Orleans, Berry, and Bourbon. But Peter of Essars (one of his most violent partisans,) discovered this practice, for the which he soon after smarted. By the treaty of Bourges, the English (which came to the Duke of Orleans succour) must be satisfied. They press for payment, one part being discharged (to the Duke of Orleans great hindrance) he was forced to leave his brother john Earl of Angoulesme in in hostage for the rest. Being carried into England he was in the end redeemed, after much trouble and many delays. In this article the Bourguignon made show of his good husbandry, soliciting the English under hand, on the one side for to press Charles his principal debtor, and on the other side he cried out against the disorder of the King's treasure, so ●ll governed as there was not sufficient to furnish the ordinary expenses of his house: pretending all these great sums to be wasted, either by the Tresorers; in gifts, or in superfluous expenses. This complaint was very plausible, but it was a pitfall to catch his enemies, & to mu●ine this discontented people, by reason of their great oppression, 1413. being easy to be moved at the name of the common wea●e. He soon obtained from the King a general convocation of the chief Cities, to reform the abuses of the Realm, and especially of the treasure, for the relief of the poor people. To make this party good, the City of Paris must make the first point: The Bourgui●non raiseth sedition at Paris. but the university which stood as a neuter (dealing with nothing but their books) should make the proposition, and first instance. The cause was vehemently set down by a Doctor) chosen for the purpose) and avoched by the City and deputies of the Provinces. Such as were subject to accounts, were much terrified, and the greatest number fled. Such as were taken, lost their heads at the halls or grieve, to the people's great content, who highly commend the Duke of Bourgongne, as the only Prince which loved the good of the realm. The Dauphin grows ●ealous at the sound of the praises (as preiudicall to his honour) vowing never to suffer the Bourguignon to attempt any thing against his authority. The Dauphin takes upon him the name of Regent. Such as were interessed, fed the young Prince's humour: Who (by the means of Lewis of Baviere his Uncle by the mother side) persuade him to take the name of Regent for a mark of his greatness. He takes this title, and gives notice to the Duke of Bourgongne, that it is now high time he were known in his degree. The Bourgongnon (protesting that he hath no other object but the good of the Realm) makes no show to deal in these affairs, leaving the government thereof to whom it appertained: yet under hand he caused the Parisiens' to arm, and (lest the better sort should be called into question) he employs the basest, being led by one Caboch a butcher, followed by a multitude of rascals, who (being armed) come in troop to the Regent's lodging, and require of him by roll the chief enemies of the Bourgognons' house, who they said had governed the treasure, or had been enriched by excessive gifts. A strange sedition in Paris. Amongst the which was Peter of Essars, who (without any long process) lost his head, receiving a just reward for his great wickedness, by his hands, who had then caused him to commit them. But this was not one days fury: the next day the people assemble in great multitudes, and taking white caps for their badge, they come to Saint Pol, where the King lodged, and demand audience, having seized on all the passages to his lodging, after a terrible manner. A Carmelit Friar was speaker for the people, accompanied with the Deputies of this multitude as his ruffians. Being entered into the King's chamber, after many tedious speeches, he demands reformation of the State, The Parisiens' insolent behaviour. protesting they would not be fed with words: they urged the King to punish such, whose names they had contained in a list, being guilty of capital crimes. The Duke of Bourgongne makes a good show, and answers: That the King would consider thereof. This Friar replies impudently: that they would not departed before they had such as they demanded. Their rage was such, as the King and Princes took white caps, the mark of the seditious. They demand the chief servants of the King, Queen and Dauphin: not only men, but also women which had been in any credit: and above all, Lewis of Baviere the Queen's brother. There was not any one but stood amazed at these audacious impudencies. The Queen comes weeping, she entreats the King, the Monk and the deputies of the people. They answer: it is their charge, and they cannot alter it. The people cry f●om the base Court with a violent noise, that if they deliver not these prisoners, ●hey will force the lodging. So as after all these entreaties, Lewis the Queen's brother with the rest (specified in the roll), both men and women, yield unto the mercy of these mad and furious men, and are by them led into divers prisons. The Bourguignon the secret practices of all these insolencies. This night passed not without many murders: many were strangled, and many cast into the river, without any other forms of justice but the Bourgognons' secret commandment: who (with his cold and grave countenance) made show to have no interest in the action. 1414 The City was never in so lamentable an estate, by this shame●full contempt of Law, order, & of the King, Princes & Magistrates. There is no ta●ke but of blood, killing, hanging and drowning of poor prisoners. The horror of this confusion touched the hearts of the most passionate. The university (which had b in the mouth of these captious complaints) repairs to Henry of Mar●e the first precedent, & to john Iwenall of Vrsins the Kings advocate, protesting that they were not guilty of these infamous disorders. And having taken advice, they resolve to go to the King, The university dislikes of these disorders. as well to purge themselves of the suspicion of these abominable confusions, as to entreat him to give ear to a good peace. They give him means to win the heads of this popular faction, and set up an Ensign with the King's arms, & cry in all parts of the City. Peace, peace good people: an invention which prevailed much in this action. Ill council is most hurtful to him that gives it: the Bourgognons' practices light on his own head. The people pacified. The people seeing themselves disavowed by the university (who then had great credit for their esteem of wisdom and knowledge) having the King and his parliament opposite, being abandoned by their Tribunes, they hide themselves in ●ourgongne, and he himself feeling the storm to approach, retires to Compiegne, attending the event. The Orlean faction repairs to Paris with speed, and were received joyfully by the people, as the Anchor of their hope, All the world exclaims of the Bourguignon as the only motive of the troubles of France, The King incensed against the Bourgong●ion and the people forsake him. and unworthy to hold so honourable a ●ancke among the Princes of the blood The Queen feeds this dislike, for the interest of her brother imprisonned, and the King thunders forth his edicts against the Bourguignon, the which are severely executed upon such as are apprehended. Scaffolds, riue●s and streets witness the revenge of the murders committed by the Bourgognons upon the Orleanois. All Officers preferred by the Bourguignon are displaced, and all such as had supported him are ill entreated. Valeran Earl of S. Pol, is put from the dignity of Constable, Guichard Dauphin of Auvergne, from that of great Master, & Charles of Rambures from being master of the crossbows, The Bou●guignon faction disgraced and banished. the which is at this day as the colonel of the infantry. Three hundred men and women of the Bourguignon faction are banished by a decree of the Court of Parliament. john Duke of Britain leaves the Bourguignon & comes to court against him. To conclude, all bandy against the Bourguignon, yet he is nothing amazed, but continues constant against all storms. He craves aid of his cities in Flanders in this necessity: being thus perplexed, there fell out a favourable occasion to raise him up again. The Queen being much discontented with him, incenseth the Dauphin. This young Prince had some of his household servants from the Bourguignon she using the authority of a mother, The Queen discontents the Daulpin, so as he writes to the Bourguignon. takes them from him, and puts them in prison: the reason was, for that she feared these men were of the Bourgognons' faction. The Dauphin takes this as an affront, and writes to his father-in-law to assist him. The Bourguignon embracing this unexpected occasion; calls a new assembly of his subjects, and shows them these letters. And making his profit thereof, he gives them to understand how needful it was to levy an army, to free the King and Dauphin, whom the Orlean faction held in captivity: and upon this cause he writes to all the Cities of the Realm, entreating them to assist him in so good a work, He abuseth the Daulphins' letters. and worthy of good subjects to their Prince. Hereupon he levies an army, and goes to field, making a public declaration, That he takes arms to set the King and Dauphin at liberty, and is followed by many French, so as his army increaseth daily. Having passed the river of Some he enters into Compiegne, & doth summon Senlis, to send him the keys of their gates, as ma●ching for the King's service: but a countermand comes from the Dauphin, which doth frustrate his desseine. The Dauphin (won by the Orleanois) protesteth that he had never written these letters, The Dauphin disavows the Bourguignon. and disavows the Bourguignon: He writes letters unto him of a contrary tenor, requesting him to forbear to torment the people upon so unjust a cause: protesting that he was not only in ●ull liberty, but doth also▪ enjoy his authority, 1415. by virtue whereof he commands him to dismiss his troops, and to leave Franc● in quiet. The Bourguignon goes on his course, meaning to enter Paris, and to stir the people to a new ●edition, and so he marcheth with his troops near to the city▪ He is 〈…〉 and stays at S. Denis, but his project had no success. The Dauphin assures the City walls and the people's hearts against him, who seeks by all means to speak to the King or people, approaching himself near the city, sending his Heralds with letter's, planting his colours near the gate, and in the end conuaies a staff▪ with letters ●o it: but all this would not prevail. The King doubles the battery of his Edicts against him, as guilty of high Treason, 〈◊〉 guilty or 〈◊〉 treason. and a disturber of the public peace: commanding all men that were in his army to leave him, upon pain of confiscation. Hereat the greatest part of his troops fly away, yea his Flemings abandon him, who had always protested unto him in all his assemblies, never to carry arms against the King nor Dauphin. In the end the King and Dauphin, accompanied with the Princes of his blo●d, ma●ch with a goodly army, they besiege Compiegne (where the Bourguignon had left a garrison) and takes it by composition, from thence they march to Soissons a Town of greater strength: having taken it by force, and Enguerand of Bournonuille his right hand in it, The king marches with an 〈◊〉 against the 〈◊〉. he leaves the town in peace, and cuts off Bournonuilles' head at Paris, with many of his companions, to the people's great content, glad of this new blood▪ and in the end he passeth to Arras, the which he beseegeth with his victorious army. The Bourguignon amazed at these unexpected events, demands peace of Charles, & obtains it with much entreaty, by the means of the Countess of H●inault his sister, and the Duke of Brabant her brother. It is called the peace of Arras, being made at that siege. This was grievous to the Dukes of Orleans and Berry, who said, He sues for peace. that both the King and Dauphin had promised them, not to lay down arms, before they had utterly ruined the house of Bourgongne. But God, wiser than they, would unite all the French, to oppose themselves with a common consent, against the English their common enemy: and will soon show, that it is a mere vanity for mortal men, to nourish immortal hatred against their enemies, to satisfy their insatiable revenge. We have said, that Henry the 5. King of England watched all opportunities to feed the confusions of this miserable reign: and to that end he did sometimes secure the Bourguignon, sometimes the Orleanois, still supporting the weaker. And knowing well the Duke of Bourgongnes humour, seeing the Dauphin incensed against him, he levies a goodly army, to make a benefit of these divisions. The event favoured his desire, but not his project: for meaning to assist the Bourguignon, he finds that he had made his peace with ou● Charles. Having landed at Har●●eu, a sea Towrie seated upon the River of S●ine, he sends his Herald to demand his daughter Katherine. This was a matter far fetched, Henry the 5. King of 〈…〉 France 〈◊〉 an army and demands 〈…〉 King's daughters. and a strange course: but this daughter must be the ground of many miseries for this Realm, and likewise an occasion to free this Realm absolutely from the English by a strange means, and (as we may say) admirable, as the course of our History will show. Henry takes Harfleu by composition. Before he takes possession of this conquest, he goes ●ate footed to the Church, to give God thanks. He had not his whole army with him, one part attended him at Calais, having an inrent to join with them, & so to fortify his troops. With this resolution he lodgeth at Faville, & passing through Caux to the county of Eu, he comes to Vimeu, to pass the river at B●anquetacque, (an infamous place by our loss) where the passage being surprised, he takes his way towards Arianes, & from thence to ●aillu in Vimeu, seeking to pass the bridge at Remie: but not able to force it, he recovers Hangest upon Some and so passeth the river at Voy●nne & B●thencourt, places ill guarded by them of S. Quintin▪ and then he lodgeth at Mouchy la Ga●he towards the river of Miramont. He had in his army six thousand horse and twenty thousand foot. That of King Charles was far grea●er of itself, besides the Burguignons' troops (which were drawn together for another intent then to fight with the English). They were in all above twe●tie thousand horse and threescore thousand foot: The numbers of the English and French army. and therefore Henry did shun the battle and sought how to save himself through the ●ennes. Our accustomed rashness, and wilful forgetfulness of two experiences passed against the same nation, and in the like occurrents, made us to note with black and mournful letters that overthrow and calamity. Henry demanded passage to return into England, yielding up Ha●fleu and other places conquered in this voyage: but we sought our own decay, The Constable Albret commanded ●he forward that day, and with him were the Dukes of Orleans & Bourbon, the Earls of Eu and of Richemont, the, Lord of Bouciqualt Marshal of France & the Lord of Dampierre, Admiral. The Battle was led by the Duke of Bar and the Earls of Alenson, Vaudemont, Nevers, Blamon, Salines, Grandpre and Roussy. The Reerward by the Earls of Marle, Dampmartin and Fouquembergue. The King of England forced ●o fight. Henry (being denied passage by the Constable) resolves to fight, putting his trust in God and in his own valour, determining to vanquish or to die, He made choice of a place of hard access, and the better to fortify his archers, every one had a sharp stake planted before him. The French ordered as before, attended their enemies, either looking who should begin the game. Impatiencye forceth the weaker like desperate men: the English Archers being in fight with such a fury, as the French forward cannot endure the violent fall of this furious storm, the Constable Albret was slain fight in the foremost rank. The Duke Anthony of Brabant, brother to john Duke of Bourgongne, (seeing this disorder) leaves his troop to redress it. but he was also slain by the English bow men, And gets the victory. with his b●other Philip Earl of Nevers. The battle was likewise fo●ced after a great fight. The reerward fled, and saved themselves in the nearest places of retreat. So as the loss was not so great as the shame and overthrow. They number ten thousand men slain: but their rashness was inexcusable. The head smarted for it, and the Bourgognons' brethren had there an honourable tomb. Charles Duke of Orleans & Lewis of Bourbon, the Earls of Eu, Richemont & Vendos●e (the strongest pillars of the Orlean faction) with many Noblemen and Gentlemen, were taken and led into England. This de●eat chanced the 20. of Oc●ober in the year, The Battle of Agincourt. 1415. called the evil Battle of Agincourt. And as one mischief comes never alone; the bodies at this defeat were scarce buried before Lewis the Dauphin dies. This Lewis (eldest Son to our Charles, Son in Law, Lewis the Dauphin dies and a terror to the Bourguignon) was little lamented of the people, and less o● his father in Law, who hated him to the death. A Prince of little valour and much to●le, more busied with himself then with the affairs he managed, the which he made troublesome by his insufficiency & presumption to know much: His disposition unwilling to learn f●om others what he understood not, for the good of the State and his own duty. john Duke of Touraine his brother, succeeded him in the first degree of the Prince of the blood, The Duke of Berry dies. and the Earl of Armagna● was made Constable, in the place of Charles of Albret, who shall minister good occasion to speak both of his life and death. john Duke of Berry brother to our Charles the 5. augmented these losses. A wise Prince and loving Learning, commendable in all things, but for his covetousness, the which made his virtues of less fame. A blemish very il beeseming a generous and heroic spirit. These great losses should have made the Bourguignon humble, but he became more insolent, making new practices to raise himself, having no competitor. Embracing this occasion, he gathers together what troops he can, with an intent to go to Paris. The Queen and Constable of Armagnac (unwilling he should come armed) command him in the King's name, not to approach. The Parisiens' were not then so well conceited of the Bourguignon, being restrained by the court & university, but especially by the King's authority being present, who spoke whatsoever his wife & the Constable would have him, being then alone in authority in the King's Council. The Bourgognons' troops kept the field, 1416. committing all kind of insolencies and spoils: against whom the King made Edicts as against common thieves, The Bourguignon renews the war. giving the people liberty to kill them. But this did nothing mollify the heart of this revengeful Prince, borne for his Country's misery, having no other intent but to afflict it w●th new calamities. To this end (as in the King's sickness the Dauphin had the name and authority of the State) he sought to win the favour of john, succeeding in the right of his brother deceased, This occasion was offered, but the issue was contrary to his desseine. The misery of our France was such, as the common duty of humanity, moved foreign nations to pity, foreseeing our ruin, if the war betwixt France and England continued. In this common desire, The Emperor Sigismond comes into Franc●. the Emperor Sigismond (by the consent of the Germans) came into France. His train and the good work he undertook, deserved an imperial Majesty: but the end will show h●s intent to be other than he protested. Being arrived in France (to the great content of all the French) he finds our Charles at his devotion, who received him with all the pomp he could give to so great a Monarch: making show of the great desire he had to make a peace betwixt the French and the English, for the general good of both estates. But this accord was but half made. The Emperor (having remained some time with Charles) goes into England, where he finds Henry of an other humour, puffed up with the happy success of his affairs & the weakness of ours: and in truth the measure of our miseries was not yet full. So Sigismond (having persuaded Henry in vain) returns into France. Charles (to honour him (sends his son john Duke of Touraine and Dauphin of Viennois into Picardy, to meet him, having married the daughter of the Earl of Hainault, as great a friend to the Bourguignon, as ill affected to the French. The Emperor seeing his labour lost, in seeking this reconciliation, takes his shortest course into Germany: leaving a reasonable subject to the clear-sighted, The Dauphin john favours the Bourguignon. to judge that he had an other intent then to settle a peace in France, by countenancing of the Bourguignon, the instrument of her miseries: for after this young p●●nce had spoken with the Emperor, he is wholly changed in favour of the Duke of Bourgongne, and resolves to ●andy with him against the Duke of Orleans. This foundation being laid by the emperors policy, it was fortified by the Earl of Hainault, father-in-law to john the Dauphin. Now he embraceth the greatest and most dangerous enemy of all true Frenchmen with a wonderful affection. But the subtle is taken in his own snate, & the end doth often bewray the intent. As all things tended to a manifest change by means of this young Prince, enchanted by his charms, having a spirit like unto wax apt to receive any impressions, from so subtle an artisan as the Bourguignon, behold death cuts off all these hopes, The Dauphin john dies. cast in the mould of this new authority, buried in john's tomb, who died during these practices, at Compiegne, when as the fire began to kindle in favour of the Bourguignon, and to the apparent reviving of troubles in France. To john succeeded Charles Earl of Ponthieu, the youngest son to our Charles the 6. He remained also the first Prince of the blood, with the prerogatives of the fundamental law. A Prince that shall minister much matter to talk of his life in the course of our history, guided by the singular providence of God, to raise up this monarchy, almost ruined. The least, but the happiest of all his brethren: for this is that Charles the 7. who (hau●ng corrected that furious giant of Bourgongne) in the end shall expel the English, and left a fair way to his posterity, to restore this estate so near the ruin. But this shall not be without many painful difficulties, the which the order of our history commands us to represent in their due places. john of Bourgongne, the murderer of Lewis of Orleans, (having added new troubles to the former) joins with Isabella Queen of France. Who having declared herself Regent of the Realm, makes war against her Son Charles the Dauphin, The Queen takes upon her the Regency. seizeth upon Paris, and there commits a cruel massacre, where the Constable of Armagna●, and Henry of Marle Chancellor of France are ●laine. But this john of Bourgongne is in the end slain by the Dauphin. From the year, 1415. to 1419. A New kind of misery now supplies the stage, to despite Nature by the frantic drunkenness of our confused passions. A strauge confusion, the mother against the son. An unnatural mother forgets her only Son: she bandies with his capital enemy, against her own blood, seeking to transport the hereditary Crown to strangers: a Crown inalienable by the law of S●ate: to the end this Medea might fight both against nature and the Laws of the Realm. A horrible phren●ie, a fit of civil war, that is to say, of the assured ruin o● t●e State. They c●ll it civil (being the ruin of Citizens) but very uncivil indeed, for if we shall judge thereof by the barbarous and brutish cruelties, what is therein the whole world more uncivil? But alas! behold the image of unkind confusions, whereof the f●●y of our wars hath made us eye witnesses: for have we beheld less▪ having seen the Crown set to sale, and our King's blood shed upon our Scaffold. But the History requires audience, to report things intheir order, as they have chanced according to the causes and motives. Charles Earl of Ponthieu had married the daughter of Lewis of Anjou, King of Sic●l●; C●ar●es an enemy to the house of Bo●●gongne. a capital enemy to the ●ourgignon. So this young Prince bred up from his youth in hatred ●g●inst the house of Bourgongne, must be the instrument to ruin him and his whole race. He loved his pleasure much, and sometimes he gave himself vn●o it with too great a scope: yet he could employ himself well to serious affairs, and force his spirit in necessity; firm in his resolutions, and immoveable in his desse●●s, wherein he happily ended his days, restoring the Realm strangely shaken by the errors and losses of his predecessors. In thi● beginning of his new authority, he was faithfully (though not profitably) assisted by the Constable of Armagnac, one of the chief pillars of the Orlean party, & almost alone, since the imprisonment of the Duke of Orleans & the death of the D●ke of Berry, the King continuing in his infirmity, sometimes better, sometimes wo●se, but always weak both of body and mind. The Bourguignon had his troops together, to the great spoil of the country, who complained still without any redress. This Prince being resolute in his course seeks all occasions of new garboils, his hatred increaseth daily against the contrary faction, The Bourgognons practices. seeing them advanced in credit, being out of hope to have any interest in this new Dauphin, who was wholly possessed by Armagnac, an old fox and an meconciliable enemy. He hath practices in Amiens, Abbeville, Peronne and all other good towns of Picardy: who by reason of neighbourhood are easily drawn to his party, making goodly protestations to maintain them in peace and liberty under the King's obedience. He writes likewise to all the good towns of the Realm, complaining of the death of john Duke of Touraine● a Prince whom he assured to be wholly given to the good of the State: and for this cause had been poisoned by the enemies of the public quiet. But his true intent was, to make such odious as were in credit about the King person, 1417. although he named them not in his letters▪ but in noting them, he made a still and dangerous war against them, encouraged by his forces and persuasion: ●●o entering the Cities freely, and causing his letters to be publicly read, ●e mo●ed t●e●● hearts by the feeling of former confusions, the blame whereof the Bou●guignon laid upon his enemies. The K●●g, (that is to say) his Council, being encountered both by writings & force, s●ould likewise oppose arms and writings against the Bourguignon: but he sends the Lord of Can●y to treat with the Bourguignon: which negotiation was fruitless, both ●or th●t the per●on sent unto him was odious, as also by reason of his charge which was n●● pleasing unto him. He had an intent to put Canny to death, but the respect of his ma●ster withheld him, making answer to all his instructions, specified at large in the original o● this history. But what avails it to repeat many vain words without any effect? I● brief, these are but accusations and excuses, plaints, and counterplaints. All protest ●o be the King's servants, and all ruin the K●ng, in troubling his realm. W●at pl●●ne. Commentary can we desire of these factions, than what we have heard and s●●ne in our time●? The Bourguignon made a more dangerous war then with Papers; he had ●●cret practices within the Cities, to win the inhabitants. The Bo●●●●●gno● arme●, & draw● in the English. He also drew the Engli●● ●●to arms, and armed himself, joining their forces together, but with deuers in●entions, yet their general design was to afflict France: fishing in a troubled water, making their profit of our confusions, and building their affairs vpo● the ruin of the realm. The Dauphin Charles plays an other part, he had scarce known the Cou●t, when as ●e was forced to go into Anjou, to the funerals of Lewis D●ke of Anjou K●ng of Sicily his f●ther in law, and to assure the Duchy, being in some danger, by reason of the neighbourhood of the D●ke of Britta●ne, a doubtful friend in the incertitude of ●ho●e confused times. Being arrived, behold a charge of d●●ficultie for the fi●st fruits 〈…〉 new authorit●e. The people were mutined at Roven, they had slain Ga●court Gou●r●our of the C●ttie, the Advocate and the King's Proctor, A mutiny a● Rovan. and besieged the Cas●e●l: and to multiply the afflictions, the Bou●guignon is in field, and besiegeth S. 〈◊〉. The K●ng● army is not d sm●ssed, but dispersed into deuers parts, according to t●e n●cessit●e of his affairs. The Dauphin having need of the greatest part for Roven, se●d the lesser to the besieged. b●t the succours being ●eake and sl●cke, S. Florentine y●e●d, to the D●ke of Bou●gongne. This hard beginning might have been prejudicial to ●is affairs at Roven: but they succeed better; for the chief of the city met ●it● the Dauphin, and excuse themselves of this tumult, imputing it to the people overcharged: they beseech him to pardon this fault, and to receive their voluntary obedience. Thus he is honourably received into the C●ttie, already pacified, ●nd settle▪ a●l things ●ith m●ldnesse. But there are other news of harder digestion; for the Bourguignon marcheth to Paris ●ith a great power, and the English takes port in Normandy with a thousand ●aile. T●ere were reasons on e●ther side to balance these great difficulties, The Dauphin encountered by three great enemies. and to trouble t●e Dauphin, for whether shall he go fi●st? if he march to Paris, the English will con●●●● without resist●nce. If he make head against the English, than Paris is lost, being wholly inclined to the Bourgognons' practices: who sees not but the loss of the capital 〈…〉 would be his ruin, and the overthrow of all his designs? The Bo●●guig●on. The English. But 〈◊〉 did not foresee a greater difficulty at hand by his mother, more wa●g●tie and dangerous than all the rest: yet must he avoid all these three storms, not without gre●t danger. That the providence of God, His mothe● (the preserver of this Monarchy) might 〈◊〉 itself more admirable, restoring this estate, being in show utterly lost. For Charles ●ho in so sharp an encounter reaped so worthy a victory) owes t●e homage unto God, who gave him means both to fight well, and to vanquish happily. The Dauphin st●●d●ng doubtful betwixt these two great extremes, resolves to go to Paris to de●e●d the City against the Bourgognons' practices, and to assure the King's person, whom he knew would speak whatsoever he pleased, being in his power. Henry of Ma●le Chancellor of France, remained at Paris with the King, being wholly at the Daulph●ns devotion. The people stir not, being kept in awe by the Parliament and University, who were then well united. But experience will soon discover the inconstancy of human attempts, when they seem most assured: and the vanity of a multitude, being the actors of great men's projects. The Bourguignon at one instant, doth publish his protestation, and displays his colours, causing his troops to march. He makes a declaration, containing the causes for the which he takes arms, The Bourguignon makes ● declaration. That is; To reform the state, extremely desolate, by the ill government of such as (abusing the King's infirmity) managed the affairs of the realm at their pleasure, and without pity of the poor people, oppressed them with extraordinary charges, against all right and reason. He protested to have no other intent, but to restore the realm to her former liberty. But he shall change his copy, imposing new exactions, to the prejudice of the people: and shall grow offended with such as shall oppose themselves▪ so as it seems, all this was but a mask to abuse the people, under the goodly show of ease and liberty. But as at the first all seems goodly, so these glorious beginnings won him great credit with the French nation. Thus his army gins to march through Picardy towards Paris. All Cities open their gates, where he doth presently proclaim an exemption of all Subsidies and other charges, except of Salt, as the gentlest imposition, seeing that all men without distinction paid their part. But abo●e all, he was very careful, that his army should live orderly and modestly, without any oppression to the poor people, being his ordinary discourse, as one greatly grieved for their afflictions, and being very desirous of their quiet a●d content. These examples proclaimed his virtues, and won him the people's hearts. Other Cities in Picardy follow this example: Beawais yields willingly unto him, and shout out for joy at his entry: he goes presently to Senlis, kept by Robert Deusné for the Armagnacs. The Citizens (desirous to imitate the rest) seize upon their governor, open their gates willingly, call in the Bourguignon, and receive him with all joy. From thence he marcheth speedily to Beaumond, the which having endured some Canon shot, (being subject to the house of Bourbon,) yields upon an easy composition. Ponthoise and Melun obey without any dispute. The Bourguignon with an army before Paris. So by degrees he come before Paris, and to show his army to the Parisiens', he lodgeth at Mont-rouge, but to approach nearer, he encamps lower, in a place called, The withered Tree, unto this day; by reason there stood a great dried Tree. A presage what should after befall his green and flourishing designs. Being there, he writes his letters to the King and City of Pari●, full of cunning admonitions, beseeching the one, and exhorting the other, to hearken seriously to a good reformation of the State, the true and sovereign e●d of his arme●. In the mean time he looseth not an hour. john of Luxembourg (during this his necessary abode at Paris) goes with a part of the army, to try the voluntary Cities, and every day made new conquests. Chartres, Estampes, Gaillardon, Montlehery, Auncau and Rochefort obey, and after some days of rest (to annoy Paris) he besiegeth Corbeil, a place of importance for the victualling thereof. But whilst he pressed Corbeil with exceeding haste, behold he suddenly abandons it against the opinion of all men. The Dauphin and the Constable of Armagnac supposed, that seeing that he had lost his labour at Paris, he would seek to possess himself of places of e●●●er conquest, according to his course begun. But the effect will show, that his r●si●g was to an other intent, which bred a horrible combustion throughout the whole realm▪ for Isabella Queen of France, (discontented with her son Charles) entreats the D●ke of Bourgongne to free her from captivity. The Bourguignon goes to Queen Is●●●ll at Tours. She was then at Tours, with some guard, by the King's commandment, for the which she blamed her son, and the Constable, who then had the government of the Court. They kept not so strict a guard o●●he Quern, but she h●d l●be●tie to walk both within and without the City, ●uen to the Abbey of Ma●m●usti●r, where she had her special 〈◊〉. This was a m●anes to give intelligence unto the Bourguignon, and to slip into hi● hands, as we shall show▪ Reason requi●es, the history should set down the motive of so unnatural a discontent: but she is silent, and reports only a very light occasion, T●● King dis●●k●● o●●h● Queen. That the King coming from visiting of the Queen, who held her state at ●ois-de-Vi●c●nnes, and returning to Pa●is, he met Lewis Bourd●a Knight, going to Bois-de-Vincenn●s. who coming ne●re to th● King, bowed himself on horseback, and so passed on lightly, without any other reverence. The King sends presently his Provost of Paris after him, commanding him to apprehend him, and to keep him safely. The Provost executing his charge, took the s●ied Knight and brought him to Chast●le● where by the Kings command▪ he was cruelly tortured, and drowned in the river of Seine: and some few days after, by the commandment of the King, the Dauphin, and such as then governed at Paris, ●he Queen (accompanied with her Sister in Law the Duchess of Baviere) was sent to Blois, and so to Tours, to remain there in mean estate. William Torel, The Queen sent with a guard ●o 〈◊〉. john Picard and Laurence Dupuis, were appointed for her guard, without whose consent she durst not attempt any thing, no not to write a letter. These be the words of the Original. Th●s her imprisonment, was aggravated by a new rigour. All the treasure which she had in Churches, or private houses within Paris, was seized on by the Constable of Arm●gnac, a free executioner of these proceedi●gs. This shows a notable dislike betwixt the husband and the wife, and the mother and son: but the cause is not specified. If it be lawful to search into this secret, shall we say, that Queen Isabel mother to our Dauphin, loving the one better than the other (as the variety of the mother's affection to her children is too common) had strained all her credit to countenance john, after the death of Lewis, being thus engaged with the Bourguignon, whom she d●d hate deadly, by reason of the imprisonment of her brother Lewis of Baviere? but as she had fi●st loved, and after hated him: might she not in like sort receive him again into favour, as the diversity of her passions did move her by new occasions, to love or hate the same man? The Emperor Sig●smonds proceeding, made it very suspicious, being the greatest instrument of the alliance betwixt john and the Bourguignon. And, to what end did the ●ourguignon go to him into Savoie after all this? It is likewise to be considered, that the sudden death of john increased this woman's fury against her son Charles, holding it for certain, that by the Constable's council he had caused him to be poisoned. Ambition and choler are furious beasts, not to be restrained by respect, especially in a woman, in whom hatred and revenge make deep impressions. jealousy might likewise be a violent councillor unto Charles. As if Charles (animated by the Constable of Arm●gnac, fearing lest his mother had some great practice with the Bourguignon and his associates) had incensed the King against her, having moved him with some other pretext. But in effect it was wholly to restrain this woman's power, depriving her both of liberty and treasure. But the event will show, that she was not always busied at her distaff, or in her devotion. The search of the motives is necessary in a History, especially in famous actions, but the doubtful conjectures are free to every man's judgement. This is all the certainty of this action. The ●ourguignon being called by Isabel, leaves the siege of Corbeil, lodgeth his footmen in the Towns of Beausse, ●hat were most favourable unto him: and with his horse (which were above ten thousand) he goes into Touraine; The Bourguignon joins with the Queen. when as behold (the Queen, being one morning at her devotion in the Abbey of Marmoustier, according to her custom,) he arrives with his horsemen at an hour appointed. He meets the Queen, receives her and enters the City with her, without any difficulty, having first cunningly seized upon the gats. Being entered, he proclaims an exemption of charges in the Queen's name, and (being accompanied by the people) he presents himself before the castle, which opens unto the Queen, being exceeding glad, to see herself at liberty and to command freely. 1418. She refers her self wholly unto the Bourgognons will; who likewise seeks to use her name to make his desseines more plausible. Having therefore assured Tours, they march to Chartres, a more convenient Town for their affairs, lying so near unto Paris. Being there, & having assembled all the clergy, Nobility, three estates and such Cities as they could of the●r faction, she causeth Philip of Morueliers to make known unto them, That by re●son of the ill government of the Realm, through the great weakness of the king her husband's, and according to the degree whereunto God had raised her, The Queen declares herself Regent of F●ance. being Queen of France, she desired infinitely to reform it. And the rather for that Charles her son (corrupted by th● ill council of the enemies of the state) showed her not the duty of a child, to her great grief. So●s to provide good and wholesome remedies for the preservation of the state, and for the se●●●e of the king her husband▪ by the good advice of her cousin the Duke of Bourgoigne a Prince of the blood she declares herself Regent of France. The which was pleasing unto them 〈◊〉, with this title: Isabella ●y the grace of God, Queen of France, having by reason of the king my Lord's infirmity the government and administration of the Realm, by an irrevocable grant, made unto us by our said Lord and his council. And for confirmation of this ne● authority she caused a seal to be made, whereon was graven her image, standing right up, with her arms hanging down to the earth, as one without comfort and requiring help: on the one side were the arms of France, and on the other that of France, and Baviere quartered, with these words. This is the seal of Causes, Sovereignties and Appellations for the King. There were two Sovereign Courts of justice erected, one at Amiens, and the ot●er at Troy in Ch●mpaigne, New Courts erected & new officers made. with express charge not to go to Paris. The office of Constable was given to the Duke of Lorraine, by the deprivation of the Earl of Armagn●●, and the Chancellourship of France to Eustache of Bas●re, by the giving over of Henry of Marle. As these things beg●n to kindle a new fire of miseries, there were certain Bishops which laboured to reconcile the Queen and Dauphin. The Bourguignon accepts of the motion: but the Constable of Armagn●c breaks off the treaty. An article which shall make him more odious with the people. The Bourguignon having retired hi● army and put his men into garrison, goes into Savoy, where at that time the Emperor Sig●smond was, (who erected the Earldom of Savoy into a duchy) and there did conferee with him at Mommellain. This was not without some great desseine. In his absence Philip of Bourgongne his son held a Parliament, to resolve upon the me●nes to make war with more advantage. Thus the Bourguignon wrought ●or his part. The Dauphin seeing the fields freed and without any enemy; thinks good that the Constable of Armagn●c should besiege Senlis, and the better to countenance his arms, the King himself goes with the army. The Town being pre●●, they take a day to yield, The siege of Senses. if by the 17. of April they be not relieved. john of Luxembourg (whom the Bourguignon had left in Picardy, for the surety of those places) gathers together what troops he can and comes at the day prefixed: at which time the townsemen made a great sally upon the K●ngs Camp, firing their tents a●d pavilions. The Constable (moved with this affront) cuts of the heads of four of their hostages, and they kill six and forty of his men that were prisoners. In the mean time john of Luxembourg approacheth towards Creill, meaning to fight 〈◊〉 the Constable, urging him by sundry skirmishes, having sent Charlot Daill● towards Dampmartin with a good troop to stop the passage. The Constable (fearing t●e event of a battle, being loath to hazard the King) world not join, but desirous to find some honest colour to avoid the fight, he send 〈◊〉 trumpet, The Constable retires with dishonour. to know who commanded these tro●pes. And understanding it was 〈◊〉 Luxembourg, he answered in a bravery. Seeing it is neither the Duke of ●ourgongne, nor his son, they a●e not for us, let us go to Paris. So he returns without fight whether the chee●e of his affairs drew him, not fore seeing the mischief which attended him, by reason of this retreat being to prejudicial to his honour: for the Parisiens' who hated him, and yet feared him for the reputation of his valour, began now to contemn him, nothing in this retreat a kind of covardise, as having refused to encounter john of Luxembourg, who had so bravely offered him the battle. The brute of this shameful departure was publeshed by the Bourguignon faction to their master's advantage. 〈◊〉 of the 〈◊〉 at 〈◊〉. They embrace this occasion being ●oth the people's heat should grow cold by any better success, observing likewise that the King, Dauphin, Counstable, Chancellor, and all the chief of that party were at Paris, to be all surprised together. The Duke of Bourgongne was upon his return from Savois, but he departed not with out good instructions from the Empire. But leaving the Bourgognons, a●my in field, let us note the estate of that great City of Paris Perrinet Clerc a smith; The 〈…〉 john Thiebert a brother Perrin Bourdichon a Cooper (such were they whom the Bourguignon had made his Colenells at Paris having practised all their friends with great secrecy and engaged many; they advertise the Seignor of Lis●e Adam (who was governor of Ponthoise for the Bourguignon of their enterprise; the which was to deliver him a gate, and a good troop of the Inhabitants within the hart of the City, so as they might have soldiers to second there attempt. Lis●e Adam accepts thereof, and the event was answerable to the desseine: for these under-takers assign him Saint Germains gate: Perrinet hath the Keys. Lisle Adam, presents himself at midnight, being the hour appointed, with eight hundred armed men. He finds the gate open, and Berrinet attending him. Then he puts his men in battle, lest he should be taken in disorder, Perrinet shuts the gate and casts the Keys into the ditch: and then without any noise he marcheth with this troop to the lesser Chastelet, where he had left a squadron of four hundred men under the great vault, to lie more couer●l●e. Lis●e Adam having wined his troop with the Citizens, (so as the one might assist the other (he sends forth divers troops to give the alarm in divers quarters of the City, with charge to move the people to arms. Every troop marcheth speedily to his quarter, as he is commanded, crying out with a terrible voice in the dead of the night Rise good people, peac●, peace, God save the King and the good Duke of ●ourgongne. At this no●●e all rise, some to hide themselves, others to arm: so as in short time a great multitude (being armed) wande● up and down the streets ready to fight. Their Captains appoint them what houses of the Arm●gna●s they should force. Th● Ki●● t●ken. The fi●st ●roupe must seize upon the King but before all was ready, the alarm was general. Such as had most interest are soon up. Tann●guy of castle. Provost of Paris a very trusty servant to the Dauphin wrapps him in a sheet and carries him into the Battle. The 〈…〉 himselve. A good Leviane which shall one day raise the dough, and the hand of him that kneds it. Some others also retired themselves thither, which shall serve in th●s Scene. john Lowet, Rob●rt Masson, the Vicont of Narbone & Bou●i-quaut. The Constable armagnac in a disgused weed saves himself in a neighbour's house. But all this troop flies to the King's lodging at Saint Pol. These tribunes cause this poor sick Prince to rise with out any respect: they force him to promise what they ●lease, and to ride through the City, crying: God save the King, and peace, thinking by his presence to increase their troop, and to countenance their confusion. This done every troop seeks his quarter: and many are taken. The Chancellor 〈◊〉. The chancellor of Marle is surprised in his lodging and Raimonet De la Guerre, whom were good supportters of the Armagnac faction, many precedents, Councillors and masters of the Accowmp●s were taken, with out any respect of persons. The Cardinals of Bar and Saint Marc, the Arch●bishop of Rheims, the Bishops of Senlis, Bayeux & Constan●● were carried away and imprisoned, all the prisons are filled with honourable persons. But what is become of the Daulplin and Constable▪ they search, they hunt in all places; yet finding nothing, they command, by sound of trumpet, that every man should presently upon pain of death, discover the Armagnacs. The Dauphin was safe, but the Constable (discovered by his host) is taken, carried away by one of these Tribune● and imprisoned, he was in danger as he passed through the streets, riding behind him that had him in guard. Thus was the night spent until day, yet without any murder, and it seems this was by commandment. This happened in the year 1418. the 25. of May, a pleasant day, The Constable taken. the forerunner of a mournful winter. The Dauphin having escaped this danger miraculously, by the good advice of Tanneg●y of castle, he resolves to do his best in retiring himself else where, and not to hazard his person with this furious and murderous people. By the faithful means of this good servant, he goes forth secretly in the night, and slips into Melun, leaping from place to place like a bird that flies from bough▪ to bough. From Melun he goes to Nemours, whether he sends for his most ●●ust●e servants, of whose helps he had never greater need. The Marshal of Rieux comes unto him with many of the Nobility. they consult of the means to recover Paris, before it be supplied with soldiers. So they gather together fifteen hundred horse with all speed. The Marshal of Rieux hath the charge to lead them: The Dauphin seeketh to recover Paris. while the Dauphin preserves the fortune of France in safety. A dangerous enterprise, which had no succcesse, but the honour to have attempted a th●ng altogether impossible, the which was executed with much less loss than the danger was great. The B●stille held Saint Anthony's gate sure, for the Dauphin. The Marshal of Bieux ●nters it with his troops, and marcheth boldly to th● King's lodging▪ but he finds it empty, the King being retired to the Lowre. The alarm is given throughout the whole City: they must think of their retreat: S●ones, tiles, arrows and all things else fl●e from the houses and windows: the chain●s are drawn, and the streets full of armed men: all cry, ki●l, kill the A●magna●s. The Marshal of Rieux leads his men happily in this retreat, and fearing Saint Anthony's gate, he draws them forth so closely, as he escapes this great and imminent danger with little loss. This alarm had put the people into arms, who having chased their enemies out of the heart of their City, were quiet for that time, expecting some further command from the Bourguignon, and an end of this terrible tumult, whilst they take breath: Many towns mutiny. others are drawee into the like mutiny by their example. All the Towns of Picardy, favouring the Bou●guignon greatly, make bonfires. Compiegne, Creil, Saint Maxance, Mouc●y le Preux, Pont a Ch●isi, Noion, Laon, Soissons, Chauny, Peronne and razors (expelling their garrisons) declare themselves of his party. Some days are spent thus quietly, since the fi●st taking of prisoners. But behold a new tumult like unto a violent wind, which chanced the twel●●h of june. In the morning a●l the people arm by the command of the Leaders. This fu●io●s multitude go forth off their houses: (like a swarm of bees creeping from their combs) armed with all sorts of weapons. In short time there are forty thousand men assembled in the streets and market places. john of Luxembourg, james of Harcourt, the Vidame of Amiens, Lisle-Adam, Fosseaux, Chastellus, Cohen, Lambourg the new Provost of Paris, (with many others most trusty servants to the Bourguignon,) are on horseback in troops, to second this multitude on foot, ready to fight as in a day of battle: when as about four of the clock (like as when the heavens darkened with thick clouds, and the air overcast, the thunder rumbling in the air, suddenly when the lightning appears, the crack breaks forth and tears a Tower's top,) this furious multitude, flocking from all parts of the City with a silent stillness, bu●st forth into divers parts. They open the prisons and kill such as they m●ete without any pity. They murder jailers, their wives and children, men and maids, but especially the poor prisoners are their object. In this tumult, all cry all howl, all are amazed. The confused cries of the murderers and murdered rebound up to heaven, The Constable of A●magnac, and Henry of M●rle (being brought forth with shouts and reproaches) are beaten down and laid by for the triumph. The Bishops of Cons●anc●, A horrible massacre of the. 〈◊〉 at the Pa●is. Baye●x, Eu●eux, Senlis, saints, and the Abbot of Saint Cornil●e go the same way. The Earl of G andpré, Raymonet de la Guerre, Hector of Chartres, Enguerand of Marco●ss●, Charles Poupard: the officers of the Court of Parliament, Chambers of Account, Requests, & Treasure: to conclude, all that are of any account are massacred. The blood streams through the City, the streets, and walls overflow. Many of the 〈◊〉 faction m●●thered by their enemiks. The noted Armagn●●s are thus murdered. but the fury of this mad multitude extends farther, even against such as had been with them, and of their own faction: for many affectionate Bourgognons were beaten down: every man seeks his enemy to kill him under this pretext. The rascals fall upon the rich, and killing them as Armagn●●s, they spoil their houses, as a lawful prey of their conquest. The eye of this furious multitude spares neither sex, age not quality. The Duke of Bourgongnes followers are lookers on of this spectacle, and watch that none escape. The history makes mention of sixteen hundred cruelly murdered on this miserable day, noted to the dishonour of these detestable murderers, and to the grief of France, to see her own bowels thus defiled with her blood, and her memory blemished with this cruelty. This fury continued from four of the clock on the twelfth day, until ten the next day, nothing ceasing for the night's rest. The number of them that were murdered. These mad men (having refreshed themselves) seek out the rest to finish their most cruel work. The prisoners of the great Castelet made resistance against their fury: they are besieged, forced and massacred▪ the greatest part are cast from the top of the Tower, and fall upon their pikes, halberds and other weapons. The bodies of the Constable & Chancellor, lying naked upon the stones, are carried to the marble table in the Palace hall. To note the Constable by his accustomed scarf, they fl●a a bend of his skin and 〈…〉 about his body. This spectacle is drawn about the City three days together, and then carried out in a dung-cart, to a place where they cast all their carrion and fi●●h called the dunghill, without any burial. The Bourguignon was at Diion during this tumult at Paris, who was presently advertised ●hereof. This History says, that he seemed very glad of the taking of the City, but very sorry f●r the murder of the prisoners: but God who kept a true register, shall one day put him in mind thereof. And in truth, he that shall duly consider all the circumstances of this confusion, cannot imagine, but it was done by his command. He gathers all the forces he can together, to guard the Queen to Paris, The Queen and the Bo●●guignon cor●● to Pari●. as it were in tr●omph. The Parisi●ns meet him with great pomp: they offer him their most affectionate service, and present the Duke of Bourgongne and the Earl of Saint Po● his Brother with purple velvet gowns, powdered with Saint Andrews crosses, the which at their requests they presently put on, and so (drawing near the Queen's coach) they ●nter the City of Paris, the people attending at their entry, and crying: God s●●e the King and the good Duke of Bourgongne▪ the Coach being covered with flowers which they cast upon it. And this was the Queens and the Duke of Bourgongnes entry a●●er the massacre. A plague after the massacre. But this Parisien ●oy was soon turned into heaviness, for within three months after this butchery, the plague entered the City, and slew above four score thousand persons in th●ce months. The History observes, that Perrinet and his companions, (after they had eaten what they had gathered in together by spoil) perished miserably, little enjoying their thefts. Most of the Noble men and gentlemen which had assisted these murderers died of the plague, except Lisle-Adam, who was reserved to receive his punishment from King Henry of England, although upon an other occasion as you shall see here after. And was not this God who revenged this cruelty? But let us return to our discourse, for seeing the punishment was so sudden, we might not well remit the rehearsal to any otherplace. Charles looks but coldly upon his wife, whom he loved not, neither in health: or sickness. He welcomes the Duke of Bourgongne with a cheerful countenance, who had won his heart, by framing himself to his weakness with mild speeches, shows of honour and apparent humility. Impressions of common sense, whereof frenzy for the most part doth not deprive mad men. The Bourguiguon altars all at Paris. The King's council assembled presently: many things were propounded the first day, they began with Officers; the Constable's place was confirmed to the Duke of Lorraine, and the Channcellors' hip to Eustache of Lastre. Lislle, Adam and Chastelus are made Marshals of France, for their well deserving at the masaker at Paris. Our Bourguignon creates Charles of Lens: Admiral of France, being Captain of Paris, and Philip of Moruilliers the Queen's Advocate, first Precedent of the Court of Parliament. The English take all Normandy. During this confusion. Henry King of England makes other work. He was in Normandy, taking Towns and Castles without any resistance. Touques (a C●stell held impregnable) was forced by him, during the passions of our madmen, as the first fruits of his conquest●, Lowiers, Pont larche, Caen, Cherebourg, Falaisse, Argenton, Alencon Constance, S. Lo, and other places followed, to make the way open to Roven without any great difficulty. Roven is besieged in a manner the very day of the massacre at Paris. Henry doth assault it with all the force and policy he can, as the Dungeon and chief strength of all Normandy. Roven besieged & taken. The citizens give a testimony of good and faithful subjects, by their valour and constancy. They demand succours from the King, with a protestation of the event. The Court makes show to stir and to provide for their defence: but what remedy can the dead give unto the sick? In the end after all their resist●●ce seeking to maintain themselves under the obedience of France, Roven yields to Henry King of England upon hard conditions. All yield unto King Henry. To pay him three hundred sixty five thousand Crowns of gold, and three Citizens at his choice to do his pleasure. And so he suffered them to enjoy their privileges. Of the three which he had chosen to punish, he pardoned two, and caused Alain ●lanchart, Captain of the commons to be beheaded, worthy to be eternised in our history, dying for the service of his K●●g and country, in a time so famous for so desperate a confusion. The sequile wa● great, for not only all the Towns of Normandy yield unto him, but also the I●●e of France was so amazed, as all obey hi● even to the gates of Paris, where the fu●●e of our miserable dissensions prepared a Throne for the sworn enemy of 〈◊〉 Realm. I am weary to report our shameful losses, as reviving our old soars. Henry might have graven in his triumph. I came, I saw and o●cr●●me, only Mont S. Michael in Normandy was maintained under the obedience of our crown, through the valour 〈◊〉 some Gentlemen Normans, whose names the history owes to posterity. john 〈◊〉 Montfort Duke of Brittany (seeing this happy sucsesse,) makes composition w●t● t●e English, shrouding himself under his protection, but he shall soon leave him. 〈◊〉 a more happy season shall make him turn to the Dauphin. In this shipwreck the Queen and the Bourguignon had means to glut their ambition and fury at Paris. beholinge the ruin of France, hoping that in all extremities they should make their peace with the King of Ingland at their Country's cost, having a daughter for a pa●●e and confirmation of this accord. They send Ambassadors to Henry King of England being a Conqueror, and ●or a bait they carry the portrait of Katherine of France, the King's daughter, a Princess of excellent beauty, who must likewise be the Leui●n of our misery. But Henry finding this figure to be fair, The Bourguignon treats with the English but in vain. desires to see the essential substance, so as the Queen and the Borguignon (governing the spirit of this poor sick King) conducts 〈◊〉 person with his daughter, to their enemy near to Meulan, to advise of a means for a general peace; but they departed without any conclusion, by reason of the great demands which Henry made, puffed up with this victorious success, seeking to sell ●is friendship at too high a rate. Yet the image of Katherine had made an impression in his hea●t, being much discontented that they had refused her with these conditions. The Bourguignon likewise found less kindness than he expected, and returned malecon●nt, for that Henry puffed up with these fortunate encounters, and carried away with hope of future victory) spoke more proudly than the Bourgognons' humour could well digest, which was the cause of his destemperature: He grows discontented and seeks to reconcile himself to the Dauphin. for H●nry said in his choler, That he would have both daughter and Bealme, whosoever said nay, and that there was no sufficient security for what they promised, seeing the Dauphin did ●ot consent thereunto. A pill which the Bourguignon could not easily swallow. So he chawed upon this speech of the English, which drew him to his ruin, for even then he began to study by what means he might reconcile himself unto the Dauphin, hoping to fi●de a better composition with a young Prince his kinsman, and weary of the wars, then with the English grown insolent by his victories. Charles was not quiet in mind, fearing least in these treaties, they should conclude something to his prejudice. So as they both inclined to an accord, but upon divers causes, to oppose against their common enemy with a common force. But before we show the effect of this common desire, we must see both the estate of our Dauphin (since he retired himself from Paris) and of the Bourguignon, since he became Tribune of the people. Although this terrible storm might have shaken the young years of the Dauphin Charles, unacquainted with the affairs of the world, and his disposition (inclining to pleasure) seemed unfit to endure much pain and toil: The Dauphin estate. yet the effects at need showed his constant resolution against all difficulties. They attribute this constancy and resolution to the faithful council of his servants: yet was it much for him to follow it. Tannegay of castle, john Lowet precedent of Provence; the Vicont of Narbone, and Robert Masson, were those which served him most for Council in the beginning: but God soon after did raise him up strong hands to manage arms courageously and valiantly, La Hire, Pothon of S, Treille (whom commonly they call Zintrailles. the Bastard of Orleans, with other brave and fortunate Captains which shallbe famous in the cou●se of our History. But the Realm was strangely divided into these factions. The King's authority and the Capital City were for the Queen and the Bourguignon. Picardy, Bourgongne and many Towns in Bry, Champagne and Beausse obeys them absolutely after these massacres. Only Sens in Bourgongne held out, the which they could not pull from the Dauphin. The Prince of Orange (of the Bourguignon faction) makes war for him in Dauphin and Languedoc, to cross the affairs of our Charles, The Bourgognons' estate who notwithstanding had the greatest part of the country at his devotion, with the friendship of avignon, and of the Earledom of Venaisoin or of Venesse. The English possessed all Normandy, and a great part of Guienne: but Rochel, Foitiers, S. john d' Angely, Angoulesme, Fontenay and some other Towns acknowledged the Dauphin. All Anjou was his, Auvergne, Berry Bourbonois, Forrest, and Lionois obeyed him▪ so as they are deceived which think that he only held the city of Bourges in those days: under colour that his enemies called him King of Bourges, because he made his chief residence there, when as his mother called herself Regent. He likewise took upon him the name of Regent. A name which fortified his title with great authority, and did countenance his affairs in those difficulties and confusions. The Queen and the Bour●●●●●on seek unto the Dauphin. The Queen and the Bourguignon laboured by all means to win him: they sent him his wife honourably attended, with all her jewels, promising him his place with respect and obedience, but their meaning was to be rid of him, not able to know how to conform him to their humours. In keeping him●●lfe far from them, he preserved his head for the Crown; the which attended him: ●419 he prevented the ambitious desseines of his enemy, and made himself to be more respected throughout the Realm. At these horrible massacres, his Captains roused up their spirits. Bocquiaux ●●●zed of Compiegne, Pierre-Fons upon Soissons for him, who (molesting Picardy and the I●e of France with their daily roads) held Paris in jealousy. He himself had part of the honour in the execution of these conquests, not leaving all to his servants: for he leapt out of Anjou into Touraine, besieged and took the City of Tours. The Duke of Britain seeing the happy success of the Daulphins' affairs, The Duke of Britain leaves the English, and joins with the Dauphin leaves the English, and joins with the Dauphin, as the strongest part. Behold the estate of our Dauphin, who grows constant and resolute amidst these tempests, And what was the estate of our Bourguignon? In the beginning his partisans were all fire and flame, for the zeal of his service: but finding not what they expected at his hands, nor any success in his affairs, but rather the discommodities of Paris, and other places under his obedience to increase; this heat abated daily, ●●ding by experience that the cause of these wars was light, being but humours and private quarrels, very prejudicial to the State, the which the English ●●d sap, undermine and ruin, seizing daily upon whole Provinces, without any difficulty. Thus Henry's victories were plain demonstrations to the most passionate, to discover the Bourgognons dissembling: for, who sees not but his end was to govern, to the ruin of France. In the end every one coming to his right wits, finds that of a Frenchman he is become an Englishman. The folly or fury of a faction could not mortify the feeling of lawful obedience, under which they were borne. To ●hat end (says the common sort of these clear-sighted) shall we undo ourselves, The people grow in dislike with 〈◊〉 Bourguignon. for the passions of the Duke of Bourgongne, opposing himself against the lawful heir of the Crown? Thus the Bourguignon sees the affections of his partakers to grow daily cold. A worm which tormented him hourly, having grounded his chief hopes upon their constancies, who promised to stand firmly to him at all events. Doubtless, whatsoever the Giants of States have imagined, setting one hill upon another, the Pirenees upon the Alpes, with all the App●nin, to scale the throne of the French Monarchy, promising unto themselves events according to the moulds of their imaginations: yet cannot the French yield to any stranger's command, no more then to change nature and become a stranger. But, to increase the Bouguignons' hearts grief, his chiefest instrument not only fails him, but is ready to turn violently against him. For what hath he not attempted to win the love of this multitude at Paris, and of the greatest Cities of the Realm, making them believe, that he burned with zeal of their good, and the public weal, the only end of all his desseines. feeding them with these goodly and popular promises of exemption of charges and impositions? But they begin all to mutiny, seeing he spoke one thing, and did think another, and oppressed them more than those whom he had condemned as the causes of public oppressions▪ for whatsoever he imagined, yet had he need of money. For how could he else make war? how could he entertain his great train? his partisans, and his reputation among Strangers? And where should he raise it, but upon such as obeyed him? to seek it at such as could resist, were to mistake, and to make his reckoning alone in vain. Moreover, this people (whom he had so much countenanced, making themselves masters by his power, to become by their means master of his enemies) would be generally obeyed, and why? not of the Bourguignon, seeing he had opposed himself, and prescribed a law to a son of France? If the Bourguignon doth worse than he hath done, shall not the people reduce him unto reason? He hath promised exemptions of subsidies, and they are more grievous than before. We have prevailed (say they) against a Constable, against a Chancellor of France, yea over the King & Queen, making them to yield her brother, and most ●●usty servants, and shall we not suppres●e some few gallants, servants to the Duke of Bourgongne? This was the Parisiens' ordinary discourse: and their Tribunes (who were not so well entertained as before) begin mutiny. They resolve to seize upon some of the Bourgognons' favourites, and to punish them, who had persuaded him to renew the impositions, contrary to his promise. These men (the concealing of whose names, notes the baseness of their qualities, The Parisiens' mutiny against the Bourguignon faction. ) having intelligence of this search, fled into the Bastille, and the people follow after as if they would overthrow it. A great multitude gins to undertake it▪ & had prevailed, i● the Bourguignon had not instantly come much discontented, who seeing himself environed with so great a troop of armed men, fearing the loss of his head, he was forced to deliver his servants to the people, who put them all to death, to teach the Bourguignon that they had no less authority and power over him, then over the King and the Dauphin his son. They kill the Bourgognons' servants. This occasion thrusts the people into greater fury, (who being thus armed) choose a head, called Cappeluche Bourrell, to finish their executions upon some such as might receive these impositions and public charges. They march through the city, and enter into many houses to rob and spoil, under colour of apprehending of such as had assisted at these innovations. The rich men feared for their own particulars, but the Bourguignon more than all, knowing himself to be the Author of this disorder, having thrust the people into arms▪ for what success should this disordered liberty have but to fall upon the Authors thereof? Having therefore won some of the chief Commanders, they choose out a troop of the most wilful mutinous, to be fred off them, under colour of sending them to the war against the Daulphinois, which had surprised the Castle of Montlehery, and began to invade even to the gates of Paris. Yet they retained Cappeluche Bourrell, under colour of some special service. But the Bourguignon being grown the stronger, with the chief of the City, he causeth Bourrel to be taken, and hanged with some number of his associates. This multitude being a● Montlehery, discontented with the Bourguignon, leaves the siege, and returns to be revenged▪ but the gates were shut, and the wa●les well guarded, so as all passed without any more ado. But the Bourguignon was much perplexed, being troubled in mind to have put a sword into a madman's hand: being afraid of an unsure guard, and a foretelling th●t his Empire should not continue long. So, the repulse he received from the English, the coldness of the nobility of his party, and the people's change, were the motives which made him wish for the Daulphins' friendship, who now prevented him, although he had often refused it. That which moved Charles thereunto, was necessity, and the hope of a greater dess●ine, finding no better means to stop the current of the English victory and the Bourgognons' treachery, then to join with him, attending some better occasion. The success favoured this council of his sollowers. He sends Tanneguy of Chastel to the Duke of Bourgongne, to make the first proposition, and after him the Lady of Gi●● (in whom the Bourguignon had great confidence) to appoint a day and place for a parley, and to seek the means of a good peace. They meet at Povilly the strong, near unto Melun▪ in the open field with their guards. The Bourguignon talked to the Dauphin on his knee, and held his stirrup, although Charles refused this submission. Proofs to show with what necessity he sought his friendship: A peace betwixt Charles▪ the Dauphin and john of Bourgongne. as a man that is beaten with all winds and out of breath. So they conclude an inviolate peace, and to bandy themselves against the common enemy of France, promises are made on either side, with all demonstrations and protestations of a firm and inviolable friendship. The articles of their accord and contract are set down at large in the Original of our History. This peace betwixt Charles the Dauphin▪ and john Duke of Bourgongne, was made near to Povilly the strong, upon Ponchiel, a league from Melun, in the year 1419. All France ●eioyced, as after a long and sharp winter, when the sun appeareth in a pleasant spring. The King and all the Parliaments ratified this accord, which every man held for the gage of firm friendship betwixt these Princes, and their love for a firm pillar of the realms quiet. But the providence of the protector of this French monarchy had otherwise decreed. These reconciliations could not serve for sufficient cautions against his justice worthily incensed against the Bourguignon, being guilty of horrible crimes, and the wilful abuse of his patience. The Daulphins proceeding against the Bourguignon not commendable. The cou●se which Charles held to be rid of his enemy, is not commendable: but in one and the self same work, we must wisely distinguish of that which is of God, & that which is of man, to approve the good which is always justified in God's ordinance, and to blame the ill always to be blamed in man: that we may stop our mouths and open our eyes, and not to reply against the just judgements of God, but view the strange and extraordinary punishment of the Bourgognons strange and extraordinary crimes, who during the weakness of our poor King, hath so much troubled the Realm. We have said, (and the course of the history will show it very plainly) that the Dauphin Charles suffered himself to be governed by his servants. By their advice he had made this accord with the Bourguignon, wherein they had either of them several respects: although either's intent was to make his profit with the others los●es, in circumventing of his companion. But he that made his account to deceive (having not yet changed his mind, although the present necessity made him to change his countenance) was deceived: and which is more, he which built his greatest desseins upon murder, is murdered, being the only expedient the Daulphins' servants could devise to free him from these troubles, in dispatching the Bourguignon once for all. The resolution was very great, but to persuade this prince thereunto, was of greater difficulty. A young man, just, wi●e, moderate & of a very mild disposition, so as they had much ado to persuade him to so bold and violent a remedy. Why my Lord (say they) can you believe that the Duke of Bourgongne is any thing amended? although he sto●●● now to necessity, can he bend his heart to reason? Have you forgotten what he did to your ●●ceased uncle the Duke of Orleans when as he held the same degree that you do now? Reasons to induce the Dauphin to kill the 〈…〉 did he not kill him and maintained it as well done? braved the King in Paris, armed himself against him, and forced him to justify this execrable murder▪ He masked himself with a show of good meaning to make his accord with your poor Cousins of Orleans, but was it not with an intent to ruin them with the more facility seeking to divide them from your deceased 〈◊〉 the Duke of Berry, incensing the King and your eldest brother against them, making Edicts against them, as guilty of high tre●son and pursuing them with cruel force? when as your brother (discovering his wickedness) had forsaken him and that he (yielding to necessity as he 〈◊〉 now) concluded a peace, did he not arm himself by a new devise, to ruin your blood opposing both Paris and the States of the realm, under the name of the common weal, to put to 〈◊〉 the best servants of the King your father, incensing the people ●gainst them, being the 〈◊〉 executioners of his execrable rage? And when as he found these popular furie● not t● succeed well, hath he not fled to force? yea seeing his great enemy your cousin of Orleans prisoner, and your uncle of B●rry dead, hath he mortified his cruel desseines in these common calamities? He hath rather stirred up the Emperor to trouble the State, laboured to draw your deceased brother john to his humour, to kindle new fires and to consume you in them. You my lord are he who only trouble him, who only may frustrate his desseines, and therefore he st●iues to take away your head, and s●t your Crown upon his, what hath he not attempted against you? His last actions are worse than the first. There he sought to abuse your brother with your Cousins: here he opposeth your mother against you. There he did openly fight against the law of state, here h● doth openly oppugn the law of nature. There (by his policy) hedid nourish jealousy betwixt kinsmen, here by his audacious violence he tears in sunder the womb where in you did lie, to ruin the State. For to what end doth he give the Regency to your mother. (the King your father living) and you being borne Regent during his life, and King after 〈◊〉 death? To what end should he fly to a furious multitude, to decide your controversies? He hath armed forty thousand men, in the capital city of your realm, and accompanied them with his men at arms. To what end served all that, but to make a tragical execution of his violent passions? why did he cause that massacre to be made when you were in the city and sought for you so carefully, but to use you as they did your Constable and Chancellor, and as many of your good servants as fallen into their hands? And after all these exploits, the Bourguignon must call the English King into France, to give him your sister in marriage: nay rather to take your Crown from you by peece-meales, for seeing he cannot have it all, he seeks to diui●e it. This is the Apple for the which he sows so much dissension. The Law rejects him, and he appeals to faith, to shadow himself with her cloak, and to deceive you with more open show. He therefore kisseth your hand, he kneels, he holds your St●rop, to hide his treachery with a show of humility. Will you believe (my Lord) that he is in bad terms with the King of England. They aim both at one common object. They have sworn both to take away your life: but the Bourguignon may effect that which the English cannot. And that which they cannot wo●ke by open force, they pretend to effect by policy, covering it with this goodly show of peace. ●●●t effects hath he given you of this reconciliation? What Town hath he rendered? nay what m●n hath he dismissed? Continuing still in arms, he discovers his intent. He means to ruin you with ●is forces being lodged in your bowels. His designs being well known unto you my Lord, will you suffer him to prevent you? We ought to watch for you and seek the mea●es to cross him. It is lawful to repel craft by policy. Faith is a holy thing, but who can with reason g●ine say, if a thief denies his name to circumvent us, but that it is lawful to surprise him with his own arms? To draw an enemy into a mischief which he had prepared for a good man, is no treachery, but wisdom, especially when there is question to preserve the state. Are you (my Lord) a private person? All this great body (whereof God hath made you the head) stretcheth forth the arms, and craves your aid against this thief, which hath sworn the ruin. He attends but the hour to dispatch you, and to seize thereon. The safest course is to prevent him: your enemy's head shall preserve yours, and all your good and faithful subjects. My Lord, we protest there is no private interest of ours. All is yours, and the public weals. The faith we have vowed unto you, commands us to deliver our free advise. We have lived, do live, and will live, your faithful servants, even unto the death. The heart makes the mouth to speak, but our hands shall execute your commandments. The Dauphin (encouraged by these persuasions of his servants,) resolves. The 〈◊〉 resolves to kill the Bourguignon. We have said, that he parted from Tours, to parley with the Bourguignon; but after that accord, he made a voyage into Berry to assure those places, and to levy men: in show to join with him, and to oppose against the English with their common forces: but in effect, it was for the murder of his greatest enemy. He had then twenty thousand fight men with him. With this troop he comes into Soulogne, approaching near unto those places where his men might be best employed. Monstreau-faut-Yonne, (a Town in Brie, where the river of Yonne looseth her name, joining with Seine) held for him. From thence he sends Tanneg●y of Chastëll (a very sufficient man of his household, and his trusty servant) to Troy's in Champagne, to the Duke of Bourgongne, desiring him to come unto him to Monstreau, to resolve upon the effecting of their accord, and to employ their common forces against their common enemy, having brought them to that end, protesting that he should be much grieved to see them burdensome unto the people without use. Moreover he had some very private affairs to impart unto him, as unto his best and dearest friend. Tanneg●y had no other answer from the Bourguignon, but that it were better for the Dauphin to come to Troy's to the King and Queen, his Father and Mother, to conclude things in their presence, and by their authority, the which should be very necessary, to reduce the affairs to some good course. Some days are spent in refusing and reintreating. The Bourgognons' conscience caused him to fear, and the proceeding was suspi●ious, but that the apparent dislike betwixt the Mother and the Son, needed the mediation of such a friend as the Bourguignon. This was a goodly pretext, to draw the Duke of Bourgongne to be a mediator of peace, betwixt the Queen and the Dauphin; and the charge of their armies, (being idle,) was not small, the which urged this interuiewe. The Lady of Giac (of whom we have spoken) was employed again to solicit this treaty. So as the Bourguignon comes to Bray upon Seine, whether the Dauphin sent the Bishop of Valence unto him, he was brother to Charles of Poitiers, Bishop of Langres, in whom he had great confidence. This Bishop had in the end power to persuade him to go to Monstreau, where the Dauphin attended him. The Bourguignon goes accompanied with five hundred horse, two hundred Archers, The Bourguignon comes to the Dauphin. and many noble men, among the which was Charles the eldest Son of t●e Duke of Bourbon, whom the Duke of Bourgongne had corrupted, to weaken the Daulphins' party, being a Prince of the blood. The Dauphin had prepared the Cast●e for the Bourguignon, but he unfurnished it of all munition for war and victual; and causeth the bridge to be fortified with three turnepikes, to stop their free entrance into the Town, whether the Bourguignon must come by duty unto the Dauphin. This succeeded according to his desseine, but it carried the show of an enemy. The Bourguignon sends three gentlemen of his household to the Dauphin, Thoulong●●●, Ernoy and Soubretier, to advertise him of his coming. They give him notice of the two barricadoes made upon the Bridge, and wish him not to adventure. Having referred it to his Counsel, all being on horseback, he resolves in the end to pass on● he lights at the Castle where his lodging was assigned, and sets his guards at the entry of the gate towards the Town. Hereupon Tanneguy of castle come▪ unto him, who after a due reverence saluted him from the Dauphin, saying, that he attended him at the bridge foot, at the town gate. Then john of Bourgongne, having chosen out ten of his most trusty followers, (Charles of Bourbon, the Lords of Novaille, Fribourg, S. George, Montagu, Vergy▪ 〈◊〉, Pontavillier, Lens, Gia●, and his Secretary Seguinat) he approacheth to the first bar, where he inco unters with some from our Charles, who entreat him to enter upon their masters word, and assure him by oath. Before he enters, (as if his heart had foretold his harm) he stays suddenly, and asks advice of his company, who encouraging him to pass on, he enters the second bar, the which was presently locked, and then he caused some to go before him and some behind, he remaining in the midst. Tanneguy of castle comes to receive him, and the Duke laying his hand upon 〈◊〉 shoulder very familiarly. This is he (says the Duke) in whom I trust. I will conclude this bloody Catastrophe with the very words of the Original. And so he approached 〈◊〉 unto the Dauphin, who stood all armed with his sword by his side, leaning on a bar. Before whom he kneeled with one knee on the ground, to do him honour and reverence, saluting ●im most humbly. Whereat the Dauphin answered nothing, making him no show of love, 〈◊〉 charged him with breach of his promise, The Dauphin causeth john of Bourgongne to be slain. for that he had not caused the war to cease, nor drawn his men out off garrison, as he had promised. Then Robert de Loire took him by the right arm● and said. Rise, you are but too honourable. The Duke having one knee on the ground, and his sword about him, which hung not to his mind, somewhat too far back, kneeling down he laid his hand on his sword to pull it forward for his ease. Robert said unto him, do you lay your hand upon your sword before my Lord the Dauphin. At which 〈◊〉 Tanneguy of castle drew near unto him on the other side, who making a sign▪ sai●. It is time, striking the Duke with a little axe so violently on the face, as he cut o●f his chin, and so he fell on his knees. The Duke feeling himself thus wounded, laid his hand on his sword to draw it, thinking to rise and defend himself: but he was presently charged by Tanneguy, and others, and beaten dead to the ground. And suddenly one named Oliver Layet, with the help of Peter Fortier, thrusts a sword into his belly under his coat of Mail. Whilst this was doing, the Lord of Novailles drew his sword half out, thinking to defend the Duke: but the Vicont of Narbonne held a dagger, thinking to stri●e him Novailles leaping forcibly to the Viscount, wrested the dagger from him, being so sore hurt in the hinder part of the head as he fell down dead. Whilst this was acting, the Dauphin (leaning on the bar) beholding this strange sight, retired back as one amazed, and was presently conducted to his lodging by john Lowet, and other his counsellors. All the rest were taken except Montagu, who leapt over the turnepike, and gave the Alarm. There were 〈…〉 upon the place, but john Duke of Bourgongne and Novailles: S. George and a Anchor were hurt. The Duke's men charged home unto the turnepike, but they were easily repulsed. His troops retiring to Bray, are pursued by the Daulphinois, with loss, and in the end the castle is abandoned by him that had it in ga●d. The Duke's body (stripped off all but his Doublet and Boötes,) is drawn into a Mill, and the next day buried. This happened the tenth of September, in the year 1419. Behold the end of john Duke of Bourgongne. Seeing then this murder troubled the Dauphin, who had caused it to be committed, what stony heart would not be amazed thereat? Truly the breach of faith is unexcusable, howsoever it be disguised: for as faith is the ground of human society, so doth it extend even unto enemies, with whom it must be inviolably kept. This blow shall be dear to Charles. Through this hole, the enemy shall enter so far into the Realm, as he shall put him in danger, and in the end he shall be forced to confess his fault, not able to excuse himself without accusing of his councillors. But from unjust man, let us ascend to the wisdom of that great judge of the world, who is always just. The Oracle cries, He that strikes with the sword, shall perish with the sword, and, The disloyal to the disloyal. They loved misery, and misery found them out. And, wise antiquity says, God punisheth great wickedness with great pains, even in this life. And, Hardly can tyrants descend into the grave with a dry death, that is, without blood or murder. Oh justice of God, always just, always wise and always good. Thy judgements are righteous O Lord. I condemn the error of men: yet I held my peace, Blood punished with blood. because thou d●dest it. Draw the curtain. john of Bourgongne hath played his part upon this Theatre. He had slain the the Duke of Orleans traitorously: and now he wallows in his own gore, being treacherously slain by the Dauphin Charles. Now let us see the care his son Philip Earl of Charolois had to be revenged of Charles for this cruel murder: but all is not yet ended. The Catastrophe of this miserable reign. Philip son to john Duke of Bourgongne, stirs up great troubles against Charles the Dauphin, in revenge of his father's death, BY whose means Isabella, an unkind mother, makes war against Charles her son, and peace with Henry the fift King of England, than a capital enemy to the state. She gives him her daughter Katherine in marriage, and procures King Charles the 6. her husband, to declare Henry his lawful heir, and to disinherit his only son Charles the 7. from the realm of France. 1420. During these occurrents Henry the 5. and Charles the 6. die, leaving the Crown of France in question betwixt Charles the 7. and Henry the 6. proclaimed King of France, at the funerals of Charles the 6. From the year. 1419. to the year. 1422. AFter this tragical and strange murder of john of Bourgongne, Philip his son, Duke of Bourgongne, by his decease, seeks to be revenged upon Charles the Dauphin, and Charles to defend himself. The exploits of the Dauphin and of Philip of Bo●rg●ogue after this murder. Philip was then in Flanders. The Parisiens' (passionate partisans of the Bourguignon) who had seen the Duke of Orleans murdered without moving, and they themselves had massacred the chief Officers of the Crown, and had shed the blood of many good men for his pleasure and passion, having repaid the blood so treacherously slain by him in the same coin, they now grow into a greater mutiny than if the King himself had been slain. They send their deputies to Philip, and promise not only to be faithful, but to assist him with all their means, to revenge the murder committed on the person of his father. And at the same instant, Montagu, being escaped from the Turn-picke, writes to all the Cities under the Bourgognons' obedience, of this accident, the which he could report as an eye witness. Charles on the other side, writes to all the good Cities of the realm, yielding a reason of this murder, and imputing the fault to the Bourgognons bad dealing who would have slain him at a parley, exhorting the people not to mourn for the just execution of a man borne for the ruin of France, who had willingly thrust himself into this mischief: offering all his means to settle the realm in peace according to the authority whereunto God had called him. But in talking, he seeks countries Stephen of Vignoles, called la Hire, and Poton of Xaintrailles, win Crespy in Laonois, and Caradoz of Quesne with Charles of Flavye take Roye, places very important to trouble the Cities of Picardy, where the Bourguignon was chiefly obeyed. The strong Ca●tell of Muin opposite to Crespye and Roye is surprised by the industry of his servants, & keeps all Vermandois and Laonois in alarum. This beginning caused Philip to seek all speedy means to cross Charles his proceed, being resolute to continue what he had begun: yet the Parisiens' feared, pressing Philip again not to abandon the servants of his house, the which made him more prompt in the execution. Philip being assured of his Flemings, obtains a suspension of arms from Henry the 5. King of England, and a day and place appointed to treat a general peace betwixt the two realms. Then marching with his army through Picardy, he recovers Crespy, Roye and Muin, to the great content of his partisans: and so he arrives at Troy's in Champagne, the appointed place for this treaty. Isabel Queen of France (a cruel Medea, and and unnatural mother,) continued her tragic choler against her Son, who having defaced the common feeling of nature, did soon forget the honour she had received to be married into the house of France. Being thus wedded to the Bourgognons' passions, Queen Isabel hates the Dauphin her son deadly. she tormented her poor husband's spirits, being exceeding weak, persuading him, that his best course was to disinherit this wicked son, to declare his daughter heir, and (in marrying her to the greatest King upon the earth,) to give her likewise the realm after his decease, & to her issue, as descended from the blood of France. Philip coming to the King, found new work: for presently Henry the 5. King of England concludes a peace with King Charles the 6. weds Katherine his daughter, and doth obtain by letters patents, That establishing a firm and free peace in both the Realms of France and England, in regard 〈…〉 marriage of Catherine of France, he is declared Regent of the realm during the life of King Charles, to whom the title of King remains, and to isabel his wife the title of Queen, during their l●●es. But presently after the King's decease, The lawful heir rejected and Henry the 5. declared heir of France. the Crown & realm of France with all their rights, and dignities should remain unto him, whom King Charles the 6. calls by his letters patents, his most dear and well-beloved son, and to his heirs in chief. They cause this poor sick King to swear upon the holy Bible & to promise this for him and his, withal exemptions and necessary clauses in so great and important a business. This goodly act (the finite of the furious passions of civil war,) was made a● Troy, the 21. of may in the year 1420. This done, the French and English forces joining, and marching under the same colours, acknowledge one Commander, and for their first exploit they win Monstreau-faut-Yon●e, where they take up and bury john of Bourgongne again, and so marching on as against Rebels, they take Melun, Meaux and Morst, and besiege Compiegne. But least matters should grow cold, Henry of England (whom they call Regent) returns to Troy, and with a goodly train, conducts the King, Queen, and his new wife Catherine to Paris, being better followed and served then the King himself. The Parisiens' folly did wonderfully embrace the coming of this new royalty, promising unto themselves a new heaven, but this humour lasted not long, having tried the power of foreign Princes, and the command of their Kings by very contrary effects. The Regent held a Council presently in great state, in the Palace of Saint Pol, Henry's proceeding in his new royalty of France. being the King's lodging. Two thrones were erected for the two Kings, and a seat underneath for Philip of Bourgongne. The King's council (being few in number) is supplied by the Court of Parliament, and the university. Philip demands justice of the mu●ther committed on the person of john of Bourgongne his father. His Advocate Rol●in made this instance. The King's Advocate, and the university assisted him in the 〈◊〉. King Charles promiseth justice against his Son the Dauphin, and to d●al good offices for King Henry his new Son. This was the first act of the new Regency, against the only Son of his house. And, moreover they decreed, that hereafter all the treasure should be governed by the Regent's authority and command. Henry resolves presently to call a Parliament for the necessity of his return into England, whether he meant to conduct his new Spouse. The Bourguignon craves justice against the Dauphin. A Parliament was held, according to this decree, but all were amazed at this sudden alteration, even the very report of my History hath some feeling thereof, for what canst thou see herein gentle reader, but frozen ice, in the remembrance of these confusions, renewed by the feeling of our own. Thus the Regent caused Charles Duke of Touraine, and Dauphin of Viennois to be called to the marble table. All solemnities observed, and he not appearing, by a decree of the Council, and of the Court of Parliament, he was banished the realm, The Dauphin banished the realm by a decree, and he appeals. and judged unworthy to succeed in any of the Seigneuries, as well present as to come. The Dauphin appeals from this sentence, To God and his sword, who in the end doing him justice, shall bless his sword, and make it victorious over his enemies. The Parisiens' (discontented with the violent courses of the new Regent,) began to ab●te their joy within few days after, before Henry's return into England. Philip of Bourgongne Earl of Saint Pol, Cousin germane to the Duke of Bourgongne, was governor of Paris, by the appointment of King Charles. Henry displaceth him, and appoints Thomas Duke of Clarence his brother. He sets English guards in all the strong places of the City, and displaceth the French and Bourguignons, and yet durst they not mutter. The Lord of Li●e, Adam made marshal of France, (for that he had assisted at the taking and massacre of Paris) was as much out of favour with this new King, as he was pleasing to the Parisiens'. The Regent sends men to apprehend him, The Parisiens' discontented with the new King. whom (as they led to the B●●●ille) the people made an offer to rescue, but they were sharply repulsed by the English▪ and well beaten: a just reward, having wished for a strange King: but they shall soon after have other employments, to teach them to know new bread from old, which they had so much disdained. Thus Henry the 5. made the Parisiens' to know in time that he had authority to force obedience, in punishing fools and rebels grown licentious in confusion. On the other side the Dauphin faints not at the first brunt of this new royalty, but growing resolute against all sto●mes, he looseth no opportunity to advance his affairs. The English defeated, and the Duke of Clarence slain. We have showed how that Anjou obeyed him. The new Regent commands the the Duke of Clarence his Brother to make war in those parts. So he enters the Country with his army, as it were to take possession of his own. He presents himself before Angiers the chief City of that Province, presuming that all would presently obey him but the issue did not answer his hopes, for he found all the French resolute to defend themselves against a stranger, & to obey their natural King, Hereupon the French join together, they arm and go to field. The English being out of hope to take Angers, turn head against the French army lodged at Little Baugé, which attended resolutely the force of a mighty and victorious enemy. On the other side the imaginary hope of victory thrust on the Duke of Clarence against our men, whom he held to be half dead, but he finds them revived, ready to sell their lives at a dear rate. The battle was very bloody, the one fight for Empire and honour, and the other for their lives and altars. The event was unfortunate for the English. The Duke of Clarence was was slain, and the English army lost, 1500. men upon the place, for the first fruits of their new Regency, and a gage of their pretended royalty. This famous encounter happened in the year, 1420. the ninth of April. As in the fit of a dangerous disease the first motions of nature are very important, so is it in Sat. A light beginning after a great danger, draws a great consequence either to good or evil. This first action had a great train. Charles his party began to rise, as if the good hap of the lawful heir reviving, had taken a new form in settling his authori●●e. john of Montfort Duke of Britain favoured this first success of Anjou. After that the English had seized upon Normandy, he put himself under his protection: but now he turns tail and allies himself with our Charles against him, in a defensive and offensive league. What remains of the history of Britain, I will reserve for an other place: let us new return to our discourse. At the same instant james of Harcourt leaves the Bourgognons' party. He makes war in the Country of Vimea and takes divers places, Pont Remy, Saint Riquier, la Ferté Marevill, Diancourt, Araines and other small places. The Bourguignon goes to field: the smallest Towns yield unto him. He beseegeth Saint Riquier being well defended by the Lord of Offemont, but news comes that the Daulphins' army approacheth. The Bourguignon resolves, to meet them: he sends forth part of his forces: they are dispersed upon a false alarm that the Duke of Bovegongne was dead. As they were in this disorder, behold he shows himself to his soldiers 〈◊〉 of resolution, & so ●itly, as having rallied his men and encouraged them, he not only re●elles his enemy, but defends them, taketh Saint Riquier and frees Picardy from fear. Such is the variety of our incounter● the Conqueror here is conquered. The Bourguignon being in field, our new Regent comes from his realm of England with new forces: The great exploits of Henry. having resolved to employ all their means jointly to ruin the Dauphin, before he should fortify himself with any new success: they disperse their forces into divers parts of the realm, having more men and money than the Dauphin. The Prince of Orange held the Dauphin in awe. The Lord of Rochebaron made war in Forest and A●uergne, and the body of the army with the Regent and Duke marched against the Dauphin, who was retired to Bourges a strong City, and of a fit situation, lying in the midst of such Provinces as obeyed him. This army marching with a victorious show, beseegeth Dreux, and takes it by composition. Chartres yields willingly: from thence he marcheth with an intent to draw the Dauphin to fight but the Regent (seeing him retire to a place of hard access) resolves to free all the Towns about Paris, but especially Sen●is and Soissons, towns of importance. He hoped to vanquish him by degrees, and in the end to give him the mate. But all enterprises succeed not: Man purposeth, but God disposeth: who meant to try, 1421. but 〈◊〉 to ruin France. All succeed● not wishfully to the English, being King of France in conceit. The Prince of Orange is beaten in Languedoc, and Tanneguy of Ch●st●ll Steward of ●ea●c●ire▪ having happily recovered Port Saint 〈◊〉, (a t●●ne of importance, upon the passage of Ros●●) all the rest yields to the Daulphins command▪ so as he could hardly keep his Town of Oranges. Au●gnon favoured the Dauphin. Roch●b●ron was taken at Seruerotte by Imbert of Gros●e Seneschal of Lion, and so Au●e●gne and Forest were subject to the Dauphin▪ who seeing himself without any enemy, and forces ready for his defence; he besiegeth la Charité and ta●es it. From thence he goes to Cos●●, where he finds great ●●sist●nce, yet he doth press it with such violence, as they are forced to part. They prefix a certain day to be succoured by the new Regent, or to yield to the Dauphin. The Regent assures them of relief, exceeding glad of this occasion, to draw our Dauphin to the combat, wherein he hoped to vanquish him. But he had not made his account with death, who holds his assignments more certain, than all monarchs: for resolving upon this voyage, although he had many other affairs in hand, he ●ell sick, and of a stranged seize, Henry the ●. sick. which the vulgar sort term 〈…〉, and physicians 〈◊〉, which is a Gow●e with a Cramp: Enguerand 〈◊〉, that the chief disease whereof he died, was Saint Anthony's fire: but it is more credibly reported, that he died of a Pleurisy, a disease in those days so rare and unknown, that Physicians being not therewith acquainted, nor with the cause whence it proceeded, could not prefer be not apply any remedy therefore. Henry having his mind fixed upon this voyage, and his supposed victory, parts from Senlis, having taken leave of the King, Queen and wife, (whom he shall see no more,) he caused himself to be carried to Melun in a ●●tter▪ but feeling himself priest by his infirmity, he returned to Bo●s-de-Vincennes, where having taken his bed, he sent his army into Bourgongne under the command of the Duke of Bedford his brother, and the Earl of Warwick, commanding them to p●rsue the Dauphin. At the 〈◊〉 of this great army, the Dauphin Charles leaves Cosné and retires to Bourges: and 〈…〉 was freed. Henry was not so freed from his sickness, the which increasing daily, made him to think of his end, disposing as he pleased touching his son Henry the 6. of that name, whom he had by Katherine the daughter of France, and the Duke of Exeter his Vn●le to be Regent of England, commanding them expressly to live in concord with Philip Duke of Bourgongne, and 〈◊〉 to make any peace with Charles of Valois (for so he called him) unless they might have Normandy in sovereignty, neither to release the Dukes of Orleans and Bourbon, until his son were of a competent age. And thus Henry the 5. dies, being near about forty years old, Henr● the ●. dies. in the vigour of his age and spirit, borne and aspiring to great matters, having already given proof of what he might have done if he had lived longer. But God would punish France by an Englishman, yet would he not suffer France to have any other ●●ng then a Frenchman. This unexpected death, in the great course of Henry the fifts victories, happened the last day of August, in the year .1422. followed soon after by one no less memorable. Charles the 6. dies. For Charles the 6. our good King, (but subject to the miserablest reign that France had ever seen to that day) ●ell sick & died the 22. of October in the same year, 50. days after the decease of Henry of England. A sickness & death remarkable in so great a King, for after that he had languished in so long & infamous an infirmity, he died in a manner alone. They name but the Chancellor, the first Chamberlain, his Almoner with some grooms of his chamber which were present at his end. After his death he was visited by such as had caused him to die living, and by his miserable life had made all the realm to Languish. At the funerals of this poor Prince, 〈…〉 proclaim●● King. after the herald had proclaimed The King is dead, an other cried, God save the King, God send a long & h●ppy life to Henry the 6. by the grace of GOD King of France and England our sovereign Lord. To the end that passion might triumph over the infirmity of our King, 1422. even in his grave. This Henry shallbe crowned King at Paris soon after. But where is that Isabel, or rather jezabel, who had so much tormented her poor husband? I seek her in all the corners of this history, yet cannot find her. She wh● caused so great divisions, dies without any memory, but to have lived too long for France and her children. Oh the vanity of this world, which doth in●erre the most busy in the forgetfulness of the grave, when as they think themselves raised to the top of their desseines. Thus Charles the 6. reigned, thus he lived, and thus he died, miserable in his reign, miserable in his life, but most happy in his death, as well to free himself from pain, and by his occasion, his whole realm from confusion, as also by death to change his tumultuous and miserable life, into a quiet rest and eternal happiness for what else can we say of him, whose misery gave him the title of well-beloved, having nothing reproachful in his life but his afflictions? This is all I can speak touching the judgement of this reign, after the repetition of so many miseries: so as measuring others by mine own apprehension, I think to ease them in not reviving so tedious a subject, noting that this reign was always miserable, both in the minority and majority of our King. His manners, his race, his reign and his age do appear by that which we have written. He lived 54. years and reigned 42. He had many sons and daughters. Katherine is famous, having b●● the mournful gage of many miseries. Of three Sons which came all to the age of men, Charles only remained successor of his Crown, but not of his fortunes, for he shall settle the realm, redeeming it out of Strangers hands, as shall appear in the following discourse. CHARLES the seventh, the 54. King of France. CHARLES THE .7. KING OF FRANCE .54: · portrait AFter the long and painful Career of the forepassed reigns, 1422. were it not time now to breath? Since the unfortunate battle of Cressy, we have felt nothing but thorns, tempests, forces and shows of ruins. And if we shall abate that little happiness which Charles the 5. brought unto our Ancestors, there are not less than seventy years of confusion. But all is not yet ended: we must pass thirty years more before the conclusion. And, as if we felt the crosses of our forerunners, we must shut our eyes, recover new forces, grow resolute against all sto●mes, and end courageously with them. The remainder of this painful course, in the troublesome discourse, which we shall find in the beginning of this reign, Notable particularities of this reign. to see in the end a happy Catastrophe in the restoring of this Estate, and the union of the Church, divided by a long and dangerous schism, which disquieted Christendom, during the troubles of this reign. Here our Frenchmen may read with admiration and profit, that, as it is not now alone, that France hath been afflicted, so God doth not now begin to watch over it, delivering it by miraculous means, when as it seemed nearest to ruin. Here Charles the 7. the least and last of his Brethren, shall deface the ignominy of France, and triumph over the victories of a stranger, who had in a manner dispossessed him of his Realm. of a truth God meant to punish us by means of the English, but not to ruin 〈◊〉. The French cannot be commanded but by a Frenchman. The Ocean is a strong bar to divide these two Estates, content with their own rights. This reign abounding in miraculous accidents, is the more considerable being the perfect Idea of the reign of Henry the 4. under whom we live. But to represent so variable a subject with profit, it is necessary to distinguish it in order. There are three parts famous both for the subject and success. The first shows the confused and troublesome beginning of this reign, The order of this discourse until our Charles was solemnly installed King, and thereby acknowledged of all the French, for until that day the greatest part called him Earl of Ponthi●ure, or King of Bourges, in mockery: and such as were more modest termed him Dauphin of Viennois. The second puts him in possession of his royal authority, showing by what means he reduced the Cities subdued by the English to his obedience, beginning with the City of Paris, and so proceeding to the rest of the Realm, expelling the English from all, but only Calais. The third shows the end of this reign, discovering the King's domestical discontents, which hastened him to his grave, after the happy events of all his difficulties. So this reign continued thirty nine years, variable in good and evil. The beginning difficult, the midst happy, and the end mournful. This is the Theatre of man's life, where joy, sorrow, happiness, and misfortune, play their parts diversly both with great and small. Charles the 7. was one and twenty years old when he began to reign, and reigned 39 years: for after the decease of his father Charles the 6. he took upon him the name of King of France. (notwithstanding the pretension of the English) the 22. of October in the year, Charles his reign. 1422. & he died the thirteenth of july .1461. He was married at aleven years of age, to Marie the daughter of Lewis of Duke Anjou and King of Sicily. By this marriage he had three Sons and five Daughters. His sons names were, Lewis, Philip and Charles. Lewis the eldest shall succeed him to the Crown. Philip died very young: Charles lived somewhat longer, but without any great success, His children having only the titles of the Dukedoms of Berry, Normandy and Guienne. His daughters were Radegonde, Yoland, Catherine, jane and Magdaleine. The first died, (being betrothed to Sigismond Duke of Austria▪) Yoland was married to Amedee Duke of Savoie: Catherine to that great Charles Duke of Bourgongne, who shall be his own ruin: jane to john Duke of Bourbon, and Magdalein to Gaston Earl of Foix: and this was his race. His manners and disposition. His manners will appear by his life: he was of a tractable and gentle disposition, capable of council, but loving his ease too much, and suffering himself to be often carried away by his servants. And yet as God would use him for the establishing of the French Monarchy, so did he bring him up in the school of affliction, to fortify him against all difficulties, assisting him with great & worthy persons, both for war and council, by whose means he did raise up this estate, yet with great and confused combats, and by a long and painful patience. But let us proceed to that which hath chanced under his reign, most worthy of observation. The miserable estate of this reign, unto the Coronation of Charles the 7. during seven years. From the end of the year. 1422. unto .29. in the month of june, when as he was solemnly installed King in the City of Poitiers. SUCH was the estate of Charles, when his father's death called him to the Crown. We have seen after that the miseries of France had caused his mother Isabella to forget her own blood, making him to be rejected from the Crown, and Henry the 5. King of England substituted in his place, yet he fainted not in these extremities, but did valiantly withstand the pretended designs, by whose death God soon laid the foundation of this realms restoring. Yet after the death of King Henry the 5. Charles was encountered with infinite difficulties. He had small means, fewer friends, and many mighty enemies. He scarce enjoined the least part of his estate, followed by entreaty, and obeyed by halves, even of such as made profession to be most faithful. The Cities had divers motions, Diversity of humours in the Cities. as private interest drawn men's minds to that party which they held most profitable. There were but too many which followed the fortune of the English, being a Conqueror, the corruption of man inclining commonly to the stronger. But amidest these uncertain humours of people, The enemies of Charles. he had enemies which encountered him with advantages apparently victorious: for Henry the 6. although he were very young, yet did he exceed him in all things: he had a realm hereditary and absolute▪ The King of England. the best part of the French Monarchy: the assistance of the Duke of Bedford his Uncle, with many worthy men, and great means. To these enemies were joined some great men, which fished in a troubled stream, every one imagining to have a part of this garment, building their designs upon the Sepulchre of Charles, and the alteration of the State. Among the chiefest were Philip Duke of Bourgongne, Amedee Duke of Savoie, Peter Duke of Britain, with his Brother the Earl of Richemont. divers instruments under that great engine of England▪ but all these motions were to ruin France, and to build their greatness upon her ruins. The Burguignon (who had a great hand in the State) was most interessed and most opposite to Charles, being apparently the author of his father's murder. The Duke of Bourgongne. Yet Philip (a judicious Prince) so hated him, whom necessity commanded him to hate in this accident, as if he should love him in time, not wedding himself absolutely to the English: yet did he so work for him in show, as making himself in effect the stronger, he might counterpoise him if necessity required, and strike the last stroke for him to whom the French should incline. Reason likewise taught him, that the people would respect the lawful heir of the Crown, loving their Prince naturally, and in the end would reject the Stranger, as an unlawful Tenant, who made himself daily insupportable by his imperious carriage. Amedee Duke of Savoye being on the Stage, and far from blows, kept the stakes, and entertained Charles, The Duke of Savoye. as if he should be an assured mediator in these quarrels, to end them with more advantage than any Christian Prince: and so he nourished this division, by a strict intelligence which he had with the Bourguignon. As for the humour of the two Brethren of Britain, the course of the History will soon show it. Thus Charles charged by many enemies, The Duke of Britain. had few faithful and confident friends, and in that golden age, so small means to entertain his friends, as he could hardly supply the ordinary charges of his train, selling and engaging piece after piece, of his inheritance. So as he had nothing more assured than the equity of his cause, and his resolution in this great necessity. He had yet some good friends remaining in Scotland, whom he bought dearly, Charles advanceth Scottishmen. advancing them to the greatest dignities of the realme· for he made Charles Steward Earl of Boucquam his Constable, and james Earl Douglas Marshal of France: and to honour the Scottishmens' faith, he gave them the guard of his person, an institution which continues unto this day. He institutes a guard of them for his person. He had likewise some friends in Spain and Italy, who succoured him in due time, according to their means. We have showed what Provinces followed the party of our Charles, amongst the which Languedo● was a principal. The importance of this country did much advance his affairs. This reason moved both the Bourguignon and the Savoiard against this Province. The instruments fit for this enterprise, were john of Ch●●lons Prince of Orange, and the Lord Bochebaron, a Nobleman of Velay, one of the 22. dioceses of Languedoc. The first by the commodity of his neighbourhood did win Nismes, Pontsaint Esprit, Aiguesmortes, and all the rest of base Languedoc, unto Beziers, War in Languedoc. except the Castle of Pezenas, the tower of Villenefue by avignon, & the castle of Egaliers, now wholly ruined, near unto Vzez. This loss was somewhat repaired by the fidelity of the inhabitants: Aiguesmortes set up their ensign of liberty, by the direction of the Baron of Vawerbe, and kills the garrison of Bourgognons, which the Prince of Orange had placed there. To this day they show a great tub of Stone, wherein they did salt the Bourgognons. The example of this strong and important City, A strange cruelty whereby they are called Bourguignons' sallies to this day. awaked the rest, and even upon the approach of the Earl of Foix, (who came with a goodly army) all the Towns yee●d unto him, except Nismes and Pont S. Esprit, Towns of great importance in that country, the one being the head of that Seneshauce, the other a passage upon the Rosne towards Daulphiné. But as the liberty of time made the servant presume above the Master; so it chanced, that the Earl of Foix (having tasted the sweet of command, and transported with the common humour of men, seeking to make their profit of the common confusions of France) detained the revenues of Languedoc, by his absolute authority, imparting none to Charles, being exceeding poor in this confused time. This necessity was accompanied with a cruel war, stirred up in Velay, by the Lord of Rochebaron, a partisan to the Dukes of Savoy, and Bourgongne, who furnished him both with men and money, for this rebellion: for it was rather a horrible thevery than a war. These 〈◊〉 occasions, drew Charles into Languedoc, to confirm his authority, and his voyage succeeded according to his intent: for he chased the Prince of Orange out of Nismes and Pont S. Esprit; he pacified the troubles of Velay, and put the Earl of Foix from his government, giving the place to Charles of Bourbon, Earl of Clermont, a Prince of the blood, to the great content of all the people. Having thus happily provided for his affairs, he takes the way of Velay, to return into France: being arrived at Espaly, (a Castle belonging to the Bishop of Puy) he is advertised of his father's death, Charles mou●rnes for the death of his father. after Henry the 5. his Competitor. He falls presently to tears and mourning, yet he buries not his affairs in care. His Council adviseth him to change his black robes into Scarlet, to set up the banner of France in his name, and to proclaim himself King, for the first fruits of his coronation: the which being performed at Puy, to the people's great joy, Charles goes to Poitiers, where he caused himself to be crowned King, and received the homage and oaths of the officers of the Crown, Princes, Noblemen and gentlemen that were about him, with such pomp as the strictness of time would permit. Then he entitled himself King of France, and made show of more authority and greater pomp. But on the other side, the Duke of Bedford began to bandy more strongly against him. Henry the 6. his pupil, a young infant, was in England. He caused him likewise to be crowned King, till the seven years after he should be solemnly installed at Paris, in the year, 1430. He set his name upon the money of France, making a new stamp, but without any other change, then of his name. So that hereafter two Kings, two factions, two armies shall contend for this good●● Crown. The heir being the weaker shall fight against a strong pretender. Law ●●uours the one, and force the other: but the Protector of this estate, will give a favourable doom for the weaker, The Dukes of Bedford and Bourgongne hold a counsel a● Amiens. that the honour of so memorable a preservation of this monarchy, apparently drawn out of the grave, may be given to him, who rules the deluge of our confusions, by his miraculous providence. Scarce had Charles received the first fruits of his royal authority, when as the Dukes of Bedford and Bourgongne his capital enemies, assemble at Amiens, to cross his new dignity in the breeding. There shall be seaveh years of exceeding bad time, but after this sharp winter, there will come a goodly spring, when as all seemed lost, and in the end, Summer shall follow with a plentiful harvest of rest, to this Realm, whereof the lawful he●e shall remain in quiet possession, and the pretender expelled with loss even of that which he might have civilly enjoyed. In this assembly at Amiens, great plots are laid against Charles, whose ruin was their sovereign end. All is done at the charge of the English. Peter Duke of Britain and Arthur Earl of Richmont his brother, are there present. Amedee Duke of Sauo●, sends his Ambassadors, A great league against King Charles consumed by alliances. under an other colour, but he casts the stone & hides his arm▪ The Dukes of Bedford, Britain and Savoy, make a defensive & offensive league against Charles. The sovereignty of the Crown should remain to the English: the commodities to the Dukes. They set the seal of marriages to this alliance. john Duke of ●edford marries with Anne the sister of Philip Duke of Bourgongne: and Marguerit his other S●ster take● Arthur the Earl of Richemont. Then they seek the fruits of this alliance with the prejudice of Charles. Every man takes his quarter, to torment him on all side●. The Bourguignon undertakes Picardy, where he settles john of Luxembourg▪ to expel the Daulphinois out of some places which they held there. Henry of Lancaster Earl of Salisbury, went into Champagne and Bry, to cleanse the Country about Paris, and to bud●e Orleans. The Earl of Warwick undertook Guienne, to make war against those to●nes that held the Daulphins' party. Lewis Prince of Orange, had charge to arm in Languedoc and Daulphiné. Behold a great storm rising against the lawful heir of this cr●●ne. Amidst all these difficulties, Charles must needs be in great perplexity: but I read with joy, that he whom God had chosen to restore this estate, was not amazed, nor daunted, but having commonly in his mouth this Oracle, We must have God and reason on our side. He hath recourse unto God, and falls courageously to work. He flies to Roche●l, to assure it under his obedience. Being in the Town, there happens a notable accident, as he was in council, a part of the chamber sunk, and james of Bourbon with diver others were slain in this ruin. The King was but hurt. From this danger, he passeth on to the chief of his affairs. He sends into Scotland, Milan, and Castille, to summon his friends to secure him, who speedily will send him notable aides. He provides for all the passages under his obedience. He assures himself of Languedoc (from whence hedrew his chief helps) by the Earl of Clermont: from Daulphné, by the Lord of Gaucourt, from Lions, Lyonnois, Forrest, Beauie●lois and M●sconois, by Imbert of 〈◊〉, Seneschal of Lions▪ from Gascogne, and other countries of high Guienne, where he was acknowledged, by the Vicont of Narbonne, and the master of Oruall. He sende● james of Harcourt into Picardy, accompanied with Pothon of Xintrailles, or S. Treille, & Stephen Vignoles, called la Hire, the flower of his captains. And likewise the Bourguignon sent thither the greatest part of his forces. Ambrose de Lore goes into main & ●●rc●e, Pregene of Coitivy, into Champagne. The Earl of Dunois (a bastard of the house of O●le●ns ● keeps Orleans. The towns lying upon the river of Loire, above & beneath Orleans, ●ere under the obedience of the French, La Charité, Gyan, jargeau, Meung, Baugency, 〈◊〉, Ambo●s●, Tours, Samour, diverse small towns in Beausse, La Fer●é of ●aules, januille Es●ern●y, Plwiers. And in the countries of Gastenois & Vrepois, Montargis, Chastillon, Mill●. Nearer unto Paris, Montlehery, Orsay, Marcoussy (very strong places then but now desolate) kept Paris in alarm. Thus the Cards were shuffled, but the English had the better part, keeping the great cities and the King's purse: and (as the stronger) he gins the game, which had this issue for the remainder of that year. The English besiege and take Bazas▪ and the French 〈◊〉 in Meulan, upon Seine, with great slaughter of the English: but the Duke of Bedford (loath to endure suce a thorn in the sides of Paris (doth presently besiege it. Charles sends then succours, under the command of the Earl of Aumale, the Constable Boucqham, & Tanneguv of Chastel. Too many commanders, to do any great exploit. jealousy of command bred ●uch a confusion, as all these troops marched in disorder, no man acknowledging but his private commander. Hereupon the English army arrives, who had an e●sie conquest of these disordered troops, & then Meulan yields to the Duke of Bedford. The sharpness of winter could not temper the heat of these warriors▪ &, as the fortune of the war is variable, one wins, another looseth, Ambrose de Lore & john of B●l●y (thinking to take Fresnoy le Conte) lost a notable troop of their men. The Lord of Fontaines hath his revenge upon the English, & defeats eight hundred of them at Nea●uille: and john of Luxembourg, a Bourguignon defeats the Lords of Cam●sches and Amaulry with their troops. The Earl of Salisbury, takes the Towns of Vertus and Espe●nay, and the strong places of Montaguillon and Osny near unto Paris. The composition is strange▪ the soldiers yielding at the Regent's discretion, are brought to Paris, bareheaded, halter's about their necks, and swords at their breasts. This miserable troop thus tied, and led in triumph, passeth through S. james street to go to the Tournelles, where the Regent was lodged, and from thence to be drawn to the place of execution, if the Duchess of Bedford (moved with the pity of a French woman, at so pitiful a spectacle) had not begged the lives of these poor condemned men, of her husband. Thus that year passed, wherein Charles the 6. and Henry the 5 died, but God to restore our Monarchy, began in the same year to lay a levaine against the attempts of Strangers, The cause of division betwixt the Dukes of Bedford and Bourgongne. who sought to ruin it. jaqueline of Baviere, Countess of Hainault and Holland, the only heir of those two states, had married with john Duke of Brabant who by a blind and ambitious avarice, gave herself to Humphrey Duke of Gloucester, uncle to the King of England, and married with him, rejecting her lawful husband. Her excuse was, that the Brabantin was her cousin germane, but this shallbe a means to dissolve the alliance so cunningly conjoined by the dukes of Bedford & Bourgongne, Charles hath divers losses who shall break upon this occasion. The year gins while that losses came by heaps upon Charles, as the current of an unavoidable ruin. whatsoever he undertook, succeeded not. james of Harcourt was Governor of Picardy, placed there over some remainders of the ship wrack of that country: In Picardy. he surpriseth Dommart in Ponthieu from the Bourguignon, and spoils the neighbour abbeys, and the country. Having ruined these poor disarmed men, he is charged by Ralph Butler an English Captain, looseth all his conquest, and escapes hardly with his life, sees Crotoy taken before his face, the chief dungeon of his desseines, Rue, S. Valery, and in the end the goodly City of Abbeville, sufficient to s●ay the English forces, if it had been guarded by good men. After these shameful losses he comes to Charles to excuse himself: he pardons him, but GOD made him soon pay the interest of his thefts: being the cause of his own ruin. Having no place of abode, he retires to Parthenay, to his uncle, who entertained him courteously, but Harcourt not content with this kind usage, would be master of the Castle▪ his practice fell upon his own head, being slain by the guards, suffering the punishment of his treachery, as he had done of his covetousness & cowardice. A lesson for bad servants to their Princes, detestable either for their robberies, or for their treacherous cowardises, whom God pays in due season. In main. The entrance of this year was also infamous, in two shameful losses, happened to two great Captains, To Ambrose of Lore, who looseth the Castle of Tennuye in the country of main, and to Oliver of Magny beaten by the English, at the Bishop's park near Auranches: but from small accidents, we must come to great actions. Champagne was in no better case than maine. In Champagne. The Earl of Salisbury made war with all violence, against Pregent of Coytivy, who defended the King's party the best he could but not able to bear so great a burden, he flies to Charles, who sends him his Constable with forces, Bourgongne. the which were employed both in an other cause, and with other success than he had desseined, for behold the town of Crevant in Bourgongne, (situated upon the river of Yonne, upon the frontiers of Champagne) is surprised by the bastard of Baume, for the King. The Constable flies thither, but too late, for la Baume, not able to take the Castle, abandons the Town. In the mean time, the bruit thereof draws forces thither, from all parts, as a cupping glass doth humours. The Dowager of Bourgongne (mother to duke Philip) sends a goodly troop under the conduct of Toulangeon Martial of Bourgongne. The Duke of Bedford doth suddenly furnish a notable supply, for the respect he bore to the Duke of Bourgongne his brotherinlawe: Charles fea●ing lest his Constable should miscarye, assembles what forces he can with all speed, and sends them under the conduct of the Lord of Senerac, Martial of France, the Earl of Ventadour, the Lord of Fontaines▪ Velay, and Gamaches. The notable battle of Crevant unfortunate for France. The number was very equal, but the encumber fell upon our army. And this was the occasion. The Constable having made his choice of a little hill, a place of advantage to attend his enemy. 1423. The English come with a conquering bravery, as he that was accustomed to gain every where, without any stay: he forcech our guard, placed upon the bridge to keep the passage. Having thus passed in view of our army, impatience seizeth on our men by this proud contempt, and they cry to the Constable, who galled with despite for this affront, resolves to the combat. So all with one fury leave the hill, march towards the English, and offer him battle. The Earl of Salisbury makes a stand, to temper the heart of our French, who durst not approach very near, fearing the fury of their English arrows. This first motion thus slacked, the Earl of Salisbury gives the sign to battle. Those of Crevant half mad, having been some days besieged, issue forth, and charge on the one side. On the other side, the body of the English army, doth ma●ch with such violence against the Scots, (which were in the first battaillon) as not able to withstand this storm, they open, and give them entry against the French, who having ●ought resolutely, in the end they leave the place to the victors. All are in rout. The Marshal of Sener●●, forgetts his honour, and flies in this disorder. They account the loss about three thousand men. Of mark, the Lords of Fontaines, Guitry, and la Balm: of Scottishmen, the Lord of Karados, nephew to the Constable, Thomas Seton, William Hamilton, The overthrow at Crevant. with his Son David, and john Pillot, all worthy of the memory of France, seeing they died for her in the bed of honour. There were many more taken prisoners then slain, by the resolution of the Captains, who in this general overthrow, (rallying their troops) entrenched themselves, and fought for their lives with the English, and saved themselves honourably with their arms. The chief prisoners were the Constable of Boucqham, and the Earl of Ventadour. It is a thing worthy remembrance, that either of these two lost an eye in the battle: this was the 29. of july. The gain of this victory to the Bourguignon, was, that Mascon, a City of the French obedience, yielded unto him without any force, but fear. This continuance of so many losses, was exceeding grievous: but as God meant to chastise France, and not to ruin it; so he counterpeised these great losses with some small gain. These victorious troops returning without fear, all disordered, Some English overcome. were defeated by the Earl of Aumale, sent by the King to preserve the rest of Champagne: eight hundred English were slain. But this check awaked the Earl of Salisbury, Governor of Champagne for the English: who having recovered new forces, goes to field to clear the country. He besiegeth and taketh the strong Town of Sedan, in the County of V●rtus, and then Rembovillet in Brie, and Needle in Tartenois. Then the tide flows for the French. The Bourguignon exceeding glad of the seizure of M●scon, (a Town very important upon Saone,) commanded Thoulangeon his Constable, to rid all that the enemy held there abouts, and to leave the traffic free. La Buissiere a most strong Castle betwixt Tournus and Mascon, did much annoy it. He resolves to take it by one means or other. But he did not foresee, that in seeking to take, he should be taken. He had some familiarity with the Captain of the place. And trusting to the usual practices of those times, he did confidently hope to corrupt him with money. He sounds him, and finds it pregnable: They agree upon the price, but he was ignorant of the captains meaning, to have more than his money. A faithful servant to the King, and worthy to be named in this Register. The Captain doth advertise Imbert of Croslee, the Governor of Lions, of this traffic, who wisely provides to take him. Lewis of Cullant Admiral of France, was then happily at Lions, attending some horse for the King, from Philip Marry Duke of Milan. The plot is laid to surprise 〈◊〉 Constable of Bourgongne, and the success is answerable. Thoulangeon comes to 〈◊〉 at the appointed hour, and brings with him men and money. The Constable of Bourgongne taken by his own practice. He enters the Castle, with as many men as he held sufficient, and coumpts the money to the Captain. He having le●t his troop in the field, behold the Lionois issue forth their Ambuscado like Lions indeed, some seize upon the Castle gate, and assure the place others charge his troop, which was easily defeated. The Constable with the chief that had followed him into the Castle were taken▪ a countercharge which shall deliver the Constable of Boucqham and the Earl of Ventadour, soon after the battle of Cullant. And almost at the same instant, Stephen of Vignoles, called la Hire, and Pothon of Xaintrailles, ●oused themselves. Vignoles, surprised Compi●gne, and Pothon, Han, upon the river of Some. But this joy lasted little, for john of Luxembourg, governor for the D●●e of Bourgongne, in Picardy, flies thither, besiegeth, and recovereth both the one and the other with a happy celerity. Poth●n saves himself with much difficulty in Guise, (being pursued by the Bourgognons, to their cost that were ill mounted.) Luxembourg managing his victory wisely, attempts other places: he takes Oysi, Broissy and other sma●l Towns of Tirasche, Pothon of Xaintrailles taken prisoner and in the end he besiegeth Guise, where john Proissy commanded for the King: Pothon (to annoy the besiegers) issues forth of Guise, but being too far engaged in the fight, he is taken prisoner, to make the siege of Guise the more easy: but Proisy doth his best endeavour to defend it. The Town belonged to René of Anjou, Duke of Bar, and brother to the King of Sicily. He entreats the Duke of Bourgongne to leave it him in peace, but it was in vain. The siege is vehemently continued, so as in the end Guise falls into the Bourgognons' hands, and so he remains master of all Picardy. And, as if this storm had fallen upon Charles from all parts, la Charité, (a very important Town upon the river of Loire) is surprised by Per●inet Grasset, for the ●●urguignon▪ and so the terror of the war came into Berry, much troubling, the quiet & commerce of the Court: for that the King most commonly was resident at Bourges or at Me●ng. The like mishap fell upon La Hire at Vitry. the which he yields to the Duke of Bourgongne, by a composition very prejudicial for the King and the Realm. And at the same time Beaumond upon Oyse surprised by the French, was taken again by the English, with much blood and sack. In like sort the fort of S. Michells Mont, is besieged by the English, The horrible estate of th●se times, a true Image of ours. and well defended by the French, which caused the victory of Gravelle, happily taken by the Baron of Colances from the English, as it were to cool the heat of our continual fever with some little water. In soothe the Estate of France was then most miserable. There appeared nothing but a horrible face of confusion, poverty, desolation, solitariness and fear. The lean and bare labourers in the country, did terrify even thieves themselves, who had nothing left them to spoil but the carcases of these poor miserable creatures, wandering up and down like ghosts drawn out off gra●es. The least farms, & hamlets, were fortified by these robbers, English, Bourguignons, and French, every one striving to do his worst. There was no speech but of forts and contributions. All men of war were well agreed to spoil the countryman and the naked Merchant. even the cattle accustomed to the Larume bell, (the sign of the enemies approach) would run home of themselves without any guide by this accustomed misery. This is the perfect description of those times, taken out of the lamentations of our Ancestors, set down in the original. Who seethe not here the image of our times, during the confusions of our uncivil wars? But amidst this horrible calamity, God did comfort both the King and realm, for about the end of the year, he gave Charles a goodly Son by Queen Marie his wife, a happy gage for the establishing of this realm, Lewis the xi. the eldest son of Charles borne. whereof he shallbe a peaceable King. He was borne at Bourges, and there was honourably baptised in Saint Stephen's Church, and was named Lewis, King of France after the decease of his father. Charles wou●d have john of Alencon a Prince of his blood, and then his trusty friend, to be his Godfather. But alas, both by this Godfather, and this Godson, shall grow a horrible confusion, even when as Charles expected an end of all his troubles. Whereby we may learn, that there is nothing but vanity in worldly affa●●es, remarkable for great 〈◊〉, in that which seemeth most firm in man's life. This was the flux and ●eflux of this year. 1424. The beginning of the new year showed a better countenance: but these small gleams of good hap, were soon overcast by horrible losses, which seemed to give the last wound to this Monarchy, and to alter the name, if God had not stayed it with his mighty hand. In laying a foundation whereon he shall build the means to restore it to her ancient beauty, without any show of the industry or force of man, when as all things seemed desperate. But the providence of God creeps on insensibly by degrees to perfect his work. The loss of the Scots was very great in the unfortunate battle of Cullant. To repair this loss, Charles sends into Scotland, Renauld of Chartre his Chancellor and Archbishop of Rheims, accompanied with the Earl Douglas, Marshal of France. And being reduced to a miserable want of money, New supplies come out of S●●tland. he engageth the Duchy of Touraine unto him. A title which Douglas shall not long enjoy. But whilst they make this levying in Scotland, and shall return to his companies, let us consider the humour of the French and English during this medley. As the success of the English was happy, so their hearts swelled with pride, and they exceeded daily in Insolency, especially in great Cities, where they braved it disdainfully, as treading the name of Frenchmen under foot. This contempt bred an extreme discontent, even in the most senseless, to see themselves thus entreated, their kings suppressed, and their Laws abolished. The French grow discontented with the insolences of the English. There were not two years passed of this new royalty, and yet disputable. How far, say they, will this English Empire exceed, being augmented and fortified by the authority of manyyeares? Shall it be either to transport new Colonies beyond the Seas, or to plant others here, and in the end to extinguish the name of the original French, to the end that no man shall dare to repine at the ruin of his Country, reduced into the power of Strangers? These imaginations were generally in all men's minds, but complaints in the mouths of few, and that they whispered softly to their well assured friends: but the time was not yet come, although the blood, (which cannot degenerate) showed many signs of hearts discontented with this servitude, both at Paris, and especially at Roven, where the English government was most heavy. One Michael Lallier, was the beginner of this liberty, Some French men executed by the English. and was put to death at Paris, and a woman was burnt, worthy to live amidst the flames, and to shine in the goodly light of our History. The Nobility of Picardy was much discontented with this new command. Tournay began first to stir for the King's service. So immovable is the French obedience to their Kings, and so sweet and pleasing is their command. It was a capital crime to speak of the King of England, but as the lawful King. Spies were set in all places, to restrain the liberty of the French. These executions were threatenings of worse, if any should mutiny. Yet the Nobility of Picardy were so wearied with the English and Fourguignon yoke, as they resolve to free themselves at what rate soever. The heads of this resolution, were the Lords of Longeval, Saint Simon, Mailly, Ma●court, Recourt, Blondel, and many other gentlemen which had followed the Bourgognons' party. These are named. The original should not conceal the rest, whom I could not specific without some Author. Behold the first fruits of the French liberty. These Ensign bearers assemble at Roye, they fortify themselves for the King, against the English and the Bourgu●gnon, Complete against the English. and take divers Towns in Picardy at a prefixed day. john of Lunembourg, thunders against them that were suspected, and some he takes and hangs. At these terrors, some d awe back, and left this league▪ Yet the greatest part remained constant, though with the apparent danger of their lives. These were the pure and true sparkles of the French fidelity to their King, but the day spring was not yet come, which mounting to our horizon, should in the end show forth the goodly light of liberty to all France. These first motions put Charles in some hope of a better estate: but behold a new check which cools his courage. At the same time that he made his levy in Scotland, the Duke of Exeter prepared a great army in England, to relieve the Duke of Beford, his brother, that he might have means to continue the wars in France. There comes unto him eight thousand archers, and eighteen hundred men at arms. For the employing of these men, N●we forces ●aised in England. he beseegeth Galardon, & taketh it at his first approach, and without the loss of any hour, he plants himself before Yury: and at the same instant all his forces come to him, under the command of the Earl of Salisbury. The army being thus increased, he presseth the siege. Girault of Paliere, held the Town for the King. The Duke of Bedford summons him to yield it. giraud demands respite to advertise the King. Charles was then at Tours, well accompanied both of his subjects and foreign friends: for after the defeat of Crevant, foreseeing that the English would pursue the cause with more violence, he had provided men to oppose against them. The marshal Douglas, Duke of Touraine by his new pourchase, ●ad brought him succours from Scotland. The Vicont of Narbonne a goodly troop from Languedoc, the which was the flower of the whole army. The Duke of Alencon, the Earls of Aumale, Ventadour, Tonerre, Douglas, Moiry, the Viconte of Mardonne, the Lords of Fayette, Tournon and other Noble men of Mark with their followers were ready to do their best endeavour. So as he had eighteen thousand fight men. The rendezvous is in Perch, and they were shortly to march to Yury. The King stays at Chastecudun, The Constable of Bou●qhingam sends to view the enemy's countenance. The scouts report the greatness of the English army and their diligence at the siege, who being discovered and pursued, hardly escape. They resolve, that in steed of charging the English army, they should besiege Vernueil, (a Town obeying the English,) either to take it, or to make a diversion from Yury. The first succeeded, for our men approaching to Vernueil with a victorious countenance and brag, as if the English army had been defeated, Vernueil yielded to the French▪ Yury yielded. Vernueil opens the gates without any question, and yields to the King's service. But this show of victory cost our French men de●re, who had done better to secure Yury, then in losing it, to hazard their own ruin, as it happened afterwards. Girault of Paliere, having long and in vain expected succours, and doubled the prefixed time, he yields to the Duke of Bedford, who having now no other impediment, he resolves to fight with our army at his advantage: for the effecting whereof, he had the better means, by their long stay. Having intelligence of the Estate of our Army, he resolved to draw them to battle, knowing how much it did import to send a victorious soldier, against one, whom he hath usually beaten. He therefore sends a herald to defy them, giving him charge to direct himself to the Duke of Touraine, The Duke of Bedford sends a challenge to the French army. a Scottish man being Mar●shall of France. To whom he says. The Duke of Bedford my master commanded me to tell you, that he comes to drink with you. Douglas answers him. That he should be welcome, but he must make some haste, for that dinner was ready. Upon this bravado they go to Counsel. The mischief was, the army had no head, having indeed too many. A multitude of commanders and commandments, is a plague to all good order, and especially in military discipline, which consists wholly, in authority. Every one had varied in his opinion. Some were of advice to attend the enemy, A division among the heads of the French army. others thought it fittest to take him at his word, without enduring of these bravadoes. Thus their divided opinions divided the army, and those which in show made the army, overthrew it, Douglas and Narbonne. Douglas said, Seeing the army is well lodged, having a good Town to back it, to what end should they run rashly against a victorious enemy? The Narbonnois replies, To endure these bravadoes, were to take away the hearts of the French Soldiers, and to cool their courage without any reason: and what greater indignities might a vanquished man bear? The Duke of Alencon: and the Constable were of the first opinion▪ but the contention grew so great, as the Viconte said, That if the wiser had no mind to fight, heewould go and defend the honour of France with the hazard of his life: so being retired to his quarter, he commanded to sound a march, notwithstanding the Duke of Alensons' entreaty to stay and march together. On the other side, the Duke of Touraine, discontented at the Visconts choler, keeps back the Scots. But necessity drew forth the whole army, The French army. one Battaillon after another. This disorder was the cause they could not choose a sit place of arms, nor dispose of their Battaillons. All were in gross confusedly, without any vanguard. The chief of the army were on foot. They place two wings, and to every wing a thousand horse. The Italians had the right, and the French the left. In the ●ore-fronte of this battle they planted four hundred horse, to begin the skirmish. The Duke of Bedford had opportunity to dispose better of his army, The English army. he makes abode all on soot, where he placeth his chief force, and lodgeth there himself. In the front of this body, he placeth great store of Archers, and every Archer hath a stake stitched in the ground, to withstand the charge of the horse: Upon either wing he plants the choice of his most resolute Archers. Behind, are his unarmed people with the baggage: the horses being tied close together, tail to tail, with two cords orwiths. but for their guard he left two thousand choice Archers. In this order he attends the French, whom he discovers coming a far off, resolute to fight, with the countenance of conquerors. They were long before they could set their troops in order, a●d ran a full gallop to their death. So as in these stirs, and in their haste to fight, they were out of breath before they came to blows. All the morning is spent in approaches, the two armies fronting one another: a little after noon, a signal is given to the battle; our adventurers go to the charge, to try if they can force the gross of the English army. The four hundred Italian Lances (lead by Cameran with one eye) made the point, and at the first charge beat back the English Archers that were in the front. At the same instant, our two wings of horse, charge the English army in flank, seeking to break their ranks. The finy of the fight was violent on either side; our men striving to enter into the body of the English foot, and the English labouring to withstand our men with a continual storm of Arrows. Then, behold our Launciers, having forced one side of the battle, begin to cry, Victory▪ but the first ranks being forced, they are seconded by the rest without disorder: and with the like impression, the whole body of the English army raise a great cry, and advance to the combat. Thus the two armies join with a horrible conflict, which continued above an hour, one fleshed against another with a cruel and bloody fury. And (says the original) there were never seen two parties of so great power, fight so long without knowledge who were victors. But behold a new change in our Army, our French and Italian horse appointed to force the English battle, being valiantly repulsed fly, and leaue● our footmen open to the English shot. Both the battles had continued long in fight, and that which had made it equal, The battle of Vernu●il. was not only the equality of their forces, but the counterpeize of horses, which served honourably. But the English had a supply of 2000 Archers, reserved at the tail of his army to guard the baggage. The Duke of Bedford seeing our foot naked of Lances, resolves to employ them. So as this fresh squadron, doubling a fearful cry, fall violently upon this wearied troop, and being half disordered, disperseth them. Then all are in a rout: some fly, others kill. The French defeated. The massacre was exceeding great in this first fury, kindled by the obstinacy of the fight. Yet after this first hea●e, the English accustomed to our blood, sell to take prisoners. Vernueil was the nearest re-treat, but the gates were shut, fearing lest the English should enter pel mel with them that sied; so as the Ditch served for a grave or a prison to many. Thus the English had the victory, but they bought it full dearly, for they lost above fi●eteene hundred men: our loss was far greater. Our Histories confess five thousand, the English report fiveteene thousand. Yet all was not lost, for Xaintrailles and La Hire gathered together a good number of them that fled, and saved them in Man's, the nearest place of retreat. There happened a memorable thing in this rout. The Italian troop which had fled, being entrenched in a near village, A brave retreat of Italians. to fight for their lives, having a false advertisement that our men had won the victory; they presently part, and come to the place of battle▪ being known, they are charged by the English, but their retreat was exceeding hardy, for in despite of their army they saved themselves. Being to pass a river at the end of certain hedges, by so narrow a passage as they could go but one after an other, these Lombard's plant their Cornets there, as the mark of their way, with sixteen armed men to make a stand, while the troop should pass. All escape this way without any other harm, than fear. So much order prevails even in disorder. This overthrow chanced the sixth of August. The loss was the greater, for that it did aggravate the former: many great personages were slain. The Earl of Boucqinqham Constable of France, The Noblemen that were slain. the marshal Douglas, (a short time Duke of Touraine) the Earls of Aumale, Harcourt, Ventadour, Tonerre, Moyry: the Lords of Graville, Montenay, Combrest, Fontenay, Bruneil, Tumblet, Guitry, Peisy, Mathe, Rambels, Lindesay, Gamaches, Malestroict, Boyn, Rembovillet, Harpedane, la Treille, Fourchovinere, la Salle, Lap, Rochebaron, la Tour, and many other in great numbers. The Viscount of Narbonne (a rash instrument of this misfortune) was taken by the Bourgognons, and presently hanged, for a punishment, The prisoners having assisted at the massacre of john Duke of Bourgongne. The chief prisoners were, john of Bourbon Duke of Alenson, and the bastard of this house, the Marshal of Fayette, the Lord of Hormid, Peter Herisson, Lewis of Vaucourt, Roger Brousset, Hives of Saint Marc, james du Puys, and many others; from whom the English drew great sums of money. Vernueil taken. Vernueil (to augment this misfortune,) was yielded by Rambures, upon an honourable composition, with their lives and baggage freed, except that which belonged to the army. The insolent English, spoiled the poor Soldiers, when as the Earl of Salisbury arriving, slew one of these treacherous wretches, causing these poor vanquished men to be conducted into Berry or Tourraine in good safety. With many other places. After this notable victory, the Duke of Bedford having triumphed at Paris, managed this profitable accident to our loss. He presently delivers these victorious troops (carrying in their hearts and foreheads, the fortune of England) to the Earl of Salisbury, one of the wisest and most valiant Captains of his army, who employed them with great success▪ for he took from Ambrose de Lore, (a brave and valiant Captain) the Forts of Saint Susanne, Mahannes, la Hines, la Ferté-Benard, as the remainders of this Shipwreck, and in the end he carried it to the Town of Man's, although the fidelity of the inhabitants yielded him their obedience more slowly, and with greater difficulty. The English insolency increased daily and apparently, like the swelling of a river. Watches were set to observe all such as did but mutter for their liberty. The Lords of Maucourt and Rocomp were put to death, as guilty of high treason. The goods of such as were absent, were confiscate. In France it was a great crime to be a Frenchman. But as one mischief comes not alone, and grief upon grief procures no health, these misfortunes which touched the members, had almost ruined the head: for this lamentable battle of Vernueil, (which made all France to mourn) had almost thrust Charles into his grave. The miserable estate of Charles in divers sorts. Besides these general losses, this poor Prince was surcharged with many difficulties: the incredible burden of his poverty, and the reproaches of his subjects, accusing him as the author of these bankrupt losses, which chanced daily to his armies and Towns. Thus he was abandoned both of himself, and his subjects, his great and many afflictions having killed his courage, and lost his credit with the people. In this disgraceful necessity, there was no speech but of engaging the revenues of the Crown, to pay the garrisons of places, which else would be lost. The King's table failed daily: he eat no more in public, but sparingly in his Chamber, attended on by his domestical servants. The History notes, that as Pothon and and la Hire came to him to Chasteaudun, to require succours, they found him at Table with a rump of Mutton, and two Chickens: and yet in this extreme poverty of his, the great men snatched on all hands. The Duke of Alencon had Niort in Poitou▪ and the bastard of Orleans the County of Gyan, for money they said had been lent for the King's service, who avowed all and paid all, for nothing. But that which was of harder digestion, was the continual discontent of his subjects against him, as if (neglecting his affairs) he had abandoned himself to the love of fair Agnes. A blot which doth yet blemish the name of Charles the 7. in the general conceit of the French nation, registered as a certain truth, by the writers of our time, which have described that reign. As it is my course to search the originals, The King reproached for the love of fair Agnes. and not to allege any new writer for an Author: so have I carefully noted what the Ancients did observe. Alain Charretier the King's Secretary, says nothing▪ Monstrelet speaks but upon occasion, in the end of this reign. And for as much (saith he) as the King did see her willingly, the common fame was, that he kept her dishonestly, for the vulgar is more inclined to speak ill then well. But the love which the King did show her, was for her pleasing behaviour, and eloquent speech, and also for that she was of all fair creatures the fairest. The History of S. Denis, written by the Historiographer of France, doth clearly excuse him in these terms. I a Chronicler, desiring to write the truth, have duly informed myself, and without falsifying of the truth, do find by Knights, Councillors, Physicians, Surgians, and other domestical servants, examined by oath, as appertained to my charge, to the end to free the people from scandal. That during five years that fair Agnes lived with the Queen, the King never frequented her but in great company nor in the absence of the Queen: he never used any lascivious countenance unto her, nor touched her beneath the chin. And after his sports; Charles retired himself unto his lodging, and Agnes unto hers. But he loved her for that she was pleasant and young among the fairest seeking all kind of delights to sweeten his thoughts and cares. These are his very words. But howsoever, this scar remains upon Charles his face. that he neglected his affairs, losing both his time and judgement with this woman, and in his Gardens; the which blemished his reputation much, even with his enemies, The subject discontented against Charles, who held him for an idle person, and of small valour. But as this report made him contemptible, so the insolent behaviour of his Minion's made him hateful, for that under his authority, these Horseleeches oppressed the people, and took all reward from such as had ventured their lives for the King's service. Thus this poor Prince, surcharged with many difficulties, was so discouraged, as he had not any care to preserve himself by arms howsoever, Charles desires an accord with Brittany and Bourgongne. but employed all his spirits to find some means of an accord, at what price soever, with the Duke of Bourgongne and Britain. But he was much deceived, for they had all conspired his ruin, and every one pretended a part in this confiscation. The Duke of Savoy looked for a share, and Lewis of Chaalon Prince of Orange, was in hope to make himself great with the remainders of this spoil. But where the wisdom of man ended, there the providence of God began, who provided means for Charles, the which he could not foresee, neither by his industry or authority find out; that the restoring of this realm might be known to proceed from the miraculous bounty of God, the Gardien of this estate. We have showed, with what care the Duke of Bedford had built an union with the Dukes of Bourgongne and Britain, to confirm the English affairs in France. Arthur of Brittany Earl of Richemont, brother to the Duke of Brittany, began to make a breach in this alliance. He had married one of the Burguignons' Sisters, and Bedford the other. The League w●th England shaken. This Arthur was a Prince of good judgement, who governed his brother peaceably, and had a great interest in his Brother in law of Bourgongne. He shall help much in the restoring of this estate, uniting the hearts of Princes distracted from the King, but his sour complexions did much distemper Charles, who shall pay dearly for the fruits of his service; as the course of the History will declare. The Duke of Bedford being at Paris, mightily puffed up with his victories, played the King: this insolent greatness, which made him odious to the French (although they durst not show it) was likewise hateful to his own people. Man hath always the misery that he seeks, and is the plotter of his own misfortune. This pride bred a jar betwixt him and the Earl of Richemont, Bed●ord and Richemont, brother to the Duke of Britain, at jar, being brothers in law. and made a way to the general division of these confederate Princes, and reunion of the whole realm. Richmont was come unto him, to be employed in some honourable charge, fit for his house & per●on, making great esteem of his love, whereof their alliance seemed an assured gage. But he found nothing but discontents. Arthur was of a French humour, nourished in the mildness of our Kings, bred up in their arms, and had been prisoner for them at the battle of Azancourt: the time only had withdrawn him from the King's service, whom every man held ●ost. The pride of Bedford revived in him this first affection: so as not able any longer to accord with the English, he resolves to seek all means to recover the King's good grace and favour, and to entangle his brother the Duke of Britain. Thus he leaves the Duke of Bedford, and retires to his house with this discontent. There falls out a fit occasion to advance this business, Arthur of B●●ttaine leaves the English. to the good liking of Richemont, for the office of Constable was void, by the death of the Earl of Bou●qham, slain in the battle of Vernueil. Charles sleeps not at these news; but as if he had attended some good opportunity, he presently sends a trusty Gentleman to the Earl of Richemont, to offer him his love, and for a gage thereof, the dignity of the Constable of France, with all advantages that a King may honour his servant with. This first summons Richmont took reasonable well: but he answered; That he could not do any thing without his Brother the Duke of Britain: with whom having conferred, he would presently advertise Charles of his resolution. But, as the King's urgent necessity made him to reckon the minutes, so the tediousness of the Britons answer made him to languish. His counsel likewise allowed well of this league▪ the which shall prove more troublesome unto him, then honourable, and more prejudicial than profitable unto France. Charles, (without attending any answer from Richemont) sends john Lowet, Precedent of Provence, one of the chief favourites, then in credit: but he remembered not that he was in dislike with these Princes, so as Lowet returned without any effect. Yet Charles (loath to lose this opportunity, and to give the English time to reconcile himself to these Britons,) sends to him with all speed a very honourable embassage, which was Yoland of Arragon, Charles solicits the Duke of Britt●●● & his brother, & wins them to his service. Queen of Sicily his mother in law, with Tanneguy of Chas●ell, being very acceptable to these two brethren. Their coming did greatly advance this business. They prevailed so far as the Duke of Britain, & the Earl of ●ichmont his brother were both ready to embrace the King's friendship, and to do him service, so as the Duke of Bourgongne would yield unto it: and in the mean time (to draw this business to some good end) Richmont should go and treat with his majesty, upon good hostages for his safety. This condition was accepted by Charles▪ and to lose no time, the Lord of Albret and the bastard of Orleans, were sent unto him for hostages, and the towns of Chinon, Loches, Lusignan & Meung, were given him for assurance until the end of the treaty, and ample passports made to go and come with all liberty. This work began this year, in November, and shall end the next year with a notable success. But the Duke of Bourgongne embraced an other notable occasion, which shall more prejudice the English, than this occurrent of Britain. We have said that this le●ain was laid in the year 1423. by the marriage of Iaqu●line, Countess of Hainault, Holland & Zealand, a wife contended for by two husbands; the Duke of Brabant, cousin germane and a dear friend to the Duke of Bourgongne; and the Duke of Gloucester brother to the Duke of Bedford, and uncle to Henry the 6. King of England, two great parties which shall divide the Dukes of Bedford & Bourgongne, and shall be the means to reconcile the Bourguignon to Charles, A notable process of jaqueline against her husband, supported by the Bourguignon. & reduce him to the obedience of this crown, expel the English out of France, and restore the realm. But the providence of GOD which goes insensibly by degrees above man's conceit, must be distinctly considered. About the end of this year, jaqueline of Hainault comes out of England with the Duke of Gloucester her second husband, fortified with an army of five thousand English. She caused the Nobility and the Cities to renew their oaths, both to her and the Duke of Gloucester her lawful husband. All the Nobility obeys this commandment, except the Earl of Conuersan, john of jumont, Angilbert of Anghien, and all Towns, except Hals. The Duke of Bourgongne greatly affected this quarrel. The Duke of Bedford foreseeing the danger that might grow by the Bourgognons' discontent, labours to suppress it in the breeding, and to that end he draws them to Paris with their friends, but in vain. The one strives to enjoy his estates▪ and the other to hinder him. So as whilst the cause is disputed in the Court at Rome, the armies prepare on either side to end it by blood and spoil. The Glocestrian gins, & the Bourguignon follows. So the end of this year is the beginning of a war of four whole years, but it shallbe ended in favour of the Bourguignon. This new year shallbe spent in the altercations of the Court and Britain. The Britto● made Constable of France. The Earl of Richemont comes to Tours to Charles, as he had promised to the Queen of Sicily, but not able to resolve any thing without the consent of the Duke of Bourgongne, (as we have said,) the King seeing it very necessary he should go to him, doth send to him with a very honourable embassage, james of Bourbon, Earl of Clermont and a Prince of his blood, the Archbishop of Rheims, and the Bishop of Puy. The end of their negotiation was double, That the Duke of Bourgongne should like of the alliance betwixt the King and the Princes of Britain, Charles sends an embassage to Philip of Bourgongne. and that he himself should be reconciled unto him, to live and continue good friends, as they were near in blood. The first was fully concluded with the Bourgognons' consent, the other was surceased. The causes are specified, for that Philip could not with honesty let slip the death of his father, where of Charles was the Author, this reconciliation could not be well effected, unless that Charles did chase from him all such as had dipped their hands in this massacre, either as fautors or as executioners. They were specified by name, john Lowet Precedent of Provence, Tanneguy of Chastel, William d'Auaugour, john of Gyac, son to that Lady of Gyac, who persuaded john Duke of Bourgongne, to go to Charles at Mons●reau-faut Yonne, where he was slain. But these were but colours, for notwithstanding th●ir absence from Court, yet the Bourguignon seemed to be nothing inclined to the King's service. In effect, he stood watching the opportunity to effect his desseins, and so entertained time, to keep the stakes, as the whole course of the History will declare. Charles employing all his friends and means, entreats Amedee, Duke of Sauoy● to be a mediator of this accord. In respect hereof he comes to Monuel in Cress, but in tru●h this was but a shadow. They all sought to get from Charles, and so watched for opportunity. Yet the Bourguignon made all shows of his service vowed to the King & the establishment of France, which he lamented infinitely to be fallen into the hands of Strangers. He spared no cheer nor entertainment for the Ambassadors, and for a gage of sincere love. Philip gives his youngest Sister Anne, in marriage to the Earl of Clermont, but with an intent to win a Prince of the blood near the King. Thus the Bourguignon leveled always at this mark, & did nothing but with an intent to maintain his greatness at what price soever. In the mean time the meaner smart for the folly of great men. The Mignon● chased from Court. At the return of these Ambassadors, the Court is in an uproar, Charles grieves to chase away his servants, which could not be done but in contempt of his authority. And yet the Ambassadors cried out, that without it they should not effect any thing: and the more they stayed the execution, the more they hindered the King's service. d'Auaugour parted f●●st with the good liking both of King and Court. Gyac made his peace, by the meadiation of the Queen of Sicily, who had all power in this action. The King was wonderfully discontented for the departure of Tanneguy of Chastel, whom he called Father. A man beloved and of amiable conditions. But there was no remedy. He had given the chief stroke to john of Bourgongne. So likewise he protested without any difficulty, to retire himself whethersoever his master should command him. He beseeched him to give him an autenciall testimonial, that it was not for any fact of his, 1425. but for the good of his service. He obtains it, and a promise withal, that his offices should be continued him. Thus he retyers to Beaveaire in Languedoc, and the office of Provost of Paris remained to him still, with the fee, and a good reputation with all men, to have been a good servant to the King, and careful of the public good. john Lowet Precedent of Provence, disputed his departure with some bitterness and obstinacy. What injustice is it (saith he) to condemn a man without hearing? What breach, to use the King's servants thus, for an others pleasure? But not only the Bourguignon and the Britton hated him to the death, but also the Court and people did detest him. A man of a high mind, cunning, obstinate, revengeful, cruel. Great men hated him, as crossing their affairs with the King, abusing his tractable disposition: and mean men, as the horseleech and the sponge of the public treasure, and a man without mercy. The Bourguignon hated him as the first motor of his Father's murder; and the Britton, as having given counsel to the Earl of Ponthiure to take him prisoner at Chantonceaux. Having gotten great wealth and impoverished the King and the Realm, he had matched his Daughters in good houses. The one, with the Earl of Dunois a bastard of Orleans, the other with the Lord of joyeuse. The respect of this alliance saved his life. He was safely conducted to avignon, and from thence he retires into Provence, without any other fame then to have governed the King ill. His daughter of joyeuze died with thought, for her father's disgrace. Gyac returns into grace more than before, having purchased the favour of the Queen of Sicily: But he shall soon pay for these imaginations of his happiness, not only succeeding the Precedent in his misfortune, but also losing his life after an ignominious sort. These men thus chased away, the Constable of Richmont went for his brother john Duke of Britain, The Duke of Britain comes to King Charles. who came to Charles to Saumur: he took the oath of fidelity, offering him all service. The Burguignon speaks not yet one word for the King; only he forbears to make war against him, having a plausible excuse, for his not leading any more men to the Duke of Bedford, being busied for the Brabantine, against the Glocestrian, in the war of Haynault and Holland. So this accident bred some ease to Charles, but no ●eleefe. During these confusions in Court, Man's was lost, and after it the rest of maine obeyed the Earl of Salisbury. But the Constable of Richemont, (being freed from those domestical crosses which might hinder his credit with the King) would make proof of his valour, The Britton arms against the English. in arming the Britons against the English. And as in the beginning all is good; at this first command all Britain riseth, and runs to this war. But these troops being raised, and not yet joined to frame the body of an army; behold the Earl of Warwick marcheth suddenly with a goodly army, gathered out of all the garrisons of Normandy, the inhabitants of Towns, and the Nobility of the Country, with great speed, who besiegeth and taketh Pontorson, a town upon the con●ins of Normandy & Britain, near Saint Michel's mont. This pricked forward the Constable, to whom this scorn belonged. After that Warwick was retired, having left a garrison in his conquest, The Constables ●ll success. behold the Constable comes to Pontorson with his Britons, he beseegeth it, beats it, and takes it by force, making a great slaughter of the English. This success gave him courage to pass on▪ the Town of Saint james of Beweron did much disquiet that Country. He attempts it, hoping to be succoured with men a●d money from France. But having words alone without effects, his Britons (being for the most part voluntaries,) slip away daily, notwithstanding any prevention of the Constables, who resolved (before this warlike multitude had abandoned him) to make profit of his presence, and to give a general assault. The nearness of Auranches (where the Earl of Suffolk with Scales, (famous captains among the English 〈◊〉 with goodly troops) gave him occasion of fear, lest they should change ●is men in the heat of the assault. To this end, he sends forth two thousand men ou● o● the body of his army, to meet with these imagined English. The Commanders having discovered even to the gates of Auranches, 142●. and found nothing, they resolve to return to the army, not giving the Constable any other advertisement. The Britons being at the assault, seeing those men come, suppose them to be English, and fearing to be cooped in, having an enemy both before and behind, they resolve to leave their ladders, and retire to their Campe. Their retreat was very difficult, by reason of a pool with a narrow Causey, which they had won with great labour and pain. The besieged seeing the Britons forsake the walls, sally forth courageously after them, recover the quarter abandoned, where there was a point that flanked the pool, in the which they plant threescore archers. There were eight or nine hundred Britons shut up betwixt the walls and the pool: so as from this recovered point, they might choose them one after one. The 〈◊〉 de●e●●ed ●y th●● 〈◊〉 error. The rest of the English garrison issuing forth the Town furiously, put these amazed Britons to the sword, who are either gauled with English arrows, like beasts in a toil, or with a desperate courage leap into the people. Thus less than five hundred men, overthrew above eight thousand. The Camp was abandoned and spoiled, eighteen ensigns lost, with the banner of Britain. Many prisoners were taken, after the English had been wearied with killing. The principal that were slain, were the Lords of Molac, Coitivy, la Motte, & many captains of mark. The artillery, engine and all the rest of the munition remained for a pawn. This unseasonable alarm, greatly troubled the Constable, who was now become all the hope of the French, as if he carried all France upon his shouldiars like an other Atlas. To repair this ridiculous disgrace, he raiseth new forces in Britain with all speed, he joins unto him the troops of Ambrose of Lore to be assisted with his valour, and having given them their pay, he causeth them to march into Anton, where he takes ●a la flesh, Galerande, Ram●fort, Malicorne, Richmont s●irs up new troubles in Court. and so revives the hearts of his men after so notable a loss, and kept his enemy in awe. From thence he goes to Court, where there were other desseings then to fight with the English. A man fit to brave it in a counsel of State, then to dispute a battle or the siege of a Town. He came to Court to be the author of many confusions during th●s year: and on the other side, his brother the Duke of Britain, before it pass, shall leave the party of France, and reconcile himself unto the English: that the honour of our deliverance might be given to God, the guardian of this Monarchy, and not to these Princes of Britain, to whom Charles was too much affected, in buying their friendship so dear being even then unprofitable, when as he had greatest need▪ yet in their season, al● these instruments work to restore our decayed, estate. But these were the Constable's good services. After this shameful disgrace, he seeks to cover his fault, He exclaims against the King. exclaiming first against the King, as if he had been the cause of this infamous disorder happened at Saint james, & having too freely discovered his grie●es unto the King, he presumed to take john of Males●roit Chancellor of Britain prisoner, as being particularly charged to solicit the payment of such money as was appointed for this Britton army. Charles was much offended with this presumption, and in despite of the Constable, caused Malestroit to be presently released, and sent into Savoy. The Constable was greatly discontented with this proceeding, the which he took as an affront done to his person, and resolves to be revenged. So great were the confusions of that age, as the servant durst prescribe a Law to his master: and his counsel band●e against him to control his will. Yea the Princes of the blood (so great was the corruption of that wretched age) were the chief controllers of the King's actions. Then was there nothing more miserable than France, who discontented with her King, A dangerous waywardness to make the King odious or contemptible. nourished the ambition of many Kings. This jealous ambition did nothing cure the infirmities of our Estate. Charles found it lost, he could not raise it alone. To debase his authority was no means to cu●e the confusions of the realm. And as there is nothing more troublesome than affliction, the French nation being then extremely afflicted, did nothing amend their condition, in casting upon the King the reproaches of their calamities. This deptive themselves of their head, wherein consists the whole life of the body. An unreasonable discontent. The whole body of the State was sick, and this distasted people would have their head sound. A notable circumstance, for it is strange, that (after so many miseries,) this domestical confusion had not been the v●ter ruin of the State. But let us return to our discourse. The Constable had great credit with the counsel, whom in the beginning the King had greatly countenanced: but the private practices, and the general discontent of great persons, had made him half a King, to cross the Mignons whom all men hated. Great men hated them, as possessing the King▪ the people detested them, as managing all things at their pleasure, to the prejudice of the common weal. There were two Mignons that did greatly vex them. Gyac, and Camus of Beaulieu. They resolve by a general consent to dispatch them. The Princes, with the Lords of Albret and Tremoville (who had a great interest in the Sat,) were of the party. But the Constable must do the execution. The matter concluded betwixt them, was thus executed: Gyac was taken in bed with his wife, carried to Dun le ●oy: condemned and executed: that is, he was put into a sack and cast into the river. The King's Mignons slain by the Council. The Constable performed this office, without any other form of law, than his bare command. Afterwards Camus, borne in Auvergne, as he walked in the King's lodging, was venturously slain, by a soldier belonging to the Marshal of Boussac Charles understood it, and in a manner, touched the blood of his two domestical servants, being wonderfully discontented. but the time (which did authorize these confusions) caused him to swallow this pill quietly. Tremoville married Gyacs' widow, the heir of Lisle Bouchart, and entered newly in credit with the King, giving him to understand that all was for his service, so as there was no more speech thereof every man shut both eyes and ears. But Tremoville shall have his turn: he shall leave some of his hair, and hardly save the mould of his doubled. Thus the affa●●es of Court ebbed and flowed, the which raiseth up one and cast down an other. In this deceitful manner of life, there is nothing certain but incertainty, favours being ●●uen not by desert, but most commonly by a blind appetite, which hath no other judgement, but the apprehension of weak heads, dividing the happiness of a 〈◊〉 life into quarters, this day to one, and to morrow to an other. A goodly lesson for such as are favoured in Court, not to be transported with vain hope, toys to deceive the indiscreet. The surest guards of prosperity, are Integrity, wisdom, modesty, and patience to remember adversity in prosperity, according to the precepts of the wise. This was the good government of the Constable of Richmont, a bold practise● of these domestical confusions, whilst the Bourguignon plied his business. We have made mention of the suit of jaqueline, Contesse of Hainault and Holland, for Humphrey Duke of Gloucester, her pretended husband, against john Duke of Bra●●nt, her lawful husband, for so had Pope Martin pronounced it, in favour of the B●●bantin. but from law they go to arms. The Bourguignon supported the 〈◊〉 These Princes (having prepared their forces,) begin by writing. The 〈◊〉 accuseth the Bourguignon of covetousness and treachery. The Bourguignon gives him the lie. But from reproaches they fall to arms. The Bourguignon offers the Gloc●●●●an to end the question by combat: and by that trial to avoid the effusion of the●● sold a●s blood. The Glocestrian accepts it: all is prepared for the combat, but the Duke of B●●●ord interpeseth his authority. To this end he calls the chief men of all estates to Paris, to quench this fire, and by common advice decrees, That, that day 〈◊〉 disannulled, neither should it be prejudicial to either party. That is to say▪ 〈◊〉 being well viewed and considered, there was no just cause for either to call the other to this wilful combat, from the which they could not depa●t, althou●● it were accepted, without great prejudice to both their honours. In the mean time neither the Pope's authority, nor the Regent's decree, by the general advice of the States, could prevail, but all bursts forth into open war. The Bourguignon proved the stronger: so as the Glocestrian leaving jaqueline at Mons) posted into England for new forces, but all was in vain, the Bourguignon making his profit of this Prince's absence, did easily effect his desire, having no opposite but a woman, dishonoured for her infamous adulteries. He fails not to enter Hainault with a strong army, and useth all force to reduce this people to reason. The Country seeing itself pressed by the Bourgognons' forces, (neither hoping for no● desiring any succours from England, The Duke o● 〈◊〉 leaseth on jaqueline Countess of Ha●●●au●●, and persuaded that jaqueline supported a bad cause) resolve to obey the stronger. Having to that effect protested unto their Lady, what they thought fitting for their duty, they seize on her person, and deliver her into the hands of the Duke of Bourgongne. Philip receives her honourably, and promiseth her all offices of friendship to comfort her. From Mons he causeth her to be conducted with a goodly train to Gand, by Lewis of chaalon's, Prince of Orange, a brave Noble man. The Gantois employ their best means to honour her. This great liberty gave her means to make an escape from this goodly cage: so as having practised some for her guide, she disguiseth herself in the habit of a man, and retires f●om Gand to Breda, where she doth assure the river of Garide, and doth solicit the Towns of Holland by her Agents. The Bourguignon (foreseeing by these beginnings a long countenance of trouble) flies thither with his army. He enters the Country: She escapeth from Gand. at the fi●st they all resist him, for the respect the subjects bare to their Lady. But as the inconveniences of war increased daily, and that Philip did show by public writings and private practices, that whatsoever he did, was to maintain the right of the lawful husband, many Towns yielded unto him. At this time john Duke of Brabant, the lawful husband of jaqueline, dies in the Castle of Lenewre, Philip of Bourgongne made heir of Bra●●nt, 〈◊〉 Holland and ●●land. having instituted Philip of Bourgongne his heir. The Cities seeing the Bourguignon supported both by force, and right, follow him by a common consent, as twice a Conqueror, and persuade their Lady not to oppose herself obstinately against so reasonable a necessity. So without any other force, but the happy success of the stronger, an accord was made, betwixt Philip Duke of Bourgongne and jaqueline Contesse c. Hainault and Holland, upon these conditions: That jaqueline doth acknowledge her Cousin, Philip Duke of Bourgongne, for the lawful heir of her Countries, and from thence forth doth make him governor of Hainault, Holland and Zealand. All these Estates should take their oath and do homage of fealty unto Philip. All fortresses should be delivered into his hands, and she promises never to marry without his consent. This Philip was honourably received throughout all these Estates, to the content of some and discontent of others, according to their divers humours: but force controwled all. jaqueline made a good show, yet greatly discontented to see him her master. Such was the Tragical Comedy of this long suit, for the quiet of these Estates and the greatness of the Duke of Bourgongne, who made his profit of all sides, He is made heir● of N●ma●. for soon after William Earl of Namur left him the Earldom of Namur, whereof he takes possession, to the great discon●ent of the Li●geois, as we shall see hereafter. This greatness of the Duke of Bourgoigne bred jealousy in the Duke of Bedford: he being assisted by the Duke of Britain▪ his open enemy, and the Earl of Richmond Constable of France, whom he sees hourly to grow great in his authority. Thus ●earing more mischief to fall unto him by that means, he resolves to 〈◊〉 himself with new helps, and to this end he goes into England, lea●●ng the affairs of France, in charge of the Earls of Warwick, Suffollke and Salisbury. His stay was not long, necessity pressed him. He obtains both men and money, fit remedies to prevent a storm. The Duke of B●●ford b●ing● new● forces out of England. He returns into France with ten thousand men, and a notable sum of money for their pay. For the good imployement of these new forces, he resolves to beeseege Montargis, a dangerous thorn, both for the nearness to Paris, and the converse of the Bourguignon, who continued his desse●ngs, notwithstanding the still jealousy of these Princes. The charge of this siege was given to the Earls of Warwick and Suffolk, with three thousand men: the rest were dispersed in Normandy, and in Towns bordering upon Picardy, for fear of the Bourguignon, in whom he had no confidence. Montargis is beeseeged, and although the waters hindered their approach to the walls, yet within ●ewe days it was fiercly battered by the English, and valiantly defended by the French. The siege of Montargis happy for the French. They cry out for succour, but the affairs in Court were so wonderfully confused, (by the intestine icalousies of the great men) that one gazed upon an other, yet no man stirred, although Charles continually cried, to arms. In the end they beegin to march: and although the Constable had busied himself in this levy, yet fearing the example of Saint james, he would not hazard himself in the leading thereof, The Constable loath to go to the releese of Montargis. alleging many colours to save himself from blows. For want of him the charge was given to the Earl of Dunois a bastard of Orleans: to William of Albret Lord of Oruall, to the Lords of Gaucourt, Guitry, Graville, Villar, la Hire, Gyles of Saint Simon Gaulter of Frossard, john Stuard a Scot, and other valiant Captains, who led fifeteene or sixteen hundred fight men. Their purpose was only to vitteil the besieged, whilst the King raised greater forces in the Countries of his obedience. The Constable remained at jargeau attending the issue, which succeeded more happily than the des●eine of so flight a succour. The Earl of Dunois doth advertise the besieged of his approach. The river forced the English to make three lodgings, those within the Town had cunningly surprised the bridges upon the river of Loing: and after the succours had secretly recovered the Rendezvous, those within the Town stopped the course of the water so artificially, Montargiss relieved and the English defeated. as the river overflows the bridges. At the same instant all the troops charge the English: la Hire leading the first troop, chargeth the quarter where the Lord de la Poole, brother to the Earl of Suffolk commanded, & crying Montioye S. Denices he fills all with confusion, killing, burning, and spoiling the la Poole with much ado saves himself with seven more, in his brother's lodging in the Abbey, without the Town, upon the way to Nemours. The Earl of Dunnois (whose rendezvous was towards the Castle.) having joined with the Townsmen (who were issued forth with great resolution) chargeth the body of their Camp, the which he wholly overcame. The slaughter was great, for so small troops, for they numbered sixteen hundred slain upon the place. In this charge the Earl of Suffolk favoured by the waters, gathers together all he can in his quarter, and recovers the hills, to make his retreat to Chasleau-Landon, and Nemours, places under the English command, and of nearest retreat. The honour of this happy success, was attributed to the Earl of Dunois whereat the King rec●yued an incredible content, as a refreshing to this bu●ning ●euer, and the Constable Richemond a grievous discontent, being absent: and so this year ended. But the new year will show what fruits Britain yielded to France during her great necessities. This ch●●ke at Montargis did somewhat cool the Duke of Bedford's heat, The Constable seeks all means to cross the King. but the Constable's ambition nothing at all: who having undertaken to play the King with the King, sought to cross all the humours of this Prince: he hated what he loved, disallowed what he allowed, and dispraised what he commended. After the violent death of Gyac (of whom we have spoken) he had favoured Tremoville, to plant him in the King's good favour. But as Ambition hath neither faith nor honesty, Tremoville finding himself inward with the King, retains all favour for himself, New troubles in Court by the Constable. little esteeming both the Constable and the Princes. He did only associate unto him in credit, pry and la Board, men of small account, to use them at his pleasure, jealousy mounts again upon the Stage: the Princes, Constable and chief officers of the Crown, in steed of taking counsel to pursue the good success of Montargis, they combine together to work their wills upon Tremoville, and his partisans, as they had done upon Gyac. The plot was orderly laid. 1427. james of Bourbon Earl of Clermont, and Char●es of Bourbon Earl of March, Princes of the Blood, become heads of this league against Tremoville and his companions. The league is thus plotted. Forasmuch as the King is governed by base people, to the contempt of the Princes and officers of the Crown, and to the great oppression of the poor people, the confederates mean to punish these Flatterers, abusing the King's name and authority, and to approach near unto his majesty, to govern the affairs for the good of his service, and the ●ase of France. The execution must begin with the seizure of Tremoville, and continue with pry and la Board. The Constable should take Tremoville, and the Princes were to seize on the City of Bourges, where pry and la Board were in the great Tower, and so to punish them. But this enterprise came to nought, for Tremoville having intelligence of this desseine, The King discontented with the Constable and the the Princes. not only preserved himself, but having persuaded the King, that this complot was made against his own person and authority, it so troubled Charles, as he came in person to Bourges, and prevented the Prince's entry, and without any more disguising he was strangely incensed against the Constable, as the author of these troubles and confusions, forbidding the cities to receive him. The Constable notwithstanding smothered this disgrace, and to show the devotion he had to the King's service, he goes to field, gathers together a goodly troop of Britons, and puts himself into Pontorson (a Town abandoned:) he fortifies it, and man's it with a good garrison, under the command of Monsieur de Rostrenan and Beaufort. This done, he dismisseth his Brettons. Pontor●on yields to the English. The Earl of Warwick watched all occasions to surprise the Town, when as behold these two governors minister a fit means: for (making a road towarps Auranches) they are both taken. Warwick marcheth presently to the walls of Pontorson with his army. The Constable sends Bertrand of Dinan, Martial of Britain speedily with great succours. Yet the siege continues obstinately. New supplies are sent them by the Duke of Britain, the which were cut in pieces. Pontorson being painfully parleed with in the end yields to the English, the besieged departing with bag and baggage. But this was not the end of this victory: They threaten to enter into Britain. the English army increased both in number and courage by this happy success: and threatens Britain with fire and sword. They prepare to enter. john Duke of Britain wearied with so many losses, and fearing worse, making no account of the succours of France, (to whom he was coldly affected) takes part with the Duke of Bedford, renounceth all other alliances, promiseth to acknowledge the King of England for King of France, The Britton leaves the alliance of France. and to take the oath of obedience, such as his predecessors were accustomed to do to the Kings of France. Behold the great good which Britain brought to our country in her extremest afflictions, after so many hopes and embracings. This year is painful, shameful and confused, but the forerunner of a worthy deliverance. Take courage then my countrymen in the remainders of this tempest. We have said, that after that miserable battle of Vernueil, the town of Man's yielded to the English. The inhabitants, not able to bear the imperious command of the English, resolve in the end to shake off that yoke: For the effecting whereof, they seize upon a gate, giving intelligence thereof to the Lord of Oruall, Man's surprised and the English cut in pieces. brother to the Lord of Albret, who happily arrives, takes the City, and cuts the English in pieces. The Earl of Suffolk was within the Castle. Talbot (that renowned Captain) was at Alencon, he advertiseth him of this surprise. Talbot prepares his succours with such silence, and flies thither with such speed, as he arrives at Man's, the third day after the surprise. Our Frenchmen (transported with joy for so noble 2 conquest, and fearing no enemy among so many enemies, Mans lost again by the French. Both politic and discontented) slept securely in their beds after the French manner, without fear or guard. When as Talbot (having entered the City by scaling) surpriseth them in their beds, and kills them without resistance. 1428. A notable example, both to imitate and to fly: to fly, that through carelessness we suffer not ourselves to be surprised like Swine. It is the very term wherewith the History doth blemish this brutish sloth. To imitate, not to hold any thing impossible, when as resolution doth accompany him that hath any notable attempt in hand. But this victory stays not at Man's: the Earl of Suffolk, with his brave Talbot goes to field, they march to Laval (a Town of importance, upon the confines of Anjou and Bretanie,) they take it easily, by the only terror of their victorious arms, encountering no enemy to withstand them. Domestical confusions. The whole Court was in confusion, the Princes of the blood and our Constable, study not to make war against the English, but against the Mignons. It was their project, as if the whole state depended upon the King's favour, who lost daily, to the general discontent of all the French. So this year had nothing memorable, but that our warriors had lost both judgement, courage, and force: that through their defects God might raise up some extraordinary means, for the delivery of this Monarchy, almost ruined. Our Captains then did some exploits, taking Rochefort, Bertan-court, januill, Chasteau newf, Puiset, Toury, Mompipeau, Nogent le Retrou and Lude, but what toys were these, in regard of the stately triumphs of the English. That which was most admirable this year: amidst all these domestical discontents, Tournay yields to the French. and all these ruins and desolations of the State (which might well have quailed the best affected) those of the City of Tournay, (after long contentions) in the end abandon both English and Bourguignon, protesting solemnly, not to acknowledge any other King, then Charles the 7. son to Charles the sixth, as the true and lawful King of Franc●, and by consequence their lawful Lord: yet they made a truce with the Burguignon, being their neighbour, with the King's good liking. In the mean time, the Duke of Bedford levies what men and money he can, both in France and England, for some great attempt. Charles hath intelligence from divers parts, but what could he do in so deep despair of his affairs, and in so visible an impossibility. The famous Siege of Orleans. ALL the Cities of this side Loire, from the Ocean Sea, were lost, with the whole countries of Normandy, Picardy, the 〈◊〉 of France, Brie and champaign. He had nothing left but the Towns lying upon the river of Loire, from eye to Angers, for La Charité held for the Bourguignon. The chief was Orleans: this being won, what could hold out long for the French: Bourges could make small resistance, if the English had forced Orleans? The enemies of our State (who called Charles King of Bourges) threatened to take from him this small and languishing royalty. Orleans then was the mark whereat the Duke of Bedford aimed, who having won the Britton, it greatly fortified the English affairs in France. As for the Bourguignon, he had in a manner recovered the Estates of Holland, Hainault, Zealand and Namur. And although ambition and covetousness may never be bridled: yet these Princes (nothing friendly among themselves) but as common enemies to this Clown, agreed well in this; to make their private profit by the ruin of our state. But man purposeth, and God disposeth: we shall soon see how much he scorns their vanities. In this lamentable time, man's reason could not discern by what means Charles should resist so mighty enemies. But in the weakness of this Prince, I read with joy the words of the Original, which saith. During the time that the English held their siege before the noble City of Orleans, King Charles was very weak, being abandoned by the greatest part of his Princes and other Noble men, seeing that all things were opposite unto him: yet had he still a good trust and confidence in God. He was not deceived in this hope, as the sequel will show. The charge of this siege at Orleans was given to the Earl of Salisbury, a wise & valiant Captain: having given good testimonies of his sufficiency, for the well managing of this siege, he resolved to take in all the forts near unto Orleans, that obeyed the French, & beginning with the weakest, parting from Paris, (taking his way through the Country of Chart●es) he seizeth upon all the small Towns, wherein our Captains had so much toiled but a few months before. Nogent le Retrou, Puiset, Rochefort, Pertrancourt, januille, Toury, Mompipeau, the Castle of Pluteus and la Ferte of Gauls, The Earl of Salisbury sets down before Orleans. and approaching near the City, (both above and beneath) Meung, Baugency, and jargeau. In the end he plants himself before Orleans, the 6. of October, in the year 1428. A day to be observed, for that the 12. of May the year following was the last fit of our disease, which changed the estate of our miserable country, like unto a pleasant spring, after a long and sharp winter, when as a goodly summer crowns all our labours with abundance of peace and plenty: So this siege continued just 7. months. The bruit of this great preparation did wonderfully disquiet both court, and country, under the French obedience: in the weakness and confusions of the state. The King, after the taking of la Charité, was commonly resident at Poitiers, he now retires to Chinon to be nearer to Orleans. The towns willingly contribute, men, money, Charles his diligence to relieve Orleans. and victuals. Many great personages fly to this siege, to defend the chief strength of our King and Kingdom. Lewis of Bourbon the son of Charles Earl of Clermont, the Earl of Du●ois, bastard of Orleans, the Lords of Boussa● and Fayette, Marshals of France: john Steward, Constable of Scotland, William of Albret Lord of Oryall, the Lords of Thovars, Chavigny, Graville & Chabannes. The Captains la ●ire Xaintrailles, Theolde of Valpergue, & john of Lessego, Lombard's, with many other g●e●t personages. There were not any of the Provinces of Daulphiné and Languedoc for that the Dukes of Bourgongne and Savoy at the same instant prepared a great army, by the means of Lewis of chaalon's Prince of Orange, to invade those Countries being wholly in the King's obedience. The Orleanois resolves to defend himself. He presently beats down all that might accommodate the enemy, suburbs, houses of pleasure, wine presses, yea and the temples themselves. Salisbury doth likewise use great dexterity and diligence to plant his siege, The Earl of Salisbury builds up sorts towards Beausse and the port Banniere: he builds a great Bastille, which he calls Paris. Another at the port Renard which he names Roven. Towards S. Laurence, another to the which he gave the name of Windsor. At the port of Bourgongne he fortified a ruined Temple, called S. Loup, and near unto it an other, named S. john the white. At the Portere●n he built a great fort upon the ruins of the Augustine's Church, calling it London: from the which he won the Tower upon the bridge, and all with wonderful speed. All the city is environed, having neither issue 〈◊〉, but with sore fight. And in these toils they spend the rest of the year. The first day of the new year, the English (for a new years gift to the city) bring their scaling ladders courageously to the Bulwark at the port Renard, but they were valiantly repulsed by the defendants▪ the next day the Admiral of Cullant having passed the river of Loire at a ford (winter being very dry this year) visits them of the city & brings them divers necessaries: upon his return, he encounters some English troops which came straggling from forage. 1429. He chargeth them, cuts them in pieces, and so retires without danger. Thus the month of januarie passeth, without any other memorable exploit. The battle of Herring, unfortunate for the French. But there happened a strange accident the 20. of February following. The Duke of Bedford sent Lenten provision to the Earl of Salisbury, with some munition of war, under the conduct of john Fastall, and Simon Bowyer, with 1700. men for their guard. The Duke of Bourbon brought a goodly succour of four thousand men to the besieged. He resolves to charge this English troop, having well viewed their numbers. It was likely the stronger should have the victory, but the issue was contrary to the design. For it chanced (as his men marched confidently, as it were to an assured victory, without any judgement,) the English seeing them in doubt how they should fight, either on foot or horseback, and irresolute, in the end they resolve to charge the French: it falling out many times in this exercise, that he which gins, wins. To conclude, without any farther advise, the English embracing this occasion, charge our troops, who were so surprised with this unexpected impression, as they presently give way to the English Bowemen. All f●●e, some here, some there, without order, without command, and without courage, and few fight. Such as made head were slain. The rest save themselves within Orleans. There were five or six hundred of our men slain upon the place. The English lost but one man called Brisanteau. The chief of our side, were the Lord of Oruall, of the Noble house of Albret, john Stuard, Chasteaubrun, Montpipel, Verduisant, Larigot, La grieve, Diuray, Puilly, with better than a hundred Gentlemen. This overthrow was called the battle of Herring, for that they carried them to the besiegers. The amazement was greater than the loss, for that the Earl of Clermont, a Prince of the blood, who should have been a ringleader of resolution and magnanimity, in these extreme accidents, was so amazed with this loss, as he retired with his men, leaving the City to the bastard of Orleans, who resolves to attend the end of this siege, at what price soever. In this gallant resolution, he was virtuously seconded by the Lords of Guitry, Gaucourt, Graville, Villars, La Hire, and Xaintrailles, lights of great hope in this cruel storm, and worthy of eternal memory, in that they despaired not of this monarchy; in so apparent despair. And that which is chiefly to be observed herein, The King in despair of his affairs. the King (understanding this retreat of the Earl of Clermont,) said, that he did see no means to save the rest from shipwreck. To increase this fear, the Duke of Bourgongne comes to Paris at the same instant, with a troop of six hundred men at arms richly appointed. Our Commanders (being full of resolution) were not only to encounter with the English, but with the confusion of times; the King's misfortune, and (which was worst of all) the amazement of the men of war, who discovered plainly the disorder of the State. They were loath to cast the helm after the hatchet, but sought the most assured means to save the City in this storm. Orleans stands upon terms to yield to the Duke of Bourgongne. They advertise the King hereof, who was so irresolute, as he refers all to their discretions. They resolve to deliver the Town into the Duke of Bourgognes' hands, to keep it for the Duke of Orleans, or the Duke of Angoulesme his brother, being then prisoners in England, with the King's good liking. Pothon, Xaintrailles, and Peter of Orson, (wi●e and valiant men) go to Paris to the Duke of Bedford, upon his assurance. The Duke of Bedford refuseth the Deputies, and discontents the Bourguignon. He hears them, and returns them presently, both for that he disinherited the Duke of Bourgongne, and held the conquest assured. The Burguignon was greatly discontented with the Duke of Bedford for his refusal, whom after that time he never loved. The English triumphed thus as a victor, so as our Ambassadors could hardly save themselves with their passport. Then the English (saith the original) being in great prosperity, had no consideration that the wheel of fortune hath power to turn daily. But the holy verity of the church, which draws us to the wise providence of God; cries. I have said to the fools, play not the fools: and to the wicked. Lift not up your horns speak not with so great pride, for greatness comes not from the East no● West, neither from the North●● is God that raiseth up, and casteth down. He holds a cup of Wine in his hand, he imparts it t● every one as he pleaseth. Truly the pride of the English, who possessed of this Monarchy, being drunk with his good fortune, was now come to his height: there remained nothing but the hand of the sovereign judge to suppress him, but he shall not long hold it. O my country, forget not the time of thy visitation, read in this true discourse, the estate of thy predecessors. Remember their afflictions, behold their fear, see the image of that time wherein thou hast borne a part, and judge if now only thou beginnest to be afflicted. In this extremity, as the French were exceedingly distressed, so the English were transported with joy, for their late victory, The estate of the French desperate. and rejoicing with a new hope as if all were won, they cry to the besieged. Will you buy my fair herring: At the same instant the townsmen issue forth upon the shore. The Earl of Salisbury stood at a window in the tower upon the bridge beholding the skirmish, when as one of his Captains named Glacidas, said unto him. My Lord, behold here your city: here may you view it plainly, But behold a Cannon charged with stones was shot from the Town, The Earl of Salisbury slain before O●leans which aimed at the Earl's head, struck him and left him dead in the place. This unexpected blow (coming as it were from heaven) changed this exceeding joy of the English into mourning being a man of great valour, who by his carriage had won great credit among them, beloved & honoured of all, for the mildness of his manners. So this loss troubled both the wits and affairs of the English army, The Lord Talbot command● in his place. the which had greatly disbanded, if the Earl of Suffolk, Talbot, john Fastoll and Scales, famous Captains, had not happily been there, to revive their spirits and forces, attending the Duke of Bedford's pleasure, who gave the charge to Talbot, being the choice of their best men, with new fo●ces. So as the siege is continued with more vehemency than before, with great presumptions, that all would go worse with the besieged. In this occurrent▪ Charles knew not what to do; to whom should he fly? his Princes forsake him. Orleans being taken, whether should he retire? Bourges was ready to yield, and withal the Country adjoining. King Charles his miserabl● estate. He had no whole Provinces under his obedience, but Languedoc and Daulphiné. And at the same instant the Bourguignon and Savoyard provide work for him in those countries. The taking then of Orleans (which in reason seemed unavoidable▪) was the overthrow of Charles and his estate. There was no winking at that which was too apparent. That (considering the estate of his affairs in general and of his house in particular, If Orleans should be lost) all the cities upon the river of Loire, and in like fort the rest (already varring would abandon him. Amidest these fearful considerations what could the brave and Noble Commanders within Orleans do; but plant their hopes in God and in themselves, A sovereign remed●e in extreme dangers. So (to purchase an honourable and profitable composition) they set a good face on it; giving the English to understand, that if they desired their lives, they should buy them dearly. France reduced to so great an extremity, and truly such, as men could do no more, behold God raiseth up an extraordinary means, the which means reason could not foresee, and much less provide. A means which revived the daunted spirits, God raiseth up a new means for their delivery. changed the face of our affairs, and dismayed the enemies. And to conclude, by a miraculous means gave a happy success both to our King and Realm: and this was the 〈◊〉. A young Maiden named joane of Ar● (borne in a village upon the Marches of Bar) called Domremy, near to Vaucouleurs) of the age of eighteen or twenty years: issued from base parents, her father was named james of Arc, joane the virgu●. and her mother Isabella, poor Country folks, who had brought her up to keep their cattle, she said with great boldness, That she had a revelation, how to secure the King▪ how he might be able to chase the English from Orleans, and after that to cause the King to be crowned at Rheims, and to put him fully and wholly in possession of his Realm. After she had delivered this to her Father, Mother, and their neighbours. she presumed to go to the Lord of Baudricourt, Provost of Vaucouleurs. she boldly delivered unto (him after an extraordinary manner) all these great mysteries, as much wished for by all men, as not hoped for. especially coming from the▪ mouth of a poor country maid, whom they might with more reason believe to be possessed by some melancholy humour, then divinely inspired, being the instrument of so many excellent remedies, in so desperate a season, After the vain strive of so great and famous personages. At the first he mocked her and reproved her, but having heard her with more patience, and judging by her temperate discourse and modest countenance, that she spoke not idly, in the end he resolves to present her to the King for his discharge. So she arrives at Chinon the 6. day of May, attired like a man. The disposition of joane. She had a modest countenance, sweet, civil and resolute, her discourse was temperate, reasonable and retired, her actions cold, showing great chastity. Having spoken to the King or Noblemen with whom she was to negotiate. She presently retired to her lodging with an old woman that guided her, without vanity, affectation, babbling or courtly lightness. These are the manners which the Original attributes unto her. The matter was found ridiculous both by the King and his counsel, yet must they make some trial. The King takes upon him the habit of a countriaman, to be disguised: this maid (being brought into the Chamber) goes directly to the King in this attire, salutes him with so modest a countenance, as if she had been bred up in Court all her life. They telling her that she was mistaken, she assured them it was the King, although she had never seen him. She begins to deliver unto him this new charge, which (she says) she had received from the God of heaven, so as she turned the eyes and minds of all men upon her. This matter being referred to counsel, it was concluded, they should take the advise of divines. They answer, that in desperate diseases, the providence of God doth commonly raise up extraordinary remedies, and employs women, when as men grow faint hearted▪ as in the afflictions of Israel▪ he hath mightily used Deborah and Abigail: The one to teach the people, the other to kill a furious tyrant: and judith, which 〈◊〉 that great tyrant in the midst of his army. So as necessity, which made them to seek all sorts of remedies, caused the King to try if this maid spoke truth, but without the hazard of any thing. This joane, holden for a prophetess by many, is reported by Girrard, called Lord of Haillin, joane held to be an impostor or mad. and sund●y other French writers, & plainly said to have been induced to this imposture by three Noblemen, who had incited her thereto, and laid that plot, only to encourage King Charles to battle, despairing of his state. She is armed and sent to Orleans. She desires of the K●ng, that she may be conducted to Orleans, to begin the work which she said she had in charge. A sword remaining in Touraine, in a place called S. Katherine of Fierebois was brought unto her, to be armed therewith. They gave her arms and horse, with a sufficient troop to enter the City. Lewis of Cullent, Adm●ral of France, and james of Rieux Martial, had charge to accompany her with some victuals to the besieged, and to have a care, that all should be wisely carried without hazard. She prepares her colours, & being armed at all points, she went to take leave of the King, with a grace worthy of a great Captain: Beseeching him to trust in God in whose name she spoke. Thus she parts from Chinon the 12 of April. Now they reckoned the sixth month of the siege▪ the besieged cry out for hunger. This victualling provided at Blois, is conducted by the above named commaun●●▪ with great care, as well for fear of the English, (who had their sentinels 〈◊〉 pl●ce) as for the distrust they had of this new commander. She marched in the foremost rank, betwixt the Admiral and the Marshal, very watchfully carrying the countenance of a very resolute parsonage. She victuals and relieves Orleans. They arrive (with this provision) safely at Orleans, the English making no show of arming, although she passed before their forts, in view of the army, yet had they scarce six hundred men in this supply. The power of God's providence is admirable in the hearts of men, making them to yield insensibly to what he hath decreed. 1426. This first blow stirred up the spirits of the French. Orleans gins to rejoice at the sight of this maid, attired like a man, standing upon the point of yielding. This first relief was not sufficient for so great a multitude. They resolved to fetch more victuals, and to that end would return to Blois. But before their departure, the Maiden writes this Letter following, to the chief of the English army, and sends it by a Trumpet. I have truly set it down out of the original, in the own proper stile, both for the reverence of antiquity, the noble courage of this Virgin, and the truth and state of the subject. King of England, do reason to the King of Heaven, for his blood royal; yield up to the Virgin the Keys of all the good Cities which you have forced. joan sends threats to the English. She is come from heaven to reclaim the blood royal, and is ready to make a peace, if you be ready to do reason. Yield therefore, and pay what you have taken. King of England, I am the chief of this war, wheresoever I encounter your men in France, I will chase them, will they or no. If they will obey, I will take them to mercy. The Virgin comes from the King of heaven, to drive you out of France. If you will not obey, she will cause so great a stir, as the like hath not been these thousand years in France. And believe certainly, that the King of heaven will send her, and her good men at arms, more force than you can have. Go in God's name into your country, be not obstinate, for you shall not hold France of the King of heaven, the Son of Saint Mary, but Charles shall enjoy it, the King and Lawful heir, to whom God hath given it, he shall enter Paris with a goodly train. You William de la Poole, Earl of Suffolk, john Lord Talbot, Thomas Lord Scales, Lieutenants to the Duke of Bedford, and you Duke of Bedford, terming yourself Regent of the Realm of France, spare innocent blood, and leave Orleans in liberty. If you do not reason to them you have wronged, the French will do the goodliest exploit that ever was done in Christendom: understand these news of God, and of the Virgin. This Letter (being delivered to the Earl of Suffolk,) was read with laughter▪ Charles and his Council were scorned, as seeking remedies without reason, The English laugh at joans' letter. and transported with folly in following of these vanities. They now assure themselves of a speedy victory, seeing that Charles is uncertain what to do. The Trumpeter is imprisoned, against the law of Nations, ready to be burnt in the sight of the besieged. when as, suddenly there was other work prepared for them. A new supply of victuals is made at Blois, through the care of Renold of Chartres, Chancellor of France, and Archbishop of Rheims, a great parsonage in his time. The Virgin goes to field for the safe conducting thereof to Orleans, but with a greater troop than before: for the fame of her actions, and of this new success, had drawn together seven or eight thousand men: like unto a cheerful Spring, which causeth tree, being dead in show, to sprout and spring again. The commanders were not greatly moved with these popular brutes, giving but cold belief to the Virgin's visions and promises, so as they pass an other way for their greater safety. The Virgin lets them go, forbearing to speak any thing before their coming to Orleans: Then she said, You hide yourselves from me, as if I were ignorant of your intentions, but you must not doubt of the performance of that which God hath decreed. This was the 20. of April. Orleans being thus fortified, both with men and victuals: the Earl of Dunois, Pothon and Xaintrailles, hold a council what was to be done: they call her, and entreat her to deliver her opinion. My advice is (saith she) that without any farther delay, we charge the English, that besiege us, for that (GOD being on our side) they cannot escape us: but before we proceed, O le●ns relieved the second time by joane. let every man dispose of his conscience, and banish all lewd and naughty persons out of the Army. Although there were small hope or likelihood to vanquish a Conqueror, yet the Commanders resolve to accept and embrace her council as an Oracle from God. The Earl of Dunois made choice of fiveteene hundred strong and lusty men for the fight, meaning to begin with the Fort at Bourgongne gate, called Saint Loup. The besieged ●allies fo●th by the Virgin's persuasion & takes a Fort. The Virgin goes in the foremost rank, with the chiefest Captains of the Army. The soldiers encouraged by her presence, 1429. assail this fort furiously, being guarded by four hundred English: neither arrows, pikes nor halberds could stay the planting of their ladders. The virgin enters the fort first, crying, Mountioy S. Denis, the fort is won. The English abandon their defences and suffer themselves to be slain, by the French, who (seeing themselves masters of the fort, and wearied with the execution) take many prisoners. The artillery and munition being drawn forth, they set fire on the fort. This chanced the 4. of May, a remarkable day, being the first fruits of the delivery of Orleans, and the general restoring of this Realm. Thus the Virgin returns into the City with her victorious soldiers. All the people follow her with cries of victory: she can hardly retire to her lodging: All the world runs to see her, and to commend her, both men women and children: all cry out confusedly with a joy mixed with tears. Blessed be the Virgin which comes to deliver us. The English grow amazed at the Virgin's exploits. On the other side, the English (seeing their men carried away like Chickens before the Eagle, and their force consumed as with fire from heaven) were greatly amazed, being in so great possibility to vanquish the French on all sides, Suffolk and Talbot make Orations to their men, to revive their spirits, daunted at this new and strange spectacle. But we must proceed, and not suffer the courage of the victorious Soldiers to grow cold. The Virgin goes to council with the chief of the City, causing them to resolve to continue the next day, what they had so happily begun. At the break of the day, the Virgin's colours are carried through the City: she resolves to pass the river, and to take the Forts on the other side. She passeth happily betwixt the Fort of Saint Loup that was ruined, and the new Tower, where she furiously assails and wins the Fort called Saint john the White, and cuts all the Soldiers in pieces: The Virgin wins the rest of the English forts. from thence she marcheth to the Portereau, where the great Bastion of London was built, upon the Augustins Church. This place was valiantly combated through the resolution of both parties, but in the end it was forced. The victory was double, in vanquishing of the enemy, and in delivering of friends, for there were many French prisoners found therein. There now remained the Tournelles, and the Bastion upon the bridge, being the dungeon of their principal defence. The Virgin held this exploit sufficient for that days work, leaving the rest until the morrow, to give the Soldiers breath. So the Fortress being besieged, they prepare for the last assault. The next day (being Saturday, the sixth of May) ended this dangerous siege, which had continued seven months. The sharpest Thorn remained yet behind: the Tournelles adjoining to the bridge, was kept by Glacid●s (one of the most resolute Captains among the English,) having well encouraged his men to defend themselves, and to fight for their lives. The skirmish gins at nine of the clock in the morning, and the Ladders are planted. A storm of English Arrows falls upon our men with such violence as they recoil. The Virgin encourageth the French which recoil. How now (saith the Virgin) have we begun so well, to end so ill: let us charge, they are our own, seeing God is on our side. So every one recovering his forces, flocks about the Virgin; the English double the storm, upon the thickest of the troops. The Virgin fight in the foremost ranks, and encouraging her men to do well, was shot through the arm with an arrow: She nothing amazed, takes the arrow in one hand, and her sword in the other. This is a favour (says she) let us go on, they cannot escape the hand of God. At this woman's voice, amidest the sound of war, the combat grows very hot. Our men greatly encouraged by this Virgin, run headlong to the Bastion, and force a point thereof. Then fire and stones reign so violently, as the English being amazed, forsake their defences. Some are slain upon the place, some throw themselves down headlong, and fly to the Tower upon the bridge. In the end this brave Glacidas abandons this quarter, and retires into the base Court upon the bridge, Many English drowned at Orleans, the bridge breaking. and after him a great troop of his Soldiers. The bridge greatly shaken with Artillery, tried by fire, and overcharged with the weight of this multitude, sinks into the water with a fearful cry, carrying all this multitude with ●t. Thus the river of Loire was the Sepulchre of Glacidas, and of his troop, always accustomed to vanquish, but when they were vanquished. An example of man's vanity, who (drunk with their victories,) cannot conceive that the rod of the judge of this world may touch them. The English lost in these three days skirmishes, above eight thousand men, and we scarce a hundred, the which was Gods handy work. If the joy of Orleans were great, Orleans freed from the English. and the Virgins honour proclaimed in this happy success, being proofs of her true foretellings. If her triumph were double; when as passing through the City (having her arm honourably hurt) she was environed by the Earl of Dunois, Pothon, Xaintrailles, and all the most famous Captains: the perplexity of Suffolk, Talbot and S●ales, was not less, foreseeing the unavoidable proceeding of their misfortune, if they should obstinately defend the other forts that were towards Beausse, although a good part of their army remained there. So they take council from danger: to abandon all these Forts, to retire into some place of safety, and to advertise the Duke of Bedford of their misfortunes. The same night they gather together with great silence, about nine thousand men, and take the way to Baugency. The Orleanois are watchful, observing their departure, The English retire with their forces. prepare to charge the enemy, but the Virgin would not consent thereunto. And in truth this remainder was appointed for other victories. The inhabitants thus freed, issue early in the morning out of the City, they come to the Bastions, where having gathered together great store of arms, victuals and baggage, they cast these great monuments of the English labours unto the ground. They give solemn thanks unto God, the author of so miraculous a delivery: and to the end this singular benefit might be celebrated yearly, they erect a monument for this memorable success, King Charles the seventh armed, and joane the Virgin likewise armed, both kneeling upon their knees. Truly, thanksgiving for so excellent a good, is due to God only, and this memory ought to be religiously consecrated to posterity, as the first fruits of the restoring of this Estate, then half dead through the force and might of Strangers. To confirm this goodly victory, the Virgin parts well accompanied from Orleans, and goes to the K●ng to Chinon, to yield him an account of her Commission. It cannot be spoken, with what joy this Prince beheld her, and what credit she purchased by this miraculous success. But, My Liege (saith she) This is but a beginning, we must finish the God of heavens work, causing you to be crowned at Rheims, and chase your enemies out of your state. This is the commandment I have received. And so by her advice Charles assembles all his forces. The Constable of Richemont, The Constable of Ri●hemont reconciled to th● King. (who never durst show himself after the quarrel with Tremoville) is now reconciled by the Virgin's intercession, and hereafter shall do very good service to this Crown. Charles of Bourbon, Earl of Clermont, is now wonderfully discontented, to have retired himself from the battle of Herring, having not honourably assisted in these exploits, in the which he had held the first rank. But john of Bourbon Duke of Alencon arrived happily out of prison from England, (he had been taken at the battle of Vernu●il) to be commander of these goodly troops, which go resolutely to take possession of the Cities of Champagne, being all then in the possession of the English. Men post from all parts to this banquet. Their hearts being revived, their countenances change, and their affairs take a new form. They then plot, saying. But whilst the King prepares for his Coronation at Gyen, and to be near his chiefest affairs; let us suppress these English which remain, after that great defeat of Orleans, The English defeated at Ia●geau, the Earl of Suf●ol●e taken, & his brothers slain. and let us take from them those Towns which are near about. The Earl of Suffolk was at jargeau: the Town is besieged and taken, all the English are either slain, or taken prisoners: one of the Earls brethren was slain in the fight, another of them drowned, and he himself was taken upon the Bridge as he was flying away. Meung was taken by Guy of Lavall, and seven or eight hundred Englishmen slain: Baugency yields by composition. The Duke of Bedford gathers together what forces he can, to preserve the rest of the Towns from shipwreck, sending a troop of four thousand men to fortify them. Talbot with Thomas Rameston have the charge. This troop was presently subject to our victory, and when as they find that neither men nor Towns can hold out for them, they seek to retire themselves: but they are encountered at Poitiers, a small village in Beausse, The English defeated at Poitiers. where all are slain or taken, yet our men's fury being past, many are spared, both in the fight and in prison: that the English might have a testimony of our mildness. The great Talbot is taken, and brought to Charles, who useth him with great respect. john Fastoll flies shamefully, and is therefore degraded by the Duke of Bedford. This chanced the 20. of May. We had all the tokens of an absolute victory. The Commanders slain or taken, the field won. A hundred and ten Ensigns brought to our Temples. Their Canons, Artillery, and all other habiliments of war, are seized on: and moreover, the hearts of the King and the French were resolved to end the matter. Behold the first fruits: the harvest shall be gathered in time, as the History will show by degrees. But let us go to Rheims, to Crown Charles according to the Virgin's appointment. THE CORONATION OF CHARLES the seventh. BY this happy success, the way was made to Rheims, although the King's Council framed many difficulties to hinder this voyage, King Charles crowned at Rheims. as superfluous, and almost impossible: for why, say they, should Charles be crowned? The law of State made him to be borne a King, and he was Crowned at Poitiers. But if (to please the people) it must of force be so, where is the means to effect this decree? Rheims and all the Towns of Champagne be in other men's possessions. Thus did many discourse. The Virgin answered. We must go to Rheims, to crown the King. It is true, the King is the lawful heir, but his right is called in question by the English, this mask deceives many, and makes them disobedient: As for the means, leave that to the God of Heaven, he will provide for it. This advice prevailed, as an Oracle: all things are prepared in readiness for the Coronation. Charles retires to Bourges for this intent, as if the preserver of the Monarchy would mock his enemies, who called him King of Bourges in jest: For shortly after he parts from Bourges to be proclaimed King of France. But whilst he attends there, until that all things may be made fit for his journey to Rheims: behold an increase of good news to crown his late and happy victory against the English; That the Bourguignon and Savoyard, who would have seized upon Dauphin were defeated. The particular of this discourse is: The realm being set to sale to Strangers, and that every one sought to have his part: The desseine of the Bourguignon and Savoyard, in Daulphiné & Languedo●. the Dukes of Bourgongne, and Savoie had laid a plot to appropriate unto themselves both Daulphiné and Languedo●, with other Provinces that obeyed Charles, using in this negotiation the help of Lewis of chaalon's Prince of Orange. a man of valour and credit, especially in those Countries, by reason of his principality which lay near unto them. The division of this merchandise was thus made betwixt them three. The Bourguignon had the Viennois, near unto Lions and that which depended on Lions: whereon he had cast his eye, to make profit of that goodly City. Gris●uaudan with Grenoble even to Romans, Ambrunois, Gapensois, Briançonois and all the Countries of the Mountains were the Savoyards' part. The Orangeois (to enlarge his principality,) had Valentinois, Dyois and the Baronies, where he held some land under the obedience of this Crown. This portion was allotted to him for his pains. They all arm upon this project, even when as the English pressed Orleans most. The best houses of Bourgongne, and Savoie, contribute to this war, as to a fleet that goes to the East, or the West Indies: but they had not assured their venture in the port, with an intent to have all the profit. This levy is made with great show: the Duke of Savoie sends five hundred Lances, Preparations against Daulphiné and Languedoc. under the command of the Lord of Varembon, besides voluntaries, and three thousand foot. The Bourguignon (with his mother's assistance) a thousand Lances. Many Noblemen repair thither, as to an assured gain. There were levied in his territories nine or ten thousand foot. The Princes of Orange assembles a goodly troop, as well of his subjects, as of his friends in Provence, where he had a good portion: and for his beginning, he seizeth upon Enton, a Town upon the Rosne, a fit passage for Savoie and Bourgoigne▪ and Colombiers', a Castle of great importance near unto it. Having brought sixteen hundred men thither, he attends the troops of Bourgongne, and Savoie, which repair unto him daily. He puts forty men at arms into Colombiers' for the guard of the place, and keeps the rest of the troops about him with great security, fearing no enemy, in this general amazement of the King's affairs: but the success was contrary to his desseine, for Raoul of Gaucourt, governor of Daulphiné, resolves in this extremity, who (attending no succours from the King, being visibly engaged, and in great danger,) doth husband such forces as he could gather together within his government, from Lions and Vivarez, Countries that were under the French obedience. Imbert of Gros●e, governor of Lions and Martial of Daulphiné, john de Levis Baron of la Voute, the Lords of joyeuse, Turnon and Crusol (great men in the Country of Vivarez) did their best devoir, the Nobility of Daulphiné (renowned always for their fidelity and valour) assisted as much as could be desired in so great a necessity. The Baron of Maubec is noted above the rest for his well deserving. Don Roderigo de Villandras a castilian was there with a goodly and valiant troop. The Lord of Caucourt resolves to charge the Prince of Orange with this troop, ●●uing him no leisure to assemble the body of his Army, the which increased ●●ily. So (without any further delay) he besiegeth Colombiers', and takes it by force, before the Orangeoi● had any intelligence of his approach. Having this good success, he would give the enemy no time to take breath, but desirous to make his profit of this happy beginning, he parts suddenly with these resolute troops to draw the Prince of Orange to fight; who was then parted from Enton, having intelligence only of the siege, but not of the taking of Colombiers', believing confidently, that the very brute of his forces would make our men to hide themselves: but he was deceived. He had four thousand men with him, and Gaucourt had about two thousand▪ The Prince of Orange defeated. yet (notwithstanding his small number) being nothing amazed, he chargeth and defeats them. The nearness of Enton saves many. There were five hundred slain upon the place, and two hundred of the bravest Soldiers taken prisoners. The Prince of Orange having recovered Enton, passeth the Rosne in a boat, and saves himself. The common report is that he passed this violent stream on horseback all armed. The people of that Country do believe it from father to Son, that this horse was kept & died at Orange, having a long time been nourished there by the Prince's commandment, acknowledging the service he had received of this beast in his extreme necessity. Monstrelet sayeth, That he parted in great disorder, and was chased even unto Authun. Alain Charretier, Secretary to our King Charles, writes in express words, That he passed the Rosne at the ferry of Enton. He sets down, that the booty was above a hundred thousand Crowns, besides many notable prisoners of Bourgongne and Savoie, which came to be spoiled, thinking to do the like to our Charles. This defeat happened the twentieth of May, the same day that the English (which retired from Orleans) were defeated at Poitiers. To credit the work, against such as made their account alone without God, who seeking to ravish an other man's goods unjustly, lost their own deservedly. Thus GOD works speedily, as may appear by the course of so many happy exploits, linked one to an other in this month of May, as a prediction of the restoring of this estate in this Realm. The Bourgognons and the Sauo●ards desseine being disappointed by this defeat, Gaucourt resolves to have his private revenge of the Orangeois, being the factor of this filthy traffic. To conclude (without giving him any respite) he passeth the Rosne with his victorious arms, takes many places from him, the which he sacks and burns. But not engaging himself farther in the Franche-Conté, (where those of chaalon's have many goodly places, ●aucourt takes Oranges from the Prince. He recovers it again by the means of his subjects. ) he came to Oranges his chief house, whereof he carries the name, as sovereign Prince. He takes both Town and Castle, and all that he held in Daulphiné under the King's obedience: yet the Citizens of Orange (wonderfully affected to their Prince) within few months after chase the French out of the Castle, and become masters thereof, for the service of their Prince, to whom they yield it. Such was the end of this enterprise, shameful for the Authors, and shamefully prejudicial for the instrument. Amedee Duke of Savoie, (fallen from so visible a hope, to fish in a troubled water: and seeing on the other side the happy success of Charles) he grows so much discontented, as his whole discourse is to abandon the world: but hereafter we shall see his actions. At this time he returns in the middway, without effecting of any thing. Out Bourguignon flew a higher pitch, and had more than one desseine in his head. But let us now return to our King to Bourges. The preparations for this Coronation were royal and very admirable after so great affliction, but above all it was beautified with great personages. Preparatives for the coronation of King Charles. There were present, john of Bourbon Duke of Alançon, Charles of Bourbon Earl of Clermont, Princes of the blood, (who had faithfully and profitably accompanied the King in his greatest afflictions,) Arthur of Britain Earl of Richmont, Constable of France, Charles of Anjou son to the King of Sicily, and brother to the Queen. The Earl of Dunois bastard of Orleans, Charles of A●bret Earl of Perdriac, a younger brother of the noble house of Armagnac, the Lord of C●llant, Admiral of France▪ the four Marshals of France, the Lords of Boussac, Loheac, Rieux and la Faiette. The Lords of Tremoville, Laval, Chavigny, Chaumont, Lamesan, d' Aulin, Serrant, Crusol, Saint Chaumont, and many others, with Pothon, la Hire and the virgin, excellent pieces of this triomph. Many could not come in time to this solemnity: great troops came posting from all parts, notwithstanding the danger of the enemy, which was great in divers places. Such was the desire of the French to assist at this wished act: loyalty remaining in their breasts, as the seed doth in the bosom of the earth during winter. But Charles (before he parted from Bourges to Reims) provided for the public safety, lest the English should attempt any thing during this solemnity. He sends his Constable into Normandy, and the Earl of Perdriac into Guienne with some troops, and reserves ten thousand men for his Coronation, as we●l to make his passage through Towns that should resist, as to honour the ceremony. A very doubtful journey yet most happy. Thus he gins his voyage: The first City that was summoned by his commandment, was A●x●rre: All Champagne yield to King Charles. they excuse themselves by reason of the truce lately obtained by Tremouill●s intercession. A presumption very prejudicial in the example, even now in this first trial of obedience, upon this fame of victory, whereof none could make any question without apparent danger. Every man did see this error, but no man durst open his mouth, for that the King did countenance Tremoville, even with the prejudice of his affairs. So Charles entered not into Auxerre, he only took their words, that at his return they should do as the rest, and furnish the King's army with victuals for their money. From Auxerre the King comes to S. Florentin, which yields without any question. Troy's was summoned next: at the first they refused, like unto Auxerre, through the practices of such as were of the English faction: but as Charles prepared for the siege, behold a notable troop of the choice Citizens assemble themselves, assure the City, and give the King to understand, that they are ready to rece●ue his commandments, and without attending any answer from the King, a goodly company goes forth to meet him, and to offer him their obedience. Charles then enters into Troy's, to the unspeakable joy of all the people, being wonderfully glad to see their Prince's face, after so long captivity. chaalon's follows their example, and all the rest of the Towns, with great alacrity and willingness. But the chief combat must be at Rheims, the chief Rendezvous of this voyage. The Lords of Chastilion and Saveuze, with their Partisans of the English humour, did what they could to ●inder the King's entry. But the good Citizens prevail, who (being stronger than the English faction,) could hardly keep the people from tearing them in pieces, being loath to shed any blood. They agree and swear by common consent, to obey the King, and to that end send him the Keys to chaalon's. The way being thus made, and the gates of Rheims open, he goes thither with the beauty of his Court, and is received with the unspeakable joy of all the people, who come to meet him in great troops. the fields, gates, and streets sound out; God save the King▪ Charles accompanied with his Princes and officers, appears like a goodly S●nne after a sharp Winter. But in the greatest beauty of this triumph, joan the Virgin is beheld with admiration, and laden with popular blessings. Two days being spent in the prepararion of the ceremony, King Charles crowned at R●eims. Charles was anointed and crowned K●ng the eight day of july, in the year 1429. by Renold of Chartres, Archbishop of Rheims, Chancellor of France: a date to be observed, being the beginning of great good to this realm. This was the seventh year after the law of State had called Charles to the Crown, whereof he was heir, but the violence of Strangers restrained and held most of the French from their obedience. So this coronation was added to confirm the general approbation of this lawful authority, not only in their common belief, but in the tongues of the French, as the sequel will show, that this solemn publication did greatly advance the King's affairs against his capital enemy. But as the Sun, rising higher in his Horizon, The fruits of this solemnity. increaseth both in brightness and heat, so the beams of the French liberty were more apparent, and the subjects devotion to their natural Prince kindled daily, after the long and sharp Winter of the English command. This was a reviving both to their hearts, State, and manners: the image of a golden age, after the horrible tempest of a long and mortal confusion. The French did strain to receive their King, and the King to receive them with a fatherly love. The King's commandments (generally proclaimed to live modestly without oppression of the people) were freely executed, and the people made the best cheer they could to so pleasing guests. This act did greatly daunt the English, all the Provinces taking a new resolution to submit themselves under the obedience of their natural Prince, as the sequel of the History will show. But before we engage ourselves in so long a discourse, order doth command us to observe the estate of the Church and Empire, having past it over in silence, since the year 1364. towards the end of the reign of Charles the 5. Doubtless we were sufficiently troubled with our own confusions, under the miserable reign of Charles the 6. embarking ourselves in foreign storms. We are therefore briefly to note, according to our stile, what hath happened since about fifty nine years, in these two great bodies. We have left the Empire in the hands of Charles the fourth, an excellent Prince, but exceeding more in law and valour, then in justice and virtue: yet he used the council of Barthol, The estate of the Empire. an excellent Lawyer, having governed the public affairs of Germany and Italy, twenty and six years, amidest many confusions: and in the end he purchased the Empire, with the prejudice of the Empire. His Son Wenceslaus, whom he had caused to be crowned King of Hungary, and Bohemia, at the age of two years, The dispositi- of the Emperor Wencelsaus. having bought the Empire for him, he caused him to be installed, and lived two years after, dying in the year 1378. having left a wretched successor of so great and royal a dignity: deformed in mind and body, a fool, idle, voluptuous, and a coward; having no othet care but to wallow in the most infamous filthiness and sins of drunkenness and whoredom; nor other mind, but to do evil and mischief; as malicious and cruel, as without valour and virtue. So (contemning his affairs and business) he grew contemptible: in hating of his subjects, he grew so hateful, as in the end, the Germans and Hongariens (being weary of such a scorn,) take him prisoner: and at last, after a painful and shameful patience (they having suffered him 22. years, and a huge mass of diverse and sundry confusions, which grew by his ill and wicked government) they deprive him of the Imperial dignity, by a common consent. And yet to show, they bore no malice to the house from whence he was descended, He is degraded by the Germans. they choose in his place josse, Marquis of Brandebourg and of Baviere, the Son of john Henry, brother to Charles the fourth, and so Cousin germane to Wenceslaus: who lived in that State but six months, and had nothing of the Empire, but that he was buried with the Imperial ornaments of that country. Then Ruperte Cont Palatine, Duke of Baviere, and first Elector, was chosen Emperor, after many controversies and dissensions: a man of small stature, but of great judgement, virtuous, valiant, and loving the commonweal. He laboured and took great pains to redress the confusions of Italy, then exceedingly disordered, through the quarrels of Galeaz Duke of Milan, the Venetiens, Florentines, French, and Arragonois, upon divers and sundry occasions: but finding that whatsoever he could do, he lost his labour, (even by the disloyalty of such as employed him,) he suffered them to ruin and spoil one another, and retired himself home: where (after he had happily governed the Empire ten years) he died in the year of ou● Lord 1410. Sigismond King of Hongarie and Bohemia, a Prince of happy memory, succeeded Rupert, by the general consent of all the Germans, who loved and honoured his virtues: and although he fought against the Turk with ill success, when as he borrowed forces of Charles the sixth (as I have said) yet his losses did nothing blemish his reputation, nor his virtues, whereof he gave great proof in the government of the Empire. But that which troubled him most, was the estate of the Church, The estate of the Church. then plunged in Tragical confusions, bred by the long and scandalous Schism which dismembered it by peece-meales, through the dissension and controversies of sundry Popes, which were chosen in divers places, and that diversly at one instant. Order commands us now to represent it, as carefully as the subject is of importance. I tremble to rip up these shameful and detestable wounds. I will endeavour to represent it plainly and sincerely, following the steps of Platina, Na●cler and Thierry of Niem: who having remained in the Court of Rome, Secretary to divers Popes, A horrible Schism. one after another, and managed the affairs from the beginning of the Schism, near unto the end; aught to be held for an unreprovable witness in that which he hath seen. This Schism continued fifty years: it banded all the Christians of Europe, divided Kings and Princes, nourished their divisions, bred and brought forth horrible scandals, touched the hearts, opened the mouths and dispensed with their hands to a new faction, reserved to our latter age. Six Popes seated in Rome one after an other, had every one his opposite in avignon, with the same name or title, and in the profession of the same authority. Three Popes at one instant in three several places. Four councils were called to remedy these confusions, being generally detested of all men, both great and small, seeing the Popes (who had so long contended with the Emperors, until they had chased them out of Italy) contend now among themselves: and this was the cause of the Schism. We have said, The cause of this Schism. that the unfortunate success of the voluntary quarrel moved by Boniface the 8. against King Philip the fair, ministered occasion to transport the Pontifical sea from Rome, to avignon, where having been usually resident 74. years, and the Popes chosen out of the French nation, Gregory the x. a Limosin, grew desirous to go to Rome, and to transport his College thither, consisting for the most part of French Cardinals. After his death, (being to choose a new Pope, the Clergy and people of Rome being united, protest unto the College, that they will have a Roman or an Italien, and no French man. If they do it not willingly, they threaten force. The French are the stronger in the Conclave, being thirteen against four. But what could they do against the mutiny of a multitude armed with fury▪ To conjure this storm, the French and Italien Cardinals agree to name an Italien Pope, with whom the Pontifical dignity should be left in guard, until they might choose one by a free election of the whole College. They all consent to choose Bartholomewe of Naples, archbishop of Bary in Apulia, esteemed a learned man, grave and modest. The reputation of his virtues made them proceed to confirm him in the election: so as all by a general consent, (especially Peter de la Lune, and the Cardinal of Saint Agreve in Vivarez) crown and adore him, for a final conclusion of his Popedom, assuring themselves that he would continue virtuous, as he had afouretime begun virtuously. But honours change manners. Two days were scarce passed after this solemn reception, but this Bartholomewe, The Pope changeth his manners and discontents the Cardinals. (who shall now be Vrban the 6. in changing his degree and name) did also change his humours and manner of life. He which was accustomed to humble himself to all men, doth now brave all them which had newly raised him to this dignity. He threatens to keep them under, and checks them with reproachful words. Otho Duke of Brunswick (husband to joane Queen of Sicily and Naples,) comes to congratulate his election, and for a proof of his great humility, (as Vrban called for wine) Otho takes the cup from his taster, and kneeling before the Pope presents it unto him. Vrban takes it, leaving him on his knee with a frowning countenance, without speaking any thing. The pride of Pope Vrban the 6. This insupportable arrogancy displeased the whole College, but especially Queen joane, (holding this disgrace done to herself) and made Vrban so odious, as they all resolve to depose him, and to choose another Pope: whereunto joane doth promise her assistance. They all jointly resolve to retire themselves quietly out off Rome, into some place of liberty. So under colour to avoid the heat of Summer, they take their leaves to go to Anagnia: where having sojourned some week, they go to Fundy, a City in the Kingdom of Naples, a fit place to enjoy their liberties under the Queen's protection. Then began they to plant their battery against Vrban. They set down for the ground of their right, that the condition specified in the election of urban, should be available to those that did choose him, to declare him incapable of the dignity whereof he showed himself unworthy: and (to observe all formalities,) they cite urban before them, and write unto the other Italien Cardinals, that their meaning is to name an Italien: Pope Vrban deposed by the College: Clement chosen. A means to draw them to increase their number. Being assembled, they depose urban by the plurality of voices: and being to choose another, at the same instant they advance Cardinal Rupert of the noble house of the Earls of Geneva, and call him, Clement the 7. This bred a great alteration both at Rome and in Urbans mind for Rome is presently abandoned, and Vrban so amazed as he knows not what to do. Behold two Popes in one chair, which is too little from them both, seeing the world will not suffice them: for in choosing Clement, they found no more clemency, than urbanity and civil conversation in Vrban. Clement's disposition. Clement yielding nothing to the vices of his competitor: an ambitious man, wilful, audacious, sumptuous and poor, having nothing rich but the heart, puffed up with the greatness of his house. These two do worthy exploits, especially Vrban, whose name the people changed, and for Vrban they called him Turban: that is a troubler of world, to note his barbarous and fierce nature, loving troubles and confusion. And that which made a way to this mischief, Kings and Princes (who should have employed their authorities to quench this fire) were nothing affected thereunto: for the Emperor Charles the 4. died soon after the breeding of this Schism, leaving an insufficient successor. France and England were too far engaged to determine their own quarrels by the sword. As for the particular of France, during the imprisonment of john, the infirmity of Charles the 6. and the half shipwreck of Charles the 7. what help could the French bring to these confusions, being almost drowned in their own▪ In the beginning Clement had all advantages over Vrban. The authority of the ordinary and ancient College, Canonically chosen, followed by the Court of Rome, and the Castle Saint Angelo, by the which he might enter the City. All the French, the greatest part of the italians, many Germans, all the Spaniards and English which were at Rome repaired unto him, and consequently all those nations followed him. France, Spain, England, with a part of Germany and Italy. There remained the Hongarians & some Germans, who for fear of the affairs at Naples (not daring to trust themselves in Anagnia) were forced to continue in Rome, a levaine which shall soon cause great divisions. Vrban as much daunted in adversity, as he was puffed up in prosperity, humbles himself to all men: he weeps and deplores his mise●●e, and craves aid of every man, promising all favour if they did help to restore him. There is neither Hongarien, german, nor Italien, which belong unto the Court, but he sues unto him. By their advice and direction, Pope Clement useth the emperors Ambassadors disgracefully. he flies to the Emperor Charles the 4. and to Lewis King of Hongarie, entreating them to be mediators to the College of Cardinals, who were discontented with him. But Clement (grown over proud with this first success) gave him means to repair his estate. He hath a desseine to surprise Rome by the Castle: but as Bernard Cazal, with a troop of Neapolitans would have seized upon one of Rome gates, he was valiantly repulsed by the Inhabitants. The Emperor Charles the 4. and Lewis, King of Hongarie, sent their Ambassadors to Clement and to the College of Cardinals, Pope Vrtain makes a new College of 26. Cardinals. to treat an accord. Clement useth them without all clemency, he checks them, puts them in prison, and in the end sends them away with many indignities. This affront moved Charles and Lewis, so as by their means, both Germany, Hongarie, Poland, Denmark, Sueden, Norway, and Prusse, were all affected to Urbans faction. Charles was a spectator of this first Scene, and died three months after, leaving upon the stage dangerous actors against Clement. Vrban being thus fortified grew high minded, and for a mark of his authority, he erects a new College of six & twenty Cardinals, all created in one day, being Italiens, Germans, Hongariens, Polonians, and other nations that favoured him, to have a support of this authority in all parts. Clement works likewise, and to have his revenge, (for that he could not seize upon a gate of Rome) he resolved to send an army to field, to vex the Romans, and to force them to obedience: but the success of this desseine was not answerable to his desire: for having sent the Lord of Montioux his Nephew with goodly troops furnished by Queen jane: Clement's forces defeated by the Romans. the Romans, led by Alberic of Barbiane defeated this army, and took Montioux prisoner, whom they beheaded, as a disturber of the public quiet, and so they chase the French out of the Castle Saint Angelo. Clement finding himself nothing safe at Fundy, means to retire to Naples, but the Neapolitans would not receive him, notwithstanding the Queen's persuasions: and so he passeth to avignon, whether he brings the Pontifical sea, for the second time, as Clement the 5. had done at the first. Clement come● to avignon. It was in the year 1384. that the Pope's second sea was planted in avignon, five years after that Gregory had retired himself. Clement frustrate of all hope of his return to Rome, faints not in these first difficulties, finding himself in a place of safety, where he might command at pleasure, being proud by nature, by reason of his great birth, and by his forces united in two great kingdoms. So every one arms, for a sharp encounter, according to the forces they could raise. Two Antipopes in arms & their courses. First either of them provides his battery ofexcommunication. Clement the 7. cities Vrban, before him and his College of Cardinals canonically chosen, with his Cardinals unlawfully elected by him who had been disposed from the charge which had been given him but to keep; declaring all that he had done, or should do, to be of no force. Vrban, on the other side, encounters Clement with the like excommunications. He declares him Antipope, a schismatic, and an Heretic, and all them that should follow him, guilty of high treason, both against God and man. Their goods, honours, lives, bodies and souls confiscate. This first point performed, they come to the effects. The cruelties of 2▪ Popes. Clement makes search throughout all the territories of his obedience, for those of Urbans faction, whom he imprisons, condemns, and kills with sword, fire, and water: many are strangled, massacred, drowned and burnt with extreme cruelty. Vrban shall do no better: but he proceeds by degrees. He makes his peace with the Florentines, Perusins, Milanois and Genevois: the Venetians only he could not win. The Emperor Charles the 4. being dead, he could not prevail much with Wenceslaus, an unworthy Prince: but he made his profit of Lewis King of Hongary, a capital enemy to joane Queen of Naples, the sovereign object of Urbans choler, whom he sought to ruin, as the sole motive of all his crosses. But amidest the disorders of these confused passions, the divers effects of God's providence are remarkable, who draws light from darkness, and order from disorder, in such sort, as it is most commonly unknown to man, but always just and admirain his just effects. Vrban (presuming that the force of Hongary would fortify his proceed) doth excommunicate joane Queen of Naples, declares her incapable of the crown, Urbans proceeding against joane Queen of Naples. and calls in Charles of Durazzo: of whom we have made mention. But who sees not, that this belongs properly to the history of Naples, whereofwe entreat accidently, matters being tied together by a necessary union. In the end joane lost both goods and life, through the power of Charles of Durazzo, who remained absolute master of the Realm of Naples, by the death of Lewis of Anjou; whom she had adopted: but Lewis thinking to revenge her death, lost his own life; In the life of Charles the 6. and drew France into great miseries, whereof this unseasonable adoption was the levaine. Behold the end of the first joane Queen of Naples, who shall be soon followed with a second joane, to continue our voluntary languishing in Italy. But the end of this Proserpina was the beginning of a second trouble, Pope Vrban discontented against Charles of Durazzo whom he had opposed against queen joane of Naples. through the ambition of urban, the which having no limits, transported his spleen against Charles o● Durazzo, whom he had drawn out of Hongary. He is not satisfied that Charles should do him homage, but he will have some places in his absolute power, and that Charles should invest his Nephew Butillo (a man of no estimation, having nothing rare in him but his extraordinary vices) in the principality of Capua, & the Duchy of Durazzo, seeking to get so firm footing in the state, as he might dispossess Charles at his pleasure. Durazzo, being loath to labour for an other man, excuseth himself to urban; who takes no excuses for payment, but citeth him before his Consistory, threatening, that if he appears not at the day prefixed, he will proceed against him by excommunication. Charles who feared more the loss of his new purchase, than the lightnings of urban, makes him unawares a prisoner, having placed many Soldiers about him for his guard. Vrban seeing himself braved by Charles, even within Naples, complains of this affront, and by his sufferance, he retires to Nocera, from whence he sends excommunications against Charles, He doth excommunicate him. Charles goes with an army against Pope Vrban. who laying aside all respect, opposeth a goodly army, & comes to besiege urban with Ensigns displayed in Nocera. He sends a trumpet to advertise him, that he was come according to his assignment. In the mean time he takes information of Vrbanes abuses, (being known and detested of all the world) and moreover he tried the opinions of the Cardinals, to censure or depose Vrban● who being advertised hereof, was so moved, as (not able to be revenged of Charles,) he imprisons seven Cardinals (the most sufficient of his College) without any other just matter to charge them with, but that they were the learnedest and of greatest courage: and to make trial of his forces, The Pope's nephew defeated and taken. he sends his Nephew Butillo against him with a troop, which this great Captain suffered to be overthrown, and himself to be taken. This success daunted the courage of urban, and enforced him to crave leave of Charles to retire himself: the which he easily obtained, by the intercession of the Seigneurie of Genes, (whether Vrban pretended to go) departing from Nocera▪ he led with him these cardinals prisoners, Pope Urbans cruelty against h●s Cardinals. and desirous to be rid of them, he caused one to be slain upon the way, pretending that he was sick, and abandoned his body: he caused five others to be sowed up in sacks, and to be cast into the sea, as he passed to Genes. Being there, he commanded three others to be apprehended (being jealous that they had intelligence with the rest) and in the presence of all the people, he caused them to be knocked on the head, & then he dries their bodies in an Oven, and preserved them in chests, the which he caused to be carried before him upon moils, when as he did ride: and for a mark what they were, he set their red hats upon the chests. The original notes this extraordinary civility in Pope Vrban. In the end Charles dies in Hungary, but Vrbanes spleen continues against his children. He had left two, Ladislaus and joane, who by the virtuous protection of their mother Marguerit, The French copy writs it ●ane. kept both themselves and their estate out of his hands. Vrban sleeps neither day nor night, thirsting continually after their ruin. And for that he found by Charles, that the Hungarians feared not his spiritual lightnings, he grounds his desseines upon temporal arms: and knowing they are not to be raised without money, he seeks the means to levy a great mass. To this end he ordains a jubilee, as a solemn feast for all Christendom, and to draw more people thereunto, he sends new indulgences and pardons, Pope Urbans practices to get money. into all parts under his obedience. A device to get money, the people being persuaded by his Bulls that it was the only means to purchase Paradise, and to avoid the pains of purgatory. He also challengeth the right of first fruits, which gives the first years revenues of all benefices to the pope, and so continues unto this day. But as he gathers together this money with a wonderful greediness, behold he falls from his moil and bruiseth himself. Vrban dies miserably. The work of heaven, answerable to his insolent ambition, who soaring too high makes him fall low: dying when his hatred was greatest to ruin his enemies. He languished 27. days in his death bed, dying by degrees, suffering the pains which he caused his poor Cardinals to endure: not able with his death, to wipe out the immortal hate of his detestable life, disgraced by all writers. Thus Vrban the sixth, the first guidon of Schism, died in the eleventh year of his Popedom. In whose place Peter Thoma●el, named Boniface the 9 is chosen Pope, successor to Urbans covetousness, Pope Boniface exceeding covetous. as his life and death doth witness. Niem observes a memorable act. Boniface lying at the point of death, some one (to comfort him) said that he should do well. A brutish custom, as if to speak of death to a sick body, were to pronounce the sentence of a judge, to deliver him into the executioners hands. I should do well (said he) if I had money, and yet he had full houses, having then but ten hours to live. So he died the tenth year of his Popedom, not lamented of any, but that he lived too long, and by his impudent covetousness opened the gate to all impunity of sin. Innocent the 7. succeeded in the place of Boniface, no more innocent than the former, verifiing the beauty of their names by the bounty of their lives. A sworn enemy to the union of the Church, causing two Roman Citizens to be put to death as seditious, for that they moved him therein, as Platina doth observe. Pope Innocent an enemy to the union of the Church. Pope Gregory the 12. a cunning dissembler. He continued but two years▪ & into his place▪ Angelo Corrier a Venetian, called Gregory the 12. was advanced: a subtle and dissembling man, coldly ambitious, and faintly holy, having no piety but in show, so as for his crooked manners he was called Errori●s for Gregorius, that is to say a Deceiver, drawing men into error with his goodly show. All this was done at Rome by the Italians: in the mean time what do our Popes▪ ●ea at avignon? Clement the 7. making profession of the same authority which the Pope did at Rome, was no better than the other, although the history notes not so many private acts of his excess. In general, he was cruel in the beginning, & covetous during all the time of his Popedom. He was exceeding ambitious and wilful, under colour of modesty and humilility. The estate of avignon under their Popes. Benet 13. an ambitious dissembler. He survived him but two years. After the death of Clement the 7. they create a new Pope, to oppose against him at Rome, which was Peter de la Lune, a Spaniard born●: but having lived long at Montpellier to study the law. A man of sound judgement, learned, active, patien● in show, but in effect very ambitious, a dissembler, given to his own will, and tied to his profit: free from cruelty (whereof he is not taxed) giving free scope to covetousness. So great was the impudence of Merchandise in the Church, (says Niem, and Platina) set to the view of all Christendom, that the authority of the keys and apostolic learning, was contemptible to the whole world. Truly all diseases grow by degrees through surfeits taken unadvisedly, Disorders in the Church. and bad humours which creep insensibly into the body. even so in these miseries of the Church. All was set to sale, all sorts of benefices, especially Cardinals hats, were for them that would give most. The revenues, impropriations, and all things else, were sold to him that offered most: Sometimes one benefice was sold to many, and all their money fell into good hands, that had learned to receive and not to restore again. The composition for all sorts of crimes & whole Towns were sold by the authority of the Sovereign pastor. I writ but a part of that which the Pope's Secretaryes have set down at large, and tremble to report the judgement they make of these abominable confusions. To conclude, all christendom (tired with these disorders, committed by such as had the authority to order) complained much to their Kings and princes, who wishing a redress, exhorted the Popes of both seas, Gregory the 12. and Benedict the 13. to leave their private quarrels, for the general good of the Church. Benedict makes great shows to desire it. That if he must needs yield, he is ready to leave the dignity wherewith the Church had honoured him, yea his own life, (these are his very words) for the peace of God's Church. Gregory speaks more coldly, yet he promised the like: but when it came to performance, they were but shifts, delays, and other devices to win time, and to retain still their authority, which neither of them would leave. In the end, at the great instance of Kings and Princes, A counsel at Pisa to reform the schism of the Church. the Colleges of Rome and avignon agree to meet at Pisa, to find some means to determine of this reproachful confusion. Benedict yields: but Gregory opposeth▪ Notwithstanding his refusal, all meet at Pisa. Thus all assembled (whether the Emperor, the Kings of France, England, Spain, Scotland, Portugal, Hongary, Denmark, Sweden, Pologne, and Norway, send their Ambassadors, and the Churches of the east their deputies) having debated the controversy depending betwixt Gregory and Benedict, they depose them both, Two Popes deposed & Alexander the 5. chosen. as nourishing a schism in the Church, and refusing to obey the Counsel, whereas neither they no● their deputies had appeared. In their place they choose Alexander the 5. a Cand●ot, held to be learned and virtuous: but he died within the first year of his Popedom. So as the College of Cardinals (retiring to Bologne) created john the 23. in his place. But neither Gregory nor Benedict omitted any thing of their train, scorning the decree of the Council. So as for one Pope, they had three, Three Popes at one time. the one at Rimini, the other at Bologne, and the third at avignon: and the last being worse than the first, shall give a reasonable good cause of further inquiry to Christian Princes in an other ●eason, the which we will attend by order of the history, and will return into France, to our Charles the 7. in the joy of his Coronation: which was to him and to all his subjects a happy foretelling of the restoring of his Realm, but this excellent work was not so soon ended. We must now see by what degrees Charles recovered the possession of the Towns subdued by the English, and how he expelled them out of this Realm. The second parcel is set down by us in the front of this discourse▪ BY WHAT MEANS AND DEGREES, THE TOWNS SVBdued by the English, returned to the obedience of this Crown, and how the English were chased out off this Realm. From the year 1429. to 1454. after the ebbing and flowing of many actions, and the accord of the Duke of Bourgongne with Charles long debated and in the end obtained by the means of the Duke of Bourbon, Paris yields to the King. The other Cities and Provinces of this Realm, one after another, in divers seasons, and by divers occasions, return to the King, as to their head: and expel the stranger, who held the state. TO THE REDUCTION OF PARIS ARE 7. YEARS: TO THE FULL RESTORING OF THE REALM. 18. AND IN ALL 25. YEARS AFTER HIS CORONATION. THis happy beginning of the King's affairs, seemed to bring with it a general restoring of his whole Realm, by the absolute obedience of all Towns and Provinces. But God which governs nature by seasons, and gives not harvest when as they s●w the seed, he doth likewise govern the society of mankind by degrees, that the force of man's industry, of itself, may appear vain and nothing, and not successful but by his grace, without whom man can do nothing. We have hitherto seen into what distress the preserver of this estate hath drawn both the King and Realm, but in the end his providence shall appear no less admirable in preserving it. The English seek to cross C●arles in his course. The Duke of Bedford wonderfully discontented with his happy success, resolves to stop the course, both by force and policy. To this end he sends to Engl●nd for succours both of men and money: he levies all he can in France, and practiseth with the Duke of Bourgongne, who was held of both parties, to have power to strike the l●st stroke in this equality of affairs: So as finding himself sought unto by them all, he entertains them all, giving Charles secretly to understand, that he was for him, and yet he presently takes arms for the English. The Bourgognons' disposition A man wholly addicted to his affairs, having ●● other object but his own greatness: yet shall he effect no wonders, being now so much sought unto. Charles parts from Rheims, to observe his enemy's way, he passeth by Soissons, Chasteau, Thier●y, Provins, Coussy in Brye, and comes to Crespy in Valois: all these Towns shake off the English yoke to obey him. Bedford was at Senlis, with an army of ten thousand men, from thence he writes letters of defiance to Charles, as to the usurper of the realm. He represents unto him at large, the compassion he had of the poor French people, so long oppressed with wars, and doth challenge him to appoint a day and place, to end this long misery, either by a peace or battle. A part ill acted by a Stranger, for who could believe these protestations, in the mouth of a Stranger, against the heir of the Crown? Charles answers him by effects, and offers himself to the combat: the English army was before Senlis, being lodged in that renowned Temple of victory, the ancient monument of the valour of Philip Augustus. The French army was opposite against them without hedge or bush, in a large Plain. The King called a Council, whether he should give battle. joane the Virgin dissuades King Char●es from fight. The Virgin held opinion they should not hazard these happy beginnings upon a doubtful combat, being sufficient to stay the enemy, in showing him the Army, without striking. So as these two Armies stood two days together in battle, looking one upon another without moving, although many skirmishes seemed to offer occasion to draw them to a general fight. In the end there was a confused charge of some forlorn hopes, Picards and French, but the battles stood firm. After this countenance, Bedford takes his way to Paris, to avoid the alterations which the King's approach and prosperity might breed. Charles having received the obedience of Compeigne, Senlis, Creil, Beawois, Pont Saint Maxence, Choysi, Gournay, Remy, Neufuille, Mognay, Chantely, Sainctines, and other places thereabouts, with the homages of the Seigneuries of Mont-morency and Movy, he marcheth towards Paris, The Bourguignon abuseth King Charles. upon promise made by the Bourguignon, to be received by the Citizens. Being at Saint Denis, he not only finds Bedford in Arms without the City, but also the City well guarded by the Inhabitants, joane the Virgin sore wounded, and her men defeated. so as the Virgin seeking to surprise Saint Honories ditch, had like to have been taken, being sore wounded, and losing a goodly troup of her best and most resolute soldiers. The inconsiderate desire which Charles had to win the love of the Duke of Bourgongne, did much prejudice his affairs, for all Picardy held him in great esteem, especially the great Towns of Amiens, Abbeville, and S. Quintin: but the respect he bore the Bou●guignon, made him to neglect these occasions to his great hurt. Having therefore found this passage to be very perilous, he retires into Berry, and the Duke of Bedford (freed from the fear of his forces) goes into Normandy, where the Constable Richemont had surprised Eureux, Aum●le, Chasteau-gaillard, and Audely, places of importance in that Province. But during these alterations, the Duke of Bourgongne married with Isabella, daughter to the King of Portugal, adding this third wife, to his two former deceased. The Duchess of Bedford was at this marriage, not in regard of the feast, but for her husband's affairs. The Bourguignon conducts her to Paris with four thousand armed men, where he renews the League more strongly, (somewhat shaken through the affairs of jaqueline Duchess of Hainault) with his brother in law. The Duke of Bourgongne makes the order of the Golden fleece. There he made the order of the Golden Fleece, as if he had already conquered the Gardens of Hesperides, like a second jason: but he determined to make violent war against Charles the year following: and returning into Picardy, he took Gournay and Choissy, places lately subdued to the Crown. Melun, Sens, and Villeneufue le Roy, gave a happy beginning to this year, yielding to the King's obedience, but the loss of the Virgin joane, and the taking of Pothon, two of the greatest and most valiant heads of the Army, quailed all the joy of these conquests. The Tragedy was thus acted. The Bourguignon having taken Choissy by force, he buys Soissons of the Captain that commanded: and so he marcheth against Compi●gne with his army, 1430. with whom the Earls of Suffolk and Arondel join, with two thousand men. The Virgin issues forth with a notable number of the best Soldiers, to charge the besiegers, joane the Virgin taken at Compeigne by the Bourguignon. who being too far engaged in the fight alone, was taken by the Bastard of Vendosme, and presently brought to the Duke of Bourgongne. He rejoiced much at so notable a prize, as having conquered all Charles his good fortunes, and reserves her as a triumph for the Duke of Bedford, whose proceed we will now set down. Pothon was then taken unadvisedly. The Archbishop of Rheims being Chancellor, with the Lords of S. Severe and Boussac, Marshals of France, being at Beawais; behold a young Shepherd comes unto them, assuring them, that God had revealed unto him a means to take Roven. They (taking the vanity of this fool for present payment) as if God had raised up a new Oracle, in the declining of the other, by the the surprise of the Virgin) arm inconsiderately, singing a triumph before the victory. The English (advertised of their departure and numbers (meets them, and doth surprise them, at nullie near unto Beawais, when as they looked least for them, finding them like men newly dislodged, without order or fear, and overcame them easily. Pothon striving to make ●ead with a squadron of 25. Lances, presseth so far in among the enemies, as he is taken: and by Talbot himself, whom he had taken at the battle of Poitiers, Pothon taken and delivered. and so well entreated, as Talbot made him a good requital; for having embraced him as a brother, he honourably gave him his liberty, and sent him in safety to Beawais. Thus honesty and humanity reaps what it hath sown. A good turn is never lost among men of honour. An example for such as manage arms honourably, Courtesy most commendable in a Soldier. in whom there is nothing more unworthy than cruelty, especially against the weakness of a prisoner. Cruelty is fit for thieves and Canniballes, whom they call Antropophages, or eaters of men, but courtesy becomes good Soldiers, who are twice Conquerors, winning their hearts by courtesy, whose bodies they had conquered by force. The Virgin brought to Roven and condemned. The Virgin joane was not so well entreated by the Duke of Bedford, who having bought her for ready money, of john of Luxembourg, as the best prisoner of the arm●e, he causeth her to be brought to Roven being resolved to put her to death. The hono●●● of the law of Arms, and the consequence which made all them guilty, which should hereafter be taken by the French, did contradict his will; but the unruly passion of 〈◊〉 deadly hatred conceived against this maiden (as having ruined his affairs in France▪ prevailed above reason. And having no colour to put her to death, as a prisoner of the war, he resolves to make her a prisoner of justice: but the Magistrates would 〈◊〉 hea●e of it. Upon their refusal, he hath recourse to the divines. And as the Oracle of Apollo spoke according unto the money that was given, sometimes for Philip of Macedon, sometimes for the Athenians; so the Divines (being pensioners to the English in this act) made their divinity English. After they had gravely consulted and resolved on the matter: they declare 〈◊〉 to be against kind, having abused her sex, bearing the habit of a man, against the express word of God, a witch working by devils, without the which she could not have performed so many extraordinary deeds, nor obtained such a memorable success, joane condemned for a Witch. and so by consequence an Idolatress, a schismatic and an heretic. This was decreed in the university of Paris, with many hands to the Sentence. This conclusion (being carefully procured by the Duke of Bedford) was presented by him to Peter Cauchon Bishop of Beawais, whom he requested to proceed speedily in the cause. The Bishop assembles the deane and Chapter at Roven, he calls the Abbot of Fesca●●● thither with a new supply of divines, for the execution of this decree. There is no thing more easy then to do evil. And although they were all possessed with English passions, yet could they not so soon resolve themselves against her; so as they were long in suspense, before they could condemn her, for she answered pertinently to all their accusations. In the end violence prevailed, the which (being muffled with the cloak of religion and justice,) condemned joane (as guilty of the abovenamed crimes) to perpetual prison: but in the end being delivered by the Bishop to the secular power, the Duke of Bedford caused her to be burnt at Roven, And burnt. in the year .1431. the 6. of july. Thus she happily served France one whole year, and was prisoner somewhat more, leaving a great grief to those that lived then, to see her so entreated: and a memory of immortal praise to come, having been so profitable and necessary an instrument, for the delivery of our Country being almost ruined. But the wise providence of God had limited both her labours and her life. He would only use her in the beginning, to show that Charles hath not been the Author of the restoring of this estate, but God himself, who would shame men by a maid, most worthy to be honoured by our posterity. I have reported at once what was acted in two years, being all of one subject: not to break off the order of my discourse in matters which follow after. And now I will return to Compiegne besieged by the Bourguignon. As all the French were much amazed for the loss of joane, so the English and Bourguignons were greatly encouraged to press the siege of Compiegne with greater force. This important City (seated upon the river of Oize, at the entry of Picardy,) had greatly furthered the Bourguignon, who for this reason was resolute to have it either by love or force. He doth again negotiate with Charles, assuring him of his love. Charles (bewitched with the charms of this Bourguignon) gives care to his new devices, The Bou●guignon professeth love to King Charles. and (forgetting that he had been abused,) he promiseth to deliver Compiegne into his hands. The Bourguignon accepts it: and the better to play his part, he draws his Portuguaise to Noyon, being one of the cunningest women in the world, and most affected to her husband, as a gage of the love he had promised to Charles, the which she should manage. The Lord of Flavy, Governor of Compiegne, had received several commandments from the King to deliver it. But he excuseth himself, desiring to have a more ample warrant from the King. He shows him the importance of the place, and the wilfulness of the inhabitants, and so denying his master honestly that which might be prejudicial unto him, he dischargeth the duty of a good servant. The governor refuseth to deliver Compiegne to the Bou●g●ignon. Truly it is a good service to deny the master, when as he commands that which is hurtful unto himself. This policy succeeding not for the Duke of Bourgongne, to surpr●ze Compiegne, he resolves to have it by force▪ Bedford sends the Earl of Huntingdon with a thousand English Archers to fortify this siege. john of Luxembourg (who was there for the Bourguignon) builds great forts to keep them from succours, and for a retreat he doth fortify the Abbeys of Venete and Royaulieu. The Inhabitants were in great extremity, yet were they resolute to endure all under their wise and faithful governor, rather than to fall into the hands of strangers, whose gripes they had formerly felt. If they were fiercely besieged by the English and Bourguignons, Compiegne relieved by the French. so were they as well succoured by the French, under the happy command of the Earl of Vendosme governor of Beawais, and the Marshal of Boussac, who (having valiantly forced the first bastions,) enter the Town, & having victualled it, they issue forth, with great resolution, so as they take all the other forts, to their enemies great loss. So Huntingdon and Luxembourg retire with disgrace, leaving not only that Country free, The Bourguignon chased from Compiegne. but their victuals, artillery, munition & habiliments of war in their lodgings of Venete and Royaulieu, saving themselves with some difficulty, at Pont l'Eu●sque, through the favour of Noyon. The Bourguignon was so amazed, as he retired into Arthois, having as bad success by force as by policy. Our French forces being masters of the field, they recover all the Bourgognons' conquests. Choysy, Gournay, Bertueil, Garmigny, Ressons, Pont Remy, Pont Saint Maxence, Longueil, Saint Mary, la Boyssiere, Ireligny, Verdueil, and other places, where he had gathered together all the corn and cattle of the Country, the which was restored to the poor people, to their great content. The Bourgognons, pride thus taken down (after so many victorious hopes) was a principal part of this victory. But he resolves to have his revenge of this affront. Being come to Arras, he gathers together all the forces he can: and from thence he goes to P●ronne, to attend the body of his army. His intent was to recover what he had l●st in his last war o● Compiegne, meaning to begin at Garmigny, which did greatly annoy all that Country. He ●ends a troop of SIXPENCES. men before, under the conduct of Thomas Tir●ell an English man. Girard of Brime● Governor of Roye augments this troop with a hundred of his men. In this order they go to the siege of Garmigny as to a marriage: but Pothon (who had his spies in all places, and had put himself into Garmigny, at the brute of this siege,) slept not. Having therefore sent to discover the enemy's countenance, he learns that these ●icards (bee●ng near to Bouchoire) did hunt after hates, (whereof there are great story in those parts,) and that this troop was wholly in disorder, running up and down with great 〈◊〉. Pothon embraceth this occasion suddenly, and hau●ng drawn his men to ●ield, he surpriseth these hunters, The Bourgognons defeated. being dispersed and out of breath, 〈◊〉 becomes a hunter o● 〈◊〉 peace: he defeats them, kills them, and in the end cries, that they take the runneawayes. The Commander is taken, with most of their b●st m●n. Anthony of Vienne and the Lord of Hailly (being greatly lamented by the ●ourguignon) were first led to Garmigny, and then to Compiegne in great triumph. The news hereof did greatly trouble the ●ou●guignon, especially when as the Earl of Ve●●●sme went with the French army to brave 〈◊〉 at the gates of ●oye, offering him battle. He made show to accept thereof, but ●auing called a Council, he framed a reasonable excuse, that his soldiers were not willing he should fight in the end of the year. W●th these affronts the year ends▪ and with the death of a son which he had by his 〈…〉 use, whom he loved dearly, his spirits were so oppressed with sorrow for this 〈◊〉, as this Prince (being too passionate) had speeches unworthy the gravity of his person, and the greatness of his blood, even weeping and washing for death. Doubtless it often falls out, that he which is too much puffed up in prosperity, The Bourg●●gnon daunted in adversity. is easily daunted in adversity. A goodly lesson 〈…〉 men (who 〈◊〉 learn but by great examples) that their greatness 〈…〉 from the common condition of mankind▪ that they are men 〈…〉. O man 〈◊〉 soever thou be'st, behold good remedies 〈…〉 to be drunk with prosperity, nor drowned 〈…〉 have nothing memorable, but an entry to the 〈…〉 of Paris, 〈◊〉 shall give ex●mple to all the rest of the realm. 〈…〉 parties was necessary for the making of an accord. The Duke of 〈…〉 do much, but 〈…〉 desseins had transported him beyond the cloud●, 〈…〉 disgraces did 〈…〉, who expected much 〈…〉 by the effects▪ but that 〈…〉 in their 〈…〉 the 〈…〉 friendship, The Duc●e●● of Bedford dies. which till then was very necessary: but 〈…〉, although in this occurrent the●r league was not 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. The 〈◊〉 weeps for his wife, & the other ●or his sister. The beginning of this 〈◊〉 w●s noted 〈◊〉 the taking of Montargis from the French, through the notable 〈…〉 a w●man, 〈◊〉 taken. wh●●aue entrance to the English, and who presently 〈◊〉 the fruits 〈◊〉 treachery. But let us attend the year following, where we shall see a 〈◊〉 change in this miserable Town. At the same time, in recompense of 〈◊〉, Cha●tres returns to the King's obedience. The means is wo●th●e observation▪ 〈◊〉 ●ut in practice in our times in many places. A Carter 〈◊〉 at Chart●es 〈◊〉 brother resident in Cou●t with a Treasurer. Cha●les ●eelds to the King. The familiarity this Carter ha● to go and come into the Town, made him both desire and to lay the plot of so 〈◊〉 an enterprise. near unto the gate there was an old ruined house, in the wh●ch there was a 〈◊〉 vault half ●illed up with rubbish: here they lodge a hundre● 〈◊〉 on the other side they convey a thousand men, secretly in the night, into a house 〈◊〉 unto the Town. The Carter comes at the break of day with his Cart unto the 〈◊〉 where he overthrows it of purpose, feigning that a wheel was slipped. 1431. While the guard labours to help him, the Ambush issues forth out of these ruins, and surpriseth the Port, and the rest second them with such speed, as the City is won. This had been done without any effusion of blood, if the Bishop had not animated the inhabitants to fight against their King, where he himself was slain with some of the Citizens'. About this time, René Duke of Bar, brother to Lewis Duke of Anjou, and King of Sicily, A quarrel betwixt the Duke of ●ar, and the Earl of Vaud●mont. (who shall make himself famous in the following reign) received a great check. He had a notable quarrel against the Earl of Vaudemont, pretending the Earldom: from words they go to blows. René fortifies himself with the forces of France: Vaudemont with those of Bourgongne. René being far stronger in show, besiegeth the Town of Vaudemont▪ and when as the Earl, with the help of his friends, would have raised the siege René draws him to fight, defying him, and promising to himself an assured victory. But God (the sovereign judge of these factions) gave it to the Earl, and René remained prisoner in the hands of the Duke of Bourgongne, to whom he paid a great ransom. In the end, by the Duke's means yielding him his liberty, this quarrel was ended, marrying the eldest son of René with the daughter of the Earl of Vaudemont. But let us reserve the rest to the following reign. About the end of this year, a solemnity was done in Paris, which carried more show than substance. We have said before, how that Henry the 6. King of England, Henry King of England crowned at Paris. had been crowned King of France, when as our Charles was crowned at Poitiers, after the decease of his father. Henry was but two years old, and came not out of England, until that Charles had been solemnly crowned at Rheims, to the great joy of all the French; but when as the Duke of Bedford found, how much this authentic publication advanced the affairs of Charles: he caused Henry to be brought into France, and to be crowned at Paris, with an extraordinary Majesty, to outcountenance Charles his Coronation, by a greater show of pomp. But the blood of France cannot dissemble: no man was moved thereat, no more then to see a Tragedy acted upon the Stage. This year is very barren of all memorable exploits, but that this silence noted an entrance to an accord (both parties being weary of pleading) yet with great slackness, as we see in diseases which come suddenly, and pass away slowly: we must therefore cross this rough way before we come to Paris. Montargiss taken by the English, as we have said, Montar●is taken and lost again. was no● recovered by the French, but after a divers manner; for the English lost the To●ne by the Castle, and the French the Castle by the Town, yet were they three months in winning of the Castle. Having taken all, they lost all by the same means t●at made them so much to gape after the Castle, which was the want of money. This shameful loss grieved many of the greatest in Court, and bred a new trouble by this occasion. Tremoville was yet in great credit with the King, Tremoville taken and delivered again. having by this means a great hand in the State: they accused him to have heaped up great treasure, to the prejudice of such as daily employed their lives for the King's service. The greater men re●olue to take Tremoville prisoner, and to punish him like unto Giac, and others before mentioned. The King was at his Castle at Chinon: Tremoville follows him as his 〈◊〉, but it chanced, as he was in his chamber, the Lords of Brueil, Coytivy and Fetard, 〈…〉 with 40. armed men, enter and take him: not one of a hundred of that sort could escape. But six thousand Crowns saved his life, hoping to return again into credit. The Constable of Richmont grows into greater favour than before. Thus misfortune is good for some thing. Bedford puffed up with the success of Montargis, takes M●lly in Gas●enois, but having besieged Lagny in Brie, he was repulsed· and at the same time, john of Luxembourg (of the Bourguignon faction) is dispossessed of Ligny in Barrots, by the Gentleman of Come●cy. A disgrace which shall draw the Bourguignon to a composition so much desired; together with the happy success of the French, in the Country of Arthois, the taking of S. Valery in Ponthieu, The confusion of the war. and the general wavering of 〈◊〉 cliefe Cities in Picardy, tired with these confusions, being so great, as no man was 〈◊〉 of his person, of what party soever, if he were the weaker. The Cards were so shuffled, 1432. as an English man would become French, to take a Bourguignon▪ and a Frenchman become English, or a Bourguignon, to take a Frenchman. These unkind treacheries were usual, especially at Amiens, Abbeville; and throughout all Picardy, where the wars had been most licentious. Which outrage hath been revived in ou● miserable age, through the cruelty of these wretched wars, which causeth men to make shipwreck both of faith and honour. This year had a plausible beginning, but without any great effect. The Council of Pisa being assembled (as we have said) to redress the confusion of Antipopes, and to reduce the Church (divided by this Schism) unto union, sends the Cardinal of Auxerre unto the Kings of France and England, to exhort them unto peace. Charles protested that he desired nothing more; the English said the like. They assemble to this end at Auxerre in great troops, but at their first meeting, all this treaty was broken off, for both the one & the other, stood upon the quality of King of France, being the fundamental point of all their quarrel. The Duke of Bedford spoke more proudly than Charles himself, A treaty betwixt the French and English. as if the law of State (which maintained this Monarchy) had been made in England, an Island become firm land, and France changed to the Isle of Albion or of Brittany: of such force is error even in matters of State, when as passion overrules the light of reason. So as they all depart without any effect: They only conclude a truce, for the great want of the poor people, who could suffer no more. But this truce was a pitfall for many, trusting the countenance of this courteous war, which making profession to mean nothing so, is more to be feared when she smiles, than when she frowns. Io●n Duke of Bourbon dies in England. We have said, that john Duke of Bourbon was taken prisoner in the battle of Azincourt, whom they could never redeem at any rate. This year he died in England, and his son Charles succeeds him. He had to wife the sister of the Duke of Bourgongne, but they fall to words for their rights, and so to war. Charles takes from Philip, A quarrel betwixt the Dukes of Bourbon and Bourgongne. Grancy, Aualon, Perepertuis, Mucy-l'Euesque, Chaumont, and other places. The Bourguignon had his revenge, and besiegeth Belleville in Beavieulois, belonging unto Charles. Mary Duchess of Berry, labours to reconcile these Princes, and draws them to a peace, the which shall soon be a means of a general accord betwixt the Bourguignon and France, by the mediation of the Duke of Bourbon, a profitable instrument of so good a work. This occasion not prevented, was seconded by an other▪ for the Duke of Bedford, Bedford marrieth again. after the death of his wife (being sister to the Duke of Bourgongne) marries with jaquelin the daughter of Peter of Luxembourg Earl of S. Pol, who was no friend to the Bourguignon: and moreover the youth and beauty of this new spouse, had so bewitched Bedford, as he was easily drawn from Philip, whose love he entertained with great difficulty, The Duke of Bedford and Bourgongne in dislike. yet in respect of the general cause they made a good show, and had met at S. Omer to that effect▪ but this interview increased their discontents. In the mean time, the truce (being ill observed on either side) is converted into a languishing war. Bedford makes war in the Country of main by Scales and willoughby, two renowned Captains, which besiege S. Celerin. Charles succours it by the Lord of Bueil, who having lodged some troops at Vivain, (a village of small account) made it famous by a notable piece of service. Scales advertised of these troops lodged in this hamlet, hastes thither, surpriseth them, and cuts them in pieces: but the Lord of Bueil had his revenge: for falling upon the conquerors, who returned in disorder, he puts them in rout. Chartier notes it for a notable service, that forty lances overthrew a thousand five hundred men, The English defeated at Vivain. which were all slain, or taken prisoners: of such force is disorder and amazement in war. The siege of Saint Celerin being thus raised, to the great disgrace of the English, Bedford much grieved for this affront, sends the Earl of Arondell thither with new forces. It was at the same time when as Charles went into Daulphiné: the fame of this notable victory, holding men's minds in suspense, A notable oversight. so as Arondell takes S. Celerin by force, and from thence he marcheth to Silley le Guil-laume. The Governor fearing to want succours, treats with Arundel; That if by a prefixed day, the French were not the stronger, at a certain Elm near unto the place, he would then yield up the Town, 1433. and for assurance thereof gives him hostages. The Court was troubled at this sumons: all post thither, fearing to continue their shame with loss, Princes and officers of the Crown, the Dukes of Ale●çon and Anjou, the Constable of Richmont, the, Marshals of Boussac, Rieux, & Retz: the Lords of L●heac, Graville, and Bevil, with his good fortune. Being all come to the ●●me at the day appointed, they summon the Earl of Arondell to deliver up his hostages and to fight with them, but he yields up his hostages and leaves the siege. The haste of the omitted voyage makes our men to post presently to Court. Arondell returns to the siege of Silley, King Charles makes a progress into Daulphiné and Languedoc. and not able to take it he surpriseth Beaumond le Viconte, but pressed with sickness he retires to Man's, a Town then under their obedience. The voyage of Daulphiné was performed. Charles comes to Vienne passing through Auvergne. The reason of this progress was to settle matters in Daulphiné, Lionois and Languedoc, which Countries had served him faithfully and profitably in his greatest afflictions. All the chief of those Countries attend him, and hold their Estates by his commandment. The joy both of Charles and his subjects was exceeding great after so long and dangerous a storm. Charles did gladly embrace his ancient servants, the Earl of Foix, Gaucourt and Groslee, with the Nobility of Vivarez and Daulphiné, who had given him so great testimonies of their faith and valour. All men were confirmed in their governments, no man was denied of what he demanded: which gives them courage to do their best endeavours in his service. The States grant the King a notable sum of money for the maintenance of his wars. We have observed the humour of Amedee Duke of Savoie, who during the doubtfulness of the French affairs, had carried a watchful eye, to make his profit by their confusion. Being well informed, that Charles loved him not, he fortifies himself by alliances. He had given his eldest daughter to Lewis of Anjou King of Sicily, The Alliances of Savoie. and now he marries his Son Lewis Earl of Geneve with Anne the daughter of john of Lus●gnan King of Cypress, from whence the title of the realm of Cypress comes to the house of Savoie. This marriage was honoured with the presence of the Duke of Bourgongne, the Earl of Nevers, and the Prince of Orange. These were good cautions for Amede●, against Charles: but we shall soon see that he will find an other expedient against all events. As a tree in the sap showeth that the spring is near, so divers popular accidents chancing, this year foretold what should happen. The French takes arms against the English. There were 60000. men in arms against the English in Vexin-Norman, and in Caux .20000. Charles doth carefully embrace those occasions, and encouraging them both by letters and messages, he sends them notable Commanders, the Duke of Alan●on with the Lords of Lore and Bueil, brave and Valiant Captains. But as a tree that sprouts forth through the favour of a warm season, is stayed by a sharp wind: so all these popular braveries were soon daunted, and this stream was soon turned. The Towns that were mutyned yield to the English force, but they keep their hearts for their King, until they may shake off the English yoke. But the wise providence of God, who governs the work for the restoring of this estate, raised up means which all the humane policy of Charles or of his Council could not foresee, who had laboured by all means to win the Bourgognons' love. He harboured in his heart a resolute discontent against the English: to whom he imputed the cause of all his crosses and disgraces. The Liegeois cross him many ways, in the possession of Namur newly fallen unto him. Antwerp and Arras are discontented, and ready to rise against him. The English (in his opinion) is the author and favourer of these discontents, and it may be did all he could to molest him, what show soever he made. But howsoever it were, the Bourguignon (meaning to make an open breach with him) compounds all quarrels with this discontented people, intending to make a firm peace with Charles. So the year of 34. passeth without any great alteration. This year of 35. shalb● more happy for the French then the former. Exploits of war. Charles beseegeth Gerber●y by Pothon and la Hire. 1435. The English come to succour it, led by the Earl of Arondell, being a thousand against less than five hundred. Our men therefore resolve to retire to Beawais, but they must account with the stronger. There is but one means of safety, to hope for no help. So these brave warriors resolve to fight, and are victors' for the English troops are defeated: seven or eight hundred slain upon the place, and all the rest prisoners. The English defeated and the Earl of Arondell slain. The Earl of Arondell (being grievously wounded) dies at Beawais, a brave and resolute Captain, dying in the bed of honour. This was the beginning of the year: the winter was very sharp, but it daunted not the courage of our warriors. The Earl of Dunois (a bastard of Orleans) was the ringleader in many exploits: he causeth Saint Denis to be surprised by Captain Deyenuille, and he follows well accompanied to keep it. In going along he takes Houdan, and then he fortifies Saint Denis with men and vittells, and leaves the Marshal of Rieux to govern it. And for that he would lose no time, he employs his troops to take some places there abouts, as Pont Saint Maxence, Oruille and Meulan. The English had fortified Saint Ouyn, to keep the Country in alarm: Occasions are offered of daily skirmishes, and daily the English are beaten. But the long stay of this little army, and this thorn of Saint Denis, stirred up the people of Paris, who loath to be so restrained, prepare a great power to force Saint Denis at what price soever. The Marshal of Rieux, loath to engage himself, (being in all show the weaker,) retires honourably to Meulan, without any loss. The English beat down the defences of Saint Denis, being a common retreat to all men, without any more labour, either to keep it, or to recover it. The accord of Philip Duke of Bourgongne with Charles the 7. King of France. IN the end behold an agreement made with Charles, so much expected, so unprofitably sought after, and now freely offered by the Duke of Bourgongne. The deputies of the Council press both French, English and Bourguignon, to end all quarrels, by some good composition. The City of Arras is allowed of, by them all, to treat in. The Assembly was great: from the Pope and the Council of Pisa there came the Cardinals of Saint Croix and Cypress, An assembly to treat of a peace. with twelve Bishops: For the King of France there was the Duke of Bourbon, the Earl of Richmont Constable of France, the Earl of Vendosme, the archbishop of Rheims Chancellor of France, the Lords of Harcourt, Valpergue, la Fayette, Saint Pierre, du castle, du Bois, Chastillon, du Flay, de Railliq, de Rommet, Curselles, and de Cambray first Precedent of the Parliament at Paris, with many wise and learned men, as, john Tudart, Blesset, john Charetier, Peter Cletel, Adam le Queux, john Taise, and la Motte. For the King of England the Cardinals of York, and Winchester, the Earl of Suffolk, the Bishop of Saint David's, john Ratcliff keeper of the great seal, the Lord of Hongerford, Ralph the wise, the Official of Canterbury, and some Doctors of divinity. For Philip Duke of Bourgongne, there came the Duke of Gueldres, the Earl of Nassau, the Bishop of Cambray, the Earl Vernambourg, the Bishop 〈◊〉 Le●ge, the Earls of Vaudemont, Nevers, Salines, S. Pol, and Lig●y, besides the deputies o● many of his best Towns. The pomp was great, both on the deputies behalf, & of the Duke of Bourgongnes, who entertained them with all the honour & good chee●e that might be 〈◊〉. But leaving these circumstances I make haste to the principal matter. The K●ng● of France and England began the treaty. The fundamental question was, to whom the Crown of France belonged? The English did challenge it, The question for the crown of F●an●e. both for that he was 〈◊〉 from a daughter of France, as also by the grant of Charles the 6. who did instance Henry the 5. and his successors, heirs of the crown, & had disinherited Charles 〈◊〉 7. whom he termed an usurper. The deputies for Charles answered, that they ought 〈◊〉 to call in question the ground of the Estate, which cannot stand firm without that 〈…〉 heir to whom the law appoints, and therefore without proving of that which was apparent of itself, they came, to offers for the ending of all controversies, That if the King of England would both disclaim the title of King of France, & yield up the countries held by him in divers parts of the Realm, he should enjoy the Duchies of Gui●nne and Normandy, doing homage for them unto the Kings of France, as his sovereign, and with those conditions which his Ancestors, Kings of England had formerly enjoyed the●. They stood upon very different terms: their authority was limited, and possession pu●t up the English. But sometimes he refuseth that after sues. He that striveth to have all, most commonly looseth all. One moiety in effect had more availed the English, than all in imagination, who in the end shall find, that the sovereign judge, the preserver of the law and of States, gives and takes away, Charles & the English cannot agree. appoints and disapoints, according to his good and wise will and that there is no force, nor wisdom but his. T●e m●tter was soon ended betwixt the Kings of France and England: seeing right could do no good, the sword must prevail. Thus the Ambassadors of England, return without any effect. those of France stay to treat with the Duke of Buurgongne and his deputies, amongst the which he himself was the chief, as well for his own interest, as for his judgement in affairs. A man exceeding cunning, who could embrace all occasions to make his profi● by an other, as the discourse of his life hath made manifest. B●t 〈◊〉 what end serves all this mortar, and so great workmanship, to frame a building which shall be ruined under his son, and shall bury him in the ruins thereof? It is a ●oolish reason which thou called'st reas●n, having no ground of reason, and dost not hearken to the voice of heaven. O Fool, all thy riches shall be taken from thee this night. Man wal●es in a shadow, he toils in vain, to 〈◊〉 ●is name immortal in the grave, he hunts with infinite labour and takes nothing. As for Charles, he sought to retire the Bourguignon from all league and alliance with t●e King of England, and taking from him all occasions of discontent, so to engage him 〈…〉, & honours, as he should resolve to follow his faction, as the most profi●●●●●▪ knowing that his own private interest was the chief end of his desseins. Matters 〈◊〉 c●rried in show according to the humour of that age, the disposition of the court 〈◊〉 for the honour of Charles, who must ask the Duke of ●ourgongne pardon, having 〈…〉 father to be slain against his faith. Charles sends a blank to the 〈◊〉 to 〈◊〉 what conditions he pleased. But was it not true? must not the crime be confessed by hi● that was culpable? Charles therefore resolves to send him a blank, & t●e accord doth testify that the Bourguignon filled it with so many unreasonable condit●ons, as it is strange so great a monarch should sto●p so much to his subject & vassal, but necessity ●ath no law. A precedent for great men, not to attempt any thing against reason, lest they be constrained to repai●e it with reason, and yet to know that it is an amendment of a fault to yield to necessity for the good of the state, being a great thrift to lose for gain. The original sets down at large all the conditions of this treaty: who so please may read 〈◊〉 Monstrellet, & in the history of S. Denis. The sum is, that the massacre 〈◊〉 〈…〉 person of john Duke of B●urgongne at Montereau-●aut-yonne, 〈…〉 repaired by confession and ceremonies. Great sums of present money with goodly Se●g●●uries are given to the Duke of Bourgongne: so many assurances for him and hi●, 〈◊〉 a great volume is full of these scrupulous conditions. The Duke of Bourgongnes promise is more simple, that he should declare himself a friend to Charles the 7. King of France, King Charles and the Bourguignon reconciled. & enemy to his enemies: that he should renounce all alliance and friendship with the king of England, and promise, both his person, and all his means to expel him out off France The performance was according to promise: Charles Duke of Bourbon, and Arthur of Britain, Earl of Richemont, Constable of France in the name of Charles the 7. ask pardon of the Duke of Bourgongne, for the death of his father, and the Duke pardoned him for the love of God. The Cardinals (in the Pope's name and the Counsels) absolve the Duke from the oath which he had made unto the English: and either part swears to maintain the accord in that which did concern him. So the peace was published with great solemnity, to the incredible content of all men. The King, the Duke of Bourgongne and the whole Realm rejoiced exceedingly, only john of Luxembourg Earl of S. Pol, would not be therein comprehended, he shall suffer for it and his house after him. This was the 24. of September, in the year 1435. a famous day for those things which happened in this reign, whereof this accord gave the first occasion. The marriage of Charles son to the Duke of Bourgongne; with Katherine of France, daughter to our Charles, was concluded to seal this accord. From this peace sprung a more violent war against the English. The Duke of Bourgongne sends back all his contracts to the Duke of Bedford, and having showed him the just reasons which had moved him to embrace the King's amity, being his kinsman and Lord, he renounceth the alliance of England, with a watchword, that every one should look to himself. Every man sharpens his sword, and scours his arms, to recover that by force which they could not obtain by reason. War very violent against the English. The first fruits of this accord began to grow ripe even in the heart of winter, for Corbeil yields presently to the King, with Bri●-Conte-Robert and the Castle of Bois de Vincennes. The Bourguignon employs all his friends and intelligences at Paris, he useth all his instruments, meaning to set them to work the year following. All Normandy gins to revolt, Dip, Fescan, Monstier-Villiers, Harfleu, Tancaruille, Bec-Crespin, Gomusseule, Loges, Villemont, Grasuille, Longueville Neufuille, Lambreville, Charles-Mesnill, S. german, Fontaines, Preaux, & Blainuille, obey the King willingly, chase away the English & receiving the French for their safety: all which was acted in two days. What more? To finish this work, God takes away one of the chief causes, and one of the principal instruments of the misery which had so long afflicted this estate. We have seen what part Isabella of Bavierre played in this Tragedy, we have sought her after the death of her poor husband and could not find her, for in truth she was civilly dead. Bedford fearing the spirit of this Medea, seeks not only to stay her hands, but to keep her eyes from the managing of affairs. And for that she had devoured the treasure of the Realm, he constrains herto keep a diet. He doth therefore sequester herto the house of S. Pol, where she lived until the end of this year in great poverty, no more assisted by the Bourgongnon then by the English. Being dead, they caused her body to be put into a small boat, Queen Isabel dies. and so transported by the river of Seine to S. Denis, where she was buried without any pomp, like to a common person. A light put out, whose savour doth yet offend posterity. In this year also died john of England, that great Duke of Bedford, called Regent of France, who hath noted many black pages in this volume, and so much terrified our Ancestors. Having seen the former accord, and felt so sudden effects in Normandy, fearing the rest would follow, he drowned himself in sorrow, and knowing no means to avoid this storm, he dies at Roven, the 15. of December, leaving to King Henry the 6. a bottom very hard to untwist, The Duke of Bedford dies. and to his young wife (being sister to the Earl of S. Pol) a cause of mourning, the which continued not long, for she married soon after with an English Adventurer of small account, giving causeto laugh at her, being but little pitied. Charles being thus discharged of a heavy burden, by this accord, hath more liberty to follow his honest delights. He goes to Lions, visits Daulphiné, and stays in Languedoc, a Province which he loves above all the rest, 143●. having found it most den●●●d to his service. Montpellier was his abode, a place very pleasantly seated▪ 〈…〉 this time of agreation, he had left good lieutenants in France, who shall soon send him 〈◊〉 of their exploits. The City of Paris yields to the King, and expels the English. THe Bourguignon prepares to annoy the English, whilst that the Constable makes way for the reduction of Paris. His intent was (parting from Pontoise) to put himself into S. Denis, a Town half dismantled: but Thomas of Beaumond Captain of the Bastille (having intelligence of this desseine) prevented the Constable, and entered into S. Denis with a notable troop of soldiers. Richmont notwithstanding approacheth near to S. Denis: the sentinel having given warning of his approach, Beaumond issues forth to the bridge, upon the little river which is towards Pierre-file, where he met with the forerunners, who having drawn him forth, engage him in the battle, the which was led by the Constable, marching from the valley of Montmorency. This English troop was easily vanquished, most of them were cut in pieces, The English vanquished S. 〈◊〉. and the rest taken, hardly any one of them escapes, to carry news to Paris. Thomas of Beaumond is slain among the rest upon the place. The Constable makes use of this good success: he presently marcheth with his victorious forces to Paris, which stood amazed at this near power, wanting a Regent, who was lately deceased, and such as were left to command were more fit to handle an Oar, then to govern the helm. Now wa● the time for good Frenchmen to show themselves, whereof there were many in the City. The Bourguignon faction being now become the King's servants, embrace this occasion, and having consulted together, they resolve to shake off the English yoke, the which they 〈◊〉 too long endured. The Duke of Bourgongne was then at Bruges, but he had le●t the Lord of Lisl●-Adam to 〈◊〉 with his partisans at Paris. It is the same whom he had formerly employed against C●●rles and his father john, in the murder of the King, servants. He had great credit 〈◊〉 the Parisiens', of whom Mi●hael Laillier was the chief Tribune. He discovers by him the people's affections, being resolute to submit themselves to the King: of whom they cr●●e only a general absolution of what was passed. This gentle demand being brought to Pontoise to the Constable, and easily granted, all prepare for the effects. That quarter near the halls gave the first sign of the French liberty at Paris, by the means of the Curate of S, Eustace. and all S. Hovores street joins in this hardy resolution. In the mean time the University beyond the bridge doth the like. Lewis of Luxem●our●, Bishop of Therovenne Chancellor for the English, the Bishops of Lisieux & M●●aux, the Lord Willoby, with others devoted to the English, advertised of these mutin●e▪ 〈◊〉 di●ers parts of the City, fearing some sedition, retire towards S. Anthony's gate, having carried all their best furniture into the Bastille, and fortify the houses adjoining▪ All being thus prepared at Paris, the Constable of Richemont, guided by Lisle-Adam, parts 〈◊〉 Pontoise, & comes to S. Denis, in the night, where having rested some hours, ●e marcheth early in the morning, accompanied with the Earl of Dunois (a bastard of the house of Orleans) the Lords of Suze and Bueil, with a great company of resolute soldiers, approaching near the City. Lisle-Adam with a choice troop goes before S. james gate, the appointed place for the Rendezvous, where he finds all in a readiness, so as Laillier having planted ladders for him at the lowest part of the wall, he mounts with his troop. Being entered the city, the people of that quarter (who were assembled for his coming) begin to cry. A peace, a peace. God save the King, and the Duke of Bourgongne. Lisle-Adam being joined to the chief of the city, goes directly to the Gate, The Constable is received into Paris. the which was set open by the captain of that quarter, and the Constable, who was before it with his troops, entered in good order. Then the people redoubled their cries. They all stand at a gaze, being advertised of this entry, and exceeding glad to see themselves ready to recover their ancient liberty, they prepare to march where they should be commanded to expel the English. All run to the Bastille. The Tournelles are presently seized on. and all approaches unto the Bastille are soon won. Such as were within it at the first, made some show of defence, but as all things were prepared to force them, they demand a parley, and agree to departed with their lives and baggage. They are conducted about the Town beneath the Lowre, to embark upon the river of Seine, and so to pass to Roven. They could not well have passed through the city. The people advertised hereof run to the walls, and cry out with great shouts, baiting the English like dogs, Paris obeys the King. whom a little before they had feared and honoured as their masters. This happened the 27. of February, in the year 1436. Thus Paris returns to the obedience of this Crown, having passed seventeen years under the government of the English: which made the fatherly command of their King more pleasing unto them, and them more willing to obey him, having tasted the imperious command of a stranger. Charles advertised of this happy success, parts from Montpellier, and returns slowly by Auvergne, The King's entry into Paris. to give the Parisiens' time to prepare for his entry the which was performed with great pomp, six months after the reduction of the city, but with so extraordinary an affection of the people, as drinking after a great thirst. All the towns within the Realm had followed this example, if Charles had embraced this goodly ●ccasion, all being drawn unto their duty by a natural instinct. He was of a mild spirit, pliable to all winds, flying toil, but patiented when he had undertaken it. We have hitherto seen him constant enough in his afflictions, C●a●les his humour. although the weight of blows so often doubled, had made him senseless, so as he bore his crosses with less feeling, as a mortified member doth the razor or corrosive▪ but prosperity had so revived his spirits, as he recovered himself & returned to his own disposition. He wanted authority to command well, and judgement to make choice of his servants, for he often embraced and rewarded unnecessary men, and put back such as were profitable. This proceeding discontented such (as serving him faithfully) did see themselves contemned. These discontents gave them liberty to speak, and do things, which offended the King, The nature of tractable humours. Experience teaching, that these tractable humours are as soon moved as pleased, and above all, are suspicious and choleric: for impressions creeping into these weak spirits, makes them to fall into another extremity of unmeasured passion. We have seen the like in the life of Lewis the gentle, but we shall not find the like excess in our Charles: yet shall we see that by the like indiscreet facility he disordered his own affairs, The inconveniences of Charles his facility. discontented his blood, grieved many of his best servants, filled his life with languishing in the prosperity of his affairs, to cast him headlong (in the midst of his greatest triumphs) into the gulf of a fearful grave: what we are to represent in this discourse, shall be the commentary of this truth. As soon as the spring appears, the Duke of Bourgongnes army goes to field to besiege Calais, it consisted for the most part of the commonalties of his estates. He easily engaged them in this war, both by his authority and the show of profit: to have a Town so convenient for traffic. The B●●rguign●n attempts Calais in va●ue. This army had scarce continued in field ten days but they look homeward to their houses, shops and fields: besides, the English wrought them under hand, and sent a great supply to defend Calais. This humour did so possess this armed multitude, as the Bourguignon had no power to hold them. All pass away like to a violent stream, and this his desseine came to nothing, although he chafed in vain, like unto the Pers●●n that threatened the tempest & whipped the sea. So all enterprises succeed not. The Duke of Bourgongne being thus retired, the English, hath his revenge of this affront, & spoils the marches of Boulongne and Gravelins to the great loss of the Country. The Lord of Croy sought to make head against the English, being followed by a goodly troop: but he was defeated and saves himself with difficulty in Ardres. The Flemings stir at this loss, The Lord of 〈◊〉 defeated by 〈◊〉. and march under the Duke of Bourgong●es command, but they return with shame, for Calais was reserved for an other season. We have said that Charles had a son named Lewis borne in the midst of his greatest crosses, the first year of his reign, in the year .1423. Being thirteen years old, he married him to Marguerite Stuard the only daughter of james King of Scotland, a Princess of excellent virtues, The Dauphin Lewis married to a daughter of Scotland. and a gage of the faithful service which Scotland did to this Crown in her greatest dangers, who survived not much this felicity of France. Charles was desirous to return to Montpellier: where having called an assembly of that Province, he heard many complaints of the outrages, his soldiers had committed, running up and down the Country in great disorder. The best soldiers were guilty of these insolencies for want of pay. Rodrigo de Villandrade an Arragonois, (who had faithfully served the King,) was in disgrace, and banished with his troop, but being joined with Pothon in Gasconie, and having taken some places from the English, he made his peace with Charles. This confusion was not alone in one Country, but generally dispersed throughout the Realm. A troop of 2000 horse led by Anthony of Chabannes, Blanchfort, Gualther of Bron, ●loquet and other renowned Captains, The robberies o● soldiers. parting from Normandy, pass through the Countries of Vimeu, and Ponthieu, by Dorlens, Oruille, Bra●, Cappy, Li●ons in Sauters, and enter into Cambresy, from thence they lodge at Solames towards Hainault with infinite spoil, eating and ransoming all after a hostile manner. john of Croy the Bailiff of Hainault sent troops against them, but they were de●feated. They were called the shavers, or fleaers. In the end through Charles his many commands, they come into Champagne, where having remained sometime, they were employed to take Chasteau-Landon, Charny, and Nemours, and from thence they were led to Monstereau-faut yonne, where there was a marvelous siege, being well assailed and well defended: but in the end the Town was taken by force and the Castle by composition. Charles was at Bray, and the Dauphin commanded at this siege. He made fair warns with the English, The Dauphin entreats the English courteously. who thanking him before the King his father, yielded him these first fruits of his authority in the view of the whole army, who honoured him afterwards as the Sun rising, whence gre●e the jealousies we shall hereafter speak of. T●e Mignons of Court which were then in quarter gave a great occasion: Christopher, of Harcourt Lord of Chaumont, and Martin Gouge Bishop of Clermont, Factions in F●anders. The Duke of Bourgong●e in danger of his life at Bruges. men that had no good in them but to do ill. The Duke of Bourgongne had much trouble this year: the English had sowed great divisions in his chiefest Cities. Bruges stirred up strange mutinies against him, whereas he was in danger of his life: Lisle Adam chief Captain of his guard is slain. A popular man whom we have seen to command the Parisiens' twice, once against the King, and an other time for the King, he presumed in like sort to govern them of Bruges, but they tear him in pieces, as the Gantois had in former times massacred Arteville, their Tribune. A multitude is a dangerous thorn, which cannot be handled without pricking. Gant followed the example of Bruges, but in the end all was pacified, with the loss of the most seditious, to the content of the same people, who devour him they did adore. After these seditions, Philip returns to wa●re he beseegeth Crotoy (a place very important for the free traffic of his Countries) but after great pains and charge, it proved all vain. He is unfortunate in war. A man unfortunate in war, but in Council he commanded men's minds with an Imperious gravity. But (a midst the general) shall I omit this particular observation, profitable for the example? That great Captain la Hire, passing near unto Clermont (a Town then subject to the English) was there honourably received by the Lord of Anfemont governor of the Town, 1437. Two strange surprises. and (for that he trusted la Hire much) he suffered him to enter with his men into the ravelin to eat a banquet▪ la Hire embracing this occasion, makes him his prisoner and takes the place, Anfemont had his revenge in time, by means of the Lord of Movy: he enters Beawais, where la Hire was governor, goes unto him to the Tenise Court, taketh him and leads him away prisoner in view of all the Inhabitants, and makes him to yield both his ransom and Clermont again, notwithstanding Charles his letters to the Bourguignon: but in the end they are good friends. Thus discourtesy is always requited with the like, leaving a long repentance for him that is the author of the injury, how brave and cunning soever he be, God punishing iniquity in due season, when as men think least of it, and by means least apparent. The wars had wonderfully unpeopled France, Famine and pestilence follow war. but this scourge was not sufficient. The whole Country lying waist, (not able to be tilled by reason of the daily incursions and ordinary spoils of both parties) there fell a great famine. That which was usually worth but five pence, was sold for five shillings and six pence, or more. The people being famished, sought bred where they might find it, being forced from their houses by raging hunger, they disperse themselves in the fields and Towns: in the one to find some fruit among the trees and in the bushes, ro some herbs or roots: in the other to get some morsel of bread, or some garbage, to fill the paunch with any thing they could meet withal. So their bodies filled with bad meats were likewise filled with bad humours, falling into divers languishing diseases. In the end all turned to a plague so horrible, as all these poor creatures famished & weakened, with diseases were like unto dry wood in a great flame. Thus one plague bred an other, and that miserable plant of war, brought forth two branches of misery to our wretched Country, famine and pestilence. A lamentable spectacle in Paris. These afflictions dispersed throughout the Realm, reigned chiefly at Paris, the solemn Rendezvous of this languishing people. There was nothing to be seen but lamentable troops of people pale and lean, of all sexes and ages, either running in the fields or up and down the streets, or laid upon dunghills, or dead in the market places, a most horrible spectacle to behold. There died threescore thousand persons in Paris. All the principal men abandoned the City, except Adam of Cambray the first Precedent, Ambrose of Lore the Provost of Paris, and the Precedent of the Accounts, whom God preserved in this contagion, to eternize their commendable memories for ever, having succoured the public in necessity: without whose courageous resolution the City had easily fallen into the hands of the English, who watched for all occasions, and made daily incursions from Mante even unto the gates. The Champion Country being abandoned, wolves left the forests without fear, and having made their prey upon the remainder of this miserable people, they came to the gates of Towns & even into the streets. This horrible spectacle hath been seen at Paris, in the Theatre of the world, in the most populous City of all others. So one misery drew on an other, and these afflictions continued two whole years, unto the year 1439. whilst the contention of Antipopes increased the fire of Schisms in Christendom, as we shall show in due place. Amedee or Amé Duke of Savoie carried himself as we have said, during the calalamities of France: The Duke of Savoie becomes a monk. in the end of this year he shall show a strange alteration of humour, to the great amazement of all the world, for being in his Castle of Thonnon, (a Town seated upon the Lake Leman) he retires with a small train to Ripaille, where he had an abbey of Monks of Saint Maurice, and having imparted his desseine but to two of his most confident servants, (having bound them to keep him faithful company) he takes upon him the habit of these monks, that is, A grey frock, a long cloak, a grey hood, a short cornet, and a red bonnet under his hood, but upon his grey frock he ware a great girdle of gold, & upon his cloak a cross of gold. Having thus changed his habit, his meaning was not to change his degree, nor to leave the world▪ but under the colour of this habit, his intent was to aspire higher, as the course of his life will show. Being now retired to Ripaille, His dissimulation. he calls a parliament and shows them his intention in this new manner of life. That being weary of the world, where there was nothing but toil and trouble, he would sequester himself, to dedicate his life wholly to the service of God. But to the end he might provide for the government of his estate, he declares his eldest son Prince of Piedmont, and claud his youngest, Earl of Geneve, and he himself remains Duke of Savoie, although he had vowed himself to the order of Saint Maurice, and without altering of any thing, he reserves to himself the sole and sovereign authority of all his estates. Having thus published his intent, he retires with his monks to Ripaille, into one quarter of the lodging the which he had built apart, accompanied with twenty of his favourits in Monk's attire: but not living like unto that profession, for leaving them their water & roots, Death of great Princes. he qualified this solitary life with the best cheer he could get from Chamberie or Turin. This year is likewise memorable by the death of three great Princesses: of Catherine Queen of England sister to Charles the 7. the mournful levanie of our long miseries: of the old Queen daughter to the King of Navarre Mother to the Princes of Britain, the Duke & Constable: and of the old Countess of Armaignac, daughter to the Duke of Berry and Mother to the Duke of Savoie, the Earl of Armaignac and the Earl of March. All died almost in one day, having seen the strange tragedies of France, acted during their lives and upon their children, and in their ends, seeing no end of our miseries. As the fury of fight grew cold, so the war was turned into traffic. There was no Town but the governor kept it for him that would give most: Sale of places an unworthy traffic. and Charles held it more expedient to have a Town or place for money, then to besiege it with great charge, to the oppression of his subjects; and with a doubtful event. Montargiss had cost either party much money to take it and to recover it again: Charles buys it of Francis of Surienne an Arragonois under the English pay, for ten thousand Crowns. He bought Dreux (the which he could never yet obtain) for eighteen thousand Crowns of William Brovillart of Because, a filthy traffic, worthy of that confused time, but unworthy of all good order and all royal authority. The which being laid open unto Charles, he resolves to use an honourable force, & to spend more money to get more honour. So he beseegeth Meaux and takes it victoriously, these were the first fruits of this new year. In the month of May Charles the only son of Philip Duke of Bourgongne comes to Tours, where King Charles was resident, and takes Catherine of France his daughter to wife, according to the treaty of Arras. Charles son to Philip of Bourgongne marries Katherine of France. Having conducted her through his father's Countries to Saint Orem (where the duke attended him, he solemnised the marriage with exceeding great pomp, the which did nothing increase the love of these Princes allied, nor the happiness of the marriage, the which was of small continuance, and less love betwixt the parties as the course of the history will show. In the mean time the Bourguignon hath still two strings to his bow. Although he had renounced the alliance of England, yet had he not left all his intelligences, the necessity of their neighbourhood giving them still occasions to confer together. And as he was always watchful of his profit, so had he a good gage in England to settle his affairs, inretyring Lewis Duke of Orleans out of prison, being taken at the battle of Azincourt. He caused Charles to entertain a treaty for a truce with the English: the first grounds were laid by the Duchess his wife, a cunning Princess and careful of her husband's good. The Cardinal of Wincestre comes to Gravelin to that effect, yet this was but to lay the first foundation of the work which shallbe finished in due season. We have made mention of john of Luxembourg, who would not be comprehended in the treaty of Arras. Philip made great show to be displeased with him, and Luxembourg likewise to be his enemy, causing his men to be slain in great disorder. Philip treats with him upon complaint of them that were wronged, and all is pacified. The clear sighted did easily find that this was the Bourgognons' policy▪ who seemed to be in choler against him to gratify Charles, being much displeased with Luxembourg, who played the petty King with his master, but he shall not carry it long, for he died soon after, & the Bourguignon lost the whip he held ready for all events, 1439. and the children of Luxembourg stood in need of the King's favour. But now the Bourguignon flies to an other practice. He desired infinitely to be master of Calais, A ridiculous practice to take Calais. and seeing that force could not prevail, he means to try policy. Some of his subjects persuaded him that in breaking of a dike, they should let in the sea, and so drown the Town & Country about, whereby they should force them to obedience. He believes this imagination, and employs much pain and cost to effect it. But this fancy of a flood, vanished away like unto the flemish army at the first siege, whereof we have seen the fruitless issue. So this fantastical flood proved ridiculous. But the Duke to show that he had done something, caused the bridge of Milay to be beaten down, and some small dikes, which only watered the Country. The beginning of this year laid the foundation of great matters for the restoring of our estate, the which doth draw on daily by means not foreseen, and without the wisdom or care of Charles, who was chiefly interessed. After the reduction of Paris, all the Towns in general were resolved to free themselves by force, if the King had been so affected, but finding his mind inclining rather to peace, they beseech him to find some means to compound with the English, and not to lanquish longer in the ordinary losses of a linger and prejudicial war. The Duchess of Bourgongne for her husband's private interest, lays the first stone, treating for the delivery of Lewis Duke of Orleans, as we have said. This first act was seconded by the request which the Provinces of the realm made unto the King, Charles calle● a Parliament at Orleans to treat of a general peace. the which ministered occasion unto Charles to call a general Parliament at Orleans, whether not only all the Cities sent their deputies, according to the custom, but all the Noblemen which came not in person sent their Agents: for the subject was to treat of a general peace, & if it might not be effected, to set some order for the men of war, for the ease of the poor people, who could endure no more. The King was there in person accompanied with these Noblemen, the Earls of March, Bourbon▪ Vendosme, and Richemont Constable, and the Archbishop of Rheims being Chancellor of France. The Agents of the Duke of Orleans, of the Duke of Bourgongne, and of the Earl of Armaignac assisted with the deputies of Paris, Languedoc, Daulphiné, Guienne and other Provinces subject to the French. The Chancellor (a wise and an eloquent man) did set down at large the miseries of war, and the inestimable good of peace: but what better commentary than the feeling of forepast miseries, and the visible demonstration of our present calamities. It was decreed that in regard of a general peace they should make all necessary 〈◊〉 with speed. As for the ordering of men of war, they should presently take some course to avoid confusion hereafter. The Lord Chancellor & the first Precedent were chosent to negotiate this treaty with the English, through the means and favour of the Duke of Bourgongne, as having laid the foundation: & presently a decree was made for the government of soldiers both of horse & foot, and to discharge the army of hangers on the which did but encumber, to the great oppression of the poor people. This was the institution of the frank-archers. The first day of May was appointed by the common consent of both Kings to meet at Saint Omer, but the King of England was advised by the Duke of York his uncle (who had succeeded the Duke of Bedford in his authority, although the name of Regent was not given him since the King's coronation) that he should stand upon terms, as having no need of peace, but only moved with compassion of the poor people, and therefore he failed in the assignation. But there fell out an unexpected occasion to Charles, which not only broke of the course of this business & all others, but had well near plounged France into greater misery than before. The King was gone to Angers, where he had intelligence of the taking of Saint Susanne, for his service, one of the most important places of the Country of main, and of his loss at the siege of Auranches, which was ill attempted & succeeded ill: when as stranger news made him lose the pleasure of this gain, & forget the bitterness of his loss. He was grown wondered wayward & suspicious, inclining visibly into too extremities: being too familiar with some of his domestical servants, & too severe to his Princes & chief officers▪ either he should not have married his eldest son Lewis, Dauphin of Vie●●ois so soon, or else he should not have used him like a child. But Charles looked on him with sour countenance, as if he had been under the rod. All this was done of purpose, practised by his secret councillors, to keep great men from attempting against him under the name of this young Prince, to the prejudice of his royal authority: but what he feared chanced. The Earl of March a prince of the blood, had the charge of the young Dauphin, a Prince whom Charles trusted, being both wise and temperate: The Princes of the blood discontented. Lewis of Bourbon Duke of Alencon Godfather to Lewis was not so familiar with Charles as he was accustomed. The Duke of Bourbon was not altogether in so bad terms, yet was he not so great in the King's favour as he desired, grieving that such base men should have countenance. These two Princes must lead the dance▪ if their desseine had succeeded, many would have joined, but now they would be lookers on only. At this time the Princes had men fit to execute their desseine, the Lords of Chaumont, Boveiquaut & Prye, with many adventurers, thieves, and such like. Tremoville having some notice of this plot, Make a league to advance the Dauphin. offers himself unto them, and is entertained: a matter as wisely performed by them, as rashly done of him. The project of these discontented Princes was, to settle the Dauphin, that hereafter all things might be done by his authority, being ruled by the advice of the Princes of the blood, and so in effect they would have King Charles governed by his son. For the execution hereof they first seize upon the Dauphin, The Dauphin carried away by the princes with his own liking. who was an assistant himself, to be freed from the Earl of March his governor. He was lodged in the Castle of Loches in Touraine, governed with great respect, who seeing him of age, married, and of a lively disposition, gave him great liberty: he might go abroad at his pleasure, where he found the bastard of Bourbon, Anthony of Chabanes, with other captains adventurers, who conducted him honourably into Bourbonois. The same day the Duke of Alenson seized upon Niort, and by his commandment john de la Roche took S. Maxent. The Duke of Bourbon having the Dauphin in his power, (a Prince full of youthful courage) he caused him to write to the nobility of Auvergne, The Prince's desse●●e. and to the Duke of Bourgongne praying them to aid him in his desseins, which was to have more liberty to govern matters of state hereafter, for the better satisfying of men of honour, whom he did see (to his great grief) kept back by certain flatterers which possessed the King his father, to the great prejudice of the whole Realm. These news being brought to Charles, he presently sends to the Duke of Bourbon to return him his son, and to the Duke of Alenson to deliver his towns of Niort & S. Maxent, & to them both to come & yield an account of these inovations: who finding by their answers that they excused themselves and sought delays, he resolves to come to the effects, and to suppress this mischief in the breeding. He was well served at this time. The Duke of Bourgongne lets the Dauphin understand, The Duke of Bourgongne answers the Daulphins' letter. that all his means are at his commandment, so as it be not against his father, but he advised him to go unto him, & not to aggravate one error with an other, being most certain that the shortest errors are the best. He adviseth the Dukes of Bourbon and Alenson not to attempt a thing of ill fame, whereby they should get neither honour nor profit, & to free themselves speedily with the most honest excuses they could devise. The nobility of Auvergne protest unto the Dauphin by the Lord of Dampmartin, that in all things that were in their power they would do him service, except against the King his father. The inhabitants of S. Maxent (seeing the Castle seized on by la Roche) assemble and entrench themselves in the gates and Towers of the Town, and advertise the King thereof, offering to do as it should please him to command. The king was at Poitiers. S. Maxent taken by the league and recovered again: the actors punished. This advertisement was brought him as he dined: whereupon he presently dispatcheth the Admiral of Coitivy and the Lord of Varenne Seneschal of Poitou to these good subjects of S. Maxent, and the next day he follows himself. The Castle was presently besieged, battered and forced, and the heads of such as were taken, paid for la Roches folly, who escaped in the night, under colour that he would seek counsel & succour. Montrichard being taken by the Princes at the same time obeyed the King. The Earl of Dunois a bastard of the house of Orleans, who was of their faction, leaves them presently, & follows the King. This was the end of this year, and shall soon be the end of this hurly burly, ill attempted and worse executed. The Princes had seduced many towns in Auvergne, notwithstanding their first protestation, but for that it belonged to the Duke of Bourbon, it could not be, but many of his subjects and private servants must make some show of obedience, King Charles. goes with an army against the Duke of Bourbon. especially in the Daulphins' presence, and at his entreaty. Charles resolves to march thither with all speed. He had eight hundred men at arms, and two thousand archers, & had so provided for their lodgings as they marched without effecting any thing. And for that it was likely the English would make his profit of our domestical confusions (seeing the princes of the blood presume to attempt against the head of their house, and to set the son against the Father) Charles prevented it with such dexterity, as all the frontiers against the English, were very well fortified. He had intelligence also that the men of war being generally discontented for their pay, and grieved that the King so exclaimed against their disorders, upon his subjects complaints, would be easily drawn to the league: He therefore sent for them whom he might most suspect, & engaged them in his service, the Vicont of Loumeigne, the bastard of Foix and Halezard; valiant Captains, and well-beloved of the adventuring soldiers. This done, he sends Pothon, Flocques and Bresay with his troops; and follows himself without any stay, being accompanied with the Earl of March, the bastard of Orleans, the Constable of France, and many Noble men with a well ordered train. The Towns of Chambon and Eu●n being fortified by the Princes, were easily taken by Pothon. They were in danger of their lives through their resistance, but by the Constables means their peace was made for six hundred crowns of gold which then made a hundred marks of silver. These places being reduced to obedience, Charles came to Ebruele, which yielded, from thence he went to Aigueperse and Cursot, the which likewise obeyed, The Dauphin flies into Bourgongne. notwithstanding the persuasion of the Princes. Charoux resisted & was taken at the first assault: the spoil was great, the troops remain there 15. days, whilst that Charles takes Escuroles, with 5. or 6. other forts favouring the discontented princes. The Duke of Bourbon was at S. Por●ain, where he had engaged the Dauphin to seize upon the towns of Auvergne. Tremoville was there also, who had brought a hundred lances to the Princes with a thousand vain hopes of his great means: but hearing that the King approached, (being armed with right and force, they ask counsel of their wounded consciences, which adviseth them to fly into Bourgongne. So parting from S. Por●ain they come to Moulins, & from thence they take the way of S. Desire to pass into Bourgongne, but having intelligences that they could pass no further; and that the Duke of Bourgongne had prevented them, they return all amazed to Moulins, finding their affairs to succeed but ill. Clermont & Montferraut could never be drawn from the King's service, notwithstanding all the persuasions of the Princes, Rions followed their faction and was soon reduced to the King's obedience. Charles being arrived at Clermont calls an assembly of the Estates of Auvergne, showing the importance of this action by the Bishop of Clermont. The whole country is presently at the King's devotion, offering freely to employ their bodies and goods for his service. But not rejecting mildness with his force, Charles thought it good that the Earl of Eu should treat with the Princes, who in the end resolve to attend upon the King at Clermont. The Dauphin remained at Moulins, & the Dukes of Bourbon and Alenson undertook the voyage under his majesties safe conduct, they carried with them Tremoville, Chaumont & Prie, whereof Charles being advertised, he sent to countermand them, not meaning these three should be comprehended in the passport. The Princes having spoken with the King, and drawn matters to some good accord, they promise to bring the Dauphin to Clermont, and to pacify all by this interview, but this young prince so disdained the refusal his father had made of his three servants, as he protested he would not go unto him, but would rather hazard all. This humour made him to fail in the assignation, and Charles was resolved to use force. He therefore sends his vanguard, which besiegeth and takes Vichy. Curset, & Varennes obey presently without contradiction, S. An must be forced, but in the end it obeys. So doth Rovenne, Chartier, Perrie●● & all the places of Rovannois. This success did mollify the hearts both of the Dauphin & Princes, to draw them unto reason: 1440. so as having (by the mediation of the Earl of Eu) persuaded the king to like of their coming, they went to Curs●t. Charles was very mild to his son, & at the first gave him good entertainment, but when he sees this young man fully bend to have Tremoville, Chaumont and pry (his good and faithful servants) received into favour, and boldly to say unto him, That he must else return, being engaged in his word & honour, he said roughly to him: Lewis, the gates are open, & if they be not big enough I will cause sixteen or twenty fathoms of the wall to be beaten down, to pass where you please: you are my son, you cannot tie yourself to any without my leave▪ but if you will go, you may departed: for by the help of God, we shall find some of our blood, which shall help us better to maintain our honour, than you have yet done. So the accord was made without comprehending of these three. The Dukes of Bourbon and Alenson swear to serve the King, and yield up Loches, Corbeil, Bois de Vincennes, Sancerre, Sancovins, Erie, Conterobert and other places which they held. The Dauphin remains with his father, who changeth all his train, except his confessor and Cook. But all this is but counterfeit, you shall soon see other broils. This frenzy of state bred in the King's house against the King himself, was by our Ancestors called the Prag●●●y. Nine months of this year being spent in these garboils, Charles returns to Tours, to provide for the raising of the siege at Harfleu, where the Earl of Somerset had lain long: but it was in vain, for the Town was taken in the end, after a long and painful constancy of the Inhabitants, who could not be relieved in time by reason of these homebred troubles, and yet there was a second mischief. The Lord of Gaucourt governor of Daulphiné (a most profitable servant of the King) returning from the siege, and causing some of his baggage (which was scattered from the troop) to retire▪ he was surprised by a company of English, and led prisoner to Roven, to the great grief of Charles who loved him, having given good testymones of his loyalty in his greatest extremities. But in exchange Charles takes Conches and Lo●●iers▪ (Towns of importance in Normandy) from thence he came into champaign, to subdue a part of these adventuring thieves, who had surprised some places in this Province, Musse l'Euesque, Montagu, and others. The King's army (led by the Constable) takes them, and razed them by the King's command, pardoning most of these thievish Captains, the bastard of Vergy and the Lord of Commercy, A memorable execution. but he caused Alexander bastard of john Duke of Orleans to be drowned, a notable thief, who (having followed the discontented Princes) had spoken unworthily of his master. This execution of justice is memorable upon one of so high a birth, being followed the same year with the exemplary death of Gyl●s de Raiz Marshal of France, issued from a great and famous house, The Marshal de Raiz burnt for sorcery. who being found guilty of negromancy and Sorcery, was condemned by the Court of Parliament of Britain, and burnt at Nantes with some of his servants, culpable of the same crimes. He was honoured for his valour, but neither his arms nor his blood could stay the hand of divine justice, meritoriously executed by this just decree of the magistrate. Private actions worthy to be registered in the history, to show that the greatest cannot fly the hand of God, after they have long abused his patience. But the treaty of peace betwixt France and England, being discontinued above a year, was again revived by the industry of the Duchess of Bourgongne a Portugal, but much affected to the quiet of the Realm, and a very sufficient woman, who had great credit with her husband. She follows it so wisely, as in the end two Kings sends their Ambassadors to Calais. On Charles his behalf were the Archbishops of Rheims, & Narbon, A treatee betwixt the two Kings for a peace but 〈◊〉. and the Earl of Dunois bastard of Orleans. For Henry King of England, the Cardinal of York, and the Duke of Exeter, who brought with them Charles Duke of Orleans, so being long kept prisoner in England. This poor Prince (after the languishing of so long a prison,) was exceeding glad to see some means to return to his house, having felt the air on this side the Sea, and embraced the Earl of Dunois, one of the branches of his house, he who ●ad so faithfully served him in his afflictions: but he grieved to see himself presently carried back into England, for that they could not agree upon the foundamenttall points, the English being resolute not to leave one foot of that which they held in France. And although the King were content they should freely enjoy what they possessed, so as they held it as they had done in times passed of the Crown of France by homage: yet would they not yield in any sort, being loath to relinquish their pretended sovereignty. But he refuseth which afterwards doth sue. At this time they were enforced to retire with this resolution, That without infringing any thing of the treaty begun, every one should go home, and consider of his affairs, to assemble again when need should require: The Duke of Orleans delivered. the which either part desired. And this is all could be done for the general. They proceeded farther for the duke of Orleans▪ but as in these traffics such as hold the possession do commonly use policy, the stronger giving law to the weaker, so in so precious matter as life, the English must be sued unto, making no haste to deliver him, for that they drew great profit yearly for the pension of this great Prince. Moreover Charles had no great care of his delivery: for that some malicious spirits had seasoned him with some bad impression against this poor Prince, persuading him, that his long imprisonment was not without some mystery, and that it hatched some mischief against the King and his estate. The which being miserable in so great a person, gave all men a just cause of compassion. But notwithstanding all these difficulties yet must this Prince (one of the goodliest plants of this Crown) be now delivered, to leave a successor for the realm of France: The divers afflictions of the Duke of Orleans. and God, who would honour his race with the Crown, had prepared an admirable means for his delivery, by his help, from whom in reason he might least hope, even when his own friends had abandoned him. A notable example for all men in many respects: a prison of five and twenty years, was a great affliction to a Prince borne to command, and yet captive to an other. The loss of all his goods gave him a sufficient occasion to resolve to perpetual misery, and to leave it for an inheritance to his posterity. In the end slander (a most cruel sting to a generous mind, which hath honour for his assured treasure) had been able to suppress him. But God, who governs the rod wisely, gives him liberty, goods and honour in due season: in despite of this devilish envy, which seeking to afflict the afflicted, and controlling adversity as well as prosperity, is then corrected when it seeks to correct an other: but God doth never send helps too late. The Duke of Bourgongne undertaks for the Duke of Orleans ransom. Philip having resolved to do this good turn for the Duke of Orleans, and to withdraw him out of prison, compounds for his ransom with the King of England, for three hundred thousand Crowns. He gives his word for it, and pays it, and so Charles Duke of Orleans being honourably conducted, comes first to Calais, where the money being paid, he comes free to Gravelin to the Duke of Bourgongne his deliverer, who received him with all the good cheer he could desire. He was taken at Azincourt, in the year 1415. and was delivered in 1440. the 25 of November, by the means of his son that had slain his father, and had done all he could to ruin his house. Being come to Philip, (having thanked him for this good will, and protested to hold him for his father,) he swears a perpetual league with him, the which is confirmed by the marriage of Marie of Cleves the niece of Philip with the Duke, Two great enemies become great friends. and then he swears to the troaty of Arras, except the article of the murder committed on the person of john Duke of Bourgongne, whereof he was innocent: and for confirmation of this solemn league, he takes the order of the golden fleece, from the hands of Philip, and is admitted into the number of his Knights. Behold two great enemies are become great friends by so memorable an occasion. The reason that moved the Duke of Bourgongne to do this good turn. The Duke of Bourgongne had his private considerations for the safety and quiet of his house, he sees himself raised to greatness. But as it is no less virtue to keep then to get, and that his blood, profit, duty, and necessity commanded him to hold firm for the French party, as the greatest and most assured for the good of his affairs: so likewise he considered that he should need some trusty friend near the King, on whom he might confidently rely. And what greater parsonage than the Duke of Orleans the first Prince of the blood? and what greater bond then to free him from Captivity? necessity also foreseeing him thereunto: for it was very apparent that this Prince being freed from prison, had the like action against Philip, that Philip had against the King: for although Philip had not slain his father, yet was he son to the murderer, and the quarrel must needs be hereditary in these great houses, where discontents and wrongs go from father to son▪ being also likely that the King discontented to have been forced by his subject to ask him forgiveness in the view of all Europe, would maintain the right of his blood, in a Prince that had never wronged him, against his reconciled enemy, whose friendship he had so dearly bought: wherein he noted well the King's humour, being suspicious, jealous, and impatient of any new authority, which (being able to oppose itself) he would never fail to cross in all occasions. Philip wisely foreseeing all these difficulties) prevented them, in assuring himself of the Duke of Orleans love, upon so good consideration, suppressing thereby all doubt of danger, which he might hereafter fear. Herein we see a notable example: that we must never despair in the greatest crosses of this life, that quarrels must be mortal, & whereas they die, friendship must be immortal. That the best means to vanquish an enemy ●s to do him all the good we can. The honour of this good work was not attributed to the Duke of Bourgongne alone, but to the Duchess his wife, who won as great credit in drawing her husband to this reconciliation, as her Predecessor did dishonour, by the incensing of her husband against the house of Orleans, whence grew that infamy which polluted these two houses with two tragical murders. The wives honour is to pacify quarrels betwixt the kinsmen and Allies of the house whereinto she is matched, and contrariwise it is an importune jealousy to sow dissension among kinsmen. God also blest the mediation of this worthy Princess in the marriage of Marie of Cleves, Niece to her husband, with the Duke of Orleans▪ by whom he had Lewis .12. which shallbe King of France▪ & two daughters, the one Elinor which was married into the house of Navarre, of whom is issued joane Queen of Navarre, mother to our good & valiant King Henry the 4. now reigning. This year shallbe full of war, and successful for Charles: yet in the end it shall minister occasion to enter into the former treaty of peace, which having begun the years before and little advanced, shallbe ended in the following years, after another manner than the English expected. Charles seeing that the King of England by his cold delays, sought not only to make his conditions better (being sought unto) but also to draw him into some inconvenience, he resolves to arms. The English had taken Creil upon Oyze and could not be dispossessed of Pontoise, a Town of importance for the nearness of Paris. The King resolves to take them both. The Admiral of Coytivy beseegeth Creil, and forceth it in the King's presence. The memorable siege of Pontoise. Thus the way is made to Pontoise, the siege was memorable, being well assailed and well defended, but in the end it was taken by Charles for the good of France. He lodgeth at the Abbey of Maubuisson, accompanied with his son the Dauphin of Viennois, Charles of Anjou, the Earl of Clermont, the Constable of France, the Marshals of Lohea● and Soloigne, Lewis of Luxembourg Earl of Saint Paul and of Pigney, who brought unto the King a goodly troop of men from the Duke of Bourgongne, with them of the City of Tournay, who sent a gallant squadron of their Citizens. Thus unity brought both French and Bourgognons under the same enseignes, against the common enemy of France. There were also the Earls of Eu, Albret, and Vaudemont, the Vidame of Chartres, the Lords of Chastillon, Tancaruille, joigny, Morneil in Brie, Bueil, Movy▪ la Tour, Angesi, Longevall, Moyencourt, Suze, Chabannes, Flavy, S. Simon, Mailly, Penesac, Blanchefort, and those brave Captains, la Hire, Pothon, and Floquet, with an infinite number of the Nobility, who added their valour to the number of the soldiers, which they had brought unto the King. The City of Paris sent a goodly troop, so as Charles had twelve thousand fight men. At the first approach the bastion upon the bridge next to Maubuisson was taken by la Hire, on the other side against the Abbey of Saint Martin, they make a bridge with a great bastion, where they lodge three thousand archers, yet the Town was not so straightly besieged, but Talbot sent in both men and victuals. 1441. Whilst that Charles stood discontented with this error, behold a greater bravado, for the Duke of York (Lieutenant general for Henry King of England) comes to Cenery and Hotonuille, places very near to Pontoise, with a goodly army of eight thous●nd men, and sends his heralds unto Charles to offer him battle, Charles (who by the advice of his Council would not commit this successful beginning of his affairs to the hazard of a battle) returns them with no other answer, The Duke of Yo●●e goes with an army to ●eleeue Pontoise. but that he should have his belly full sooner than he liked. The river of Oize was betwixt both armies. Charles resolves to keep the passages from Pontoise to Beaumond, and the Duke of York to pass the river in despite of the French, and to this end he caused many small boats of Leather, wood & cords to be brought, with other stuff fit to make bridges. The bridge of Beaumond was guarded by the French, but the English pass at an Abbey beneath the bridge, and with such danger in their artificial boats, as ten resolute men might have stayed a great army, but the silence of the night so favoured their passage, as a great part of the English army was past, before our Sentinels had discovered them. Then was there no remedy but to advertise the King, of the enemy's passage. The Duke of York (having thus happily passed the river and rested his soldiers that night,) marcheth in goodly order towards Charles, meaning to charge him: Charles takes Council of his fear covered with this resolution, not to hazard a general battle▪ but he was likely to have fallen into an other inconvenience, for without attending of the enemy, ●e puts all the weightiest of his carriages into the fort of Saint Martin, Charles retires from Pontoise. under the guard of Charles of Anjou, and the Admiral of Coitivy with two thousand men, & with them la Hire, Rouhault Estouteville with other resolute Captains: and so leaving his lodging of Maubuisson he retyers to Poissy. The Duke of York takes up his lodging at Maubuisson, being abandoned, and makes a show to attempt the fort of Saint Martin, but having tried it in vain, he takes his way to Poissy, and lodgeth before the Town in view of the King and his army. There were some skirmishes without any great success, Charles continuing his resolution to hazard nothing, and York his project to victual and save Pontoise. So the English retyers to Mante, to send refreshing● from thence to the besieged: but this great bravado came to nothing. The beginning was dishonourable for the King, but the end was both happy and honourable. Being retired to Saint Denis, and having sent the Constable unto Paris, he resolves to send to Pontoise, and to wine it or to die. The reason was, that this his retreat or rather flight was so infamously spoken of by the greatest in Court, and so odious to the Pa●isiens, (who had defrayed a great part of the charge at this siege) as it was to be feared they would make some mutiny against him, if the success were not good. His spies did likewise assure him that the Princes of his blood (especially since the return of the Duke of Orleans) were resolved to make some extraordinary assembly, and to admonish him touching the government. It chanced then that the Earls of Saint Pol and Vaud●mont (notable partisans of the Duke of Bourgongne) left the King, when he had most need of succours, and they of Tournay were of the same party. He had the Dauphin with him, whom he caused to watch diligently both day and night. But how could he doubt that these tricks came not out of the Bourgognons' budget▪ Choler banished fear, so as being resolved to repair this error, and to prevent his enemy's practices, he runs to Pontoise (for he was but ten days away) and giving the Duke of York no leisure to relieve the besieged, he resolves to take it by force. This indignation succeeded happily. He caused three assaults to be given on three parts, and at the first he won our Lady's Church which is without the Town whereby he might greatly annoy the besieged. He took this quarter for himself, accompanied with the Earls of March, Albret, and Tancaruille. The Dauphin was at the Port Friche joining to the river of Oize, with the Earl of main, the Admiral and the great master of the Crossbows. On the other side of the battery was the Constable, the Marshal of Loheac, the Lords of Mo●y, Tovars, Suze, Serran, Sanzay and the vidame of Chartres. The Canon being planted of all sides, and a reasonable breach made, the French enter furiously, and the King with the first: (of such force is resolution in a great Prince,) to animate a whole army, as the head doth the whole body. Pontois● ●aken by assault. The English were consumed like to straw in the fire, five hundred were slain at this entry, and four hundred taken prisoners. The Inhabitants were spared (by the careful command of Charles) who acknowledging the happiness of this victory to come from God, goes to give him thanks, offering him the first fruits of this victory: for without doubt if he had failed, his enemies were ready to conspire against him. He calls together all the Princes, Noblemen and Captains of the army, he thanks them for the good and faithful service they had done him, in this notable occasion. He makes the Lord of jalonges Marshal of France, and many Knights. He called for him that first entered the breach, commends his valour, and rewards him with an honourable pension. But why hath the History concealed this honest man's name, Happy exploits for Charles. his reward had been immortal? Such was the issue of the siege of Pontoise remarkable for many circumstances, but then very considerable for the King's affairs, who had an honourable revenge of the English bravadoe. But as one good hap follows an other when it pleaseth God, so Charles received many good advertisements at the same instant. The English drew together many garrisons in the Country of main, from Man's, Fresnoy and Mahinne la juhez, and had sacked Saint Denis in Anjou. The French which were in Sabl●, Laval and Saint Susanne, led by the Lord of Bueil, meet them laden with spoil, and very joyful; they charge them, defeat and kill them, leaving four hundred upon the place. Peter of Breze issues out of Conches and surpriseth the English at Beaumond le Roger: sleeping without fear, he awaks them with the sword, kills them and taketh the Town. john Flocquet doth likewise about the same time take Eureeux (a Town of very great importance in Normandy,) The means is memorable, a fisherman makes a hole in the wall, whereby he enters in the night, and becomes master of the Town. But in exchange they receive a check. The Captains and soldiers which had taken many prisoners at Pontoise, had compounded with an English Captain for their ransom, who had taken the debt upon him. The prisoners were kept at Cornil●e, a Castle near unto Chartres. While they expected money, this mediator having free liberty to go and come, observes all the passages so well, as he soon finds means to pay all these ransoms, for one morning he surpriseth the place, frees the prisoners, and takes all them that had them in guard. The Paris●ens honour Charles at his return, whom they were ready to devour, if the success of Pontoise had not been good. The Duke of Bourgongne sends his wife unto him for many respects, who returned with no great satisfaction: and Charles Duke of Orleans (who had not yet seen him since his return from prison) comes unto him with a goodly train: the King receives him very graciously, and allowed well the excuses of his long delay, and to cross the Duke of Bourgongne, he gives his Cousin of Orleans towards the payment of his ransom, a hundred and fifty thousand franks: a very great some in those days, the which was not given for nothing in so great a necessity of the King's affairs. Lewis of Luxembourg and the widow of john of Luxembourg, partisans to the Bourguignon, do homage to Charles, and yield the Town of Marle unto him: these be fruits▪ no doubt of the victory at Pontoise. In the mean time the Princes assemble at Nevers, the Dukes of Bourgongne, Bourbon and Alencon, with the Earl of Vendosme. The Duke of Britain sent his Ambassador, not able to come himself, for that he was not yet in the King's good favour. There were for the most part private discontents, The Prince's admonitions to the King and their demands. tending to every man's private interest. As not to be maintained in their degrees, to be called to Councils, respected in their advises, honoured in their charges, paid their pensions, and eased in their lands. But the zeal of the public good shadowed all, with a show of justice, peace, order and relief of the people. That it was fit the King should proceed more speedily in the treaty of peace with the English, the which had been too coldly followed. That he should supply his Parliaments with good and sufficient men, and thereby provide for the offices and not for the persons, that by their faithful diligence suits might be shortened, and speedy ●ustice administered without delay▪ or respect of either of the parties. That he should provide for the ease of the subject overcharged, rule the soldiers, prevent robberies, ransoming, and extortions, the which were daily committed under too apparent an excuse, that the soldier was not paid. That he should give honours without respect of forepast divisions, and declare al● his subjects capable of Offices and dignities indifferently, not remembering what was passed. That he should have a competent number of grave men in his great Council worthy of that charge, & not to commit the government of the affairs of the Realm to two or three, as had been done in former times. These are the chief points of their demands, drawn word by word out of the Original. Charles was nothing pleased with these Assemblies, made both in his absence and without his privity, whereby many inconveniences must ensue, all being done without his authority. But being taught by his own experience, he digested this kind of affront quietly, being loath to alter any thing at such a season, when as he had no need of new enemies: and having either excused what had been done, or contented every private person, he proceeded to the principal, which was the establishment of the affairs of the Realm. The disorders of men of war were insupportable, the which must be reform, but that which troubled the King was the siege of Tartas, remarkable by this circumstance. Tartas is a Town in Gasconie belonging to the house of Albret. This Town was besieged by captal de Buch, a great Nobleman of that Country, and of the English faction. It was concluded for the extreme necessity of the Country that there should be a surcease of arms, and liberty of free traffic in that Province, until midsummer following, upon condition that if the King did not secure the Town by that day, it should yield to the English, or else the French should remain in free possession without any controversy. And for assurance of this treaty, the eldest son of the Lord of Albret should remain in hostage. The matter was of great weight, being not only a question of the loss of a place of great importance, but of the King's reputation, who leaving his subjects, was in danger to be abandoned by them, & so to lose all Gasco●●e, where the English had gotten many partisans. Charles providing carefully for his affairs, gives two blows with one stone, wherewith he struck both the thieves and the English. He armed with exceeding speed, having drawn together four thousand horse, e●ght thousand archers, and eight thousand other foot. An infinite numbe● of great personages and voluntary Noblemen posted to this journey, as to a solemn assignation whereon depended the quiet and honour of France. The Dauphin did accompany him in this voyage, Charles of Anjou Earl of main, the Constable of Richmont, the Earls of March, Eu, Castres', Foix, & Lomaigne the eldest son of the Lord of A●maignac▪ the Lords of Albert, Gaure, Coming, Estrac, Tartas, Tancaruille, and Montgascon the eldest son to the Earl of Boulongne & Auvergne, & Philip of Culant Admiral of France with an infinite number of gallant Nobility. Thus Charles parting from Par●● comes first to Saumur, whither john Duke of Britain sent his Ambassadors, to offer him homage and men. Shame, to have so often lest him in all his extremities, would not suffer him to see the King, although the Constable were a good mediator for him. He restored to the King the forts of ●ssars & Palluau which annoyed all the Country of Po●●tou, and Charles gave them in guard to the Constable: from thence he passed into Poi●tou, and provides that Marvel, and Saint Hermine, should no more trouble the people: he than comes into Xaintonge, which had been much tormented by the Lord of Pons, who humbled himself unto the King, promising to live in peace. Taillebourg was taken by force, and the thieves punished. Bretueil was taken and razed. Thus Charles spent this year against thieves who had surprised some Towns. The next year was happily employed against the English our open enemies, making a great breach in Gas●●nie and there abouts, where the English had gotten deepest footing, by the ancient and lawful possession of his Ancestors. In the end by this breach the whole Province remained his: but the providence of God imparts his blessings by degrees. 1442. Having thus pacified Poitou and Xaintonge, he comes to Lymoges, and so to Tholouse, which was the Rendezvous of all his troops. Being arrived, he gives notice to them of Tarts, that they should continue firm, and that they should be relieved by the prefixed day▪ but as he labours on the one side to settle his affairs, so the English on the other side seek to overthrow them. Behold Talbot comes out of England into Normandy with two thousand men, and the Duke of York having levied men in the Country itself and places of their obedience, goes to field with four thousand men. With these forces he thinks to take all that Charles held in that Province, where he had left the Earl of Dunois and the Vidame of Chartres for the guard of those places: but this enterprise had small success. Talbot beseegeth Couches, and at the same instant the Earl of Dunois Galardon, (a place holding for the English) to cause a diversion. Talbot having taken Couches, the Earl leaves Galardon, having no reason to hazard his small troop against so great forces, and puts them into garrison, making a defensive war, attending the success of Tartas. Talbot fearing lest Galardon should be surprised by the French, doth raze it, and this was all. Let us now return to Tholouse, to conduct Charles from thence to Tartas, Ta●ta● relieved by King Cha●les. for there lies the weight of his affairs. Assignation is given, it must be held. To conclude, the King comes at the appointed time, with a goodly and mighty army: the condition is performed, he demands his hostages, and the effect of accord. So young Albret is delivered, Tartas continues under his obedience, the day honourably kept, and all the Province in quiet. Tartas thus victoriously assured, Charles resolves both to husband the occasion with his forces, and to proceed farther. Saint Sever was held by Thomas Rameston with a hundred men at arms, and foverteene hundred Cros bows, and fortified what might be in those days. Charles takes it by force, slew the greatest part o● the English, and takes the Commander prisoner. Acqs having endured a siege of six weeks is yielded by composition. The Earl of Foix was with the King, and employed both his person, men, and means to do him service▪ but the impatiency of the French thrust them upon his Country, where they committed many insolencies. The Bearnois discontented with the French, assembles his forces and chargeth them as enemies; but they had their revenge, for they fell upon this ill armed multitude, and slew seven hundred, to the great grief of Charles, fearing that this escape might alter his affairs: but the Earl's discretion covered this excess and Charles continued his course. Ag●n held for him, from thence he summons Toneins, Marmande & Port Saint Marie, which y●e●d him obedience. Reole being obstinate, was besieged, and assailed with d●fficulti●, but in the end it was taken. The sharp winter (hindering the course of Garonne, for the vitteling of the army) made the siege both long and difficult, and gave the English means to recover Saint ●●uer and Acqs, not very well guarded: but the Earl of Foix wins Saint Sever again, The death of Pot●o● and la Hire. and the Earl of Lomaigne Acqs. A great number of the Nobility of the Country (forced to make a good show during the English force,) submit themselves to the King, as the Lords of Puiols, Rauson, Roquetaillade and Pelegrue. Thus Charles having made the Lord of Coitivy Seneschal of Guienne, governor of that conquered Country, he makes his return into France. Being at Montauban he lost those two great Captains so famous in his reign, Pothon and la Hire, more rich in virtue & honour then in substance: yet Pothon was master of the King's horse, and his son was marshal. La Hire left for his chief wealth the immortal memory of his loyalty and valour, the which he happily employed in the greatest necessity of this Crown. Names in truth most worthy to be consecrated to the perpetual memory of posterity, for a precedent to such as manage arms, and make so great profession of honour, with what title were these most honoured, for their virtues or for their castles. A happy exchange, to change perishing gold, which oftentimes makes him hateful that loves it, with the pleasing smell of immortal praise. An unreprovable ambition amidest the reproaches of this golden age, which loveth gold more than honour. So Montauban was a tomb for their bodies, and the whole world the Epitaphe of their praises. At that instant and in the same place, Charles ended the controversy for the Earldom of Coming. joane daughter to the Earl of Coming and Boulogne, (married at the first to john Duke of Berry, soon to King john,) was after his decease married to Matthew Earl of Castelbon, of the house of Foix. She had one daughter by this Matthew, but for that there was no good agreement betwixt them, she makes a will to bridle her husband, that by virtue of the authority of a father, he should not enjoy her living, instituting King Charles the 7. her heir, in case her daughter died without lawful heirs. In disdain of this testament, Matthew much younger than she, and who had not taken her but for her Crowns, kept her prisoner, an aged woman of four score years. The Daughter of joane of Coming being dead, the Earldom belonged unto the King as lawful heir, by the donation of joane the lawful heir. So Charles was bound by a double bond to defend the grey hairs of this old woman, against the insolency of her cruel husband, who finding himself supported by the favour of the Earl of Foix and Armagnac his Cousin (having already seized upon some Towns of Coming, and playing the petty King, during the confusion of times and the neighbourhood of the English) thought all things to be lawful. The King adjourns them both to appear at Tholouse, The Parliament of Tholouse erected. (whereas then he established a Parliament for all the Countries of Languedoc, Foix, Coming, Gaure▪ Quercy, Armaignac, Estrac, Lomaigne, Mcgnaoc, Bigorre and Rovergue,) Matthew delivered joane his wife into the King's hands, and it was decreed by the Court of Parliament (the which they note to be the first of this solemn assembly,) that joane should live in free liberty out of Mathews power, and should enjoy the moiety of the revenues of Coming, and the rest should go into the King's coffers. The Earl of Foix and Armaignac yielded up the Towns of Cominges which he had usurped, and was adjourned unto Paris, to yield an account of many rebellions whereof he was accused, especially for that he set in his titles, bernard by the grace of God Earl etc. A mark fit for sovereignty, the which appertains not to Seigneuries subject to this Crown. Thus Charles remembers Laws in the heat of war, but it requires an other Comissioner to execute this decree by force of arms, after the death of joane, who being conducted to Poitiers, lived not long in this liberty. Charles b●ing returned to Poitiers about the month of Ma●ch▪ resolves to employ his son Lewis, both to fashion him to affairs, and to draw him from su●h as would seduce him. He gives him the government of those Countries which lies betwixt the riue●s of Suze and Seine. For the well employing of this new authority, there were two goodly occasions presented one upon an other. Deep was reduced to the King's obedience, this was a great annoyance to Roven: for the freeing whereof the Duke of York doth besiege it, raising forts to keep them from all relief. This siege had continued nine months, very tedious to the besieged, The D●ulp●ins happy exploicts. when as behold the Dauphin accompanied with the Earls of Dunois and Saint Pol and the Lord of Gaucourt, assails these forts and forceth them, kills three hundred English and many normans, either by the sword or water, and so frees Deep. This occasion, was followed by an other, which chanced in a manner at the same instant. joane Countess of Coming dies at Poitiers, soon after she had tasted the air of liberty, and the good cheer which Charles made her. Upon the report of her death Bernard Earl of Armaignac seizeth upon the Towns of Cominges, Duret, Lile in Dodon, Samathan and Lombres, The Earl of Armaignac seizeth upon the County of Commings. and preparing to war, he levies troops in Arragon by S●lezard a Captain of that Country, causing john of Lescun a bastard of Armaignac to invade the King's territories. This excess might have proved very prejudicial, when as Charles sends Lewis his son into Languedoc, with a thousand horse, to quench this mischief in the breeding. Being arrived at Rowergue, all yields unto him. Every thing is opposite to the Earl of Armaignac. The Earls of Perdriac and la March, the chief supporters of his insolence leave him in the plain field. Salezard doth likewise abandon him: of such force is a royal master against a bad cause. The Earl of Amargnac (seeing himself thus abandoned) shuts himself into Lisle-Iordan, 1443. to dispute his pretensions with more advantage, The Earl of Armaignac taken by the Dauphin. but he thrust himself into the toil, for he was taken by Lewis, and led prisoner to Carcassone. These happy exploits did greatly recommend the Daulphins' judgement and valour, whom all men held worthy of a great command. Charles having commended him for so well doing, would have sent him back against the Earl of Somerset, who had raised a great army on the frontiers of Normandy & Britain, the which was like unto a fire of straw, for having taken la Guierche by force, he left it as soon for money, & so retired with his army without any other exploit. The heat of the English grew more temperate touching the chief points of their affairs. They stood upon terms in the two first fruitless assemblies made for peace: but now they seek the King. The Earl of Suffolk writes unto him that he hath commandment from the King his Master, not only to renew the treaty of peace discontinued, but also to find means to marry him in France: he receives a favourable answer from Charles, and under his safe conduct comes to him to Tours. Charles continued still in an humour to love peace, and to seek it, but the Earl of Suffolk, & the Lord Rosse had no charge but to treat of a general truce, A general truce. the which they concluded for a year & a half: but this shall be a goodly occasion to send home the English. After a shower comes a sunshine, and even experience teacheth, that after a great rain comes a long drought. Now we shall see nothing but truces, one after an other, marriages and alliances during four years, which is a preparative to a civil peace for above a hundred years. This truce being made, they must now seek wars else where: so fruitful is our vanity of change, so as we cannot live without suffering or doing harm to others: The French impatient of rest. when as they treated of this truce, it was demanded by the Ambassadors of both Kings what their men of war should do? This truce (say they) will be more chargeable unto us then war, for they must live: They have not been accustomed to work, and yet they will make good cheer, neither can the poor people endure any more. Moreover if they have no work, they will fight with themselves: we must therefore calm this storm, and send them to such as love us not. The French & English sent to war in Suizerland. This was the cause of the war in Suizerland, whereof Lewis was General, leading both French and English under the same Ensigns. Matago was Colonel of the English forces, for the King of England under the Daulphins' command. He entered with his army into the territory of Basill & the country of Elsas, betwxit Basill and Strasbourg, one of the goodliest and most fertile provinces of Germany, they terrified Metz, took Montbeliard, & filled all those countries with fear and combustion. The motives of this extraordinary enterprise, may well be observed by that which I have said: but these causes were far fetched, and not to be embraced by two Kings, who but even now tormented one an other, especially by Charles who having suffered so many crosses, should have horror to cause others to feel the like without constraint, yet he found a pin for all these holes. Charles would have his son take Montbeliard, to be revenged of the Governor, for the wrong he had done him, spoiling his country as far as Langres in his greatest necessity. The motives of this war in Suizerland. He assailed the Swisses (and namely them of Basill) being favourers of Eugenius against Felix his compettitor, that is to say against that Amedee Duke of Savoy, who had so crossed him in his affairs, whom he could never love what show soever he made in policy. And for that Germany, & that quarter near unto Suisserland supported Felix against Eugenius, he therefore hated them. And to gratify René King of Sicily, who had a private quarrel against the city of Metz, he turned his forces against it. But what meaning soever Charles had herein, he embraced this voluntary war with an incredible affection, as if it had been to defend the hart of his Realm. He himself came to Espinall, & having sent his army before to Metz, he continued the siege five months, until the Citizens had paid two hundred thousand crowns for the charges of the war, and acquitted king René of a hundred thousand florins of gold, which they had lent him in his necessity. Lewis the Dauphin parting from Montbeliard ruins Portentru, in disdain of the Bishop a great solicitor against Eugenius, & from thence he enters into the territories of Basill with this goodly and flourishing army, 1444. tied together with so many strings, he encountered four thousand Swisses, being resolute to defend their Country. The greatest part of them were cut in pieces, but they sold their lives dear, for the german histories report, that we lost above five thousand men, although we had the victory. The Emperor Frederic the 3. (a Prince which otherwise loved peace) upon the complaints of the Cities lying alongst the Rhin, The Swisses fight valiantly and are defeated. caused them to arm▪ so as Lewis returned into Lorraine fearing to be too far engaged in an enemy's Country, whom he had incensed against reason: yet Frederic sent his Ambassadors to Charles, to renew their ancient alliances. So this cloud of people-eaters passed, falling upon divers quarters like a shower of hail in a field of ripe corn, leaving nothing memorable but a notable example of rashness, making a war which was neither necessary nor just, afflicting quiet & peaceable people without any occasion. Whilst that France & England made Suiserland to weep, Henry the 6. King of England, married with Marguerite of Anjou, daughter to René Duke of Anjou, and of Lorraine, and King of Sicily and Naples. The Earl of Suffollk fetched her from Nancy, where Charles was resident, whilst that his army afflicted these poor people. He feasted & conducted this Princess as his own daughter, even with tears of joy: The King of England marrieth. but this joy was suddenly converted into heaviness, by the death of the Daulphins' wife his daughter in Law, whom he loved dearly for her virtues, which made her amiable to all France. She was one of the chiefest in this great solemnity, from the which she went to the bed of death: her death was the sepulchre of her Mother, the widow of james King of Scots, who was come to see her: and whilst her funerals were making, her Sisters arrive from Scotland to attend on her, nay rather to descend with her into the grave, if the humainty of Charles had not revived them, giving them honest means to maintain their estates in France. Thus passeth the Ocean of this miserable life, in the which there is more cause of mourning then of joy, The Daulphins' wife dies. both in great and small. The marriage likewise of England, wherein were so great shows of joy, shall end with a lamentable Tragedy, as we shall see hereafter. The truce was so pleasing to both Realms, A truce prolonged for five years. that before it was expired, the Kings of France and England renew it for five years more, in hope of a perfect peace, promising by their several writings published generally, to meet together within six months in some convenient place, to confirm this peace so generally desired of all their subjects. 1445. 1446. 1447. 1448. And to confirm the assurance of their promises, the English delivers Man's to Charles with all thee held in the Country of main: but all is put into the hands of King René his father in law. Francis Duke of Britain doth homage to the King for the Duchy of Britain and the Earldom of Montfort. This was at Chinon, but some months after there chanced a tragical desaster in that house. Francis suspecting that Gyles his brother would deal treacherously with him, by the too familiar correspondency he had with the English, caused him to be put in prison, by the Council and care of Charles, who had sent him four hundred lances, under the command of the Admiral Coitivy. But they dealt worse with him, causing him to die in prison for hunger. The history of Britain describes this accident very plausibly, The cruelty of the Duke of B●ittany against his brother. but it is true that Gyles died being prisoner with his brother Peter, who survived him not long after, having a great remorse for this tragic accident. In the rest of this year, and the three following, there is nothing memorable, but the pursuts which Charles made for the reunion of the Church. But not to break off the course of our history, which is properly to treat of that which concerns our Estate, we reserve it for a more convenient place. A work in truth not only worthy of a great Monarch, but of a peaceable time, that in the peace of the State, we may see the peace of the Church. The soldiers insolency was nothing abated by this voyage of Germany. They return more fleshed then before against the poor labourer. Charles made new orders to restrain them, causing them to be duly observed: but the overwening violence of the English increased daily, not only by the negligence, but by the command of such as had the charge. The Duke of York being called home into England, the duke of Somerset succeeded him, a proud man, who thinking to do better than the rest, did absolutely ruin the English affairs in France. He dispensed with his soldiers in all their villains, 1448 and kept them ready to break the truce, upon any profitable occasion. The English break the truce. In the mean time the Soldiers ordinary practice was to stand in Sentinel, to surprise some good house in the country, being ill guarded: to rob it, spoil it, and carry away the prisoners by unknown ways. To this end they had their spies, their guides, and their retreats. The fields were full of robberies, by men disguised in strange and fearful habits, being masked when they espied their prey: and therefore they called them counterfeit faces. But to draw men into danger, they marched like passengers, expecting the commodity to surprise them. There is heard nothing but complaints and repulses. All the pursuits which were made to repair the breaches of truce, did but increase the pain and charges of the interessed. But of these small disorders committed by the Soldiers, there grew so great an inconvenience, as in the end it filled up the measure against the English, being hated and detested of all the French, for their pride and insolency. Fougeres surprised by the English during the truce. Fougeres a Town of Brittany upon the confines of Normandy, then very rich and populous, being without guard under the assurance of the truce, was easily surprised by Francis of Surienne, called the Arragonois, a Knight of the order of the Garter, and a great Captain upon the marches of France, obeying the English. The Town being surprised by him, (being accompanied with six or seven hundred soldiers) suffered all the miseries that might be. They kill, spoil and sack, ravish women, rob Churches, take prisoners, and from thence they run into Brittany, and fill all full of fear and combustion. The Britton appeals to the King, and both complain to Henry King of England, and to the Duke of Somerset his Lieutenant in France: they press them to repair so notable a breach, else they would seek a means of revenge. But they receive nothing but words, disavowed by mouth, and advowed in effect: for Somerset causeth S. james of Beveron to be fortified, contrary to the treaty. Charles receiving these bare answers from England, sees which way the chance would fall, and that the game would not pass without blows, yet he restrained his men with great modesty, holding it for a maxim, that he must use no force: But when as moderate remedies can take no place with men not capable of reason; then to oppose force against the injurious passion of his enemy. I read with joy in the Original, that Charles contained himself, and was forced to this last war. To have God on his side and the wrong on his enemy. To conclude, this moderate proceeding did so justify the good cause of Charles, as it was continued with a happy event: not only to abate the pride of the English, but to expel them out of the whole realm: as the just judgement of God pursued their arrogancy in this attempt, by the breach of public faith, the undoubted ruin of humane society, which hath no certain foundation but in perfect faith. Here endeth the year, but the controversy shall begin more hotly by just arms, accompanied with a victorious sentence, the which the judge of the world shall pronounce against the pretender of this estate. Normandy reduced to the King's obedience. THe Duke of Brittany first interessed by the English, gins first to resist him: But Charles is drawn to force by constraint. The Ambassadors of France and England, were assembled at Lowiers, to redress the breach at Fougeres, when as behold Pont de l'Arche (a Town upon the river of Seine, four leagues from Roven) is surprised by the Lord of Breze, for the Duke of Brittany. This troubled Somerset, who presently sends to make complaint unto the assembly. Charles makes him answer, that it is a requital: but if he will render up Fougeres, and the goods that were stolen, valued at sixteen hundred thousand Crowns, he should have Pont de l'Arche again. The which being disdainfully refused by Somerset, Charles protests by his Ambassadors in open assembly, 1449. That if war followed (which God forbidden) the fault should not be his, causing an authentic act to be taken by certain apostolic & Imperial Notaries, for his discharge, and justification. Seeing therefore that this mild course was scorned by his stout enemy, he resolves to have his revenge by force of arms. Charles and the Duke of Britain combine against the English. To this end he combines with Francis Duke of Britain, to make war against the English their common enemy, upon condition the Britton should not treat with him without his leave. A very needful restraint, having often failed, as we have seen. All prepare to war, in every place where the English had any footing, in Gasconie, in Normandy, and in all other parts where there was any remainder of their ancient Conquests. Guienne shall begin the game: but it shall end in Normandy, to make perfect the French obedience, whereof it offers these first fruits to Charles in the beginning of this year, as to their lawful King. Cognac, was surprised for him by Verdun a Gascon, but the manner was notable. The exploits of the French in Guienne & Normandy. Mondot an English Captain was governor of the place: he was absent when the Town was taken. Verdun keeps the gates carefully, that no intelligence might be given unto him, so as he comes to the gates without knowledge of any thing, but he found some which added him unto their prize, being taken prisoner, whereas before he was a governor. The same day Saint Maigrin was taken by Alliac likewise a Gascon. The news of Cognac and S. Maigrin were scarce brought to Charles, when as the Lord of Mo●y gives him intelligence, that he had taken Gerberond, and the Bailiff of Eureux Couches, with great slaughter of the English. Complaints are presently made by the English, Talbot is the messenger: Charles lets them know, that they are in the salt, seeing they began first: Yet he offers to yield all that had been taken by his commandment, according to the law of reprisalles, so as they would deliver what they had taken, and suffer his friends and Allies to live in peace. Talbot answering, that he had no such charge: Charles lets him understand, that he would redress it by lawful force: that he did unwillingly enter into wa●, yet would he soon show the English, that his mildness had a sting. and so he goes to held with a goodly army. There were three chief dens for thieves, the Rendezvous of all the English robberies in those parts, Vernevil, Mante and Loigny▪ Vernevil an infamous place for our defeat was first taken: a Miller gave them entry by a hole in the Town wall, by the which the water did run to his mill joining to the wall. Towns in Normandy yield unto the King. The Town began, and the castle followed: a strong Tower divided from the castle held out some days, but it yielded when as Charles arrived. Mante yielded in view of the army. Loigny was surprised by scalado, but the English entrenched in the base Court, fought it out resolutely, & lost both lives and goods. Vernon a Town upon Seine yielded of itself, by the voluntary obedience of the Inhabitants. Ponteau ●●mer was forced by the Earls of Eu and S. Pol, whereas many English men were lost. But Lizieux by the grave advice of their Bishop yields voluntary obedience, and avoids the miseries of the vanquished. Lowiers did the like, & Gournay was sold by an English Captain that held it. Essay was taken by a gentle stratagem of the Duke of Alançons. The Captain accompanied with the soldiers of his garrison, was gone forth to fish a pool, while he seeks for fish he is taken himself, and his Lieutenant delivers up the Castle to the King's service. Fescampe is taken by the Abbot, having intelligence with the Monks: & at the same instant a ship arrives out off England, being ignorant of this loss: the French suffer them to land and take them all prisoners. Harcourt makes show to resist, but it yields by composition a●ter the siege of eight days. The army marcheth against Neufchastell of Nicourt, & takes the Town by force, the castle yields by composition. The Earl of Clermont was desirous to recover his chief house whereof he carried the name: his subjects gave him entry into the Town, and so by the Town he wins the Castle. S. Loo at the sight of the army demands and obtains a good composition, with all the neighbour castles. Carenten yields after three days, and Pont d'O●ë is taken by assault. Constances' and Gauray by composition. Alenson freed itself from the English & yields to the mild command of their good Prince the Duke of Alencon, who showed his mercy even to the English being vanquished, to whom he gave both life and goods. La Rochequien was yielded up by the Captain of the Castle, who of an English man becomes French, by the persuasions of his wife, who was a French woman. Chas●●angaillard a Fort of importance upon the River of Seine, endured a siege of six weeks, but the presence and good fortune of Charles, made him ma●ster of the place▪ guysor's, so famous for the English quarrels, was yielded to the King by the Captain, who likewise came to the King's service, and in the end Valonges, a place of importance, the which hereafter shall come in question by a famous accident. As the King's army made this progress in Normandy, so it increased daily by these new conquests. René King of Sicily, and the Duke of Brittany, arrive with goodly voluntary troops, and some towns newly reduced to the King's obedience, with an infinite number of warlike people: but above all, the Court was goodly, by the multitude of Noblemen, who went not only to honour the King's good fortune, but carried by an inward instinct of his right well governed, (as it were by a celestial guide) did run to an assured victory, and to the possession of an heirs lawful right. The Dukes of Bourbon, Alanson, and Brittany were there, with the Earls of Richemont Constable of France, of main, Eu, Saint Pol, Dunois, Castres', Tancaruille, and Dampmartin. The Duke of Lorraine and john his brother, augmented the train of King René. john Iwenall of Vrsins Baron of Treignel, and Chancellor of France was there, having succeeded Renauld of Chartres Arche-bishop of Rheims, being lately deceased. The Lords of Culant, Eueil, Montgascon, Blainuille, Pressigny, Brion, Prally, la Boussicre, Montet, Aigreville, Malicorne, and Han, with an infinite number of the Nobility. Charles resolved to embrace these goodly occasions, finding (by the obedience of so many country towns) the way laid open to Roven, the capital City of that Province: he determines to besiege it, and all with one consent, aim at this goodly mark, as the chief of the King's affairs. But it chanced through the providence of God, that where as there seemed greatest difficulty, there it proved most easy, by the loyalty of the French, who cannot deny their Prince. The combat was civil, managed more by council then by force. The City was much at the King's devotion, yet were they kept in awe by the English forces, being masters of the strongest Forts within the City. The Duke of Somerset was there present with authority. Talbot must employ all his valour: but neither force, fortes, authority, nor valour were of any force, for that God having determined to restore this estate, by the means of Charles the 7. inclined both hands and hearts to his decree, the which no mortal man can prevent. The King being at Pont l'Arche, The King sends his army to Roven. had certain intelligence from the best Citizens of Roven, that the whole City was resolved to obey him: desiring only to be supported by his presence and forces: upon this advise he causeth the Earl of Dunois to march, and to show himself unto the Citizens: who sends a Herald to summon them to yield their obedience unto the King, whom the English were like to have torn in pieces. No Citizen da●es show himself upon the walls: all is filled with enemies. The English had seized upon the walls, so as no man within the Town durst approach. Having thus marched about the Town in good order, fearing no less the lightness of the people's humour, than the Winter which approached (being then October) he resolves to retire. Charles and his council distrust these popular humours, as not able to draw the City to yield he therefore thinks it best to lodge his army about it, and to seize upon the passages of the Citizens chief houses being the best means to draw them to reason. The which was speedily put in practice. The troops were scarce lodged in their quarters, when as Charles lying at Pont l'Arche, had intelligence that his servants had seized upon two Towers, by means whereof they had a quarter of the City. Whereupon the 〈◊〉 of Dunois shows himself presently with the Army before the City, and divides his troops according to their quarters. The brute of those forces is great upon their approach▪ they have advice to march, the which they do resolutely, being set in order, 〈◊〉 of generous resolution, as in the King's presence. The Ladders are set to the wall, and they begin to mount, all prepare to follow, forty of our men get up the wall, when as Lord Talbot arrives with three hundred desperate English, who having cut the Citizens in pieces, charge our men that were engaged, some they kill, the rest leap from the walls, The French attempt it by Scaladoe and repulsed. and few recover the place from whence they were mounted. The King holding the City won, comes to Darnetall, when as the Earl of Dunois returns to advertise him of the hard success of this popular brag, so as all held it for wind and smoke. In the mean time the Citizens slept not, the little blood of some that were slain set all the rest of the Citizens on fire, who resolved to unmask themselves, and to speak plainly to the English. The whole City is incensed by means of the magistrates, every man prepares his arms against these strangers. The archbishop of Roven (a name which the history owes to the truth and honour of the French loyalty) was a good servant to the King, & had great credit with the Citizens: so as the whole City assembles with him, and by a common consent all resolve to return to the Crown of France as to their first beginning: Somerset and Talbot run thither with fifty men, but what is that against a multitude? The archbishop acquaints them with the citizens resolution, who in their presence depute the Official to go unto the King. The Citizens resolve to yield and send their depu●es to the King. The Sum of his embassage was, that his Majesty should grant unto the Citizens of Roven a general abolition of all that was past, and leave for the English and all others of their humour to retire without danger, offering him their obedience as to their lawful King: that he should come when he pleased, where he should find the gates as open as their hearts. This resolution delivered boldly in the presence of Somerset and Talbot, amazed them much, their courages were daunted. And what could their weak authority do against the whole body of a City, fortified with the King's approach, his army, and his right? Thus the City of Roven, sends deputies unto the King, and obtain all they demand, who being returned with this good answer, all are satisfied, but the English▪ who keep the walls, Towers, bridge, Castle and Palace: all this must be fought for. They prepare for force, the people do the like, all the streets are filled with armed men to force the walls. The Citizens send again unto the King, beseeching him to approach with his army with all speed, to take absolute possession of his City of Roven. Attending the King's answer, the Citizens do happily win the walls, the Towers and the gates: all that belongs to the City obeys the King, Roven yielded unto the Kin●, and the English besieged in their forts. the English with great difficulty recover the bridge, Castle and Palace. But they enjoy not these forts long for the Citizens besiege the bridge and win it, and now the army comes down the h●ll. The Citizens at the sigh● thereof cry God save the King, all break out into joy and triomph The army enters the City, to the people's exceeding joy, attending the King. In the mean time Saint Katherins fort is besieged and yielded to the Earl of Dunois: Charles lodgeth there whilst the City is freed from strangers: The Castle yields, the Palace only remains: Somerset and Talbot are there, they are men of action, who had whe●e with all to fight for their lives. but how can they hold out, all being disposed to an accord? The E●●le of Some●s●● and Talbot yield and come to King Charles. Charles being wholly inclined to Clemency, doth willingly see Somerset and Talbot at Saint Katherins fort, who receive a law from his victorious hands, yet would he not admit them with conditions like unto the Citizens: but he gives them leave to retire with the●r lives and goods upon these conditions: That they should leave their prisoners and artillery, deliver up Arques Caudebecq, Tancaruille, Lisle-bonne, H●nnefleu, and Monstreville, The Conditions granted to the English at Roven. they should pay fifty thousand Crowns presently, and discharge their private debts in the City before they departed: for assurance whereof they should leave Talbot (the flower of all their men) with five other hostages such as the King should demand. So Talbot remains for a pledge. After ten days (all articles agreed upon being performed, except Honnefleu) all the hostages have leave to departed, except Talbot, who stays until Honnefleu is delivered. But Talbot must have more time to taste the bounty & clemency of our King, and the fruits of French courtesy. Thus Charles enters Roven with great pomp, C●arles en●ers Roven. but the people's joy exceeded the stateliness of his train. Their shouts drown the Trumpets and Clarons, all cry God save the King. 1450. This poor people (greedy to see their Prince, after so long and cruel a servitude,) weep for joy, men and women, young and old, all run, many bonfires are made, but the fire of public devotion burnt more clear. This was the tenth of November in the year 1449. a notable date for so singular a deliverance. There yet remained some Towns in Normandy to conquer. Charles loath to lose any opportunity, or to give the enemy any leisure to bethink himself, would scarce allow of any time for the public joy and content of his good subjects, but goes presently to field with his army. Honnef●eu would not obey the Duke of Somerset, the which he must deliver up according to the treaty: there were fifteen hundred English, resolute to defend the place, but after fifteen days siege they yielded, upon honourable terms, King Charles deals honourably with Talbot. their goods and lives being saved. Charles for an increase of the good cheer he had made unto Talbot during his imprisonment, gives him his liberty without ransom, with means to retire himself into England with great gifts: but he shall make him no due requital of this good and honourable entertainment. Fougeres the subject of this last war, and the chief cause of this good success, returns to the obedience of the Crown, through the valour of the Duke of Brittany: and Belesme with the Castle of Fres●●●, by that of the Duke of Alançon. As all things succeeded happily for our Charles, so all went cross in England. The Earl of Suffolk governed King Henry the 6. quietly, being a young man, and of a weak spirit. As all the affairs of England depended upon this Earl, The estate of England. so did the reproaches. The Duke of Somerset (a Prince of the English blood) very jealous of his credit and reputation, and ashamed to be blemished with these losses in France, lays the chief fault upon Suffolk, and others that had the government, and so incensed the people of London against them, The Londoners mutiny, and kill the Lord Keeper. as the Londoners transported with choler for so great a loss, meaning to punish the offenders, fall upon the Bishop of Chichester, Lord Keeper of the privy Seal, and kill him in a mutiny: they intent the like to Suffolk, ●● (by the favour of some of his friends) he had not been put into the Tower of London, to yield an account of his actions. Henry (who loved him dearly) takes him forth, The English Chronicle reports quite contrary. and sent him into France, for his better safety. But it chanced that Suffolk seeking to avoid one danger fell into another, where he made his last shipwreck: for being met by Somersets' people, being his capital enemy, he was taken and beheaded, his head & body were sent to London, & those cruel spoils set up to public view, in places most frequented. In the mean time, all England troubled for the loss of Roven, and the greatest part of the Province, resolves to hazard all, to save the rest of their conquests in France. They had yet in Normandy the Towns of Caen, Vire, Auranches, S. Saweur leVicont, Falaize, Damfront, Cherebourg, with the strong places of Tombelaine & Briquebec, New forces sent out of England into France. and a great part of Guienne. With this remainder the English imagine to recover the possession of what they had lost. So Henry sends speedily 4000 men, under the command of Thomas Ti●el, one of his most renowned Captains. Being landed at Cherebourg, without any loss of of time, he besiegeth Valonges, a strong place, and of importance. At the brute of these forces, all the English garrisons assemble, to augment his army, and to fortify the siege, so as being together, they make about 8000. men. Our army was lodged in divers places, to refresh themselves since the siege of Honnefleu, the season being wonderful moist in the thaw of the spring, when as news came to Charles of the landing of the English, and the imminent danger of the besieged, the loss whereof were a foul blemish to his victory. To prevent this, he presently sends the Earl of Clermont with sixteen hundred Lances, whereof the Earl of Castres', the Admiral of Raiz, the Seneschal of Poitou, and the Lords of Montgascon, Cowran, and Rouhault were the commanders. The English army was lodged at Fourmigny, a village betwixt Carentan and Bayeux, in a place of advantage, to keep themselves free from such forces as they might doubt should be sent from the King, being then in the country. Matago an old English Captain, came unto him with a thousand Archers. The English being thus fortified, set their backs to a River, being flanked with divers Orchards and gardens, before them they make trenches to stop their approach, and in this sort they attend the enemy. The nearness of Charles made them to imagine our French to be more in number than they were; for this troop did not exceed six hundred fight men, whereof a hundred only, commanded by Geoffray of Cowran, and joachim of Rovault, charged the English vanguard, & having slain three or four hundred, put the rest of their army in disorder: yet the Earl of Clermont seeing the danger he was in with his troop, if the enemy had discovered his advantage, having so great an army against his small troop, sends presently to Charles for speedy succours. By good hap as the messenger came unto the King, the Constable of Richmont arrives from Britain, who marcheth presently, not giving his soldiers any leisure to breath, exhorting them to go courageously to an assured victory. His coming strack the stroke, and swayed the victory. He had 240. Lances, and 800. Archers, and with him james of Luxembourg, the Cont of La●all, and the Lord of Loheac Martial of France, with the good fortune of Charles▪ He arrives even when as the Earl of Clermont was far engaged in the fight, the English had taken two Culverins from him, and in despite had passed S. Clements-forde, preparing to discharge these Culverins: when as behold the Constable comes with his troop with a victorious countenance, who at his first approach wins the bridge upon the river. The English are amazed, especially when they see Matago (who was somewhat retired from the body of their army to secure at all events) take the way to Bayeux. The Constable makes his profit of this flight, who without pursuing them, chargeth their dismayed Army. The victory of Fourmigny against the English. Thomas Tirell puts himself in defence with the favour of the river, the Orchards & Gardens: but the Constable commands some of his horsemen to leave their horses. The Earl of Clermont environs the enemy on the other side, the English being charged of all sides, feeling the weight of their blows, give way, leave their arms, and suffer themselves to be slain, and taken to mercy. The courtesy of the French spa●ed many in this overthrow: The number of the dead. there were more taken prisoners then w●re slain. They buried in three pits 3774. carcases, by the report of the Heralds, priests, and good men that were there. This loss did likewise bury all the conquests which the English had made in Normandy. The commanders of the army were prisoners, Tirell, No●bery, ●rient, Kirqueby, Warberton, Arpel, Alengour, Vaquier, Callevile, and a great number of English Nobility, armed with coats of arms: all are lead to Charles with their Ensigns. An honourable spoil to his triumph, but a perpetual ignominy both to the runners away that saved themselves, and to the cowards that were taken prisoners. This absolute victory cost France but eight men, to the end they might do homage to the great God of arms and victories, who by this memorable overthrow made the way for the restoration. I read with joy the warrant of the Original. And therefore wise men do say, that the grace of God was the cause of the Frenchmens victory and so by his divine power the English were overcome. This victory was given us from heaven, the 19 of April in the year 1450. and thanks were given unto God throughout the realm. A solemn procession was made at Paris of fourteen thousand young children, from the age of seven to ten years, carefully chosen ou●, to the great content of the people, going from S. Innocents to our Lady's Church. All Normandy yields to C●arles. This notable victory of Fourmigny, did soon after cause the rest of Normandy to yield: Vire yields by composition, the which was granted to 400. Lances, who might well have contended for their lives. Auranches stood the longer upon terms, through the resolution of five hundred voluntaries, but in the end they departed with their lives only, and a wh●te wand in their hands. The strong Castle of Tombelaine guarded by a hundred English, yielded two days after. Bayeux resolves to fight it out, all prepare to arms. After the ordinance had made a great breach, and the mine ready to play, Charles fearing the sack of his subjects, as well as of his enemies, would not suffer his men to attempt so dangerous a matter, and the soldiers on the other side cry out to be led unto the breach. But ●n the end they march without command, and are twice repulsed, yet Matago (being amazed at the fury of these desperate men,) demands a parley, the which ●s granted by Charles, but he obtained life only, and a white wand for every Soldier: to some gentlemen of mark a horse, and to poor families some carts to carry them. A piteous spectacle, to see four hundred women carrying their children either in their arms or in their cradles, leaving all their goods and movables behind them, and hardly carrying a poor clout for their greatest need. So Misery comes to him that spoils, for he shallbe spoiled, that makes an other we●pe, for heeshall have time to weep. Yet Charles caused this troop of 900. men being disarmed to be safely conducted with the rest to C●●●●bou●g, a place which they had demanded for their retreat. Bayeux being thus yielded, the King's army marcheth to Saint Saweur le Viconte, the which yields without battery. They had a good composition for the number of men of wa●re that were 〈◊〉 being five or six hundred: they grant them their lives and goods, retiring to Che●e●ou●g. Charles was loath to looose his men unconstrained, ●or that there remained yet ●●me p●●ces of strength. Ca●n (a goodly and populous City) was besieged with great preparation, The composition at Ca●n. but to what end should I consume time in the private report of assaults, seeing we hast to the vi●●ory? A great piece of the wall being beaten down, and our men burning with desire to 〈◊〉 to this hnorable breach, Robert de Vere being governor, demands a parley, he h●ld the Castle (being one of the goodliest pieces in France) with four thousand soldier's. So by the commandment of Charles, the Earl of Dunois yielded them 〈◊〉 honourable composition, to departed with bag and baggage and their arms, except the artillery the prisoners were set at liberty, and all that the Citizens might owe unto the English ●as discharged, to the benefit of the debtor. All depart the fift of july and are conducted in safety according to the accord, and the King makes his entry two days after. Falaize is besieged in the mean time and yields the one and twentieth of the same month. Fifteen hundred English of their best soldiers, obtained a good composition to departed with bag and baggage. Domfront guarded by fiveteene hundred frank archers yields upon the like composition, the second of August following. Cherebourg (one of the strongest places of Europe in those days) was the conclusion of that account and the crowning of this happy work. It was guarded by .2000. desperate adventurers, who (wonderfully grieved with so many misfortunes) would be buried in the ashes of this last loss: but Thomas Gomel governor of the place prevailed more t●●n their obstinate resolution, showing that they had discharged their duties to their 〈◊〉 in being the last to fight. But nature swayed most with Gomel, for having his some prisoner with the King, he would not lose himself with his son. The accord was made absolute for his soldiers and his son, and upon this accord he leaves the 〈◊〉, and retires last into England, to admonish Henry to provide for Guienne, ●here the whole burden of the war would fall. So the 12 of August in the year .1450. Normandy (one of the goodliest and 〈◊〉 Provinces belonging to this Crown) was reduced to the King's obedience, in a year and six days, having remained in the possession of the English thirty years, and 〈◊〉 kept by them, as it is a miraculous work of God they were ●o easily dispossessed. 〈…〉 Normandy, let us come to Guienne, to finish the restoring of this Estate. Guienne returns to the Crown of France. GVienne had begun her last seats of arms by the taking of Cognac and Saint Ma●grin, as we have said, whereas the wane continued coldly during that of Normandy. But Charles after the happy conquest of this Province, The King of England had a lawful 〈◊〉 G●i●●ne. bends all his forces to drive the English out of Guienne, the which he had enjoyed by a lawful title above a hundred years. Charles assembles his great Council with the chief of his Provinces at Tours, 1451. for the performance of this voyage of Guienne, and to find means how to maintain his army. This done, he gives the government of Normandy to his Constable, and settled Peter of Brezay at Roven, for the well preserving of that which he had happily gotten. And to be the nearer to his affairs, he resolves to remain at Tailbourg for all occurrents. He had then a small army in Guienne, under the command of the Earl of Foix, who had not only kept the enemy in breath during the wars of Normandy, but also had won part of the Country, by the taking of Mauleon in Sole, and Guisans. Three French armies in Guienne. Charles gives the command of the army to the Earl of Dunois and Longueville a bastard of Orleans, but the Earl of Ponthieure and Perigort, have an other part, to molest the English in divers quarts, yet these three armies shall make but one body under this lieutenant general to his Master, when the necessity of his service shall win them all in one. The Earl of Ponthieure did happily begin the conquest of Guienne, in taking of Bergerac, the which was well defended, and then Gensac, Saint Poy and Montferrand, with their dependences, by the terror of his victorious arms. Our brave Gascons did no less on their side. About the same time Amalon d' Albret Lord of Oru●ll was in garrison at Tartas a Town of good presage, being the beginning of many blessings which God gave unto France. He had scarce six hundred men at arms, and some good footmen of the Country: but he was well accompanied with Toleresse, Robin and Epinasse, wise and valiant Captains, and with his generous resolution, the hereditary ornament of his noble house. He showed by the effects, that we must not number the men, but weigh their valour, for with this small troop he presumes to brave Bourdeaux even at their gates, and gives a Law unto the Country of Medoe, making not only the whole Country to contribute, but also to bring their commodities to Tartas. The ●ourdelois (to free themselves, not only from these bravadoes, but from their ordinary toil and charge, thrust on by the authority and command of the E●g●i●●, (who were then their superiors) levy eight thousand men under their Ma●ors command. The Citizens promise themselves an assured victory, but this troop encounters them, defeats them, kills and takes them prisoners. The near retreat preserved many, but there remained two thousand upon the place, and the victor led two thousand two hundred prisoners to Tartas, the which were taken like s●ares in a net, from whom he drew great ransoms, with the honour to have vanquished a great multitude with few men. This only was memorable during that year. The next shall bring us in an absolute victory of all that held in Guienne for the English Charles having given some respite to his Nobility and men of war, 1452. appoints the first day of May to go to field. The army was very fair▪ the Earl of Dunois had the chief command, (as we have said) the which did not hinder john Earl of Angoul●●me (brother to the Duke of Orleans) from joining with the army, with a goodly troop of the Nobility: as the Lords of Taillebourg Pons, Rochefoucault, Rochechovard and ●●●terre. Duke Cha●les was then in Italy for his private affairs, whence he shall return with an other train when he shallbe King. Philip Duke o● Bou●gongne was much troubled, in pacifying a mutiny of Ganto●s, who molested 〈◊〉, when he had most need to succour France, in the conquest of the two Provinces, whereof we now speak. To auo●de tediousness in the private relating of all these sieges, the King's army did, first attempt Montguy●● and takes it: then the Earl of Ponthieure arrives with his troops, and joins with the Earl of Dunois the general, and so the army (being increased both in men and courage) beseegeth Blair, one of the goodliest fortresses of Guienne, a Town seated at the mouth of Dordonne, Blaie taken. and enriched with a goodly haven of the sea, the which was well assailed and well defended, but in the end the Town is taken by force, and the Castle by composition, although the Citizens of Bourdeaux laboured to relieve it with a fleet of five armed ships. Bourg was added to this victory of Charles and in this amazement Liborne (being summoned to yield unto the King) obeys without any contradiction. Bourg and Liborne yield. But their chief force was prepared against Frons●c: and in the means time the Earl of Ponthieure beseegeth Castillon, a Town in Perigort, seated upon Dordone, (the whi●h shallbe famous in the wars of our time) and takes it by composition. Saint Million by their example yields obedience. In the mean time all march to Fronsac (a place renowned since Charlemain, and one of the strongest forts of Europe) being belaeguered of all sides: Fronsac besieged demands a truce. as all prepare for some great force they within demanded a parley. Their request was to have a truce until Midsummer, if they were not succoured by that day they would yield the place and submit themselves to the King's service and employ all their means to draw Bordeaux to obedience. These offers pleased the Princes and the Earl of Dunois being general. The day being come, no succours appear, It yields. and so Fronsac is yielded unto the King, to the incredible content of the whole army, which expected great resistance from this invincible fort. If the Earl of Dunois prevailed well on this side the river of Garonne, on the other side the Earls of Foix and of Armagnac failed in no point of their duties: having taken Rion, they jointly besiege Acqs a town of importance in that Country. These happy exploits performed in less than two months, did as much encourage the French as it did daunt the English, who could not keep the Towns (which yet held for them) from affecting of the French, and much more in the champion Country having more liberty. So as the Nobility, together with the Towns, resolve to expel the rest of the English, that the King might be wholly obeyed. Bourdeaux makes a composition and yields. Only Bourdeaux and Bayone remained: the most important Towns of that Province, whether the whole force of this royal army doth march, but the Citizens of Bordeaux (loath to be forced) resolve to obey. Being thus affected, they treat and make a profitable accord, as it is set down at large in the Original Their freedoms and privileges were confirmed unto them by john Iwenall of Vrsins, Chancellor of France; they brought their keys to the Earl of Dunois, (as Lieutenant general to the King in his army) and received the French into their City with exceeding joy the first day of August, to the great grief of the English, who see themselves expelled out of the whole realm, but they shall yet make a new attempt. The oath of fealty was autentically made to Charles the, All Gu●enne swear▪ unto King 〈◊〉 7. both by the Citizens of Bordeaux and by all the Estates of Burdelois to their natural King and lawful Prince, renowncing the English. The Nobility held up their hands first in this oath, & namely the Lords of Esparre, Montferrand, Duras, Rosan, Pugeols, Lansac, Lisle & Anglade amongst the which how many proved treachers? The archbishop also did take the same oath of homage and fealty to the King, with Gaston de Foix: only captal de Buch would not take the oath for his person, but he submitted all his Lands to the obedience of the Crown, an error which shallbe prejudicial to the whole Province. Thus all Guienne was made subject to the King's obedience, except Bayonne: for the reduction of which Town, (being needless to keep together so great an army,) every Nobleman, was commanded to return to his house, and that the Earl of Dunois should continue there to employ the forces of the Country at this siege. So the Princes of the blood departed, accompanied with twenty thousand men, whom they dismiss every one into his Country. The Earl of Foix joined with the earl of Dunois, & they besiege Bayonne; the siege was long, painful and dangerous: Bayone yields upon hard conditions. the which might have been more easy and speedy by means of the army which was ready. But in truth the niggard spends more than the bountiful man in every degree: yet in the end Bayonne submits to the obedience of the Crown upon these conditions, That the tounesmen of Bayonne should deliver john of Beaumond their Captain into the King's hands, with their own persons and their goods to be at the Kings will & discretion: and to repair their disobedience & to purchase the King's favour they should pay forty thousand Crowns, whereto they are referred by the earl of Foix, general of the army. This accord was confirmed by the entry of the said Earl into the Town, who took a solemn oath in the King's name. Charles forgives the inhabitants half their fine, and confirms half their privileges. The three Estates of the Country of Burdelois send their deputies unto the King, who was then at Ta●llebourg, 1453. to confirm their oaths, and homages already taken by his Chancellor: and the K●ng likewise doth ratify their privileges, and receives them into favour, so as Guienne ●eemed to be reduced to the King's obedience, All Guienne reduced to obedience. to the incredible content of the whole realm, and so this year ended with an universal joy. But seven or eight months were scarce spent in this public joy, such as the French might have in every corner of their country, enjoying peace, the which they had not tasted these hundred years, and which in outward appearance there was no hope to recover, the English and Bourguignons having taken such firm footing in all par●s, when as behold, a great surge which seemed to expose France to the mercy of a more horrible and dangerous storm. For Talbot comes to the gates of Bourdeaux, with goodly ●roupes of English, Talbot enters 〈◊〉 with new English troops. where he was received, and took the Seneschal of Guienne prisoner, being governor of the Town, and john de Foux deputy Mayor of Bourdeaux, and in a mane● the same day, the Nobility which had given their fa●th unto the King, (noted before by their special names,) delivered all the chief places of the country to the English. Fronsac, Coloewres, Cas●illon, Chasteauneuf in Damedoc, Cadillac, Langen, S. Macaire, Lib●rne and Saint Mill●on. Many towns yield to the English. And after Talbot (who came but to discover) there arrived the next day in safety, four thousand fight men from England, with four score ships laden with Meal and Salt meats, to victual the Town. The amazement of this los●e was as great, as the joy had been of gain. Charles was then at Tours: the Earl of Clermont (son to Charles Duke of Bourbon) was governor of Guienne. He commands him to have a care to the preservation of the rest of Guienne, and presently he sends six hundred men at arms, under the command of three Marshals of France, and the Lords of Orual and Rouhault, who were then near the King, and sends for the rest of his forces with all speed. The motives o● the revolt in Gui●nne. But whilst that all prepare to repair this loss, may we not examine the motive of this great and sudden change? Some new writers accuse the ill usage of the French to this people newly conquered, which made them to wish for the English, being more mild and temperate Lords: others blamed the negligence of our French, unfit to keep that which they had so valiantly gotten. But who is he that can find this first cause truly noted, hearing the whole History speak, and representing the discontent of the French nation, against the government of the English. And why did the King dismiss his army, but to ease his people, even with the prejudice of his own affairs? As for our negligence in keeping of that which we have gotten with much pain, it is too well known by memorable examples: but seeing the affection of the people of Bourdelois, had been confirmed by many proofs, in this voluntary obedience, to what end had it served to put them in fetters, as a people vanquished by arms, and force them to obedience. But to find out the causes, we must examine the effects. L'Esparre, Mont●errand, Duras, Anglade, Rosans, and others specified in the register of the oath, will be found strait ways revolted in these places. Captal de Buche protested openly that he was not the King's servant, so as he might without reproach carry arms against him for the King of England his master. He might remain peaceably within the country, enjoying his houses, being under the King's protection, and so make his traffic for the English at his pleasure. john King of Navarre an Arragonois both by birth and humour, was an enemy to Char●es for two respects, as having married the hei●e of Navarre, and with that marriage the quarrels & hatred of that Charles which was Grandfather to his wife, The King of Navarre an enemy to K. C●arles. who had so much troubled the reigns of john and Charles the ●. and as an Arragonois▪ by reason of the quarrels of Naples, against the house of Anjou. These were two instruments to move many men's minds. It could not otherwise be, but the autho●itie and command of two hundred years, had purchased England many servants, and such as had always held the English party against France, and were not reclaimed to the King's obedience, but by force, could not believe that they had any such part in the King's favour, having brought nothing to his service but necessity and constraint. These men being won, do animate, or rather force the people, making themselves the strongest, in places where there was no guards, whereof they were not only wearied, but were plunged in the trust and assurance of a profound peace. Who seethe not then, but this made the way more easy for these disloyal treachers, to surprise those Towns which they had delivered to the English? but from whence soever the mischief came, 1454. this was the remedy. Talb●t was the King's prisoner, as we have said at the taking of Roven; Charles had showed him all the favour a man might hope for of so great a Monarch: he gave him his liberty without ransom, and had honoured him with goodly presents: yet he is become head of the English army, which were esteemed eight thousand fight men, and marcheth directly against the King's army, which made haste to recover what had been lost, and to preserve what remained. Castillon was become English. The Earl of Ponthieure, with the Admiral and Marshals of France, besiege it, attending the King, who came posting to quench this fire. Talbot makes haste from Bourdeaux with the choicest of his men, bearing an assured victory in his conce●t, and being ignorant that he went to seek death. At the first charge our men begin to waver, upon the brave arrival of Talbot, but they gather themselves together again, with great resolution, to stay the course of this stream. Talbot on the other side, encourageth his men as going to a banquet, and not to a battle, he beats out the heads of pipes of Wine, to make his men drink, himself being drunk with presumption, and making his Soldiers drunk with the vain hope of victory; being mounted upon a little Nag, but followed by six or seven thousand men, they come to fight. The combat was fierce, but the English are repulsed, scattered and overthrown. There were two thousand slain upon the place, and amongst the rest, The English defeated, and Talbot slain. Talbot was over thrown from his horse and slain, with his Son. The Earl of Candal (son to Captal de Buche,) Montferrand and Anglade are taken prisoners: Esparre escapes for an other time. In the end Castillon yields at discretion. Saint Million and Liborne return to the King's obedience, to the great content of the inhabitants, being surprised to their grief. Charles did also warrant them from all loss in this reprise. Cadillac, Langon, Villandras, and S. Maquaire, shake off the English yoke at one instant, and open their gates with their hearts. The King's army goes from thence to Bourdeaux, being full of Englishmen, but fuller of fear, seeing the English loath to buy it so dear as Talbot had done: so as they suffer the French to wander at their pleasure up and down the country of Medoc. This victory was due to the presence of Charles, who being arrived at Frons●c, (the which was held a place invincible by force) it yields as vanquished. The English have their lives granted them, with a white wand, through the bounty of Charles. Charles pu●● to death the French Captains that revolted. He doth not so entreat the revolted French, for the Captain of Cadillac being taken, is beheaded for an exemplatie punishment. From thence he comes to Bourdeaux, (the which was the chief place of his affairs) but the multitude that came unto his service was admirable, they came from all parts, (knowing that the King was present,) so willingly do the French obey their Prince. There were four thousand English remaining in the Town, Bourdeaux b●●sieged. and as many of their faction, being drawn together from divers parts of the country: the siege continued two months. Charles had built up Bulwarks to stop the entry, and to encounter the English defences, but there were no memorable assaults. The sickness which increased in the King's army, hastened the composition for the City, the which he might have forced, but that he desired to spare the blood of his subjects. The composition was thus made. That all the English should pass into England with their goods: that the Citizens of Bourdeaux should be all in the King's protection, taking a new oath, And yielded by composition. never to rebel against him their Sovereign Lord. And for that some of the country, and of the City of Bourdeaux, had drawn in the King of England, contrary to their oath, the King (pardoning the greatest number) he should choose twenty at his pleasure, to banish them out of the Realm, their goods remaining forfeited to the Crown: of this number were Captal de Bu●he, and Candal his son, Duras, Anglade, Rosan and Esparre, who in the end lost his head, being found guilty of a new treason, a year after this pardon. The Citizens of Bourdeaux renew their oath of fidelity with tears, and receive a great garrison to prevent all surprises: they build two strong Castles to that end: one towards the Sea, called castle Trumpet, an other towards the main, named castle du Ha. The Earl of Clermont, governor of Guienne, remains in the City, to settle the King's authority. Charles carried this true commendation in the recovery of his loss, to have doubled his army by the good order which he caused to be carefully observed, and by his victory, in vanquishing his enemies, not only by force, but by clemency, & his subjects by love and mildness. So as both the treachery of these disloials, and the rashness of his enemies with their new attempts, were parts due to his victory, so much the more admirable, for that he doth vanquish, when as he seemed vanquished: he wins, when as in show he was lost: and forced as it were to war for the desire he had of peace, he reaped the ●ruites both of war and peace, The fruits of Charles his victory. in fight valiantly, and using the victory modestly, to the eternal memory of posterity. Charles returns from Bourdeaux to Tours, having happily finished so doubtful an action. But oh the inconstancy of this world: England which had so much troubled us, takes occasion to trouble itself, for the losses which they supposed to have made of that which they had taken from us: and as affection is wayward and often blind, so it sows dissension upon strange subjects. Troubles in England. The Dukes of York, Somerset, and Gloucester, accuse one another, and make factions within the realm. Richard Duke of York (being of a branch of the blood royal) pretended the Crown to belong more justly unto him, then unto Henry the 6. then reigning; but contemned, by reason of his great losses, and of his natural defects. Somerset being favoured by the King (as the ringleader of his faction) was pursued by York, and so cunningly, as the Londoners (hating him as the cause of all the losses in France) put him in prison; but in the end he was freed by the King's authority. This division burst out into open war, under the names of two factions, Lancaster from whence King Henry was descended, and they wore the red Rose for a mark: and Clarence from whence the Duke of York took his beginning, bearing the white Rose for a distinction. This rancour of parties hath bathed all England with the blood of her subjects: two years shall not pass after this loss, but Somerset shall die in a battle, and King Henry the 6. (who had carried himself as King of France) shall be prisoner: and whereas he sought to join the Crown of France to that of England, he shall lose that of England, both for him and his: teaching us that we must never think to do harm to another, but we shall receive our share again, and not to despair in our greatest afflictions. The beginning of this reign did represent unto us a ruined realm, and this end restores it to her first beauty. Thus was this realm restored; from the which the English were quite expelled, except from Calais, and the heir recovered the possession of his right, the which his successors enjoy unto this day. The means of this singular deliverance, is worthy to be observed, under the conduct of the first mover, the which the wise acknowledge to be in the providence of God, the Sovereign of Sovereigns, and the preserver of States, whereby he maintains the society of mankind. Truly in the course of these ordinary means which we seek after: Charles holds the first place, being both capable of Council, and full of resolution to put in execution. He was assisted by great personages in the government of his affairs, and for the wars. He was furnished with two Constables, which served him faithfully, the Earl of Boucquam in his adversity, and the Earl of Richemont in his p osperitie: of two Chancellors, worthy men, and fit for the time. Of Renald of Chartres Archbishop of Rheimes, and john Iwenall of Vrsins, Baron of Treignel, the one for the beginning, the other for the end of his affairs? And for warriors, he had as resolute and happy commanders, as might be found in any reign, of whom he had great need. But from all this we must ascend unto the sovereign cause, who hath showed us the rod, and cast it into the fire, when as it pleased him, that by the example of our Ancestors, we may more perfectly observe the causes and remedies of our difficulties. Now we draw near unto the end of this reign: but before we conclude, we must observe the estate of the Church, & finish the discourse of the Schism, whereof we have showed the beginning and proceeding. We have made relation of this inexcusable con●●sion until the council of Pisa, which (supposing to reform the scandalous disorders of two Popes being enemies, Gregory and Benedict) advanced a third, which was john the, 23, so as at one time there were three Popes. john, at Boulogne, Gregory at Rimini (not able to be resident at Rome, and Benedict at avignon. This multiplicity of Popes bred disorder, to the great scandal and prejudice of all Christians. So as Sigismond (not able to cure this infirmity of the mind, by force) he resolved to have recourse unto the authority of the church: & to that end he passed through France, England, Spain and Italy, persuading all Kings, Princes and Potentates to hold a Council at Constance, (whether the Emperors of constantinople & Trepisonde, with the churches of Grece sent their Ambassadors, and all Christian nations assisted, to the end this council might be economical and universal. In this Council, john the, 23. (being accused and found guilty of grievous crimes) was first deposed and then imprisoned. Gregory the, 12. and Benedict the, 13. were likewise deprived, Council of Constance. & Otho Colomne a Roman gentleman, was chosen Pope by the Council, & is called Martin the 15. This decree of the council, was accompanied with great and general complaints, by reason of the corrupted estate of the Church, the which had exceeded far in some places. Saint Bernard had begun in France, as doth appear by divers places of his writings, and by books written upon this subject. But many of his disciples had followed him in great numbers, Gabriel de Roquetaillade, Tomas Covect, Great complaints against the abuses of the Romish Church. and Nicholas Clemangis had filled all France with these complaints. But in England john wickliff, and in Bohemia john Hus had persuaded men with greater vehemency: for Bohemia was ready to disclaim the Pope's authority. john Hus teaching them not only to leave the abuse of manners, but ●he doctrine itself: as is contained at large in acts of the council of Constance. It shallbe sufficient to coat them, my stile not permitting me to set them down at large. The reader that is careful to see the grounds of this controversy, may go unto the Original, and I will observe the effect according unto the duty of the history. Wic●efs doctrine was condemned. john Hus and jerosme of Prague came to Constance, (having a passport from the Emperor Sigismond and the Council,) but they were condemned and burnt as heretics. Hus in the Bohemian tongue signifies a goose. john Hus and I●rosme of Pr●gue condemned and burnt. john Hus when as the judges had pronounced this sentence that he should be burnt, he said unto them. I appeal from you unto the sovereign judge and preserver of all truth, who a hundred years hence, shall raise out of my ashes a Goose which shall not suffer himself to be roasted. S● as john Hus was burnt in the year. 1417. and Martin Luther began to show himself in the year, 1517. There were great complaints against the abuses of the Church, made by Peter d' Alliae a Cardinal & john Gerson Chancellor of the University of Paris & deputy of the French Church. The College of Sorbon had given him great instructions upon this subject, but nothing was effected. They only make the Pragmatical Sanction, to suppress the Pope's authority. Gerson returning from Basill died for grief at Lions. But this Council did not end those two difficulties for the which it had been called. for Peter de la Lune, called Benedict 13. being deposed by the council and retired into Arragon, had so incensed Alphonsus King of Arragon, as he supported him with all violence, The Bohemians take arms for the death of john Hus. against Martin the new Pope. And the Bohemians were so moved with the death of these two personages (whom they reverenced) as they took arms under the command of Zisca a very famous Captain, and did much annoy the Emperor Sigismond. Peter de la Lune, called Benedict. 13. held his court apart, doing at Laniscole a Town in Arragon, as Martin did at Rome: but this humour brought him to his grave. After his death the college made choice of Giles Munion, who was called Clement the 8. Martin dies in the other seat, and his College doth choose a Venetian of the family of Condelme, and calls him Eugene, 4. who finds the means to cause the Antipope Clement 8. to relinquish. But the Bohemiam action was of more difficulty, forthey spoke bodily being in arms: and Sigismond the Emperor priest to have audience for them. having received great reproaches, for that (to please the Pope) he had violated the public faith, and suffered the breach of his passport. These causes made Martin the 5. to call a Council at Basill, whether the Bohemians had free liberty to come: but the Emperor gave them hostages for their surety; The Counsel of Basils' decree ●gainst the Pope's authority. trusting his word no more, the which he had broken in the death of their Countrymen. There were likewise many other besides the Bohemians, which desired some redress for these visible confusions: so as it was there freely disputed of the necessity to reform the Church, being fit to begin first with the Pope, and not suffer the forepast disorders, to the great scandal of all Christians; and that (to avoid a future inconvenience, by the general discontent of all men,) it was reasonable he should submit himself to the censure of the Count cell, whereunto he was subject. As the fathers of the Council, with a general consent, had thus concluded, and had drawn articles, That the authority of the Council was above the Pope: Eugenius (foreseeing the prejudicial consequence of this decree) revokes the Council assembled at Basill, for certain great considerations which he said proceeded from the holy ghost, & transported it to Bologne, to the exceeding discontent both of the fathers & the Emperor. They resolve to oppose themselves against this bravado of Eugenius, and to withstand him by the like authority of the Church, whereby he sought to ruin them. By the authority of the general Council lawfully assembled, they give him an assignation to appear before them, The Counsel of Basill summons the Pope to appear. and in case he disobeys, they declare him degraded and excommunicate. Eugenius (to calm this storm) makes show to yield unto this decree, & promiseth to obey, yet seeking means under hand to cross them, relying upon our Charles the 7. who followed his party. It chanced also (as Eugenius desired) that the Emperor Sigismond (who was the chief opposer to his desseins) died during these disorders▪ Yet the Council of Basill was not dissolved, but were resolute to continue firm. Albert of Austria is chosen Emperor after Sigismond, and succeeds him both in his desire to continue the Council at Basill, and in the Imperial dignity. Matters grew then more violent, our Charles the 7. (being loath to yield in an●e thing to the Emperor, having made a general truce with the King of England, as we have said, the English likewise holding with Eugenius) sends his son Lewis near unto B●sill, with an army compounded of French & English united, to nourish this notable disunion, the issue whereof was as we have said. The Council of Basill incensed by these bitter and violent courses practised by Eugenius, The Duke of Savoie made Pope. in the end they resolve to degrade him, and in his place they choose this Amedee Duke of Savoie, (of whom we have spoken in divers places) having made himself a monk of purpose, to be chosen Pope amongst so many which aspired to this dignity, and was called Felix. But this cured not the d●sease: for at this new election of a Duke of Savoy to the Pontifical dignity, all Kings, Princes, & potentates were moved (France, England, Italy and Spain) at so strange a proceeding, and disavow Felix. In the mean time the college of Cardinals at Rome, choose Thomas Sarzan Pope, & name him Nicholas the 5. a man commended in histories, All Princes oppose against his election. fit to suppress this Schism & to reduce the Church to union, being wise modest, learned and quiet: all Kings and Christian Princes allowed of him by a general consent. Felix was supported by the Germans, for Albert favoured him) but he dies soon. Frederic the 3. succeeding in the Empire, a wise and a modest Prince, who (not to contradict the Germans at the first) followed their humour in favouring of Amedee: but in the end overruled by a general consent of all Christendom, he useth his authority with Amedee, to make him renounce his Popedom. Our Cha●les doth likewise interpose his authority, and sends john Iwenall of Vrsins his Chancellor unto him, being well accompanied: who finds him at Lozanne, where he had made his Pontifical seat with a stately college of Cardinals. He feared the King more than any man living, whom in his conscience he had moved to a just dislike of him, when as he made a good show and yet betrayed him in his greatest afflictions, (crosses which wound even the very heart of a generous mind). Moreover Charles was both strong and near at hand, to comptroule him, if he should continue obstinate. Felix stands upon terms, but in the end (whereas the King's Ambassadors spoke unto him of force,) he grew more mild, and treated this business by the King's authority, protesting that for his love he did willingly resign his right. Thus all obey Nicholas: and Amedee had a cardinals hat, ●e renounceth his t●●le. with the title of Saint Sabine, and was Legate over his countries, and of some part of Germany. This was the end of that fever which so much tormented all Christendom: the rain of Charles being honoured with this blessing of God; to have been a solemn theatre both of the restoring of the realm, and the reunion of the Church. But alas, during these cruel confusions of the western Church, the Christians of the East (who had endured much) were now utterly ruined. We left them in very poor estate under the reign of Charles the 6. in the year 1396. In fifty years (during the scandal of this miserable Schism and the wilful wars of France and England) there happened a greater alteration. The miserable state of the ●ast. Our Kings and Princes had laboured long in vain to recover the holy land, consuming an infinite number of men and money, and prevailed nothing. But Constantinople the head of the Eastern Empire remained still in state, with Grece, Macedon, Thessaly and the neighbour countries, Sclavonia, Walachia, Russia, Servia, Bulgaria, and a part of Anatolia, whereof Trepisonde was the chief of that Empire. In this weakness which drew near to a total ruin, the Christians vanity was so great as to make two Empires, the one in Europe and the other in Asia, and then every Empire being divided into divers parcels, held by sundry Despotes or sovereign Lords, that among so many masters there should be none at all. These confusions did bring in, fortify, & wholly settle the Turks, who were the horrible instruments of Mahomet and enemies to all Christendom. I enter not into the particular discourse of this Eastern history: it belongs not to my subject. I only observe the continuance of time, to show the estate of the Church, and the Empire, with our Monarchy. After our French had abandoned (as we have said) this imagined Empire of the East, the Paleologues seized thereon, and governed it diversly, according to their passions: Mi●hel, Andronic, john & Manuel, having brought upon the stage, both in divers occurrents & with divers success, the most horrible tragedies which impiety could devise▪ to the great dishonour of the Christian name. In the end Constantine Paleologus gives the last acquittance of the ancient possession of the Empire, to make a new bond in favour of the Turks, that his name might be answerable to his misery. We have showed what a breach Bajazet had made in Hongary, making so great a slaughter of the french when as he took john Duke of Bourgongne prisoner. This beginning of a victory had in show proceeded farther and ruined Constantinople, the which he besieged, but that God (who would suffer the Christians to breath for their amendment) suppressed this tyrant by an other tyrant: for Bajazet being taken by Tamberlane, did then suffer for his cruelty▪ but he left the conquest of the great City to his posterity, at such time as the wise & just providence of God had decreed it: the which was 50. years after: for the battle wherein Bajazet was vanquished, after he had overthrown our Christians, was given in the year 1395. and Constantinople was taken the year, 1453. the 29. of May, by Mahomet the 2 grandchild to Bajazet, a fit instrument to punish the impiety, cruelty, and all other kinds of execrable dissolution which then reigned among the Christians, & even among those which had the chief command. This Mahomet was the son of Amurath, borne of a Christian, the Daughter of the Despot of Servia, and instructed by his mother in the Christian religion: to be the more fit to chastise the Christians, who (confessing God in their mouths and denying him their deeds), could not be ruined by a fit instrument and more answerable to the crime whereof they were guilty, than a tyrant Atheist, who having tasted the the true religion, had spewed it out, having no religion, and mocking at all that carried the name of religion. This Mahomet (seeking to settle his Empire as the eldest of his house, 〈◊〉 cruelty against his brothers. being loath to have any companion) caused his two brethren to be slain Tursin and Calepin: the one he drowned in a basin, the other he caused to be strangled. Having murdered his two brethren by two of his Bashaes', Moses and Haly; he puts these murderers to death for his brothers blood, shedding their blood who had been the instruments of their murders, Having thus settled his Empire by these solemnities, he applies all his wit to ruin the Christians, being divided of themselves by strange partialities, and as it were inviting him to their ruin. He seizeth upon the Empire by degrees, being called in by the Christians to decide their quarrels, and fortifying the weaker of purpose against the strongest. A politic man, painful, active and imperious, getting authority by his fearful tyranny. Being seized upon the Country, having encumbered the Christians affairs, and divided their minds by sundry intelligences, it was easy for him to besiege Constantinople▪ for who should succour it? The greatest enemies the Christians had within the Country, were the Christians themselves. The Paleologues (with the Churches of the East) had had recourse to the Pope, Emperor and King of France, & by their favour to the councils of Pisa, Constance & Basill, one after an other: but they returned with nothing but wind, despair & mockery. Thus Mahomet (well assured of his enemy's estate) beseegeth Constantinople, the which was now but the shadow of the Empire, a great mass of building, testifying, that the beauty of the Empire was decayed. The Emperor Constantin Paleologus (who resigned his authority unto Mahomet) had only a few succours from Genua and Venice. Constantinople. besieged. Mahomet had two hundred and fifty ships of war, and two hundred thousand fight men: amongst the which the most warlike were levied in those Countries which made profession of the Christian religion. The besieged seeing their estate desperate, sought to sell their lives dearly. But what could they do? their walls being battered down by the horrible thunder of the Turkish artillery, their port forced by their armed ships, and they themselves oppressed by so infinite a multitude. Constantinople taken by the Turks. So as a general assault being given, Constantinople is taken by force. The City thus forced on the one side: as Constantine and many of his troop sought to save themselves by a gate that was free, they were furiously pursued by the victorious Turks, & the port being stopped by the multitude, Constantine the Emperor smothered. many were smothered, among the which Constantine was found dead. The Turk incensed for the loss of so many his men, glutted himself with the slaughter of the poor Inhabitants of Constantinople, killing all indifferently, without respect of age or sex, young and old, women & maidens, with such exceeding cruelty, as no man can write it without terror, nor read it without tears. When we shalset before our eyes this goodly Country of the East, this capital City of the Empire, where the voice of the gospel had sounded in the sacred mouths of so many holy personages, & famous doctors of the Church which have served happily in their times, to become now the dungeon of Impiety, the fortress of error, the Rendezvous of all barbarism and iniquity: where Mahomet raiseth himself above the Kings of the earth & thretens Christendom proudly, having an Empire not only fashioned, but also fortified with the force & power of so many kingdoms. But alas what speak we of Constantinople the last of our losses in the East? When we begin by jerusalem, the chief Rendezvous of the Elders of the house of God, from whence the Gospel flowed, where the holy mouth of the son of God and of his Apostles have sounded out: when we continue by jury a land which hath so long nourished the true church, & been the guard of the doctrine of health: when we cross over this great country of Asia, & from thence pass into those goodly Provinces of Europe, Greece, Macedon & the neighbour Nations: when we cast our eyes beyond the sea and behold from our windows the heaven under which Africa lies, heretofore replenished with so many goodly churches, and enriched with so many excellent Doctors, & yet all these great & large Countries are at this day the receptacles of Mahomet, where he vomits forth his blasphemies, & spoils the miserable remaynders of the poor Christian Church: where he takes the tith of sons and daughters to give them to Moluc, forcing them to leave the truth: where he hath overthrown all liberty, to plant his absolute Tyranny, banished all learning & every thing may put man in mind that he is a man, what may we say in comparing ourselves with them? are we better than so many that have lived in those desolate places, making profession of the same Christian religion, and the same hope of eternal life? Are our Provinces more stronger, fertile and richer than theirs, & our Towns stronger and better peopled? O Christians, if he be wise that takes warning by an other, An excellent advertisement to all Christians. how well should these examples serve us? The same way which the capital enemy of the Church hath made to Mahumed to invest him in the Empire of the East, is it not open by our common dissensions? A miserable date▪ the end of the wars betwixt France and England was the confirmation of the Ottomans at Constantinople, and the beginning of many miseries to many nations, as we shall see in the following reigns. But as misery is good for something, nay rather as the providence of God is admirable, who can draw light from darkness: by the ruins of the Eastern Churches, those of the West have been enriched. The ignorance of all learning was very great throughout all the Western Provinces, since the rule of the Goths. The knowledge of learning and sciences being banished out of the East by the Turk, came into the West; so as by a singular miracle, the West is now become East, this goodly Lamp having lightened the Provinces to be a harbinger to the gospel. But this planting of the Muses is due to the reign of Francis the 1. as well King of the Mules as of the French. The shipwarke of Constantinople did cast these great personages into Italy, the which have given a beginning of solid and perfect knowledge to our nations, Emanuel Chrysoliras an Athenien, George Trapezondee or of Trebizonde: Learned men came into Europe. Theodorus Gaza a Macedonien, jerosme Spartiate, Gregory Tiphernas, john Argyropile of Constantinople, Laonicus Charcondil an Athenien, Marcus Musurus a Candiot, and john Lascaris. These have begun, but our men have so followed, as they have surmonted them in the knowledge of those goodly professions. Almost about the same time the art of Printing had his beginning. Some attribute it to the year 1440. to john Guttemberg borne at Strausbourg, Printing invented. others to john Fauste at Mayence, in the year 1452. Doubtless it is an excellent invention to increase knowledge, although the vanity and malice of men makes it often times their bawd, to the previdice of the truth and all good manners. But having wandered over so many strange Countries; Let us return to France, from whence having expelled the English and restored this Monarchy to her ancient beauty, by the means of our Charles, we must now see the last act of his reign and life. The Last act of the reign and life of Charles the 7. contained in seven years. From the year 1454. unto 61. THis last act of the life of Charles, 1455. 1456. 1457. 1458. 1459. 1460. conteyns a notable precedent of the vanity of this world. Charles had passed a languishing youth, borne in the weakness of his father, and bred up in the cruelties of his mother: he began his life with poverty, the which was continued in the despair of his affairs, and yet he purchased peace to his realm; but now he cannot enjoy it, Observations for the discourse. banding against his own blood, & living in so wilful a waywardness, as in the end he brought himself unto the grave after a terrible and tragic manner. The whole Realm being in quiet after a long and tedious war, behold a new storm ariseth in the kings house. Lewis the eldest son of Charles and Dauphin of Viennois, was not well satisfied with his father, King Charles and the Dauphin discontented one with an other. and his father less with him. The occasions are rather probable then true, as they are observed by writers. For to what end should Lewis be so discontented with his father, for that he was given to the love of Ladies? It is more likely that to proceed at what price soever,) names centaine Noblemen that should supply their places that were absent in this action, that nothing might want of all necessar●e solemnities to justify the condemnation. To conclude, according to the form set down in this process; john Duke of Alencon was found guilty of high treason, practising to bring the English into the realm, the ancient enemy of this Crown: witnesses are produced, Letters averred, and the confession of the accused: what more? Sentence was judicially given, that he should lose his head, and forfeit all his goods, all being at the King's goods pleasure: Charles gives him his life. the which neither Precedent nor Councillor durst contradict▪ yet Charles gives him his life, condemning him to perpetual prison, and his goods to his wife and children, where he continued but two years, for Lewis being King, he freed him from prison, and restored him to his dignity. It is a hard law, when force is joined to a King's command. Howsoever it were, the clear sighted did judge, that the King's jealousy was the true cause of the condemnation of this poor Prince, who had always served the King faithfully, and the King had loved him above all the Princes of his blood, honouring him so much as to make him his gossip, carrying his eldest Son Lewis to the Font. This his familiarity with his Godson, and the credit the Dauphin gave unto his counsels, was held to be a dangerous testimony against him. Were it then justly or unjustly that this Prince was thus entreated; who seethe not here a great proof of the inconstancy of this world, of great friends they become capital enemies▪ neither blood, nor the gauges of love in so holy a thing as the badge of our Christianity, can subdue the violence of passion, the which hath no restraint: Passion makes Princes prisoners. yea even that which should be of most force to unite love, hath most power to breed and increase jealousies. A notable precedent in two so great personages. Passion makes these two great Princes prisoners, borne of one blood; the one a King, the other capable of a kingdom. The one is prisoner at Loches with his guard, the other at Vendosme or at Tours, in the greatness of his Court. This is the difference, the one endures pain forcibly, the other voluntarily. But he that commits a sin, is he not a slave to sin? Charles his waywardness. A●ter this condemnation▪ Charles seemed always grieved both in mind and countenance, the jealousy which he thought to quenc●, in suppressing him whom he suspected, so increased, as in the end it was the cause of his death. He survived little above two years after this Tragedy, the which happened the 10. of October, in the year 1458. and the King died the 22. of july, in the year 61. which time was unto him a languishing prison, or rather a pining death. Doubtless he that serves God doth reign, and he that serves vice is but a slave: the Crowns and Sceptres of Kings have no exception in this. The quiet of a good conscience is true liberty. And who can have a good conscience, but in doing well? How far better and more honourable had it been for Charles, to have been beloved and respected by his son Lewis, who b●ing grown great, and having given many testimonies of his judgement and valour, might well have eased him in his greatest affairs, as Robert did Hugh Capet, being associate in the same reign? to be honoured and served by the Princes of his blood, especially of this his trusty friend, who had given him so many proofs of his loyalty in his greatest affairs, and received likewise from him such firm gauges of his love, and to scape the fruits of this so much desired peace with his subjects, the which he had 〈◊〉 for all his subjects. But if ●e afflicts others, he hath a good share himself. He makes h●s Son to fly, and to beg his bread in a strange country: he causeth a poor P●i●ce of h●s blood to languish in prison: and he himself feels in his soul a continual torment of grief, a fire of choler, and a torture of jealousy, trusting no man, but living in continual fear, and was this man at rest? A strange torment, he hath brought peace to all men, and cannot enjoy it himself, he hath bread and cannot eat it. But what read I in the Original of the manners of our Charles? This King Charles (saith Monstrelet) after his reconcilement with Philip Duke of Bourgongne, His loves. was of a good life and devout, but when he had recovered his realm, he changed his manners, and polluted his life, in maintaining dishonest women in his Court, leaving the company of a good and loyal wife, suffering more honour and reverence to be done to those women, by the greatest of his Court, then to the Queen: they being more richly attired then the Queen herself, the which was an ill precedent in such a person: yet he governed his realm very nobly and wisely, & was endued with goodly virtues, maintaining justice throughout his whole realm. Monstrele● and the history of S. Denis, excuse the love of fair Agnes, and here they accuse Charles. My du●ie is to coat every part faithfully in this my Inventory, in the which there is nothing of mine own but the bare report, whereby it appears, that virtues are mixed with vices: and that it is more easy to bear adversity then prosperity. Let the example of David be confronted with this: Wine causeth drunkenness, and water tempers. Sometimes age is more weak and imperfect than youth, to the end the whole honour of any good that is in man, may be ascribed to God, who is the Author thereof▪ ●oy and grief, jealousy and love, be they not contrary affections? and yet behold they are both in one subject, distracting him diversly. Inconstant nature of man, who is a slave to sin, by the means of sin, which receives the motions of divers winds, from North, South, East and West, both sour and sweet. It will be now time after all this, to show the end of our Charles: but we may not omit some notable things which chanced in this season, during the ebbing and flowing of these seven variable years. Lewis the Dauphin was resident at Geneppe in Brabant, and married with the daughter of Savoy, by whom he had a son. The Duke of Savoy with his wife (who was daughter to the King of Cypress) came to visit Charles, and to pacific him, with hope that he should soon see his son, with this new gage of love, but all this did but ease and not cure Charles his infirmity. We have said before, Troubles in England. that Henry the sixth King of England, was put in prison by the Duke of York, who pretended the Crown to appertain unto him by a juster title then unto Henry. He makes an accord with the Duke of York, to free himself from this captivity, That Henry should enjoy the Crown during his life, but after his decease it should come to the Duke of York, and to his heirs after him: and so the Prince of Wales, son to King Henry, should be excluded from the succession of England. By this accord Henry was released, but Yoland his wife (daughter to King René of Sicily) shows herself more resolute than her husband, who (having provided for her affairs) disavows this accord, as prejudicial to her son, and against the laws, which allow of no forced contract made by a prisoner: and so she arms to maintain her son the lawful heir of the Crown. The Duke of York likewise levies an army to frustrate the Queen's desseines. At that time the Queen did win both the victory, and the heads of the Duke of York, of his second soon, and of the Earl of Salisbury his chief partisan, whom she took prisoners in the battle, and caused to be beheaded, but she shall have her turn. In the mean time these troubles ministered an occasion unto Charles to attempt against the English: although (transported with these homebred discontents) he had a troublesome enemy within himself, without seeking one beyond the seas. This was done by the council and advice of the Constable of Richmont, who fearing the King's humour, and loath to deal in th●se discontents, laboured to divert him: giving him a better subject to exercise his spirit. It was also happy for the Constable, that he was fa●re off▪ being likely that jealousy would have brought him first in question, whom Charles loved not much, for the crosses he had received by him in the beginning. The cause which had drawee Richmont from Court, was honourable for him: for by ●he d●●th of Pete● Duke of Brittany his Nephew, he was called to the Duchy. Being Duke he would not leave the office of Constable, notwithstanding all the entreaties of his subjects, being desirous to honour that charge in his age, the which had honoured him in his youth▪ although he enjoyed the Dukedom but three years, dying with the go●d opinion of all France, having assisted it much both with his council and valour. This advise to attempt against England, given by the Constable, Enterprise against England. was executed by the Normans, under the command of Peter of Brezay, Seneschal of Normandy, accompanied with a good number of the Nobility of Normandy, and four thousand fight men: these might do some great exploit in a country divided and troubled: but God hath appointed the limits of Kingdoms; and that great ditch of the sea is sufficient to distinguish these two Monarchies, who have enough to content them without attempting against their neighbour. To conclude, this army lands in England, and takes Sandwich, the which they presently spoil & leave, and so return to Honnefleu, from whence they embarked, carrying away store of prisoners and spoil. Their speedy return was chiefly to save their lives and goods, which had been in great danger, if they had engaged themselves farther, for any rich spoil. Charles was entreated by Ladislaus King of Hongarie, (son to that great john Huniades, one of the strongest Champions against the Turk) ●o grant him Magdal●ine his daughter to wife, the which he did. As he prepared for this voyage, and a stately train for his daughter, A strange death in the midst of ●oy. which might equal or surmount the embassage sent from Ladislaus, news comes of the death of Ladislaus,) a young man of twenty years of age, and of a generous hope) who was poisoned at Prague: Whose death was the cause of many miseries, as we shall hereafter show. Their joy in France was changed to mourning, and the wedding to a funeral, to the great grief of Charles. But to put him in mind of necessary causes, amidest these voluntary afflictions, It chanced that the mother of joane the Virgin (to purge the blot of infamy in the death of her daughter, being condemned as a Sorceress by the Bishop of ●eauuais, to please the English) obtains a revocation of this sentence from the Pope, and Charles confirms it, causing it to be solemnly published to the content of all Frenchmen, to whom the remembrance of this generous spirit shall be for ever pleasing. In the mean time, this jealousy which was graven in the heart of Charles, is fed by the daily whisperings of his household flatterer's. And now behold a strange accident; A Captain (in whom he had great confidence) assures him that they meant to poison him: he believes it, and plants this apprehension so firmly in his heart, as he resolves neither to eat nor drink, The tragical death of Cha●les. not knowing whom to trust. He continued obstinately for seven days in this strange resolution, the which in the end brought him to his grave: for being obstinate in this humour (not to eat, notwithstanding all the persuasions of his Physicians and servants,) the passages were so shrunk, as when he would have eaten, it was then too late: and feeling his forces to decay, he provided for his last will, and died the 22. of july at Meun upon Yeure in B●rry, in the year 1461. having lived 59 years, and reigned 39 leaving two sons, Lewis and Charles: the first shall reign after his father, and the second shall be the causer of new troubles in France, but not such as have reigned under our Charles the 7. A Prince who hath as much advanced the French Monarchy, as any King that ever commanded: for finding the realm ruined, he hath restored it: his Predecessors had planted the English in the bowels of the Estate, he expelled them, bringing in a gentle peace after an intestine war of a hundred years. A friend to justice, good order and the people, His disposition. resolute in great affairs, capable of council, wise, courageous, happy in the execution of good counsels, and happy in servants that have faithfully served him to the end of the work of restoration, whereunto God had appointed him. But these great and heroic virtues were blemished by some vices, which were more visible in his prosperity, His 〈◊〉. then in his adversity: for affliction restrained him, but his happy success puffed him up, and gave scope to his humours, making him suspicious and amorous, to the prejudice of his affairs, and dishonour of his person. On the one side, ungoverned l●ue to strange women, making him to forget the lawful love of his wife, and to lose both time and judgement, whereby he blemished his reputation, both with subjects and stranger's. On the other side, presumption of his good success, made him unpleasing to his best servants, yea even to his own blood: and this froward humour causing him to discontent such as he should have trusted, settled so wilful and peevish a jealousy in his heart, as having troubled all his house, in the end it brought him to his grave, after a most fearful and tragic manner, leaving in his virtues, an example to be followed, and in his vices to be avoided, with a visible proof in his happy success, That God useth the weak instruments, to the end that he might be known the Author of the good work they have in hand, that his grace seeming strong in their weakness, the homage and honour of all good might be given to him: for whosoever glories, let him glory in the Lord. Charles had no sooner closed his eyes, but Posts fly to Geneppe in Brabant unto Lewis, to advertise him of his death. The original notes it for exceeding speed, that through the diligence of Charles of Anjou, father in law to Charles, Lewis was advertitised of the death of his father, the very same day he died. This Post was speedy, yet slow in regard of the desire Lewis had to return into France, and to take possession of this goodly Crown, which attended him. LEWIS the eleventh, the 55. King of France. LUDOVICUS .11. KING OF FRANCE .55: · portrait WAs it not then likely, that this so happy a Catastrophe of the latter reign of Charles, should have purchased Lewis as happy and peaceful a Crown, as his fathers had been painful and full of crosses? But the heirs of worldly possessions (which we call the goods of Fortune, and of the body) do not always inherit the same humours and complexions of their Predecessors. Charles was of a courteous disposition, affable, a friend to justice, and capable of council: he leaves Lewis his eldest son, a Prince in truth humble in words and show, wise in adversity, painful, The disposition of Lewis the 11. a free entertainer of men of merit, curious to know all men, of a good capacity, perfect in judgement, and very continent. But these virtues were blemished with many vices: ill tongued, revengeful, cruel, full of fraud, dissembling, distrustful, variable, a friend to base people, and an enemy to great persons, yet willing to repair the wrongs he had done to many. But let us impute this alteration to the multitude of his foreign & homebred foes, who ●ad greatly altered the good seeds which nature had planted in him. That which plunged him in a labyrinth of troubles & afflictions during all the course of his life, was that at his first coming to the Crown, he discountenanced most of the Princes & Noblemen, whom Charles had favoured, preferring mean men to their places, changed (in a manner) all the ancient officers of the crown, & casierd & discharged the old companies of men at arms, whereby such as hated him, did tax him as an enemy to all valour & virtue. Lewis the Dauphin at the age of eleven years, was rashly engaged by some Noblemen & others of the realm, in the war called the Praguery, against Charles his father, His wiue● who speedily suppressed it by his resolution, as we have seen. Being come to the age of man, he married with Marguerit daughter to the King of Scots: and as he fell rashly in love so he reaped nothing but repentance. After her death (not able to bear the unpleasing waywardness of his father) he retires into Daulphiné, and takes to his second wife Charlotte, daughter to the Duke of Savoy, by whom he had joachim, who died young, His children. Anne married to Peter of Bourbon, joane the wife of Lewis Duke of Orleans, & after King of France, the 12. of that name, Charles his successor, and Francis who died likewise in his infancy. In the end Charles going to suppress the practices of his son in Daulphiné, and the neighbour Provinces, Lewis abandons the country, and retires to Philip Duke of Bourgongne, at whose charge he was entertained six years. Charles being deceased, Philip of Bourgongne (to perfect this good office ofhospitality to Lewis) accompanied with Charles Earl of Charolois his son, james of Bourgongne Earl of Estampes, Adolfe Duke of Cleves, the Lord of Ravestin his brother, nephews to the said Philip, the Earls of Nassau and S. Pol, and with many other Noblemen of the low countries, conducted him into France, with four thousand horse well appointed, chosen among a hundred thousand fight men, the which Philip had levied upon a brute that some Noblemen of the country would advance Charles the younger brother of Lewis to the Crown, john Duke of Bourbon (the Duke of Orleans as well for his old age, as for that he mourned for King Charles deceased, came not from Paris) Peter and james of Bourbon brethren, the Earls of Armaignac, Eu, Vendosme, Dunois, Grandpré, Philip of Savoy, with the greatest part of the Princes, Noblemen and Officers of the Crown, go to meet him, and conduct him to Rheims, where he is solemnly anointed & crowned by john Iwenall of Vrsins Archbishop of that place, assisted by the Cardinal of Constance, the Patriarch of Antioch, the Pope's Legate, 4. Archbishops, 17. Bishops & 6. Abots, the 15. of August. 1461. being about 38. years of age. Two days after Philip did him homage for his Duchy of Bourgongne, as Peer, and Deane of the Peers of France: for the Earledom of Flanders as a peer of France: and for the county of Artois & all other lands he held of the crown. Then made he a sumptuous & stately entry into Paris, with very joyful acclamations of the people, as you may see at large in the Originals. He lesome admonitions of Philip to L●wi●. After m●●y sports, tourneys & public feasts, Philip taking leave of the King, exhorts him to lay aside all hatred and spleen conceived against some of his father's ancient servants, from ●hom he should draw as many good services, as they had given testimonies of their loialties to their lawful Master: to live in love and unity with his brother Charles, and to advance him according to the degree he held within the realm. Lewis was no sooner installed, but the Inhabitants of Rheims minister an occasion to employ the first fruits of his forces. About S. Remy the collectors of imposts were slain & their contracts burnt in open street. The King sends thither many soldiers disguised like merchant's & labourers', who entering secretly, & at divers gates, become the stronger and a●e presently followed by some troops led by the Lord of Movy, who seize upon the town, takes 80. or a 100 of the most culpable, puts them to death & suppresseth the mutiny. About the end of the year Lewis made a progress into Touraine, where the Earl of Charolois coming from the pilgrimage of S. claud, did visit him, & the King (in regard of the kindness he had received from Philip) giveshim the government of Normandy, ●uery Frank i● worth two shillings. The Duke of A●●nson enlarged. with 36000. franks yearly pension: for the non payment whereof there will soon grow great dissensions & civil wars. In soothe the words of a prince should be held for Oracles, neither should he be less judicious, then connstant in his promises. The Duke of Alencon was set at liberty, whom Charles the 7. had restrained. But oh the vanity of man, we shall him hereafter a prisoner, & condemned under his authority, 1462. who now gives him both life and liberty. Then the King gave to his brother the Dukedom of Berry for his portion, and assigned the Queen his Mother's dowry (who shall not long enjoy it, but dies in the year 1463.) in the County of Xaintonge, with the town and government of Rochel, Chinon, Pezenas, and other places. Then he went in pilgrimage to S. Saweur of Redon in Brittany, where the Duke did homage for this said Duchy, the County of Monfort, and other places, he held of the Crown. But devotion did not so much draw Lewis into Brittany, as a desire to discover the Duke's affection, his country, and his forces, whom he held in jealousy, the which shall easily draw the Duke into the union of malcontents, as we shall soon see; which will fall out happily for him, to disappoint the King of the prey he haunted after in Brittany. Lewis in the mean time, careless of Philip's advise, not able well to endure the sight of his father's spies (whom he accused as the motives of his disgrace) changeth the governors of Provinces, and most of the Officers both for justice and war: he placeth new▪ being chosen out of those that had been companions of his fortune, the which (to aggravate) they called a banishment, imputing it to them that were displaced. Moreover, he prohibited all Princes, Noblemen and Gentlemen, the sport of Hawking and Hunting, under great and odious punishments, no further than he should permit: a second firebrand of the following combustions. Now the King of Arragon (seeking to reduce his rebellious subjects of Barzellone to their duties by force) engageth the County of Roussillon to Lewis, for three hundred thousand Crowns, whereof he received fifty thousand presently, being followed with a goodly and mighty army, Lewis purchaseth the County of Roussillon. to secure the said King, under the command of james of Armaignac Duke of Nemours. Henry King of Castill, complains by his Ambassadors of these succours given to his adversary, which was a breach of the League betwixt France and Castill. The King (as well to end this quarrel, as that which Blande, the only daughter and heir of the King of Navarre, wife to the said King of Arragon, had with the King of Castill, by reason of some places in Navarre) he goes to Bourdeaux, and there concludes the marriage of Magdaleine of France his sister, with Gaston the eldest son to the Earl of Foix, and presumptive heir of Navarre, who lay hurt at Libourne with a Lance at a Tourney, whereof he died, leaving a son and a daughter: Francis Phoebus his successor, who reigned but one year; and Katherine who succeeded him, and was married to john of Albret▪ then he goes to Bayonne, where the King of Castill comes unto him, and ends all controversies. A dangerous and fatal interview: for these two great Princes, the most strictly allied of all Christendom, of ancient from King to King, from realm to realm, and man to man, bound by great curses to maintain this necessary league, the which never yet had any breach, and they now conceived a contempt & disdain one of an other. The ●rench of the castilians sumptuousness and pride, in their words, countenance & apparel: the castilian of the plainness of the French attire, for Lewis had short garments, & of bad stuff, the which the Spanish nation did impute to miserableness, wherewith he was never blemished. So as from that day, these Kings did never love; but both nations conceived such a mutual hatred one against an other, as they have left it hereditary to their posterity: and we have felt the bitterness of this old levaine in our late and more than uncivil tumult. So perilous shall the interview be of our Lewis, with Charles of Bourgongne (who shall hereafter come often in place) at Peronne, as we shall see. Lewis being returned to Paris, as by the purchase of Roussillon he had fortified his realm towards Spain: so desired he to assure it on the other side, redeeming the towns lying upon Somme, the which had been engaged by the treaty of Arras, to Philip Duke of Bourgongne, for four hundred and fifty thousand crowns, with this condition, that the King should maintain all the officers advanced by the Duke in the said Towns: a promise without performance: for after the oath taken to serve him against all persons, at the first he took away the Captainship of Amiens, of Arras, & of dourlan's from Saveuse▪ that of Mortaigne from Haut-bourdin a bastard of Bourgongne: and the Bail●wike of Amiens from the Lord of Crevecoeur (whose lands he did confiscate soon after) advancing to these offices Launoy the Nephew of Croy, 1463. whereby he did greatly discontent the Duke, and the Earl of Charolois his son more, who in despite of the said redemption, did afterwards chase away the Lord of Croy, with his whole family, and confiscate their goods, they being the means thereof. Being retired into France, Lewis gave him the county of Guynes, with the office of Lord Steward of his house. A discontent which shall hasten the Charolois to arm against our France. Moreover Lewis, to tie the Pope unto him, (by the means of john Balue Bishop of Arras, (who since was made Cardinal, in recompense of so good a service done to the court of Rome) sends Godfrey Bishop of Albi Cardinal of Abbeville unto him, to renounce all rights of the pragmatical sanction. So doing, the Pope promised to send a Legate into France, that should give all benefices: to the end that all the money which should be raised thereby might remain within the Realm, and be no more transported to Rome. But the Pope being seized upon the charter of the said Sanction, made no account to perform his promise: and to please the Romans, he caused it to be dragged through the streets. So as Lewis being thus deceived, did forbid to carry any more money to Rome, nor to bring any Bulls from thence. He made Sforce Duke of Milan his vassal, giving him Savonne which the French held, (a heavy motive of lamentable wars, which followed) and received his homage. But whilst he labours to purchase friends abroad, he procures himself insensibly mighty enemies at home, The princes and Noblemen to whom the first places in court, The League of the common secale. and offices of the crown did appertain, seeing themselves with great indignity supplanted by these muhrooms grown up in one night, & put from the King's favour: they sound one another, both by mouth, writings, and by divers messengers: being assured of their mutual loves, they open their minds, discover their conceptions and conclude, To defend and maintain their dignities. For (say they) to what end do we suffer the indignities and braveries of these new upstarts? we should show want of courage not to apprehend the wrong the King doth us. We have arms, men, friends & money to force him to reason, seeing we are debarred his presence by these base people that possess him. The chief were Charles Duke of Berry the king's brother, The chief of the league. john Duke of Bourbon who had married Charlotte the king's sister, Francis duke of Britain, john Earl of Dunois, bastard brother to Lewis Duke of Orleans, the Duke of Nemours, the Earl of Armaignac, and the Lord of Albret. The Duke of Berry was easily drawn into this league▪ discontented to have no better portion than Berry. The Duke of Bourbon had not yet received his marriage money. The Britton could not digest four hard conditions, the which Lewis, (having an army ready in case he refused) required of him: That he should no more entitle himself, By the grace of God Duke of Britain, That he should coin no more money without his permission, That from thence fo●th the King should levy taxes and subsidies in Britain, and not the Duke. And that all that were beneficed within the Dukedom, should acknowledge him immediately for Patron & sovereign. Privileges which till then had been always expressly reserved to all the Dukes his predecessors, in the homages they did to the crown. The Earl of Dunois had always been of the chief of the army & Lieutenant general to Charles the 7. and now is deprived of all his offices and dignities by Lewis his son. So every one pretended divers causes of complaint. Charles of Berry must carry the babble, a young Prince & credulous, an age which doth easily make men bold & ●ash: for they would use him as the revenging instrument of their passions. But it is the means to draw him from Court without jealousy? Behold an occasion is offered. After that Lewis had visited the Towns of Picardy lately redeemed, having crossed Normandy and Touraine, he passeth to Poitiers, leading Charles his brother with him. Lewis going one day to his devotion, john of Rommillé & Tanneguy of Chastel (Nephew to that Tanneguy that was charged for the death of the Duke of Bourgongne) agents for the Britton in this action, under colour to carry Charles Duke of Berry to the huntiug, they lead him into Britain. Tanneguy was discontented, for that having disbursed fifty thousand franckes at the funerals of Charles the 7. in the absence of Lewis, he had neither recompense, nor any thanks of the king, and was not satisfied for the space of ten years. There remained nothing but to be assured of Philip Duke of Bourgongne, 1464. who even then had great cause of discontent: for during the partialities of England; betwixt the houses of Lancaster and York, Lewis supported Henry against Edward, (he being of Lancaster and this of York) for that Henry had married the daughter of René King of Sicily, and by consequence was near kinsman to Lewis. In favour therefore of this Queen, he makes a proclamation in the territories of the Duke of Bourgongne, forbidding them to aid or assist Edward, terming himself King of England. And for a greater disgrace, King Lewis would impose a custom upon the Salt in the Duchy of Bourgongne. The Bourguignon opposeth▪ he protests that Edward King of England is his ally, and that he could not deny him succours being required. As for the custom he shows forth the ancient privileges of Bourgongne, and entreats the King to forbear in the execution of this charge. Behold a sharp touch, which might easily open the Duke's ears, to hearken to these malcontents: yet would he not enter, but suffers the Earl his son to use all his means for this effect, being discontented for the government of Normandy taken from him, and his pension not paid, for the redeeming the Towns upon Somme, and the advancement of Croy in France. Lewis discovers the League. And although the passing and repassing of the Agents and factors of these Princes were very secretly performed by men disguised like religious men, pilgrims & beggars, yet could they not work so secretly, but the King had intelligence, that the Britton had sent to practise the love and association of the King of England, & that by john of Rommilli, vicechancellor of Bri●tanie, he had made a strict alliance with the Earl of Charolois, a violent & valiant Prince. Thus the King sends the bastard of Rubempré, a sea Captain, to surprise such as he should find passing out of Brittany into England, or from the Bourguignon to the Britton. This bastand lands at La Hay in Holland, he enters the Town (with three in his company) where then the Earl was resident. Being examined of his quality, and of the cause of his landing, he makes some difficulty to discover himself. He is put in prison, as a pirate, sent (said they) by Lewis to surprise the Earl treacherously, and so to prevail more easily with the Duke his father. This brute was dispersed through the Country, and made the King odious. At the first report of these news, Philip being at Hedin, dislodgeth, without taking his leave, although he had promised not to departed without speaking again to the King. Lewis (advertised of the bastard's detention), sends the Earl of Eu, the Chancellor Moruilliers, and the Archbishop of Narbonne, to Philip being at Lisle: Ambassadors from Lewis to Philip. they accuse his son of treachery and infidelity, for that he had made a League with the Duke of Brittany, a friend and confederate with the English. he complains of the restraint of Rubempré his servant: and demands amends for words blown & given out against the King's honour: that the prisoner should be enlarged, and for expiation of the crime, that the authors of this slander should be delivered into the King's hands (especially Oliver de la March, one of the chief in the Duke's Court) to be exemplarily punished. The Chancellor who delivered the speech, being but a blunt man, made it as bitter as he could, and omitted nothing that might make the fact odious and criminal (for the which he shall in time and place, be disavowed by the King and lose his office) adding moreover that he could not conceive the cause of the Earls discontent, if it were not for the pension and government which the King had given him, and since taken away. Philip answers, that Rubempré being charged with many crimes, was justly taken, and in a Country where Lewis had no right. If the informations did acquit him, Philip answers to the Ambassadors, he would send him to the King. That la March was of the Country, & therefore the King not to be his competent judge: yet if he had done or said any thing against the honour of his majesty, he would punish him to his liking. Moruillier insists, urging that Philip should not deny the King, and that he should command his son, not to entertain any bad conceit of his Majesty, nor believe the slanders imposed upon Rubempré. The Duke replies: That till than he had never denied the King any thing: and contrariwise the King had failed of his promise, 1465. in that contrary to their transaction he had fortified the Towns redeemed, with great garrisons, the which he should have enjoyed during his life; taking an oath of the Nobility, to carry arms indifferently against all he should command. That if his son were jealous and distrustful, he took it of his mother, who had often suspected him to go to other Ladies: & not from him, who suspected no man. The Earl of Charolois touched with the Chancellers speech, would have taken the defence of his honour and the Duke of Britons▪ but Philip fearing lest choler should transport him beyond reason, commands him to prepare for the next day. The night brings Counsel. The Earl having considered well of his plea, answers very respectively: yet he maintains, that the process of Rubempre would show, that his imprisonment was both just and duly made. That he had made an alliance and strict league with the Duke of Britain, being brothers in arms, but their association did nothing prejudice the King's service, nor the good of his realm: but rather their common forces should be always ready for the preservation of his crown and the public good. As for the loss of his government and pension, (whereof he had never received but one quarter) he was nothing displeased: that as for any wealth and honours, the favour of the Duke his Lord and father did suffice him. Thus the Ambassadors return nothing to Lewis, but threats from the Earl: who charged the archbishop of Narb●nne particularly with this speech. That within one year he would make the King repent the injurious words he had caused his chancellor to give him, in the presence of the Duke his father. And having speedily assembled a great army out of Artois, Henault, Boullen, Flanders, Holland and Brabant, consisting of four thousand men at arms, The wars of the Common weal. and eight or nine thousand archers, under the enseignes of Lewis of Luxembourg Earl of Saint Paul, and afterwards Constable of France, the Lord of Ravestin brother to the Duke of Cleves, Anthonte bastard of Bourgongne, Haut-bourdin bastard brother to the Earl of Saint Pol, Contai and Lalain valiant and wise knights, with many other Noblemen and gentlemen, and great store of artillery and carriages: he enters into Picardy as Lieutenant general to the Duke of Berry, taking arms to relieve (says he) the people surcharged with taxes and subsidies, The Earl of C●arolois enters Picardy. and to recover their ancient freedoms and liberties; to restore the Nobility to their honours and ancient dignities, and to g●ue unto the Clergy their rights and pre-eminences. In truth these were goodly shows, able to persuade the credulous, and to supplant the affections of the simple. For the first fruits of his forces, he takes Nesle, a little Castle near unto Noyon, in the which there was a garrison) Roie, He takes Nesle Roie and Mond●d●er. Montdid●er, Beaulieu and Pont Saint Maxence: then having passed the rivers of Somme & Oise, he comes with little spoil of the Country, to S. Denis, where all the confederates should meet, but they failed of their appointment▪ Having presented himself before Paris, and skirmished at the gates with some loss to the Inhabitants, supported only by the companies of men at arms of Charles of Melun Bailiff of Sens, of the Marshal joachim Rovault, and the Lord of Nantovillet, afterwards great Master: he seized upon Saint Cloud, where his army passed the Seine, to draw towards Estampes, and to join with his confederates, whom the King's army stayed in their march. In the mean time the Duke of Bourbon seizeth upon the King's revenues and treasure, & of the chief officers, from whom he might draw any money. Then did Anthony of Chabannes' Earl of Dampmartin escape out of the Bastille at Paris, whom Lewis held prisoner, for that he had made war against him in Dauphin, by the command of Charles the 7. until he had provided such caution as he demanded for the preformance of the condition for the which he had given him his life: That he should pass the remainder of his life an Exile at Rhodes. Who going through Gastino●s, took & spoiled the castles of S. Forgeau & S. Maurice, and carried away the captain prisoner, ●effroy the son of james Coeur: he seized upon S. Poursain, & being advertised that the King sent to besiege him by the Bailiffs of Sens, & Melun, he retired himself to the Duke of Bourbon. This flight did suddenly draw the King upon Duke Lewis. The places of Bourbon●nis were in a manner all taken & assured▪ having intelligence that the Duke of Nemours with the Earls of Albret & Armaignac did march, & that succours came to the Duke of Bourbon out of Bourgongne, levied by the Earl of Beavieu and the Cardinal of Bourbon brethren to the said Duke (the which were of more show than profit) he willingly harkens to an accord with these Princes, An accord by the means of james Duch●● of Bourbon. wrought by his sister being wife to the Duke of Bourbon, that they should bear arms for the King, & labour to win their confederates unto him. A convention ill observed▪ by means whereof Lewis had caused the siege of Rion in Anuergn● to be raised, the which was at their devotion: this done, he goes towards Angers, to try if by mildness & good means he might reclaim his brother being in britain. Not able to effect it, & hearing the Earl of Charolois approached with great expedition to Paris, he leaves René King of Sicily and Duke of Anjou, & Charles Earl of main his Uncles by the mother side upon the fronters of Britain, to hinder these great forces from joining with the Bourgognons. And lest the Parisi●ns (abused with this goodly show of the common weal) should receive them, he being so far from them, he makes his Uncles to go forward, who dislodging always before the Britton, did greatly annoy him for want of victuals, and hindered his march, and he himself posts to Orleans with speed, and from thence to Chartres under Montlehery, with no intent to fight until he had visited Paris, and gathered a greater power▪ but necessity forceth him unto it. The Earl of Charolois hearing of the King's approach, marcheth towards him, & go, forward with the Bastard of Bourbon: commanding the rearward, The battle of Monl●h●●● to join with the Earl of Saint ●ol, who led the forward: and takes his place of battle in the plain of Mon●lehery, where they appear at the break of day the 27 of july. Having discovered the K●ngs army led by the Lord of Brezey great Seneschal of Normandy, he commands all his archers and the greatest part of his men at arms to leave their horses, and every man to plant a stake before him in the foremost ranks, to withstand the fury of the horse: behind he compasseth himself in with his carriages, and on the f●ank he fortifies himself with a forest adjoining, having resolved to sight on foot in a place of advantage for the foot, before that all Lewis his troops were joined. Lewis had about two thousand two hundred well appointed Lances, besides the Nobility of Daulphiné and some gentlemen of Savoie and Bresse, a great number of Archers, and other men of war; but not equal to the Bourguignon. God, who disposeth of battles, would now chastise our King, but not to his ruin. The Earl Charolois like a great commander in war used a good stratagem, seeing the French army could not descend into the valley of Tourfou, but by small troops: f●r when as t●e forward appeared, they were not above. 400. Lances, yet he gave respite to them that were farthest off to set forward, whilst the two armies spend the time in light 〈◊〉 ●●shes and Canonshots. Having past some four hours, the Earl advertised that the 〈◊〉 (being sent for by the King) might come and compass him in behind, he 〈◊〉 f●●st: our forward doth likewise march, but he beats them back unto the 〈◊〉, and to (dislodge them from thence) he fires certain houses, so as the wind 〈◊〉 the sla●e and smoke into our archers faces, who did likewise fight on foot: ●● forceth the● to abandon the place and to recover their horses. The Bourgognons' 〈◊〉 mount & gallop after our runnawayes, but they had recovered a long & large ●●tch ●hich they found by chance in the field with a strong quickset hedge, behind the which they breathed whilst the enemy laboured in the pursuit: but issuing a● either 〈◊〉 troop upon the Bourgongnons, they charge them so resolutely, as they turn their 〈◊〉, overthrowing their own archers in the flight: some recover their carriages, and so●e the ●orest: ●mongest others the Earl of S. Paul & his brethren, the Lords of Rau●●●in, Haplaincourt, d' Armouries, d' Inchi, Rabodenges, & many others. The nobility of Dauphin, Sauoi● & Bresse had the chief honour of this defeat. The archers thus broken, re●ained at the mercy of the French. But being pestered with the baggage, some Bourgognons rallied together, turn their carts, compass them in, & beat them down with great bettles of lead. And to increase the loss, Charolois fight on the right hand towards the castle, had an easy victory over our men, chase them back above a thousand pace●. But having intelligence that they were joined again, & that if he passed but two arrow shoots farther he should be taken, he returned suddenly, & encounters an amazed tro●pe of footmen flying in the village He chargeth them, but no man turns head, saving only one soldier who struck him on the breast with a boar-spear, but the foot man lost his life with some few others who could not in time recover the gradens & orchards. As he passed against the Castle, he met by chance with a troop of men at arms, which saved themselves from the rout at the carriages: one of them in the charge gives him a dangerous wound in the throat with his sword, by reason of his beaver that was fallen. jefferie of Saint Belain, called la Hire, Bailiff of Chaumont, and Gilbert of Grassay knew him, they press him to yield and not to be slain: but behold the son of a Physician of Paris, called john Cadet, the history in truth owes his name for so worthy an act, being big and mighty of body, mounted on a horse of the same proportion, rushes through them, & divides them that held him. Then happily arrives the bastard of Bourgongue, and the Earls guard, by means whereof the French retire themselves to their ditch, Charles of Bou●ggong●e taken and rescued. where they had been in the morning. During the which, a false brute of the King's death had almost overthrown all, for every one began to faint. The Earl of main, the Admiral of Montauban, and the Lord of bard embracing this common belief, fly with all the rearward. Lewis advertised of this amazement, takes off his helmet, shows himself to his soldiers, and so assures them that he is alive. On the other side, the Bourguignon rallies his men dispersed and wearied, read●e to fly if they had been charged. At the same instant the Count Saint Paul, goes to the field and gathers together under his ensign about eight hundred men at arms, and but few foot. Behold the two armies ranked one against an other, no● like unto tired men, but having viewed one another, and mutually discharged their Canon. The night approached, A famous battle for running away. which ended the battle: an in counter, where the notable flying on either side did wonderfully moderate the fury of the fight The which being thus ended, the King was conducted by the Scots to the Castle of Montlehery, having neither eaten no● drunk all that day, and then he retires to Corb●il. The Earl keeps the field spoils the dead, and therefore holds himself a Conqueror· Amongst the King's men were, known jefferie of Saint B●lain, Charle● Earl of 〈◊〉 master of the pl●●e of Battle. the great Steward of Normandy, Captain Fl●●, vel Bailiff of Eureux, with many gentlemen, to the number of four hundred horse and but few of foot men. Our Burguignons, the Lords of Lalain, Hames, O●gnie, Varenne, and almost all the Earls Archers: Haplainonurt, Aimeries, Inchy and many others, were taken flying, and brought prisoners to Paris: of footmen there were more slain, then of the King's part. All which were esteemed by some, at two thousand of both sides. The number the dead. others he●d them three thousand six hundred. but all affirm constantly, that there were more Bourgognons than French, although Lewis lost more horsemen. In tr●th, the firm resolution, the constant labour, the dangerous hazards manfully passed by the King, were sufficient motives to encourage his men to honour; and if he had been well and courageously followed, notwithstanding his small number, and want of artillery, the Earl of Charolo●s soldiers had digged their graves at Montlehery. Three days after the battle, the Earl of Ch●rolois being advertised that his confederates approached, Succours come to the Earl of Charolois. went to receive them at Es●ampes, The Dukes of Berry & Britain, the Earl of Dunois, and Dammartin, the Lords of Loh●ae Martial of France, of Bu●●l Chaumont and Charles of Amboise his son, all disgraced by Lewis, and put from their offices, although they had well served the King his father. They brought with them (saith the history) eight hundred good men at arms, most Britain's, who had newly lest the companies, every one pretending some discontent. Of Archers and other men of war resolute & well appointed six thousand on horseback, all of the Britons charge, who (assured by some men at arms that fled upon the King's death, promiseth to himself much good in conceit, in case the Duke of Be●ry come to the Crown. And if at that instant they would have given him credit; they should have suppressed the Bourgognons, or at the least dismissed them, verifiing, That there is small loyalty, and less pity in men of war. On the other side, the Duke of Berry began to loathe these broils, for in open Council, having viewed seven or eight hundred hurt men wandering up and down the Towne●), he said: how much more glad would I have been, if this war had never begun, 〈◊〉 Duke Be●●y lothe● the es●u●i●n of blood. then to purchase myself riches and honour which the price of so much blood. A speech worthy of a mild Prince and not bloody: but ill digested by the Bourguignon, supposing that Charles would easily make his peace upon the least motion made by Lewis. And to assure himself as well without as within the realm, he sends William of Cluni (afterwards Bishop of Poitiers, to Edward King of England, although he had always supported the house of Lancaster, from whence he was issued by his mother, against that of York. Having refreshed their troops they all dislodge from Estampes, and take the way to Saint Mathurin of Laroham, and Moret in Gastinois, and having an intents to pass the river of S●ine, the Earl employs many coopers to make pipes, having brought great store of stuff for that purpose, whereon a bridge was made (for want of convenient boats) through the favour of the Canon, which the Earl had planted in an Island in the midst of the river. There joins with them john Duke of Calabria the only son of René King of Sicily, the Prince of Orange, Thibauld of Neuf-chastel Marshal of Bourgongne, Other succours come to the confederate Princes. and Montagu his brother, the Marquis of Rotelin, the Lords of Argueil and Thoulongeon, with many others, leading nine hundred men at arms of the Duchy and County of Bourgongne, six score men at arms barded Italians commanded by Galeot and Campo-b●sso, four hundred german crossbows sent by the Cont Palatin: and five hundred Swisses (the which were the first that came to our wars. A fatal and lamentable alliance for the Bourguignon, as we shall see in his place) of other footman very few. All this great torrent of a hundred thousand men, environ Paris: Paris beleagard. they seize upon S. Maur on the ditches Pont Charenton, Cons●ans, S. De●is, and other Places there abouts, they tire the inhabytants with continual skirmishes, even at their gates: and shakes their affections by practices and devices. The Duke of Berry writes to the Clergy, to the Court of Parliament, to the university (which then was in great credit in Paris) and to the Bourgesses to every one a part, showing them that all these forces tend not but to the people's ease and profit: and requires them to depute men of judgement and learning to understand more at large the causes of this their great assembly. Ten Deputies hear their complaints, being led by William Chartier Bishop of Paris, they report it to the Counsel of the City, who answers: That the City shallbe free for the Princes to enter into at their pleasure, they and theirs abstaining from violence and paying their expenses. Surely this would have been a Conquest of the city of Paris. But the great Master of Nantovillet, the Marshal joachim, and other Captains take a view of their forces, and by this means retain the Parisiens' who changing their minds, are fully confirmed by the arrival of john of Rohan Lord of Montauban Admiral of France, with great troops of men. O light and inconstant people, how eas●y is it to move thy affections, and to make thee in an instant to applaud that party which even now thou didst abhor. But let us leave them in this good humour, and see what remedy the King had for these garboils attending, the succours the Duke of Milan sent him. Lewis being (after the battle) retired from Corbeil to Paris, flatters the people's humours, treats popularly with them, erects a privy Counsel, of six Counsellors of the Court, six Doctors of the University, and six Burgesses, to govern his affairs according to their advice and direction: he leaves six hundred Lances in Paris, under the command of the bastard of Armaignac, Earl of Coming, of Master giles of Saint Simon Bailiff of Senlis, la bard, Craon, Charles of Mares, and Charles of Melun his Lieutenant in the said town. Then he goes into Normandy, to assemble all the Nobility and men of war he could: from whence he sent the Earl of Eu to have the command of the war and of the City, followed with two hundred archers well in order. The Earl being arrived, he sends the Lord of Rambure to the Leaguers, offering to be a mediator for their discontents unto his majesty, but it was without effect. The King having intelligence of the confederates traffic with the Parisiens', knowing that this people doth easily change their affections with the success: and foreseeing that this ba●te of the commonweal, would soon bewitch them, displeased also that the Bishop had without his knowledge treated of an accord, he hastens his return, accompanied with the Earls of main and Ponthieure, and the forces of Normandy. And for the first fruits of love to his subjects he confirmed all the privileges they enjoyed in his father's life: he abolished all new impositions, and retained none but the ancient and ordinary farms of merchandise that is sold by great: Means to pacify a people that waver. then did he punish, either with banishment or death, such as had yielded to the reception of the heads of the League into the City. He doth sharply blame the Bishop, (and at the Instigation of the Cardinal of Albi,) to have been a dealer in his absence for his enemies with an inconstant and il-aduised people: and having provided for the surety of the City, he prepares to offend and defend. The Bourguigno● likewise useth all force, great and daily skirmishes with the Parisiens', Lewis his proding at Paris. New succours to both parties. sometimes chase and sometimes chased. And thereupon comes new supplies to the Leaguers, the Dukes of Bourbon and Nemours, the Earl of Armaigna●, and the Lord of Albret (notwithstanding the former treaty) with about six thousand men. On the other side, the King received from Francis Sforze Duke of Milan, five hundred men at arms, and three thousand foot, commanded by Galeas his eldest son, with this Counsel of State: A Politic advice. That to divide this company, he should yield to all conditions, and only preserve his men. An advice which Lewis shall cunningly put in practice speedily. These Milanois were employed in Bourbonois, until news of the peace shall come. The Earl thus fortified, offers battle, but the King would not hazard any thing, desiring to disperse this misty cloud without effusion of blood. And to annoy them of Con●●●ns & Charenton, he sends four thousand frank-archers, & about four hundred pioneers, supported by the Nobility of Normandy, and some at arms, who plant themselves upon rivers side right against Conflans, at the English port, where they make a large and a long trench unto the City, with a bulwark of wood and earth, whereon they plant many pieces of artillery, the which at the first drives the Duke of Cal●br●a out of Charenton, with great loss of his men, and an extreme terror to the Earl of Charolois, who lodged at Conflans in a house belonging to his Father. Two Cannon shot passed through his Camber being at dinner, and slew his praetor, carrying a dish to his table. This amazement makes him go down with speed: he fortifies his lodging, pierceth the walls, and plants a Cannon for a counterbatterie. But they must dislodge these frank-archers, & prevent the loss they received from the other side of the water. A bridge of boats at Charenson. For the effecting of this, he obtains a truce for two days, in which time he made a bridge of boats. The bridge almost finished, the franke-archers leave their trenches, carry away their artillery, and retire to the suburbs into the Carthusians cloister. A part of the Bourgognons' army passeth the water▪ they enter the suburbs of Saint Marceau, and skirmish, but with little loss on either side. Hereupon our Captains resolve to assail the enemy in divers parts. A page sent by night, gives them intelligence. At the break of day some horsemen charge home to the artillery and kill a Canoniere. This was in show the effect of the pages advertissement. All arm: they make barricadoes and stand firm. The artillery thunders: the Kings answers them. They send forth two hundred horse to discover: who see a troop issuing forth the City to learn the cause of this tumult, and moreover a great number of Lances in conceit: and so they report that all are come forth in battle, but the day breaking they prove but thistells. So this alarm turns to laughter. In the mean time they treat of peace, but the demands of the Confederates were excessive. The Duke of Berry demands Normandy for his portion. The Earl of Charolois, the Towns of Somme lately redeemed. For the better effecting hereof, the two commanders conclude of an interview. An interview of the two heads. The King mounts up the water right against the Bourgognons' army, accompanied with the Lords of Montauban Admiral, Nantovillet, Du Lau, and few others. The Earls of Charolois and S. Paul, come to receive him. He than offers to give his Brother the Provinces of ●rie and champaign, excepting Meaux, Melun and Montere●u▪ the which he would not accept. He grants the Charolois his desire, disavows Moruilliers in certain speeches, wherein he saith he had exceeded his charge▪ and for the Earl's sake he promiseth to give the office of Constable to the Earl of S. Paul. These intercourses of either side prove lamentable for the King: Fatal for the King. for besides that the Princes do daily suborn more of his men then he can draw from them, behold Pontoise is delivered to the Britton by Sorbier, commanding there under the Marshal Io●c●●m; and to finish so notable a treachery, he marcheth towards Meulan to the same intent, but the inhabitants being advertised, he returns without effect. There grows an other uproar in Paris: the Soldiers vaunt insolently, The 〈◊〉 ready to mutiny. that the citizens goods are at their free disposition▪ that they will take the Keys of their houses from them, and for a need will pull the chains out of their streets. Hereupon the Provost of Merchants calls the Captains of the quarters, and chief of the City to council▪ he commands them in the night to make fires at all the corners of the streets, and to watch in arms, every man in his quarter. The people stands upon their guard, ready to attempt some great action. The King himself goes the round, Paris in danger to be surprised. he finds the gate of the Bas●●lle towards the fields open, and the artillery cloyed. But oh the providence of God, misfortune is good for some thing. These unexpected fires disappoint the conspirators practices, they hinder the approach and entry of the enemy, and save the City. Moreover guysor's is belegard, & the garrison abandons it. But that which imports more, the widow of the great Seneschal of Brezai, (governed by the Bishop of Bayeux,) then resident at Rovan, with some other Partisans, Rovan yielded to the Confederates. gives john Duke of Bourbon entry into the Castle, and so into the City. The City desiring long to have a Duke remaining in the country, consents to this change, and swears to the said Duke, for the Duke of Berry. In a manner, all the Towns and places of the Province follow the example of their capital City. The Bourgognons' army was now reduced to extreme necessity of victuals and money, so as all the Noblemen dreamt only of a retreat. And yet (an admirable thing) the price of victuals was not risen in the City. So many storms caused Lewis to demand a second interview, The peace of Constans, and the conditions. before that the yielding up of Rovan should be known to the Earl. He grants the Duchy of Normandy to his Brother: restores the Towns upon Somme to the Earl: to the Britton his County of Montfort, with promise to de●s●a●e his charges: he gives the office of Constable to the Earl of S. Paul: he promiseth unto john Duke of Calabria, men and money to recover his realm of Naples▪ to pay what had been promised for the marriage of his Sister to the Duke of Bourbon, with the execution of other clauses contained in the contract: to restore unto all othe●s the●r goods▪ offices and dignities, which they had enjoyed under his father Charles. He ●rants unto the Princes, that not any one should be bound to come in person at his summons, but s●ould discharge their homage and duties, in sending such forces as they were bound to furnish at n●ed. To conclude, all the public good is turned to private interest. The Earl of Charolois accepts these conditions so willingly, as discoursing with the King the vehement desire he had to see the execution of this treaty, carries him into the trench of the Bulwark of franke-Archers, by the which they entered the City. The Bourgognons having lost him, cry out that he was stayed. The chief assemble together, they tremble, they condemn their Earl of rashness, alleging the inconueence happened to his grandfather at Montereau, in the presence of Charles the 7. and they begin to talk of their safety: but as they walked into the field on horseback▪ behold they discover about fifty of the King's horse, conducting the Earl to his qua●ter. Loyalty in King Lew●●. So every one revived his spirits, and jointly commend the King's loyalt●e. Two days alter the treaty of peace was read, and sworn on either side, at 〈◊〉 Vincennes, Charles the King's brother did homage for the Duchy of Norman●●● 〈◊〉 Earl of Charolois for the Towns and land in Picardy, and likewise the rest that 〈◊〉 homages to do. The Earl of S. Paul took his oath for the office of Constable: 〈◊〉 rest for the most part receive their goods and honours. So the Duke of Norman●●● was conducted unto Rovan, by the Duke of Brittany. The Earl of Charolois took his way to Amiens, and received homage of the inhabitants, as also of other places that were restored unto him, by the peace. Then he entered into the country of Liege, that rebelled of late days against his father, upon the first brute of the overthrow of the Earl his son at Montlehery, without attending the truth. He pacified the Country, and returned into Brab●nt. This was called the peace of Conflans, which was but counterfeit, the 28. of October 1465. the which the Burguignon had not so easily yielded unto, if he had received sooner that refreshing of men and money, which Phili● sent him by the Lord of Savenze. It was an act of great import, for Lewis to disperse these Princes so cunningly: he did well foresee, Lewis a cunni●●, artisan of division. that the Charolois being far from them, and busied in his own Countries, would hardly turn head in the Winter season. Moreover he knew well the means (as he was an excellent plotter of partialities) how to divide the Dukes of Normandy and of Brittany. And in truth they were scarce arrived in their new Duchy, but all the Noblemen, Gentlemen, and Captains, expected some preferment from Charles Duke of Normandy, so greatly advanced by this peace; and moreover the Duke of Brittany, who had been farthest engaged in the charge, was little amended by the treaty: they all by a general discontent show a notable subject of distrust of their new Duke: The Duke of brittany discontented with 〈◊〉 Duke of No●mandie. so as there is spread abroad a still rumour, That the Britons would carry Charles into Brittany. Upon this bruit, the Duke's servants and the Inhabitants troop together: they run by heaps to Saint Katherins Moua●e (where Charles remained yet, attending the preparatives of his entry) they lead him into the City, without any other assistance, but the Clergy in their ornaments. The Duke of Brittany, fearing the mutiny of this people, retires unto his Country▪ and in his way he takes some Towns in Normandy, wherein he leaveth diverse garrisons. Lewis embraceth this occasion; and upon this division marcheth against his brother, treats with the Duke of Brittany at Argenton, to win him from the alliance of the Duke of Normandy▪ Lewis sets upon his b●other. he takes from him (by the Duke of Bourbon newly reconciled) E●reux, Vernon, Lowiers, Pont de Larche, and other places: and by Charles of Melun, ●is●rs, Cournay, Chailly: and consequently all base Normandy. Caen held with some other places, being in the hands of Lescut, a trusty servant to both the Dukes. Charles abandoned by all men, and set upon by so mighty an army, resolves to retire into Flanders, and seeks to the Earl of Charolois, whom this d●u●sion did much grieve: for he desired above all things to see a Duke in Normandy, the which should gently weaken the King. But the time was unseasonable, being busied against the Liegeois. Yet for a proof of his good hap, he labours to put some troops (gathered up in Picardy) into deep: but Lewis prevents him, and compounds with the Governor. Hereupon the two Dukes reconcile themselves▪ The Dukes of No●mandie & brittany are reconciled. considering (but too late) that as their dissension had already ruined the one, so might it easily overthrow the other: according to the saying, That by concord small things increase, but by discord great are overthrown. In truth it is a hard matter for great men to entertain friendship long: and for the State it is necessary to have one sovereign head over all, who by his judgement, wisdom, and credit, may retain the subjects in obedience. So the Duke of Normandy begs help of the Britton, being poor, overcome, and abandoned now in his adversity, of all them that during his prosperity had grounded the anchor of their hope upon his fortunes, and had newly made their peace with the King. The Duke of Brittany rece●ues him, & in his favour sends an embassage to the King giving him to understand, that for the honour of his blood, and respect of his Majesty, 1467. he had received him; seeing him a fugitive, and unprovided of necessary means to entertain his estate. Thereupon Lewis makes answer, that he could not dismember Normandy, the goodliest flower of his Diadem, from the Crown of France, whose domains are inalienable. The Duke replies: That to give a portion to his brother, grounded in part of the successive right, was an alienation of long time received in France, seeing that many held it even then by the same title. But they commonly say, it is in vain to preach to them that care not to do well. Lewis could not yield to the preferment of his brother: and the Britons Ambassadors returned with no other answer, but a bare confession, that it was reasonable to give him some portion, and that he would consider of the quantity thereof. Thus Rovan (wanting their Duke some few days, Rovan returns to Lewis. ) yields the King obedience with small ado: who suddenly causeth many to be executed of his brother Charles faction. The Lord of Esternay, taken by Charles of Melun great Master, in a Friar's weed, accompanied with an Augustine, was beheaded: yet some writ that both were drowned in the river of Vre. Lewis discontented with the Duke of Brittany. The King offended with the entertainment the Duke of Britain had given to his Brother, and advertised that john Duke of Calabria was dead beyond the Mountains▪ he calls home the troops he had given him, to have the greater forces to assail the Britton, for receiving of his enemies, and practising intelligences within his realm. And even then the Duke of Alencon promised to give the Duke passage through his country, if he would enter into Normandy. Moreover so many Ambassages from the King to the Duke and Earl of Charolois, and from them to the King: from the Earl to the Dukes, and from them to the Earl, were but to discover their humours, and under colour of faith, to withdraw men's affections. So the Duke of Britain, not able to persuade the King to reason, enters into Normandy, takes Caen, The Britons forces in Normandy. Bayeux, and Auranches: he burns Meruille and some other places, whilst that the King assembles the forces of Anjou, Poictou, and Normandy; and the Earl of Charolois resolves to secure his confederates, having suppressed them of Liege and Gant. And for that our Lewis hath been so confusedly encumbered amidest the combustions of those people: let us leave France, to learn briefly the cause, the proceeding and the end of these wars. The Liegeois hereditary and capital enemies to the house of Bourgongne, (seeing all tend to open war betwixt the King and the Earl of Charolois, The Liegeois allied with the King. seeks the King's friendship and alliance, and they obtain it, upon condition to enter presently into the countries of Hainault and Namur, belonging to the Duke of Bourgongne, with all acts of hostility: the King promising under his seal, to secure them with two hundred men at arms, (every one having three horses at the least,) and not to treat any accord or peace with the Duke without their consent, and to comprehend them in it, puffed up with this favour and imagined succours, they send a Herald to Philip being at Brussels, The Liegeois defy ●he Earl of Charolois. with letters, defying the Earl his son with fire and sword, and thereon demand an answer. The Duke having read these Letters, delivered them unto the Herald, willing him to carry them to his son. So he returns to Liege, but he is presently sent back with other Letters, defying the Duke himself and all his allies. And suddenly they break into the Duke's country, they spoil, ravish, burn, and omit no outrage that one enemy may do to another. Philip assembles the forces of his Countries, and sends for the Dukes of Cleves and Gueldres: the Earls of Nassau and Horn, the marquess of Rothelin, and others that were neighbours to Liege. But this multitude finding the King to fail them of his promise, and that they were not able to resist so great forces, they shut themselves up within the walls of Liege. Then at the first and false news of the overthrow of the Earl of Charolois at Montl●heri, (as the passions of a disordered mind do easily make men to believe what he wisheth,) they take a subject of new folly. Those of Dinan especially, The people's light belief. a people of Liege, proud and arrogant to have at sundry times endured seventeen sieges of Emperors and Kings, yet never conquered, make an image very like to the Earl of Charolois, and attired with his arms: they carry it in troop near to Bou●ines in the County of Namur: they set up a high gibbet in the sight of the Citizens, and there they hang this Image, crying with open throat. See there the Son of your Duke, that false traitor the Earl of Charolois, A horrible outrage committed by them of Dinan whom the King of France hath, or will cause to be hanged, as you see here. He termed himself the Son of your Duke, he lied: he was a villain bastard, changed in his infancy with the Son of the Lord of Hainseberghe, our Bishop. Did he think to ruin the Noble house of France? From these and such like insolent speeches, they come to deeds, armed against the subjects of Philip, with fire and sword, the instruments of their horrible outrages. This was not all, the father must receive the like disgrace by his picture, the which they carried to the Dunghill before Bowines, and setting it upon a piece of wood. See here (say they) the Seat of the great Toad your Duke. Those of Bowines exhort these mad men to perform the duties of good subjects to the Duke, before that matters grew more bitter. Bu● the cannoneer of this good and wholesome counsel, returned without his head: they send an innocent child with the like Letters, hoping his tender age would move some respect, and mollify these cruel and unnatural minds, but in despite of the Duke and of their neighbours, they killed him most barbarously, and tore him in pieces. O insolent people, which hast not yet learned, That there is no vice whereon God doth more often show his judgements, then upon pride. The great wealth thou hast gathered together during thy long felicity, hath it so furiously transported thee beyond the bounds of obedience? and to what end is thy great wealth, but to draw thee headlong to thy ruin? Philip takes his revenge by the defeat of four thousand Liegeois, fortified within Montenac, a village five leagues from Liege. The Earl of Nassau did this exploit, but the Duke would be present in person with the Earl his son, at the taking and utter desolation of Dinan. He besiegeth it with above twenty thousand horse, beside foot, which were in great numbers, takes it, spoils it, and destroys it, and drags eight hundred prisoners chained together, to be drowned in the Meuze, before Bowines: an expiation for the tyrannical extortions they had endured by the Dinan●ois. Those of Liege did for this time escape the like fortune, but it was but deferred, and behold an other cause of indignation, which they procure to themselves. Lewis of Bourbon Bishop of Liege by resignation, and admitted to the dignity by the intercession and favour of Duke Philip to the Pope, begins to prefer the most confident and trusty servants of the said Philip, to all offices and dignities within the Town. The people are grieved thereat, they mutiny and expel the Bishop. This revolt against their spiritual and temporal Lord, procures the Pope's excommunication against them. Philip after the destruction of Dinand turns head against them: but terrified with so sharp a punishment, they fly to the Earl of Charolois, who is a means for their peace and pardon, paying six hundred thousand Florins of the Rhin in six years, and three hundred hostages for a security of their deeds and promises, specified by the Bishops. Thus this people restored to favour with their Prince, A Florin is about three shillings and seven pence. and reconciled to their Bishop, were absolved of the excommunication, by Onofrie a Roman Citizen and Bishop of Troy. Whilst that Philip subdues the Liegeois, Lewis employs his whole study to ruin the house of Brittany, Lewis supports the Liegeois against their Duke. and to confirm a truce with the English, who threatened France with a new descent during our divisions, and he practiseth the Bourguignon by all means. And to press him to renounce his Brother Charles and the Duke of Brittany, he takes the Liegeois into his protection against their Duke, in case he shall hereafter wrong them: the which he doth signify unto him by the Constable of S. Paul, and the Cardinal Balue, offering notwithstanding to renounce their alliance, if he will likewise abandon his brother and the Britton. This Bravado proceeds to effects. He sends them four hundred Lances of his ordinary, under the conduct of the Earl of of Dammartin, the Lords of Salezart, Conyhem and Vignolles, with six thousand Archers. The Earl of S. Paul, (but without the King's authority) lead them some troops speedily levied upon the frontiers of Picardy. The first act of his Tragedy, which in the end shall make him leave his head at the grieve in Paris. Philip of Bour●gongne dies. But it was now time for Philip to leave the troubles of this world, to enjoy an assured and everlasting rest in heaven. This inconstant and mutinous people, supposing by the decease of their Lord, to be at liberty, they break out, go to field, recover all the Towns, chase away the garrisons placed by the deceased Duke: spoil and sack the places they take by force, The Lieg●oi● ●ebelll again. without any care of their engaged hostages, who were all ready to be sacrificed by Charles the new Duke of Bourgongne, to require the mad insolencies of their countrymen, yet he reserves the revenge for a more famous memory. He parts from Lowain in arms, and well accompanied, and goes to besiege Saintron. The Liegeois (to raise the siege,) issue forth with thirty thousand men, some five hundred horse, and great store of Artillery. The Duke turns head again, chargeth them and over-comes them, They are defeated. he kills about nine thousand: the approaching night saves the rest. Presently after this charge, the Duke (puffed up with this good success) speaks big, he writes unto the Constable like a Rodomont, answerable to the speeches he had with him at Lowain: That he beseeched the King for his sake to attempt nothing upon the State of Brittany, advertising him of the memorable battle which he had won. After the which Saintron yields upon conditions, and the tenth man is chosen out at the Duke's pleasure, and then beheaded. Tongres was no better entreated: and these miserable wretches thus tithed, were for the most part of those hostages, which he had freely sent home, upon condition to employ themselves to pacify the seditious humours of their fellow Citizens. In the end, as he turned all his forces against Liege, premeditating with himself of a lamentable and bloody revenge, The Liegeois submit themselves to their Duke. behold three hundred of their best Citizens come forth in their shirts, bare headed and bore legged, bringing the Keys to the Duke. He enters the City by a great breach of twenty sadome beaten down in the wall, disarms the inhabitants, takes from them their artillery which remained, razeth all the Towers and Town walls, and chargeth them with heavier impostes than ever his father had done. A work of heaven, which quenched the fire of sedition, which began to flame at Gand: a stirring people, and second to the Liegeois in inconstancy: of whom it is commonly said, That they love the son of their Prince, but not the Prince himself. So the Gantois bring unto him on foot as far as Bruxelles, the seventy and two banners of the occupations, which he had granted them at his entry, with all the privileges and letters they had tumultuously wrested from him. Charles sent the said Banners to Bologne la grass, to accompany those which his father had in like sort taken from them▪ he disannulled their privilege of the law, whereby the people had right of 26. Sheriffs of the Town, to choose every year two and twenty, and the Prince but four: he condemned them in thirty thousand Florines to himself, and six thousand to his officers and followers: All other Towns compounded for money, and then he made his entry armed into Gand. Thither came Ambassadors to him from Lewis, labouring to draw him to consent to the wars which he pre●ended to make in Brittany: the which not able to obtain, the Winter was spent in sending one to another: and Summer being come, Lewis enters the said Duchy, with an army of fifty thousand men: and at his first arrival he takes Chanto●●●, and Ancenis, and after some other military exploits, he forceth both his brother and the Duke of Brittany, to accept such conditions as he would prescribe unto them: That they should renounce all alliances, and especially that of the Duke of Bourgongne: That his Brother Charles, lately Duke of Normandy, should have twelve thousand Franckes a year rend, for his portion, The treaty of Ancenis. issuing out of some lands which should carry the title of a Dukedom or County, and three score thousand Frankes for his pension. In the mean time Charles of Bourgongne, at the instance of his allies, was already advanced to Peronne. Then had Pope Pius the 2. sent a Legate into France, for the renunciation of the Pragmatic Sanction, made by Lewis at his coming to the Crown. The Patents are read in the Chastelet without contradiction. Balue comes to the Palace the first of October, to have them in like sort published. But Master john of S. Romain, the King's Proctor general, opposeth himself directly against the execution thereof, The King's Proctor general opposeth himself stoutly against the Po●es proceed. notwithstanding the injurious threats of the said Cardinal: Replying (saith the Original) that he had rather lose both his office, and all his wealth, then to do a thing against his conscience, to the hurt of the Realm, and prejudice of the King's dignity. In the end, the Rector of the University, (for then they maintained by faithful obedience, their ancient authority) and the Deputies thereof, go to the Legate: they appeal from him, and the effect of the said Letters, to the holy Council, the like they do in all other places where need required. They protest the like at the Chastelet, and depart not before their opposition be registered. Hereupon the King sends the said Legate and Cardinal with john Ladriesche Treasurer of France, to the Duke of Bourgongne, to signify unto him the accord made with his Brother and the Duke of Brittany, and to treat of a peace with the said Duke of Bourgongne, but always tending to divide him from them: and (for a bait) he promiseth to give him six score thousand Crowns of gold, the one half to be paid before he dislodgeth, for the charges of his levy: and hoping to win him wholly to his will, he concludes of an interview at Peronne, by the means of the said Balue, and to this effect, the Duke writes him a Letter with his own hand, as a warrant to go and come. Lewis solicits the Liegeois to a new rebellion. And in the mean time, that Charles busied at home, should no ways hinder Lewis in the war he pretended to make in Brittany, (for he still gaped after the conquest of that Province) he had sent again underhand, to solicit the Liegeois to a new sedition, whereunto they were too prompt for their own good: they arm, and by stealth surprise Tongres, and carry their Bishop with many Chanoines (whom they hated to the death) prisoners to Liege. Yet somewhat respecting the Legates presence, they were content to pull out the hearts of five or six of them, in sight of the Bishop, with an outrageous violence, hewing one of them into many pieces, the which with a brutish derision they cast one at another like unto Tennis Balls. These two Princes lived in continual distrust, and feared one another: for the safety of their persons at this meeting, they fortify themselves with great forces. Lewis to free the Duke of all jealousy, comes ill accompanied, but he is followed by john Duke of Bourbon his brother in law, the Cardinal brother to the said Duke, the Constable of Saint Paul, the Cardinal Balue, (a man which dealt much in matters of armies and State) by Tannegui of Chastel, newly received into favour, and many other commanders of troops. Charles had sent for the Army of Bourgongne, where there were many Noblemen, in former times ill entreated by the King: as Anthony Ch●steauneuf, Lord of Lau, (who had escaped from usson, a strong place in Auvergne, where Lewis kept him prisoner, under the guard of Charles of Melun, who (saving his own head) imbrued three scaffolds with blood, with that of Charles at Loches: of Remonet, son to the wife of Charles at Tours: and of the King's Proctor at usson, in Meaux: Lewis and the Duke of Bourgongne meet at Peronne. Poncet de Riviere, d'urfe, (who was after Master of the King's Horse:) three Princes of the house of Savoy, that is to say, the Lord of Bresse, the Bishop of Geneve, and the Earl of Rhosmond, brethren, followed by many Gentlemen, Savoyards' and Bourgognons. The King seeing all these within the Town, and the army lodged thereabout, finds that he wrought politicly: but cunning is prevented by cunning. So the providence of God blinds man in his own malice, and shadows his eyes, to confound him in his fraudulent designs. And to increase his folly, he requires the Castle of Charles to lodge in: for that the greatest part of those that were last come, were ill affected unto him: What then? an enemy that had a desire to cross the policies of his adversary, would he refuse him this Cage that sought to entangle himself in his own snare? yet he persuades him to fear nothing. 1468. Let Princes learn not to commit themselves rashly to such assemblies, the very baits of deceits, collusions and perjuries. The news of this second mutiny at Liege being reported unto the Duke, he suddenly causeth the gates both of Town and Castle to be shut, but under a cold pretext, That one had lost a male full of jewels and money. Lewis seeing himself cooped up, and many archers at the gate, being lodged moreover right against a great Tower, whereas that Earl of Vermandois had once caused Charles the simple his predecessor to die, blame him not if he feared. So (as an ancient said) malice drinks the greatest part of her own poison. They could not treat of a more important matter then the life of a King of ●rance and of his Estate. Charles doth first impart this business to some of his Chamberlains and grooms of his Chamber (amongst others to the Lord of Argenton, to whom the King since gave this commendation, Philip de Com●●●●. to have been a great help in this pacification of Peronne) who then tempered this spleen all they could. He holds a counsel the most part of the second day, and almost the whole night, having all the desire in the world to do the King a shrewd turn, who in the mean time practiseth with all vehemency such as he thought might serve him: he unfurnisheth his most trusty servants, being far from his treasure, commands to make distribution of fifteen thousand crowns: (but the commissary retained a part as the King was since advertised) he gives to some, and promiseth to others. In the end their resolution in counsel was, That Lewis his excuse should be admitted, who did swear that having sent his Ambassadors to Liege, even when as the Duke did arm against France, the great affection he had to a final and universal peace had so transported him, as he had forgot to countermand them. Thus promise being made to Charles of Bourgongne, to accompany him at his request in the voyage of Liege, and to give unto Charles his brother the Earldoms of Br●e and champaign, (the which the Bourgognons did, A peace betwixt Lewis & Charles of Bourgongne. that at need they might have more means to succour one an other) the treaty of Arras and peace of Charenton were reconfirmed and sworn, upon the cross which Charlemaigne was wont to carry, called the cross of victory. Truly experience hath always testified, that princes do more wisely pacify their quarrels by grave and trusty servants, then by enteruewes, from the which such as had never any matter to determine to gither, do seldom part without mutual dislikes and grudge▪ the seeds of divisions ' and war, the which may be long smothered, but at length it breaks forth. From henceforth you shall see upon the theatre a wretched people, panting yet with the bastonadoes lately received▪ but not yet vanquished, and so much the more lamentable, for that their own calamities cannot make them wise: who having obstinately rebelled against their natural Prince, and indiscreetly embraced our King's quarrel, run headlong to their total ruin. Lewis was engaged by promise, and summoned to perform it. Besides the Scots of his guard, he sends for three hundred men at arms, having with him john Duke of Bourbon, Charles Cardinal of Bourbon and archbishop of Lions, and the Earl of Beavieu brothers to the Bishop of Liege. A City then of the bigness of Rovan, exceeding well peopled, seated in a mountain country, Situation of Liege. fertile, watered with the river of Meuze, which runs through it, but by the last years check almost all dismanteled, & greatly weakened of men, Liege besieged. so as the Marshal of Bourgongne & the Lord of Himbercout leading the avantgard, and gaping after spoil, thought to have entered at their first approach, before the King or Duke were arrived. john of Vilette chief Tribune of these Liegeois, They make a sally. and other Captains seeing them lodge confusedly in their suburbs, they issue resolutely by the old breaches; and kill above eight hundred men, amongst the which were a hundred men at arms: they hurt many, & amongst them the Prince of Orange. All the people were ready to make a general sally, but some Canonadoes shot into the great steete kills very many, and keeps in the rest. The Tribune was hurt and died within two days after, with some other Captains, whilst the two Commanders arrive, & take their lodgings, Lewis in a great farm, a quarter of a league from Liege, Charles in the midst of the suburbs, where the King went to lodge next day right against the Bourgognons' lodging. This approach breeds a great distrust: for Charles doubted that Lewis would cast himself into the Town, or practise something against him, Charles distrusts Lewis. or at the least save himself before the taking of the Town. To be the better satisfied, the Duke doth lodge three hundred of his best men at arms in a barn betwixt his lodging and the Kings, the better to observe the King's actions. In the meantime, they make a good show, and keep good guard until the nine and twentieth of October, the day of the siege, when as Charles and all his men disarm themselves, to be the more read●e the next day for the assault. During these eight days, the besieged gave liberty to their Bishop to go to the Duke and to offer him their Town and goods, The Duke is inexorable at his subjects request. desiring nothing but their lives. But he had resolved a sharp revenge, and retains the Bishop, not accepting of any offer. The apostolic Legate had no more any credit with Charles, neither was he so happy as he expected. The Ligeois abandoned by the French, despairing of all foreign succours, and of all grace with their Prince: behold a troop of six hundred choice men of the Country of Franchemont issue forth, having for their guides the masters of those two lodgings where the Generals did lie. The party was well made, but the enterprise was great, and ill managed; yet did they hardly fail in it. The guides should lead them secretly through the hollow rocks near unto these Prince's lodgings, to surprise them, kill them, The Ligeois despairing, hazard all. or at the least to carry them away before their guards were in arms. Moreover all the people should issue forth by the gate and breaches right against the great street of the suburbs, and with their cries and fight discomfort the whole army, or at the least sell their lives dear, in dying gloriously. They issue forth, kill the sentinels: and stayed at a pavilion in the which the Duke of Alencon, and the Lord of Craon were lodged, where they slew some servants with their halberds and partuisans; they charge even unto the grange, whereas the three hundred men at arms were in their first sleep, the whole multitude runs thither, and troubles both Nations, some crying, God save the King, others God save the Duke of Bourgongne▪ and some also cry God save the King, and kill, to sow division betwixt the French and Bourguignons. They awake, they arm & defend the entry. In the mean time succours come from all parts to the duke, being charged by a squadron led by the master of the lodging. He is slain first, and then all his company. The King is no less amazed, his host compasseth his house with an other band. The Scots are about him, The King & Duke in great danger of their lives. they first kill the ●oste and then his followers: and so the multitude recovers the Town in disorder. The two Princes talk together, and thank God for their delivery, and with a just cause for if these desperate men had neither linguered at the Pavilion nor at the grange, without doubt they had had these two Princes at their discretion but God would reserve ours, for the restoring of his estate, and increase of his revenues with the Bourgnignons' loss: and the Bourguignon for a more tragic end. Ou● Lewis grew likewise pale with distrust, foreseeing that if Charles did not take this Town by assault, Lewis distrusts. the burden might light on him, that he was in danger to be stayed and taken, being the weaker in the army. There was no hope of retiring, he was too well guarded: The miserable estate of two Princes. and his honour likewise engaged. Thus he stood upon thorns, yet resolute in show, and always a perfect dissembler. A miserable estate of these two Princes, who of late had so solemnly sworn a peace, and yet one could not assure himself of an others faith. This desperate sally had amazed the Duke's men, who (even by the King's advice) would willingly have delayed the assault for some days, but Charles constant in his desseine, lets Lewis understand, that if he pleased he might retire to Namur until the Town were taken: as for himself he would not part without seeing the issue the next morning: but Lewis was engaged in honour, who would never give the least suspitition of covardise: he therefore answers, that he would take his part of the sport. The day being come, every one repairs to his colours: the sign is given by a field piece and two shot of a serpentine, to the end the vanguard lodged on the otherside should charge at the same instant. The trumpets and drums sound, the ensigns approach, & all march resolutely. But when they thought to join, they found no resistance. Their chief commanders were dead, the most apparent being slipped out of the Town, some one way some an other, the common people were gone to dinner, thinking that Sondaie would be a day of rest. So the whole army consisting of about forty thousand men, enter at both ends, & find the cloth laid: they kill at the first encounter two hundred, men, The Town taken and ruined. women, children, and religious indifferently: they ravish, women, maids, and nuns, spoil the City, and holy places: the Duke saves the great church of S. Lambert with great difficulty, the people fly, over the Meuze, and so save themselves in the forest of Ardennes, and other places there abouts, where (to increase their misery) some gentlemen) who till then had held their party) strip them, kill a number, and take the best prisoners, and by this treachery & piteous stratagem make their peace with the Duke. Many died of hunger, cold and sleep: the history makes mention of a gentleman that had the palsy in one leg, and a page that had two fingers on one hand fallen off. The misery of the Liegeo●s. The wine was frozen in the pipes, and for three days was cut out with hatchets. And for the last act of this tragedy, the Duke doth place four thousand men about the quarters of the C●ttie, to beat down the bridge upon the Meuze; to defend the houses of the Clergy about the great Church, & to preserve the other Churches from ruin, whilst that others set fire on the Town, overthrow the walls and fill up the ditches. Wrath and victory do never forget any kind of revenge. And if we shall believe some writers, there perished above fifty thousand souls in this war, The Duke's cruel revenge upon the L●egeois. most cruel beyond all bounds of humanity. Learn O ye nations to contain yourselves in the obedience of your Sovereigns; and not to embark yourselves rashly in Prince's quarrels: who retire themselves easily out of the mire where they leave you engaged. Liege is a precedent unto you wherein you may observe the just judgement of God, upon a cruel rebellious people, enemy to all sovereignty, both spiritual and temporal, of long time subject to daily rebellions, until their general ruin. As we have brought our Lewis to Liege, so let us return him into France. Charles exceeding proud with the happy success of his desseins, suffers himself to be sought unto by mediators from the King for his departure: and afterwards he himself moves him, as desiring to go & cause their accord to be proclaimed & enregistered in his Court of Parliament at Paris, (which else were of no moment) and the next year to meet in Bourgongne, and to feast one an other mutually for a months space. Charles (having drawn a promise form the King, to confirm all he had sworn at Peronne) yields, but not without grudging, and having accompanied him half a league, he causeth him to be conducted to the frontiers, by the Lord of cords, and Murs great Bailiff of Hainault. Lewis pretends a colour to get leave to departed without trouble. A piteous spectacle to see a Sovereign reduced to that extremity, as to humble himself before his vassal: but we must have patience for seven years, and then shall we see a strange alteration of fortune: and yet seven years after, an other Catastrophe no less tragical in this house of Bourgongne: and the uniting of the said Duchy to the Crown of France. After the King's departure, Charles enters the Country of Franchemont: he kills, spoils, burns and makes all desolate: then (glutted with revenge) he retires into Brabant. Lewis taking his leave of the Duke, demanded of him captiously, In case his brother (who was in Britain) would not accept the portion he had given him, how he would advise him to govern himself: and the Duke answered, that if he were content, it should please him whatsoever they did. Lewis his policy. This speech was cunningly construed by the King: for having inrouled the said union in the Court of Parliament, and proclaimed it throughout all the streets of Paris: he offers Charles Guienne, for Brie and champaign, his brother's neighbourhoode with the Bourguignon being suspected unto him. Charles refuseth it, fearing to displease the Duke of Bourgongne, who by Ambassages and admonition exhorts him not to change: for if happily the King should annoy him, he might daily have succours out of Bourgongne. Charles was in all things governed by an other, namely by Odet de Rye Lord of Leseut, and afterwards Earl of Cominges. 1469. Lewis suborns him, and by means wins Charles to accept of Guienne, as more plentiful and rich, with mutual assurances to live like brethren and good friends. For confirmation whereof they meet at Charrou and feast together then they depart, Lewis into Touraine, and Charles into Guienne. The Duke of Bourgongne grieved with this exchange, employs the Cardinal Balue, a turbulent and pernicious member in a State: a dissembler, and taking pleasure (as they say commonly) to put his finger betwixt the bark and the tree. A bad disposition of a Cardinal, whom Ni●. G●l. calls a devil incarnate. An unkind man. The trust which Lewis reposed in this man, caused to procure him a cardinals hat: & to that end the King had sent an embassage to Paul the 2. and sends Fumee also, one of his most trusty servants, to persuade the Pope to desist from the refusal he had made thereof, being advertised of many things that did dissuade him: at whose urgent persuasion a cardinals hat was granted him: yet behold he writes to the Duke of Guienn: in favour of the Bourguignon: That this change tended but to deceive, dividing him by this means from his friends and confederates, and by other messengers he advertiseth the Bourguig●on: That the peace concluded betwixt the two brethren, was a bait to surprise him: the which the King deferred only until his brother had visited his new Duchy, and set an order in his house. Let him therefore arm & begin first. Cardinal Balue committed to prison. These letters are surprised, with other instructions, so as the Cardinal is arrested, and carried prisoner to Montbason, where he shall continue eleven years. Lewis having thus plastred this peace with the Bourguignon, comprehended the Britton therein & gave the Duchy of Guienne to his brother Charles for his portion. He had now no more so mighty enemies, against whom he should employ his forces: yet would he not dismiss his troops, for there came a new task in hand. To keep them in practice, he sends part of them under the command of the Admiral bastard of Bourbon (for Montauban was dead) and the Earl of Dammartin, into Armagnac. He had been one of the commonwealth, and this enterprise did always stick in Lewis his stomach. At the fi●st without any effution of blood, they make him peaceable possessor of the country whereof they invest his brother▪ and so the year ended. But let us see the first fruits of the following year. To be revenged of Charles of ●ourgongne, A new pretext of revenge. he must have some apparent colour. Lewis doth underhand practice the Towns lying upon the river of Somme: animates the Nobility of the Country to complain in the Parliament at Paris, of the difficulty they had to receive justice, and thereupon to require the King's assistance & favour. Moreover they charged the Bourguignon▪ that he extended his limits farther than he ought by the treaty, & usurped the King's rights and prerogatives, forcing some Lords, whose lands did hold directly of the King, to do him homage and service against all men. Upon colour of these complaints, Lewis assembles the Estates at Tours, in the month of March, and April, (the which was all he ever held:) but he calls none, but his most confident servants, who would not contradict him in any thing. For a conclusion of the assembly, the Duke is summoned to appear at the Parliament of Paris. He retains the officer many days at Gand, and in the end sends him back. As all things were prepared to ruin the Duke of Bourgongne; behold there falls out another matter of some moment in this action. The Earl of Warwick (having above all others supported the house of York against that of Lancaster) had besides his patrimony enriched himself above 4000 Crowns a year revenue in rewards and offices by Edward King of England, Competitor to Henry the 6, whom he kept prisoner at London: which Henry had so long ruled our France. This his great credit draws jealousy after it, too ordinary in sovereign Princes, especially to them whom they have rai●ed up: Edward King of England & the Earl of W●●wick divided. whereby the Earl falls into some disgrace with Edward. The Duke of Bourgongne, to whom the Earls great authority, and the secret intelligences he had with our Lewis was wonderful odious and suspect (for the Duke had married the sister of Edward, to fortify himself against Lewis, not for any affection he bore to the house of York, being by his mother issued out of the house of Lacaster) feeds this hearted of Edward against Warwick, who finding himself forced to yield to the stronger, resolves to retire into France: he leads with him Marguerite the wife of Henry, 1470. daughter to Rene King of Sicily, the Prince of Wales son of the said Henry and Marguerite. Warwike ●lies into F●ance. the Duke of Clarence son in law to Warwick, and brother to Edward, the Earl of Ox●ord, with their wives and children, and many followers. In his passage he takes many ships from the Bourgognons' subjects, and sells the booty in Normandy. And ●or a requital Charles causeth all the French Merchants to be taken that were come to the fair at Antwerp: he complains to the Court of Parliament at Paris, The Duke of Bourgungnes arrogancy. of the reception the King had made of the Earl of Warwick, threatening to fetch him wheresoever. But the arrogance of his words, was but the levaine of his spleen. Lewis gives such entertainment to the Earl of Warwick, as he might hope for: he arms all the ships he can find in his favour: by means whereof he returns happily into England, and gathers together an infinite number of men, which join with him from all parts: he marcheth against Edward, and forceth him to fly to his brother in law into Holland, being accompanied only with seven or eight hundred men for his guard, without money, and without apparel other then for war. He draws Henry out of prison, where he himself had formerly lodged him, and installes him again in his royal state. Edward (notwithstanding the presence of the Dukes of Gloucester and Somerset, sent by Henry) obtains of the Duke of Bourgongne (but underhand and secretly, The Earl of Warwick slain and his whole army defeated by Edward. for that he would by no means incense Henry, whom all England now obeyed) succours of men, ships & money: he returns into the realm, is received into London: he meets with the Earl of Warwick, fights with him and kills him, with his brother the Marquis of Montagu, & cuts all his army in pieces. The Duke of Clarence (before the battle) goes to ●is brother Edward, and with his own hand slew (as some writ) Henry, whom Edward had taken in London and led to this battle: this was in the year 1471. on Easter day. This happy victory is seconded by an other no less famous. The Prince of Walls son to Henry defeated by Edward. The Prince of Wales son to Henry, follows after, with whom the Dukes of Gloucester and Somerset had already joined, leading forty thousand men of his faction. Edward puffed up with the prosperous success of his first victory, marcheth towards him, fights with him, kills him, takes the Earl of Summersault prisoner, and the next day cuts off his head. To conclude, Warwick had conquered the realm of England in eleven days: and Edward recovered it in twenty, and remained in peaceable possession unto his death. If the Earl had patiently attended the great forces which Prince Edward brought unto him, who will not think but he had remained a conqueror? But he feared Somerset, whose father and brother he had put to death, and he must feal the effects of the divine Oracle: He that hath shed man's blood, his blood shallbe shed, for God hath made man after his own image, and: Gen. 9.6. Math. 26.52. Apoc. 13 10. All those that have taken the sword shall perish by the sword. In the mean time whilst these stirs are in England, Charles the 8. of that name, afterwards King of France, was borne unto Lewis at the Castle of Amboise, a happy prop of an old decayed father. This birth causeth the Princes hereafter to be less respected, and the King more feared and honoured, who having now an heir to whom he might leave the Crown, Charles the 8. borne. bandies all his wits, to weaken his enemies, as well for his own private regard, as to leave therealme wholly & peaceable to his successor. Charles of Guienne lived, for show, in good amity with the King. Francis of Britain (although he had preferred the order of the golden fleece before that of Saint Michael, the which Lewis had offered unto him) being loath to lose assured friends, to accept the friendship of a Prince in whom he could repose no confidence, yet he contained himself. Charles of Bourgongne wore the garter openly, & molested the King's subjects and friends. Moreover Lewis had just cause to be grieved for the bravado done him at Peronne. The nobility thrust him on thereto▪ namely the Constable of S. Paul, foreseeing that the continuance of peace would be a hindrance to his great offices and pensions. He had a pay without check for four hundred lances, of forty thousand franks yearly, besides the fee for his office, and allowance for many places where he commanded. Men fish most easily in a troubled water. The Constable labours to divide Lewis and the Duke of Bourgongne. He offers the King to take S. Quentin by means of the credit he had in the Country: most of his living lying there abouts: and vaunts to have great intelligence in the low Countries▪ The Duke of Guienne offers both his person and his means, 1471. with five hundred men at arms for this war. but it was the least of his desires, for he was corrupted with the infections of that age, in the which all great men sought to maintain themselves with the ruin one of an other. The Duke of Bourgongne takes the alarm, puts the greatest forces he can to field, entertained with half their pay. Lewis suffers him to run on four or five months, entertaining him with sundry Ambassages, to free him from all fear, so as troubled with that great charge, in a season when as money was scant, he dissolves this army, and leaving his frontier Towns unfurnished, retires into Holland. In the mean time Arthur of Longuevall takes Saint Quentin, S. Quintin taken from the Duke of Bourgongne. Amiens yields to the King. the Constable enters it with two hundred Lances, and takes an oath for the King. They practise Amiens, the King's army comes before it, one part holds for the King, an other for the Duke, who might have assured it, if he had sufficient forces ready to enter, but four or five hundred horse, with the the which he came posting, would not suffer him to hazard his person. The King's friends discovering this brag, double their courages & let in the king's army. Abbeville means to follow, when as the Lord of cords enters for the Duke & assures the place. The Duke unprovided of men, and doubting the intelligences which the Constable bragged of, retires with fear and speed to Arras, to hasten a levy both of men and money. Thither (notwithstanding the promise which Charles of Guienne had made to the King) comes a secret messenger unto him, with this advise written and signed by the said Charles: Labour to content your subjects, and then take no care, for you shall find friends, but these were but jests. This letter makes the Duke breath: he sends to the Constable, to let him understand, that this war was without defy or summons, entreating him, not to deal against him according, to the rigour of his present forces. The project of the Dukes of Guienne and Britain with the Constable, was to embark these two great Princes in mutual war, in a season of advantage for Lewis: that the Bourgognons' necessity (being abandoned of his allies,) might force him to give his only daughter to the said Duke of Guienne: the which he had often promised, but without performance: The Constable's malice. whom as Oenomaus did his Hippodamia) he promised to many, & gave her not to any. So this Constable who took a delight to nourish these Princes in fear and mutual distrust, answers the Bourguignon: That the King had a strong and flourishing army, and great intelligences in his Countries, that he knew no better expedient to avoid this storm, then to accomplish that to the Duke of Guienne, which he had so often reiterated: which done the Dukes of Guienne and Britain would declare themselves for him, and would succour him with their forces. But what shall the Constable get to entertain these Princes in distrust and jealousy one of an other, Charles of Bourgongne abandoned of his friends. either of them being too cunning to discover his policies? Within short time both of them (having jointly conspired against him) shall set his head to sale, and in the end plant it upon a scaffold for a spectacle. The Britton writes to him in the like and more rigorous terms: suffering the Lord of Lescut to lead a hundred men at arms Britons to the King. This proceeding caused Charles of Bourgongne to conceive a great hatred in his heart against them all: but misfortune is good for something. It made them the more affected to the King's service during this war, so as at this time the Bourgognons' estate was in great danger, whereas by the said marriage he had wonderfully weakened the King: but man purposeth and God disposeth. It is commonly said, that half the world knows not how the other lives: & the ordinary custom of man is to be clear sighted in other men's affairs, but blind in his own. Behold two Princes incensed one against an other, Lewis his army in Picardy. & yet who so should examine their consciences, they could allege but frivolous pretexts. Lewis having put fourteen hundred men at arms and four thousand franke-archers into Amiens, commanded by the Constables, & other chief Officers of the crown, he assembles the body of his army at Beawais, having with him the Duke of Guienne his brother, Nicholas Duke of Calabria, the eldest son of john duke of Calabria and Lorraine, & the only heir of the house of Anjou) & a great number of Nobility, whereby he recovers Roye, Montdidier, Abbeville & all the County of Ponthieu. Charles passeth the river of Somme, takes Piquigny, plants himself betwixt Bapaumes & Amiens, & keeps the field about six weeks, with a firm resolution in show, to fight with the King if he presented himself. But blocked up within his Camp, and seeing himself ready through want to be forced to yield at the Kings will and discretion; his majesties army in Burgongne (commanded by the Cont Dauphin of Auvergne, son to the Earl of Montpensier, in the which were the Earl of Cominges, the Lords of Combronde, and Charente, Master William Cousinot & others, having likewise vanquished all the enemies forces, Charles submits himself taken many prisoners and some places, Charles, by a letter of his own hand, humbles himself to the King: he is grieved that he had so wronged him for an others pleasure, not being duly informed of all things. Virtue finds some respect even in an enemy▪ Lewis, who under a simple bait to rerecover the Towns upon Somme, had not so hotly kindled this quarrel, And obtains a ●ruce. without the great intelligences wherewith the Constable had abused him, especially in the Towne● of Antwerp, Bruges and Brussels: he grants a truce for one year. This was the 4 of May. An unseasonable truce for the Constable (who then served his master, without dissembling) and other horseleeches, whom neither troubles, oppression of the people, nor the tediousness of affairs did any thing touch, New troubles by the Duke of Guie●ne. but as pleasing to the Duke as the peace of Confl●ns. So the King returns into Touraine: Charles out of France into Guienne, the Duke of Burgongne into Hainault, where he assembles his Estates, and shows the loss he had received, for that his men at arms were not so soon ready as the Kings, and gives order to be no more surprised unawares. Thus the Estate is pacified, but the Duke of Guienne was no sooner returned home, The Duke of ●uiene seek to marry with the heir of Bourgongne. but there springs up new seeds of division. He receives the Earl of Armaignac into favour, and restores him to full possession of the Lands which the King had conficate. Lewis moved with this reconciliatsion, sends forces and takes the lands into his own hand, disappoints the Earl, whom he knew to be a stirring and a factious man: and even then he resolved to dispossess his brother of the Duchy of Guienne, as he had done of that of Normandy. The Duke foreseeing this storm, sends often to the Bourguignon, and under colour to seek his daughter, labours to bind him more fi●nely unto him by that alliance. The Bourguignon having his heart puste up with as great conceits, as his person was susceptible of travel, but exceeding the capacity of his sense, he fed him with hope: yet had he no such meaning, but preserved her, as a most precious jewel to be courted by many, and to serve him at need, according to divers occurrents, both of their persons and means. Neither would he have so great a Son in Law, as the only Brother of a King of France, whom he might not rule at his pleasure, neither could he digest the words & proceed of the Duke of, Britain & the Constable. The Constable would have the Duke of Guienne beholding unto him for this marriage: the Britton repined he should have the honour. The King comes to cross it, and with ●eason: for this alliance had wonderfully fortified his brother, who (being joined with the Duke of Britain) had greatly crossed the King's estate and his children's. Moreover the King of England did much dissuade the effecting thereof: (said he to the Duke of Bourgongne) if the King of France comes to die without children, his brother succeeds to the Crown, and this marriage uniting unto it so many provinces and Seigneuries, the estate of England were near her ruin, But to what end serve these affectionate and contrary poursuits. Alas some one thinks himself sound, that carries death in his bosom. But he that reigneth in heaven, Psal. ●. laughs them to scorn, within few months our Charles of Guienne, leaving the world, shall leave his loves. So it is, that their vehement soliciting, extorted some verbal promise, confirmed by a letter, but he had great Corrivalls, who all pretended to ha●e the best part in the pie▪ Nicholas Marquis of Pont, Corrivals for the he●● of Bon●gongne. son to john Duke of Calabria and Lorraine. Philop Duke of Savoie, Maximilian Duke of Austria, Son to the Emperor Frederke. All these marched in equal rank: but in the end Maximilian shall be conqueror, yet not during the life of Charles of Bourgongne. This marriage gave a goodly colour to these mediators, but under the shadow thereof they treated of other matters. They must avoid this storm, ready to oppress the Duke of Guienne. Behold therefore the public Ambassadors, and private messengers of these three Dukes, are sent respectively one to another. The Lord of Vrfé and Poncet de la Riviere, Agents for Charles of Guienne. The Abbot of Begard, since Archbishop of Lion, is an instrument for the Britton to the Bourguignon, they tax the King to have practised and suborned, what by friendship, and what by force, the Duke of Guyennes servants: to have already defaced a place belonging to the Lord of Estissac, with many other things▪ testifying that the King would soon dispossess his brother of Guienne, if he were not speedily prevented: A new league betixt the Duke of Bourg●ngne, Gui●enne and britain against Lewis. that to this effect he was armed, and ready to enter into Xaintonge. The Duke of Bourgongne sends often to the king touching these affairs. The King excuseth himself and accuseth his brother, as having treated with the Earls of Armaignac and Foix, to his prejudice, seeking to enlarge his limits without his privity, & to enter into factions with his enemies: yet he promiseth to suffer him to enjoy his portion peaceably. This promise carries no credit, and works less effect▪ the Dukes of Guienne & Britain insist▪ they press the Bourguignion▪ yet that it may be done without the assistance of the English, the ancient and general enemy of this Realm: seeing that all their common des●●ins, tended but to the good and ease of the public: that his assistance with the great intelligence he had with many governors & Captains of places, did fortify them sufficiently: pleasant people, to seek with a bloody wound once again to abuse the common people with this bait of public good, & to cover their private passions with so pleasing a show Charles of Bourgougne casts the stone and hides his arm, and the better to disguise his proceeding, he solicits the English secretly, to invade France, on the one side, whilst that he seemed blind, & not to see it .. But it was in vain, the English had more willingly assisted the King, if this marriage had allied the two houses of France & Bourgongne. In the end, behold a number of Princes in great perplexity, the which is more lamentable, for that they shall trouble their heads with so many prejudicial & extravagant conceptions: this confusion shall in few years oppress them in a manner all, & Lewis (particularly favoured of heaven) shall survive them and carry away their spoils. They prevail thus much, the Duke of Bourgongne (possessed with an earnest desire to recover Amiens, S. Quintin, and other towns upon Somme) he arms twelve hundred lances, three archers to a Lance, well armed, we●l mounted, The Bourguign●● comes armed into F●ance. and good leaders. What doth our Lewis? In truth he had too good a judgement to want foresight, & he that thought to surprise shallbe surprised. To divert the Bourgognons levy, he had often sent the Lord of Craon, and the Chancellor of Oriole who (being very trusty servants) in the end conclude an absolute peace. The King yields to the D●ke the foresaid towns, Lewis makes a ●eace with the 〈◊〉. he abandons unto him the Earls of Nevers & S. Paul Constable: the one having served the King loyalty at Peronne, had purchased the duke's indignation, the other having nourished hatred and distrust betwixt these two princes for his own profit, had so vnreconciled●ie estranged them from him, as they bandy jointly to his destruction, & gives him all their lands, to incorporate them to his own, if he co●●d. The Duke in exchange, forsakes the Dukes of Guienne and Britain, and their ●●igne●ries to dispose at his pleasure, promising not to deal at all in the wars which Lewis pretended against them. A foul and dishonest traffic, made to the prejudice of so great personages. The Duke signs and swears this fraudulent and counterfeit peace. A blow able to amaze the Dukes of Guienne and Britain at the first hearing, to see themselves thus abandoned of their chief support. But he repairs it with an after blow, & by letters of credit written with his own hand, gives them advice to continue their course▪ that his intent was only to recover his towns upon Somme: Notable de●●● and 〈◊〉. which done, he will beseech the King by especial Ambassadors to desist from making war against them, & upon his refusal he will secure them with body & goods: that as the King at his pleasure had broken the treaties of Cō●tans & Peronne, so might he infringe his promise, & oath. As for the Earls of Nevers, and S. Paul Constable, although he had a just occasion to hate them, 1472. yet would he remit their injuries, and suffer them to enjoy their own, and beseech the King to do the like by the Dukes of Guienne and Brittany, suffering every one to live in peace and safety, under the Articles respectively accorded: if not, he would secure his allies. Craon and Oriole had likewise sworn for the King, leading Simon of Quinchi (a gentleman bred up in the Duke's house) to receive the oath of his Majesty. But from a new subject springs a new project. Behold news are brought, that the Duke of Guienne is sick, and without hope of recovery. Upon this advice, the King delays the oath, finds evasions, attending the course of his disease, and in the mean time doth speedily seize upon many places of Xaintonge: he doth press Rochel, the which (upon these accidents of reconciliation and sickness) inclines to a composition: he withdraws many of his brothers chief servants, and resolves to sign this peace, as the sundry events of his affairs should lead him: and in the mean space he protracts time with the Bourguignon, during the which, Charles Duke of Guienne dies at Bourdeaux, the 12. of May, The Duke of Guienne dies. by the which Lewis recovers the Duchy without blows, and moreover retains Amiens, and Saint Quintin's. O subtle wits, both deceivers, but not of like industry: so our Lewis shall more easily avoid the snare. But oh death in general, which by the dissolution of the body and soul, dost dissolve great desseings! The Britons were ready to enter, building upon great intelligences and practices within the Realm: the which without doubt had much troubled the State. But oh unseasonable death in particular, how fitly shalt thou serve to shadow the filthy and hateful, (yet well coloured) reproaches of enemies, and the murmurings of the most respective. A death too much neglected, but by some affectionate servants to the deceased Duke, who discover, that jourdain Faure, borne 〈…〉 Daulphiné, great Almoner to the Duke, and Abbot of S. john d' Angely, By poison. assisted 〈◊〉 Henry de la Roche, one of the said Duke's Kitchen, had hastened his death by so viol●nt a ●●●son, that with a strange and lamentable contraction of his sinews, his hair 〈◊〉 and teeth fell out before his death. The Lord of Lescut retired himself into Brittany, leading prisoners with him these cursed murderers, Note the murderers of Princes. where the Abbot was found one morning stark dead in his Chamber with a Thunderclap, Having his face swollen, his body and visage black as a coal, and his tongue hanging half a foot out of his mouth. God doing that justice in the twinkling of an eye, which men delayed. Let us confess the truth, and without passion: the verity of the History doth press us unto it: that Charles had been an ill brother, and aught more honour and obedience to him▪ to whom that great Author of Nature had given the right of eldership above him, yet should he have been regarded as a son of France, Note. and from his infancy receive a portion fit for the entertainment of his estate and house. King's have always power to comptroule the insolencies of their nearest allied, when they forget their duties. But howsoever, let us observe the order of divine justice, who easily raiseth up homebred scourges: but in the end he doth cast the rod into the fire. Lewis must be measured with the same proportion he had measured his father, and Charles must suffer for the rashness of his rebellions. This death being little lamented, makes such to speak, as had but too diligently observed Lewis his speech, hearing one day of the death of the King of Castils brother: He is but too happy (saith he) to have lost his brother: but hatred and ill will, grounds their passions even upon a Needle's point. At the same instant, Nicholas Marquis of Pont, heir of the house of Anjou (one of the above named rivalles) made sure to Anne, the eldest daughter of Lewis, abused with the great (yet vain) promises of the Duke of Bourgongne, renounced this so worthy an alliance of h●s Sovereign Lord, for a frustratory hope, which the vassalle gave him to marry his daughter: but he was ignorant that death the year following would punish this rashness, and prevent him from the enjoying, either of Anne or Marie. The Marquis of Pont dies, and the Earl of Eu. A season likewise famous by the death of Charles Earl of Eu, a wise and virtuous Prince, whose faithful service to France deserves this testimony, that being son to Philip of Bourgongne, Earl of Nevers and Rethel, and grandchild to Philip the hardy, a son of France, and Duke of Burgongne, and by consequence near kinsman to Charles, yet in all these combustions, he had faithfully served the King, and preferred the Flower-de-Luce before the Red Crosse. Let us likewise observe the death of William Chartier Bishop of Paris, The Bishop of Paris dies. who (after his conference with the League before Paris, in the King's absence) was always in such disgrace with him, as after his death, Lewis caused his Epitaph to be changed, making mention of the bad services he had done him, during the war of the commonweal, suborning the inhabitants in favour of the Burguignon. The death of the Duke of Guienne had wonderfully afflicted Charles of Bourgongne, & to increase it, he had intelligence, that the Britons would not arm, considering that he was dead for whom they should rise. In the mean time the chance was cast: he had been at great charge, The Bourgognons' practices against Lewis. and to turn head without restitution, were a shame: but that which made him mad, Amiens and S. Quentin were lost: he must hazard all. And first he writes to many towns: he chargeth the King to have consented to his brother's death, and labours to draw them into arms, declaring himself their protector, but no man stirs: so the small effect of his letters, sets him on fire, and in this choler he marcheth to Ne●le ●n Vermandois: he spoils, burns, & makes all desolate, besiegeth the Town, batters it, and takes it: he kills the greatest part of five hundred Archers, commanded by one called Little Picard, takes some, and amongst others the Captain, and cuts off some of their hands. His cruelty. Many soldiers and Townsmen flying into the Church, are barbarously slain by the altars, embracing the images: the Duke enters himself into the Church on horseback, and seeing these carcases. Behold (says he) this is goodly, I have good butchers: then he burns and raseth the place. Fifteen hundred franke-Archers being in Roye, under the command of Peter Aubert, bailiff of Melun and Nugnon, are amazed, and at the Duke's first approach, abandon the Town, and yield unto him, Loiset of Balagni, Movy, Rubempré, and others of the artierban, with about 200. lances: they compound, leaving horse and arms, every man at arms only hath a horse. The Duke puts a garrison therein, & likewise into Montdidier. Thus he hotly pursues his conquests: but Beawais cooled this heat. He did beleagar it (being unprovided of men of war:) the inhabitants were commanded then by the foresaid Balagny, and some few men at arms, so as they were not able to save the Town, without the present assistance of him, who doth lose and restrain the rains of his justice at his pleasure. At their first approach, the Lord of Cords, leading the vanguard, plants two Canons against the gate, makes a great hole, but for want of munition the battery ceaseth, they come to blows, the one to enter, the other to defend the entry, and they press the duke to set forward: the defendants ready to be forced, set fire on the portal, which makes the assailants to retire. The Duke ar●i●es, and suffers the fire to take his course, hoping in the end the town would be his. And indeed if he had lodged a part of 〈◊〉 army towards Paris, there had been small hope of safety. But God had otherwise decreed, for in sight of the enemy's troops, he gives courage to the Earl of Dammartin, to the Marshals of joachim & Loheac, to William of Valleu, the Seneshals Lieutenant of Normandy, 〈◊〉 besieged and ●●leeued. to the Lords of Crussoll & Ruhempré to Beine & Torcy brethren, to Bueil, Salez●●d, ●heuenot o● Vignoles, & Meri of Croy (all brave & worthy of memory in this siege) to thrust themselves into the town, with a good number of foot, & about 200. lances: who at their first entry, give their horses to the women (who take them, set them up, & look unto them) and present themselves upon the walls, encouraging the Beawoisins, & discouraging the Burguignons. The Duke being enraged, makes all his canons to approach, and thunder 15. days together: he makes a breach, and gives a sharp assault, but well defended. Six score men are slain, & 1000 being wounded leave the place, so as the Duke retires his companies appointed for the assault, and being frustrate of his conceived hope▪ The Duke of ●●●●●ongne retires from before Beawais. pressed by extreme famine, he raiseth the siege, & retires in good order, fearing a charge. But these valiant Captains knew that the best course was to make a bridge of gold to a flying enemy. This was on S. Magdelins' day, the 26. of the siege. A small aid doth sometime great good. Beawais wavered, and was ready to compound. But what courtesy might they expect of a passionate enemy, who breathed nothing but blood and fire? For the avoiding whereof, loving and kind dealings were of great moment, which this Town received of those two mighty neighbour Cities, Paris & Orleans, assisting them with pioneers, victuals, canon, powder, bows, arrows, p●kes, tools, apparel, and other necessary refresh, but especially from Orl●ans, with a hundred pipes of wine, a means whereby the eternal providence preserved them from sack, spoil, and a general desolation by fire, wherewith the Bourguignon threatened them, it force had prevailed. Beawais freed, the Duke marcheth into Norman●ie, and presently takes Eu, S. Valery by Crotoy, Rembures, and (being the scourge of this desolate● calm) leaves in all places behind him the pitiful and cruel marks of his passage he spoils & burns all the country of Caux, Neufchastel, of Nicourt, (a good and a great Town of war, but unfurnished of men) Longueville, le Fachy, even unto the gates of Roven, being little annoyed or hindered by the Constable, The Constables di●s●●bbling. who lead 400. Lances: whose winking served as a Whetston to sharpen the King's displeasure & hatred against him, and the jealousy of both these commanders, having of purpose entertained this war betwixt them, who cunningly smother a secret dislike, which cost the said Constable his life. Then winter approaching, he returns into Picardy, & had no sooner turned his back, but these brave Captains in Beawais, recover Eu, S Valery, Rembures, & so casting themselves into Noyon, they frustrate the Duke's purpose, who meant to besiege it The Bourgognons' fire flames yet farther. A swarm of his partisans, led by the Earl of Roussy, the Constable's son, falls upon the County of Tonnerre, spoils the country, runs as far as joigny, and unto Troy's burns both farms & villages without resistance▪ For revenge whereof, the Dauphin of Auvergne flies to Bourgongne, drawing after him, where he passeth, a burning bosom. Pitiful exploits of war, the witnesses of revenging spirits, & always the people smarts for the error of great men. Lestore surprised, the cause o● new troubles. But behold other troubles, Peter of Bourbon, Lord of Beavieu, being at Lestore, as Lieutenant general for the King in Guienne, was surprised by the Earl of Armagnac, who was lately dispossessed of his lands: who by this means recovers the said Town▪ Lewis moved with this affront, causeth his army to march, and followeth himself in person: but the Cardinal of Arr●s commanding the troops, receives the town by composition, makes the Earl's appointment: & the better to confirm it, he breaks the sacrament in two, The ●●rle of 〈◊〉 much 〈◊〉 by the ●ar●●nal, treachery. takes the one half, & gives the Earl the other, either of them swea●ing this accord. Trusting therein, he abandons the Town to the Cardinal, who brings in the army, & by some s●ldiers suborned, he caused the Earl to be murdered saying of his prayers, not in the Castle, but in a private house near to S. Geruais church, and then sacked the Town. G●ds justice is slow, but in the end it pays home. This Earl had (under a false Bull of dispensation, purchased for money of Ambrose of Cambray, Referendary to Pope Calixtus) married his own Sister: and after by sundry rebellions, purchased the King's displeasure, and made himself guilty of divine and humane treason. But abhorring the Earl's life, let us likewise abhor the Cardinals proceeding, selling (under the holy communion) his blood to them that trusted in his oath. The King put many Gentlemen in prison at Loches, who had followed the said Lord of Beauteu, whom the Earl had sent home: but the chance fell upon john Deymer, being quartered at Tours▪ who dying, charged the Lord of S. Basill, a younger brother of Albret, with this treason, being nourished and b●e● up in the house of Bourbon, for which crime he lost his head at Po●●iers, the 7. of April 1473. And to increase Lewis his crosses, Parpignan (a town in the County of 〈◊〉 is by treason delivered up to the King of Arragon, the ancient Lord, Pa●pignan delivered by treason to the King of A●●agon. where he enters with his son, about the end of April. But the K●ng had an army ready the which he sends thither, and besiegeth it hotly: the French were yet masters of the Castle, by the faithful valour of master james of Fou (issued out of the house of B●ittanie,) he recovers it, & g●ues the government to Tanneguy of Chastel. Thus the troubles raised by the Earl of Armagnac, and the King of Arragon, were like to a fire of Straw. Let us observe in the same course, the apprehending of the Duke of Alancon, so shall we see the carriage of our Lewis. He is accused to have offered the sale of his Duchy and other lands in Perch and Normandy, 1473. to the Bourguignon: and then to follow his fortune, (a crime which shall put him in mind of his condemnation pronounced at Ven●●s●e he was seized on by Tristan the Hermit, Provost of the King's house, (a speedy executioner of his masters will) and lead before the King, The Duke of Alencon apprehended & condemned to die, but pardoned by the King. who sends him to the Lowre at Paris, where by a sentence given by the Chancellor of Oriole, the 17. of july 1474. he was condemned to lose his head, reserving notwithstanding the King's good pleasure, who in the end of the year 75. shall bind him unto him the second time for his life. Lewis having recovered Guienne, reduced Lestore, punished some, and pacified Parpignan: he assembles all his forces upon the Marches of Brittany, to the number of 50000. men, ready to employ them in that country. But the duke, by reason of the death of the Duke of Guienne, being frustrate of the intelligences he had in France, & too weak to avoid this storm that threatened him, War in Brittany pacified. sent unto the King, lodging at Pont de See, Philip of Essars, a gentleman of his house, & William of Soupleinuille, a follower of the Lord of Lescut. His majesty gives ear to an accord. The duke of Britain being possessed of so wise & valiant a man as Lescut, might much annoy him: For in Britain there was neither judgement nor virtue, but what proceeded from him, (so says the History.) Moreover he had always during these partialities, showed himself a Frenchman, and would never yield that any places of Normandy should be given to the English: he must therefore be dealt with. To thi● end the King commands Soupl●inuille to give him the demands in writing, which his master made, as well for the Duke as for himself. He doth it, and obtains them all: forty thousand Frankes pension for the Duke, the which was paid two years. For his master, The conditions of the peace. six thousand Frankes pension, the moiety of Guienne, the two Seneshalships of Vannes and Bourdelois, the Captainship of one of the Castles of Bourdeaux, that of Blaie, the 2. Castles of Bayonne, of Dax & of S. Sever: four & twenty thousand crowns in guilt, payable in four years: the King's order, and the County of Comminges▪ for Soupleinuille six thousand Crowns, payable at like terms: twelve thousand Franckes pension, the Mairaltie of Bayonne, the Bailywike of Montargis, and other small preferments in Guienne: for Philip of Essars, four thousand Crowns in reward, and twelve hundred Frankes pension, the Bai●iwike of Meaux, and to be master of the waters and Forests of France▪ which things they should enjoy during the life of Lewis, who was always well and faithfully served by Lescut. Now the Britton is satisfied, and sequestered from the alliance of Bourgongne, against whom Charles now turns head, but the season in the which the Duke of Bourgongne retired into Picardy, caused a truce for one year: ending the first of April 1475. A truce which (while the Bourguignon shall give our French leave to breath) shall embark him in so many quarrels, The causes of the King, and Bo●●gu●g●ons hatred against the Constable. as in the end, the most important shall swallow him up. A truce likewise concluded to the Constables great prejudice: for both the King and the Duke hated him deadly, as the motive of these divisions. He had lately seized on Saint Quintin, expelling the Lord of Curton, and a hundred men at arms, which he had in entertainment from the King. Charles had likewise many causes of hi● dislike: he was the instrument to take Amiens and S. Quentin for the King, he sought to reduce him to that estate, as to force hi● to marry his daughter with the Duke of Guienne: but the cliefe ●round was, that during the siege of Amiens by the Duke of Bourgongne, the Constable had made a road into Hainault, spoiled the Country, and burned (among other exploit) the Castle of Seure belonging to Master Baldwin of Launai, of whom the Duke made good account: for revenge whereof, he passed into Picardy and Normandy, as we have seen. Moreover he had mighty enemies both with the King and Duke, who all jointly conspired his destruction, and animated their masters with all their credit●. So all this year of truce is spent chiefly in making merchandise of the Constable's life. Himbercourt & Hugonnet Chancellor of Bourgongne, had some private spleen, for in a conference held of late at Roye, where the Constable was employed for the King, they grew so bitter in words, as the Constable had given them the lie: to whom the Bourgognons modestly answered, That they did not impute this injury done unto them, but to the King, upon whose word they were assembled: and to their master, whose person they did represent, to whom they would make report. In the end, at the instance of either part, a day is held at Bowines: 14●●. for the King there came the Lord of Curton Governor of Linosin, They 〈◊〉 his death. and Master john Heberge afterwards Bishop of of Eureux, and for the Duke, the two above named. They pronounce t●e Constable an enemy, and guilty to both Princes, they promise and swear one to an other, that the first that may apprehend him, shall put him to death within eight days, or deliver him to his companion to do his pleasure. That he should be proclaimed by Trumpet, an enemy to both parties, with all those that should serve & assist him, and confiscate all his goods, movables and immovables. The King promiseth to give S. Quintin, Han and Bohain to the Duke, with all the money that might be found within the Realm, appertaining to the Constable, and all his lands holding of the Duke, and at a certain day the King and the Duke should meet before Han, and therewith these 〈◊〉 forces besiege the Constable. But some will say; Charles of 〈◊〉 ●eck●s to p●ison the king. to what end serve all these voyages, and so many assemblies? whereto so many complots to entrap the Constable? must the King (to be revenged of his servant) make an agreement with his capital enemy, who even of late had sought to take away his life by poison, promising a merchant named Ithier fifty thousand crowns to effect it: who having imparted it to john Hard● hi● servant, sometimes in household with the Duke of Guienne, he suffered the said Hardy to lose his life, and to be quartered publicly at the grieve of Paris. Lewis judged o● the future by the present, and with one stone gave many blows. He ●●sa●med his enime, or at the least gave him means to transport his arms farther o●f, whether the great desseines of his ambition did draw him, as we shall see hereafter: and moreover the King could hardly seize upon the Constable's person, without the Duke's intelligence, for he was seated directly between both. He held S. Quintin, & had Han and Bohain, his own places, very strong and near, he might put in men from whence and when he pleased. He had entertainment for four hundred men at arms well paid, whereby he got much, in not keeping his companies full. He exacted a crown for every pipe of Wine, passing through his country, into the low countries. He had fine and forty thousand franks of ordinary entertainment from the King, very rich seigneuries, and great intelligences both within the Realm and in the Duke's countries. He was a man of action, and could both help and hurt much. To conclude, he knew well that flying from the one, he should be well accepted of the other. Moreover, the parsonage and the places he held, deserved a good peace, & e●t●er of the two Princes would gladly have enjoyed him absolutely, if he had been constant, and not dissembling to either. Yet for all this he avoids all danger. He is advertised that his head is set to sa●e, whereupon he sends to both princes, speaks big, and saith, That he understands all their practices, but especially to the King, That the Duke by t●is convention sought only to draw him to his party, and to put him in disgrace with hi● Majesty, and this did Lewis apprehend most. In truth these two Princes laboured exceedingly, who should deceive his companion most. According to man, it is better to deceive, Lewis and C●arles of Bourgongne seek to cirumvent one another. then be deceived. Lewis presently countermands his Ambassadors, gives them charge not to conclude any thing against the Constable, but to prolong the truce, so as the four Ambassadors (who had already mutually given their seals, containing their resolution taken against the Constable) deliver them up, and return without any conclusion. The king fearing least this affront might force the Constable to make his peace wi●h the Duke, and so deliver up unto him S. Quintin and other forts, that were in his power, prevents him, giving him to understand, that an interview shall make his peace. Lewis reconciled to the Constable. They appoint a day and place, three leagues from Noyon towards la Far, upon a little river. The Constable came first, but, as a conscience pricked with the feeling of his misdeeds, wants no distrust and fear, he demands hostages. A presumptuous coming of a subject to his Sovereign. The King seems to like well thereof. On the rivers side, they make a strong bar with grates, very high towards the Constable: there he presents himself, accompanied with three hundred Masters, having arms under a lose cassock. The King approacheth, accompanied with above six hundred men at arms, and amongst others Chabannes Earl of Dammartin, Lord 〈◊〉, and a mortal enemy to the Constable. But oh Lord Stuard, but for thy presence, with what colour could the Constable have shadowed his excuses? At the first entrance he kneels down, and beseecheth his majesty, not to hold it strange, if he appear in arms, and thus followed, considering the quarrel he had with Dammartin. Then they treat together, the King grants him a general abolition of all that was passed, he leaves him the guard of S. Quentin, and continues him the pay of his men at arms, being before restrained of some quarters pay. The Constable promiseth to serve his majesty against all men, without exception, and so he opens the bar and passeth to the King's side, Wherewith Lewis inwardly discontented. who reconciles him with the Lord Stuard, and the next day suffers him to return to Saint Quentin. A presumption of too hard digestion for so judicious a Prince as Lewis was: to see his officer present himself like a Prince that were his enemy, yea his equal in power. But all comes to one end, if we will have patience. The Court could not endure this manner of proceeding, and the murmuring which Lewis hears, makes him remember, that it is too great a presumption in a servant to plant a bar before his master, and to present himself unto him accompanied with men at arms, all being his subjects and under his pay, and too base in him to go and receive the submission of his Constable. A folly approaching near to that of Peronne. An act which shall much incense the King's hatred against him, and breed a worm in the Constable's conscience, the which shall gnaw him with continual disquiet, doubtful how to maintain himself betwixt two such mighty enemies: Good observations for subjects. but in the end he must fall, to teach us, That neither our merits, nor any services we can do to our Princes, should cause so great presumption, as to think they could not live without us: or that we have means to prescribe them a law. For naturally they hate such as think they are beholding unto them: and dispatch them at length that have braved them. Good deeds are pleasing, whilst that he which receives them hath means to recompense them▪ but when they are so great, or we will esteem them so, as they are beyond all compass of requital: in steed of thanks, we receive nothing but hatred and ill will. It is therefore better to be loved, then feared. Let us now see what passed during the truce. Lewis having ●is mind free, and his body discharged of arms, he resolves to provide for his heirs. Doubtless the choice which he made of two Princes of his blood, Lewis marrieth hi● two daughters. did testify, how much he did cherish his house, giving them two precious pearls out of his Ie●ell house. Anne his eldest to Peter of Bourbon, a goodly Princess, and jeane the youngest to Lewis Duke of Orleans, being yet very yon●, and afterwards the 57 King of France: whereunto he did not yield but to please the King, for she was foul and crooked. This season is likewise 〈…〉 a notable embassage from Arragon, touching the affairs of Roussillon. The King making the Ambassadors to judge of the whole piece by a pattern, causeth them to see the 20. of April a hundred and four thousand men armed in battle, all in one liue●●e, with red cassocks crossed with white, all officers, Bourgesses and inhabitants of Paris. We have said, this truce should prove an encumber to the Duke of Bourgongne, let us examine the effects by the causes. Adolfe an unkind son. At what time the King took Amiens from the Bourguig●on, Adolfe the pernicious and unkind son of Arnold Duke of Gueld●es, repining at his father's long life, took him prisoner one night going to bed: and making him to march on foot without hose, in a most cold season, fi●e germane leagues, he shuts him in the bottom of a Tower, whereas the sun did never shine, but by a small grate, and there he held him six months. The Duke of Cleves, whose sister the prisoner had married, undertakes his quarrel, and seeks by force to free his brother in law. But Adolfe ha●ing married the Duke of Bourbons sister, in the Bourgognons' house finds great favour. So the Duke of Bourgongne labours to reconcile them. The Emperor deals in it, but all without effect, until the Pope had interposed his authority, who commanded Charles of Bourgongne, under great penalties, to draw the old man by force out off prison, seeing his son would not enlarge him by entreaty. Adolfe on the one side, seeing so many Potentate, busied in this action, and on the other side fearing the Duke's forces, he releaseth Arnold, who in the said Duke's chamber, (notwithstanding the inequality betwixt the father & the son▪ offers his son the combat. Charles seeks to reconcile them, to the sons advantage: The father challengeth the son to the combats. to whom he offers the title of Governor of Bourgongne, the Country of Gueldres, with all the revenues, only Grave, a small Town should remain to the father, with three thousand Florins of rent, and so much pension, & the title of Duke. But oh impious and horrible answer. I had rather (says Adolfe, to those that delivered this speech unto him) to have cast my father headlong into a ditch, and cast myself after him▪ then accept of this accord: he hath been Duke these 44. years, it is now time that I were. I will willingly leave him three thousand Florins a year, upon condition that he never enter into the Dukedom: with many other words unworthy of a Son. Charles grieved at the obstinacy of Adolfe, leaves both father and son at dourlan's,▪ retires to Hedin▪ Adolfe to recover the Country, disguiseth himself, like a Frenchman, & passing a ferry, near unto Namur, he is discovered by a Priest, who gives intelligence, whereupon this young Duke is taken and carried prisoner to Namur, where he remained until the death of the Duke of Bourgongne, that the Gantois delivered him, Adolfe taken prisoner. hoping by force to make him marry with Mary the heir of Bourgongne, afterwards Duchess of Austria, after the folly they had made him commit before Tournay, a fatal place, for the revenge of the wrongs he had done to his father. Arnold died during Adolfes' imprisonment, Charles donatary of 〈◊〉. whose ingratitude had justly moved him to leave the succession to the Duke of Bourgongne. So Charles building upon this donation, goes wi●h force to take possession of the Duchy. This new conquest bred new projects, and even then he conceived such an imagined authority, as in the end he sunk under the burden. He never had so goodly an army, especially in horse. The Earl of Campobasso, and Galeot a Neapolitain gentleman, (the first a Greek in disposition and most wicked, the second a very honest man,) commanded a thousand men at arms, italians: he had three thousand good English, and good numbers of his own subjects, well mounted, well armed, and of long time trained up in war, with great store of artillery. He was at truce with our King, and to keep him occupied, the English by his practice were ready to land in France. What then? should he suffer his men to live idle without employment? Gueldres had encouraged him. The Emperor was no man of resolution, willing rather to endure some disgraces, then to be at charge, & without the aid of some Princes of Germany his power was small. These baits thrust him forwards, but the expiration of the truce might have stayed him. Yet he obtains a prolongation of the King for six months, whereunto Lewis yields willingly. Foreseeing (as he had a more sound judgement then those which did dissuade him) that this Prince sought his own ruin: that having finished one enterprise, an other would spring up, & so quarrel grow upon quarrel, which the Princes of Germany would well prevent, Charles gins war in Germany. being always united in matters which concern the Emperor. So it chanced. And as in so great a project, he must needs wonderfully discontent the nobility & commonalties of Germany: so was it expedient for him, to tie some unto him. He procures an interview with the emperor at Treves, & there treats of the marriage of Mary of Bourgongne his daughter with Maximilian Archduke of Austria, the emperors son: which done, He demands strange things of the Emperor who leaves him without bidding him farewell. the Emperor should erect his lands & seigneuties in Gaul Belgic, to a royalty: he should incorporate four Bishopriks' to this new kingdom, whereof the royalty should appertain unto him & not to the Emperor, & should create him vicar general of the Empire, Frederic finds these demands 〈◊〉 incivil and unreasonable, as he leaves the Duke Bourgongne at Treves, & parts without bidding him farewell. And now an other occasion thrusts him on. He that hath once passed the bounds of modesty, must needs grow exceeding impudent. Two contended for the archbishopric of Colongne, the one was brother to the Landgrave of Hessen, the other a kinsman to the Conte Palatine of Rhin, whom the adverse faction had expelled. Charles was banded for the latter, & undertakes to restore him by force, hoping to plant his ensigns in Germany, or at the least to have some part for his charges. Charles before Nuz. He fi●st comes to Nuz upon the Rhin; four leagues from Colongne, supposing (that if he took it) to fortifi●●t well, & then to plant an other fort above Cologne, by the surprise of some town of importance, thereby to force the town to yield, and so to mount up the Rhin unto the County of Ferrete (the which he held in pawn, of Sigismond Duke of Austria, brother to the Emperor) and so to command all that great and rich passage of the Rhin▪ even unto Holland, where it ends. thereby to devour Lorraine, and so without the emperors aid, to usurp the title of King of Sicily and jerusalem. But Nuz was not unfurnished. The Landgrave of Hessen had cast himself into it, with many of his kinsmen, and friends, to the number of eighteen hundred horse, with a sufficient number of foot, to keep the place. The Citizens of Colongne with their neighbours, arm sixteen thousand foot, and encamp upon the Rhin, right against the Duke, to cut off his victuals that came out of Gueldres, and to stay the boats with their Cannon. The Emperor, and Princes both spiritual and temporal do arm, & as the King had often solicited them; they send unto him to make a trial of his intent. Lewis fails not to grant what they demanded, promising twenty thousand men, when as the Imperial army should be at Colongne. But he had work at home. Edward King of England discontented, The English prepare for France. that Lewis had supported Henry, and the Earl of Warwick, against him, prepares (in the Bourgognons' favour) fifteen hundred masters, all Gentlemen well mounted, and the most part barded, which made a great number of horse, & 14000. Archers all on horseback, with a great number of foot. The Duke of Britain having already consented to rebellion, should receive three thousand English, and join his army with them, as appeared by letters, written by the hand of Vrfé, sometimes master of the King's horse, and then servant to the Britton (the one letter to the king of England, the other to Hastings great Chamberlain of the said realm) the which the King did buy of a Secretary of England, for three score marks of silver. In the mean time, the King treats of a peace with the Duke of Bourgongne, to prevent this storm, Lewis seeks for a peace of the Duke of Bourgongne. & is refused. or at the least to prolong the truce. The Duke excuseth himself upon his word given to the English, who labours to draw the Duke from Nuz, exhorting him to accomplish the conventions, considering his great charge, and that the season fit for war, was almost spent. To this end, the Lord Scales, Nephew to the Constable, makes two journeys to Charles, who pretends (by frivolous reasons) that his honour is much engaged in this siege, and that he could not rise without great blame. Lewis procures to Charles many enemies. Lewis to cross him, being always his craft's master in any action, either of war, or peace, procures him many and new enemies. It was no matter of difficulty to draw in René the son of the daughter of René King of Sicily, the heir of Lorraine, by reason of his grandmother, after the death of john Duke of Calabria and Lorraine, his Uncle, and of the Marquis Nicholas son to the said john. For the Duke being dead, Charles of Bou●gongne desirous to unite thi● Duchy to his country, had caused him to be taken prisoner: but he was delivered in exchange for a young german Prince, who was taken studying at Paris: and marching presently with his army, he had easily devoured that prey, if the King following him, had not forced him to pass on. René Duke of Lorraine. René therefore sends to defy him before Nuz, and fortified by some French troops, commanded by the Lord of Craon, he enters the Duchy of Luxembourg, spoils the country, and razeth Pierre-forte, a place of the said Duchy, and near to Nancie. Sigismond of Austria, Sigismond Archduke of Austria. had in the year 1469. engaged his country of Ferrete, to the Duke of Bourgongne, with all the lands he enjoyed on either side the Rhin, for threescore and ten thousand Crowns. Charles had placed Peter of Hagenbach there for Governor, a wicked man, a violent extortioner, and insupportable, both to the nobility & people, who complain to Sigismond, beseeching him to secure them against the outrage, & concussions of Hagenbach. Sigismond had been long in dislike with the Swisses, his neighbours, but by the King's means, they were all easily reconciled. So they conclude a league, in the which the imperial Cities join, Strausbourg, Basill, Colmar and Slestad, and contribute to furnish the sum due by Sigismond to Charles, And many Imperial cities. the which they consign into the hands of a banker at Basill: then the inhabitants of these engaged lands, signify unto the Duke of Bourgongne, that they hold themselves freed of the oath they had made unto him. And holding themselves freed from the Bourgognons' obedience, they reject his Lieutenant generals commands. To suppress them, he assembles a great troop of Picardes, Flemings, Hennuiers and Lombard's, and on Chistmas day at night (a good work on a good day) he seeks to bring them secretly into Enshem. The Citizens beat them back, kill and take many, the rest fly to Brizac with Hagenbac. The Brizançons' arm, and are the stronger, they ●●ize on the governor, expel the soldiers, and then do they speedily inform of his mildemeanors, giving intelligence to all their allies, and demand judges to judge of the process. They depute, some from Alsatia, Strasbourg, Basill, Songoye of the black forest, Fribourg, Berne, Soleure, and other places, who condemn Hagenbach to d●e, upon four principal crimes: The Duke of B●●●gong●●● Lieutenant executed by the Swisses. for that he had caused four men of honour to be beheaded at ●han, without any form of Law: to have made and displaced officers at his pleasure contrary to his oath, to have brought in foreign nations into places with all liberty, and for that he had ravished women, forced virgins, and committed incest with Nuns. The Duke of Bourgongne advertised of the death of Hagenbach, resolves to be revenged of such as had been actors. And hereupon Henry Earl of Vittemberg and Montbeliard, is taken by the Duke's men. Those of Basill advertised hereof, send a number of men with artillery to Montbeliard, to stop the Bourgognons' passage, who summons the Castle: the which refusing to yield, he sends six thousand horse, under the command of Stephen Hagenbach, to revenge his brother's death, Open war betwixt the Dukeof Bourgongne and the Swisses. and to make war upon the Bishop of Basill, who (whilst that Sigismond assembles his confederates) spoils about thirty villages, kills, takes, carries away, and ransoms, men, women, children and cattle. Behold a strong party made against Charles of Bourgongne, by the King's policy, whereby the Swisses entering into Bourgongne, take Blasmont, besiege Hericourt, defeat the Bourgognons that come to succour it, and kill two thousand: which done they retire. The truce now expired: as the King had underhand stirred up the Duke of Lorraine, Lewis his exploits the truce being expired. the Germans and the Swisses against the Duke of Bourgongne, sufficiently busied before Nuz, he now by open force takes from him, spoils, and burns Tronquoy, Montdidier, Roye, Montreul, and Corbye: and then sends the bastard of Bourbon, Admiral of France General of this army, before Arras, and there abouts, who spoils and consumes with fire most of the places lying betwixt Abbeville and Arras. The Inhabitants of Arras force their men of war to go to field, under the command of the Earl of Rhomont the Queen's brother. But the Admiral having laid a strong ambush, sends forth about forty Lances to draw forth the Townsemen, who sallying out as an assured victory, are compassed in like partridges in a net: defeated, chased and slain to the number of fourteen or fifeteene hundred, many are taken prisoners, and of the better sort, james of S. Paul the Constable's brother, the Lords of Centay, Carency and others. At that time the King did set the Prince of Orange at liberty, (being of the house and bearing the arms of Chalon,) taken in war being set at thirty thousand Crowns ransom, the which the King did moderate to ten thousand: and caused it to be presently paid to the gentleman that held him, by means whereof he became the K●ngs Liege man, and did him homage for the said Principality. So as the King gave him power to entitle him●e●fe, by the grace of God Prince of Orange, Privileges granted to the Prince of Orange by Lewis. and to coin money of gold and silver of as high a standard as that of Daulphiné: to grant all graces, remissions, and pardons, but for heresy and treason. This transaction, with the former prizes, did wonderfully discontent the Constable, jealous of the King's good success: and fearing likewise some check by so mighty an army, which the Admiral and the Earl of Dammartin had at his gate. The Constable's malice. For the avoiding whereof, he gives the King a false intelligence, that the English were at sea, re●die land at Calais: he persuades the King to provide for the places of Normandy: he promiseth faithfully to defend the marches of Picardy; and in his Master's absence to reduce Abbeville and Peronne to his obedience. But let us hear an other notable part of treachery: he seeks by all means to weaken the King, 1475. and yet would he not fortify the Bourguignon: but that the English should cross both their Estates, that his own might stand firm in the midst of their confusions. With this desseine, he procures the Duke of Bourgongne, to send Philip Bouton and Philip Pot, Knights, to the Duke of Bourbon, and he for his part sends Hector of Escluse, The Constable seeks to suborn the Duke of Bourbon. to signify unto him, that the English would soon land: that the Duke of Bourgongne, and he the Constable, joining all their powers together, would easily conquer the Realm: exhorting him (for the avoiding of his own ruin and his Countries) to join with them: the which if he refuse, and that it fall out ill for him, he was not to be pitied. The Duke of Bourbon sends the King two letters of this tenor, brought to him at divers times by Escluse: who makes answer to the Duke and Constable; that neither promises nor threats should draw him from the obedience and faithful service he did owe unto his majesty. Lewis will produce these letters to the Constable's confusion, in the end of the next year. For the present, he must assure his frontiers. There is no news yet of the English. Lewis marks well this chase, and will cause the Constable (who supposed himself to have the advantage of the game) to lose the party. Poor Nobleman, Mournful presages to the Constable. how many misfortunes foretell they approaching ruin. Thy Brother prisoner. Thy wife dead at the same instant, one of the chiefest pillars of thy house: who as sister to the Queen, might at need have preserved thy head: Thy Nephew Scales prisoner, with the instructions he brought from England to the Bourguignon. And to fill up the measure, thy son the Earl of Roussy defeated at Grey in Bourgongne, and prisoner with the Duke of Bourbon, who shall not leave him until the end of the year, (for forty thousand Crowns ransom) with the loss of two hundred men at arms, Lombard's, the Baron of Couches and many others. The Marshal of Bourgongne, son to the Earl of Saint Martin, two sons of the house of Viteaux, whereof the one was Earl of Io●gny, the Lords of Longey, Lisle, Digoine Montmartin, Ragny, Chaligny, the Bailiff of Auxerre, the Ensign bearer to the Lord of Beauchamp, and many others, escaped death but not imprisonment. Sufficient warrnings to amaze a resolute mind. Hereafter the Constable is afflicted with strange distemperatures fed with the neighbourhood of the Earl of Dammartin, being lodged near S. Quentin whom he knew to be none of his friends. And fearing lest the King should assault him, he sends to take assurance of the Duke of Bourgongne, entreating him to send him his brother james of Saint Paul, the Lord of Fiennes, and some other his kinsmen and friends, to put them into Saint Quentin, and to keep the Town at the Duke's devotoni (without bearing the Saint Andrew's cross) the which he promised to restore unto him within a prefixed time. They come: they present themselves within view of Saint Quentin, once, twice and thrice: The Constable seeks to the Duke of Bourgongne & deceives him. but the Constable suspects them, and sends them back. They came still, either too soon or too late: so as at the bruit of these forces, the Admiral casts himself into Arras, whereof followed the taking of james of Saint Paul: who being brought before the King, having liberty to speak, he confessed, that at the two first journeys, he came only with an intent to comfort his brother: but at the third time, seeing the Constable had deceived both his Master and him, if he had been the stronger, he would have kept the place for his Master, without offering any violence to his brother: whereupon his majesty set him at liberty, very well appointed, serving him unto his death. Lewis dissem●les with the Constable. And although the Constable had lately done a notable disgrace unto the King, yet his majesty dissembled it wisely: and to take from him all cause of jealousy, he wills him to go and make war in Hainault, and to besiege Auennes, whilst that the Admiral was busied in Artois. He goes, but very loath, and with exceeding fear, and stays but little: he retires betimes, being advertised (as he informed the King) of two men in his army (whom he described by apparent signs) suborned to kill him. He accuseth 〈◊〉, that he ●ought to kill him. This new fear accompanied with distrust, bred a terrible distemperature in the Constable's head, who having lost his credit both with the King and Duke, will yet entertain himself by both, and persuade them that he is servant but to one. He sent often to the Bourgognons' camp to draw him from the siege of Nuz, that he might join fitly with the English at coming on land; & then upon the return of his messengers, he gave the King some plausible intelligence, to cause him to like of his conference with the Duke, sometimes disgracing his affairs, to win the credit of an affectionate servant with Lewis, sometimes extolling the Duke, to terrify the King. But oh policy simply shadowed. On the other side, he knew well that he had greatly offended the King by his last action. He sees himself forsaken by his most confident servants, jenlis and Movy, whom the King had received. These might have assisted him in his peace making, the which he shadowed with some recompense that the King had promised him for the County of Guise. Lewis hears them, gives them good words, and commands the Constable to come unto him. But it is a grievous testimony, the conscience of our misdeeds. The variety of his troubled thoughts, will not admit any easy belief. He offers to come, so as his Majesty will swear upon the Cross of S. La●, that he will neither do, cause, nor suffer any treachery nor outrage to be done to his person. This cross hath been kept at Angiers time out of mind, with an old belief, That whosoever swearing thereon, doth forswear himself, he dies within the year, of a miserable & violent death. Lewis refuseth this oath, but submitts himself to any other. The more he excuseth himself, the more the Constable presseth him. Lewis sends an Ambassador to the Emperor. Thus posts fly hourly from either of them upon this assurance. Behold two great personages, of sundry humours. wonderfully troubled in mind, and it seemed they feared alike, to perish or to separate themselves absolutely. Yet Lewis was the more cunning, & did his business more covertly. But if these two afflicted themselves in this sort, Edward of England and Charles of Bourgongne were in no less doubt one of an other. The King had sent john Tierselin the Lord of Brosse, to make his excuse unto the Emperor, for that he had not sent the army promised by the treaty, assuring him to do it, when he had ended his enterprises begun, & for the most part well forward both in Bourgongne and Picardy, entreating him in the mean time not to make any agreement with the duke: Charles in great perple●●itie. & that the one should not treat of a peace without the other. That he should confiscate all the Duke seigneuries that held of the Empire: and that he would seize upon such as depended on the Crown of France as, Flanders, Arthois, Bourgongne, and many others. The Emperor, a man of more wit than virtue, answers by a gentle Apology. That they must not divide the bears skin, before the beast be dead. As if he should say. Come according to your promise, let us take this man, and then wear his spoils. Let us now see what he doth before Nuz where we have left him much perplexed how to free himself with his honour from that enterprise. Two mighty armies attended him, and cuts of his victuals both above and beneath the Rhin: all the Princes of Germany both spiritual and temporal, had joined their forces in infinite numbers; all the Towns and commonalties, did willingly contribute to this charge. Two other considerations did trouble him. The king made great war against him, and had burnt many places in Bourgongne, Picardy, Arthois and Ponthieu. Moreover, he had laboured all his life to draw in the English, but without any effect, till now: and would he abandon so goodly an army, passing now betwixt Dover and Calais, complaining of his breach, threatening (if he delay it any longer) to take an other course? Yet must the Bourguignon find some honourable pretext for his rising. There was with the Emperor an apostolic Legate, going from army to army, to 〈◊〉 a peace. The King of Denmark was there in person, for the same effect. In the 〈◊〉 t●e place is delivered into the Legates hands, to dispose as the sea of Rome should de●●ee. Thus Nuz after a year siege, sees the Bourguignon dislodge, with the loss of foore thousand of his choice men. A hard departure, that notwithstanding the necessity of his army, and this mighty Imperial power, yet not daring to disgrace him, He leaves the siege of Nuz. he did see the besieged and Citizens overcome with hunger and toil, who had been forced within ten days to yield to his mercy. Charles would willingly have been revenged of René for his defy: yet he forbears until the next year, but with an other issue than he expected: he shallbe well beaten and then slain. At this time urgent necessity draws him else where: and his troops having need to be refreshed, he sends them to live upon the spoils of Lorraine and bar, and himself with a small train goes to meet Edward at Calais. Edward being yet at Dover, sends Garter his King at arms, a Normand by nation, to Lewis, with a letter of defiance, the tenor whereof smelled more of the French then the English. He summons him, To yield unto him the realm of France, as his right, that he might restorethe Church, Edward defies the King. Nobility and people to their ancient liberties, and free them from their great burdens and afflictions: and upon his refusal, he, protests of all the miseries that should follow; after the accustomed manner and form in such like cases. A bare defy grounded upon occasion long before debated, and often decided. The King reads the letter: commands the herald to be brought into a Chamber unto him, being alone, and says unto him. That he knew well the King of England was thrust into this enterprise by the people of England: The policy of Lewis. by the Duke of Bourgongne, and by the Constable of Saint Paul. That the Duke came from Nuz like a vanquished man and needy, that winter grew on, unfit for the effects of war. That the Constable would deceive King Edward, & live only in his dissimulations, entertaining every man, and trusting no man. In the end, he solicits Garter, to persuade his Master, to make an agreement with him, giving him 3. hundred Crowns with his own hand, and promise of a thousand, if it might be accomplished: and in public, he caused a goodly piece of crimson velvet to be given him, containing thirty else. The Herald promiseth to do his best endeavour, advising him to send a Herald, to obtain a safe conduct, for the sending of Ambassadors, at what time as Edward should have passed the sea: The first cause of Edward's discontent against Cha●les who at his first entry finds himself much deceived of his expectation, for the Duke had promised to join with him, with two thousand five hundred men at arms, with a great number of other house and foot: and for his assurance to put some strong places into his hands, namely Saint Quintin, relying upon the Constable. That finding the King overcharged, and ready to receive a mate, he should begin the wars in France, three months before the leading of the English army: but his army was so weak and poor, as he durst not show it. Let us here acknowledge an other notable favour of God to this Crown, who had so blinded the judgement of this Duke, as he continued obstinate and wilful, before this strong place resolutely defended, another error of the Bourguignon that disscontents the English. where as he should have attended the English. We confess that both together would have dangerously shaken the estate of this realm. So the English and Bourgiugnon part from Calais, pass by Boullen, and draw towards Peronne: where thinking to lodge: they were disappointed: which gave some dislike unto the English. Being at Peronne, the constable sends Lewis of Creville to the Duke of Bourgongne, excusing himself, for not delivering up of Saint Quintin, whereby (said he) he should have lost all his credit, and intelligence in France, and hereafter be altogether unprofitable for him. The Constables frivolous excuse. But he was now wholly at his devotion, seeing the King of England wit●i● the realm. Moreover he promiseth the said Duke, To serve and secure him, and 〈◊〉 friends and allies, as well the King of England, as others, and against all men, without any exception: and entreats him, that that writing of his own hand may serve as a gage of credit with the said King. The Duke gives his letter unto Edward, assuring him moreover, that the Constable should not only give him entrance into Saint Quintin, He deceives both King, Edward and Duke Charles. but into all his other places. Both the King and Duke believed it. The King, for that he had married the Constable's Niece: the Duke, for that the Constable was in so great fear and distrust of our Lewis, as it seemed he should not dare to fail of his promises. They part from Peronne, and approaching near Saint Quintin, they send some English troops before, to enter the Town, as to the taking of a certain possession. But the Negro (saith the proverb) changeth not his hew. The signal they give them of their approach near unto them, are skirmishes and Canon shot. Two or three English are slain, and some taken, and so they recover their army, greatly discontented with this d●shonour. The Bourguignon, to colour this foul and treacherous part, The Constable supported by Charles. pretends the Constable's meaning to be very good: that he could not cover the yielding thereof, with any apparent pretext, if at the simple sight of so small troops he should be amazed: that he would be forced thereunto, and if all the whole army marched, he would make no refusal. But these were ●ests: he desired but to win time, and not to show himself enemy for any man. The next day Charles of Bourgongne takes his leave of Edward, promising to return speedily with all his forces. Edward and his men had small practice in the estate of our realm, they are not those brave warriors which had so long governed our France▪ they needed conduct & direction to fashion them to our arms, without the which they know themselves at their first arrival to be unprofitable: Another 〈◊〉 in the Duke of Bourgongne. but in a short time they are fashioned and become good soldiers. In the mean time they are abandoned, and the season of doing any thing almost past: they must therefore resolve. And thus the King discovers, that Edward would agree. The English had taken the servant of james grass, a Gentleman of he King's house, but for that he was their first prisoner, Edward gives him liberty. At his departure, Howard and Stanley, (both in credit with Edward) said unto him; Recommend us to the King your master, if you may speak unto him. (Garter the Herald had named these two, to obtain a passport for the Ambassadors that Lewis should send to treat.) This message bred some jealousy in the King's head, who then was at Compiegne: for Gilbert the brother of james grass, followed the Duke of Brittany, A notable circumstance. and was in great credit: but being carefully examined, they find, he deserved credit. Lewis remembers the direction the Herald had given him: and suddenly takes this resolution with himself, To send a servant, the son of Meridol of Rochel, belonging to the Lord of halls (or Scales) in quality of a Herald. A counterfeit Herald. This servant had his countenance and parsonage very unpleasing, yet a good wit, and a sweet speech. But why did Lewis make choice of a servant, whom he had never seen but once, But well chosen, and why. amongst so many thousands more capable of that charge? he might disavow him if need required, as intruding himself, or at the least adventuring without his privity: and at all hazards, the loss of a servant was not great. This Herald fashioned after the King's mind, hath his charge delivered him, and is attired with a coat of Arms, made likewise in haste, of a Trumpets Banner, enameled like a petty Herald, that belonged to the Admiral▪ and then he goes to horseback, without any man's privity, except Villiers, Master of the horse, and the Lord of Argenton. Being arrived at the English army, he is brought before the King, to whom he delivers his charge; That the King his master had long desired to have good amity with him, to the end that both their realms might hereafter live in peace: That since his coming to the crown he had never made war, nor attempted any thing against the Crown of England. If he had received the Earl of Warwick, it was only to cross the Duke of Bourgongne: That the Duke of Bourgongne should not have procured his passage into France, but to make his peace with more advantage with the King. If any others were actors (meaning the Constable) it was but to serve their own turns in ●●●ssing him, and to work their private profits, not regarding the affairs of England. 〈◊〉 now Winter grew on: that his Army was not raised without exceeding charge, 〈…〉 secretly to offer a recompense of all or part, The policy of Lewis. which was a great persuader 〈…〉.) Tha● such as nourished this war betwixt them, were some Noblemen and Merchants, who made their profit of the people's loss: That if the King of Eng●●●● you●d give ear to a treaty, the King his Master would embrace it with so great a●●ection, as both himself and his realm should remain well satisfied. And for 〈◊〉, if it pleased him to grant a safe conduct for a hundred horse, the King would le●●● Ambassadors unto him well informed of his pleasure. unless he desired a mutual interview in some place, midway betwixt both Armies, than the King should grant a safe conduct for his part. These speeches please, and this counterfeit Herald returns with a safe conduct, as he desired, accompanied with an other Herald, to carry one from the King with the same tenor. Ambassadors sent from both the Kings. The next day, the Ambassadors of either side meet, in a village near to Amiens: For the King, came the Bastard of Bourbon Admiral, the Lord of S. Pierre, and Heberge Bishop of Eureux. For Edward, came Howard, Sellinger, and Doctor Morton, afterwards Chancellor of England, and Archbishop of Canterbury. In truth it was much so to humble himself, but the weighty burden of affairs which oppressed our King, forced him thereunto, who with one stone gave two strokes: for Lewis sent back his enemy, to the great confusion of the Duke of Bourgongne. Let us generally confess, that it is not now alone, that God doth show his singular grace and favour to this Monarchy; The Britton was watchful, and jointly with the Bourguignon, they practised crosses of dangerous consequence. The English from a general demand of the Crown of France, restrain himself to the Duchy of Normandy, o● Guienne. But a frank demander, requires a bold denier. Lewis protests, that he would do any thing to send the King of England out of this realm▪ but to yield him the possession of any lands, he will rather put all to hazard. He had a goodly and mighty army, which they esteemed (saith the Original) a hundred thousand fight men, and in show might do much, the English being in bad terms with the Bourguignon. But the quietest course is the best, and both being willing to agree, an accord is soon made. In the end, the King grants the English threescore and twelve thousand Crowns present payment: (Paris lent the money, upon promises of restitution by the feast of All Saints next following, Articles of agreement with the English. ) the marriage of Charles with the eldest daughter of King Edward, both being yet very young, neither shall it take effect:) and for the estate of her house, the Duchy of Guienne, or fifty thousand Crowns yearly, payable in the Tower of London, for nine years following; at the end whereof, he and his wife quietly to enjoy the revenues of the said Duchy, and the King should remain discharged of the payment of 50000▪ Crowns to King Edward. Moreover, the King promised sixteen thousand Crowns pension, to some of Edward's favourites, who had much assisted in this reconciliation▪ to Hastings two thousand, to Howard, to john Chene Master of the Horse, to Sellinger, Montgommeri, and some others, the remainder: and besides, there was great store of Silver and Plate distributed among King Edward's servants: so every Saint had his candle. These conditions performed, Edward should repass the Sea, and leave Howard and the Master of his Horse in hostage, until he had recovered England: yet not without an interview of both Kings. This peace should continue nine years, comprehending the the Dukes of Bourgongne and Brittany, if they pleased. The Bourguignon hearing these news, hastes his return to the English, followed only with sixteen hundred Horse; The Duke of 〈◊〉 come to king Edward. At his ●irst arrival he discovers his inward passions, by his outward countenance. But he came too late to prevent it. Edward tells him, that he hath made a truce for nine years, and exhorts him to enter, according to the reservation he had made. He reproacheth King E●wa●d for making a truce. Charles replies by fits, and after a reproachful manner; That Edward's Predecessors Ki●gs of England, had performed many high exploits in France, and with much swear and toil had worn great reputation. He checketh him that he did not procure the English to pass, for any need he had, but only to give them occasion to recover their ancient inheritance. And to make it manifest, that he had no need of their coming; he would not accept of any truce with the King, until that Edward had bee●e three months in his own Country. And having thus said, heereturnes towards Luxembourg, from whence he came. A bravadoe of ill digestion to the English and his Counsel, but plausible to all the friends of confusion. But what is become of our Constable? is there no speech of him during this treaty. The Consta●●● perplexed. Now is he more encumbered with fear then ever. He knows well, that he hath displeased the King, the English and the Bourguignon, all alike, and still he apprehends the conclusion at Bowines. In the mean time he seeks to please all, and sets a good face on it. Edward had freely made offer to the French Ambassadors, to name some Noblemen, that were Traitors (said he) to the King and his Crown, and to prove it by their hand-writings. The King holds a Counsel upon this matter: some maintain, Edward discovers the constables disseins. that this accusation is fraudulent, and that the English would make his demands the greater with the wrack of an others honour, as having good intelligence in France. But Lewis his judgement was more sharp, he knew the Bourgognons' courses, he considered the season: that the English had not any one place in their hands, and that the Bourguignon had deceived them. Moreover he knew well, that the Constable would not give them any entry: and lest he should be farther embarked in the league, the King entertained him with many letters, and kept him in good humour: and the Constable likewise sent often to the King: yet always swimming betwixt two streams, understanding that the treaty betwixt the two Kings, grew to some perfection, he seemed well satisfied, and sends Lewis of Creville a gentleman of his house, and john Richer his Secretary: advising the King, that to avoid this threatening foreign tempest he should procure a truce: & to satisfy the English, it were good to grant them one or two small Towns to winter in. He supposed in doing this, the English should be beholding to him, and to rest fully satisfied for the affront at Saint Quentin. Note always, that Lewis was a wonderful instrument of division, when he pleased. Lewis subtle industry. Country a prisoner at the defeat of Arras, went and came upon his faith to the Duke of Bourgongne, to treat a peace. He was by chance in Court at the coming of these two persons. The King hides him in his Chamber behind the hangings, to hear and report to his master the speeches the Constable and his people held of him. Creville by the King's commandment▪ with a loud voice, said, that the Constable had sent them to the Duke of Bourgongne, with many instructions, to divide him from the English; and that they had found the said Duke so far incensed, as by their persuasions he was not only ready to abandon them, but to charge them in their retreat. Creville in speaking this, did counterfeit the gesture of a passionate Prince, stamping and swea●ing, S. George (the oath of Charles of Bourgongne,) saying that he called the King of England, Blan●borgne, and the son of an Archer, whose name he carried: words accompanied with all the indignities that might be spoken. This moved laughter in the King, who taking pleasure at the repetition thereof, and seeming somewhat deaf, made him to strain his voice in the report. Contay no less amazed than the King was pleased, would never have believed it, if he had not heard it. And although it grieved the King much to dissemble the Constable's counsel, to give some places to the English; yet would he not discover his discontent to these deputies, but answered them graciously: I will send to my Brother (the Queen & the Constable's wife were Sisters) and let him understand my mind, having cunningly drawn a promise from his Secretary to reveal what did concern him. And at the same instant he dispatcheth Contay to the Duke his master with letters of credit, of the Kings own hand: and somewhat to satisfy the Constable, he gives the English Eu and S. Vallery, to lodge in during the treaty of peace. In the mean time, (oh notable treachery) behold one of the Constables ordinary tricks; he sends his confessor to the King of England with letters of credit, The Constable's treachery. and entreats him earnestly, not to trust to the King's promises, but rather to seize upon Eu and Saint Valery, and there to pass some part of the winter: That within two months he would lodge him better. Yet he gives him no other security, but much hope, and an offer to lend him fifty thousand crowns, with many other goodly shows, Edward rejects the Constable's counterfeit offers. to draw him from so profitable an accord. Edward answers, that the truce is concluded, and that he will not alter any thing. That if he had kept his word, he would have accepted it. Thus our Constable despairs on all sides. The King (foreseeing that the Constable would thrust Edward into jealousy) resolved by his bounty to take away all cause of suspect: 1465. for the effecting whereof, he sends Edward three hundred carts laden with the best wine he could get: Lewis his policy to prevent the Constable's practices and within half a League, within Amiens (Edward lodging within half a league, for confirmation of the truce) he causeth two long tables to be set up at the entry of the Town, covered with exquisite meats, and all kinds of provocations to drink, with men to attend all come●s and goers at the table. At every table were five or six men of reputation, fat and big, the better to encourage the Drinkers: amongst others were the Lords of Craon, Briquebe●, Bresme and Villiers, gentlemen of a pleasant humour: and wheresoever the English took any lodging, they might not spend any thing. This bounty continued three or four days▪ during the which, if Lewis had meant treacherously, he had good means, they enticing into Amiens confusedly, to the number of nine thousand, for of this great multitude, some did sing, some slept, overcome with wine and drowsiness. But contrariwise, he committed the guard of the gate to English Archers, whom Edward (at Lewis his request) had sent, to take in, and put out whom they pleased. It was then concluded, to appoint a place for an entervewe of these two Kings. It is done with less confusion and hazard in a small place. Picqugny upon Somme was held convenient▪ an ancient prophesy which the English observed, described this very place. To this effect they build upon the bridge two pentises of wood, An entervewe of the Kings. the one for Lewis, the other for Edward, either of them capable of ten or twelve men. Betwixt both was a partition, with grates to put through ones arms, going overthwart the bridge, that no man might go from the one to the other. Lewis made his profit of forepassed events: he knew that if the bar at Montereau had had no more passage than this, john Duke of Bourgongne had not ended his days so lamentably, in the narrow bounds thereof. The 28. of August, Lewis comes fi●st to the bar, accompanied with john Duke of Bourbon, the Cardinal his brother, and followed only with about eight hundred men at arms. Edward comes after, having with him the Duke of Clarence his brother, the Earl of Northumberland, his Chamberlain Hastings, His Chancellor, & others: and behind him all his army in battle. Either King had twelve men about him, four of the which went from one part to an other, to search if there were nothing practised to the prejudice of their masters. They embrace each other through the grate, and swear upon the holy Bible, to observe the articles agreed upon. The oath taken, Lewis mingling his serious discourse with some mirth, invites Edward to come to Paris, that he would feast him with the Ladies, and give him the Cardinal of Bourbon for his Confessor (a pleasant man and of free life,) who willingly would give him absolution, if happily he should sin in that case. Then they confer together a while, without any witnesses. And upon the King's demand, whether the Duke of Bourgongne would not accept of the truce, (men take an ox by the horn, and a man by his word: and with the like policy the Duke of Bourgongne might have been surprised at his departure from Liege). Edward answered that he might do as he pleased, I will summon him again (he saith) if he will not hearken to it, I will refer myself to you two. This accord being made, Lewis gins to play upon an other string, & makes the like demand touching the Duke of Britain, for whom he chiefly made the motion. But he finds the English resolute in his protection, The politic proceeding of Lewis. as having found no friend so kind in his affliction. Lewis surceaseth, and with a wonderful courtesy takes leave of the King of England, contents all his followers with some kind words, and gives presents to some private Noblemen, the Herald's & trumpets, who to show their thankful minds began to cry Alargesse for the most noble and mighty King of France: a largesse, 〈◊〉 largesse. He hath always made it manifest, that he was exceeding suspicious, and that from an antecedent he could cunningly draw a good consequence. He is no sooner on his way to Amiens, but he studies of Edward's facility to hearken to the going to Paris: that he was a very goodly Prince, and of an amorous complexion: and that some nice Parisien might stay him longer than his estate required, 1475. or at the the least draw him to pass the sea an other time: that his Predecessors had loved Paris and Normandy but too well: He therefore desires to see their backs, and must by some means bring him from this desire▪ wishing rather to have him his good brother, & friend beyond the seas, than here. The necessity which forced the King against the Burguignon, served for an excuse. Moreover, the King was grieved, to see the English so resolute to defend the Britons quarrel: he would gladly have obtained that freedom, to make war in Britain, the which he wonderfully affected: and made a second motion unto him by Bous●h●ge & S. Fierre, who returned with this answer, That whosover doth attempt, (saith he) against the Duke of Britain, I will pass the seas in person, and secure him. So he was no more importuned. The reason why King Edward protects the duke of Brittany. Edward had an especial cause to entertain the love of the Duke of Brittany, for at the defeat of Henry King of England, as we have heard, Henry Earl of Richmont and nearest kinsman to the said Henry, after the death of his son the Prince of Wales, saved himself with his uncle the Earl of Pembroke, and having entered a bark in haste, they were with tempest driven upon the coast of Britain, and there forced to take land, where they were seized on, and led with sure guards to Vannes. A very happy chance for the Duke, for while he holds this goodly gage, he was assured to command the forces of England: but very unhappy for the Earl, for if he might have landed in France, Lewis without doubt (to cross Edward) would have laboured to restore him. This truce did wonderfully displease some of Edward's household servants: Lewis of Brettailles among the rest, a gentleman of Gascony, Edward's servants discontented with the truce. was greatly discontented, giving out, that the King his master having in person won nine battles, had gotten more dishonour by the voluntary loss of this tenth, (which was in a manner gotten,) than he had purchased honour in the former nine. That the French might with reason laugh at Edward's credulous facility. Lewis advertised by the Lord of Argenton, of this Gascons free discourse, resolves to stop his mouth, to the end he should not hereafter spend his tongue to the prejudice of this Estate: He sends for him, Lewis a free buyer of men's services. and makes him dine with him, offers him great advancements, so as he will serve him. Upon his refusal, he gives him a thousand crowns presently, and promiseth to do good for his brethren that remained in France: binding him to maintain (as much as in him did lie) the friendship growing betwixt these two Crowns. Bretailles did not judge amiss. Our Lewis had sometimes a more liberal tongue than was convenient, and feared much, lest some words had passed him, whereby the English might discover that he mocked him: and so it chanced, yet behold how he covered it. The day after this enteruewe, being in his Cabinet, he fell to jest of the wines & other presents he had sent to the English. But he discovered not a Gascoigne merchant dwell●ing in England, who by chance was crept in, to obtain a license of the King for the transporting of certain pipes of wine, freed from impost. This merchant might talk: he must therefore be won, and stayed in France, under some apparent pretext. The King sent the Lord of Argenton to talk with him, advanceth him to a good office in the town where he was borne▪ he gives him a thousand franks presently to transport his family: the transport of wines he required, and a man to cond●ct him to Bourdeaux: but all upon condition that not he, but his brother, should make the voyage into England. Thus the King made amends for his rash speech. Edward is now under sail▪ he was a new Conqueror, Causes that moved Edward to pass and to return home into England. his presence was therefore more needful in England: he did never much affect the voyage. Two principal reasons drew him into the action. The one was, all his subjects gaping after the possession of this Crown, did solicit him, and the Bourguignon priest him. An other was, he might reserve a good part of the money that should be raised for this voyage (for the Kings of England levy no thing above their revenues, but for the wars of France.) But see the policy of Edward: he had of purpose brought with him ten or twelve of the chief bourgesses of the City, whose credit was great with the Commons, and who had with all care procured this tax. These men were soon weary with this military toil, Presuming that at the first arrival, a profitable battle should decide the quarrel. And to make them taste more fealinglie the sweetness of peace, from the sharpness of war, Edward doth sometimes trouble their heads with doubts, sometimes with fears, to keep them from murmuring at his return into England. On the other side, he loved his pleasures, & was of a complexion not able to endure the travels requisite for the conquest of this Realm: and although the King was overcharged with enemies, yet had he provided well for his defence. But see the most urgent reason of Edward's retreat. The performance he desired of the marriage betwixt the Dauphin, and his daughter. A marriage which made him dissemble many things, whereof Lewis will make his profit. To conclude; as they which have been deceived in their friendship, hate without dissembling, Edward se●●●s the Constable's letters unto Lewis. Edward before he parted from Calais, sent the King those two letters of credit, which the Constable had written unto him, with all other verbal assurances which he had given him. Sufficient testimonies to accuse and convince him of those crimes, wherewith he shallbe hereafter charged. Let us now reconcile the Duke of Bourgongne, and Britain with the King. Contay was now returned from the Duke of Bourgongne, the day of the interview, and had found his master in a good humour, when as the English were returned. Hugonnet Chancellor of Bourgongne, & other Ambassadors for the duke, meet at a bridge mid way betwixt Auennes, and Veruins in Hainault, so well accompanied with Archers and other men of war, that one of the English hostages, whom the King had led with him, took occasion to say, that if the Duke of Bourgongne had been followed with many such men when he came to salute King Edward, peradventure they had not made a peace. Discontent betwixt the English and Bouggu●gnons. The Viconte of Narbonne answered: That the Duke wanted no such men, and that he had sent them to refresh themselves, but six hundred pipes of of wine, and a pension which the King gave them, made them haste home to their Country. The English moved herewith. It is as every mansaied (replies he) that you would deceive us. Do you call the money the King gives us a pension? It is a tribute: and by Saint George you may talk so much, as we will return again. This quarrel stayed their proceeding: neither did they prevail any more, the second time, when as the King appointed Tanneguy of Chastel, and the chancellor Oriole to hear the said Ambassadors at Veruins: but the third assembly which was in the King's Chamber, made a full conclusion (and in truth Brezey had reason to say one day to the King, that his horse was well laden when he was on him, A truce betwixt Lewis and the Bourgognons. for that he carried all his Counsel with him: for in deed he did effect more in his presence, than all his Ambassadors together,) where there was a truce accorded for nine years, according to the other, but by reason of the oath which Charles of Bourgongne had sworn to Edward in his choler, it might not be published until the 17. of October following. Edward (discontented that the Duke of Bourgongne would treat a part) sends Montgomery (a Knight very inward with him) to the King to Veruins, Edward offers to aid Lewis against the Bourguignon he requires two things, the one, that he would take no other truce with the Duke than that which he had made: the other that he would not suffer Saint Quentin to be yielded unto him: and if he would continue the war against the said Duke, he would return the next spring and join his forces with the Kings, so as he would recompense him for the loss he should sustain by the customs of wool at Calais, which would be of no value, (being estimated at fifty thousand Crowns) and pay half his army. The King to satisfy Edward answers, that it is the same truce they had made together, and for the same term: but the Duke would have letters apart; he thanks him for his good offers, and returns him home his Ambassador and hostages. Lewis had lately learned, that the French & the English do easily quarrel, when they are together, and a small matter would reconcile them with the Bourgognons. As for the Britton, the King could not well digest the answer which Edward had made to Bouchage and Saint Pierre, whereby he easily discovered the strict alliance betwixt them▪ but ●eeing he could not divide them, being in the Abbey of Victory near to Se●lis, where he had a private devotion, the peace was absolutely confirmed, whereby the King renounced all rights pretended by him to the Duchy of Britain, reserving the sovereignty and homage according to the ancient Custom. A peace confirmed with the Duke of Britain. He promised to keep the Duke's person in safety, and to maintain his privileges, and prerogatives, 〈◊〉 forcing him to follow him out of his Duchy, but with his own good liking: & moreover he should cause to be given unto the Duke of Britain the hands & seals of all the Princes of his blood, and of the Noblemen of the Realm, both spiritual and te●porall, with revocation of all alliances, or former promises, and restitutions to be made, of all things takenduring the war. The patent hath the same date with that of the Duke of Bourgongne. Let us now bring the Constable into open view, to play the last act of his Tragedy: finding that all these shifts and devices, The 〈◊〉 act of the Constable's Tragedy. could not break the reconciliation of the 〈◊〉 Kings, the next day after their interview, he writes very humbly to the King, by a servant of his named Rapine That he was well informed how his enemies laboured to bri●g him in disgrace, charging him with many things whero● he had showed contrary effects: for that during all the forepast confusions, he had faithfully kept all those places which his majesty had committed unto him, and beat back the enemy whensoever he presented himself. And to purchase some credit, he offers to deal with the Duke of Bourgongne who (if the King please,) shall help to defeat Edward and all his army. Lewis dissembles, and writes to the Constable, what was concluded the day before, that at this time he was busied with many affairs, Lewis disembles with him. and had need of such a head as his. A captious word but well understood by Rapine; who takes it for a beginning of favour for his master. But alas, how easily doth man deceive himself in his vain imaginations? and what can a perplexed soul produce, but trouble and confusion? The truce is no sooner confirmed with the Bourguignon, but the conclusion of Bowines is renewed, whereof we have made mention. Now this poor Constable knows not to whom to fly. And as every man runs as far as he can from an imminent shipwreck, his best friends, his most affectionate servants, The Constables piteous, estate. and his most confident soldiers abandon him. What shall he then do? Whom shall he implore? What Sanctuary? What succours? He knows well he hath equally dipleased, Lewis, Edward and Charles; his Lands are on all sides environed by his enemies. He is too far from any 〈◊〉 re●●eat. He holds strong places, yea almost impregnable: but who shall defend them▪ He enjoys great treasure, but they violently hunt after it. What refuge 〈…〉 choose? Shall he go to the King? but by what means shall he purchase g●ace: he is too far incensed, and is seized of the letters which the Constable hath w●●●ten to the King of England, and the Dukes of Bourbon and Bourgongne▪ May he re●ie upon Lewis his word? but he would not swear upon the cross of Saint Lau. The Frenchmen believed that whosoever broke that oath died violently within a year. Shall 〈◊〉 the seas? he gave Edward too unkind a welcome near S. Quintin. Shall he cast ●●●selfe into Charles of Bourgongnes arms? but he hath spo●led his Country of Hain●ult. ●e would have forced him to marry his daughter with the Duke of Guienne deceased▪ and hath often treacherously deceived him; being advanced by his means to th●t great at dignity of Constable. To conclude, he alone hath more than all others maintained these Princes in hatred▪ 〈◊〉 as what party soever he takes, he is undone. Yet must he needs unmask ●●●selfe and fly to one, The Constable in a despe●rate estate. for what means hath he to warrant himself alone against so ●●ghty enemies? which shall he choose? Poor ●oule, beaten with distrust, fear and 〈◊〉; for yielding to the one he incensed the other. Moreover there is less danger for him to be besieged by two, then by one alone, being impossible for two armies 〈◊〉 accord long together; and contrariwise, being charged but by one, there is some hope to make his peace. Sometimes he resolves to fly into Germany, and to buy a place there, until he be reconciled to the one: sometimes to keep his strong Castle of Han, the which he had well fortified to serve him at need. But he is so amazed as he dares not discover himself to those few servants that are left him. Moreover they are all subjects to some one of these Princes. Yet he must resolve: and better is it to fall once, then stagger always. But they have both jointly conspired his death, he is well informed thereof, and hath seen a copy of their mutual seals. Yet when once he hath passed his word, he will make a conscience to break it. But there is no faith in the Court of France: he hath offended the King too much, and hath too great adversaries, and no man might safely love him whom Lewis hated. The Duke of Bourgongne is more moderate, more easy to pacify, and if he give his faith, he willbe ashamed to deliver him who had thrust himself under his protection. He gaped after Saint Quentin, he must yield it up unto him, & redeem his head with the price of this good place. He stands firm in this resolution, The Constable yields to the Bourguignon. and beseecheth Charles to send him a safe conduct, to go and treat with him of matters concerning his estate and person. At the first Charles makes some difficulty, but in the end he thinks he may well dispense with his conscience for Saint Quentin. So the Constable accompanied only with fifteen or twenty horse, goes towards Mons, in Hainault, to Esmeriez, great Bailiff of Hainault, the dearest of his friends, attending news from the Duke of Bourgongne, who made war in Lorraine upon the deffie we have spoken of. The Fox is now out of his earth. It must be foreseen, that this yielding reconcile not the Constable to the Duke. The King well informed what troops were in Saint Quentin, Saint Quentin yielded to the King. & of the inhabitants affection, hasteth thither with seven or eight hundred horse. They meet him with their keys: the quarters are ordered, all his forces enter and he follows. And to take from the Bouguignon all hope to recover Saint Quentin by the Constable's means, he gives him advice of the taking thereof: for although in the division made at Bowines of the Constable's places, this fell to the Duke, yet would not the King that he should make his peace with the Bourguignon by the delivery thereof. Charles advertised hereof, sends to the great Bailiff, that he should guard Mons well, that the Constable go not forth, The Constable prisoner. and that he should appoint him his lodging for a prison. Here the Bailiff prefers obedience to his master before the Constable's love. Lewis advertised of the Constable's detention, requires the Duke of Bourgongne by Bouchages, and Saint Pierre, either to deliver him, or to perform the convention. He promiseth to do it, and causeth him to be carried with a sure guard to Peronne. He had now taken divers places in Lorraine and Barrois, and did batter Nancy, whereof he desired to see the issue for the delivery, or retaining of the Constable, so as with this design, in steed of eight days concluded on at Bowines, he lets pass a month and more. But the King's great instance, and his army which lay hovering in champaign, as ready to succour the Lorraine, and to cross the Bourguignon in that enterprise, the conquest whereof he greedily pursued, to unite his territories, and to pass freely from Luxembourg into Bourgongne, (for enjoying this Duchy, he came from Holland unto the Confines of the Diocese of Lion, upon his own land) made Charles to send Himbercourt, The Constable delivered to the King. and the Chancellor Hugonnet, (both great enemies to the Constable,) to deliver him at an appointed day, to such as the King should send. Charles supposed to have won Nancy by that day, but he was deceived in the time. And in truth they had no sooner left him, but a countermand comes from the Duke after the taking of Nancy, but too late. The prefixed day being come, they deliver the Constable at the gats of Peronne, into the hands of the bastard of Bourbon, Admiral of France. Bouchages, S. Pierre, Cerisay and others: Who led him prisoner to the Bastille at Paris, the said Admiral charging the Chancellor, f●●st Precedent, and other Counsellors of the Parliament being there present, in the King's name, to make a speedy trial of him, upon his letters written to the King of England, and the Dukes of Bourbon and Bourgongne. So by judgement of the Court, given by the Precedent Popincourt, he was beheaded at the grieve, the 19 of December, and by an especial grace was buried at the white Friars in Paris. The Constable beheade●● A pitiful spectacle, to see so great a parsonage laid upon a scaffold, allied to the houses of France, England, Bourgongne, Sa●oye & many other great personages, the chief Officer of this Crown, mighty in Lands, in treasure and in friends, abandoned of his friends, his goods confiscate, degraded of his offices, and finally to serve as a spectacle to the whole world. He was witty, valiant, and of great experience: but in his latter years bereaved of the grace of God. Let us apprehend this Oracle: It is a horrible thing to fall into the hands of the living God. The pit he had digged for an other, must swallow him up. He had with all his force laboured to maintain these two Princes in hatred and mutual dissension, to subsist in the midst of their partialities. He had often & impudently lied unto them, and being both very revengeful, it was impossible to avoid their snares. But who can warrant the Duke of Bourgongne from the law Cornelia? must his cruel covetousness force him to give security to this poor Lord, to thrust him into an unboubted ruin. Four score thousand crowns in movables, and three score thousand crowns in ready money which he got by his spoils, were they valuable to the falsifying of his conscience? god leaves nothing unpunished, & we shall learn hereafter, that this disloyal act in him was the just ruin of his house: Charles o● Bourgongne breaks his oath with the Constable. a house for a hundred years flourishing in all perfections of felicity, the which hereafter shall run headlong to a strange Catastrophe: and by the means of a young and unexperienced enemy, weak in regard of the Bourgognons great and redoubted power, God resists the high minded, and chooseth contemptible things, to ruin and confound the proud. Let us with one breath, see the declining and overthrow of this house of Bourgongne. The violent ambition of Charles, had (as we have heard before) armed him with a boiling desire to be a King: but Frederic the 3. scorned it. Charles affecting the title of a King. From that time he still plotted to get this quality▪ René (before Earl of Vaudemont, son to Ferry of Lorraine, and of Yoland, daughter to René King of Sicily and Duke of Anjou, & of the only daughter of the Duke of Lorraine, eldest brother to john Earl of Vaudemont, Father to the said Ferri, and now Duke of Lorraine) had defied him before Nuz, grieved with the Bourgognons' outrages. This is a good expedient to purchase this pretended royalty. Lorraine made him a free passage, to unite his Countries, and moreover by the Conquest of this Duchy, he should qualify himself King of Sicily, and jerusalem, the hereditary title of this house. The means whereby he sought it. This vent of vain glory transports Charles into Lorraine: and for pretext of a quarrel, he pretends a grea● sum of money to be due unto him by Renes Predecessor: for non-pa●ement whereof (after the taking of many places) he camps before Nancy, beseegeth it, batters it, but takes it not so soon as he presumed, being valiantly defended beyond his expectation. The King also underhand favoured this young Duke, procuring him secretly the alliance of the Swisses, Charles makes an unjust pretension unto Lorraine. & the Imperial Towns of Alsatia. Charles since the siege of Nuz had in pay about a thousand men at arms, Neopolitains for the most part. The Earl of Compobasso commanded four hundred, a partisan of the house of Anjou, against that of Arragon: & for this cause being banished his Country, had always followed the Duke René of Sicily, or Nicholas son to john Duke of Calabria and Lorraine: after whose death Charles of Bourgongne entertained many of his servants: especially this Earl, a wicked man and of a corrupt conscience, who in the beginning of the war of Lorraine, entered into practice with Duke René, (heir apparent to the house of Anjou, after the death of King René his grandfather by the mother) promising to prolong the siege of Nancy, & cause defects in necessary things touching the siege. He might well do it, Cam●obass● a traitor to Charles of Bourgongne. having more authority in this army the● any other captain. But behold an other act of notable villainy. The duke of Bourgongne had given him forty thousand ducats before hand, to raise his company. Passing at Lion, to ●o into Italy, he grew familiar with a Physician, named Simon of Pavia, giving by him the King to understand, that for an hundred thousand crowns in ready money, his company entertained, and a good Earldom, at his return, 1476. he would deliver him the Duke of Burgongne, and confirms the same to S. Prye, He offers to kill the Duke. who then was Ambassador for the King in Piedmont. Being returned, and his troop lodged in the County of Marle, he reiterates his offer to the King, to kill the Duke when he should come to the Camp, if he desired not to have him brought prisoner unto him, assuring himself to execute it easily: for (saith he) he is accustomed to visit his army, mounted upon a Nag, and ill accompanied: Or if the King and the Duke should at any time fight a battle, he would turn to the King with his company. Lewis discovers his treason to Charles. Lewis abhors the treachery of this wicked wretch, and to show the Duke his frank and royal disposition, he gives him intelligence thereof by Contay. In the mean time, Campobasso diverts the Bourguignon all he can from the war of Lorraine: and makes the taking of Nancy, prove more difficult. The Duke is so much incensed therewith, Charles strikes Campobasso. as from iniutious words, he proceeds to blows, and strikes him. A blow which the Earl will revenge, in time and place. He dissembles for the present, and Charles either thinking the Neapolitan had forgotten this outrage, or supposing that his hired soldier had been bound not to revenge it▪ or happily fearing if he lost him, his affairs would receive some dangerous check, he entertains him still in his service: yea (even contrary to the King's advice,) he loved, or made show to love him better, supposing that Lewis his intention, was to set division betwixt him and his most trusty servants. But let us rather say, that he which sounds, even to the deepest thoughts of man, had by a just judgement, altered the sense of this Prince, not to taste the wholesome counsels that were given him, with most apparent reasons. This proud presumption, like unto Nembroth, made him conceive a world of Chimeres, and bring forth a shameful confusion, as we shall read hereafter. He is now puffed up with the new purchase of Lorraine, by the taking of Nancy▪ with the possession of S. Quentin, Cha●les puffed up with his new conquest Han, and Boha●n, and with the Constable's movables, but he would not make this the limits of his conquests. The Swisses had incensed him, redeeming of the County of Ferre●e for Sigismond Archduke of Austria. Moreover, they had spoiled james of Savoy Earl of Rhomont, He makes war against the Swisses. brother to the Duke of Savoy, of the Country of Vaux, and the Lord of Chasteanguion, brother to the Prince of Orange, of many places, lying 〈◊〉 their marches. These Noblemen were allied, and partakers to the Duke, and thrust him on to revenge. On the other side, the King desired to parley with him, after the manner of Picquigny, wishing him to lodge and refresh his troops, tired both with the siege of Nuz, and the revenues of Lorraine, and to grant a peace to this mountain nation, being poor but yet froward. But Charles prefers the violent passiō● of his ambition, The Swisses crave peace of Charles with great submission. before the honest and wholesome counsel of Lewis, and enters into Suisse●land. The Cant●ns hearing of his approach, entreat for peace: they offer to yield up the place in question: and by a second embassage, to renounce all alliances that should dislike him, especially the Kings: to serve him against all men, yea against the King, with six thousand men, for what pay he would give them, and as often as he would call them If he did triumph over them by an absolute victory, there were no profit to be found, seeing the spurs of his horsemen, and the bits of his horses, were of more value than all their country. He proudly refuseth it. But he refuseth all accord, no prevention can stop this stream. He marcheth, and after thi● imaginary conquest of the Cantons, he passeth the Alpes, and lays hold of Italy for that Frederick Prince of Tarentum, son to Ferdinand King of Naples, was lately come to him, with hope to marry his daughter. Moreover old René King of Simile and Duke of Anjou, and Uncle to the King, seeing his son john, and his Grandchild Nicholas were deceased, promised to resign unto him his pretensions of Sicily, to adopt him for his son and heir, and soon after, to put into his hands the Earldom of Provence. But we shall soon learn the causes that moved him to this attempt: he gaped, above all other things, after the goodly estate of Milan, where he presumed to have great intelligences. The Swisses arm for their defence. The Ambassadors being returned, the Swisses protest of their submission, and of their desire to pacify all things, calling God and the world to witness: & then they prepare for their defence. Charles for the fi●st fruits of his army, fortified with fifteen thousand men from the Duke of Milan, & five thousand from the Duchess of Savoy (for now he loves strangers better than his subjects, and the troubles of his mind, makes him conceive a hatred and jealousy against them) takes Loz●●na, a mountain Town, seated upon the Lake Leman, with other places in the Country of Vaux: causing the garrisons for the most part to be hanged. Then he brings the whole body of his army, (being about fi●tie thousand men, and five hundred pieces of Artillery of all sorts) before Gransson, lying near to the Lake of Yuerdu●, C●arl●s his great forces. which belonged to Rhomont, being defended by seven or e●ght hundred Swisses of the Canton of Berne. He batters, makes a breach, and gives an assault, with the loss of a hundred men. But the battery continuing, the defendants (not able to hold the Town) fire it, and recover the Castle, where having many Towers beaten down, they compound to have their lives saved. An accord treacherously broken, Granss●n taken, and the soldiers cruelly and treacherously slain. for he cau●ed four score to be hanged (some writ five hundred and twelve) he drowns two hundred, and puts the rest in prison. A detestable cruelty, and so odious unto all the Cities upon the Rhin, as they send men to the Duke of Lorraine and the Swisses to their aid. He is nothing amazed therewith; but for the stately entertainment of Ambassadors that came unto him from divers countries, namely from Germany and Italy, he shows himself in his camp with incredible pomp and state: Pavilions and rich tents, glistering arms, goodly standards, vessel of gold and silver, of inestimable value, rich apparel, exquisite tapistry, jewels, precious stones, and other costly ornaments: to conclude, the goodliest furniture that might beautify a camp. The Swisses not yet advertised of the loss of Gransson, send four or five thousand men to relieve it. but too late. The Duke (contrary to the opinion of the best advised) goes to meet them. They camp at the entry of the mountains, hold the straits of hard access, and of great advantage for the foot, and dangerous for the horse, where one man might stay fi●tie. But he was (as the Proverb says) mounted to the Pies nest, and God blinding his understanding, prepared an exemplary abatement of his pride. He sends a hundred Archers before, to seize on a passage of the mountains; who discocover not an ambush of shot that kept it, the which suffer a part of the forward to enter, whereas the battle could not secure them, whom they charge ●ith such resolution and fury, that with this terror the Bourguignous fly, and fall upon the other part, which was yet in the plain, which likewise turns head toward▪ the Campe. The battle and rearward seeing the forward in rout, shrink presently, and (notwithstanding all the Duke's labour to stay them) they save their lives by flight, ill informed of the small numbers of their enemies, who pursue them with all fury. Charles himself was forced to join with them that fled, abandoning both Camp & Artillery, to save their persons, staying in no place until he came to joigne, The overthrow of Granss●n, wh●re Cha●l●s lost all his baggage. fifteen or sixteen leagues from Gransson. A hast●er flight than the pursuit, for want of hor●es, so as the Duke in the midst of so great a terror, lost but se●en men at arms, but very many foot. This happened the second day of March. A day not so famous for the loss of men, as of spoil, esteemed at three millions, wherewith the Swisses (not so cunning in those days as now) made themselves rich, Esteemed at three millions although they were ignorant of the value of things. For a proof of their gross a●d r●de ignorance, the Original observes: The Suisses ●g●orant the● o● the value of things. that they did tear in pieces the goodliest & most sumptuous pavilions in the world, to apparel themselves. That a Soldier did sell a silver dish like unto pewter, for two pence half penny. An other taking up the case of the Duke's great Diamond, whereat did hang a great Pearl▪ the which he viewing, put up again, and so cast it into a Cart, coming afterwards to fetch it, he sold it to a Priest for a Florin worth twelve pence: the Priest sent it unto their Lords, who gave him six shillings. They held it to be the goodliest in Christendom. Besides many others, they got three Pearls of inestimable value, the which they called the three brethren, with two other the most rare stones that could be found. To conclude, whatsoever the Duke had of rich or sumptuous, he caused to be carried after him in ostentation, to show his superfluous and fearful greatness unto stranger's. So the eternal God did signify unto Ezechias by Esay. God's punishment for pride and ostentation. That all the coffers of his drugs, silver and gold, his sweet perfumes and precious ointment, with all his artillery, yea all that was found in his treasures, all that was in his house, all that his fathers had gathered together unto that day, should be carried into Babylon: for that he had made a show to the Ambassadors of Berodac-Baladan the son of Baladan King of Babylon. The Swisses revenge the cruelty of Charles at Gransson. Presently after this battle, the Swisses recover their lost places, take down their companions and bury them, & hang up as many Bourgognons with the same halters. The King remained at Lion, attending the success of the Bourgognons' forces, fearing exceedingly, lest he should subdue the Cantons. Lewis fears the good success of Charles. He disposed of the house of Savoy as his own: the Duke of Milan was his ally: he held Lorraine, and hoped for Provence, which suc●eeding, his power extended from the western sea, unto the East: & France had had no issue out, but by the Duke's favour, And seeks all means to cross him. or by sea▪ for the preventing whereof, Lewis sent often to the Duchess of Savoy his sister in law (being wholly at the Duke's devotion) to René his Uncle, being much incensed against him, so as he would scarce hear his messengers, to the Princes & commonalty of Germany, who return him an answer; Say unto the King, that if he war not against him, we will make our peace, and war ourselves against him. This was it ●e feared, yet would he not break the truce, neither have Charles discover the messages he sent. But now the Bourguignions' shipwreck cheered him, grieving only at the small number that were slain. The Duke on his part was touched with fear, & to prevent it, he sends Contay to the King, The Duke fears the King should break the truce. charged with humble and gracious speeches, contrary to his custom. He beseecheth his Majesty to observe the truce loyally, excuseth himself that he did no assist at their interview near unto Auxerre, and promiseth to be there shortly, or wheresoever it should please the King. The King assures him of his demands, neither was it yet time to do otherwise, but to keep himself in the shade, whilst that Charles chafed himself▪ Lewis was well acquainted with the loyalty of the Duke's subjects, who would easily cross him, His friends & allies leave him, and he falls sick. seeing him oppressed with adversity. One mischief comes never alone: the loss, shame, & despite, to see himself vanquished, lays him sick in his bed. But behold a rougher charge: in prosperity friends come by hundreds, in adversity they fly by thousands▪ Galeas Duke of Milan lead the dance; he was allied to Charles by reason of his practices in Italy: The Duke of Milan. which being dissolved by this check, he sends a Citizen of Milan to the King: he dissuades him from making a peace with the Bourguignon, and to prevent it, he offers him a hundred thousand Ducats presently. The King detesting the inconstancy of this man, who three weeks before was estranged from him, hunting after the Bourgognons' good hap, with a great and solemn embassage: considering also that their wives were sisters, and his covetous proceeding: he rejects his money, reproacheth the little love he bore to his brother in law, but in the end he accepts of his a●●iance. The King of Sicily. René King of Sicily seconds him. Charles had already (upon the ●ope this good old man gave him) sent the Lord of Chasteauguion into Piedmont, with twenty thousand Crowns, to make a levy of men, to take possession of that Earldom. But upon this defeat, he was happy to save his person, & to lose but his silver, seized on for the King by Philip of Savoy Earl of Bresse. Upon this amazement Lewis sends to his Uncle, desires him to come, and to assure himself of good entertainment, else he would provide by force. john Coss Seneschal of Provence, an honest man, and of a good house in the realm of Naples, persuaded his master to this voyage, giving the King to understand, that the treaty of René with the Bourguignon (the which he himself had procured) tended to no other end, but to let the King know the wrong he had done his Uncle, Lewis reconciled to the King of Sicily. having taken from him the Castles of Bar & Angers, and entreating him ill in all his other affairs, and that he never had any will to perform the accord. A liberty of speech very pleasing unto Lewis, who from that time respected his Uncle, and they lived like good friends. Then René made a transaction with the King, that after his death the Earldom of Provence should return to the king, and be incorporate to the Crown. In doing whereof, the Queen of England, daughter to the said René, and widow to Henry the 6. King of England, whom Edward held prisoner, was redeemed by the King, for fifty thousand crowns. For this cause she yielded unto the King all the right she might pretend to the said County, and for a certain pension which the King assigned her during her life. The Duchess of Savoy sent Montaigni secretly, The Duchess● of Sau●y. The Princes of Ge●ma●ie. to reconcile her to the King, yet will she try the issue of the Duke's fortune. The Princes of Germany, and the imperial Towns, who before were enforced to temporise, now show themselves enemies, and turn from him. Frederick Prince of Tarentum, grieved with the strange dissemble, The Prince of Ta●ent●m leaves Charles. touching the pretended marriage, leaves him: and soon after, returning into France, he marries a daughter of Savoy, the Queen's sister: what then? shall he fly to his Hollanders and Flemings? But he knows their inconstancy, and that they favoured not his flight▪ yet he sends his Chancellor Hugonnet, with twelve commissioners, to require aid of men and money of his subjects, who return with this resolution: That if the Duke their Lord were prisoner, they would mortgage and sell their livings, to redeem him: that to dissuade him from the war, and draw him home into his countries, they would assist him with all their power. But to continue it, they are not resolved to do any thing. To conclude, every bird had his peck at this Owl. Even as when a tempest overthrows some great tree, every one tears off a branch. He yields not yet, but would be ashamed to confess himself beaten by such a wretched people: Charles arme● again. and although all these crosses had wonderfully increased his sickness, & that heaviness, melancholy, choler, and other passions, had altered his blood, with great prejudice to his health: yet he gathers together the pieces of his wrack, and within few months goes to field with his army. Having stayed some space at Lauzanne, He besiegeth Morat. he went the 9 of june to camp before Morat, a small town two leagues from Berne, belonging to the Earl of Rhomont, who lead the forward. Anthony bastard of Bourgongne camped upon the Lake, with thirty thousand men of foot and horse. The Duke lodged in the mountain, and Rhomont upon the descent towards the Lake, with 12. thousand men. The Cantons were sooner in arms at this shock, then at the other: and if before they gave him a l●ght defeat, they shall now give him a general overthrow. In their league are numbered twenty Towns, prelates and commonalties: Zurich, Berne, Lucerne, Vri, Suits, Vnderual, Zug, Glaris, Fribourg, Soleurre, Basill, Chaf houze, Appenzel, Sangall, the Grisons, the Earl of Tocquembourg, the Abbot of Sangall, Valo●s, la Casse, Dye: & the ten jurisdictions of Malny. All these did furnish eleven thousand pikes, ten thousand Halberds, 10000 shot, and 4000 horse: and the King, who made war against the Bourguignon at an other man's cost, had underhand given the Duke of Lorraine means to join with 600. men at arms. Moreover the Towns of the Rhin, Songoy and Ferrete had sent a supply of three thousand men. All these forces being joined, the 22. of june, behold at the first encounter, the forward is so violently charged, Charles is overthrown. as the Earl of Rhomont is forced to save himself with ten or twelve horse. The garrison of Morat falls out, and joins with the Duke of Lorraines troops: they charge the Bourgognons' camp, force it, and overthrow him with a horrible slaughter of his men. He recovers Besançon by the swiftness of his horse; and from thence, Rivere in the County of Bourgongne. In this battle died about eighteen thousand men, (others say two and twenty thousand seven hundred) and of Swisses fifty men only. At this day are seen the spoils of this battle, in a Chapel built, where the battle was fought, and filled with the bones of such as were slain. The Swisses pursuing their victory, take all the places of the County of Rhomont, and along the Lake Leman, even unto Geneva, which are at this day under the jurisdiction of Berne, and the Bishop of Basill, and razed many places and Castles upon the marches of the French County. The Duke of Lorraine, having a good share in this notable victory, with his French troops, and some supplies from the confederates, recovers V●●demont, Espinal, Nancy, and some other places by composition. Now is Charles of Bourgongne exceeding heavy, and for that the house of Savoy had been the chief kindler of this war: (whereof the first firebrand had been for some Carts laden with skins, ta●en by Rhomont from a Suisse) and doubting lest she would speedily be reconciled to the King, Charles surpriseth the Duchess of Savoy with her youngest son he sends to take her by force, & brings her to Rowre near Dijon, with her youngest son, since Duke of Savoy. Philibert the eldest than Duke, was (with the help of some servants of his house) retired to Chamberi. The King, who never lets slip any advantage, and who politicly builds upon another's shipwreck, treats with the Bishop of Geneve; a son of Savoy, a man of a free disposition, and governed by a commander of Rhodes, both tractable: who deliver into his hands the Castles of Chamberi, Montmelian, and another place, in the which were all the Duchess jewels. She seeing ●er self deprived of liberty, dissembles no longer, but sends Riverol a Gentleman of piedmont, to the King, to mediate her peace; but with all the surety that m●ght be▪ knowing well, that it was dangerous to displease him: beseeching his Majesty to free her. Lewis a better brother than she had been a sister, sends to deliver her, by Charles of Amboise Lord of Chaumont, Lewis sets ●er at liberty. governor of Champagne, who brought her to Plessis by Tours, whether the King was returned: who having renounced the alliance of Bourgongne, recovered her children of the King, with the places, jewels, and all things that belonged to her, & then conducted her home at his own charge. But Charles, is he tired? So many disgraces: Charles in a desperate estate. so many losses of men of war, places, friends, & treasures, have all these so daunted him, as he hath lost all courage? He is now solitary at Rivere, sad, mournful, grieved, displeased in himself, wayward to his servants, despised of his subjects, abandoned of his friends, and hateful to all the world▪ he seeks neither comfort or counsel of any man, and his great austerity is the cause that no man dare give it him. And doubtless these encounters were sufficient to make him lay aside arms, & humbly to acknowledge, that the scourge of God doth advertise us, that we are strayed from our duties, and to lift up our eyes, hands & hearts to heaven, there to seek for consolation, and not among men: rather restoring that which we have pulled from another unjustly, then continuing obstinate in our revenges. But Nancy must be the place of his funeral, it was wonderful commodious for his passage to his other Signeuries; but his army being utterly overthrown, it was not possible to levy new troops so speedily, to secure the Lord of Beures, of the house of Croy, who defended it against the Lorraine. Campobasso did divert him, showing that the City was but flackly besieged: that it was needful to breath, & to refresh his spirits, tired with the forepast toils: & in the mean time, continues his practices with Duke René. Beures pressed him still for succours, yet could he not arrive until the day it was yielded, Nancy taken by René, and besieged by Charles. with such forces as he could get out of Flanders, Luxembourg, & Bourgongne. He besiegeth it before it could be fortified & victualled, and within few days, brings it to exceeding famine. The Lorraine not yet strong enough, attending such troops as came to him out of Germany & Suisserland, adventures a company of soldiers, carrying some victuals. They cross through the camp, maintaining the skirmish, whilst that such as carried meal entered the town. Cifron a gentleman of Provence, & Steward to the Duke of Lorraine, was taken prisoner amongst others. Charles commands he should be hanged. This gentleman had been the actor betwixt Campobasso and the Duke René. Seeing that he must of necessity die, he desires Charles to hear him, and that he would discover a matter which concerned his person. Charles answers in choler, that they were but shifts: and Campobasso fearing his tongue, doth hasten both the D●ke & Provost to this execution, for (said he) by the law of arms, every one that seeks to relieve a place after the Canon hath played & is taken, deserves death. Cifron makes a new request, and the Duke sends to know what he would say. He refuseth to reveal it, but to the Duke himself, and as they returned with this answer to the Duke, Campobasso remaining at the chamber door, A notable villainy of Ca●pobasso. where the Duke was writing with a Secretary, makes them believe that the Duke's pleasure was they should dispatch him: & so Cifron was hanged. He still continues his siege, and neither shame, losses, the season of the year, nor his weak army, neither the great succours which he sees coming to the Lorraine, nor the secret aid the King gave unto his enemy, neither Alphonsus King of Portugal, his cousin germane, who then attended some succours from the King at Paris, against the Castilian, and went expressly to him to mediate a peace, to be the sooner dispatched (for the King excused himself, upon the issue he feared of this war of Lorraine) could move him. Nancy pressed with famine was ready to compound, if Campobasso had not by secret intelligence revived their spirits: Nancy relieved by Duk● Ren●. when as behold the Duke of Lorraine comes with an army of fourteen or fifteen thousand men, French, Swisses, Germans and Lorraines, & lodgeth at S. Nicholas of Varengeville▪ Compobasso not able to do the Bourguignon a greater despite, leaves him, with nine score men at arms with him, and the Lords of Ange & Montfort with six score, & they go to René. A great maim for the duke, whose troops were but bare and weak. Notwithstanding upon the Swisses protestation, The integrity of the Swiss in old time. that they would not fight in the company of a traitor, the Duke sends him to Condé a Castle upon the river of Moselle, a passage for victuals which came to Charles from the valley of Luxembourg & Metz. He takes this passage and stops it with trees and carts, to stay the flight of such as should think to save themselves, foreseeing already the Bourgognons' overthrow, hoping by this means to have a share of the booty & prisoners, as it happened indeed. But the foulest and most treacherous act of his tragedy is, that he left men suborned to begin the flight at the first charge, & others to observe the Duke, and if he fled to kill him. Charles understanding these news, Good counsel not ●ollowed by Charles. hearkeneth thereto (contrary to his custom) yet he follows not the advice of his counsel. The most experienced counseled him to retire to Pont a Mouson, which he held yet, & to fortify himself there, suffering them to victual Nancy. They told him that the Germans loved the air of their hothouses too well: that René would want money, so all would disband, without means to join together again in long time: that their victualling could not be so plentiful, but it would be spent before the midst of winter, & in the mean time he should refresh his army, increase his troops, & furnish himself with all things necessary, seeing that he had money which was the sinew of war. A wise counsel, but Charles hasted to his ruin. He had in his army, but four thousand men, whereof not above 12. hundred were in case to fight, yet by the advice of some foolish people he will hazard a third battle, exposing a handful of men ill armed, & ill mounted, panting yet with the first and second encounters, against an army fresh, lusty, and glorious with two notable victories. The 5. of january, upon twelve Eve, René putteth his arm into battle, near unto a lake at Neufuille. The Germans & Swisses divide themselves into two bataillons: the Earl of Abestein & the Governors of Zurich and Fribourg lead the one, The battle of Nancy. the Aduoyers of Berne and Lucerne the other: the rest both French & Lorraines, march under their ensigns: one bataillon goes towards the river, the other takes the high way from Neufuille to Nancy. The Duke of Bourgongne attends them firmly, in a place of strength and advantage, having before him a little river, betwixt two strong hedgrowes near unto the hospital of Magonne, and at the entry of this great hieway (where one of the bataillons marched) Charles had planted the greatest part of his artillery, which thunders upon the Swisses at their first approach: but with small hurt, being far off. This battaillon leaves the high way, & mounts up towards the wood, coasting along the duke's army. The Duke makes his archers to turn head, appointing two wings of men at arms, the one led by james Galiot a Neapolitaive, an honest man & a valiant Captain. The other by the Lord of Lalain lieutenant of Flanders. This batailon having gotten the advantage on the higher ground, stands firm: then like unto a violent stream it falls upon the Bourgognons' army, and with a thundering volley of shot defeats the foot. At the same instant the other bataillon chargeth Galiots' squadron, who behaved himself like a wise and valiant Captain: but the horse seeing the footmen amazed, leave all and fly after. The other wing commanded by Lalain maintains the fight, Charles overcome and slain. but unable to withstand the violent shock of the Swisses, in the end thy give way, & turn towards the bridge of Bridores, where was the greatest show of their men that fled. This bridge is half a league from Nancy towards Thionu●lle & Luxembourg. Campabasso had stopped the passage, so as all such as took● that course, were either slain, drowned, or taken: (if any recovered the woods, the peasants beat them down with levers. A chase which continued from noon, until two hours within night. Charles thinking to save himself, was overthrown by a troop of men that followed him; discovered by them, which the traitor Campobasso had left to observe him. The next day he was found among the dead, lying frozen in a ditch, well known by many of his household servants. He had three wounds, one with a halberd above the ear, which cut him to the teeth, the second with a pike through both the thighs: the third by the fundament. René caused him to be honourably buried in S. George's Church at Nancy. In this battle there died three thousand Bourgognons: and there were taken, the Earl of Nassau, the Marquis of Rothelin, an English Earl, Anthony and Baldovin brethren bastards to the Duke (whose ransoms the King did pay) and many gentlemen. The booty was small: but the victory of Gransson was yet fresh, and as they then did sing▪ he lost his goods at Gransson, his men at Morat, and his life at Nancie. Behold this great Nembroth, who made himself equal with Emperors, and yielded not to the greatest Kings: before time the terror of Christendom, ●eared by his subjects, sought to by his neighbours: who had purchased to himself the surname of terrible, & warrior, drunk with ambition, transported with the desire of an others estate, now confounded with his own greatness, who with his fall ruins his house. Doubtless, the days of mortal man are like to grass, he fades like the flower of the field: for the wind passing over it, it is no more seen, nor the place thereof known. Shame and destruction follow pride at the heels. And who doth not judge by the effects, The cause's 〈◊〉 his ruane. that the chie●e causes of his ruin were covetousness, pride, and cruelty: covetousness, in that contrary to his honour and faith, he had delivered the Constable, for the greedy desire he had to enjoy Saint Quintin, Han and Bohain, and some movables: Pride, in that God having raised him to greater dignity than any of his predecessors, accompanied with many goodly and singular graces, yet he thought that the habitable earth could not prescribe limits to his conquests: attributing all to his own force, and not to the power of the Eternal: & the happy success of his affairs to his own judgement. Cruelty, for that in the war of Liege, he had bathed himself in the blood of his poor subjects, glutting his wrath with that sex & age, whom the rigour of war doth usually pardon. And what shall we say of the right hands, he caused to be cut off, of those poor soldiers at Nesle? Of the fires wherewith he hath wasted so much country? Of the Swiss hanged at Gransson, after they had yielded upon his faith given to the contrary▪ & of late had hanged a gentleman being taken in the war. He had good parts, valiant, painful, vigilant, The disposition of Cha●les of Bourgog●e. desirous to entertain men of merit, liberal, but with discretion, to the end that many might taste of his bounty. He gave advice privately, honoured strangers, and received Ambassadors, with state. But since the battle of Montle●erie, presuming by his only valour to have forced a mighty King, to leave him the field, he conceived so overweening a presumption of himself, as never after would he believe any other Counsel but his own▪ attributing the issue of his enterprises to his own judgement & industry, with so obstinate a constancy in his unmeasured desseines, as in the end it was his confusion. So The voice of the Eternal breaks down the Cedars: yea the Eternal b●ates down the Cedars of Libanus. God punisheth sin with the like sin. Galeas Duke of Milan murdered. But let us note the judgement of God: That before Nancy he delivered the Constable, & before Nancy he was betrayed by Campobasso. And let us observe the like in our days, as we shall see hereafter. Eleven days before this battle, Galeas Duke of Milan was murdered in a Church by Andrew of Lampogagno, a Milanois: who leaving a son very young, left withal many discords for the government of the Duchy▪ amongst many Noble men, one among them called Robert of S. Severin, near kinsman to the Duke, banished from his house by the stronger faction, retired himself into France, hoping to persuade the King to attempt something against the state of Milan▪ Lewis taught by former experience, that the French have always lost easily, & with shame, that they had gotten with much pain & sweat in Italy, would not hearken unto it, no nor suffer any succours pass for the relief of the Florentines, being ancient friends & allies to the French, against whom Pope Sixtus & Ferdinand King of Naples made war. 1477. But for that he would not seem utterly to abandon them, he sent the Lord of Argenton unto them, with some troops levied in the State of M●●an, as we shall shortly see. But what doth Francis Duke of Britain, having lost one of the chief supporters of his building? He sees, that of three of the strongest heads of the common weal, The practise● of the Duke of B●i●ta●●. two are cut off, Charles Duke of Guienne & Charles Duke of Bourgongne, & he knows full well, that the King will not leave this outrage unrevenged upon such as remain. The treaty made at the Abbey of Victory had been confirmed by the Estates of Brittany. Lewis had by his Deputies renounced all pretension to this Duchy: but he forgetts nothing, though he sleeps▪ He is now freed from his most mortal enemy: by all probability, he should hereafter employ his forces in Britain: he must therefore warrant himself with some favourable support, and must seek protection from the English. This negotiation required much secrecy and silence, Discovered by the King. for Lewis was exceeding jealous, and discovered cunningly such practices. So as the subtle were surprised in their own subtleties. Peter Landays Treasurer of Britain, was the man best acquainted with the dukes most secret intelligences, and under him, William Gueguen. For the dispatches for England, he used one Maurice Bromel, who for three years space was the messenger to carry letters betwixt the Duke of Britain and the King of England. It chanced that Bromel passing at some port, discovered himself to a servant of the Kings, who presently aduerti●ed his majesty. Lewis did cunningly make his profit of these adventures. Yet must he not rashly apprehend the companion: thinking it best to discover more. The King, to win this messenger cunningly, employs a certain man of Cherebourg in Normandy, who could sergeant the Duke's hand, the king of England's, & their Secretary's; This Agent for the King, treats with Bromell, and for a hundred Crowns for every letter coming from either part, gets a promise of him, & a place appointed to deliver the letter & to receive his money. The Agent made copies, counterfeited their hands, & sealing them up with a seal either counterfeit, or stolen by Bromel, he sent the copies into England, & brought the king the originals. In the end, 22. letters, what of the Duke and Edward's, fell into the King's hands, without discovery. And although the Duke sought to the English more to defend him at need, then to offend: yet would he maintain himself in the King's good favour. For this effect, one day among others, he sent Chawin his Chancellor, the Seneshal of Vannes▪ & others of his counsel, to give Lewis to understand the devotion he had to his service. At that time the king pursued his conquests upon the heir of Bourgongne, being ready to besiege Arras, as we shall presently show. Being arrived, they are all committed prisoners, & sequestered under divers guards. After two days, the King sends for the Chancellor▪ reproacheth him, that having often conferred with him of the affairs of Britain, holding him for an honest man, he finds it strange, Lewis discovers th● Dukes of Britain's letters to his Chancellor. that he had always so constantly assured him, that his master had no secret intelligence with the King of England, seeing that now the contrary was manifest. The Chancellor continues in this protestation, and for more assurance engageth his life; but twelve letters written by Gueguen & signed by the D●ke, & ten others by Edward, made him hang down his head, & to confess himself faulty. But for his own particular, he protests of his innocency, & in cause that he or his companions deputies, be found to have been acquainted with this intelligence, he will lose his life. ●he King is satisfied herewith: he returns them back without any farther audience, and gives them the originals, for a proof against the Duke. He justly complains, that ma●ing show to favour him, he doth notwithstanding practise with the most ancient enemy of the crown. That if he do not renounce all intelligence with the King of England, he will not take him for his friend. Chawin being returned, makes his report▪ delivers the King's commandment: his answers, his countenance in spe●king▪ the accents of his words, & the consequences that might ensue. He beseecheth the Duke to retire himself in pri●ate: & then to certify his sayings, he lays upon the table the two and twenty letters. The Duke of Britain amazed to see hi● in●elligence● discou●r●d. The Duke amazed to see that plainly discovered, which he thought to have been common but to two, sends for Landays▪ & commands him upon his life to tell him, by what means they might fall into the King's hands; the which must needs proceed from one of the two. Landays knows the hands & seals, but cannot conceive the residue: & all amazed he offers himself to prison, and to lose his life, if he be any way found guilty. Then he remembers, that only Bromel had always carried and recarried these letters: they must find out him, (being then employed in that action,) and make him unfold that doubt. He therefore sends after him in post, & takes him at Port-blank, where he attended a wind to embark, and was brought to Nantes. His confession did absolve Landays; and he was cast into the river, in a sack very secretly, lest the King should be advertised thereof, who sufficiently informed of the Duke's ill mind, & without doubt, turned his arms into Britain. But the war against Mary of Bourgongnie troubled him sufficiently: yet to proceed with some lawful pretext, he would fortify himself with a grant he obtained from the Lord of Boussac, and of Nichole of Britain his wife, the only heir of Charles of Britain, Earl of Ponthieure: a house which in old time did quarrel for the succession of this Duchy: by the which transaction, in the year 1479. the 19 of january, they yielded unto him all the rights, they might pretend to the said Duchy. But it is now incorporate to the Crown, by a juster title then by arms. By what means, Abbeville, dourlan's, Montrevil, Roye, Montdidier, Peronne, Han, Bohain, Saint Quentin, Tournai, Arras, Hedin, Monstrevil, Dovay, Boulongue, Terovenne, and other places were reduced to the King's obedience, and Bourgongne united to the Crown. THe first intelligence the King received of the overthrow of Charles of Bourgongne, gave no assurance of his death; for by means of the posts he had newly established, he had speedy advice. Therupon he resolves to enter Bourgongne with the army he held in Champagne and Barrois attending the Duke, and upon this sudden terror to seize upon the Country. And he imagined to have both right and means to do it▪ right, for his rebellion & treachery committed against the Crown; means, for that the flower of all the Nobility of Bourgongne was lost, and all his forces dispersed. If happily the Duke lived, this would be his ruin. It was also to keep the Germans and Swisses from the possession thereof, and to save the province from destruction▪ loath to suffer a stranger to seize thereon, seeing it holds in sovereignty of him. In the mean time he gives away, (in case the Duke be dead) some lands which the Duke possessed, and sends the Admiral with the Lord of Argenton, with authority to open all packets upon the way, and if the Duke were dead to receive into his obedience, all ●uch as would yield themselves. Upon the first day of their journey; they had certain advice by a messenger which the Lord of Craon sent to the King. Abbeville made the way to the rest. The Admiral, and Argenton had sent a man before, to treat with the soldiers; Towns in Picardy yield to the king. who attending the coming of these noble men, there came forth to the number of four hundred Lances. Being come forth, the people open the gates to the Lord of Tor●y: & they spare the King those crowns & pensions, which the Admiral by virtue of his warrant had promised the Captains. This was one of the Towns which Charles the 7. had delivered by the treaty of Arras: the which should (for want of heirs males) return to the Crown. dourlan's follows. They summon Arras, the King, pretending this Town to be his by confiscation, for not performance of duties: and in case of refusal, they threaten force. The Lords of the Ravastein and cords make answer to Master john of Vacquerie, (afterwards chief Precedent of the Parliament at Paris;) that the County of Arthois appertained to Mary of Bourgongne, and came to her directly from Marguerite Countess of Flanders, Arthois, Bourgongne, Nevers, and Rhetel, married to Phillippe the first, Duke of Bourgongne, son to King john, & younger brother to King Charles the 5. Beseeching him to maintain the truce made with Duke Charles deceased. So they return without doing any thing, but only won some men, that soon after served the King well▪ who (resolving to reduce such places by force, as should disobey his command) goes into Picardy. In this voyage, he causeth his Court of Parliament at Paris to come to Noyon, with the masters of requests, and some Princes of the blood, to resolve upon the process of james of Armagnae, Duke of Nemours, and Earl of March, prisoner in the Bastille at Paris and taken in the year. 75. at Ca●l●t, by Peter of Bourbon Earl of Beavieu: at what time the Duke's wife died, partly for grief, and partly by childbirth. She was daughter to Charles of Anjou, Ea●le of main. By which Court (being found guilty of high Treason) he was condemned by a sentence pronounced by master john Boulenger the chief precedent, to lose his head upon a scaffold at the Hales at Paris, on monday the 3. of August: The Duke of Nemours beheaded. and was by the like grace buried at the grey friars, as the Constable had been. He was one of the chief of the war for the common weal: whom the King laboured to bring to his end all he could. Lewis is exceeding glad, to have surmounted his most malicious adversaries: the Duke of Guienne his brother, the Earl of Armagnae, the Constable, the Duke of Nemours. All the house of Anjou was dead, René King of Sicily, john, and Nicholas Dukes of Calabria, and their Cousin the Earl of main, afterwards Earl of Provence, whose successions he had gotten. But the more the house of Bourgongne exceeded all the rest in greatness and power, having with the help of the English, continually shaken the estate of this realm, for the space of thirty two years under Charles the 7. and their subjects being always ready to trouble this Crown by wars: so much the more pleasing was the death of their last Duke unto him, knowing well, that being now freed of his greatest encumber, he should hereafter find greater ease. Ye● he erred in his proceed, not taking so good a course, as he had forecast, in the life of Charles of Bourgongne, Lewis his error after the death of Charles. in case he should die; for allying himself by the marriage of the Dauphin, his son, with the heir of Bourgongne, or at the least with some of his Princes, (for that there was a difference of age betwixt them,) he had easily drawn unto him the subjects of these large and rich signiories, and had preserved them from many troubles, the which have afflicted both them and us, by the same means: and freeing them from war, he had greatly fortified his realm, recovering with small toil, that which he pretended to be his. The which he might easily effect: for the Bourgognons were very humble, without support & without forces, notable to make above fifteen hundred horse & foot, which were preserved at this general overthrow. But these are human discourses, wherein he had done better than thus, resolutely to have sought the overthrow of that house, and by the ruin thereof, to purchase to himself friends, in Germany or elsewhere, as he pretended, but without effect. Presently upon his arrival, Han, and Bohain yielded. Saint Quentin takes it sel●e, and calls in the Lord of Movy. Master William Bische, (borne at M●lins in Nivernois, a man of base quality, but enriched and raised to great authority by Duke Charles.) Governor of Peronne, yields the place: and the Lord of cords inclines to the french party. They failed of their enterprise at Gand, but it succeeded at Tournay. The King had sent Master Oliver le Dain his Surgeon, borne in a village near unto Gand, not only to carry letters of credit to Marie of Bourgongne, (who then was in the possession of the Gantois, that suffered no man to speak unto her, but in the presence of witnesses,) persuading her to yield unto the king's protection, seeing that both by father & mother, she was issued from the blood of France: (being well assured that he should hardly obtain her) whilst that he provided her a husband fit for her quality, as also to work some alteration in the City, discontented with the Privileges which Philip & Charles had taken from them: & the rigorous exactions they had made. Oliver having stayed some days at Gand, is called to the Townhouse to deliver his charge. The surgeons 〈◊〉. He delivers his letter to the Infanta, assisted by the Duke of Cleves, the Bishop of Liege, and other great personages. She reads it, and they call him to deliver his message. He answers, that he hath no charge but to speak to her in private. They reply: It was not the custom, especially, to a young gentlewoman, that was to marry. He insists, that he will deliver no thing but to herself. They threaten him with force. He is amazed, and going from the Counsel, (considering the quality of the person) they do him some disgraces, and if he had not speedily escaped, he had been in danger to have had the river for his grave. Doubtless it is a great hazard, when matters of importance are managed by men of mean estate, and the people think themselves contemned, if they be treated withal by men of base quality. This barber knew something: for to prevent this inconvenience, he termed himself Earl of Meulan (others write of Melun) whereof he was Captain. But Lewis reposed great trust in two men of the same sort. Being gone from Gand, he retires to Tournay, the which lies upon the frontiers of Hainault and Flanders, a strong and a goodly Town▪ but free and at that time a neuter: seated fitly to keep those two Provinces in subjection. Oliver was there some days without suspect, during the which he corrupted thirty or forty men, and fraught with their promises, he sent secretly to the Lord of Movy, that at the break of a certain day appointed, he with his company and some other troops, would be in the suburbs. He comes at the appointed time, and master Oliver with his men, gives him entrance, to the content of the people, but not of the governors, of the which he sent seven or eight to Paris, who departed not whilst that Lewis lived. To speak truly, Oliver showed both wit and valour in this stratagem, and for the action of Gand, he is not so much to be blamed, as he that employed him. Conde, a small Town betwixt Tournai and Valenciennes, cut of all victuals from the french, and hindered the victualling of Tournay. It was taken and burnt, for that it did but employ men which might serve elsewhere, and Tournay was sufficient to keep the Country in obedience. It seemed that the prosperity of the king's affairs and his great desseings began to trouble his spirits: for proof whereof, a gentleman of Hainault (the original doth not name him) associated with many others, offers to deliver up the principal Towns and places of the said County. He talks with the King, who likes not of him, nor of the rest he named. The reason is, they would sell a good piece of service very dear. Yet he referred them to the Lord of Lude, bred up from his youth with him▪ But Lude seasoned with the same humour, transported with his private profi●, demands at the first, what the towns would give him to manage their affairs. So as the Hannuyer, (who would have no competitor in his gain) departed without effecting of any thing, and the enterprise proved vain. Without doubt God would not glut us with felicity, and it is needful to have some crosses, to make us to know ourselves. Moreover it was not reasonable to usurp any thing upon this County of Hainault, for that it holds of the Empire, and in regard of the ancient alliances betwixt the Emperors and our Kings, whereby they ought not one to take from another. And for proof, Cambray, Quesnoy le Conte and some other places of Hainault, had willingly put themselves under the protection of Lewis: the which he delivered as freely, with the 40. thousand Crowns that they of cambray had lent him, for the charges of the war. embassage from Mary of Bourgongne. Whilst the King was resident at Peronne, an embassage comes to him from the Infant of Bourgongne, consisting of the principal men about her: as namely Chancellor Hugonnet, a very wise man, and honourable: Himbercourt, a gentleman experienced in matters of weight: Vere, a great Nobleman of Zealand: Cripture, (otherwise called Grutuse or Gruture:) with other Ecclesiastical and secular men. They entreat the King to retire his army, Their propositions to the King. & that all controversies might be quietly ended, according unto right & reason. They show, that by the customs of France, & the ordinances of his Predecessors Kings, the women did succeed in the Counties of Flanders, Arthois and other provinces there abouts. That remaining but one only daughter of the deceased Duke of Bourgongne, young, & an orphelin, he should rather protect, than oppress her. That the marriage of the Dauphin with her, should be more proportionable, then with the daughter of England. And for the more credit, they brought a letter, written part of it by Mary the Infanta of Bourgongne, and some part by the Dovager her Mother in law, Sister to Edward King of England, and some part by Ravastein brother to the Duke of Cleves, and near kinsman to the young Lady: yet none of any credit but that of the Infanta. This letter gave authority to Hugonnet and Himbercout, and said moreover▪ That Mary Duchess of Bourgongne, was resolved to govern her affairs by the advice of four persons, The Dovager, Ravastein, Hugonnet, and Himbercourt. Mary beseeched the King, that whatsoever it should please him to negotiate with her, should pass by their hands, and that he should not impart it to any other. The King (foreseeing that by the confusion of this people he should settle his affairs) will cunningly make his profit of this letter, but not thinking it should cost two so virtuous heads, in sowing division betwixt the Duchess & her subjects. Yet before he gives audience to these Ambassadors, he treats privately with either of them, Division betwixt Mary and the Ga●to●●. Hu●gonnet and Himbercourt, (whereof the first had all his living in Picardy and the other in Bourgongne,) & they desirous to be continued in their ancient authorities, give ear to the King's offers: they promised to serve him, so as the foresaid marriage might take effect. The rest, whose Estates were not under the King's command, would not tie them selves by promise, but with the alliance of the houses of France and Bourgongne. This was most expedient for the King: but the violent conditions they propounded, withdrew his love much both from her & them in particular: supposing he should soon have all, without accepting of a part by an accord. Lewis esttranged from Mary by the violent conditions that were propounded. Moreover he was possessed with a wonderful desire to conquer Arras. The Lord of cords might do much. He was Lieutenant in Picardy under the deceased Duke, Seneshal of Ponthi●u, Captain of Courtray, Boulongne and Hedin, Governor of Peronne, Montdidier and Roye: he was younger Brother to the Lord of Crevecoeur, and already did show himself to be french, his estate lying within the territory of Beawais. The Towns upon the river of Somme, by the death of Charles (the last issue male of the house of Bourgongne) returned to the King, & so des cords became the King's liege man. His duty then bound him to yield unto the King such other places as he commanded, but he was bound by oath to his mistress service. A dispensation will salve it. There is no ●o●le but Lewis finds a pin for it. Upon his motion to the Ambassadors, that the delivery of Arras would make the way plain for a good peace: and request, that they would be a means to cords to open the City of Arras unto him, (for in those days there were both walls and ditches betwixt the City and the Town) Hugonnet and Himbercourt dispense des cords of his oath, and consent to the delivery of the said City. Arras yielded to Lewis by des cords. He doth it willingly, and swears fealty to the King, who presently stops up▪ all approaches to the Town: then he goes to encamp before Hedin, leads acs cords with him: whose men made a show to defend the place, as engaged by oath to their Lady: for their credit's sake they endured the battery some days: then seeing their defences taken away, and their loope-hoales battered, Ralph of Launoi, Hedin follows. gives ear to his Captain, and yields the Town. The King for his reward gave him a chain of twenty links, and every link worth twenty Crowns in gold, and a good pension for his mainteynance. The taking of Hedin, brought the King to Therovenne and Montrevil, the which easily yielded to his obedience. Theron●nne & Montrevil. Bou●lo●g●e being summoned refuseth, but being battered, it yields the fift or the sixth day. The Town belonged to Bertrand de la Tour, Earl of Auvergne: the King, finding it commodious for the State of his Realm, compounded, L●●is purchaseth the coū●● of Boulogne and doth homage for 〈◊〉. giving him a sufficient recompense, and as new Lord of the Town he did homage, without sword or spurs, bare headed & on his knee, before the virgin Mary, offering (as a duty to the s●ydim●ge a heart of massy gold, weighing two thousand Crowns: upon condition that he and his successors Kings after him, should hold the County of Boullen of the said virgin, & do homage unto her image, in the Church dedicated to her name, paying at every change of a vassal, a heart of pure gold of the same weight. While the King remains at Boullen, those of Arras seeing themselves environed on all sides, Dissimulation of the A●tesians. writ to their friends of Lisle and Dovay, to secure them with some numbers of men, and moreover they send to the Duchess of Bourgongne, to furnish them with some succours, meaning to put themselves into her hands. The Deputies being two or three and twenty in number, make show to go to the King, to treat with him, and under this colour they obtain a passport of the bastard of Bourbon Admiral of France. B●t being discovered upon the way to Flanders, they were taken, brought to Hedin, delivered to the Provost of Marshals, condemned, and eighteen of them beheaded: the rest were saved by the King's arrival. The Deputies of Arras. taken and many of them executed. Amongst them that were executed, there was one Oudard of Bussy borne at Paris, and married at Arras. The King had in former time offered him the place of a Counsellor of the Court of Parliament at Paris then void, and since he gave him the office of master of the accounts at Arras. He caused his head to be unburied, and set upon a pole in the market place, with a red hood furred with meniver, like to the Counsellors of the Parliament. A worthy punishment for so malicious an ingratitude. There were some few horsemen at Dovay, of the remainders of Nancy: they arm three hundred good & bad, and some few foot: and march at noon day in the sight of Arras. The Lords of Lude and Fou: with the company of the Marshal of L●hea●, advertised of their approach, go to meet with them: they fight with them, kill and take in a manner all of them. The King at his arrival, caused four score of these prisoners to be executed, to terrify those few men of war that remained in the Country. Some of them enter the Town, The succours of Arras defeated. but they were not able to stand out against so great forces. So as after a hard battery they yield by composition: That they should remain under the kings obedience, as their Sovereign, for want of heirs male, rights and duties being ●ot performed. That the subsidies and tributes should be levied by the King's officers and delivered by them to Mary the heir of Bourgongne, until she had done homage and taken her oath of fealty to the King her Sovereign Lord. Arras yielded. During which time the Inhabitants should revive no garrison from the King. This was the 4 of May. These things thus concluded, the King sent the Cardinal of Bourbon, the Chancellor of Oriole, de cords governor of the Town, and Guiot Pot Bailiff of Vermand●is, to take the oath of fealty of the Inhabitants. But after this oath, holily and religiously received by the Deputies, who took their repast in the Monastery of Saint Vast behold an insolent troop of desperate people comes crying, kill, kill: yet they were but terrified, A mutiny at Arras and the Deputies in danger. and saved themselves presently in the City. This terror, together with the greediness of the Commanders, was the cause the composition was but ill observed: for in the presence of Lude and Cerisay, many good Citizens' and other rich me● were spoiled and slain, and the City set at threescore thousand Crowns fi●e of the King; the which they say was afterwards restored. And to keep these mutines in awe, the King transported most of the Inhabitants of Arras, and planted it with a new Colony of French, commanding it should be called, Ville Francoise. At the same time the King advertised, that the Flemings were in troop, and lodged at Blanc-fosse, he sent to charge them: but they dislodge at the brute thereof: yet not so speedily, but they leave about two thousand men slain at the first charge, and the like number in the chase, being pursued eight Leagues within the County of Flanders. The French in their return, razed Mont-Cassell, Fiennes, and some other places. The Gantois, (whom the severe punishment of the Liegeois had kept in awe, (now break. They make a ward of their Duchess, force her to restore their ancient privileges, Insolency of the Gan●ois. which Philip and Charles had taken from them: and suddenly they resolve a deadly revenge, upon such by whom they say they had been controlled. They lay hold upon those whom they called their twenty & six Lawyers, whom Charles had established in the government of the City, and puts them all, or the most part to death. They have (say they) cut off ones head without any authority, for their power ended with the death of Charles. Their barbarous cruelty. And moreover they slew many good men within the City, that were wise and faithful friends to Charles in his life. But they proceed yet farther. The happy course of Lewis his Conquests doth much amaze them, whereupon they assemble some fo●me of a Parliament by advice whereof they make a motion of peace to the King, by an embassage, giving him to understand, that the Infanta of Bourgongne is determined to govern herself hereafter by the advice and Counsel of the three Estates of her Countries: they request the King to desist from making of war, and to appoint a day when they may quietly pacify all controversies. There was nothing at that time able to withstand the violence of the King's army. The low Countries were left naked of soldiers: those which survived, being inconstant, had forsaken the In●ant●es service, He was well acquainted with the inconstancy of this people, not able to digest any man of judgement that had been in any authority with their deceased Prince. He knew, that their inclination was to love the declining of their Lord, ●ed by Lewis his policy. so as it were not with the prejudice of their Country. And therefore he forecasts, if he might, to sow some seeds of division amongst them, whereby he should greatly encumber them. He stays the Ambassadors upon their speech, That their Princess would not conclude any thing without the Counsel of the three Estates of the Country: whereunto he replies, that they spoke without warrant, and that he is duly informed, her meaning is to govern her affairs by private persons, who desired no peace. And upon their protesting to the contrary, affirming that they were grounded upon good instructions, the King opens Mary's letters, brought by Hugonnet, Himbe●court, and other Ambassadors, at their first embassage, and they return with no other dispatch then this letter. Behold here a company unexperienced in affairs, return light with care, but fraught with revenge and division: they make their report unto their Lady, assisted with the Duke of Cleves, the Bishop of Liege, and many other great personages. They strike on that string which they meant to play upon: That the King had proved them liars, in that they maintained constantly, that she referred the government of her affairs to the resolution of the States. And fo● proof, as they maintained the contrary, not imagining her letter to had been produced, behold the pensionary of Gand, a brutish man and without respect, draws the said letter out of his bosom, and confounds this bashful Princess before the whole assembly. The Dowager, Rauas●ein, Hugonnet and Himbercourt were likewise present. The Duke of Cleves treated the marriage of his eldest son with the Infanta: he sees himself now frustrate by the above named, so as he presently becomes a mortal enemy to Himbercourt, from whom he expected favour in this suit. The Bishop of Liege complained of many disorders committed by him at Liege, whereof he had the government. The Earl of Saint Paul son to him that was beheaded, Great 〈◊〉▪ against 〈◊〉 and ●●●berco●●●. loved neither Hugonnet nor Himbercourt, for they had delivered his father to the King's servants. The Gantois, according to their humours, hated them deadly, for that they were men of merit, and had been good and loyal servants to their master. To be short, the night after the letter was delivered. Hugonnet and Himbercourt were tumultuoslye seized on, and delivered to suborned men of their Law: and ●o● that they had caused the City of Arras to be yielded by the Lord of cords, as they said, or rather upon certain corruptions in justice, and bribes which (they said) had been received by them of the City of Gand, in a suit against a private man, and upon many extortions in their charges, They are 〈◊〉 supposed crimes c●●●demned 〈◊〉 behead●● and other things contrary to the privileges of Gand (against the which (said they) whosoever offends must die, these two reverend and grave personages, were with a shadow of Law, condemned by the Sheriff of Gand, and notwith standing their appeal before the King in his Court of Parliament at Paris, supposing that this respect and delay, might give their friends means to procure their delivery, they were unworthily put to death. Oh unjust, barbarous, an● inhuman people; That the humble and earnest supplication of thy Princess, being in the Town house, nor her weeping, and desolate presence before that mournful scaffold, were not of force to preserve and keep the lives of these her two faithful servants. This execution ended, they sequestered from this poor Princess, the Dowager and Ravastein, Mary overruled by the ●ant●is. who had signed the Letter, they disposing absolutely of her. Poor, without doubt, having not only lost so many good and great Towns, but also sees herself now in the tyrannical possession of the ancient persecutors of her house. A great corrosive, to be commanded by such as should obey. Afterward they banished whom they pleased, placed and displaced officers after their own appetites, chase away indifferently all such as had best deserved of this house of Bourgongne. And to continue their popular fury, they delivered out of prison Adolfe Duke of Gueldre●, whom Charles had long detained, and making him their head, they made a levy in Gand, Bruges, and Yp●e, of about twelve thousand men, the which they sent to Tournay, The Gantois overthrown, and Adolfe Duke of Gueldres slain. and burned the suburbs, and then they retire. But the garrison issuing forth, put wings to their feet: so as Adolf a valiant Prince of his person, turning head to favour them that fled, and to make the retreat, was overthrown and slain, with a great number of his people with him. The Infanta was nothing grieved: for if this stratagem had succeeded for the first fruits of his arms, some hold they would have forced her to marry this Adolfe. But we have wandered long enough in Arthois and Flanders, let us retire a little into Bourgongne, and consider how this Duchy became French. john of Chaalon, Prince of Orange, was in great credit there. He possessed much land, both in the Duchy and County, he was a man of action, and much esteemed in the Country, and pretended some inheritances against the Lords of Chaumergnon his Uncles. Charles of Bourgongne had given sentence in favour of his adversaries, The conquest of Bou●gongne and (as he said) to his great prejudice, so as he had twice left his service. Now the question is to win him again. The King promiseth to invest him in all those places which he pretends to belong unto him, by the succession of his grandfather, and to give him good preferments in France. So he makes him in show the head of that army which the Lord of Craon commanded, being Lieutenant general for the King in Bourgongne, whom the King trusted more than the Prince, being rash and light in the change of parties. Craon having commandment to enter into Bourgongne, he sends the Prince of Orange before, to practice the Town of Dijon. He wrought so politicly, that Dijon and many other places, both of the Duchy, and County, did willingly submit themselves to the French command. Auxonne and some other places of strength continued still under the obedience of Marie of Bourgongne. Craon, seeing himself in possession of all these places, desired rather to hold them under the King's authority, then to deliver them to the Prince of Orange, notwithstanding the King's promise and instance: who desired to gratify this Prince, and yet would not discontent Craon, who commanded the forces. The Prince having to do with a man that would yield nothing without good consideration, The revolt of the Prince of Orange. and seeing himself frustrate of his pretensions, he joins with Chasteauguion his brother▪ and claud of Vaudry, a brave Gentleman, raiseth some troops, with the which he draweth from the King, the most part of the abovenamed places, with as great facility, as if he had conquered them for him, and then follows the Infantaes party, whose age and weakness, required a great support by some worthy alliance. There was some speech of Charles the Dauphin, but he was yet but nine years old. The Duke of Cleves laboured for his eldest son: the Emperor for his son Maximilian, King of the Romans. Mary desired much the alliance of France, but the King had done her a great disgrace, delivering her letters to the Gantois, 1478 the which she had secretly written: which caused the death of those two good men, and the banishment of her most affectionate servants. Moreover her Estate required a man to govern it. She would willingly have married with the Earl of Angoulesme, if the King had been so pleased. The humours of the heir of Cleves pleased her not, nor such as were about her. The Emperor kept as a pawn, a diamond with a letter which the Infanta had written unto him, by her father's command; whereby she promiseth to accomplish the marriage, in form, according to her father's pleasure. He sends it to the Duchess, to aver her hand and promise, demanding if she would persist therein. She doth avouch the contents, and agrees to make it good. So Maximilian comes to Gand, and there the marriage was consummated. A marriage, which should prove a firebrand, to kindle (by their descendants, both within this Realm, and in many other Estates) the Combustious tumults, and furies which have followed: the which happily had been avoided by a french alliance. But God had other ways decreed. This marriage was consummated during the Orangeois revolt in Bourgongne, Marriage of Maximili●● and Marie. the which continued somewhat long, by the support the Germans gave him in favour of Sigismond of Austria uncle to Maximilian, who (having his territories adjoining, and especially the County of Ferrete, the which he had retired by the Swisses means) would gladly have gotten somewhat of his neighbours. But the indiscretion of Sigismond, and the want of money to pay the Bourgognons, were a means that the King did more easily prevent the Prince of Orange his practices, who now called himself Lieutenant to the said Germans. They supplied him with some troops, with the which he recovered almost all the County, continuing his course, until that Craon came to besiege him in Gy, a small Town of the said County. Chasteauguion seeing his Brother cooped up, and the place ready to yield to Craons' discretion, posts thither with all the forces he can: The Prince of Orange defeated. and comes to charge Craons' army in front, whilst that the besieged should set upon him behind. So charged both before and behind, he found the match hard: yet by the defeat of fourteen or fifteen hundred men, for the most part enemies, and the taking of Chasteauguion, he won the victory. Craon leads his army after this victory before Dole, the chief Town of the County: but for that he did press it but slackly, and neglected his enemy, whose forces he knew to be but small, he had ill success▪ For in a fierce sally they slew many of his men, and carried away a great part of his artillery. This affront brought him in disgrace with the King, Craon beaten before Dole. who fearing a more dangerous check, hearing likewise complaints from all parts, of his great exactions and money unjustly taken, puts him from the government of Bourgongne, preferring in his place Charles of Amboise, Lord of Chaumont, a valiant, wise and vigilant Capta●ne. Love prevails more than force. He is in disgrace with the King. He persuades the King to pacify the Swisses and other Germans, who followed the Prince of Orange, in favour of the house of Austria: and to make the way more easy for the King, he himself doth practise the Commanders. Then began the Swisses first league with the King; the which he effected, by means of twenty thousand franks he gave yearly among the Cantons, and the like sum to be distributed among some Captains which he employed. And to please them, he made himself a bourgeois amongst them▪ and obtained the title of the first allied to their Commonweal. A title which the Duke of Savoie pretended to be due unto him above all others. They likewise for their parts, promised to furnish six thousand men to serve the King continually, for four german Florins and a half a month, a number which continued always unto the death of Lewis. A league with the Swiss. The Swisses 〈◊〉 under the King's pay, and so the Bourgognons' party much weakened, who assemble the Nobility of the Country together, under the Prince of Orange, and defeat the companies of Salezard and Coninghen near unto Grey. But Amboise (being fortified with men and artillery,) takes Verdun, Montsavion, Semeur in Lauxois, Chastillon upon Seine, Bar upon Seine, Beaulne, and Rochefort near unto Dole, belonging unto Vau●ray. Thus having freed all the approaches to Dole, Dole, with many other Towns, taken by Amboise. he Camps before it, batters it, makes a breach, gives an assault, and takes it. Some troops of the Towns last subdued thrust themselves into it, either to warrant it from spoil, or to have a better share, but there enters such a multitude of frank archers, as it was impossible to save it from sack and fire. Yet the King repaired the ruins about the walls, building a great part of the wall towards the river of Doux, with a great trench, whereby a great part of the said river did run forth, environing of that part of the wall: but this is nothing, in regard of the fortifications which have been since built, whereby it exceeds most of the Cities of Christendom, being excellent at this day, in Senate, University and arms. Auxonne deserved a long and sharp siege: but the wisdom of Amboise prevailed so well after the siege of Dole, that (giving the chief offices of the Town, to such as demanded them) it was yielded within five or six days, and likewise the Castles of jou, S. Agnes upon Salins, Champagnole, Arguel, and some others, built upon rocks. Besançon, an Imperial Town, yielded to the King (by his Lieutenant General) the like duties as they were accustomed to do the Earl of Bourgongne. Thus Bourgongne being conquered, remained some time in the King's quiet possession. A young horse hath need of a gentle hand, to make him taste the Bit with delight. But Verdun and Beaulne, not able to endure the command of the French, began first to kick, yet by the governors discretion, they were speedily subdued, and recovered from Simon of Quingey, who led a troop of six hundred men of foot and horse, Germains and others, tumultuously assembled in Ferrete, and thereabouts, to put into the above named places. Verdun was taken by assault, and subject to the accustomed insolencies in the like prizes. Beaune yielded by composition, in the beginning of july, with lives and goods saved, and for a fine they paid forty thousand Crowns. These sudden exploits did so terrify the other Towns, as all kept themselves within their due obedience. But how doth Edward King of England look upon this Theatre, where our men play the petty Kings? And how doth he suffer the King without any opposition, to enlarge his estate by the taking of Arras, Boulongne, Hedin, and so many other Towns, and to be lodged many days before S. Omer? In truth our Lewis had a quick conceit, and very watchful. He knew well that the English in general, were wonderfully inclined to war against this realm, as well under colour of their ancient pretensions, as for the hope of gain, enticed by many high deeds of arms, wherein they have often had the advantage: and of that long possession, both in Normandy and Guienne, where they had commanded three hundred and fifty years, until that Charles the 7. dispossessed them. That this bait might well persuade them to cross his designs. These two mighty Princes neighbours, cannot see (without jealousy) the one to grow great by new conquests, and the other to be at quiet. He therefore entertains Edward with sundry Ambassages, The politic liberality of Lewis. presents, and goodly speeches: causeth the pension of fifty thousand Crowns, to be duly paid at London, and some sixteen thousand distributed among such as were in credit about him: so as the profit they drew from the judicious bounty of Lewis, tied their tongues, and blinded their eyes. Money was muck to him in regard of a man of service, and he was pleased to vaunt, that the great Chamberlain (whereof there is but one in England) the Chancellor, Admiral, Master of the horse, and other great Officers of England, were his Pensiooners. So he gave unto Howard four and twenty thousand Crowns in money and plate, besides his pension, in less than two years: and to Hastings great Chamberlain, a thousand marks of silver in plate at one time, as appears by their quittances, in the chamber of accompts at Paris. Lewis had great need to use this policy and bounty, for this young Princess did infinitely press Edward, who for her cause did often send to the King to demand a peace, or at the least a truce; and in the Court of England, there wanted not some to incense Edward, that seeing the term was expired, by the which Lewis should send for the Infanta of England, (whom they called Madame the Dauphin) he would deceive him. Yet no respect, neither private nor public, could move Edward: he was pursy, loving his delight, unable to suffer pain, glorious of nine famous victories, The disposition of Edward King of England. and fraught with homebred enemies: and above all, the love of fifty thousand Crowns (so well paid in his Tower of London) kept him at home. Moreover the Ambassadors that came from him, returned laden with rich presents, and always with irresolute answers, to win time; promising speedily to resolve the points of their demands, to their masters satisfactions. But let us observe another ingenious policy; Lewis never sent one Ambassador twice unto Edward, to the end that if the former had happily treated of any thing that took not effect, the latter knew not what to answer, and so ignorance served him for an excuse, with delay of time. Moreover, he instructed his Ambassadors so well, as the assurance of the marriage they gave to the King and Queen of England (the accomplishment whereof they both greatly desired) made them take hope for payment. Lewis feeds Edward with dilatory hopes. Yet the King had never any such meaning: there was too great an inequality of age: and thus getting a month or two by mutual Ambassages, he kept his enemy from doing him any harm, who (without the bait of this marriage) would never have suffered the house of Bourgongne to be so oppressed. another reason dissuaded Edward from embracing of Mary's quarrel. The reason why Edward neglects Ma●● of Bourgongne She had refused to marry with the Lord Rivers, brother to the Queen of England. The which match was not equal, he being but a poor Baron, and she the greatest heir of her time. And the better to keep Edward quiet, the King invited him to join with him, and consented that he should have for his part the Provinces of Flanders and Brabant: offering him to conquer for him, at his own charge, four of the greatest Towns in Brabant, to entertain him ten thousand English men for four months, and to furnish him with Artillery and carriages, so as Edward would come in person, and seize upon Flanders, whilst that he employed his forces elsewhere. But Edward found that Flanders and Brabant were hard to conquer, and painful to keep: and also the English, by reason of the commodity of their traffic, had no will to this war. Yet (said he) since it pleaseth you to make me partaker of your victories, give me of those places you have conquered in Picardy, Boulongne, and some others: then will I declare myself for you, and assist you with men at your charge. A wise and discreet demand: but those places were no less convenient for Lewis, who was loath to beat the bush, for an other to get the birds. It appears, that Edward did wonderfully affect the alliance of France, Edward greatly affects the alliance with France. and feared to ●iue the King any occasion to infringe it; so (as some say) he caused his brother the Duke of Clarence to be put in prison, upon colour that he would pass the seas, to secure the Dowager of Bourgongne: for the which crime, he was condemned to have his head cut off, and his body to be quartered, a punishment inflicted upon traitors in England. But at the entreaty of their mother, Look the Chronicles of England. Edward did moderate this sentence, and gave him the choice of what death he would, whereupon he was drowned in a Pipe of Malmsey. But this Duke was son in law to the Earl of Warwick, whom Edward had slain in battle, as we have said. and it seems the greatest crime they could object against him, was the private hatred which usurpers commonly bear, to those whom they doubt might but cross their tyrannical usurpations. And as we have recreated ourselves beyond the Seas, let us now pass the Alpes, and see what is done there, suffering our warriors to enjoy a truce until the next year. There were at that time two mighty families at Florence, the one of Med●●●s, the other of ●acis. These were supported by Pope Sixtus the fourth, Trouble● as Florence. and by Fer●inand King of Naples, to overthrow the absolute government of the Cities: they attempt to murder Laurence de Medicis, and all his followers, and gave for watchword to the murderers, when as the Priest celebrating the high Mass, should say, Sanctus, in the Church of S. Raparee, where they should assist at a certain day. A treacherous attempt against the house of Medicis. Laurence escaped, but being maimed of many of his members, he saved himself in the vestry. julian his brother was slain and some of their followers. Then run they to the Palace, to murder all those which had the government of the City: but being mounted, they see that some of their men had abandoned them, so as they were not above four or five, and which was worse, the gates were shut upon them. The Senators (seeing these rascals thus handled) put their heads out at the windows, they see this tumult, and hear james Pacis and others crying Liberta, Liberta, and Popolo, popolo, (words to move the people, and to make them follow their faction) but they moved not: so as Pacis and his companions fled from the place, and those that were entered were presently hanged at the bars of the Palace windows. Francis Saluiat Archbibishop of Pisa, The mutiny appeared and the murderers hanged. having said mass with a cuirasse on his back, was taken and hanged in the same habit. The Governors seeing the whole Town to stand firm for them and the Medicis, they send presently to all the passages, to apprehend all such as should be found flying. james and Francis Pacis were presently taken, with an other Captain of the Pope's troops under the Earl jeronimo, and hanged instantly, with other great personages to the number of fourteen: some grooms and other base people, were knocked down in the streets. Nicholas Cardinal of S. George, nephew to the Earl was a long time prisoner. The King advertised of this hurly burly, sends the Lord of Argenton, both to take (in his majesties name) the homage which Bonne Duchess of Milan, aught for the duchy of Genes, in the behalf of the young Duke john Galeas her son, and to receive the men at arms, which they had granted in favour of the Medicis. The Pope advertised of the execution done at Florence, doth excommunicate the citizens, and with the same breath commands his army to march, & to join with that of Naples, being great and fair. It was commanded (for the Pope) by the Duke Vrban, Robert d' Arimini, The Pope and the king of Naples send their forces against Florence. Constantin of Pesaro and many others: and for Ferdinand●, by his two sons the one Duke of Calabria, the other Don Fredrick. They take many places about Florence, and almost ruin the whole state. There were few Commanders, of small experience, and weak forces. The King's assistance did somewhat comfort them, being after much war, absolved and reconciled to the church, as also to terrify the Pope▪ Lewis had called a council of the French Church at Orleans, for the restoring of the pragmatic Sanction in France, and to abolish the custom to carry money to Rome for the obtaining of Bulls: yet the assembly broke off without any conclusion, & was referred to Lions the next year, but without effect. Thus pass the affairs of this world, but many do oppress at the length. Our Lewis hath in a manner outlived all his greatest enemies, Lewis gins to decline. and now he gins to decline. Troubles, care & waywardness, call him mildly to his grave: the vigour of his spirits fail him, & hereafter we shall see a strange alteration in his humours. The truce ended: and seeing we must return to war●e, let us begin it by some notable stratagem. The Archduke Maximilian hath now the Flemings hearts at his devotion. To employ them, he camps before Therovenne, with above twenty thousand Flemings, some german troops, and three hundred English, led by Thomas Abergeiny an English Captain. The Lord of cords Lieutenant general for t●e King in Picardy, assembles what troops he can, out of the neighbour garrisons, eight thousand frank archers, eleven hundred men at arms, and makes haste to relieve it. Maximilian understanding of their approach raiseth the siege, marcheth towards them, & affronts them at Guynegaste. The battle of Guinegaste. Des cords was the stronger in horse, but the weaker in foot. The forwards join without any stay, the Archdukes (being led by Ravestein) doth not maintain the fight, but is soon broken and chased even unto Air by cords & Torci. The foot stand firm, supported by the Archduke himself, the Lord of Rhom●nt, the Earl of Nassau, & two hundred Gentlemen, all on foot: the frank Archers of the French, supposing that these footmen would fly with the forward, and fall upon the baggage. The Duke doth charge them, forcing them to leave their booty and fall to arms. The slaughter was great, but most of the enemies. 1479. Eleven thousand Bourgognons were slain, sayeth the History, and nine hundred prisoners, Many slain on both sides but the French left the field. amongst the which was a german Earl, and the King of Poland's son: of the French there died five thousand: and the small number of the King's army, made the enemy continue master of the field, who gathering together the remainders of his troops, took the Castle of Malaunoy by assault, where Captain Remonet (notwithstanding the faith which was given him when he yielded) was hanged. For satisfaction hereof, fifty of the above named prisoners, Cruelties against the law of arms. were hanged by ten in a place, ten whereas Remonet was executed; ten before Dovay; ten before Saint Omer, ten before Arras: and ten before Lisle. Des cords did run rashly to this battle and without the King's commandment: who was somewhat amazed with the first news, thinking they had concealed the truth, & that it was quite lost for him. If it be so (saith he) farewell all my latter conquests: he was not accustomed to lose, but always very happy, being loath to hazard much in fight. Lewis much perplexed. But if any Captain had means to sell him a good place, he was a liberal purchaser at what price soever: but the seller must afterwards take heed to his gossip Tristam the Hermit. This blast made Lewis resolve to treat a peace with Maximilian; so as it might be profitable unto him; and that he might thereby curb the Archeduke, and by the help of his own subjects, so as afterwards he should have no means to annoy him. For this effect the King seeks to the Gantois, that by their mediation, a marriage might be made betwixt Charles the Dauphin, and the Daughter of the said Archeduke, Lewis seeks for a peace of Maximilian. upon condition to leave him the Counties of Bourgongne, Auxerre, Mascon, and Charolois, and to quit him Arthois, reserving Arras in the estate he had settled it, the City commanding the Town, the which hereafter should be held of the crown by the Bishop. As for the Duchy of Bourgongne, the Earldom of Boulongne, the Towns lying upon Somme, and other places in Picardy there was no mention. The Gantois, (and by their soliciting, those of Bruges with some other chief Towns of Flanders and Brabant, who desired rather to suppress, then to fortify their new Lord,) gave ear to this transaction, ill entreating Maximilian and his wife all they could, The Gantois and those of Flanders and Brabant hate their new Lord. being loath to submit themselves to his command: first for that he was a stranger: secondly for that they knew more judicious Princes, but not any more covetous than his father, whose son was seasoned with the same base covetousness, which carries with it great contempt. Notwithstanding this treating ended with a truce, attending the conclusion of a general peace. In the mean time, our Lewis applies himself to order his realm, to reform justice, and the Court of Parliament (especially for the tediousness of suits) one of the principal points for the which he hated it) but without any diminution of the number of his officers nor of their authority. Lewis seeks to reform hi● Realm. Moreover he desired to bring into all the C●untries of his obedience one custom, one weight, & one measure, to suppress those horse, leeches the practisioners, & the merchants fraud. He had wonderfully oppressed his people yea wittingly: and neither admonitions nor supplications could procure any relief: the motion must come from himself, he is now whole addicted there vnt●, but sometimes a burning fever tending to fury, sometimes a cold palsy▪ sometimes the trouble of the Emoroids▪ sometimes his speech failing, sometimes some other fits or distemperature of mind, diverts him from this good humour. To teach us, Hindered by his infirmities. never to defer that until to morrow, which we may presently perform: for we ought to fear, that God will not give us the will, & means to do well when we have once neglected it. All these ordinary infirmities made him froward and unpleasing to his household servants, causing him to take their services well meant in evil part. And being one day at ●orges near unto Chinon, about dinnertime, troubled with his ordinary fits, as he would have drawn towards the windows, they hindered him: upon his first recovery, he chased away all those that had by force stayed his approach to the windows: neither would he ever after admit them to his presence, holding themselves happy to enjoy their offices. Lewis jealous of his authority even in sickness. His judgement being troubled, it made him think, that this manner of proceeding did derogate from his authority, which he sought to maintain above all things: neither would he be disobeyed in any thing, 1480. doubting least in the end they should control him in the government of his affairs, as distract of his wits. Upon his amendment a●ter any infirmity, he would still know what expeditions and dispatches they had made. He took the letters, and made show to read them, although he had no knowledge, or very little. Yet must they please him in all things, being dangerous to offend him. This first fit continued about fifteen days, Cardinal Ba●●● set a liberty. at the end whereof he recovered both speech and judgement. He sets the Cardinal of Balue at liberty, (a prisoner since the year .1468.) at the request and pursuit of Cardinal Saint Pierre ad Vincula, Lega● in France, being sent to mediate a peace betwixt Lewis and Maximilian, and to solicit them to succ●r the Christians oppressed under the Turks persecutions, whom the King satisfied ●ith ho●e and good words. But being come to Peronne, and having given Maximilian and the Flemings intelligence of his arrival, they would not admit him, & so his voyage proved fruitless. Neither adm●niti●ns nor requests could ever move the King to deliver Balue: Lewis distrusts all men in his sickness. and now a scruple draws him to it, seeking an absolution for that he had detained him so lo●● in 〈◊〉. And as he feales his strength and senses to decay, so jealousy and distr●s● (very incident unto him) increased daily: and apprehending death, he fears least 〈◊〉 o●ne sub●e●●s should hasten it by some new practices. In this perturbation, he remembers that john D●ke of bourbon had followed the Duke of Guienne in the war of the common weal: and that he might join with the Duke of Britain, to raise up new tr●ubles and so shorten hi● days. He appoints certain Commissioners ill affected to the house of Bourbon, who not able directly to touch the Duke's person, they sumon his Chancellor: his Attorney general, the Captain of his guards, and other principal Officers, to appear in person, before the Court of Parliament at Paris. Being examined and heard, and finding nothing wherewith to charge them, they were freed: and death did soon after free the said Duke from fear he had conceived of the King's hatred. He had imitated the D●ke of Bourgongnes army, and by the advice of des cords h●● Lieutenant general i● Picardy, newly imposed ●ifteene hundred thousand fran●●, for the maintenance of ten thousand foot: whereof the six thousand Swisses before mentioned were a part: two thousand five hundred pioneers, and fifteen hund●ed men at arms of his ordinary, to fight on foot when as need should requi●e, ca●sing a great number of carts to be made to enclose them in, and tents to camie in, and therefore he called them soldiers of the camp. And for that they complained t●at the frank archers did greatly oppress the poor people he did cassier all their company. When this new camp was ready, he went to see it ranged in battle in a valle● nee●e to Pont de Larche in Normandy, under the command of his said Lieutenant general, causing them to lie in camp a whole month together, to the end he might see what quantity of v●ctual●s ●ere necessary for them: and then he returned into T●●raine. The King's ●elap●e. Being at ●ours, behold a relapse, which he feared greatly. He looseth ●is s●eech, t●ey ho●d 〈◊〉 fo● dead, he remains two hours couched on a pallet in a g●llery. Being somewhat recovered, seeking to divert his disease and to revive his spirits by the 〈…〉, he went to Argenton, and then returned to Tours, but 〈◊〉 languishing this disease foretelling his approaching death. Then he undertook the journey of Saint claud, which many gentlemen had vowed being present at his 〈◊〉. Upon his return, news come of the death of Marie of Bourgongne, who going ●●untin● mounted upon a stirring hobbey, The death of 〈…〉. was cast, and after died of a cotidian, having had by Maximilian, Philip Arch Duke, Margaret afterwards Queen of France, and Francis that died young. A virtuous Princes, liberal, respected and beloved of all her subjects. This death was wonderful pleasing unto our Lewis, in the midst of his afflictions, who not dreaming that he had one foot in the grave, 〈◊〉 unto Kin● L●wis. thinks now to do his business the bette●▪ for said he) the Emperor is miserable, and of small credit in Germany: Maximilian young and of small experience, and ill beloved of his subjects: and moreover the pupils are in the Gantois keeping, 148●. a people inclined to mutiny against the house of ●ourgongne. Yet he repined much at the secret intelligences the Duke of Britain had with the Eng●ish▪ and now a new subject thrusts him on to this enterprise, the which doubtless he had undergone, if his health would have suffered him. Francis Duke of Britain▪ understanding that they made excellent arms at Milan, sent to bu●e a great number, (and to the end they should not be discovered by the noise, and breed a new 〈◊〉 in the King, if he heard thereof) he caused them to be trussed up in packs of silk, with cotton. These arms passing upon moils through A●uergne, The Duke of 〈◊〉 arms 〈◊〉. Doyac Gouer●or ●f the Country had some intelligence, and advertiseth the King thereof, who d●cl●re● them forfeited to the benefit of Doyac. This buying of arms, made Lewis to g●pe, more than ever, after Britain: but he def●r the execution, to practise the Governors of Gand by the Lord of cords, and treats t●e marriage of the Dauphin his son, with Marguerit the daughter of Maximilian and 〈◊〉 lately deceased. The late su●prise of Air by de cords, amazed the Flemings and 〈◊〉, & made them willing to seek an agreement with the King. To this end, Maximi●●●n & they together send a great embassage to Arras, managed for the Archeduke, b● the Lords of B●rgues and Launoye, ●i●h some Secretary's: and for the Comonalties b● the Abbots of S. B●rtin and Saint Peter of Gand. ●he King appoints his Lieutenant general in Picardy to hear them, with la Vacqu●rie, lately created first Precedent of the 〈◊〉 of Paris, and other grave personages. A peace is concluded by means of 〈…〉 marriage, in favour whereof, they give (as a portion to the said Marguerit) the 〈◊〉 of Arthois & Bourgongne, the Lands and Seigneuries of M●sconois, Auxerrois, Ch●rolois, Salins, Bar, Sens and Noyon▪ to enjoy them for ever. A peace betwixt the King and Maximilian. And in case that young 〈◊〉 Earl of Flanders should die, Marguerite should succeed him in all the Lordships that belonged to her deceased mother, the sovereignty of Flanders remaining to the King. By means hereof, the Artesi●ns (that ha● been confined,) returned to Arras, and the City recovered her ancient name. Thus Marguerite was conducted into France by the Lady of Ravastein, the bastard d●●ghter of ●hilip Duke of Bourgongne, and received by the Duke & Duchess of Bourbon, who l●d her to Amboise, the place of the Daulphins' abrade, where the marriage ●as solemnly celebrated. E●ward King of England was wonderfully incensed at this marriage, seeing him●elfe deprived of h●● pension: The D●ulphins marriage with Ma●guerite. and fearing least this disgrace should b●eed him great contempt, yea a rebellion of his subjects, seeing the effects of that which he would not believe. Moreover he did find, the King had newly planted strong defences betwixt them two, and his conquests did stretch very near unto him. He conc●●●ed so great a grief upon all these considerations, as soon after he died, partly for 〈◊〉, and partly of an Apoplexy. Soon● after the death of Edward, Lewis rec●●●es letters fr●m the Duke of Gloucester, Edward of England dies. who (by the murder of his two Nephews t●e sons of Edward his brother) had usurped the Crown of England, and was called Richard.) This Richard sought the King's friendship, but Lewis abhorring so barbarous a cruelly, would not vouchsafe to answer his letters, nor to hear his message. But he enjoyed not long this tyrannous usurpation. Troubles it. England▪ Richard murders his two Nephews & usurps the Crown. God raised up that Earl of Ric●emont (whom we have seen so long prisoner in Britain) who with some little money from the King, and 3. thousand men levied in the Duchy of Normandy, passed into Walls, & joined with his father in law the Lord Stanley, with 26. thousand English, with which forces he encountered Richard: fought with him, and slew him in the field, & then wa● crowned King of England. At the same time, William of March, brother to him whom t●ey commonly ca●led the Boar of Ardenne, (to install his son in the Bishopric of L●ege▪) leaves a great number of foot and horse, and beseegeth Lewis brother to the Duke of Bourbon, being Bishop there. The Bishop craves succours from the Archeduke of Austria and the Prince of Orange his brother in law, who not able to come in time, anapaest by some secret partisans of la March, he goes forth in arms to fight with his enemy, & was slain: whereby la March entered into Liege, but soon after he was surprised by the Lord of Montaigni, aided with some troops from the Archduke, & suddenly beheaded. 1483. Our Lewis is now well satisfied touching the affairs of Flanders: there remained nothing but a revenge of Britain. The last act of Lewis his life. But oh how doth suspicion, fear, distrust, and finally death, break off his great desseins? He is now at Plessis near Tours: private, solitary, and showing himself to few. He fears a decay of his estate, and yet is become unable to govern a great Estate. The opening of a door fears him; his own shadow amazeth him, death terrifies him, but (the worst is) his conscience troubles him. He puts his most trusty servants from him, he doubts his nearest kinsmen, he abhors them, he suspects them, & suspects all the world. Those whom he doubts most, he dismisseth, His disposition in his declining age. with a couple of his guard to guide them, pensive, sad, dreaming, froward, peevish, and choleric: every thing displeaseth him, all is unseasonable, all offends him, he knows not what is fittest for him, either life or death, and yet would he live & reign. He knows that he hath many enemies, and hath offended many: that the greatest of the Princes love him not; that the meaner sort murmured, and that the people hated him▪ for he hath overcharged them, yea more than any of his Predecessors; and hath not means to ease them; and although he hath a will, yet it is now too late. Oh what a grievous testimony, is the conscience of our misdeeds: few enter at Plessis, Consciencia mill ●●●tes. but his household servants, and the Archers of his guard, whereof there are fou●e hundred daily in guard at the gate. No Nobleman lodgeth there, none come there but his son in law Peter, (afterwards Duke of Bourbon, (by the death of john his brother) and few of his followers▪ and yet he thinks still, that some one enters in, to offer v●olence to his person: or that by love or force they will pull his sceptre from him. He causeth his son to be straightly guarded, and will not suffer many to see him, lest he should be made the head of a faction. His daughter hath no access to him. His son in law no credit. His son in Law returns from the Daulphins' marriage. Lewis with a devise, makes the Captain of his guard to search such as are entered with the Duke, to see if they were not secretly armed. He commands him to hold the Counsel, than he dissolves it: for in his absence they would make Monopoles. Who did ever see a mind more distract? more unquiet? and fuller of cares? He distrusts his son, his daughter, his son in law, and generally all those that may command. The Castle gate is safely guarded, but they may leap over the walls▪ they must be planted with gads of iron, with many points, and so thick as no man might pass them: and moreover the ditch at Plessis, compassed in with great bars, with ●●ure engines of ir●n at the corners: canoneers, and footie cro●bow-men were appointed to stand, te●ne a day and night sentinel in the ditch, with commission to shoot at any one that should approach in the night, until the opening of the gate in the morning. Doubtless, the iust●ce of God would that those cages of iron, and those of wood covered with plates of iron b●th within and without, those shakles, bolts, manacles, chains, tied to a great bowl, weighty beyond humane force: where he had often times imprisoned many, yea and of honour,) for very f●●uolous causes, should no● be so many tortures to his conscience, at the last point of his death: and as he had given them eight foot in breadth, and it may be so much in height, to stretch out themselves: so he now retires himself into a little co●ner of the Castle, and like an other V●rillus, the●●ere fatal to their first deviser: the Bishop of Verdun remained fourteen years shut up in the first that was made. To conclude, no dispatch came to Court, during this lamentable estate. The King had but one or two about him, men of no credit, who knew well, that after his death, the best that could chance unto them, was to be shamefully chased away. But a great confusion attends them shortly. These men made no report unto him of any thing that happened▪ but only that which concerned the Estate and the realm, labouring to maintain love with all men. As for his person, every day a new groom of his chamber, every day new servants. Yet knows he not whom to trust. Str●nge distemperatures One only amongst the rest gets some credit, but forced. It is his Phis●ion, james Cottier a Bourguignon: he gives him 10000 crowns monthly, and what offices, or what lands he will demand, be it from himself, or his friends: and for a nephew of his the Bishopric of Amiens; and (as a man would say) his Crown and his sceptre, so as he will prolong his life. An odious, impudent, and audacious Physician: who to continue his credit, said unto the King. I know well that one of th●se mornings, you will send me away with the rest, but (swearing a great other you shall▪ not live eight days after. A strange hart-breaking, ●●wis braved by his Physician. to be braved by a rascal ●hereas to many great Princes did yield him voluntary obedience. But oh vanity, to think that the device of man can add one minute to man's life. Lewis had need to have been put in mind of this Oracle: I have said, you are Gods, and all the children of the Lord: but you shall die like men: and you that are the principal shall fall like other men. At that time lived Francis borne at Paul in Calabria, a devout Hermit, His disordered ●●ale. without learning, but of an austere life, and holy reputation, founder of the friar's Minims. The King sent for him by a Steward of his house, in the company of the Prince of Tarentum, son to the King of Naples: at the first sight he kneels unto him, and desires 〈◊〉 to prolong his days. In truth, we have often zeal, but not according to knowledge. But, Put no confidence in the chief of the people, nor in any of the sons of man, who have no power to deliver thee. O how happy is he, whom the mighty God of jacob 〈◊〉, and whose trust is in the Eternal. In the mean time, Lewis declines, His Invention to make believe that he l●ued 〈◊〉. and death f●l●owes him at the heels: yet will he not have men to think so, and on it's no invention to divert this opinion, both within and without the realm. Within, he attires himself richly, contrary to his custom, and shows himself, but only in his Court, and gallery▪ he makes severe laws, to be feared: sends away officers, dischargeth men at arms, cuts off pensions, and takes some quite away. To conclude, he passeth ●is time, to make and mar men. Without the realm, he paye● that duty in England which he owes, & in all other places, where he will have them think that he is sound and alive: he sends men under colour to buy something: Into Spain, Naples, and Germany, some horses, in Sicily, some good mules, but especially of some good officer of the Country, and paid double for them. In Brittany, grayhounds, and spaniels. In the kingdom of Valence, little water-dogges. In Denmark and Sueden, hawks. In Barbary, little Lions, of the bigness of foxes. To conclude, the more he feared the decay of his dignity toward his latter end, the more he sought to be feared, and takes away all occasions to think that his end approached. Feeling his end draw near, he se●t for the Dauphin his son, whom he had not seen in many years, causing him to be nourished apart, lest the colour of his presence should have bred some faction, as there had rashly risen in his young age against Charles the 7. his father. And experience having taught him, how dangerous a sudden alteration was: he commanded him expressly not to displace any Officer, and especially to maintain Oliver le Daim in the offices and goods he had gotten in his service, L●w●● hi● admoniti●n● to the Dauphin his son. as having assisted him well in his sickness. But as this man was hastily & too highly exalted, so must he and some others of like sort be shortly suppressed, and john Doyac, governor of Auvergne, from whom he had received good and notable services, to call m●ister Guyot Pot, and the Lord of Bouchage to Counsel, to follow Philippe of cords for arms: Not to believe his mother, especially in the government of his State. Who (as a Sauo●sien) he had fo●n● by experience, to favour the Bourguignon, and generally to confirm all those in their dignities, whom he had advanced: And to ease the people, whom he had oppressed by the necessity of the wars. Few days after the King had spoken to the Dauphin his son, his ordinary infirmity takes him, & suddenly lost his speech, with a great debility of his forces. Having recovered ●udging himself but a dead man) he sent the Duke of Bourbon to the king his son (so then he called him) giving him the charge & government of his said son. Then he sent the Chancellor with the seal▪ & part of the archers of his guard, & Captains: all his hounds, hawks, & other things, & all such as came t● see him, he sent them to Amboise. Yet was he not so well resolved for his death, but he had some hope to escape, namely by the means of his Hermit, & a multitude of reliks which were brought from Rheims, from Paris, & from Rome, the holy oil, The Diuine● tell Lewis that he must die. the rods of Moses & Aaron, the holy Cross (were it true or false) & such like, until the divines had taken counsel to let him understand, that he deceived himself, and that his one●y hope must consist in the mercy of God. A hard sentence to a man that had so often commanded, that even in the last pangs they should not pronounce that cruel word of death, the which he feared beyond the condition of man, and prevented by all the remedies that might be invented. Yet behold he disposeth himself; I have (said he) hope that God will help me: but withal he adds: yet happily I am not so sick as you suppose. Notwithstanding, he felt the help of heaven: for his speech was restored, his understanding good, his memory perfect, whereby he pronounced many prayers, adding thereunto, by his last Will & Testament: That the cords should give over the enterprise they had concluded upon Calais: that they should suffer the Duke of Britain to live in peace, without fear of suspect, and likewise all the neighbours of the realm: that under the shadow of a peace of five or six years, the people might breathe, and the King his son grow in age. Lewis dies. Finally, on Saturday the 30. of August, he yields up his soul quietly to God, having lived 61. years, and reigned three and twenty: he made choice for his burial at our Lady of Clery, the place of his devotion. His dispositi●●. A cunning Prince, wise, painful, revengeful, vigilant, industrious, of a great memory, never hazarding that, which by policy, dissembling, money, or any other industry he might obtain: unquiet in his reign, unquiet in his life, and unquiet in his death▪ not able to resolve but in extremities. Devout, but inclining to superstition. A great oppresser of the people, but to give to the Churches, to foreign pensioners, and to purchase them dearly, whom he had fit for his purpose: as we may easily perceive by the discourse of his life. Lewis was most continent. He was continent beyond the ordinary of great and generous Princes: and in truth greatly to be commended, in that he had so virtuously contained himself within the bounds of his professed vow, and never to have known other women than his own wife. And if the 61. year, (the which he always apprehended as the fatal period of his life, for that none of his predecessors, since Hugh Capet, had passed that term) had not ended his life, he had reform the State, ordered justice, and relieved the people. Happy in his death, having changed a continual toil, into an eternal rest: happy in that rest (which we hope for in heaven): To have left a Successor quiet of himself, young, but of great hope, and chief, for that he had seen the Church, during his reign, freed from that long and inveterate three and twenty years Schism, which had so long turmoiled it. Thus are we come to the end of this reign: but before we proceed, we must succinctly vie● the Estate of the Church and Empire under his reign, seeing the course of our history hath drawn us on thereto without interruption. Estate of the Church under Lewis. We have seen, that by the renunciation of Foelix the 5. Nicholas the fift of that name, remained in quiet possession of the Pontifical Sea. The most memorable acts of his Papacy, were the great jubilee, which he did celebrate in the year 1450. where there was so great a concourse of people, that above two hundred were smothered, going and coming out of the Churches, besides an infinite number of people that perished in the river of Tiber, through the fall of the bridge of Saint Ange. This Pope loved learning, he gave great pensions to learned men, sent them into diverse places, to seek out books which lay hidden in darkness, by the negligence of the ancient, or perished by the violence of the barbarous, filling his Library at Vatican: he caused many Greek Authors to be translated into Latin. He repaired many Churches and other buildings ruined at Rome, enriching them with vessels of gold and silver, and crosses enriched with precious stones. Finally (grieved for the taking of Constantinople from the Christians) he died of thought, of a Fever and the Gout, (or as some will say, of poison) the 25. of March 1455. Calixtus the 3. of that name, a Spaniard, of the age of 85. years, before called Alphonsus Borgia, Bishop of Valence, and Cardinal of the four Crowns, succeeded by the consent of the whole College: commended, for that in the first fruits of his Popedom, he had (according to a vow he had made,) proclaimed a war against Mahumet. And to induce the Princes, he sent some notable Preachers in those days, john Capistran, and Robert de la Lice, friars, to exhort Christians to relieve their brothers, detained under the Turks tyranny, and by ringing of the bell at noon day, to invite them to pray for those that fought for this quarrel: yet blamed for that, under colour of his I●dulgences and pardons, which were sold for five ducats a piece, he had gathered together, and left to his successor, a hundred and fifteen thousand ducats. He died in july, 1458. Pius. the 2. called Aeneas silvius, a Siennese, a poor boy, having attained to much knowledge, by his laborious study, obtained the dignity of Pope. He had been the Pope's Secretary, at the Council of Bas●ll, and by writing had impugned the authority of Eugenius the Scismatik: and soon after was crowned Poet laureate, by the Emperor Frederic the 3. and honoured by him with many Ambassages to diverse Princes. Nicholas the 5. made him Bishop of Triest, and after of Sienne: and Calixtus, Cardinal: But upon his entry to the Popedom, he ●ought to suppress two books, which he had published for the approbation of the Council of Basill, and afterward laboured very ambitiously to enlarge the Roman sea: for the increase and preservation whereof, the history saith, he neither feared Kings, nor Princes, people, The Ambitious proceeding of Pope Puis. 2. nor Tyrants. A great enemy to King Lewis the XI. whilst that he would not yield to the abolition of that Pragmatike Sanction: who to cross him in that year 64. did forbid to car●ie any money to Rome, or to bring any bulls from thence, renewing the same Edicts in the year 1478. But in the end he was so flattered by this Aeneas, & by his successor Sixtus the 4. as he renownced all the rights of the Pragmatic Sanction. He had likewise proclaimed a voyage into Turkey, by a Counsel assembled at Mantua. But the Ambassadors of King Lewis and of René Duke of Anjou (having laid open the rights which the house of Anjou had to the Realm of Naples, and the wrong was done him, usurping it to the behoof of Alphonso the bastard of Ferdinand, whom this Pope had by his absolute authority put in possession of the Realm) he grew so bitter against the French, for Ferdinand, as the said Ambassadors would not promise any thing, in their master's name, for this war: so as the assembly was dissolved, the eight month, without any good to Christendom. An ambitious man, austere to Princes, a great persecuter of the enemies of the Clergy, courteous and officious to his friends, busy for the enriching of the Church, a great builder. And finally, as he was ready to departed from Ancona, to march in person against the Turk, who was then entered Italy, a Cotidian ague seized on him, whereof he died in the year 1464. Of him we read thus much: as Platina and Sabellicus do report. Priests are forbidden to marry for a great reason, but yet there is a greater for the which they should be suffered▪ In the second book of the Council. and moreover Peradventure, it should not be the worse, if many Priests were married, for many being Priests and married, should be saved, the which in their barren Caelibat are damned▪ He likewise would have abolished some Nunneries of Saint Brigit and Saint Clare, & ca●sed the Nuns to come forth, to the end (saith Caelius secundus) that under the habit of religion they should not hide their adulteries. Paul the second, borne at Venice, before named Peter Barbo, Cardinal of Saint Marc, succeeded. His first calling was marchandise●punc; but seeing an uncle of his chosen Pope, he applied himself somewhat to learning, and was first created archdeacon of Boullen, than Bishop of Ceruio, after Cardinal, and finally Pope. The pride and pomp of Paulus the 2. A man of a good parsonage, but arrogant & proud: so as Platina observes, that he first spoke these words: That the Pope carries within the circuit of his bosom all divine and human laws. Exceeding all his Predecessors in attire: but above all in his mitre, the which he enriched with pearl and stones of an inestimable price, showing himself proudly upon solemn days, ●hus sumptuously attired, followed by his Cardinals with scarlet hats, (the which he did forbid all others to wear, upon grievous punishments) and mounted upon mulets with footeclothes of the same colour: gross and dull witted loving neither learning, ●or learned men: so as he declared them Heretics that either in sport and earnest did pronounce this word Academy or University. Covetous, dissolute, The Pope's disposition. voluptuous, turbulent, given to conjuring & the whole time of his reign he troubled Italy, with combustions and homebred wars. Finally they report little good of him, but that he had been pitiful to the poor and needy, to have preserved Rome from famine, and reform many Monasteries, reducing them to a better discipline. They say, that having one day read certain poesies, made against him and his daughter, he began to grieve, and to blame the rigour of the law made by his predecessors, who did forbid Priests to marry: so as seeing himself a scorn to the people, he resolved to give Priests liberty to marry: but an Apoplexy took him suddenly out of this world, the 25. of july 1471. leaving a rich treasure. In truth, They gather goods (saith the Oracle) and know not who shall enjoy them. Some impute this sudden death to the Author of the Magic art, the which he practised. Sixtus the 4. borne at Savonne, and named Francis of Ruere, General of the Grey Friars, and Cardinal of S. Sixte, Legat of avignon, was installed by the election of the College, in the Pontifical chair. Liberal and charitable to his own, beyond the bounds of true zeal: for in their favour he gave Indulgences and pardons prodigally, and granted many other things against all right and reason: so saith the History. Amongst the rest, he advanced Peter of Ruere to a Cardinalship: a monstrous man in his expenses, who in two months devoured in vanities, dissolution and looseness, above two hundred thousand Crowns, besides the debts wherewith he charged his heirs. He repaired many decayed Churches and Monasteries, built new, and gave them great revenues. He restored the Abreviataires, (which was a College of learned men, and studious in divine and human laws, Poets, Orators, historians, etc.) first instituted by Pius the 2. then abolished by Paul the 2. his successor. Then did he institute anew the Bullistes, people fit to get money, then for any other thing, and nine Notaries of the Apostolic treasure, appointing them certain revenues: which offices were sold in the beginning for five hundred crowns, and since for two or three thousand crowns: so well could they sell their merchandise. Sixtus made many unjust wars, against Ferdinand King of Naples, for that against the Pope's l●king, he had succoured his son in law Hercules of Este, D●ke of Ferrare, besieged by the Venetians. Against the Venetians whom he did excommunicate. Against the florentines, excommunicated likewise with an interdiction of fire and water. But by the intercession & threats of the King, & the succours the Venetians gave to the Florentin● against the Pope (who had incensed Ferdinand King of Sicily, Alphonsus' Duke of Calabria, and Frederick Duke of Urbin, Captain general for the Church) to make war against them he absolved them. Then being sick of a Fever, having news that a peace was made betwixt the Venetians and other Potentates of Italy, he died suddenly. There flourished under him john of Mont le Roy, a great Mathematician, Ralph Agricola, Pomponius L●tus, Ambrose Calepin, learned men in humanity. Let it suffice, to have noted such Popes as have reigned under our Lewis, and now let us see that which concerns the Empire. ●hat great john Huniades, a firm and ●ound rampire for the Christians against the Turks, The estate of the Empire. had left two sons, Ladislaus & Mathias. They had for an hereditary enemy Vlrike Earl of Cilie, near kinsman and a favourite to Ladislaus King of Hongarie and Bohemia, son to Albert of Austria, borne after his father's death. Ladislaus the eldest, complaining one day to Vlri●e, of the slanders wherewith he wrongfully charged him to King Ladislaus, they passed from words to blows, so as he slew ulrick▪ for the which the King of Hungary, caused him to be publicly beheaded, and lead M●t●hias the younger prisoner to Prague in Bohemia, to put him to death, far from the ●iew of the Nobility of Hongarie, to whom the memory of Huniades was wonderful dee●e and precious. But as Ladislaus prepared for his marriage at Prague, to be son in law t● Charles the 7. behold a black and deadly poison suddenly choates up the joy which that new alliance had conceived. After whose death there did arise great quarrels for the succession. Some Noblemen of Hungary, wished the Emperor Frederic● the third for their King: the greatest part preferred Mathias, both for that he was of 〈◊〉 nation, as for the happy memory of his father john. The election being made, Mathias is set at liberty by George Boiebrac, the new King of Bohemia: he demands the Crown. Frederick arms himself with a constitution, which he had received from Elizabeth mother to Ladislaus deceased, when he sent him her ●onne to bring up. Upon refusal they go to arms: but the german Princes pacified this quarrel, concluding, War for the Crown of Hongary. That Mathias should pay for his Crown unto the Emperor, four score thousand crowns. In the mean time there springs up new seeds of war in Germany. Pius the 2. making the Emperor and his devotion to the Roman sea, his support, puts Ditericke Isebourg from the Archbishopricke of Mayence, establishing Adolph of Nassau in his place. Isebourg opposed himself vigorously against the Pope's exactions, who spoiled (as he said) the Provinces, under a pretext of war against the Turk: and moreover, he would not tie himself by oath unto the Pope, who would likewise bind future Ecclesiastical Electors, not to assemble the Electors of the Empire, for the election of any new Emperor, or for any other cause concerning the Empire, before he ●ere duly informed, to the end his pleasure might be preferred before all others. An audacious and uncivil demand. Frederick the victorious Conte Palatin of 〈◊〉 than administrator of the Electorship for his Nephew Philip, the son of Lewis his brother, being a pupil, stood firmly for Isebourg. Lewis Duke of Baviere, surnamed the rich, joins with Frederick. The Emperor hated them both, and desired much to cross them (although in his heart he had reason to favour that party, for the which they fought)▪ but he feared the valour of Frederick, and the wealth of Lewis. The Pope urgeth him to stir up some great Princes of Germany, to oppose against the Protectors of Isebourg, rather than against Isebourgh himself. Adolph of Nassau, was assisted by Albert Marquis of Brandebourg, Lewis of Baviere, surnamed the black, Charles Marquis of Bade, and his brother, john Bishop of Mets, with Vlric Earl of Wirtemberg: all which envied the prosperity of Frederick, and yet feared to try his valour. Frederick was the weaker in men, but right hath a strong party. Wars in Germany. They neglecting their enemies small forces, charge him disorderly: he resists them valiantly, beats them, defeats them, and puts them to flight, takes the Marquis of Bade, the Bishop of Metz, and the Earl of Wirtemberg prisoners, the first of july 1461. and to let them understand that they had erred in the discipline of war, spoiling the corn, & burning t●e Mills, he caused them to sup the first night of their imprisonment without bread. The end of this war was the beginning of an other, more fatal for the Emperor. The Pope deposed George Boiebrac from the crown of Bohemia, as favouring the doctrine of Hus, and appoint Mathias, surnamed corvinus: but the Emperor would not grant it, depending of the Empire. Mathias was much moved, and the more, when as after the death of George, the Lords of Bohemia, and the Emperor likewise, leaving him, made choice of Ladislaus the son of Cassimir, King of Polland, and of Elizabeth, daughter to Albert of Austria. In this war, the imperial Majesty was not only shaken, but through frederick's misfortune almost ruined, and he in a manner expelled 〈◊〉 all Austria, & it reduced under the power of a strange Lord, mighty and warlike: When a● behold Albert Duke of Saxony, son to Frederick, 2. Elector of Saxony, father to the Duke George and Henry, Grandfather to Maurice and Augustus Electors, lea●e a goodly army at his own charge, assails Mathias, & so weakens him in many battles, as he abandons the greatest part of Austria, & forceth him in the end to accept a peace with such conditions as Albert would impose. During these par●ia●ities in the West, God raised up some means, to cross the Turks exploits, if the divisions of Christian Princes, for the most part procured by the Popes, whilst they settled themselves, had not converted their own forces against themselves. Troubles in the East. Three years after this p●t●●full wound which the christian church received by the loss of Constantinople, Mahumed the 2. besieged Belgrade, but to his confusion. A handful of men, lead by that brave Huniades, in two days together give him two bloody battles, wins them, A great defeat of Turk●. kills a●o●t forty thousand of his men▪ spoils his camp, takes his Artillery, & with some difficulty he saved his person, being wounded in the left pap, and carried out of the fight as dead. Mahomet seeing by this disgrace, ●483. that the land did not favour him; he means to t●ie an other air: he rigges a great fleet of galleys, to seize upon the Islands of the Archipelagus. But he had purchased a mighty enemy, Vssumcassan of the race of As●●bei a Turk, Lord of Cappadocia, Armenia, & some other Countries adjoining, who had lately slain Molaonhre, or (as some writ) Demir of Persia, and by that victory invaded t●e Realm. Vssame●ssan having disappointed that desseins of Mahomet, grew so proud, that to ma●● 〈◊〉, victory the more famous, he drew rich presents out of the treasures of Persia▪ and sent them unto Mahomet, requesting him not to attempt any thing against Trebi●onde, nor Cappadocia (a conquerors request imports an imperious command) country's which belonged unto him by reason of the dowry of his wife, the daughter of ●auid Comnene. Mahomet not able to digest that a meaner than himself should prescribe him a law, The Turks 〈…〉 twice in Asia, winn● the third ●attayle. employs all his wit to obscure the glory of this new King. He therefore sends a part of his fleet into Asia, directly to Pontus and Sinope, towards Trebisord●. And he himself with an incredible speed crosseth Asia, and camps near to Vssamc●ssan. Three battles are fought: Vssumcassan wins the first against Amurath Bascha, a Greek by nation, near to the river of Euphrates, which Bascha was slain▪ and the second against Mahomet, where he was in person. These two battles did wonderfully weaken the Turks forces. In the third, the Persians amazed with the unaccustomed noy●e of the Turkish shot, unable to endure the terror of the arquebus, Vssumcassan and his men oppressed with this new army, lost the honour of the two first days, and Zemald the son of Vssumcassan was slain with a shot. Mahomet pursues his good fortune, beseegeth and takes Sinope the capitale City of the Province; and afterwards all Paphlagonia: then he camps before Trebisonde, batters it by sea and land, and in the end takes it; spoils the treasures of King David Comnene: sends him prisoner with his two sons, and his Cousin john le Beau, to Constantinople, to serve for a show, the day of his triomphe, causing them afterwards to be barbarously slain, rooting out the race of Comnenes. In the same voyage he took Cilicia from Piramet Caraman, and being returned to Constantinople, he conquered with his army by Sea, the islands of Lemnos and Lesbos: he unpeopled Mitilene, and transported the Inhabitants of the I'll into an other country. With his forces at land he assailed Dracula Prince of Valachia: who with such small forces of foot and horse, as the shortness of time would suffer him to levy, did so surprise and shut up Mahomet, as both he and his army were in a manner ruined: when as behold Mahomet Bascha, Lieutenant General in the Turks army, with a brave & hardy resolution opened the passage by force▪ but with great loss of hisforces, the which (fortified with new troops,) he sends into high Misia and Selavonia▪ chased Stephen King of Bossne, out of jaize the chief City: dispossessed him of his Realm, and in the end slew him: about the year. 1463. A while after Mathias King of Hongarie recovered the said City and Realm, overthrew a great army of Turks spoiling the country of Sirme, took many places in Croatia and Dalmatia: and in the end expelled Mahomet, being come to besiege jaize▪ spoiled his camp, and was master of all his baggage. Scanderbag, (expelled his country,) was retired into Italy, where showing that the division of Christian Princes was the means to confirm the Turks estate, and that it was impossible to make him give over this audacious and insatiable desire: being at Lisse upon the river of Drille, he was surprised with a fever, whereof he died, being threescore and three years old, in the year. 1467. Scanderbag 〈◊〉. His virtues. A Prince exceeding all men in valour, of an wonderful courage: so as even with vehemency his lips did bleed, at the beginning of every charge. He never refused battle, never turned his back: never was hurt but once, lightly in the foot with an arrow: he never led above six thousand horse and three thousand foot, and had slain with his own hand above two thousand barbarians, striking with such force, as he cut many in two pieces. Mahumed being freed by the death of Scanderbag, undertook three wars at one instant: Misithes of the race of the Paleologues, had commission to go to Rhodes: Acomath Bascha into Italy, to conquer it, with Rome, and the Empire of the West: and Mahumed himself goes into Asia▪ Mesithes being often beaten, was forced to return with the remainders of his army, languishing and in pitiful estate. Acomath lands in Calabria, takes Otranto, and so amazeth all Italy, as the Pope (neglecting all in regard of the safety of his person) resolves to leave Rome. Mahumed going into Asia, died of the Colic, near unto Nicomedia, in the year 1471. A happy death for the Christians: for Otranto besieged by the Italians, aided by Mathias, was yielded by composition, wi●h their lives and goods saved, without attending five and twenty thousand Turks, which Acomath pursuing his victory, brought to their succours. Thus Italy was delivered from imminent danger, and the Pope assured: we will now leave the reign of Bajazet, second successor to Mahumed, to continue our work in the West. CHARLES the eight, the 56. King of France. CHARLES: 8 KING OF FRANCE .56. portrait THis reign will not hold us long, 1483. but after the Duke of Orleans league, the motive of five years war in Brittany ended, A brief rehearsal of Charles his reign. by the King's marriage with Anne the eldest daughter to Francis Duke of Brittany, we shall be transported beyond the Alpes, to take the possession, which René King of Sicily, and Charles Earl of main his brother, had by their testaments left to Lewis the xi. to the rights they pretended to the realm of Naples: upon the way we shall see him entertained by Lewis Sforce, in the Town of Ast; then having received the Forts of Florence, with the City of Pisa, from Peter de Medicis, he enters Rome, notwithstanding the gainsaying of Pope Alexander▪ & having used therein the rights of a conqueror, he treats an accord with the said Pope: receives from him the title of Emperor of Constantinople, with the institution of the realm of Naples: and consequently causeth himself to be crowned King of Sicily. And to augment his honour, he makes his passage, maugre the forces of all the Princes and Potentates of Italy, at Fournove: and laden with glory and spoils. returns triumphantly to seek some rest in France, after his weary toils. But alas, when as in the green and vigorous season of his life, he shall meditate of a second voyage for the recovery of his realm of Naples, (as easily lost as won,) and when as the Eastern parts lived in hope to have the Christian church restoted by him, oppressed now under the Turkish Train. Death unjust and unseasonable, according to man, shall with himself cut off all his goodly desseins, the which he had laid in the beginning of his flourishing youth, to carry him to the fruition of a better rest. The judicious reader may judge, if we have reaped more honour & profit in the getting, than shame & hurt in the loss of so many Estates lying far from us. Charles came to the Crown at the age of 13. years, Charles his disposition, and education. delicate, weak, sickly in his youth, mild, gracious, devout: but wilful in his humours. Lewis had bred him up at Amboise, attended on by few servants, not visited by any, without any instruction, but bare reading, not willing to help nature by art. Yet the weakness thereof hath often times more need of a prop to support it, & a spur to prick it forward, then of a bit to restrain it. Did he fear that learning should imparre his health, or corrupt the good seeds which nature hap planted in his mind. He was content, that according to his father's humour, his son should learn this only sentence in Latin. He that cannot dissemble, cannot rule. But he did him wrong: for, he was inclined to the reading of French books: & he came no sooner to the crown, but they found in him a desire of knowledge, which made him to have a taste in the Latin tongue But as the aptest of his age was slipped away without profit, so did he salute the Muses but a far off: weak of body, but of a good wit, capable of counsel, & succeptible of the helps requisite for the government of a firm & solid State. His minority was the cause of a quarrel, The Duke of O●leans and Earl of Beavieu contend for the Regency. betwixt the Duke of Orleans (a young Prince and nearest to the Crown, and the Earl of Beavieu, for the Regency▪ which caused his Coronation to be differred until the next year: after the which an assembly of States should determine of the administration of the King & Realm. The Princes of the blood attending this solemnity, having been so often wronged by Oliver le Daim, Daniel his servant, & Doyac, who had wholly governed the deceased King, did without the King's privity (whose young years withheld him from government) informed of their insolencies, proud carriage, unjust murders, thefts, extortions, & other crimes, which they had committed under ●he authority of Lewis the xi. and by a decree of the Court, make Daniel forfeit both body and goods, and his master likewise some few days after. Doyac whipped at the corner of every street, Oliver and 〈◊〉 h●●ged. lost one of his ears upon the pillory, at the halls of Paris, then having his tongue pierced with a hot iron, he was conveyed to Mont-Ferrant in Auvergne, where he was borne: there they cut off his other ear, & whipped him likewise. Moreover, D●y●c whipped, and l●st his ears. the excessive rewards which Lewis had given to some person's, were revoked, and they constrained to make restitution. To teach mean men, raised by the bounty of Kings, that man is mortal, but the memory of indignity is immortal with great men. At the same time the Duke of Britain was wholly possessed by Peter Landay his Treasurer, (of whom we have formerly spoken,) by whose slanders and suggestions he had suffered his Chancellor Chawin, to die miserably in prison, of hunger, and cold: being a very honest and a reverend man. Landays was the son of a poor Tailor in the suburbs of Rachapt, 〈…〉 the 〈◊〉 of 〈◊〉 insolent. at Vitry in Britain, as it appeareth in his process, quick witted, and busy headed. His first access unto the Duke was in the quality of a Tailor, and after he used him to carry his love letters, the said Duke being of a very amorous disposition. In the end he makes him master of his wardrobe, and finally his Treasurer general; then he begun to manage the treasure, justice and affairs of State at his pleasure to many, and prefer Officers by his letters without the Duke's appointment, to place or displace whom he pleased▪ proud, treacherours, revengeful, implacable to such as had offended him. Presumptuous, His proud proceeding against the Nobility. declaring such Noblemen of Britain, as could no longer endure his arrogancy, guilty of high Treason, for that they had attempted against his person, forfeits their goods, banisheth their persons, and arming his master to their destruction, the which they could not avoid, but by a general pardon and remission. In the end their patience is moved. john of Chalon Prince of Orange, son to one of the Duke's sisters, and john of Rieux Martial of Britain, the principal of his Court, having laid a plot, with the other Barons of the Country, at all adventures to seize upon Landays: they enter the Castle of Nantes, being secretly armed, seek for Landays, and find him not, being gone to Pabotiere, a house of his upon Loire, An attempt against him which succeeded not. near unto Nantes. The Duke is amazed at this insolent proceeding, and believes it is some practice against his person: One of his servants goes up to the batlements towards the Town, and cries out aloud: That they seek to force the Duke. The archers of his guard storm: the Officers and gentlemen of his house fly thither, the people troop together. They plant such Cannons, as they find in the Town against the Castle, ready to batter down the gate. The undertakers (who had not foreseen so dangerous a consequence) show forth the Duke upon the batlements, and cause him to speak. He assures them, that they have not attempted any thing against his person: and to satisfy the multitude, Philip of Montauban enters by agreement, he adviseth these Noblemen to absent themselves for a time, in the mean time the people would be pacified, and the Duke's wrath appeased. Landays on the other side having escaped a troop that was sent to surprise him in his house, Landays escapes and comes to the Duke. saves himself through the ditches of his garden, alone, and on foot: and so in the night recovers the Castle of Poënté, and gives the Duke notice of his adventure. The Duke sends a convoy for him, and is more ruled by him then before. So Landays assembles all the Officers and men of Counsel in Britain▪ he sends to the Universities of Italy, lays open the violence done to the Duke in his own house, by his vassals and subjects, He condemns the Noblemen of high Treason. and demands what punishment this offence deserves. The Assembly answers, as Landays desired: That they found them guilty of high treason, yea in the highest degree, and therefore deserved death and los●e of goods. A decree follows, with condemnation of death, houses beaten down, woods cut up at the waist, with all the rigours which men condemned for such a crime might deserve. They fly into France, & offer their service to the countess of Beavieu, the king's sister, complaining of the insolencies of Landays, without making further mention of their quarrel with the Duke. Landays discovers their retreat, he understands of the discord betwixt Lewis Duke of Orleans, & the said Lady, & causeth his master (by letters written to Lewis) to accuse the disobedience & treachery of his nobility, Lewis causeth his master to incense the Duke of Orleans against the Countess of Beavieu. who acknowledging Anne for Regent of the Realm, deprived him of the honour & right that was due to him rather than to a woman, as the first Prince of the blood: he exhorts him not to relinquish his just title, & promiseth to assist him with his best means. The Duke of Orleans had against his mind (as we have heard) married joane the youngest daughter of Lewis XI. deformed and unfit for conception: and followed the only advice of the Earl of Dunois, ●onne to john bastard of Orleans, a man of great foresight, advised, & a good and a valiant captain. This Earl did presently forecast, that (by the means of Landais, who did so secretly invite Duke Lewis) forsaking joane, he might marry with Anne the eldest daughter of Francis Duke of Britain. This hope drew him soon to Nantes, where having heard the complaints of the French, and contented them with words and promises, without any meaning to accoplish them, moved rather with desire to govern the state, The Duke of O●leans goes into Bri●tain. The King's Coronation. he returns into France, to assist at the King's coronation at Rheims, whereof the day approached. There were present at the King's coronation, the Dukes of Orleans, Alen●ccedil; on, Bourbon, & Lorraine, the Earls of Beavieu, Angoulesme, Vendosme, la Roche sur-Yon, Montpensier▪ Longueville, Foix, Dunois, and those that were fled out of Britain, the Prince of Orange, john Lord of Rieux & Ancenis, the Earl of Aumale Poncet de la Riviere, who was created Mayor of Bourdeaux) the lord of Vrfé, (who was created master of the horse) & others of their troop, all which brought him with pomp to make his entry into Paris, and to prepare for a general Parliament to be held at jours, 1484. with more free access than had been usual, yet not so effectual as was expected: every one seeking rather to maintain his private authority, then to procure the people's case. The Pragmatik Sanction was restored, to use it as they had accustomed. The Constable's sword was given to the Duke of Bourbon, the government of the King's person to his sister, a cunning woman, The Countess of Beavieu the King's sister hath the government of his person. Lewis put from the Regency. and somewhat of her father's humour: but the name of Regent was forbidden to them all, to prevent jealousies. There was a Counsel erected of twelve, by whom matters should be dispatched in the King's name: of the which Lewis Duke Orleans should be precedent. Lewis discontented with this device, seeks to hold his rank, he pretends that being the chief Prince of the blood, the Regency belonged unto him, assists at the Counsel in Parliament, and in the assemblies in Town, and notwithstanding the last will of King Lewis, and the decree of the Estates, yet will he by force have the name and effect of Regent. But our Kings (who may not to prejudice the elder, or for want of issue, their nearest kinsman, being a male and legitimate,) dispose of their Crown: have they not then power to commit the guard of their children, being yet pupils, & the Regency of the Realm to whom they please? Moreover was it reasonable that he which was not yet five and twenty years old, who lived under his mother's wing, who by right had yet need of a governor, should be declared capable for the government of this Realm? So, want of years deprived his grandfather of the same dignity, during the frenzy of Charles the 6. This discontent is nourished by a new accident: Lewis playing one day at Tennis, where the Ladies were present, there fell a blow in controversy, the which Anne judged for the adverse part. Lewis otherwise moved, casts out some word, The Duke of Orleans discontented leaves the Court. The Duke of Lo●●aines pretension. importing a lie. Anne discontented herewith, causeth it to be decreed in Counsel, that the Duke should be committed prisoner: he is advertised thereof by john Loven (or Lowaine) a gentleman of his house, and so retires to the Duke of Alançon. The Duke of Lorraine was come to demand the Duchy of Bar (the which Lewis the eleventh had possessed,) and the Earldom of Provence, which he pretended to be his, as son to the daughter of René King of Sicily, Duke of Anjou, and Earl of Provence, and by consequence, the nearest kinsman to Charles Duke of Anjou, (who by transaction and testament had made Lewis the eleventh his he●re) who was but nephew to René, and son to Charles of Anjou, Earl of main his brother. B●rre was restored, and the Lo●raine had a hundred men at arms entertained, with thirty six thousand f●anks for four years, during the w●i●h t●ey should look into the title of the said Earldom. During this term, some well acquainted with the Estate of Provence, produce certain testaments of Charles the first of that name, brother to Saint Lewis, and Earl of Provence by his wife, and of other Ki●gs of Sicily, which had been of the house of France, by the which, the house of Lorraine was not only excluded from the succession of Provence (not liable to the daughter, while there remained a son of the race) but that also the Realm of Sicily, and all other Seigne●ries possessed by the house of Anjou, belonged to the King. That King R●né having regard to the said testaments, A League made by the Duke of Orleans. had at his death preferred his nephew Charles, before the ●aid Duke of Lorraine, son to his daughter. The Duke o● Orleans grieved to be thus excluded from his pretensions, and that Anne alone governed the King her Brother: he practiseth the Dukes of Bour●on, Alançon, and Britain, (the chief support and refuge of the discontented French) the Earl of Angoulesme, ●ohn Viscount of Narbonne, Francis Earl of Longueville and ma●y others. Alain Lord of Albret, hoping by the means of Lewis, whom he found to have great credit with the Duke of Britain) to many with Anne, A foolish war. the eldest daughter of the said Duke (having not duly examined the heart of Lewis) enters easily into this faction. Thus all things threaten a horrible and pernicious war, but more in show then effect. Lewis with his allies assembles some troops, and thinking to put them into Orleans: the Inhabitants give him to understand by the Lord of joyeuze, deputed there on his behalf▪ that he might well enter with his household▪ but not with his shoulders. Bo●sgencie was then his retiring place. 1485. Anne & the twelve Counsellors, cause him to be besieged by Francis Earl of Vendosme, Lewis his brother, Earl of Roche-sur-Yon, René Duke of Lor●aine (whom the said Lady had wholly won unto her, knowing him to be resolute, vehement, & of faction) 〈◊〉 Peter of Rohan, Lord of G●é, Martial of France. In the end this war was pacified by this agreement: That the Duke o● Orleans should come to Court, An accord. and enjoy the place that belonged unto him: but Francis Earl of Dunois (the Duke's right hand) a busybody & the first author of the trouble, should retire himself into the County of Ast, belonging to the said Duke, or to what other place he pleased without the realm. Must Lewis then bring his confederates in disgrace with the king, & now abandon them? Behold the Duke of Bourbon & the Earl of Angoulesme leading .300. Lances, To the prejudice of his Confederate. 8. thousand foot, and about eighteen hundred gentlemen of Auvergne, Bourbanois, Forest, Beavieulois and Angoulesmois, & Alain: 8, or 9 thousand fight men. If Lewis had attended them in some place of strength, how dangerously had he shaken the new Estate of Charles, not well settled during his minority? But he had too good a mind to tear out his own bowels, in their persons, whom the law in time should submit unto him, and dismember the Crown, which he should wear in his turn. Anne, disper●● this storm, causeth the Earl of Beavieu her husband, to encounter their troops, & force the Duke of Orleans to march in person, against those that came to his service. They were all Frenchmen: & as they were lightly armed, so were they as lightly disarmed▪ the Marshal of Gié, and the Chamberlain of Graville, shall easily reconcile them. Alain being stopped in his passage of Garonne, at S. Basille, by the Earls of Vendosme, & Roche-sur-Yon, was admtted to the same accord, upon charge to furnish the King a hundred men at arms for his service: the which he delivered under the command of S. Cyr, and Forcais. They are all dispersed the King at Amboise, Lewis at Orleans, Alain, in Bazadois, and all the rest to their houses: the Vicont of Foix, and Peter his brother being Cardinal, at Nantes, under colour to visit their sister, wife to the Duke of Britain. They find their brother in law much incensed against his Nobility, & they resolve to defend themselves. But as both armies were ready to join, Troubles in Britain. an accord is made by some mediators▪ That considering the D●kes age & weakness of judgement, the State should be governed by the advice of his nearest kinsmen, and friends. Landais is rejected, They are reconciled to the ruin of Landays. and storms: he draws letters patents in the Duke's name, & declares all those of the Duke's army, that had entered into capitulation with the enemies troops, guilty of high treason forfeiting all their goods as traitors: he carries this patent to the Chancellor Francis Chrestien, to be sealed, & brings a commandment from the Duke to that effect: the which the Chancellor refused to do. Behold Landais hath purchased two enemies for one, & both have sworn his ruin, but they must countenance it with justice. They depute the Lord of Pont Chasteau to summon the Chancellor to do justice upon Landays, to appoint judges for his trial, and to force him to appear. They make informations against him, whereupon they decree to apprehennd him. It is bruited throughout the to●ne, that Landays by sentence should be committed prisoner. The people run by heaps, they fill the Castle yard, & will not departed until Landays be delivered. He ●aues himself in the Duke's chamber. The Nobility doth force the Chancellor to repair to the Castle and to demand this man. The Duke being constrained, delivers him, but upon condition that he should not be used contrary to justice, The Duke forced to deliver Landays. L●ndays hanged. & commands upon pain of death, that he suffers no outrage be done unto him, under colour of justice. The Nobility being advertised of his taking, posts to Nantes, and offer themselves unto the Duke, like humble subjects, suing for his favour. Landays process being made with that of john of Vitry, one of his servants, by certain Commissioners, they were hanged. This done, the people were pacified, and the Nobility, by the intercession of the Earl of Comminges, returned into favour, The Earl of Dunoys causeth ●ew combustion●. & obtained letters of pardon. Then returns the Earl of Dunois to his Town of Parthenay in Poictou, but without the King's permission. The King, (that is to say, the twelve under his authority) suspect his return, and (fearing lest the Duke of Orleans had sent for him, or that he practised some new work,) sends for the Duke. He sends back the messenger with promise to follow, & upon a second charge by the Marshal of Gie, doubting the humour of the Countess of Beavieu, and moreover mad at his ill usage, keeping 〈◊〉 as it were confined within Orleans, without liberty to go forth in safety; he parts from Orleans, under colour to go a hawking: he takes the way to Frontevaux, and from thence to Nantes, A league made by the Orleannois. whether the Earl of Dunois went to meet him. This departure was presently known, and Parthenay was suddenly besieged, taken and razed, with many other places in Guienne, belonged to the Earl of Cominges, and others that were in Britain. These men slept not. A league is presently made under the Dukes of Britain and Orleans, whereinto there enters the Prince of Orange, Francis of Laval Lady of Dinan and Chasteaubriant, john Lord of Rieux & Earl of Aumale Marshal of Britain, the Earls of Angoulesme and of Dunois. The Duke of Lorraine who finds no great satisfaction of promises, is easily drawn into it. Maximilian King of the Romans gaves his consent. Charles opposeth Lewis of Bour●on, Earl of Roche-sur-Yon, great grand father to the Duke Montpensier that now liveth, and makes him his Lieutenant general in this war: with Lewis of Bourbon the youngest brother of the Earl of Vendosme, he gives them for assistant, master Lewis of Tremoville Viconte of Thovars, who had married Gabrielle of Bourbon, sister to the said Conte Lewis. Francis Duke of Britain had no great reason to be a Sanctuary for these mutines, & by receiving them to draw all the forces of France upon his decayed age, attending nothing but his grave. But supposing to protect himself from the Kings surprises, he must ruin his Country, his Nobility, and his subjects. But than falls out an other accident. The Lords lately reconciled grew in jealousy, that the French were come to revenge the wrong done unto their Duke: or else with their ruin and the D●kes to make their peace in France. They desired to send them home for two respects; the one to content the King and his Sister, the other, for that they should not grow in any such credit with the Duke, as in the end he might employ them against themselves, wishing in a manner for Lan●ays, to oppose him against them. Moreover they feared james Guibé, a Captain of the Duke's men at arms, and in good credit, Nephew to Landais and his servant, The King seeks to divide the Britons from the●r Duke. lest he should seek some revenge for his Uncle, death. If it should be so, how could they subsist? The King discovers this secret jealousy, and finds a good expedient, to thrust them on to their own mutual ruins. To this end he sends Andrew of Espinay Cardinal of Bourdeaux, and the Lord of Pouchage, with instructions to Rieux Marshal of Britain, and commission to offer them men and means to expel the French out of Britain. The best advised discover the King's intent, that accepting of this offer, they make the way open for the King to enter into Britain. A secret treaty of the Nobility of Britain with King 〈◊〉. But in the end they agree: That he should not send into Britain for this succour, above four hund●ed lances, and four thousand foot, and that at the Baron's request. That the King should pretend nothing to the Duch●e▪ whilst the Duke lived. That he should nor besiege nor take any town, Castle, or fort within the Country▪ and that his soldiers should take nothing without paying. That when as the Du●e of Orleans, The Conditions. the Earl of Dunois and others should retire out of Britain, the King should ●ee bound to withdraw his forces. And for the Britons: That the Noblemen of Britain should arm with him, and accompany his army to expel the French. The confirmation of these Article● is seconded with four hundred Lances, and five or six thousand men led by the Lord of Saint André, The French enter Britain. who enters Britain on the one side: the Earl of Roche-●ur-Yon on an other, and the Vicont of Tours on the third. All the Country is suddenly filled with Frenchmen at arms, and the Orleanois are amazed, being unfurnished both of force and counsel to resist. The Earl of Dunois being of more judgement than the rest, considers, that the company of a hundred Lances belonging to Alain of Albret, was a part of those four hundred commanded by Saint André: that it was convenient to win him, and with this desseine to put him in hope of the marriage of Anne of Britain. An invention according the necessity of the time, but this was not the Earl's intent, who laboured to win her for the Duke of Orleans,) neither the Prince of Orange, 1487. who under hope o● this alliance, had drawn the Archeduke Maximilian into this league, whereby he should enter into Bourgongne, with a mighty army led by the Duke of Lorraine, whilst that he himself should annoy the King in Flanders and Picardy. But great shows and small fruits. He was so poor and needy, as the King might easily disappoint all his prac●●●es and stratagems. Now are we deeply engaged in war. The Duke of Britta●io (accompanied with Lewis of Orleans, the Earls of Dunois and Cominges, the Lords of M●●lmorency, joyeuze, du Lis, Saint George, The Duke of Britain's army. Damp●erre and Beawau) took a view of 〈◊〉 army at Males●roit▪ consisting of six hundred Lances and sixteen thousand foot, good and bad, ill armed and ill trained: whilst the French and Britons being joined together, ●ake Redon, & (to terrify Rennes) they spoil the Country even unto Maçaye, besiege Ploërmell, batter it, and in three days take it, spoil and ransom it. The D●kes army marched, to succour this Town, when as Maurice of Mené being great of b●th and courage ●ayd. Whether go we my friends? Our Duke is only governed by the F●ench, by whose persuasions we march against the French, who at their first encounter will betrade him to their nation, whereof I am well advertised. Were we not better to remain in our houses with our wives and Children, then to be thus led by the humours of others? A speech of great consequence. He was of the best allied in Brittany, issued out of the house of Guerlesquin, and had well served Lewis the X●. as governor of Guise and Captains of a hundred men at arms in the war; against the Flemings: a man of valour and counsel, and well advanced by the said King, having the profits of la Ferté-Bernard, A●guesmortes, Bewurage and Gorlonniere: but very in constant in his changing of parties. At this speech they all scatter: so as of sixteen thousand, scarce the fourth part keep the field: the Duke amazed here with, leaves Malestroit, and recovers Vennes: but he was pursued so speedily, as he looseth his baggage, being favoured in his retreat by the Prince of Orange, who had posted from Nantes to his succour, ' very happily: for otherwise he had been besieged and taken. Vennes being beleagard, yields for fear. The Duke at his departure had left two thousand, eight hundred horse in it, under the command of Coetquen Lord Stuard of Britain, & of Amaulry of Moussay; & for Captain of the Town james le Moine: who unable to maintain the siege, retired in haste. Coetquen went to Dinan, where he commanded; la Moussaye with his horse to Nantes, where the Duke was, and the King's army did bend that ways. Adrian de l'Hospital a Captain of men at arms, meets him upon the way, defeated him, kills a great number of his troop, and takes many prisoners: some six hundred recover Nantes. This was about Witsontide. The Duke thus pressed, being weak in his person, & weak in his subjects▪ being divided, weak in friends, weak in those who had engaged him in this war●e for their quarrel, Moussay● defeated. sends the Earl of Dunois and Oliver of Coetman (who soon after fell to the French and was made governor of Auxerre) to crave succours from Henry King of England. But to increase his misery, Henry was not yet in quiet possession of his Realm, crossed by some remainders of Richard's party, the which he must suppress. The King resolved to besiege the Duke in Nantes, he comes in person to Ancenis, thither come the associate Britons, repenting their indiscretion, for that they had taken Towns, & spoilt the Country, contrary to their promise; and their own Lands suff●ed the like extremities. Thus Nantes was besieged the 19 of june, well battered, well assailed, & as well defended. The deputies of England were four times shipped to cross the seas, & four times put back, by tempest of wether. In steed of English, they brought fifty thousand Britons of the commons, grieved to see their Duke besieged. The King's army, either holding themselves unable to fight with them, N●ntes besieged. or neglecting them free passage, and holding it likewise impossible to force a Town well furnished with Commanders, men and victuals, they raised the ●eege the 6. of August, to go without loss of men to Dol: the which was taken and spoiled without resistance, the Britons and other soldiers were put to ransom. During the siege of Nantes, Peter of Rohan Earl of Quintin, of the French faction, surprised Montcontour, & summoned Guing●mp, a passage for succours that came to the Duke from the Bishopriks' of Treguer, Montcontou● taken. Leon and Cornovaille. john of Coetmen Lo●d of Chasteaugui, Captain of the Town, was at Nantes. He flies thither, and furnisheth the place with men sufficient to defend it, and having intelligence that Plusquael●ee with about fifty Gentlemen, Bretons of the King's army, spoiling the country and drawing the Nobility to their party, dined in the Abbey of Begar, having called together the neighbour parishes, and assembled some troops, he charged them, overthrew them, and led them all prisoners to Guingamp: where the judges of Goell● and Guincamp, by the Duke's express commandment, began to inform against them, and had finished their process, if some friends and kinsmen had not found means of delay, until the Duke's death ended that proceeding. This prize gave courage to the Captains of Dinan. They assemble about five thousand men, and besiege Montcontour. But the Vicont of Ro●an, and the Earl of Quintin, offering to secure it, and moreover the siege of Nantes requiring force and expedition, they retire to Rennes, to join with the other forces, consisting of six or seven thousand men. At the same instant Youn of Rocerf, Lord of Bois de la Roche, & Peter Long Lord of Kaeruegues (enticed with the great wealth which the Earl of Quintin had left in his Castle,) assemble some soldiers with many peasants, and besiege Quintin: they take it, and against the composition sworn, spoil the Town and castle, and (in hatred of the Earl, who followed the King) burned it to ashes. The Earl by means of his subjects recovered it soon after: The Britons reconciled to their Duke. and Goui●quet captain thereof before, expelled them again, and spoiled the Town. But to what end served this cruel stratagem, seeing that Rocerf had a house in the country, and the Earl good means to be revenged: as he was a year after, by the taking of Rocerf himself, and the spoil and burning of his house? The Phrigiens' grow wise too late; sayeth the Proverb. The Nobility of Britain finding their error, by drawing their King's forces into the country, to their own ruin, they send to the Duke: protesting to be no way associate with the King, but to defend themselves against the French that were near his person, who they doubted had been drawn in to prejudice them: they offer to serve him hereafter, and against all men, so as he will pardon them. The Duke receives them, and grants ●i● letters of abolition, delivery and restitution of all their goods and dignities, as before the wars namely to the Vicont of Rohan, to the Lords of Auangour and Rieux, (lately put from the Office of Lieutenant general and Marshal of Britain) as well for themselves as their assistants. Rieux enjoyed it, Rieux revolts from the King. but the rest persisted in the King's service. In the mean time the King's army prepares to go into Base Brittany, and to besiege Guingamp: but the Marshal of Rieux changing his party, makes them to change their project. Rieux was at Ancenis, wonderfully perplexed to see the French entered the Country, by a breach which the Nobility of Britain had voluntarily made them, devising some means to repair these confusions, drawn thereunto by his reception into grace. The Earl of Cominges going Ambassador to the King, passed by Ancenis, and confirmed Rieux in this good resolution, persuading him to go unto the Duke, with assurance that he should be graciously received. Rieux thinking to strike two strokes with one stone, sends Francis du Bois to the King, who at that time was at Font de Larche: giving him intelligence that the Duke of Orleans, the Prince of Orange and others retired into Britain, were willing to leave the Country, so as they night rest safely in their houses, without touch for that was passed. Which being concluded, he beseeched his Majesty to retire his men at arms, according to the treaty he had signed with his own hand. Anne hearing this proposition. My friend (said she unto the gentleman) say unto my Cousin the Marshal of Rieux, your master, that the King hath no companion▪ and seeing he is entered so far, he will make it good. The Earl had no better satisfaction. An answer discovering the King's intention: which was to incorporate this Duchy to the Crown: the which caused the Marshal to yield to his Prince without dissembling. He draws some soldiers from Nantes, in October, and delivers his Town of Ancents' into their hands, swearing they should keep it for the Duke. In the end, Francis of Ba●al, Baron of Chasteaubriant, son in law unto Rieux, suffers him to enter the Castle, holding him to be the King's servant. Being the stronger, & lodging his troop within the Town, he commands, 〈…〉 yielded to the Duke. (seeing that the King had broken the contract) all those that would not swear▪ fidelity and service to the Duke, to retire the next day with bag and baggage. Can he be ill received of his master, carrying with him the delivery of two so good places? The Prince of Orange having joined with some german succours, sent by Maximilian, and lead by Baldwin, bastard of Bour●gongne, and some three thousand men of the country's Cornovaille, Leon, Tr●guer, & coello, resolved to besiege Quintin, where the Britons (joined with the French that ●ere commanded by the Baron of Pont-Chasteau) did wonderfully annoy Guingamp: who being in a town unfit for war, left the place, and gave the Prince means to camp before la Chaize, a Castle belonging to the Viscount of Rohan. But weakened by the loss of many of his men, part of them going daily to the ●rench, The Prince of Orange, army breaks off itself. & part disbanding by reason of the winter; he retired his army to Montcontour, resolute to take a view, & to punish such as were departed without licence. Yet notwithstanding all his care, and the Duke's severe command to the gentle men, to return to the Camp within two days, upon pain of the loss of their goods and honours, and to others of corporal punishment, those few forces which remained, vanished suddenly. Thus the Duke wavers, betwixt hope and fear, fortified on the one side, but weakened on the other, seeing his estate incline to ruin. He had two pillars, Competitors for the 〈◊〉 of 〈◊〉. which in his conceit might raise him, or at the least support him; Anne and Isabell. The Prince of Orange, wooed Anne for Maximilian: Rieux, the Lady of Laval, and the greatest part of the Nobility, for Alain of Albret. The first promised greater conditions, yet the King had encumbered him much in Flanders, supporting the Gantois against him, so as he could not secure his pretended father in law, neither with his person, nor his subjects; having small credit amongst them, and less money: for that they would nor assist him to prejudice the King▪ Alain (whom others call Amand) had some forces in hand; and fed with this plausible hope, he brought about a thousand men out of Castille, & three thousand Gascons. The Duke would willingly have made two sons in law of one daughter: & urgent necessity forced him, (like unto Charles of Bourgongne) to promise her to many, whom he could give but to one▪ even as Erisicht●on satisfied his glutton 〈◊〉 and continual hunger, whereunto Ceres had condemned him (having cut down her grove) by the many sales of his daughter Mnestra. In th'end Anne is promised to Maximilian, who should come to marry in Brittany, & withal he should bring great troops of men to secure the Duke against the oppression of the French. But he abuseth no less than he is abused. Hereupon Alain comes with his castilians and Gascons. At his first arrival he went to salute the D●ke at Nantes, and then his Mistress, thi● king to have the greatest interest in her love. But oftentimes two brave Greyhounds coursing of a Hare, a third crosseth them, and carries away the game, as we shall ●oone see. The Marshal of Rieux being arrived, gave his consent in favour of Alain, at the Countess of Lavals' request, sister in law to the said Alain. It was no time now to leave this Marshal (newly reconciled) idle. The Duke gives him the charge of his army, with commission to take Vennes, where Gilbert of Grassai, & Philip of Moulin, (of whom we shall make mention in the battle of Tournove) commanded. He marcheth thither, batters i●, and takes it by composition, the third of March. Then S. Cir & Forsais (who led the hundred men at arms of Alains company) declared themselves Britons by their Capta●●es commandment, V●nn●s taken for the Britt●●. building frivolously upon this marriage: yet some of the com●●●●● re●i●ed to the King. The King's army wintered, A●ce●● and 〈◊〉 t●ken for th● King. but Lewis of Bourbon advertised of the taking of Vennes by Rieux, requi●es him by the surprise of Ancenis and Chasteau●●●●▪ places razed near the river, to make the siege of Fougeres more easy, on the 〈◊〉, being a frontier town, and of good defence: and on the other side, that of S. 〈◊〉 Cormier. The Britons army had been eighteen months in field without ●est, to make head against the French, 1488. but now they must show what courage is in them. The Duke of Orleans, Alain of Albret, the Earl of Dunois, the Marshal of Rieux, the Lord Scales an Englishman, (commanding some 300. men of his nation, sent by Henry King of England, by the means of the Lord Maupertuis) the Signior of Leon, eldest son to the Viscount of Rohan; the Seigniers of Chasteaubriant, Crenetes, Pont ● Abbé, Plessis, ●aliczon, Montigni, Balives, Montuel, and other Captains of bands, go forth of Nantes, with an intent to raise the siege. Their army was 400. Lances, & 8000. foot, (besides 300. English, and 8000. Germans, sent by Maximilian) with good store of Artillery, for this great rabble armed, and tumultuously assembled by the Earl of Dunois, had been a ma●ner all sent back, as an unprofitable burden upon the earth. But the matter is of importance, the French are not so easily forced to rise, and if an occasion of battle be offered, shall they accept it? The Marshal of Rieux (best experienced in matters of war) with some others, are not of that opinion: for to what end (say they) should we hazard the estate and country, upon an event which may be avoided. If we lose the day, by what means shall we relieve ourselves? The Soldiers that shall remain after the overthrow, will want courage, and change their minds: the people would be amazed, the Towns stand in suspense, the conqueror would become master of the Country, and take all Towns he should attempt without resistance. It were best to temporise, & to encamp at Rennes, being well furnished with victuals, and things necessary: and in the mean time, to keep the enemy occupied, forcing him to lie in field, tiring him with their horsemen, & cutting off his forage: or else to lodge the army in the fronter towns, to shut up the victuals, & attend the winter▪ which being come, the enemy shall have no means to lodge abroad, but must of force dislodge: & in the mean time, we shall see what profit will grow by the leagues of the Kings of England & Castille: of the Archduke, & the Duke of Lorraine; all which give the Duke great hope, to countermine the King's practices in Brittany. The rest (rashly thrust on, partly by a young and boiling humour, partly with desire to make trial of their forces) make answer. That the soldiers are wearied with this long beating of arms without effect: that having now an opportunity to do well, they observe a great joy in their resolutions: the which it was more fit to nourish then to quench: that their forces were altogether, and asked nothing but employment: & that delay would make them leave their Ensigns by little & little. In the mean time, Fougeres was at the last gasp: a town of importance, and one of the keys of the country, that to leave it in this extremity, were to show a manifest proof of cowardice to all the rest. To conclude, they say in a manner, that to temporise, were to play the cowards. The first opinion was most probable, but the vehemency of the Earl of Dunois, and the hea● of younger heads carried it. Division in the British army. All march; but see the pitiful first fruits of their first lodging at Andoville, a village upon the way to Rennes, from S. Albin, a contention falls betwixt the Duke of Orleans, & the Lord of Albert, a man of great revenues, father to john the last of that name, K. of Navarre: but his mistress did not affect him, a good scholar in dissembling, to use the power of Albert, for the benefit of the Duke her father. The D●ke of Orleans did fly a higher pitch, and by the mediation of the Earl of Dunois, was very far in favour with Anne of Britain: Alain discovers some good shows of Anne, to the Duke of Orleans: whereupon they grow to bitter words, as the next day they are ready to fight. But the enemy being at hand, was it now time to contend? to the prejudice of a whole army. But now the foresight of the Marshal of Brittany, doth pacify all upon this division: they receive two several advertisements. S. Aulbin of Cormier was battered by the French with 3. batteries, and yielded by composition, with their lives & goods saved: a small town, but furnished with a very good Castle, but at that time unfurnished of men, victuals & munition: & Fougeres yielded upon the like accord S. Aulbin was commanded by William of Rosnevinen, an ancient Captain, who had had a command of men at arms under Charles the 7. and Lewis the XI. but in the wars betwixt Charles the 8. and the Duke of Brittany, he returned to serve his natural Prince. The Britons army marcheth to recover this place: & the French to preserve their conquests, when as behold there riseth a mutiny among the Britons. It is secretly murmured, that the French Commanders their associates, had intelligence with the heads of the French army, the which suggestion did even then hazard all: and if the Britons had been farther off, without fear of charge, they had easily disbanded. The Duke of Orleans, and the Prince of Orange advertised of this conceit, had great pain to work any other impression. What do they? to give an assurance of the contrary, they leave their horses, and swear all to fight on ●oote with the Britons and Germans. A more bold than wise resolution, but necessity did serve them, to appease this mutiny which tended to sedition. They order their troops to fight. The Auantgard to the Marshal of Rieux: The order of the Britons army. the Battle to the Lord of Albret, with some horse to cover his flanks. The rearward to Chasteaubriant, and on either side, their carriages of artillery and baggage to cover some of their foot, being favoured on their flank with a small grove betwixt Saint Albin, and the village of Oranges. And to make the small numbers of strangers seem great, they attire twelve hundred, (some say, seventeen hundred) Britons, with cassocks bearing a red cross, the English livery. Lewis of Tremoville in the absence of Lewis of Bourbon his brother in law, commanded the King's army. The o●der o● the French He gives the forward to Adrian deal Hospital, an old French Captain, and famous in this war: he takes the battle to himself, and gives the rearward to the Marshal of Baudricourt, pressed by a more sudden charge than he expected. Gabriel of Montfauçois with ten or twelve horsemen, sent out to observe the Britons countenance, makes report of their good order. The two armies approach, the artillery thunders, and kills many men of either side a skirmish continues about two hours, The battle of S. Alb●●. which gives the French leisure to order their battle. The two forewards join, the Britons endure the shock so courageously, as the French yield to the resolute valour of the Marshal of Rieux, who goes to charge the battle: at the first they kill claud of Montfort▪ a brave Captain, sent by the King of England secure the Duke, and the Lord Scales, a valiant Knight, with some others of the foremost rank. Blaire a german Captain, to cover himself from the French artillery, changeth his quarter, marching b●a●e-wise with his battailon, like unto a Crescent: but he is suddenly charged in flank by four hundred French horse, broken, and many of them slain. At the same instant, two hundred horse charge those which had the baggage in charge, and force them to retire. The Britons horse that fl●●ked the army, grows amazed, and leaves the foot naked. They charge them, and force them all give way, and all fly, some here, some there, the Britons horse into the wood, and likewise their foot. The Duke of Orleans, and Earl of Dunois fight unhappily on foot, do what possibly may be expected, The Duke of Orleans, and Earl of Duno●● taken prisoners. from such gallant Princes, but the Duke flying among the Germans was taken in the wood▪ the other seeing this general overthrow, toare of his black cross, the li●●●ie of Britain, and hid himself among the dead bodies: an Archer (that had been of his company) knew him, and both of them were led prisoners to Saint Aulbin, whence the Duke of Orleans was soon after carried to the great Tower of Bourges. The Marshal of Britain, and the Lord of Albret saved themselves in Dinan by the swiftness of their horses: All the counterfeit English with red crosses were slain without remission. The Lord of Leon (son to the Vicont of Rohan) Pont l' Abbé, the Lord ●●ales, (an Englishman issued from that brave Talbot, The chief that were slain. ) Monfort (kinsman to the 〈◊〉 of Orange,) with six thousand soldiers of their army were slain. Mosen ●ralla (a ●●me savouring of the jew) Lord Steward to Ferdinand King of Castill, and chief of the Spanish troops, was taken prisoner. Of the French, james Galeot, a Neapolitaine, a valiant and renowned Captain: and others to the number of a thousand or ●●elue hundred men, but few of any mark. This was on monday, the 28. of july. A day of great import for the State, the which did wonderfully shake the Duke's affairs▪ being troubled in mind, and his subjects tired with toil and terror, whereo● dot● follow practices of places, yielding up of Towns, and finally, every one frames himself to follow the Conqueror's fortune: a day eternising the happy memory of that noble Knight, Lewis of Tremoville, great great grandfather to claud Lord of Tremoville, now living, Duke of Thovars, Prince of Talmund, Earl of Guines, etc. and of the noble Princess, Charlotte Katherine of Tremoville, Princess of Condé, Countess of Taillebourg, Baronesse of Suille, Craon, Bousmiers, S. Hermine, la Chaise, in the Vicountie, etc. mother to the most high and mighty Prince Henry of Bourbon, Prince of Condé, first Prince of the blood, and first peer of France, etc. having at the age of 25. or 26. years, by his incomparable valour and virtue, won the honour of so memorable a victory. The next day, the Lord of Tremoville turns towards Rennes, summons the Town, and (to terrify the inhabitants) he lodgeth his army in the Villages of Acigné, Chasteaugiron, Veru, S. Supplice, and others thereabout. The Heralds return an answer; That the King had no right to the Town, and that he wrongfully made war in Brittany; That notwithstanding his forces and happy suceesses, God the guardian of their right, might well do unto him, as he had in former times to King john before Poitiers, and to Philip of Valois at Crecy. That if Tremoville come, he shall find twenty thousand men to resist him. Dinan yields. So the army leaving Rennes, marcheth to Dinan, under the command of the Viscount of Rohan Amaulry of Moussay, governor of the Town, compounds at the first summon, to deliver it into the King's hands, upon the accustomed conditions in like cases: to commit the guard thereof to whom he pleased, and the inhabitants to swear unto the King: which done, the French army should retire. On the other side, Guy the 15. of that name, Earl of Laval, causeth some French troops to enter by night into his Castle of Vitré, and so they became masters of the Town. and by the same means he drew his brother Francis Lord of Chasteaubriant, and Montafilant to the King's party. The Baron of Pont-Chasteau, brother to the Viscount of Rohan, followed the example of Francis of Auaugour. the Duke's base son, who had already delivered the Town & Castle of Clisson into the King's hands; Clisson yields. and the greatest part of the Nobility followed the same course. Hereafter we shall see a civil war, rather than a foreign. And for the last worthy exploit of this army, Tremoville besiegeth S. Malo, both Town & Castle, S. Malo yields by composition. one of the strongest places in Britain, beautified with a goodly haven. It was able to hold out against the forces of a mighty army, as well for the seat thereof, as for the fortification: but they easily enter into composition. The King's affairs advanced thus, as the Dukes declined: his Majesty being at Angers, he propounds in counsel whether he should proceed to an absolute conquest of the duchy, seize upon the duke's person, The King's proposition in Council. and his daughters, give them some pension, and marry them at his pleasure. He wanted no firebrands in Court, to kindle these combustions, dispersed throughout all Brittany. My Liege (say they) if you once get the father and his daughters into your hands, you shall easily obtain the whole country, without striking stroke, & reduce the nobility at your discretion. Guy of Rochefort Chancellor of France, a just man, and of a good conscience, shows: That the Duke of Orleans retreat into Brittany, had been the chief motive to draw down the King's forces. That his Majesty having now the said Duke in his power, The Chancellor dissuades him from the invasion of brittany. the cause ceasing, the effect should cease. That the Duke was somewhat to be excused, if by the bond of alliance & affinity, he had been entangled in the disgraces of these noble men, fled under the shadow of his wing. Moreover, the King had no just cause, to pursue his own vassal with such violence, to ruin his estate, to invade a pupil's patrimony, & to spoil her of her grandfathers inheritance. If the King were not satisfied, to have the chief motives of these confusions in his power: he armed himself with a transport made to K. Lewis, by the Lord of Boussac and Nicole of Brittany his wife: that he must then examine the titles, and appoint men to look into the rights of the one & the other: if the King's pretensions were just, it was in him to put them in execution: if not, the people would exclaim against this violence, and God the protector of the oppressed, would soon or late, raise up some to revenge it: for the people's voice, is the voice of God, who cries to Princes; Do right to the needy and Orphelins: do justice to the afflicted and poor. This advice made the Lords of the Counsel pause a while, and many in the end conclude: That it was more convenient to agree upon judges, to decide this controversy judicially. Doubtless God holds the hearts of men in suspense, and makes them yield to what he pleaseth: But our Countess of Beau●e● was not well pleased with this resolution, hoping to have the Earldom of Nantes for her share. They let the Duke understand, what the Counsel had decreed. The crosses, distemperatures, age, and weakness of judgement, hindered the apprehension of his affairs. Yet will ●e deal surely. He chargeth the Earls of Dunois and Cominges, with offers and submissions to the King. The King refers them to Verger, to consider thereof: a house belonging to the Marshal of Gyé. Behold there grows great pretensions. The King pretends the property of Brittany, by reason of the grant made by Boussac. Pretendants for Brittany. The Vicont of Rohan did not renounce his interest. He descended of Marie of Brittany, sister to Marguerite the Duke's first wife, the only heir of Francis the first, and Marie preceded the Duke that then was, in degree of blood. But the pity was, she was a woman. As for the pretended rights and grants of Boussac, they answered. That the matter had been fully decided by the treaty made at the Abbey of Victory, and many others. To the Viscount of Rohan: That it was ended by the contract of marriage, testaments, and ordinances of Dukes their Predecessors, and decrees of Parliaments. But the King having two strings to his bow, like a Conqueror, grew wilful, and his sister Beau●eu more than he. If one failed, the other was ready bend. Charles demands the wardship of the Duke's daughters. It was of purpose, that obtaining this wardship, he might mar●ie Anne at his pleasure, being twelve years old, and her Sister seven. This might not be: the Nobility would never have endured it. Moreover, Charles discovers, that foreign Princes repined thereat, and were ready to embrace this quarrel. They must therefore agree upon judges, and a certain place. Yet leaving nothing of his conquests of Brittany, and being seized of some Towns won by their swords, letthe judges determine what they will, we will do what we please. In the end they draw articles. The King accepts them, & sends them to the Duke at Coyron upon Loire, where the Duke remained. He signs them, some willingly, the rest by force: enjoying this happiness in the end of his days, to have changed this wretched war into a public rest. So, a peace is concluded, and sworn on either part, the twentieth one of August. A peace betwixt the King and the Duke of B●●ttanie. The King promiseth to call home all his men at arms, and the Duke to dismiss all strangers: he promiseth to give the King for hostages, the Lord of Montaflant, Rainfort, and the son of the Lord Steward of Brittany: and within a certain time, to assemble the Estates of the Country, and to make them confirm this treaty. But Francis the second of that name, Duke of Brittany, oppressed with grief, The Duke dies. melancholy, and age, and sore bruised with a fall: falls sick and dies the ninth of September, leaving the Marshal of Rieux gardien of his daughters, the Earl of Cominges for an assistant, and Francis of Laval, Lady of Chasteaubriant, for governess. Presently after the Duke's decease, The King's new, and strange demands. the King sends Ambassadors to Anne the new Duchess, who gives her to understand, that the King's intention was to maintain the treaty made betwixt his Majesty, and the Duke deceased: but to make it more firm, it was expedient for her to yield in three points to the King. The first: That seeing they were allied unto the King, reason would, that he should have the g●rd, o● wardship, and during their minority, the disposing of their lands, and Seigneures. The second: That Commissioners appointed should decide their controversy, touching the principality of Brittany, by the first day of januarie next ensuing: and in the mean time, neither the one, nor the other, should carry the name nor the authority of of a Duchess, nor receive the oath of fealty. The third: ●●at all strangers should void the Country, as was contained in their covenant. Anne makes answer: that she desires to satisfy the treaty betwixt the King and her deceased Father, without any other conditions: Anne's answer. And for confirmation of her words, she calls a Parliament the 29. of December following, as the Duke was 〈◊〉 to have them ratify the conventions of peace. In the mean time there were robberies, taking of ransoms, massacres, thefts, desolation of the Country, sale of Towns, 1489. even as in open wars. The Viscount of Rohan laboured to win the Towns by sweet words, and amiable letters, he shows unto them the miseries of this war, far from any end, by the decease of their Duke: that at his request, the King had retired his army, attending, if the Nobility and commons, New troubles by the Viscount of Rohan. would put themselves into the hands of the said Rohan, under whose command his Majesty meant they should remain, otherwise he was ready to reduce the obstinate to reason by force. Rennes, Guingamp and others: (to whom he had particularly written) answer. That neither they nor the rest, can or ought acknowledge any other commander than the Duchess▪ to whom during her father's life, and since his decease) they were bound by oath. Moreover they were advertised that the King was resolved to entertain a peace with their Princess, in the same manner as had been accorded. They beseech him to rest satisfied with this answer, until they be informed of the Duchess intention, of the Counsels, and the Marshal of Rieux: and in the mean time, to have the good of the Country, and the peace in recomendation. This answer puts the Viscount into choler, The Britons overcome. and the Earl of Quintin his brother thrusts him on, being desirous to be revenged for the often taking, and spoiling of his Town. He goes to field with his troop, and near unto Pontrieu he encounters some men gathered together, with an intent to go to secure the Duchess: he doth charge them, defeats them, and kills a part of them, being abandoned by some gentlemen that conducted them: then he takes & sacks Pontrieu and Chasteaulin upon Trieuf, and so makes his way to Guincamp. He summons Chero & Goui●quet Captains, to yield the Town. They answer, that they will not obey him, so long as there shallbe a Duke or Duchess in Brittany. Upon this refusal, he sends a Captain called S. Pierre, Seneshal of Tholouse & la Forest to belegar it: who being repulsed out of the suburbs of Treguer, takes them of Montbareil and Pontauquen, spoil and burn them, and Rohan being arrived, he takes the suburbs of S. Croix▪ then he lodgeth in Montbareil, from whence he discovereth the whole Town so plainly, as he might shoot point blank into the market place; he burns a part of the suburbs, & lodgeth his artillery; he plants another battery in the jacobins garden, to batter the curtin of the wall betwixt the ports of Re●es, and Fontanie, and he makes a breach, but not sufficient, yet he gives an assault, and is repulsed. The next day he changeth his battery, and plants it at the upper end of the fi●●ers garden he plays a whole day, beats down a part of the wall, betwixt the Ports of Montbareil and Treguer: he offers a second assault, but it was as valiantly defended, as assailed. Goui●quet thrust into the thigh with a pike, is carried out of the fight. The night brings counsel, & those which had withstood 2. assaults, will be unable for the 3. being now weakened of one of their chief supports, who was made unable to serve, by reason of his hurt: mo●ning being come, a truce is granted, to take advice of their Duchess. Rohan presseth it, & the Captains seeing their men decayed in number as well by the taking of the suburbs, as at the two assaults, compound for ten thousand Crowns to the General to retire his army, and to receive them into his protection, promising to furnish victuals and munition for the siege of Concq, the which he had charge from the King to besiege, and for want of present money, by reason of the losses sustained by the war, Fougeres taken. to give hostages. But this parley was frivolous. During which time Captain Boissel declares himself for the French, seizeth of the gate of the Tower Quencile, and brings in the Earl of Quintin, (who gaped only for revenge of this place) he takes and spoils the Town, and ransoms the inhabitants, and amongst them Captain Chero: Goviequet saves himself at la Roche de Rien. This chanced the 23. of januarie, after five days siege. Concq yields upon the approach: and Breast followed, a most strong place, and the key of all the Country. Thus Ploermel, Ghasteaubriant, Malestroit, Vitré, Fougeres, S. Malo, Dinan, S. Aulbin, Guingamp, The pitiful estate of Brittany. Concq, Breast, and other places, are in the King's power. The Nobility dispossessed for the most part of their best places, shrowded themselves under the conquerors: there is small hope of succours. The English are divided amongst themselves. the King of the Romans hath work at home, and those small succours that come from both, prevail nothing: there is no money in the Treasury, the Soldiers are not paid, the Crown is worth eight Frankes: Anne is forced to sell of her revenues for the maintenance of her house: and to aggravate these mischiefs, her counsel is greatly divided about her marriage. The Marshal of Rieux, and the Lady of Laval, hold for Alain of Albret· but she will none of him. She protests, that what soever she had done in her father's life, was in respect of him, being loath to disobey him, or to cause his grief; and causeth the said protestation to be signified unto him. The Chancellor & the Earl of Cominges, support her against the Marshal: he flies to arms, and besiegeth the Chancellor at Guerrende, (being seized of Anne's person, to keep her from falling into his hands, who would marry her against her will, where he pleased,) but he could not enter. All these confusions made an easy way to the King, for the execution of his enterprises. Being thus oppressed, she sends to her allies, the Kings of England, Castille and Romans': the English succours her (and in a manner beyond her expectation) with an army of nine or ten thousand men, under the command of Chene Master of the horse, accompanied with the controller, and Ambassador of England: not for any hatred he bore unto the King, but for fear of too mighty a neighbour, if he united this goodly Province to the Crown. The Marshal of Rieux, (having an other meaning a part, seeking to tie the English commanders unto him, and to draw them to his faction, sends the master of the horse of Brittany, and the Lord of Kaërousi, to Penmarch, to receive this Ambassador, and to offer him a convoy to go to the Duchess, (who to have this army near unto her person, makes it to land at Croisi●, a port near unto Guerrende.) And to have the people at his devotion, Rieux gives out, that the Earls of Dunois and Cominges, the Chancellor and others, had laid a plot to deliver the Duchess to the King of France. Anne fortified with this new supply, goes to field, desirous herself (being a Virgin) to attend the Marshal of Rieux, if he presented himself: and being prevented of her entry into Nantes, by the Marshal, she retires to Rennes, to give order for the recovery of Guingamp. For this effect, she assembles some troops, being assured that the French garrison could not be suddenly relieved, the King's army being employed far off in the conquest of the Towns of base Britain- These troops were seized of Pontrieu: and to stop the courses of Guingamp, had sent some Gentlemen, with a number of the common people. Those of Guingamp, encounter them, charge them, overthrow them, & kill many of the chief gentlemen of note, William of Rostrenen, Lord of Breledi, Yuon of Ploësqueler, Seigneur of Kaërgabin, Yuon of Lesuersault, Kaërloët, Pontglou, Kaernechrion, Botloy, The Britons overcome 〈◊〉 Pontrieu. Pregent the eldest son to the Lord of Lanechriou, and an infinite number of the commons. They presently take Pontrieu, sack it, and burn it. This was the 7. of April. The next day, Govicquet advertised that about 1500. men of the English army, appeared at the Isle of Brehat, he went unto them, and so wrought with the commanders, as they landed at Pontrieu. The French, having notice hereof, being about 1500. horse, being loath to engage their honours in a place not to be held, without succours, and ill furnished with victuals and munition, they set fire of many places of the town, carry away what they can, exact 12. thousand crowns of the inhabitants, and retire themselves, leading eight hostages, for the security of fifty thousand Frankes, granted by the inhabitants to the Viscount of Rohan. This English army was presently followed by another of Spaniards, commanded by Don Diego Peres of Sarmiento Earl of Salmas, consisting of 2000 men at arms, and a great number of foot. Now Anne is strong, Anne succoured by the English and Spanish. fortified with two new armies, and the king fears, that in steed of invading another man's country, he shall be forced to defend his own. To prevent all danger, he fortifies his frontiers, & sends Francis of Luxembourg Viscount of Martigues, & Charles of Marigni, to Henry the 7. K. of England, to draw him from the alliance of Britain, considering his bond unto the King, by whose means he was installed in the royal throne: but they were fruitless admonitions. The King calls for his Nobility, and all his companies of ordinary; and resolves to enter Britain with the greatest forces of his Realm. I● the mean time he puts two thousand four hundred foot into Chas●ea●gontier, and Provence: john of Bellay, with his company of forty Lances into Breast▪ into Co●cq claud of Montfauson and Bongars Captain of foot, with artillery, victuals and munition: and four thousand French and Swisses were distributed into Dinan, Fougeres, Saint Malo, and Vitre. But this was not sufficient to assure these places: a man of service doth oft times import more, than the whole body of a Town. He therefore practiseth with john of Quellene●, Vicont of Fou, The Admiral of Brittany for the King. Admiral of Britain, by the means of the Vicont of ●ohan. This Admiral arms some ships, to keep the Britons from besieging of Breast by sea, and Maurice du Mené (of whom we have made some mention) with the Lord of Chastel (newly reduced to the King's service, by the Lord of Kaerisac,) took the guard of the sea coast, to hinder the enemies landing. In the mean time the Britons lodge their strangers at Lamballe, and assemble all into one body. The Marshal of Rieux, impatient to have been left Tutor unto Anne by testament, and not to have her in his possession: being too weak to take her by force in regard o● Alain, The Marshal of Rieu●▪ seeks to win the English. he seeks to the English, and sends Sourdeac to Henry, to let him understand that Albret might assist him much in the recovery of Guienne. That it were good to bind him unto him by the marriage of Anne of Britain, and to sequester those from her that were opposite. If he please, he hath the means to draw her into his captains power, under colour to persuade her to visit these great and goodly succours, that were come to serve her. Yet could he not prevail, in this point. She had already conceived some jealousy of the English: for, her Treasurer (carrying them six thousand Crowns, which they had required, attending their pay,) had discovered, that they treated with the King's men, & that they were now in speech of a truce. Being moved herewith, she doth advertise Henry, & beseecheth him to give order, believing that this dealing was not with his consent. She complains moreover, that the Marshal of Rieux detained Nantes, from her: kept her revenues; placed, and displaced her officers. Beseeching the King, to command the Lieutenants of his army, to give no support nor favour unto Rieux against her: but to pursue him as a rebel, and dissobedient to his Princess, attempting against her and her authority. Henry won by the Marshal, assures the Duchess of the continuance of his great love, and that he will answer at large to that which her Ambassadors had propounded, by some that he would send unto her. In the mean time, he desi●es his army should go to Rennes to the Duchess, or that she might go to them: to the end she might visibly see, if those forces were sufficient to secure her. And he gives her to understand by ●usbourche Secretary of state, that he had sent his army to succour her against all men: and especially against Rieux: so as the army with the commanders may come to her to Rennes, or that she may go to the army, as she shall think best. A gross policy, easily discovered at the fi●st sight, that this was but a practice to put her and the chief of her Counsel into stranger's hands, to rule her at their pleasure. Anne finds this condition of hard digestion. And Henry fearing, lest this distrust should make her to sue for an accord with the King; The Marshal reconciled to the Duchess. adviseth, that the surest means to fortify the Duchess party against the French, was the Marshals reconciliation with her: and wrought therein so politicly, that by mediation of john of Coëtman and other Noblemen of Britain, an accord was made betwixt the Duchess, the Earl of Cominges, and others of that party with the Lords of Albret and Rieux, & the Lady of Lavall: So as in the beginning of january all quarrels were pacified, and all were united in the common service of their Country. During this treaty of reunion, the Marshal well informed that Breast and Concq wanted both munition & victuals, went to besiege the fortress of Breast by land, with his troops▪ & by sea with threescore Britton ships. & the English went to Concq. The King knowing how much these places did import, sends S. Pierre and Chazeron with 〈◊〉 thousand foot, to join with the forces of Rohan, Saint André, the Senes●als of 〈…〉 and Care●ssonne: and to draw forth part of the garrisons of Vitré, Fougeres and Dinan; and five and twenty ships by sea, 1490. which put all the galleys of Britain to fight; and after their example, the army at land retires so hastily, And succoured. as they leave part of their Cannon wherewith the Town was furnished, victualled, and relieved with fresh men: and Concq likewise was freed from the siege of the English. Winter approached, and the cold & rainy wether forced both armies to leave the field. And therefore a new truce was concluded, during the which, Truce accorded. judges should be appointed to examine the interest of all parties: who for that effect should be sent to avignon, a neuter Town, and they should name a neuter Prince (who according to the report of the judges) should decide the controversy. Maximilian was chosen. doubtless it was a folly to dispend much in spies, and want good intelligence. The King being upon the point to consummate his marriage with the archdukes daughter, relied on him. Maximilian made Arbitrator betwixt King Charles and Anne of Britain. But in whose favour should he give sentence, being in no good terms with the king: and hoping on the other side to join unto his ordinary titles, the quality of Duke of Britain? Charles and Anne send their deputies unto him, who are referred to Francford. The judges come, and pronounce a sentence, but not definitive: That the King should deliver all such places as he held, unto the Duchess, except S. Aulbin, Cormier, Dinan, Fo●geres, and Saint Malo, which should be sequestered into the hands of Maximilian, and the Duke of Bourbon: to yield them unto him to whom the Duchy should be adjudged: and all French men that bore arms, should leave the Country, and the Duchess likewise should dismiss the English and other strangers. Taking a new assignation of Tournay, to judge definitively of the cause, but all this was but to win time, Maximilian makes his peace with the King, for his own regard, whereby many places he held in Flanders were delivered: and during these treaties, Isabella the sister of Anne of Britain dies at Rennes, the X. of june. Anne remaining sole heir, the King of Romans love increased, and the Duchess desire to be supported against the King made her willingly to yield. And for that Maximilian could not go in person, he deputes the Earl of Nassau, Isabella sister to Anne of Britain dies. Wolphgang Baron of Polhem in Austria, james Condebaut his Secretary, and Lopian Stuard of his house, with authority, to treat, and conclude the marriage and to wed the said Duchess. Notwithstanding the truce, no man will leave his hold, neither will the King give over the places he holds, nor the Duchess dismiss her strangers: but some part of them, and puts the rest into garrisons. She sends not to avignon, Anne married to Maximilian. fearing perhaps the surprise of her writings. The garrison of Nantes runs over Poictou, Anjou, and other Countries. The King's troops commit the like acts of hostility. Some Germans enter into Britain. The Chancellor of Montauban goes to solicit in England. Charles will have Anne first to discharge her English and castilians. Anne replies, that in like sort he ought by the treaty of Francford, to yield her her places, & to leave the other four above mentioned, as neuter. She imputes the spoils of Nantes, to the former divisions betwixt her and the Marshal of Rieux: and promiseth that hereafter the like insolences shall not be committed. New causes of war. That the Germans coming was only to force some of her subjects to obedience. That the Chancellors going to the King of England, was to agree upon the charges due for the succours he had sent. That in truth, seeing the King to make new preparations to the prejudice of their treaty, she had given the Chancellor commission, to treat for some succours of men. The King is discontented herewith, so as Guemené and Coetquen her Ambassadors return with no other answer but a new assignation at Tournay. In the mean time the King arms, and makes great preparations at Pont-See. Anne serves him with the same sauce. She solicits the Kings of England and Castille, and her new spouse, to join their forces, and to invade France with a mighty army. He that cannot cirumvent his enemy with the Lion's skin, must use the Foxes. Charles is advertised of his new alliance of Austria and Britain. The neighbourhood is dangerous, being thus fortified. King Charles seeks to have Anne to wi●e. He must avoid this, and by some means get that for himself▪ which an ill neighbour pretends. He therefore sends to treat with the Duchess, but she cannot affect him, that had showed himself so violent an enemy. Yet he finds an other expedient. Alain of Albret was frustrate of his hopes, and this denial had mightily discontented him: he was therefore easily drawn away. The Duke of Bourbon governs him so absolutely for a time, that upon certain promises and other preferments, he wins him for the King, who promiseth to deliver him the Town of Nantes: wherein he might do much, being armed with the Marshal of Rieux favour. The effects follow: Alaine surpriseth the Castle of Nantes, and in hatred of Anne's disdain, he spoils the Treasury of the Dukes of Brittany, in the which were all their precious stones, and the Duchess' jewels, Nantes taken for the French and delivers both Town and Castle into the King's hands, yielding him the right he pretended to the Duchy, by reason of his wife Francis of Brittany, daughter to William Vicont of Lymoges, a younger brother of the house of Ponthieure, for a pension of six hundred pounds a year, issuing out of the lands of Gaure, near Tholouse, whereunto the Chamber of Accompts at Paris, with the King's Proctor general, and the inhabitants of Gaure opposed, maintaining, that there was no recompense due to the Lord of Albret for that interest, seeing he had none. The King (who was in Sentinel) marcheth thither in person with his army, the 4. of April, hoping now to finish this war, and to send home the English. He marcheth, with an intent to besiege Anne in Rennes, whether this new terror had drawn her. But they had so suddenly pestered all the approaches with numbers of trees cut out off the nearest forest, as they were forced to give over that enterprise, to undertake the siege of Guingamp, being the key of base Brittany. The inhabitants were reduced to extreme poverty, having lodged the English army almost a year, who for want of payment, had spoiled them of all their goods, and left it ill guarded with men for defence. Tremoville Lieutenant for the King, had this charge, who sent Adrian l'hospital before, with part of the army, to beleagar the place. At his approach the inhabitants demanded a composition: Guingamp taken. the Lieutenant receives them, with assurance of life and goods. But in his absence, he cannot save the town from spoil. Then fell out the appointment for Tournai: Anne sends sixteen Deputies, who finds the gates shut against them, and no lodging but in the Suburbs: the King disdaining this treaty, having intelligence of the marriage of Maximilian with Anne: foreseeing, that from this stock might spring a plant, which hereafter might cross his estate. Maximilian was now much moved for the taking of Nantes: the Emperor Frederick his father held a Diet at Noremberg, to provide some means to recover this loss, and to encounter the French forces. The Princes of Germany promise him twelve thousand Lausquenets, which the Colonel George of Terrepl●ine should bring to him by August following. The King of England should augment this army with a levy of six thousand English. But the discord that fell out betwixt these two Princes, and the tediousness of the Germans, who are wonderful heavy, gave the King means to effect his desire, and to supplant Maximilian. The Duke of Orleans freed from prison. At that time the King freed the Duke of Orleans from prison, and by the same means the Prince of Orange and the Earl of Dunois were reconciled unto him. These men were great means to put the King in Maximilians place, being only married by a Deputy. Anne much discontented with King Charles. The Counsel found no better expedient, to quench all these quarrels and troubles. But the Duchess was strange▪ what means is there (saith she) to love a Prince, who these three years hath made such cruel wars against me? being a pupil and under age? Who detains my Towns unjustly? Who spoils my subjects? Doth outrage and kill my Officers, upon refusal to pay him my rents and revenues? Who (notwithstanding former transactions passed betwixt us) spoils my Country, makes desolate my Towns: and hath sought tyrannically to seize upon my person. It was needful to employ many great personages to pacify this discontented mind. The King sends the Duke of Orleans to that end, who cunningly doth practise the Marshal of Rieux, the Chancellor of Montauban: and others of the Counsel; with the Lady of Laval (governess to the Duchess,) and other Ladies her familiars, who both publicly and privately lay before her her forepast dangers, than miseries in the which her subjects had been plunged through war the neighbourhood of so mighty a King, who would continually oppress her: and the far distance of Maximilian, 1491. Her Council persuade her to embrace the alliance of France. a poor Prince, full of affairs, and of small credit, who hath no means to raise her, neither could he ever succour her with above two thousand men. That she had no better means to purchase rest to herself and peace to her subjects, then by embracing the alliance of King Charles, whereby she should not only recover her places, but of a Duchess of Britain, should become a peaceable Queen, and well beloved of the whole Realm. If they were both married, it was but by attorneys, finally, in such accidents, the Church doth willingly dispense with such covenants not personally performed, to prevent the miseries that grow by war. Maximilian was far of, unacquainted with these practices, no man sought to prevent it: and these persuasions did ring daily in the ears of Anne, so as in the end she yields to follow the resolution of her states. They were wonderfully toiled and wearied with the war, the people turmoiled, the Nobility impoverished, the Clergy oppressed, some Towns taken, and some wa●ering: and moreover they did see a great Prince demand their alliance with force, and the chief Noblemen inclined to the French faction. These reasons made it seem more convenient and to be preferred before the slow succours of Maximilian. A final peace in Britain by a treaty of marriage. Thus was Anne Duchess of Britain persuaded, and a peace concluded and ratified by a happy and agreeable treaty of marriage, by the which (to maintain the subjects of the Country in peace that were armed for either side) it was said. That all exploits and offences committed and done upon assurance, or otherwise, during the wars on either side should be forgotten, and remain without reproach to any, as remitted, abolished, and recompensed: every man should return to his home, and all soldiers depart the Country. A wise advice to maintain these two Countries in love and concord. The City of Rennes yields at this happy composition, where the King entered in November, upon the assurance and conduct of the Duke of Orleans, with his simple train, and without any men at arms, (for so it was agreed) to see the Duchess and to ratify the treaty, making the Prince of Orange (for that he had been a chief instrument in this business) his Lieutenant general in Britain: then he took the way to Langeais in Touraine, whether Anne was conducted by the Chancellor Montaubon, Coetquen Lord Steward, and by the Lord of Chasteaubriant, and the marriage was consummated the 16. day of December. The articles of the contract are to be seen in the Originals. The marriage to Cha●ls with Anne. If this marriage were pleasing to God or not, let us leave it to the judicious reader: so it is, that of three sons they could not bring up one. Soon after Francis of Orleans Earl of Dunois died, the chief firebrand of this war, and likewise the principal motive of 〈◊〉 peace. From him are issued the Dukes of Longueville; and a littile before john the second Duke of Bourbon was deceased without Children, to whom succeeded Peter Earl of Beavieu, who hereafter shallbe Duke of Bourbon, the eleventh of that name. This year was borne Gaston of Foixe, Duke of Nemours, son to john of Foix, The practices of the English upon Britain. Vicont o● Narbone, and of Mary of Orleans; one of the greatest Captains of his age, who sha●l give ample testimony of himself in the wars of Italy, which now approach. There died also at Rome, Peter of Foix, Cardinal, brother to the said john, and Uncle to Queen Katherine of Navarre. Henry of England, wonderfully incensed at this marriage, sought by all secret practices to surprise some of the chief places of the Province: and at the first retreat of his army out of Britain, he caused it to make an offer at Port-blans, and some other ports, but they were still repulsed by the faithful care of the Noblemen of the Country: namely by the Chancellor of Montauban, of Bertrand d'Acig●é, and other sea Captains. Thus the Englishmen seeing their attempts like to take none effect, bend their course to go towards Calais, in the company of their King: who was making war in the County of Guines, whilst that Maximilian should enter the Realm, with forces on the other side▪ then they besieged Boullen by sea, 1492. being kept from landing by the Lord of cords, and the bastard of Cardonne, Captain of Arras, with such small forces as they could suddenly oppose. But oh Bastard, whilst thou repellest this common enemy, how prejudicial shall they absence be from Arras? Arras betrayed to Maximilian. Four young gallants (saith the history) make false keys to the gates, and give Maximilian intelligence, bringing him by night into the Town, unknown to Carquelevant, Lieutenant to Cardonne. Some writ that one of those, in whom he trusted for the opening of the gates, made this Stratagem. But (howsoever) he was taken in his bed sleeping at his ease; and for a second token of base cowardice, he yielded up the Castle, without attending the succours that came unto him. The Town was spoiled, without sparing of the Churches, or the traitor's houses. A worthy reward of their treachery. Thus can we preserve our Conquests. A while after they attempted Amiens. A shame to soldiers▪ that a woman should hear the first report, & that by her advertisement to the watch, in ringing the great bell of Beffroy, should put the Town in arms. And as the first advice came from a woman, so are they honourably qualified in the history. To have borne weapons and arms with their husbands, who by the care and command of Rubempré and of Anthony Clabault, More of the Town, did their duties so well (every one repairing to the quarter, which had been formerly assigned him) as the enemy returned amazed. A duty which made them as famous, as their descendants infamous, by the notable treachery they committed in our days. Henry loved peace, and was embarked more at the instance of his subjects (lest they should think him more gracious to the French then the ancient quarrels of both nations required) then for any desire he had, to have the King his en●my, to whom he had a great and strict bond, as we have heard. The chief cause of his grudge was a great sum of money, Peace with Henry. which he said he had lent to the deceased Duke of Britain. The King having discovered it, command's the Lord of cords to treat with him, and pays him the money: and so sends him home satisfied into England. This peace made Maximilian willing to be reconciled. Moreover the Princes of Germany laboured in this pacification, and the affairs of the Empire, in the which his father had associated him, since the year 1486. began to call him. The Swisses laboured it, And with Maximilian. and the people, especially those of the Low Countryey (as well through the French wars, as by their own private divisions) were so toiled, as they detested the wars. In the end, a peace was concluded for four years only, by the means of the D●ke of Bourbon, the Prince of Orange, and the Lord of cords. So he received his daughter Marguerit again, with the Counties of Artois and Bourgongne, receiving the revenues and homages, and the King keeping the Castles, to place garrisons in them, until the end of four years. Behold this estate doth now enjoy a happy rest, by the union of this goodly and great Duchy, to the Crown of France, and by a peace confirmed with Henry and Maximilian. But as Charles had enlarged his Diadem, with this new acquisition, so the urgent importunity of his Schoolmaster, Lewis of Amboise, Bishop of Albi, and of Doctor Maillard, made him to restore the Counties of Rouss●llon, and Parpignan, too religiously unto Ferdinand King of Arragon, the which Lewis the XI. his Father had gotten, hoping by this means to tie the Spaniard to a perpetual peace. What should Charles do then with his Nobility and his youth, he being young, vigorous and of no idle complexion? Now a great desseine makes him to call his eyes beyond the A●pes, and thrusts him to the conquest of goodly and rich Estates. But let us examine the causes and proceed farther off. We have said before, that René Duke of Lorraine was in Court, and demanded restitution of the Duchy of Bar, and the County of Provence. During his abode, the Realm of of Naples being revolted, The first motive of the voyage of Italy. the Nobility and the three estates of the Realm, put themselves under the Protection of the Church▪ as holding of it in fee. The Pope sends for René, to invest him in the Realm, upon some right which he pretended. The Galleys of Gennes attended him: the Cardinal of Saint Pierre was there to conduct him, 1493. and men from all the Noble men of the Country priest him thereunto where they expected him so long, as the Pope was forced to make an agreement with Ferdinand, being assisted by the Florentines. Upon assurance of this accord, which the Pope, the Ventians, the King of Spain, and the Florentines had sworn, and were bound to see observed the Barons of the Realm return home to their houses, and were all taken prisoners. The Prince of Salerne chief of the house of Saint Severin escapes, and three of his Nephews with him, sons to the Prince of Basignan, who retire themselves to Venice, and demands of the Seigneurie what refuge they would wish them to choose, to the Duke of Lorraine, or to the Kings of France or of Spain. The Venetians answer. That the Duke of Lorraine was a dead man, unable to support so heavy a burden. That the King of Spain was already strong at sea, and the realms of Naples and Sicily would make him too mighty, that they had lived in good correspondency with the Kings of France, who in former times had possessed the said realms. The delays of the Lorraine, being but poor, made them thus to qualify him long for he wanted neither courage nor valour. They were jealous of the Neighbourhood of a mighty Prince, and did not consider that to call in a King of France to these Estates, was the means to ruin them. So they pass into France, where the affairs of Britain held them above two years in their pursuit One called Stephen de Verse, a man of base sort, who had served the King well in his infancy, as a groom of his chamber, and now made Seneschal of Beaucaire and Precedent of the Accompts of Paris, with the General Brisonnet, afterwards Cardinal, ruled their master. These Neapolitains govern them, and they embark him in this voyage, The motives of the voyage of Naples. who of himself was flexible. The wisest dissuade him, as a dangerous enterprise for the French, and always fatal▪ He wanted all necessary things. The King was young, and weak of complexion, he hath few good Commanders, and fewer wise men: no money, and himself wilful, the best was he had a gallant Nobility and young, but ill commanded, nothing obedient, and too wilful, like to their head, the which notwithstanding purchased to the King an immortal glory. Wants for this voyage. The leading and return of this army doubtless was the work of heaven. Before his departure, Charles requires aid and Counsel of the Venetians. Aide we cannot give you (say they) for fear of the Turk, yet were they in peace with him, and the Turk then reigning, was of small reputation. As for counsel, it were presumption for us to counsel so wise a King, assisted with so good Counsel notwithstanding we will he●pe you rather than hurt you, and you shallbe very welcome. In truth GOD will have us confess, that neither the wit nor policy of man can disappoint that which his eternal providence had decreed. This succeeded otherwise then that common weal expected, first they conceived not, that the King would undertake this voyage in person. Moreover they hoped to be revenged of this house of Arragon, whom they hated exceedingly, imputing it to Ferdinand, as the means to draw donwe Mahomet Ottoman, who conquered Constantinople, and had done many outrages to the Venetians: and Alphonse son to the said Ferdinand had stirred up the Duke of Ferrare, to make that chargeable war against them, the which had almost ruined them: to have sent a man to Venice to poison their cisterns, with many other complaints which they framed against this house. But the chief motive was for that by their means they could not extend their dominions, as well in Italy as in Greece. Thus they thought to use the King as a scourge to whip their enemy, but not to ruin him, and by their shipwreck to have means to seize upon some Towns in Apulia lying upon the gulf: as it happened. This was one motive to transport the Fr●nch forces beyond the Alpes. An other was, that Bonne a daughter of Savoie & widow to john Galeas Duke of Milan, a woman b●th without honour and judgement, was chiefly governed by a Secretary of hers ●amed Chico bred up in that house, and by her Carver, Antony Tas●ino. Chico to assure the estate of the young Duke john Galeas, son to the said john, had expelled all his father's brothers, uncles to the Son: and among the rest Lodowick Sforce; and Robert of Saint Severin, son of a bastard Daughter of the house of Saint Severin: Tascino (who had a great interest in his Lady's bed and favour) calls them home with her consent. Being returned they take Chico, and against their promise to offer him any violence, they put him in a pipe, and dragging him through the City of Milan, send him prisoner to Pavia, where he died, & they modestly dismissed Tascino. Lodowicke and Robert, Lodowicke's Sfo●ce seeks to usurp the Duchy of Milan. freed from these two obstacles, fortify themselves near the Duchess, and even then did Lodowicke practise to usurp the Duchy of Milan. For the first fruits of this project they sequester the two sons of Bonne and lodge them in the Castle, and seize upon the treasure (which was then held to be the greatest in Christendom). They make three keys, whereof she kept one, but they had the guard of all. They force her to renounce the wardship, and Lodowicke was created Tutor. This was not all, the Castle was carefully kept, and the Captain went not without the turnepikes. Lodowicke and Robert were not admitted, but with one or two followers. But two great Princes cannot reign long together in one State without jealousy. Lodowicke suppliants Robert, & puts him from all government. Thus Lodowicke commands Milan absolutely, and Robert serves the Venetians: yet Galeas and the Earl of Caiazze, children to Robert, shall return and do Lodowicke good service in the State of Milan. Then began Lodowicke to increase in authority, graving the Duke's picture on the one side of their coin, and his own on the other, not without the muttering of many, namely of Isabella the wife of Alphonso Duke of Calabria, son to Ferdinand King of Arragon, as proud and haughty a woman, as her husband was weak of judgement and without courage. This repining made Lodowik to hasten his resolution. And thus he proceeded: when the Duke went forth of the Castle, his brother remained within, and Lodowicke conducting him home, the captain did usually come forth upon the bridge to receive him. Lodowicke usurps Milan and suprizeth the Castle. One day among the rest Lodowick stays him purposely a little without the bridge, to draw forth the Captain, whom Galeas and the Earl Caiazze seize upon, and on such as followed him. They within draw the bridge, Lodowicke lights a candle, & swears to cut off their heads that were in his power, if they yield not the place before the light be burnt: The which they do. He enters, and placeth men at his pleasure: he puts the Captain in prison: arraines him, upon colour that he meant to deliver up the Castle to the Emperor. He stays some Germans, and makes them believe, that they treated in favour of the house of Austria, which of old time pretended some right to the Duchy: yet afterwards both he & they were set at liberty. Lodowick is now master of the fort. He must seek means to maintain this usurpation: yet lest he should grow too odious, he makes all dispatches in that name of john Galeas Duke of Milan his Nephew, a Duke in name only, but he in effect. In the mean time Isabella solicits her father and Grandfather, to revenge the injustice and tyranny of Lodowick. Lodowick understood well, that this act would offend many Princes: that his insolent and not accustomed exaction of money made his name odious to all the people of the Duchy: and that Ferdinand King of Arragon with his son Alphonso would not fail to embrace the quarrel and right of john Galeas and of their Isabell. To cross them, he cunningly (to the prejudice of the ancient confederacy of the Estates of Italy,) makes a league betwixt the Pope, the Venetians, and john Galeas Duke of Milan his Nephew (arming himself always with that name) for their common defence, and namely of Lodowikes government, upon condition, that the Venetians and the said Duke should either of them send presently two hundred men at arms to Rome, and greater forces (if need were) for the recovery of such places as were detained from the Church by Virgilius Vrsinus, in favour of Peter of Medicis his kinsman, associate with Ferdinand, & Alphonso. And more to cross their estates, Lodowick (who could not subsist in the midst of their vinted forces) sends an honourable embassage to the King, whereof the Earl of Caiazzo was the chief, assisted by Charles of Balbiano Earl of Belzoioso, & Galeas of S. Severin, who had married a bastard of Lodowick's: who greatly urge the title he had to this goodly and pleasant country of Naples. They easily drew the king to taste a vain glory of Italy, persuading him by great offers of service, succours of men, money, and munition. But before we pass the Alpes, let us examine the estate of Italy, & the right which our Charles pretended. Since the declining of the Roman Empire, Italy never enjoyed a more happy prosperity, then about the year 1490. A long peace had made the most barren places fruitful, it abounded in people, riches, great men of state, and good wits, in learning, industry and military fame, such as that age could produce, beautified with the state of many Princes, not subject to any other command but of themselves. Laurence of Medicis a Citizen of Florence, The Estate of Italy. 1490. was a great means to hold things in this prosperous estate, a man of a quiet spirit, experienced in affairs, judicious, of great authority above all his fellow Citizens, & for that he governed Pope Innocent the 8. his kinsman absolutely) renowned throughout all Italy. He knew that the greatness of other Potentates▪ would mightily shake the Common weal of Florence, and therefore he sought by all means to hold them equal, by a general observation of peace. Ferdinand of Arragon, King of Naples, a wise Prince, and of great reputation, did much affect this public quiet, but he had work at home: Alphonso Duke of Calabria his eldest son, being much discontented, seeing that john Galeas Sforce, D●ke of Milan his son in Law, should carry but the naked and simple title of D●ke, under the oppression of Lodowick his uncle. But Ferdinand having yet a fresh impression of the late revolt of his subjects of Naples, not ignorant that at the first motion they would open their arms to the house of France, considering the affection which most of his subjects bare unto it of old: he feared least the divisions in Italy should draw the French to invade the Realm of Naples: preferring a present benefit before the indignation of his son, desiring rather to unite himself with the other Estates, especially that of Milan and Florence, to countermine the Venetiens greatness, being then fearful to all Italy, puffed up with the late overthrow of the Duke of Ferrara, father in law to Lodowick, after a long and dangerous hazard of their estate. Lodowick was in the same predicament with the rest: and moreover peace was far more necessary than war, for the preservation of an authority lately usurped. Hereunto that commendable inclination to peace which he found in Laurence of Medicis, did move him. And considering, that in regard of the inveterate hatred betwixt the house of Arragon and the Venetians, they should hardly make any firm League betwixt them: he therefore concluded, that Ferdinand and his son should not be at need assisted by any other, to cross him in his desseins: and having them alone opposite, he should easily withstand them. So Ferdinand, Lodowick and Laurence continued the alliance cheerfully which they had renewed in the year. 1480. for 25. years: all the meaner potentates in a manner leaving unto them: to whom the Venetians greatness was wonderfully suspected, managing their affairs apart, not imparting their counsels to the body of the common league, watching only opportunity to grow great by the public discords. T●oubles by the death of L●●●ence of M●dicis. Being all thus united they were too strong for the Venetians: yet were they full of envy and mutual jealousy, one prying still into an others estate, and continually craving desseines, so as they could not long live in true and faithful friendship. The death of Laurence of Medicis was a great cause of the breach of this general peace. An unseasonable death for him, having not yet lived 44. years complete: for his Country, the which (by his wisdom and judgement) flourished most happily in all the benefits which a long peace doth usually bring forth: and for Italy, as well by reason of the affairs which he did wisely manage, to the general good of the whole Country, as also for that he was a notable instrument to temper the divers humours and jealousies which sprung up daily betwixt Ferdinand and Lodowick, and to quench the flames which might easily cause a general disorder. This peace being well shaken by his death, was presently quite broken, not so much by the death of Innocent, who by his sloth was grown unprofitable as ●ell for himself, his friends and the public, after he had retired his arms, the which he had displayed at the instance of the Barons of Naples: as by the succession of Roderike Borgia, who was then called Alexander the sixth, a Spaniard, chosen under the factious discords of Ascanius Sforce brother unto Lodowick, Pope Alexander's disposition. & julian of S. Pierre, buying the suffrages of many other Cardinals, partly with ready money, and partly by promises of Offices and benefices. He was subtle and quick wi●te●, excellent in counsel, vehement to persuade, and a great man of state. But (saith the Original) his virtues were surpassed by his vices, dishonest in manners, no sincerity, 〈◊〉 shame, no truth, no faith, no religion in him: but an insatiable covetousness, an immoderate ambitien, The peace of Italy ruined by Peter of Medicis. a cruelty more than barbarous, and a violent desire to advance (by what means soever) his children, which were many in number. Peter the eldest son of Laurence of Medicis, was successor to his goodly honours, but not to his father's good humours. Peter differed as much from Laurence, as that Hector drawn dead at a chariots tail, from Hector returning victorious, honoured with the spoils of Achilles. At his entrance to the government, following an advice directly contrary to his father, without any other counsel then of Virgilius Vrs●nus, of whose humour Peter depended (both their Mothers being of the family of Vrsins) he made so strict a League with Ferdinand and Alphonso, as Lodowick (a vigilant and subtle man) conceived presently that the Florentin forces might easily be drawn to prejudice him, in favour of the Arragonois. This jealousy was laid open by this accident. The confederate according to their custom, must send to congratulate and acknowledge the new Pope. Lodowick had wisely advised, that all the Ambassadors should enter Rome together in company, and likewise into the consistory before the Pope, and that one should speak for them all▪ for (said he) by this manner of proceeding we shall make known to Italy, that there is not only a singular love and League betwixt us, but also so f●rme a conjunction, as we shall seem to be but one body and one Principality. Ferdinand approved this advice. Peter did not publicly gainsay it, but in private he could not digest it, being one of the Ambassadors chosen for the common weal of Florence, having resolved to beautify his embassage, with a proud and sta●ely train. He considered, that entering into Rome, and presenting himself to the Pope in troop, his train would appear far less st●tely in so great a company. And therefore he caused the King of Naples to frustrate this desseine, as not to be done without confusion. But Ferdinand loath to displease one to please an other, doth advertise Lodowick, that he did not recall his first consent, but at the instant request of Peter of Medicis. There was yet an other reason, which made Lodowick to suspect some secret intelligence, betwixt Peter and the Arragonois. Francisquin Cibo bastard son to Innocent, after his father's death had retired himself to Florence, to Peter of Medicis, brother to Magdalene his wife. Being planted there, Virgilius Vrsinus bought of him, by Peter's means, Larguillare, Ceruetre, and some other places near to Rome, for forty thousand ducats. The money was in a manner all lent him by Ferdinand, of purpose, to the end that Virgilius being his kinsman and entertained soldier, growing great about Rome, he might reap the more profit. Ferdinand found no better foundation for his safety, then to tie all or the greatest part of the Noblemen, within the territories, to suppres●e that Hidr●es head, if it should rise too high. This he laboured more carefully, doubting that Lodowikes authority would prove great hereafter with the Pope, by the means of Cardinal Ascanius his Brother. The vanity of man's conceits must needs discover the weakness of his judgement. Of two mischiefs Ferdinand did choose the greatest, & grounding upon a light profit, he did not foresee, that he laid the way open to his own ruin. For the ●●pe discovering the Arragonois intention, & pretending that by the alley nation of these 〈◊〉 places lying in his jurisdiction, done without his privity, they were by right forfeited to the apostolic sea. He exclaims and complains against Ferdinand, Peter, & Virgilius, protesting to omit no means that may serve for the defence of his dignity, and the rights of the Roman sea. Lodowick embraceth this occasion, and seeing the Pope to study of some great revenge against Ferdinand, he feeds his passions, by the loan of forty thousand ducats & three hundred men at arms, levied upon the common treasure. Yet apprehending new troubles, he adviseth Ferdinand, to persuade Virgilius, to content the Pope by some honest composition, to prevent the inconveniences & scandals this divorce might breed, and counseleth Peter to follow the domestical example of his father, and to be a mediator, as he had been, betwixt Ferdinand and him, rather than a fi●e brand to kindle division: but he talked to a deaff man. ferdinand promiseth to do it: but he ruined with one hand, what he raised with the other▪ he secretly solicits Virgilius to ta●e possession of those Towns and not to yield the Pope any t●ing, but some certain sum of money, by means whereof he should remain peaceable Lord o● the said places, promising to warrant him from all troubles. Lodowick finds hereby, that it behoves him to fortify himself with new supports and new alliances. He hath a good opportunity: the disdain of Alexander against the King of Naples, and the affection the Senate of Venice seemed to have to the disunion of this League, whereby their projects had so long been made frustrate. But the Pope loved his children dearly: and contrary (to the custom of others, who called them Nephews, as a more modest name) he impudently called them Sons. He hoped to obtain one of the bastard Daughters of Alphonso, for one of his bastard's sons (Graft crab upon crab, and you shall never reap good fruit) and whilst this vain hope possessed him, he opened his ears rather than his heart to Lodowikes motion. Ferdinand, gave his consent, but Alphonso hated the ambition & pride of Alexander. The Pope being thus frustrate, turns all his thoughts to Lodowick, moved partly with disdain, and partly with fear, seeing Vrsin, by the exceeding great favours which he received from Ferdinand and the florentines, to be grown mighty in all the territories of the Church. A league betwixt the Pope, the Venereous, and the Duke of Milan. The Venetians had yet fresh in memory, the Leagues made against them in the war of Ferrara, in the which Sixtus had entangled them: and yet to withdraw them, he employed both his spiritual and temporal power. They had no more confidence in Alexander. Yet the policy of Lodowick did in the end work this League, betwixt the Pope, the Senate of Venice and the Duke of Milan, in the month of April. 1493. Thus Lodowick is fortified on the one side: but he had an other meaning than the Pope or Senate of Venice: and foreseeing that he could not long build upon the foundation of this new alliance, he resolves to assure himself by foreign forces, seeing that both his own, and his friends in Italy were doubtful unto him. He therefore converts his thoughts on this side the Alpes, seeking to draw the King to seize upon the ancient inheritance of the house of Anio●. But let us see by what right? Vrban the 4. gave the Realms of Naples & Sicily (unjustly detained by Manfroy bastard son to Frederic the 2.) to Charles Earl of Provence, & of Anjou, to hold in fee, being brother to Saint Lewis, ●ho obtained this title that was given him by arms. Charles the 2. succeeded his father, ●ho left it to Robert his ●on, and this man died without heirs. joane daughter to Charles Duke of Calabria (deceased before his father,) enjoyed the succession. Being disdained not so much for her sex, as for the lewdness of her life: The right o● France to Naples and Simile. she adopts Lewis Duke of Anjou brother to King Charles the wise for her son, and t●en died of a violent death. Lewis passing thither with an army, died of an ague in Ap●lia, seeing himself almost in possession of the kingdom: so as the house of Anjou reaped no profit by this adoption, but only of the Earldom of Provence, which was continually possessed by the successors of Charles the 1. Notwithstanding Lewis of Anjou son to the first Lewis, and after the grandchild of the same name, thrust on by the Pope●, as often as they had any quarrel with the Kings of Naples) have often (but infortunately) invaded this Realm. By the death of joane the Realm was transported to Charles of Durazzo issued likewise from Charles the 1. to whom Ladislaus his son succeeded: who dying without issue left his sister joane the 2. for his heir: an unfortunate name in that place, whose indiscretion and impudence of life made them purchase the ●ame of Wolves. Lewis the 3. making war with the help of Martin the 5 against joane, lea●i●g the government of the Realm, to those ●home she had abandoned her body) she adopted for her son and sole refuge, Alphonso King of Arr●gon and of Sic●l●. Afterwards having revoked her adoption, upon colour of ingratitude she adopted the same Lewis: who employing his forces for her against Alphonso expelled him t●e realm: but he died the same year, leaving joane in quiet possession the remainder of her life. Then dying without children she instituted René Duke of Anjou, and Earl of Provence for heir, being brother to the said Lewis her adoptive son. This institution displeasing some Barons, who said that the will was forged by them of Naples, they cal●ed back, Alphonso. Hence sprung the wars and factions betwixt the Angevins, and the Arrag●nois, nourished so long, by the covetousness of Popes, who according to the opportunity of times, have oftentimes granted their investitures diversly. Alphonso carrying it by force, and dying without lawful heirs, left Ferdinand his bastard to succeed, as a purchased good, not belonging to the Crown of Arragon. john son to René ●ssisted by the chief Barons of the Country, came to assail him▪ but the happiness and valour of Ferdinand gives him the repulse. René surviving his son john, and dying without an heir male, names Charles his brother's son for heir, who dying without children, resigned all his inheritance to Lewis the XI. Father to Charles the eight. Charles was but two and twenty years old, little experienced in affairs, covetous of glory, and thrust on with a valiant desire: he often neglected the wholesome co●●sell of the wisest namely of james of Graville, All the wisest of the King's Counsel dissuade him f●om the enterprise of ●●alie. Admiral of France, preferring the advise of s●me o● base quality that possessed him, corrupted by the Neapolitaines' th●● were retired for relief, & by the Ambassadors of Lodowick. The Nobility of France, commended the wisdom of Lewis the XI. who refused to accept of the Geneucis when they offered themselves, being always loath to attempt any thing upon Italy, being both painful, and fatal to the Realm. They knew Ferdinand to be a wise Prince, rich in money, and of great fame: and his son Alphonso to be valiant and well seen in the art of war. (but these were but shows, and all their reputation turned into a ridiculous smoke.) That for the government of war, and state, the King's counsel was but weak, and their experience small that had most credit with him. He must have a huge mass of money, and there was none in his Treasury. Moreover they objected the craft, and policy of the Italians: that Lodowick himself for a light profit would break his faith. That he would be loath to see the Kingdom of Naples, in the King of France his power finally to make any conquest beyond the Alpes, were to unfurnish the Realm both of men and money. All this was but to cast oil into fire already kindled. Charles rejects all advice of peace, and without the privity of any but de Verse and Prisonnet, he agrees secretly with Lodowikes Ambassadors: That an army passing into Italy for the conquest of Naples, Articles betwixt C●a●les and Lodow●k●● the Duke of Milan should give him passage through his Country▪ he should acompany him with five hundred men at arms maintained: he should suffer him to arm what 〈◊〉 he would at Genes: and before he should march, he should lend the King two hu●●red thousand Ducats. On the other part. The King should defend the Duchy of Milan against all men, and should especially maintain Lodowic●s authority▪ and du●ing the war, he 〈◊〉 maintain two hundred Lances in Ast, a City belonging to the Duke of Orleans, to s●pp●● all necessities in the Duchy. This he signed with hi● own hand, and promised moreover unto Lodowick. That going to the Conquest of Naples, he should give him the principality of Tapetum. But d●d not Lodowick fear the power of so great a king, lately fortified with three goodly Provinces of Bourgondie, Picardy, and Britain, the which his father Franc●s Sfo●ce would have doubted, if a poor Earl of Provence, had conquered the realm of Naples ● and did he not apprehend him who had publicly protested, That he would never suffer the oppression of his cousin: for Charles and john Galeas were sister's children? Doubtless now the time was come, when as that should be verified which Laurence of Medicis spoke a little before his death, understanding of the union of B●ittanie to the Crown. That if the King of France knew his own forces, Italy s●ould suffer much▪ and the public predictions of Friar jerosme Savonarola, whereof we will speak hereafter. The King now takes his way to Lions, to assemble his forces, and divides them into tw● armies at land, and at sea. 1494. In that at land were about sixteen hundred men at ●rmes, two archers to a Lance, six thousand Archers on soot, The voyage to Nap●●s. six thousand cross-bowmen, six thousand pikes, eight thousand hargrebusiers carrying two hundred swords, twelve hundred pieces of artillery, of iron and brass, six thousand two hundred pioneers, two hundred expert canoneers, six hund●ed master Carpenters, three hundred masons, eleven hundred men to cast bullets, to make coal, cords & cables, The King's army. four tho●sand carters, and eight thousand horse of the artillery. The army at sea consisted of eighteen galleys, six galleons, and nine great ships. The chief commanders that did accompany the King, were, Lewis Duke of O●leans Lieutenant general for his Majesty by sea, the Earl of Angoulesme, the Earl of Montpensier, the Prince of Orange, the Duke of Nemours, john of Fo●x Viscount of Narbonne, the Earls of Nevers, Ligni, Boulongne, Bresse, the Lord of Albret, Lewis of Tremoville, Viscount of Tho●a●s: the Marshals of Gié, Rieux, and Baudrico●rt: the Lords of Crusol, Tournon, Pi●n●s, Silli, Guise, Chandenier, Mauleon, pry, Montaison, d' Alegre, Bonneval, Genovillac, Frain●●eles, Chaumont, Chastillon, palace, Vergi, d' Hospital, Beaumond, Myolans, Mattheu bastard of Bourbon, the bastard of Bourgongne, with a great number of Noblemen, & voluntary gentlemen. The Lord of cords, (so famous in our history, for his singular valour, wisdom, and loyalty) died at Bresse, three leagues f●om Lions. The Lord of Vrfé, master of the King's horse, prepared all things necessary for the fleet at Genes. Some infection transported the King from Lions to Vienne, from whence the Duke of Orleans parted for Genes, and there the voyage was fully concluded: for until that time the dissuasion of the best advised, and the defect of the chief sinews of war, had held them in suspense: for that a hundred thousand Frankes, borrowed upon great interest, in the bank of Soly at Genes, could not long maintain the ordinary charge of his house. Yet fifty thousand Ducats lent him by Lodowick Sforze, and the lively impression of the Cardinal S. Pierre, the fatal instrument of the miseries of Italy, did somewhat revive the fainting courage of Charles. What shame (saith he) what infamy, to give over so honourable a resolution? an enterprise published throughout all the world? the Pope's amazement? the terror of Peter of Medicis? the ruin of the Arragonois? who can stay the violent descent of this army? even unto the marches of Naples? Doth he doubt the want of money? At the fearful thunder of his artillery, yea at the least brut● of his arms, the Italians will bring unto him: and the rebels spoils shall feed his army: what shadow then? what dream? what vain fear doth cause this inconstant change? where is that magnanimity? where is that courage, which did but even now brag to over run 〈…〉 forces of Italy united together? In the end, the King marches the 23. 〈◊〉 Aug●st ●eauing Pet●r D●ke of Bourbon, his brother in law, fo● Regent▪ who conducted the Queen f●om Gre●oble ●●to France. D●●b●lesse, we must observe a singular and favourable providence of God, 〈◊〉 undertakes this 〈…〉 money in the c●●d●ct of this voyage, vndertake● upon borrowed money: but where God works, all ●●in●● are e●sie. For a th●●d proof of his need: being at Turin, the King borrowed the 〈◊〉 of the Duchess of Savoy, daughter to William Marquis of Montferrat, & widow to Charles Duke of Savoy, & pawned them for 1200. Ducats: & for a fourth, being at Cassal he pawned the jewels of the Marquis, widow to the Marquis of Montferrant, for the like sum: women worthy doubtless of our history, having loved our France with a singular affection. At As● the King was touched with the small pocks, & a Fever, which did hazard his li●e, but within six or seven days he was recovered. Thither came Lod●wike Sforze, and Bea●rix his wife, daughter to the Duke of Ferrare, to ●a●●te, and withal came very favourable news. Ferdinand was lately deceased. Alphonso his Son had two Armies i● field: one in 〈◊〉, towards Ferrare, the which Ferdinand his Son Duke of Calabria, ●●●manded, accompanied by Virgil Vrsin, the Earl of Petilliano, and john jaques of Triwlce, who afterwards served the King. This Army had to encounter them the Earl of Caiazzo, and the Lord of Aubigni a Scottishman, who stopped their passage. The other at Sea, led by Don Frederick brother to Alphonso, accompanied by Obietto of Fiesque a Genevois, and others, by means whereof they were in hope to draw the city of Genes into their faction. But the Bailiff of Dijon entering with two thousand Swisses, assured it for the King▪ Obietto with three thousand men had taken Rapale twenty miles from Genes. The two S. Severins brethren, and john Adorn brother to Augustin Governor of Genes joined with the Duke of Orleans, and a thousand Swisses charged them, The first overthrow of the Arragonois. overthrew them, and slew a hundred or six score: (It was much in that age, for then their warns were not bloody) took some prisoners, and all that escaped were stripped by the Duke of Milan's people: so as Frederick could never gather them again together. A disgrace which did much distaste the Florentines, being always more inclined to the house of France, then to that of Arragon, & encouraged the king to proceed, animated thereunto, by the persuasions of Lodowick. My Lord (●aith he) doubt not of this enterprise: Lod●wiks persuasions to Charles. there are three great parties in Italy: you hold the one, that is Milan: the other stirs not, those be the Venetians: you have no business but at Naples, having conquered that realm, if you will give me credit, I will assist you to become greater than ever was Charlemain, and we will expel the Turk out of Constantinople. He spoke well, if Christian Prince, had been well united. Finally, Charles makes his entry into Pavia, in quality of a king, under a Canopy, the streets han●ed▪ & the People crying, God save the King. Then grew there some jealousy, they would have the King rest satisfied with the town for his lodging: but in the end, the castle was opened unto him, where he did visit john Galeas his cousin, being sick, & at the point of death: not without great compassion of such as thought the course of his life would be soon cut off, by the notable treachery of his uncle. Plaisance received him as willingly as Pavia, and thither news was brought of the death of the Duke of Milan, The death of john Galeas. leaving a son and a daughter. Lodowick posting thither, with promise to return, usurped the Duchy absolutely with the title. Thus all Lombardy marched at the bruit of this French army, some for love, and some for fear. They held our men to be religious, loyal and full of bounty: but covetousness, robberies and other insolencies of soldiers, made them soon to alter their conceits, & the horror of the artillery (whose thunder was yet strange unto them) amazed them. The Florentine, a cunning dissembler, had sent twice unto the King, before he parted from France. at the first came the Bishop of Rhegin, and Peter Soderini: of whom they only demanded passage, and a hundred men at arms maintained: at the second time, Peter Caponi, and others, who made answer, that by the commandment of King Lewis the x●. they had renownced the alliance of john of Anjou, (if he were associate with Charles of France in the war of the common weal) to enter into league with Ferdinando of Arragon, and therefore they could not rashly leave it. But in either of these troops, there was still some enemy to Peter of Medicis, who gave the King intelligence of the people's desire, lifting up their hands for the recovery of their liberty oppressed by P●ters government, envied even by his nearest kinsmen, and the best families, as the Coponi Soderini, Nerli and others. Great practices against Peter of Medicis. And for a second bait, Laurence and john de Medicis, cousins to Peter, came secretly to the King at his departure from Plaisance, vowing great love in general to the house of France, and much hatred to their kinsman, against whom Charles was greatly incensed,, for the excuse he made to his Ambassador, which was sent from Ast. That the chief Citizens were in their houses in the country, and could not so speedily return him an answer, but they should shortly let him understand their resolution, by special Ambassadors. In the mean time they arm jointly with the Pope. The King must not leave Tuscan and the Estate of the Church behind him as his enemies. The army passeth the Appennin at Pontreme upon Magre, the which divides Liguria (which is the Country of Genes) from Tuscan, and is upon the marches of the Florentines country, of purpose to force them to plant the Standard of France upon their walls, or else to take the weakest places to winter in. The second exploit of the King's army, was at Fivizane, a town taken by force, sacked, and all mercenary soldiers, with many inhabitants slain. A hard stratagem, for men, 1493. who (as we have said) made war rather in pomp and bravery then with blows. Serez●ne was sufficient to withstand, yea to ruin a great power: Serezanelle was more strong, a fort built upon the hill above the town: but the Florentines divisions had hindered all necessary provision, but men. And indeed they were loath to make war against the house of France, of whom they had of old time depended: & the rather for that they were forbidden to traffic, & their men banished out of all France, by the especial advise of Caponi. The army could not continue there, the country is strait and barren, compassed in by the sea and mountains, no victual but what was brought from far, and great store of snow. But the way must be laid open to Pisa, and if they had neglected the first place that resisted, The Florentines offer the King free entry into thei● City. what village but would have held out? Paul Vrsin led some horse, with three hundred foot (meaning to put them into Serezane) who are encountered, beaten, & in a manner all slain or taken prisoners, by some troops of the forward going to forage beyond Magre. This terror made the Florentines to protest publicly, That they would no longer incur the King's displeasure, nor the Duke of Milans. Whereupon they send fifteen or sixteen Citizens; and offer the King free entry into their City, whose only desseine was to expel Peter of Medicis. Peter practised for his part (by the means of Laurence Spinoli his factor in the bark at Lion, the Earl of Bresse, & Myolans the King's Chamberlain, Governor of Daulphiné. They procure him a safe conduct, and at the first treaty he grants the King all his demands. That the forts of Serezane, Serenazelle and Pietresaincte (the Keys of the Florentine dominion of that side) those of Pisa, and the port of Livorne▪ Peter de Medicis grants the King his demands. should be put into the King's hand, who should be bound to redeliver them after the conquest of Naples. That the King should receive the Florentines into his alliance and protection, upon the loan of two hundred thousand ducats, and the assurance of these promises should be concluded in Florence. A facility which discovered a wonderful fear and trouble of mind: for the King would have been well satisfied with more easy conditions. Lodowick was present at this Capitulation, who to reap some benefit of Charles his conquests, obtains from his majesty for thirty thousand ducats, a transport for him and his heirs, of the possession of Genes: (which the King some years before had granted to john Galeas Duke of Milan) yet discontented that Charles would not give him Pietresaincte and Serezane in guard (which places he demanded (as forcibly taken away by the Florentines from the Genevois, Lodowik Sfo●ce discontented with the King. and had served him as a means to lay hold of Pisa) he returned to Milan, and did never after see the King, leaving notwithstanding Galeas of S. Severin, and the Earl of Belzoiozo near his majesty. Thus by the consignation of these strong places, the ports of Romagna are opened unto the King, he enters Luques being very honourably received by the Citizens, crying God save the King of Fronce Augustus. From Luques he goes to Pisa, Galeas of S. Se●erin, following the instructions given him by Lodowick, Sforce (who did not foresee that the like accident would be the cause of his ruin) called the chief Citizens, Pisa reuol●● against the Florentines. and adviseth them, that rebelling against the Florentines, they should crave liberty from the King: hoping by this means that he should one day draw Pisa under the Duke of Milan's command. To whom they were subject, before the Florentines held it; this was in the same year the Venetians conquered Pado●a. Through this advice the people troop together, men, women, and children: they flock the next day about the King going to mass, crying with open throat, Liberté, Liberté, beseeching him with hands lift up, and tears in their eyes, to free them from the Florentines oppression, by whom (say they) they were most tyrannously entreated. Rabo a Councillor of the Parliament of Daulphiné, and Master of requests, said unto the King, that their demand was just, & that it was a pitiful thing to see the hard subjection that did oppress them. Favoured indiscreetly by the King. The king (who did not consider the importance of this action) breaking the treaty of Serezane, & that he c●uld not give liberty to a town that was not his, into the which he was received only by courtesy, rashly let's slip these words: I am content. 1494. Prick forward a strong headed horse, and he will run at rando●▪ This multitude doth presently change their cry of liberty, into cries of joy: and running to the bridge upon the river of Arne, they beat down the Mazorco, (this was a great Lion, planted upon an high pillar of Marble, with the arms of Florence) and cast it into the river. and in the same place they set up a King of France, holding a sword in his hand, and treading this Mazorco under their feet. But oh the lightness of Italians: few years after, at the entry of the King of the Romans', they shall deal with the King as with this Lion. This ignominious and rash wound, given to the estate of Florence, by Peter of Medicis, contrary to the example of his predecessors, without the advise of the Citizens, and without any decree of the Magistrates, had wonderfully incensed his fellow Citizens. Being returned to Florence, to prepare his lodging for the King, going the 9 of November, to enter the Palace of the Seigneurie, to treat of the King's arrival, behold james Nerli, a young man, Noble and rich, with other Magistrates, being armed, offer him the entry alone, Peter de Medicis and his brethren expelled Florence. but denieth it to all his followers. He retires home to his house, and resolves to get that by force, w●i●h he could not willingly obtain. He arms, and causeth Paul Vrsin to approach with his troop, the which was in the Florentines pay. The State proclaims hi●●rebe●l the people fly to arms, and cries Liberty. Peter recovers the gates, and wit● him were the Cardinal john, and julian his brethren: they fly to Bolongne, and from thence to Venice. Peter had no cloak, but one of his grooms: being hated of his fellow Citizens, disdained of his domestical servants, his house spoiled, with loss of above a hund●ed thousand Ducats in movables: His miserable estate at Venice. and to increase his misery, a factor of his at Venice, refused him for the value of a hundred Ducats in cloth. A notable example, of the inconstancy of worldly affairs. Thus by the rashness of one young man, lately equal in a manner to great Princes, the house of Medicis fell for that time, which under colour of civil administration, had governed the commonweal of Florence three score years peaceably, and with a respected authority. The King's entry into Florence. Charles entered the next day triumphantly into Florence, himself & his horse armed, and his Lance upon his thigh. The Florentines were not ignorant of his discontent, for that they sought to cross him in his enterprise, and that many of his followers, thr●st on by covetousness, gaped after nothing more, than the sack of so rich a City, having first of all resisted the power of France: and that others also did solicit the restitution of Peter of Medicis, especially Philip Earl of Bresse. And although the City might worthily justify that violence, whereof Peter and his complices were the only motives: The Florentines fortify themselves in their houses for fear of the King. yet did they wisely foresee, that the King would not let slip this opportunity, to become their Lord. But being unable to stop this violent stream by any force, they had secretly filled their chief houses with resolute men, received their entertained Captains into the city, and did give order, that every man, both within and without, near the City, should arm at the sound of the Palace great bell. Thus fortified with men, they stand stiffly upon the terms of composition. Oft times we lose the ee●e by ouer-g●iping. The favour they did see some bear unto Peter: the insupportable sums of money that were exacted, the absolute Seigneurie of Florence which the King demanded, as having conquered it by the law of arms, considering in what manner he entered, made them refuse these rigorous demands, with a firm resolution to maintain their public liberty with the peril of their lives. Who makes unreasonable demands. Thus they grew angry on either side, and for a conclusion of the last conference, the King's Secretary reading the articles which his Majesty would resolutely have concluded: behold Peter Caponi, one of the 4. deputies for the City, (a violent man, and one of the mightiest families in the State) pulls the articles from the Secretary, and tears them. Seeing you demand of us (saith he) so outrageous conditions, A bold act. you shall sound your Trumpets, and we our Bells. This audacious bravery did moderate the excess of their demands; for how lamentable had it been, to have fallen to any tragical decision of their controversy. The King calls him back, and containing himself within the bounds of reason, passeth this capitulation. That the City of Florence, should be a friend, confederate, and in the perpetual protection of the Crown of France. That at the end of the enterprise of Naples, The Articles of the agreement. the King should yield up (without any charge to the Florentines) Pisa, Livorne, Pietresancte, Serezane, Serezanelle, and all other places taken or revolted: and in case of denial they might recover them by force, that they should give the King fifty thous●nd Ducats in fifteen days, forty thousand in March, and thirty thousand in june following. They should pardon the Paeans their rebellion, and other crimes. They should free Peter of Medicis from banishment and confiscation; upon condition that he should not approach within a hundred and fifty miles of their confines: nor his brethren nearer than a hundred miles. This accord was s●orne upon the great altar, in the Church of S. john at Florence. But matters succeeded otherwise, as we shall see: so the Florentines changed their red Lily into a white. Two days after, the King parted towards Sienne, a City well peopled, seated in a fertile country, in ancient time rich, mighty, and the second City in Toscane, which yielded in many factions to the stronger party, so as they enjoyed more the name then the effects of liberty. They took off their gates for the King's entry: notwithstanding the City being suspected of him, (for that it had been always at the devotion of the Empire) he left a garrison, and took his way to Rome. The Venetians & M●lan●is grow jealous of the Kings proceed. Aigue-pendenté and Mont●●●scon, (places belonging to the Pope,) received him with royal pomp, and laid the way open to Viterbe. The Florentine forts which the King held, and the gar●●son left in Sienne, made the Venetians and Milanois to fear, that he would hardly end his conquests with Naples. To prevent this common danger, they treat of a new confederacy, and had concluded it, if Rome had made that resistance to the King which many expected. Ferdinand Duke of Calabria, the Pope's forces, Virgile Vrsin, and the remainders of the Arragonois army, had resolved to camp at Viterbe, and there to make head against the King; but the roads which the Colonois made (who had taken Ostia from the Pope, and hindered the passage of victuals to Rome by Sea) having put all the country about Rome in alarm, being jealous of the Pope's integrity, who began to harken to the French demands, made him to retire, leaving the way open for the King to enter into Viterbe, by the favour of the Cardinal of S. Pierre, and the Colonois, and so into the territories of the Vrsins. The Pope is now wonderfully perplexed: The Pope in perplexity. he knows himself to have been one of the chief motives of Charles his voyage: and since, without any offence, he hath opposed his authority, his council, and his arms. He imagines, that the assurance he shall draw from the King, shall be no firmer than his to the King. He sees the Cardinals Ascanius, S. Pierre, and other his enemies in credit about the King. He fears that this prediction of Savonarola should now take effect. That the Church should be reform by the sword. He remembers with what infamy he came to the Popedom: his government and his life controls him. The Cardinals Ascanius, Saint Pierre, Colonne, Savelle, and above fifteen others, The Pope hath many enemies. urge the King to suppress a Pope so full of vices, and abominable to all the world, and to proceed to a new election. He hath no sufficient forces to withstand the stranger. Alphonso droops; Ferdinand is we●ke. Vergilus Vrsinus General of the Arragon army, Constable of the realm of Naples, allied to Alphonso, (john jourdain, son to the said Vrsin, having married a bastard daughter of Ferdinand the father of Alphonso) bound to the house of Arragon for so many respects, had of late consented, that his sons should give the King passage, lodging and victuals within the territories of the Church: and leaves him Campagnana, and other places, for his assurance, until the army were passed the territories of Rome. The Earl of Petillano, and all the rest of the family of Vrsins, followed the same accord. And now Civita-uecchia, Cornette, and in a manner all about Rome is in the ●ower of the French. All the Court, all the people, are troubled, they demand an unity. Being thus troubled in mind, he sends the Bishops of Concord & Terne, to the King: but ●e seeks to compound both for himself & Alphonso. The King had not advanced his arms even to the gates of Rome to that intent. He sends the Cardinals Ascanius and Colonne, Lewis of Tremoville, and the Precedent of Gannai, to the Pope, He sends to the King. who in an humour brings Ferdinando with his army into Rome, & suffers them to fortify the weakest places. But the means to defend it? Ostia cuts off their victuals. The Cardinals arrived (an act worthy of Alexander) they are presently taken prisoners, to make them to deliver up Ostia, & in the same tumult, the French Ambassadors are stayed by the Arragonois: yet the Pope caused them to be presently delivered, & the Cardinal soon after. He sends the Cardinal of S. Severin to the King, being at Nepy, & treats no more but of his own affairs. And that which urgeth him most, the King is come to Bracciane, the chief town of the Vrsins: the Colonois have many of the Gibelin faction within Rome: the Earl of Ligny (cousin germane to the King by his mother) and the Lord of Alegre were joined unto them, with five hundred lances, and two thousand Swisses, to spoil the country beyond Tiber, The walls of Rome fall alone at the King's entry. & to keep Ferdinando within Rome. But he was more amazed when as above twenty fathoms of the wall fell down of itself, the which invites the King, and forceth the Pope. But he fears the cardinals hatred, and the ruin of his estate. The King frees him of this doubt, and doth assure him, by the Marshal of Gié, the Precedent of Gannai, and the Seneschal of Beau●aire. That having means to make his passage by force, he is notwithstanding moved with the same reverence that his predecessors have always borne to the Roman sea, that entering peaceably into Rome, all their controversies should be converted into amity and friendship. He yields, and first he obtains a safe conduct for Ferdinando, to pass safely through the dominions of the Church. Thus the King entered Rome with all his army, by the port of S. Mary de Popolo, in like manner as he had done into Florence▪ even as Ferdinando Duke of Calabria passed out at S. Sebastian's gate, the last day of this year. The Pope fraught with fear and distress, shuts himself up into the Castle S. Ange, whilst he should treat with the King. And for that he refused to deliverthe castle unto the King, the artillery was twice drawn out of the Castle of S. Mark, where the King was lodged: yet the presents and promises of Alexander prevailed much with some of the privy Counsel, & the King of his own disposition, was not inclined to offend the Pope. But what needs there any Cannon to batter a place, which opens of itself, fifteen fathom of the castle wall, (says the original) fell at the King's arrival. In the end the Pope gives the King the forts of Civitavecchia, The wall of the Castle S. Ange falls. Terracine, & Spolete, yet this was not delivered) To hold them until the Conquest of Naples, and grants impunity to the Cardinals, and Barons that had followed the King. Zemin Ottoman brother to Bajazet, the 2. who since the death of Mahomet their father (being pursued by the said Bajazet) had saved himself at Rhodes, & from thence being led into France, had been put into Pope Innocents power: for whose guard Bajazet paid yearly forty thousand ducats to the Pope, that by the greediness of this sum, they should be the less willing to yield to any Prince, that might make use of him against him. The King desired to have him, to make him an instrument of the war, which he resolved against the Turk, after that of Naples. But Alexander's holiness, The Pope's impiety. advised the Turk to stand upon his guard, and to provide that this young king prevail not in his enterprise: for a recompense hereof, Bajazet (although he detested the Pope's impiety) sent him two hundred thousand crowns, by George of Antie, the messenger of this advice, entreating the Pope, to free him of this fear. It was generally believed, that he was poisoned, and died within few days after that Alexander had delivered him. Moreover it was said: That Caesar, Cardinal of Valence the Pope's son, should follow the King three months, as the Pope's Legate, but rather to be a pawn of his father's promises. By means of this accord, the Pope returns to the Vatican, the Pontifical Palace, where the King made his filial submission, obtains 2. cardinals hats: the one for the Bishop of Man's, being (of the house of Luxembourg) the other for Brisonnet Bishop of S. Malo, and for himself the title of Emperor of Constantinople: and a promise to invest him in the realm of Naples, without any prejudice to an others right, and then he cured many of the King's evil. And to show, that as eldest son in the Church, he had as great jurisdiction, as the Pope with in Rome: He caused three seats for justice 〈…〉 made, 1495. and execution to be done of some that were guilty of a sedition made in t●e ●ewes street. Ferdinand was no sooner parted out off Rome▪ but the hatred which the people bore to the house of Arragon, showed itself. The tyrannous oppressions of Ferdinand father 〈◊〉 Alphonso were yet fresh. The I'll of Isc●ie flowed yet with the blood of foureand twenty Princes, and Barons that had returned upon his word, who being impry●●ned after the revolt of Arragon, Alphonso (to make his coming to the crown famous) 〈◊〉 barbarously to be slain, amongst others, The cruelty of 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉. the Duke of Sesser & his own Uncle the Prince of Rosane, whohad married the sister of Ferdinand his father. Ferdinand had 〈…〉 without saith, a dissembler, cruel, violent, a great exactor, infamous, a ravisher ●f w●me●, & irreligious, (witness the Bishopric of Tarentum, the which he sold to a 〈◊〉 thirteen thousand ducats, for his son, who he had said was a Christian) Alphonso had the same qualities: and moreover he was d ssolute, impious, The 〈…〉 against the●. and wicked. Hereunto were added the old relics of the Angevin faction, which might help much to ●reede an alteration. Thus the people of Naples rise, Aguila and Abruzzo advance their enseignes: Fabricio Collonnois, keeps all in awe about Albia & Tailleco●sse & all the rest of the Realm was ready to rebel. But that which most imports, the furies of his own conscience torment him. He thinks that the ghosts of these murdered Noblemen appear unto him, Alphonso 〈◊〉 with horrible apprehensions. that the trees and stones sound into his ears the names of France. He sees his subjects ready to revenge the blood shed against his faith. Thus, unable to withstand both a foreign and a homebred enemy, he causeth his son Ferdinand to be crowned, whose young years had yet given no cause of scandal; and w●th four light Galleys, laden with all kinds of wine, (whereunto he was much given) seeds to gardin withal, some jewels, & a little money, he fled to Marare in Sicily, 〈◊〉 crowns his son and flies. where he suddenly changed his horrible excess, into a Monkish life, assisting the religious at all hours of service, both day and night, living in abstinence, alms and prayers: but oppressed with the hemro●●s and gravel, he died, being ready to shut himself up in a monastery at Valentia the great. This flight made the King's way more easy, and verified the saying of Pope Alexander. That the French were come with wooden spurs, & chalk in their harbingers hands, to mark out their lo●ging without any difficulty. Alluding it to the pricks of wood which pages and lackeys put in the heels of their master's shoes, when they ride upon their moils. And in truth, Hen●y dies. our Frenchmens backs were not much inflamed with their arms, in this expedition: not any one place staying the king above a day, but the Castles of Naples. The King going from Rome comes to Vell●●re, from whence the Cardinal● of Valentia (his father's right son) stole from his majesty. From Vellitre he 〈…〉 Montfortin, a Town belonging to the Church, strong of situation, yet was 〈◊〉 & taken in few hours. All that were fou●d in arms, were slain, except 〈◊〉 three sons of james Com●é a Roman gentleman, Lord of the ●owne; who preferring the hatred he bore the Colonnois, before his honour, had left the Kings pay 〈…〉 Alphonso. These with some others being retired into the Castle, yielded then s●lues prisoners upon view of the Cannon. Mont-Saint-Ian, a Town belonging to the 〈◊〉 of Pescare, seated in the same plai●e, Mo●● Saint 〈◊〉 t●ken and burnt. upon the confines of the kingdom of Naples▪ strong both by art and nature, fortified with three hundred strangers, and fi●e hundred inhabitants, which were resolute to defend their state, yet was it in one 〈◊〉 besieged, battered, assailed and taken in the King's presence. Seven hundred and 〈◊〉 were slain in the fury of the fight, and b●t thirty French: and to terrify the rest, 〈◊〉 burnt. ●e are now ready to enter. The Arragonois must show his courage. Ferdinand 〈◊〉 King assembles all the forces he can, having fifty cornets ofhorse, & six thou●sand cho●se foot, under the most expe●t Captains of Italy: and camps at Saint German. The place is of easy defence, on the one side an high and in accessible mountain, on the other side the waters hinders the approach, & in front is the Garillan, a river uneasy to pass: & not far off is the passage of Cancello, a mountain which of necessity they must pass▪ It is the key of the whole realm▪ here must they fight, or give way. But this army was daunted, without courage, and without force: the name of the French had amazed them: The first entry of the French into the realm of Naples and the captains, partly desirous of innovation, partly greedy of better entertainment, wavered in their faith and courage. The Marshal of Gié approacheth with three hundred Lances, and 2000 foot, but terror goes before him. In this amazement both Cancello and Saint German are shamefully abandoned, and eight pieces of great artillery are taken to thunder hereafter in favour of the French. Capova was sufficient to receive the army, which marched after the Forward, rather like travelers than men of war, Capua yielded. without order, without commandment, & without obedience, the soldiers gaping after nothing but spoil. The situation is very strong, having Vulturno before it (a river very deep in that place:) but their resolution was like to that of Saint German: and to increase it, as Ferdinand made account to defend it: and by that means to hold Naples and Caiette. The Queen his Grandmother sends him word, that since the loss of Saint German, there was so great a tumult at Naples, as all would be in an unprore if he came nor speedily. He goes, and promiseth to return the next day. But john jaques of Triwlce) towhome he had given the Town in guard,) comes with some gentlemen of Capua to the King being at Calui: he presents him the Town & his service, and makes an offer to bring Ferdinand. The King accepts the Capuans offer, and the coming of Ferdinand, upon condition that he retain no portion within the realm, but should content himself with such means as he should give him in France. In the mean time the soldiers sack Ferdinand's lodging and his stable: the men at arms disperse themselves, theresome here some. Virgilius & the Earl of Petellano crave a safeconduit from the King, and retire with their companies to Nole. Ferdinand thinking by this journey to have assured the Neapolitaines, returns at the time perfixt, when as the Capuans advise him not to set forward, seeing they were other wise resolved. Averse (a Town betwixt Capua and Naples) sends their keys to the King, Averse yields. and the Neapolitains determined to follow them. Ferdinand retired into the castle, knowing that five hundred Lansquents meant to take him prisoner: he gives them the movables of the said Castle, and as they were busy to divide it, he slips from them, sets the young Prince of Rosane at liberty (whom by love or force he carried with him) and the Earl of Popoli: Ferdinand King of Naples flies. he causeth the ships that remained in the port, to be burnt and sunk, and saves himself with the Queen, Don Frederick his uncle, his daughter joane, and some few servants, in the I'll of Ischie: and whilst he was within sight of Naples, he often repeated this goodly Oracle, If the Lord keep not the City, the watchmen watch but in vain. Thus all waver at the Conqueror's fame, and with such cowardice, as two hundred horse under the command of the Earl of Ligny going to Nole, took both Nole, Virgilius, Nole taken. and the Earl of Pettilano, without resistance, being retired thither with four hundred men at arms, attending the safe conduit they had obtained from the King, being amazed like to the rest of their army, and from thence they were led captives to the fort of Montdragon, Naples yields. and all their men stripped In the mean time the Neapolitans Ambassadors come with their keys, desiring a confirmation of their ancient exemptions and privileges. The King enters the 21. of February, and is received with such exced●ng ●o●, both of great and small, of all ages, all sexes and all qualities, as every one runs as to their dearest redeemer, from a hateful & insupportable tryanny. Thus Charles (without planting of tent or breaking oflaunce) in four months, and a half, with an admirable happiness, The whole Kingdom of Naples conquered by Charles. came, saw & overcame. They say commonly: that the poison lies in the tail, and that the hardest part to slay of an eel, is the caile. The perfection of the victory consisted in the taking of the Castles of Naples. The Tower of Saint Vincent, built for the defence of the port, was easily taken. The new Castle, the lodging of their Kings, seated upon the sea, strong by nature & by art, plentifully furnished with victuals and munition, and manned with fi●e hundred Lans●●enets, but abandoned by the Marquis of Pescare, to whom Ferdinand had left it in guard▪ who seeing the garrison bent to yield the place, had followed Ferdinand, & was after some small defence yielded, upon condition to departed in safety, & to carry what they could away. And see here the first and greatest error which the King committed in this exploit, himself wanting experience, but his minions and favourits no covetousness. He gave all these victuals and other movables, to the first that begged them: who furnished themselves with the munition, He commits a great error. whereon the preservation of the Town and place depended. The Castle de l'Oeuf, built upon a rock, hanging over the sea, being battered with the Canon (the which might only endamage the wall, but not the rock itself) compounded, if they were not relieved within a certain time, and after four and twenty days siege, it was delivered into the King's hands. The King made his entry into Naples the 12. of May, in an Imperial habit: and was received as King of France, and of both Siciles (whereof the realm of Naples makes a part & Emperor of Constantinople. Charles makes a royal entry into Na●●es. But herein he made no just account with him that gives and taketh away Kingdoms. The Barons and commonalties sent away their Captains and troops dispersed into divers parts of the realm. Those which depended most of the house of Arragon, do first turn tail. The Cara●ses, who enjoyed forty thousand Ducats of inheritance. The Dukes of M●lfe, Gravina, and Sora. The Earls of Montorio, Fundi, Tripalda, Celano, Monteleon, Merillano, and Popoli, come to doetheir homage, and generally all the Noblemen of the Realm, except Alphonso Auolo, Marquis of Pescare, the Earl of Acre, and the Marquis of Squillazzo, whose livings the King gave away. another rigour which shall be a great cause of the following revolts. Calabria yields willingly to the Lord of Aubigny, sent thither with a small troop, except the Castle of Rhegium: but they wanted means to ●orce it, the Town held for the King. Abruzzo yields of itself. Apulia erects the Standard of France, except Turpia and Mantia: who notwithstanding had planted the Flower-de-Liz, yet refusing any other command, then of the King himself: who had given them to the Lord Persi d' Alegre, and they return to their first master. The Castles of Brundisium and Gallipoli, were neglected with too great confidence: but they shall serve shortly as a levaine to stir up a mass of rebellion. The rock of Caiette, well fu●●ished with all things necessary, yields at discretion, after some light assaults. Tarentum, Otrante, Monopoli, Trani, Manfredonne, Barle, and in a manner all other strong places yield at the first brute. But some holding themselves wronged, for that they had in a manner disdained to hear their deputies: others for that they had sent no man to receive them, will soon return to their first demand. The I'll of Ischia, remained yet, and Ferdinand upon the first intelligence of the yielding of the Castles of Naples, had abandoned it to janick d' Auolo, brother to the Marquis of Pescara, both most faithful to their Prince, and was retired into Sicily. The King sends thither his army at sea, the which was cast by a tempest upon the 〈◊〉 of Corpse: yet in the end they anchored upon the realm, but after the last act of this expedition. This army holding itself too weak to force the foot of ●sc●ia, would not assail it, and therefore the King resolved, to send into Provence and Genes formore ships, and to assure the Sea. the which Ferdinand scoured with fourteen galleys ill armed. B●t prosperity doth oft times make us become insolent, and without considering the consequence, we easily let matters pass at adventure. Our French are now well lodged, they dream of nothing but feasting, dancing, and Attorneys: and the greatest about the King have no other care, but to make the victory profitable to themselves: without any regard, neither of the dignity, nor 〈…〉 of their Prince, who not satisfied with the conquest of these goodly and rich estates, determines to advance his victorious forces. Let us leave them g●●tted with ease, pleasure, and good cheer, and let us make an escape into the East, to see how he had sped there, if the Pope had as well united the Potentates of Italy, 1459. to join their common forces with our Charles, as he now stirs them up to cross his new conquests. Mahumet the 2. left two sons, Bajazet the 2. of that name, & Zemin, (they name him diversly, Zemin, Zizim, Gemin, & Geme,) both resident in their governments when the father died. Bajazet in Capadocia, Zemin in Licaonia. Their absence sets the Baschaes and Captains of the janissaries at discord, about the succession, so as they fell from words to arms. Hereupon the janissaries proclaim Bajazet Emperor being absent: Isaac and Mesithes, chief Captains of the Turkish army, being then at Constantinople, set Corchut the son of Bajazet in the throne of his ancestors: they deliver him the forts and treasure, that under colour of his nonage they might manage the affairs of the Empir● at their pleasure. Bajazet posts thither, and by great bribes doth pacific and win the hearts of the janissaries, and of their Captains, incensed against him through the malice of some Noblemen. So Corchut being yet very young, yielded him the Crown willingly. Zemin on the other side, was called by his friends and partisans, holding him to be a man of greater courage, and more execution than his brother, being more fit for his book, whereunto he was more addicted, then unto arms. Pyramet Caraman King of Cilicia, Zemin thrice vanquished by his brother Bajazet. and Caithbey Sultan of Egypt, incite him to war against his brother. But he was vanquished in three battles, by Achamot Bascha, and despairing, fled to the grea● Master of Rhodes, leaving his mother and two twins, a son and a daughter in Carras, whom Bajazet caused to be murdered. Many Princes of Europe demanded Zemin, as Lewis the eleventh, King of France, and Mathias King of Hongarie, hoping by his means to ruin Bajazet: but this was a good pigeon in the Pope's Dove-house. Innocent they eight would have him, hoping that Bajazet his brother would give some notable sum of money, to redeem him, or else to keep him from any other, that might use him as an instrument to cross his new Empire. Alexander, successor unto Innocent, (a monstrous man in life, monstrous in his election, and monstrous in his death, (I have horror to read, and more to report, what writers do testify, entreating the curious reader, to see them rather in the originals themselves) being forced to deliver him to Charles the eight, Pope Alexander poison's Zemin. and ●o disappointed of his yearly pension of forty thousand Ducats, which he received for the guard of him: corrupted by the money of Bajazet, he caused him to be poisoned: either grieved for the loss of his pension, or envying the glory of Charles: or else fearing, lest if things should succeed happily for him against the Infidels, he should turn his thoughts and forces, to reform the abuses and corruptions which had long before crept into the Church. A while after the flight of Zemin, Bajazet caused Acomath to be strangled, for that (grown proud and fierce, The Turk twice overcome by the Sultan. by reason of his wealth) he practised to ruin Bajazet, and to transport the Empire to Zemin. A happy death for the Christians, of whom Acomath was an unjust and cruel oppressor. Bajazet freed by the death of these two men, he turned his forces against the Christians, and subdued Valachia. Then he vanquished Caraman, reducing his Principality into the form of a Province. After that he marched with his army into Asia against the Sultan Caithbei: who had succoured his Brother Zemin with Counsel, men, victuals and money. The Sultan defeated the Turk in two great battles, the one was given near to Adene in Cilicia: the other near to Tarsis: in the which he took both the Commanders of the Turkish a●my prisoners. Mes●thes Paleologue and Achomar Cherseogle, son in law to Bajazet, and slew about threescore and ten thousand Turks. This check made Bajazet to change his climate and leaving Asia, to pass into Europe, where his adversaries were not so strong. He took Durazzo, near to Valone, and won a great battle under the command of Cadi-Bascha, against the Sclavonians, Hongarians and Croatians, who were overthowen in the large plains of Croatia, near to Save, about the year 1493. But john Castriot, son to that 〈…〉 scanderbeg, recovered that which Bajazet had usurped: 1495. forcing him to accept of s●ch conditions as he propounded. Moreover Cerf-Vichin defeated him in battle in Cro●tia, and expelled him the Country. 〈…〉 those nations which lie betwixt Valonne and Constantinople (being from the one t● the other about eighteen days journey) languished under the burden of the 〈…〉 ●nie, Albanois, slavonians, & Gre●s, hoping for their delivery, by the means 〈◊〉 Charl●s. But what could he do, seeing those that should second the resolution o● thi● young Prince, were the first to overthrow his desseins by their secret practise●? Charles notwithstanding the death of Zemin, sent the Archbishop of Durazzo into Grece, an Albanois by birth, having an enterprise upon S●utari, with Constantin a Greek, afterwards governor of Montferrat, who had intelligence within the Town: the Venetians have no sooner knowledge of the death of Zemin, but to gratify Bajazet, they ●ill have the honour to give him the first advice: for the effecting whereof they command, that no ship should pass by night betwixt the two castles, which are at the entry of the gulf of Venise. This was the same night, when as the archbishop should depa●t with many swords, bucklers and javelins, to arm those with whom he had intelligence. But he is taken, & shut up in one of those castles: his instructions are viewed: whenby the Venetians informed of the fact, send to advertise the Turks in the places adjoining. In truth our French had not yet learned to know him, who guides our hands to ●●ght▪ & our fingers to the battle. Attending a strange & sudden Catastrophe, they must pla●t the bounds of their victory in the Realm of Naples. Let us now see the issue of 〈◊〉 ●●●rney. We have left King Charles at Naples, seeking his delights, The Venetians discover an enterprise against Scutari to the Turks. and his people hunting after profit, neglecting to expel the Arragonois out of those few places which held yet for them. In the mean time the people's love and favour, who love not the stranger, but in their need, decreased. The King had in his bounty freed the Realm of above two hundred thousand ducats by year: yet matters were not managed with that order and judgement that was requisite: he heard not the petitions and complaints of suitors, but left the charge thereof to such as ruled him: whose incapacity and covetousness confounded all. Causes of discontent in the Realm of Naples. The Nobility were not regarded, their services were not recompensed; they had no access to the King: no distinction of persons; no gratuity but by chance: men's courages that were estranged from the house of Arragon, were not confirmed▪ no restitution of goods and offices to the Angevins, and other Barons, which had been banished by old Ferdinand: preferments were given to such as purchased them with money, and other extraordinary means: to many they were given without reason, and taken from others without any cause: the Towns which were not wont to obey any immediately b●t the King, were given for the most part to Frenchmen. Things most ensue p portable to subjects, who had been accustomed to the wise and well ordered government of Kings of the house of Arragon, and had hoped for better in the change of this 〈◊〉. These things did wonderfully blemish the reputation of the French. On the 〈◊〉, there was no care to keep the faith engaged, for the restitution of the Towns and fortresses, to the Florentines and the Church. A pretext which served a principal ground for the following League. In the mean time, Alphonso and Ferdinand lately Kings of Naples, lay before the Venetians, the dangers they incurred by this new purchase to the Crown of France, The King of Castille is in doubt of his islands of Sicily and Sardinia. The Emperor 〈…〉, and they give him falsely to understand, that the King desired his Imperial C●o●ne. The D●ke of Milan could never believe, the King should fi●de so great facility in this expedition, or proceed so far with his forces. He was unable to defend 〈◊〉 estate newly usurped. But an other fear possesseth him: the servitude that hangs oue● his head, and all Italy. The Pope opposeth, & the Turk at the Pope's instance, threat●n● the Venetians, if they declare not themselves against the King. The Venetians, having seen the violent course of this happy success, that the King, like lightning, had run through all Italy: that he had seized upon Pisa, & other forts of the Florentines▪ that he had left a garrison in Sienna, and done the like in the territories of the Church. They imagined, that his conceits had a further reach than the realm of Naples, and hold an others dang ere to be their own. To prevent it, they conclude a League, (for thr●● intents, said they, to the Lord of Argenton, the King's Ambassador at Venice): To defend Christendom against the Turk: A League concluded against the French. For the common defence of Italy▪ And for the preservation of every ones private estate. They conclude by secret articles, to aid Ferdinand of Arragon, for the recovery of the realm of Naples, who with great hope of the people's love, was ready to enter Calabria. That at the same instant the Venetians should attempt some sea Towns of the said realm. The Duke of Milan (to cut off all succours that might come from France) should seek to surprise Ast, where the Duke of Orleans remained with small forces. And the confederates should give the Emperor & the King of Spain a certain sum of money, to invade France with a mighty army. The Florentines had just cause to forsake the King. He had not settled them in the possession of their places. He preferred the Counsel of such as supported the Pisans before the Florentines, or his faith, persuading him that if these were restored they would unite themselves to the other Potentates: Yet would they not enter into this League, desiring rather to recover their places from his hand that did enjoy them. The Duke of Ferrara dissembling, would not sign it, yet was he content that his son should accept the pay of an hundred and fifty men at arms, and the title of Lieutenant general for the Duke of Milan. This League concluded, made the courtiers desirous to return into France, thrust forward rather by an inconstant lightness, than any wise consideration, or love to the King's honour, and good: Leaving many important affairs undecided, and the realm not wholly conquered: some chief forts either not taken or not furnished, gave an entry to the Arragonois. We do oftentimes contemn an enemy over whom we have an advantage. So the Castles of Caiete, Rhegium, Brundisium, Gallipoli, Mantia, Turpia, Otrante, and other Towns neglected, made the way to a general revolt. Now the confederates march to field, to join their forces, meaning either to besiege Charles within Naples, or to fight with him in his return. They must therefore resolve either to defend the realm, or to leave a good guard, and so departed before this great storm fell upon them. The Spanish fleece landing at Regium, had furnished it, and assured it for the Arragonois▪ Mantia, Turpia, and Otrante, seeing the League, and that they had not regarded them, plant the Arragon ensigns, and receive the garrisons which Don Fredrick had sent them. The Venetian fleet, commanded by Anthony Grimaldi, appeared upon the coast of Apulia. In the end all the realm gins to make open demostration of a new will. But see, he that was e●en now the people's terror, the judge of an others life and estate, the hope of the East, s●ands in fear to be controlled. A scourge to abate the presumption which his victory had bred. The King leaves, Gilbert of Bourbon Earl of Montpensier, for his Viceroy, The order the King left in Naples. a hardy and valiant Prince, but saith the History, Not wis●▪ he did not rise before ●oone. And for the defence of the Realm, two thousand five hundred Swisses, a part of his French footmen, eight hundred French Lances, five hundred men at arms Italians in his pay, some commanded by the governor of Rome, some by Prosper and Fabricio Colonnois, and by Anthony Savelli, Captains well preferred in the distribution of places and offices within the Realm, especially the Colonnes. Prosper had in the Duchy of Tracette, the City of Fundi, Montfortin, and above thirty other places. Fabricio had the countries of Albi and Taillecousse, which Virgile Vrs●● did formerly enjoy.) The Lord of Aubigni, a brave and wise Knight, was made Governor of Calabria, & had the Earldom of Acri, & the Marquisate of Squillazz● given him. The Prince of Salerne was restored to the office of Admiral, & he of Bisignan well advanced, Steven de ●ers, sometimes groom of the King's Chamber▪ & after Seneshal of Beaucaire, obtained the Duchy of Nole, the Captainship of Caiete, & other commands, with the office of great Chamberlain, & controuler of the treasure within the realm, well affected to the guard thereof, but too weak of judgement to bear the burden and care of so great affairs. Don julian of Lorraine (greatly commended for his government) was made Duke of S. Angelo. Gratian des Guerres, a valiant Captain of reputation, had the government of Abruzzo: Gabriel of Montfaucon (of whom the King made great account,) had Manfredonia, but having received it well furnished with victuals, and in a Country abounding with corn, he so devoured his provision, that after four days siege, he was forced to yield up the place for want of victuals. The King left George of Suilli at Tarentum, who carried himself there with much honour. He died there of the plague, and the Town held for the King, until that famine forced them to change their party. In Aquila, the Bailiff of Vitry was commended to have well discharged his duty. Such was the order the King left in the Realm of Naples, whereof followed a horrible disorder: for the greatest part of other Captains, appointed in divers places, applied to their own private profit, such commodities as they found within their places, for the defence whereof the King had greatly weakened his forces. So returning but with nine hundred men at arms, two thousand five hundred Swisses, The Pope ●●ies. seven thousand men in pay, and fifteen hundred men of defence, chosen out of his train following the Court, he parted the 20. day of May, taking his way to Rome, and his army at sea to Livorne. The Pope made some show to reconcile himself with the King, & the King laboured to divide him from the league. In the end a bad conscience made him go to Orui●te with his college of Cardinals, a thousand light horse, two hundred men at arms, and three thousand foot, leaving a sufficient garrison in the Castle of S. Angelo, and the Cardinal of Anastase for Legate in Rome, to receive the King, who refusing Vatican, lodged in the suburbs. And the Pope understanding, that he approached to Viterbe, (although he had given some hope of an interview betwixt Viterbe and Oruiete), yet he went from Oruiete to peruse, with an intent, if the King took that course, Notable errors of King Charles. to recover An●ona, and so retire himself by sea into some place of safety. Yet notwithstanding the King's just cause of discontent, he redelivered him Civitavecchia and Terracine, reserving Ostie, the which he left in the hands of the Cardinal of Saint Pierre, Bishop of that place. The territories of the Church were not spoiled by his a●my: only Toscanelle, which refusing lodge his forward, was taken by force and sacks. But we must leave records of our indiscretion in all places. His enemy's troop together & during a fruitless stay of six or seven days at Sienna, we give them leisure to join their forces. Moreover the florentines summon the King of his faith & promises, and to draw him thereunto the more willingly, (besides the thirty thousand ducats which they were ready to pay, as remaining of their gift) they offered to lend him threescore & x. thousand ducats move: and to assist him in his passage with three hundred men at arms, under the command of Francisco Secco, a brave Captain, and faithful to the King, & with two thousand foot. Three reasons should move the Counsel to accept hereof. The want of money, the increase of their army, and that which did most import, the discharge of the King's faith and royal oath: yet a firebrand must begin to smoke, and in the end fire all Italy. The Earl of Ligni, young and unexperienced, (yet favoured of the King his cousin) laboured for the Seigneuries of Pisa and Linorne, and the Si●nois required him for their L●rd, promising him an appointment of twenty thousand Ducats by the year, upon condition he should entertain three hundred foot for the defence of the place, taking away the ordinary guard, which the order of Monte Novo (in whose power the government of the City was wont to be) held in the Palace. The King (being young) preferred the counsel of young men, before the Marshal of Gié, King Charles refuseth the Florentines offer. the Precedent of Gannai, and others well advised: and agrees, that he should take the City of Sienna into his protection, binding himself to defend all that depended thereon, except Mon●pulcian●, wherewith he would not deal, neither for the florentines nor the Sien●ois. But what were the fruits of this conclusion? but the shameful expulsion of this garrison, & of the Lord of Lisle, whom the King had left there for Ambassador, by those of the foresaid order, who soon after recovered their ancient authority by force. Then lived at Florence, Friar Icr●sme Sauonar●la, of the order of Saint Dominicke, in great reputation of a holy life, and a grave preacher, who by ●is sermons had greatly confirmed the Florentines affection to the King: he had long time foretold and preached the Kings coming into Italy, The predictions o● Sauona●ola. saying▪ That he was sent of ●od to punish the Tyrants of Italy: that nothing could resist him, that he should enter Pisa, and such a day the Estate of Florence should die. And in truth Peter of Medicis was banished that day, and many other things fell out as he had foretold, (amongst others the death of Laurence de Medicis) and he said he knew them by revelation: That the Church should be reform by the sword. He likewise affirmed: That notwithstanding the great force's of the Venetians, the King should return without any danger to his person: that he should be encountered upon the way, but the honour should be his, had he but a hundred men in his company. That God which had conducted him in his going, would guard him in his return but for that he had not discharged himself in the reformation of the Church, as he ●ught, and had winked at the thefts & insolencies of his troops, That God had pronounced a sentence against him, and he should have his chastisement. The which he himself did signify unto the King in plain terms: adding, That if he would take pity of the people and restrain his men from doing ill, and punish the offenders, as his duty required, God would revoke, or mitigate his sentence. To conclude, that he should not thing to be excused for saying: I do no evil. A lesson for Kings. That the faults they suffer in their subjects, are so many burdens laid upon their own backs, to plead one day against them, before ●is Maiest●e, to whom they, like to all other men, are accountable. And moreover: That the people's voice, is the voice of God. In the mean time, the Venetians and Lodowick Sforce make great preparations to stop the King's passage or at the least, to keep him from attempting against the Milanois. And for the be●ter effecting of their design, they entertain john Be●●iuole, at their common charge▪ who joined t●e Ci●●ie of Bolong●e to thei● League. Lodowick armed ten galleys at Genes, upon his own charge, and four great ships, at t●e common charge, of the Pope, the Venetians and of himself. And to surprise the Town of Ast, as he was bound by the Capitulation.) he levied two thousand foot in Germany, (having lately drawn Galeas of S●int Severin into thi● action) with seven hundred men at arms, and three thousand ●●ote. By means of these forces he promised to himself an assured conquest o● the City of As●. He sends the Duke o● Orleans three insolent condition●: That hereafter he should no more usurp the title of the Duke of Milan, Insolencies o● lodowick. the which his father Charles had taken after the death of Philippe Maria viso●nt. That he should not suffer any new forces to come from France into Italy. That he should send th●s● into Franc● that were in Ast. And for the assurance of ●hese things h● should deliver the said Town into the hands of Galeas S. Severin, who should keep it faithfully for ●he King. A wretched man, who by a proud ostentation, thinks to amaze a noble courage, a●d cannot instantly hide the baseness of ●is own. But by the advice of the Lo●d of Argen●on, Ambassador for the King at Venice, the Duke of Orleans had from the beginning furnished the place with four ●ū●red men at arms, five thousand foot, two thousand Swisses, and five hundred men which Lodowick Marquis of Saluces had sent. The D●ke of Bou●bon had levied this army to join with the King upon the Thes●n & to hel●e his passage: Art well furnished with m●n. But the Duke of Orleans employed it in the Marquisate of Sal●c●s, to take Gal●inieres, the which Anthony Maria, of S. Severin held. And although he had express commandment from the King, to lay aside all enterprises, and go to meet with him, yet did he accept the offer made him by two Opizins, gentlemen of Novarre, who hated Lodowick Sforce. He passeth the Pa● by night, at the bridge of Stir, accompanied by the Marquis of Saluces, N●ua●●e taken and was let into Novarre by the conspirators, without any resistance. In this place the Duke of Milan took his greatest delight, being most pleasant of all others for hawking, and hunting. This stratagem had been dangerous in an other of meaner quality, seeing the question was to secure the King's person, whom the French ●steemed no less than a kingdom. But seeing the Duke of Orleans had thus begun, why did he not proceed? Milan opened her arms: Pavia offered itself, and to that end sent twice unto him. Lodowick (as deject in adversity, as proud in his prosperity,) showed the baseness of his courage. The Nobility & people desired nothing more than the ruin of this house of Sforce. Milan and the whole Duchy ready to revolt against Lodowick. The Venetians had let the King understand, that if he made war against the Duke of Milan, they would succour him with all their means. Thus Charles foreseeing, that by the taking of Novarre, he should soon have the enemies upon him, and that the Duke of Orleans should need succours: he goeth on from Sienna to Pisa. Then Savonarola comes to him to Poggibonse, and the next day to castle Florentine, and using (as he was wont) the name and authority of God, he declared unto him: That if he yielded not to the Florentines the places, whereunto he was bound by oath, he should be rigorously punished. The King excusing himself upon that which he had promised to the Pisanes, to maintain them in liberty, before he had taken any oath in Florence, gave both the Monk and the Florentine Ambassadors hope of restitution, after his coming to Pisa. At Pisa, the citizens tears, both of men and women, (beseeching them that lodged in their houses, to entreat the King, not to suffer them to fall again into the Florentines tyranny) made Charles to forget the promises and oath he had taken upon the altar of Saint john at Florence: but most of all, the importunate suit of the Earl of Line, that the King would leave him Pisa and Livorne at his devotion. Those which had impugned this resolution in Sienna, did likewise contradict it in Pisa: for (said they) if by the opposition of enemies, any disorder should chance, or any difficulty to pass through Lombardie, we should have a sure and fit retreat at Pisa: whereas, if we restore them to the Florentines, when as they have recovered all their places, we shall find them as inconstant as the other Italians. Moreover they gave the King to understand, that for the safety of the realm of Naples, it were expedient to hold the port of Livorne, for if the estate of Genes should change for the King's good, he should be in a manner Lord of all the sea, from the port of Marseilles unto that of Naples. Finally, the King changed the Captain of the Citadel, and left one called Entragues, a man (saith the Original) ill conditioned, servant to the Duke of Orleans, (whom the Earl of Ligni had recommended) with some footmen of Berri. Entragues wrought so, as he had Pictresancte, Mortron, and Libr●facta, near unto Luques. Serezanes was given (by means of the said Earl) to a bastard of Roussy his servant, and Serezanelle to an other that was at his disposing. Thus the King did willingly weaken his forces the which he must distribute into these places, to make his favourits great. And as he suffered himself to be too easily carried away by the rash counsel of those he favoured, behold upon a hope given him by the Cardinals of Rovere & Fregose, Obietto of Fiesque, and other banished men, on a sudden alteration at Genes, he sends with them (against the advice of his Counsel, who did not approve the weakening of his army, A dishonourable enterprise upon Genes. for if he should win the battle, Genes would yield of itself, but if he lost it, he had no need thereof) Philippe Earl of Bresse, afterwards Duke of Savoie, the Lords of Beaumond, Polignac, and Ambeiou of the house of Amboise, with six score men at arms, & five hundred crosbowmen, newly come out of France, sending after them the company of men at arms of Vitelli, & those men which the Duke of Savoie had sent; fortified by the army at sea, reduced to seven galleys, two galleons, and two barks, commanded by Miolans governor of Daulphiné, to countenance that at land. But how easily doth man deceive himself in his own conceits? All these that went to take, are taken, even at the same place where we have seen our men defeat King Alphonso's troops, and by the same men that they had beaten. john Lewis of Fiesque, and john Adorn, were led Captives unto Genes, where they lost the fruit and honour of a famous battle, in the which they might have done good service. But who will not think the predictions of Savonarola to be very true. That God would guide the King by the hand into safety: taking away his enemy's judgement, not to molest him in the most painful straits of his voyage? Our French are now betwixt Luques and Pietresaincte, environed on the one side by high mountains, and on the other, by deep marshes and bogs. They must pass a causey, which a cart set cross, with two pieces of cannon might easily guard. Pontreme, lying at the entry of the mountains, was held for Lodowik by three hundred foot. The Marshal of Gié arriving with the forward, they presently open the gates in favour of Triwlce, upon promise to save their lives and goods. But alas the Swisses had not yet forgotten, that when as the army passed to Naples, some forty of their companions were slain there in a tumult. A ●oole revenge by the Swiss. For this cause, they fall furiously upon them, kill all the men, sack the town, and burn it, and all that was within it: the Marshal not being able to prevent this disorder. The blood being inflamed, it transports us beyond the bonds of reason: but as it grows cold, it returns to his right place. These Swisses doubted some punishment: or at the least, that the King should grow in dislike of them for this outrage, committed both against the laws of arms, and nations. But what? an unbridled desire of revenge: a military fury hath transported them: they are ready, though not to make satisfaction, yet to repair it, by some notable service. And see, an opportunity is offered. The army staid on this side the valley of Pontreme, in extreme want of victuals: and the artillery could not pass these troublesome straits, without great toil, and loss of time. And this gave the enemy leisure to make one united body of all his f●tces. The Swisses come and do voluntarily offer to pass it by force, Repaired by a notable peace of service. so as the King will pardon them. The which he doth. Leaving the valley, they must mount up a very steep hall, where their moils did creep up with great difficulty. These men perform the wo●ke of horse▪ of burden: they couple themselves by two and two, and so undertake the work, a hundred or two hundred at once, as the burden required, and one being weary, in other supplied his place. The forward was lodged at Fornove (a small, but a good village, seated at the foot of the mountain, entering into Lombardy) where he had the enemy in front: without doubt they were in great danger, if they had then cha●ged them. But their desire to 〈◊〉 allow up this army in the midst of the plain: giving the King means (who lay fifteen French leagues off) to join his troops, laid the way open to shame and confusion, imagining, that to charge our French on this side the mountains, were to cut 〈◊〉 retreat of Pisa & other places of the Florentines. And on the other side, to fight without at ending their men, were to do them wrong, seeing that their soot were not excellent. If they miscarried, they should purchase reproach with the Seigneurie of Venice. Some l●ght Skirmishes made the Marshal retire into the higher part of the mountain. Hereupon the King joins with his forward, on sunday the 15. of july: and all the enemies forces arrived, The army of the league. being five and thirty thousand men in pay, two thousand six hundred men at arms barded, making four men of combat to every lance: five thousand light horse, amongst the which, were two thousand Albanois, and of the neighbour provinces of Greece, who retaining the name of the country, are commonly called Stradiots: as who would say, men of the camp; good soldiers, and well practised in arms. The rest were foot, well appointed with artillery. Over the Venetian troops, Francis Gonzaga, Marquis of Mantova commanded as General, a young man, but of great courage and desirous of glory, and with him Luke Pisan, and Me●●●aor or Ir●● sa●, were commissaries of the army, being of the chief Senators of Venice, for Lodowik Sforce (who opposed some part of his forces against the Duke of Orleans: being ni●e hundred men at arms, twelve hundred light horse, and five thousand ●core) The Earl of Caiazzo, a more politic than hardy Captain, commanded, and Francis Bernardin, Vise●it, chief of the Gibelin faction at Milan was Commissary: & by consequence, enemy to Triwlce. Their army camped at the Abbay Guiaruole, about a league from Fornove, upon a little hill on the right hand of the King's army. The King had no other forces, but what he brought from Naples, whereof we have made mention at his departure. He must pass near the enemy (being but hal●e a League off, and a little shallow brook called Taro, betwixt both.) There was no likelehood, that this great multitude should part without the hazard of a battle. To try their resol●tions, the King (who desired only to pass quietly into France) causeth the Lord of Argenton, lately Ambassador at Venice, to write unto the above named Commissaries, that he desired to confer with them. They promise to meet the next day in a convenient place betwixt both armies. The night was terrible in rain, lightning, and thunder, a fearful prediction of the day following. Monday morning, the King arms himself complete, and mounted upon his Savoy (a horse which Charles Duke of Savoie had given him) fair and good, managing with all agility, black of colour, and answerable in proportion to to him that was mounted thereon: he shows himself to his troops, with a cheerful countenance, well coloured, and a speech contrary to his custom, strong, resolute, and wise, an assured presage of the honour he should win that day. Putting his army into battle, he placed in the forward 350. French Lances, and john jaques of Triwlte with his company of a hundred Lances, and three thousand Swisses, The order of the King's army. the chief hope of the army, commanded by Engilbert brother to the Duke of Cleves (who did fight on foot, with the bailiff of Dijon, that had levied them) and to second them, three hundred Archers, some crosbowmen on horseback of his guards, whom he comandded to leave their horses, & the most part of his foot, conceiving that the forward should be charged with the chief of his enemy's forces. His Majesty was in the Battle, having about him seven or eight young Noblemen armed like himself, (for the confederates had sent to discover him by a Herald, under colour of some demand,) and for counsel he had the Lord of Tremoville. The Earl of ●oix commanded the rearward: the baggage, by the counsel of Triwlce, was left without guard, exposed to pillage, to keep the enemy occupied with that bait. The battle of For●oue. Thus the army marched, when as Luke and Melchior the Venetian Comissaries were ready to parley. But the troops were now in alarm▪ the Captains encouraged their men to fight. The nearnes of both armies calls them from words to blows, they begin by skirmishes, the Canon thunders, but with more noise than effect. The Marquis of Mantove, his uncle Ralphe of Gonzague, the Earl of Bernardin of Montone, with a squadron of six hundred choice men at arms, a great troop of Stradiots, and other light horse, with five thousand foot, pass the Taro upon the back of the French reerward, to charge them behind. leaving on the other bank, Anthony of Monfeltre a bastard of the Duke of Urbin, with a great squadron, to pass at the first call▪ ordaining moreover, that at the fi●st shock, a part of the light horse should charge in flank, and the rest of the Stradiots should follow, to set upon the baggage. The Earl of Caiazzo, with four hundred men at arms, and a great number of foot, passeth likewise to charge the Fore●ard, leaving in like sort on the other bank, Auniball Bentivole, with two hundred men at arms, to supply when he should be sent for. And for the guard of their lodging, two great companies of men at arms, with a thousand foot, the Venetian Comissaries reserving a supply for all events. Thus the French army is environed on all sides, so as being broken, no man might hope for safety: & the King, who to strengthen the forward, had weakened the other two parts, was forced to leave the Knight he meant to make, to some better leisure, and to turn his back to the Forward, & his face to the enemy, approaching near the Rearward. The Stradiots fall upon the baggage, they wound, kill & spoil, & the Marquis is at blows with the reerward, who at the first charge break their Lances, & then valiantly they join pell-mell, with their battle axes, swords, and other short weapons, the Marquis performing the part of a most valiant and vigilant Captain, & his troop of most resolute men at arms. The King was brought rashly into danger, The King in great danger his followers being dispersed here and there in the Conflict, assisted with ●ewe about him, but Matthew bastard of Bourbon, and Philippe of Moulin a gentleman of Solongne (noted for that they had been seen very near unto the King in this conflict. The King did afterwards greatly favour this Philippe: he made him keeper of the great seal, gave him a company of men at arms, th●gouernment of Langres, and a great sum of money, according to the time, to help him to build Moulin, (a Castle near to Romorantin in Solongne.) Robinet of Frainezelles (who led about fourscore lances of the Dukes of Orleans, Lewis of Tremoville (with about forty lances) three hundred Scottishmen archers of his guard, & the Gentlemen of his household, did fight more courageously than their forces could permit, not without great danger to his person, being much esteemed by the Marquis, hoping to have the like adventure over him, as he had upon the said bastard, being wounded, and taken prisoner, near unto the King. But the apparent danger of his majesty, had so inflamed those that were nearest unto him, as falling by heaps upon the Italians, they cover their masters person with their own: and so this sudden fury was stayed, by the charge of a squadron coming at need from the battle broken by the death of Ralph of Gonzagua. A death unworthy of him, for he loved the ●rench, & if he might have been credited, the King should not have opened his passage by force, & quite overthrown all by the covetousness of the Freebooters: for these men (seeing their companons enriched with the spoils of the baggage, and to carry away over the river, some moils with their burdens, and some horse or armour) they leave their men at arms, and run to the spoil. The other horsemen were moved presently with the like desire of gain: and the foot stole out off the battle, to follow the like example. On the other side, Anthony of Montfeltre appointed by Ralph to secure when he should be called, keeping his stand (for that by reason of Ralph's death no man called him) the French took their field at large, and doubting their courage, they doubled their blows, so as by the death of some, and the wounding and flight of others, the Marquis his troop oppressed with the rough charge of our men at arms, in the end turned their backs, and were chased and beaten even to the rivers side, without taking of any prisoner, or care of booty, our French being loathed of this filthy gain, by that common voice flying amongst them. Companions remember Guinegaste, where the greediness of spoil had taken from them the better part of a notable victory. At the same instant the Earl of Caiazzo led his troops against the forward: but this was but a countenance: for even as they couched their lances, seeing some of his troop unhorsed, john Piccinin, Galeas of Correge and others fainted, and breaking of themselves, they had means to recover their battle. For the Marshal of Gié, seeing on the other side of the river an other regiment of men at arms, prepared for the battle, he keeps back his men, the which was held of some to be rat●er an act of cowardice, then of discretion: but by such as prefer reason before danger, wise and judicious. The Swisses took about twenty of these runnaways, and slew them. This Marquis of Mantova gathered together the remainders of this overthrow, and the Earl of Petillano being prisoner upon his word, The army of the league overthrown. since the taking of Capova) flying in this tumult to the Italians camp, kept them from a more shameful rout,. For the whole Camp talked of a retreat: and the high way from Plaisance to Parma was covered with men, horses and carts) that retired. Then the King going to his forwards, (which had kept their stand) propounded unto his Captains, whether he should charge the enemy in his lodging? Triwlce and Vitelli conselled him thereunto, and Francis Secco (whom the Florentines had sent to conduct the King unto Ast thrust him forward: But the passage of Taro being uneasy, (by reason of the rain fallen the night before, and the day of the battle the companies being weary, the night approaching, & the king content to have had the advantage in so doubtful a fight, did moderate the heat of the pursuit, causing them to lodge at Medesane, a village half a league from the place where the battle was fought. So this battle ended: a memorable day, being the first of a long time, that had been obstinately fought in Italy with bloodshed, & slaughter, (for in former times the Italian combats, were rather pleasant shows then battles, famous also for the great numbers of commanders that were slain▪ the small number of conquerors, in regard of the huge multitude of the vanquished. There were numbered some five and thirty or forty French horsemen slain, and some fourscore grooms of the baggage. The number of the slain. The Stradiots carried away of all their booty but five and forty of the best horse, which were the Kings and his Chamberlains: of Italians three hundred and fifty men at arms, amongst the which, there were seven or eight of the house of Gonzague, Rainunce, Farnese, Bernardin of Montone, above six score Gentlemen of the Marquis his company, and so great a number of others, as they were esteemed to be three thousand five hundred, and not one prisoner. Let us remember, That the eternal God scatters the counsels of nations, and brings to nought the practices of men. And in another place: That the King is not saved by a great army, neither doth a mighty man escape by his great force. The King stayed the next day at the same lodging, The King's error. and departed on wednesday the eight of the month, without any sound of Trumpet, busying the enemy under colour of a parley, fearing them that feared him. But if he could have made profit of his victory; and turned head against them, who were yet amazed, as their own commanders did confess, all had sought for their safety by flight. And if he had displayed his colours in favour of little Francis, son to john Galeas Duke of Milan, the name of the usurper was so odious to all the Duchy, and the name of their lawful Lord so pleasing, as the people had easily confined Lodowick into the Castle of Milan, and consequently the Venetians had lost most of the places they possessed in Italy: so ready is that nation to follow the victor's happiness. This was the counsel of Triwlce: but the King would not attempt any thing upon the right which the Duke of Orleans pretended to the Duchy, being now in possession of Novarre. Moreover, God which had given him the honour of a victory, would take from him all cause of presumption, depriving him of the principal fruits that depended thereon. This so happy a victory, opened a passage for the King, yet was he to encounter a world of difficulties: steep and craggy mountains, rough valleys, dangerous forests, riue●s hard to pass, want to victuals, and behind him the Earl of Catazzo had passed the river of Taro with two hundred Lances, to cut off them that lingered behind. The river of Treby, gave the first obstacle, with some terror, for about ten of the clock at night, the river swollen so high, as it was impossible to pass it before five of the clock in the morning, the soldiers wading above the stomach. The King did wisely to dislodge without bruit, being (besides the enemy's army) so near to Lodowick Sforces strong garrisons, having a great number of horse, and twelve hundred Lansquenets, lodged in Tortone and Alexandria, and five hundred others; with the foresaid Earl, who were entered into Plaisance, fearing some alteration. Truly Charles did daily feel the truth of Savonaroles predictions: That he should endure much, but the honour should be his. The river of Scrivia was kept by Gaspar of S. Severin, surnamed the Fracasse, brother to the Earl of Caiazzo, and Captain of Tortone, but advertised that the King's meaning was only to pass, he retired to his charge, furnished the army with victuals, came unto the King, and excused himself, for that he could not lodge him within the Town: the which he kept for Lodowick. After a shower comes a sunshine (saith the Proverb.) The King is now in a friend's country, at Nice belonging to the Marquis of Montferrat, and from Nice to Ast. Then the great army of the league, which had followed him into the country of Tortone, having no more means to annoy him, went to join with Lodowikes troops before Novayye, the which was in great want, for the Duke of Orleans had governed the victuals he found therein very ill, and had neglected to furnish it as he might have done, considering the fertility of the country. He had of late retained the supply of seven thousand five hundred good fight men, sent to the King by the Duke of Bourbon: and contrary to his majesties Commandment, he hath taken places from Lodowick: and now in s●eed of succouring, he demands succours, for want whereof he shallbe forced to yield what he hath gotten. But Charles had other work. Naples is in danger: Ferdinand sought all means to recover it: and having presented himself with Gonsalue Fernand of the house of Aghilar, of the territory of Cordouë, with six thousand men near unto Seminare, after the taking of Rhegium, he had sought to draw the whole realm into rebellion, if the Lord of Aubigni, governor of Calabria, had not by his vigilancy and valour slacked the heat of the people's rage. And the quarrel had been ended by the death or imprisonment of Ferdinand himself, if john of Capova, brother to the Duke of Termini, (whom Ferdinand had brought up a page,) had not performed the part of a most faithful and loyal servant, Ferdinand defeated by Aubigni. who leaving his horse, lost his life to save his master Ferdinand, having his horse slain under him. Gonsalue fled through the mountains to Rhegium: Ferdinand to Palma, lying upon the sea near to Seminare, & from thence to Messina. Ferdinand grieved with this disgrace, will once again try the hazard of arms. He is well informed, that all the city of Naples desires him greatly: many of the chief, both of the Nobility and people, call him secretly. And therefore before the brute of this overthrow in Calabria should alter this good humour, he parts from Messina with three score vessels with top-masts, and twenty less, furnished more for show and bravery, then for any good service, having no forces proportionable to so high an enterprise. The people's favour and desire supplied his want of men. The Towns of Salerne, Melfe, and la Cave, display their Ensigns, & he hovers about Naples, attending some mutiny in the City. But all was in vain: the Viceroy had in time manned the approaches, and suppressed the rebellion which began to breed. But according to the advice of some, he should have armed such ships as were in the harbour, with Soldiers and men of execution, and have charged the enemy, who being strong in snipping, and weak in men, was retired to Ischia. The conspirators faint not, but seeing their practice discovered, make a virtue of necessity. They call back Ferdinand, and entreat him to land, to give both force and courage to those that would ●ise in his favour. He approacheth, and lands at Magdeleine, a mile from Naples. Here the Viceroy showed no less courage, when he should most fear, than he had showed himself fearful, when as resolution was most necessary. He leads in a manner all the garrison out of the City, to disturb his landing. The Neapolitans embracing this occasion, fly to arms, troop together at the sound of the bell, seize upon the gates, and proclaim Ferdinand's name in all places. Our French are now in danger on all sides: shall they attend the foreign enemy, or shall they go to encounter them within the City? They have no means to enter by the same way they came forth: all are armed, all is barred up. There is no other access but by the port joining v●to the new Castle: 〈◊〉 enters 〈◊〉. but the way is long and hilly, and they must go about a good part of the Town walls. But during this march, Ferdinand enters, and riding through the City, the people receive him with great cries of joy: the French having recovered the Castle, seek to win the heart of the City; but being repulsed with Crossbows and small Artillery, and finding the entry of every street well manned, the night likewise approaching, abandoning almost two thousand horse, good and bad upon the place, having no means to keep them within the fort, unfurnished of provisions, all put themselves into the Castle, despairing evermore of themselves to recover the Town. Most part revolt from the F●ench. Presently Capova, Averse, Nole, the Castle of Montdragon, and many other places follow this example, and the greatest part of the realm turns to Ferdinand. Some one must needs pay for all. Caiete having taken arms for Ferdinand, the French garrison enters the Town with fury, Caiete sack by the French makes a horrible slaughter of the rebels, and sacks it. The Venetian army at sea, besiegeth Monopoli, a City of Apulia, both by sea and land, gives a hot assault, they take it by force, and the Castle by composition, and afterwards the Town of Pulignan. Charles advertised of these revoltes, being parted from Ast towards Turin, he sends away Peron of Basche his Steward, to hasten away an army at Sea, from V●llefranche near unto Nice, the which carried two thousand fight men, with store of victuals, under the command of the Lord of Arba●, a valiant Captain, and well experienced at sea, yet very unfortunate in this expedition, for having discovered Ferdinand's fleet about the Isle of Poreze, consisting of thirty sail, and two great ships of Genova: they presently turn tail to the enemy, leaving him a small Biscaine ship for a pawrre, and recover the Port of Livorne, The French fleet flies voluntarily. where the Captain could not stay the greatest number of his soldiers from landing, who took the way to Pisa. In the mean time, the Arragonois employs all his forces against the new castle, the Castle de l' Oeufe, & other forts held by the French. And to make the way the more easy, he fortifies the Hippodrome, man's the Mont S. Herme, and Puisfaucon, and assails the Monastery of the Crosse. B●t being at the first greatly annoyed by the Artillery, he converts his force into policy, which proves unfortunate for the Author. There was in it a Moor, sometimes servant to the Marquis of Pescara. The Marquis sounds him▪ and he promiseth to give entrance. For this effect, The Marquis of Pescara slain. he mounts in the night by a Ladder set to the Abbey wall, to conclude of the conditions, the manner, and the time, but he discovered not an other Paris, who lying behind the battlements of the wall, cut the throat of his Achilles with a Crossbow. The Marquises death was repaired by the revolt of Prosper & Fabricio Colonnes. The revolt of the Collonnes. who notwithstanding the great advancements they had from the King, (carried away with a light belief, spread abroad by certain lying letters of Lodowicke Sforce, that the King was dead at Forno●e, and seeing moreover that the French affairs declined) they return to Ferdinand's pay. The Castles thus beleaguered, the sea shut up by Ferdinand's fleet, famine increasing daily, and all hope of foreign succours cut off by the voluntary rout of Arbans navy, made the Viceroy to yield up the new castle to Ferdinand, after three months siege, with promise to go into Provence, if he were not relieved within thirty days, The new Castle at Naples compounds with Ferdinand. departing with bag & baggage: and for assurance of this capitulation, he gave for hostages, Yues of Alegre, la March of Ardenne, l● Chapelle of Anjou, Roquebertin Catelan & jenlis: this was the 6. of October. If any relief came unto them, it must be of those forces that were dispersed within the realm. So the Lord of Persi d' Alegre, brought the Swisses, with many of the companies of men at arms, accompanied by the Prince of Bisignan, and divers other Barons persisting yet in their fidelity. Monteleone put to flight by the French. Ferdinand advertised hereof, opposeth the Earl of Monteleone. They encounter at the Lake of Pizzale near to Eboli, where our French had a revenge of that brave flight of their army at sea. For the Earls forces exceeding Persi in number, fly at the first approach, without any fight, leaving Venantio son to jules of Varane Lord of Camerin prisoner, but being not pursued▪ for that our men came to an other end) they retire without any great loss to Nole, and after to Naples. This victory thrusts forward our men to the execution of their design. Ferdinand (to hinder their approach) casts up a trench from Mont S. Herme, to Castle d' l' Oeuf, and plants artillery upon the hills adjoining, the which doth greatly indomage the French, and takes away all means to enter the Castle. This side wanting fresh water, made them retire in disorder, leaving behind them some pieces of Artillery, and part of the victuals they had brought for the relief of the Castles, being discontented with the small endeavour the besieged had used to receive them. He that gives over, looseth the game. The Viceroy frustrate (by this dislodging) of all hope of succours, leaving three hundred men in the Castle Neuf, Castle Neuf abandoned by the Viceroy. (a number proportionable to the victuals that remained) & a convenient garrison in that of de l' Oeuf, he imbarkes by night with the rest of his soldiers, being 2500, and takes his way to Salerne. Ferdinand complains that the accord is broken: That it was not lawful for the Earl of Montpensier to departed suddenly, without taking leave, and with such a company, before he had consigned him the Castles, threatening to be revenged of the hostages for this injury & deceit, the which were yielded a month after the prefixed time, when as the garrisons compounded for their departure, being unable to endure the famine any longer: Those of Castle Neuf, upon condition the hostages should be delivered: Those of de l' Oeuf, if they were not succoured by the first day of Lent ensuing. But let us leave Ferdinand confirmed in his throne, and return to Novarre. Novarre was at the last cast, they had no more Corn, no more horses, but for few days. some died of hunger, some languished of sickness. Mugnes, Brione, Camarian, Siege of No●ar●e. Bolgare, and other near places, (with the forts built by the French,) were taken by force, and the enemy lodged in the Suburbs, were so many Blockhouses, neither was there any means to secure them without a battle. But how? The King took his pleasure at Turin, and at Quires, he had no will to hazard another battle for one Town only, which the Duke of Orleans would keep, and no man would fight but in the King's presence. The Prince of Orange (who in matters of war had great credit with the King) and all the other commanders, desired rather to end the siege by some friendly agreement, then by the hazard of a battle. Winter approached: every one sees his store spent: many are sick, some retire without leave, others obtain it. The enemy gives ●are to a peace. His army was newly increased by a thousand Reisters', led by Frederick Capelare, of the County of Ferrete, and by eleven thousand Lansquenets, commanded by George of Abe●●ing, borne in Austria. The levy which the Bailiff of Dijon went to make in Suisserland, was not yet ready. Why then (considering the consent of both parties) are not these great numbers dismissed friendly without force ' Some few sought contention: they had the King's ears open, and their words were Oracles, as Brissonnet Cardinal of S. Malo, and the Archbishop of Rovan: yet would they not leave their robes to put on arms, but keep themselves safe from blows. The King (say they) must not begin, let his enemy speak first, he is here in person: The Pope, the Emperor, the King of Spain, the Venetians, and the Duke of Milan are by their Deputies. But whilst they stand upon this point of honour, their teeth grow and their stomachs shrink at Novarre. And thus the matter was handled, reserving the honour of both parties. About that time the Marquis of Montferrat died, daughter to the King of Servia in Grece, leaving two sons, whereof the eldest was but 9 years old. The Marquis of Saluce, & Constantin Uncle to the said Marquis, one of the ancient Noblemen of Macedon, (the which Mahumet Ottoman had many years before invaded) contended for the government of the two pupils. To accord this controversy, for the safety of the children, and the content of the Country, the King had sent the Lord of Argenton to Casal Ceruas, and the Marquis of Mantova, a Steward of his, to condole this death. These two fall into discourse, to pacify both armies without blows: so as by the Steward's persuasion, Argenton writes to the Venetian commissaries, under colour to continue the parley they had upon Taro. Giving ear thereunto, they impart it to the Duke of Milan's Captains. In the end, by common consent▪ they meet betwixt Bolgare and Camarian. There were for the King, the Cardinal of S. Malo, the Prince of Orange, the Marshal of Gié, and the Lords of Piennes and Argenton. For the confederates, the Marquis of Mantova, Bernard Contarin the commissary of the Venetians Stradiots, and Francisque Bernardin Visconte. Their chief controversy was upon the delivery of Novarre. Milan holds in fee of th● Empire, & therefore the King did urge, that Novarre, as a member of the said Duchy, should be delivered to Maximilian, by the hands of the german Captains, that were in the Italians Camp▪ and the confederates would have him leave it absolutely. In the mean time, the famine grows so great, as it kills above 2000 of the Duke of Orleans men: and their great necessity required nothing but expedition. But more difficulties growing then could suddenly be decided, they conclude a ●●uce for eight days, with permission for the Duke of Orleans to come forth with a small train. For the surety whereof, the Marquis of Mantova did willingly offer himself, as an hostage to the Earl of Foix, after an oath taken, that they should proceed sincerely in the treaty of peace, & that it was not only to free the Duke of Orleans. The Duke being come to the King to Verceil, for the prolongation of the truce, until a conclusion of peace: all the men of war came forth, and were conducted into a place of safety, by the Marquis of Mantova, and Galeas of S. Severin. So the Town remained in the Inhabitants keeping, with anoth, not to deliver it to any, but with the consent of both parties. And thirty men were left in the Castle, under the Duke of Orleans authority, to whom they should daily send victuals out of the Italians Camp for their money. Within few days after, arrived the Bailiff of Dijon, with his Swisses, who under colour of ten thousand which he thought to bring, the number was doubled, running at the name of the King's purse. So great a number of men of one nation, Twenty thousand Swisses at Verceil for th● King. was suspicious. The one moiety joined with the King's army near to Verceil, the other camped apart, five leagues off. This new supply, revived▪ the courage of the Duke of Orleans, and of those whose fingers itched. But to what end were a Battle, seeing that Novarre had not moved the King, but only to free the Duke, and his servants that were now delivered from captivity? And what means were there to fight with two thousand eight hundred men at arms barded, five thousand light horse, eleven thousand Germans, and an infinite number of other foot, in a Camp entrenched with palissadoes, and deep ditches full of water? a counsel fit for scarlet robes, thrust on rather by their own covetousness, then with any respect of the King's honour or the Dukes. This Cardinal of S. Malo, did more affect his majesties service, or the private advancement of his house, seeing that his unmeasurable greediness extorted this confession from his own mouth: That the Duke of Orleans had promised him ten thousand Ducats of rent for his son, if he had this Duchy of Milan. Doubtless great Princes use good and bad instruments to satisfy their desires, but in the end they abhor the unlawful practices of their workmen. On the other side, this great number of men, newly arrived, who desired nothing but employment, made the Italians minds more inclinable to peace. So the Marshal of Gié, the Precedent of Gannai, the Vidame of Chartres, Argenton, Piennes and Moruilliers, having conferred again with the confederates, where the Duke of Milan, did assist in person: they concluded an accord, more through the necessity of the season, and want of money, desirous to return home with the show of an honourable peace, then with any confidence it would continue. It was agreed; The treaty of Verceil. That the King should be served by the Duke of Milan for Genes, as of his vassal, against all the world▪ and in so doing, the Duke should furnish at his own charge, two Ships to secure the Castle of Naples (the which held yet) and the year following, should serve the King with three, and go with him in person to the enterprise of Naples, if by chance he returned, and should suffer the King's men to pass. If the Venetians did not accept of the peace within two months, but would maintain the house of Arragon, he should aid the King against them: and the King should give him all that should be taken from them. That of six score and four thousand Ducats lent to the King in that voyage, he should forgive fourscore thousand. And f●r the expenses made at Novarre, he should pay the Duke of Orleans fifty thousand Ducats, by the month of March following. That for the surety of Genes, the Duke should give two hostages, and deliver the Chastelet into the Duke of Ferrares keeping, as a Neuter, for two whole years, the guard thereof to be paid at their common charge: and in case the Du●e of Milan should forfeit Genes to the King, the Duke of Ferrare should then deliver the Chastelet to the King, and the Duke of Milan should give two other hostages of Milan. That the Duke should not impeach the florentines, to recover what belonged unto them. That Triwlce should be restored to his lands and goods. And that the prisoners, the confederates had taken, should be delivered. This peace was sworn on either side: the Venetians crave respite for two months, to accept or not, and the King transported with a great desire to see his France, resolved to part the next day. But advertised that the Swisses practised either to assure themselves of his person, or to seize upon the chief in Court, for three months pay, which they said was due unto them, by an accord made with Lewis the eleventh, That so often as they should go forth with their Ensigns displayed, The Swisses practise to seize upon the King. they should receive that payment: he parted from Verceil, (into the which many Swisses were gotten) and went towards Trine, a Town belonging to the Marquis of Montferrat. This humour possessed them by the instigation of those to whom this peace was not pleasing. From Trine, the King sent the said Marshal of Gié, the Precedent of Gannai, and Argenton, to Lodowicke Sforee, to move him to an interview. But he grounded his excuse upon some speeches which the Earl of Ligni, and the Cardinal of Saint M●l● had used. 1496. That they should take him when he came, to the King to Pavia: yet would he willingly parley with the King, having a bar and river betwixt them. He had heard talk of the parley betwixt Edward & the Constable of S. Paul, with Lewis the eleventh. Charles taking this distrust in ill part, received his hostages of Milan: and impatient to attend the Genevois, advancing to Quires, he sent Peron de Basche to Genes, to receive the two carrakes promised by the treaty, and to arm four others, wherein he made account to ship three thousand Swisses, to relieve the castles of Naples, knowing that the army of Nice had been altogether unprofitable. But it was sufficient for the Milanois to promise: he knew well that hunger would force the wolf out of the wood, that is to say, that want of victuals would shortly expel the garrisons out of those castles. Moreover being persuaded, the King would hardly repass the Alpes, he seeks the friendship of Ferdinand, arming two ships for his service. Charles did then send the Lord of Argenton to Venice, to know if they would accept of the peace, and to pass three articles: To redeliver Monopoli, which they had taken from him: To draw back the Marquis of Mantove, their Lieutenant general, & all others they had in the Realm of Naples, for Ferdinand's, service: and to declare King Ferdinand to be none of the league lately made, in the which there was only named the Pope, the King of the Romans, the King of Spain, and the Duke of Milan. For answer, they flatly refuse all the King's demands, as having no war with him: and that their meaning was only to secure the Duke of Milan as their Ally, whom the King sought to ruin. And for the making of an agreement, they offer to be a means: That Ferdinand should do homage to the King, for the Realm of Naples, with the Pope's consent: and should pay a hundred and fifty thousand ducats yearly, and a present sum of money, the which they would lend: for the loan whereof they should have Bruduse; Otrante, Trani and some other places in Apulia, in pawn: That Ferdinand should give the King some places for safety, to make war against the Turk, according to the hope wherewith Charles had fed all Christendom. The Venetians propositions to the King. The which, if he would undertake, all Italy should contribute thereunto. That the King and they should dispose of all Italy without contradiction: and for their part, they would serve the King with a hundred galleys at their own charge, and with five thousand horse by land. But this Turkish war was but a glorious cloak for every private man's covetousness. And who can wonder if God did suddenly frustrate out designs, having an other ground than we made show of? Who will not judge, but this offer had been as honourable for France, as the general loss of the said Realm was dishonourable? Charles would willingly have undertaken it, and the greatest part of his Counsel did allow it. But Tacitus observes of Vitellius, That his judgement was such, as he found all harsh that was profitable, and took nothing in good part but what was pleasing, and that proved hurtful. A lesson for Princes, not to trust so confidently to some particular persons▪ for the government of their affairs, as not to impart it sometimes to others: neither to advance any one so high, as all the rest should be his inferiors, for making himself to be feared and respected above all (as the Cardinal Briçonnet, his brethren and kinsfolk did) he commonly makes his house great at his masters cost. But it was the humour of this young King, fearing (sayeth the history) to displease them to whom he gave credit, and especially such as governed his treasure: as the above named. Our Conquerors are now arrived at Lion, in the month of October, not greatly careful of those they had left at Naples, without any intelligence or letters from the King, but only counterfeit: and nothing but promises for assignations of pay, whereof followed the general loss of the Realm: who for a sign of their conquest, left them nothing but the possession of a stinking and contagious disease, which afterwards spread over all France: The beginning o● the pocks. the which (being till then unknown in our parts, and the Physicians not acquainted with the cure thereof) lodged many in the grave, leaving many deformed and lame of their limbs, 1495. and subject to continual torments. Charles having continued two months at Lion, he received two very troublesome and unpleasant advertisements: One was Domestical, the death of his son the Dauphin, deceased at three years of ages: A goodly child (saith the Original) and bold in speech, who feared not those things which other children are accustomed to fear. The other was foreign, the yielding of the Castles at Naples. The King passed over his mourning lightly: for being little, both of body and understanding, he began to fear, lest the Dauphin growing in these generous dispositions, which they noted in his infancy, should soon blemish the father's power and authority. A lamentable thing, that so great a Monarch should fear his own child lying in a cradle. But that was certain, that Charles the seventh his grandfather had been jealous of Lewis the eleventh his son. Lewis had terrified his father, and was in fear of his son Charles the eight: and now Charles apprehends some decay in his estate by his son. jealousy is a disease which doth commonly infect Prince's houses. The other accident was of greater consequence, and touched him more nearly. But were not these crosses sufficient to afflict him, but he must receive a public shame by means of a private man's covetousness? The Florentines priest the performance of their treaty, sworn at Florence, confirmed at Ast, and afterwards at Turin. Charles writes to this effect to Entragues Captain of the Citadel at Pisa, and to the bastard of S. Paul, to restore those places to the Florentines which they commanded. But these gentlemen are good merchants, they sell that which they are commanded to give. Entragues interprets the King's letters patents according to his own covetousness, The treachery and covetousness of Entragues. and excuseth himself with a secret charge he said he had received, not to deliver it without the Earl of Lignies hand writing, in whose name he commanded Pisa. But this was the chief cause, he must have money. Florence did not offer any, Pisa must pay it, or else fall into their hands whom they hated to the death. To draw them unto it, he hath an other wicked practice. He sends to the Florentine Commissaries, to bring their army to the port of the suburbs of S. Mare, that if the Pisans would not receive them friendly, he would force them to abandon the said gate being so commanded by the Citadel, as it could not resist without the captains sufferance. He did not believe the Florentines should so easily have taken the bulwark of the said suburbs. But when as he sees the assailants enter pell-mell, kill some, and take others prisoners, he turns his Artillery upon the Florentines, kills and hurts them, and forceth the Florentines to abandon the place. In the end, priest by the King's commanding letters, both to the Earl of Ligni, to him, and to all the garrisons, to leave the said places, he delivers them for twenty thousand Ducats, and after sells Pietresanta to the Luquois, and Librefacta to the Venetians. And the above named bastard, as good a merchant as the other, sells Serezane and Serezanelle to the Genevois. And all to the King's dishonour, his subjects shame, and the absolute loss of Naples, The King dishonoured by two of h●e subjects. Saillant who commanded in the port of Livorne, is commanded to have yielded the place, to the Florentines at the first summons, and Entragues banished the Realm of France, by a decree of the privy counsel. Yet the Duke of Orleans (his masters credit) caused this sentence to be repealed. The Pisans being masters of their Citadel, razed it to the ground. And rather than they will submit their necks to the Florentines yoke, they implore aid from the Pope, Emperor, Venetians, Genevois, Siennese, and Luquois. But whilst that Lodowick consults whether he should receive them into his protection, the Venetians prevent him. So many dogs fight for one bone, pull one another by the throat, whilst the most politic carries it away. The Viceroy in the mean time gathers together the remnant of his shipwreck. And as the revolt of the Colonnois had greatly weakened the King's party, Virgile Vrs●● in the King's pay. so he hoped to repair it by the means of Virgilius Vrsinus, who seeing the Colonnois his enemies newly advanced to great authority with Ferdinand, he accepted of the King's entertainment, 1496. being agreed that he with the rest of the house of Vrsin, should make a levy of six hundred men at arms, and with the Vitelli cross Ferdinand's attempts, who by divers events laboured vehemently to recover that which the King held yet. And let us now see the success of their affairs. The success of arms is variable, but God holds them in balance, and gives the advantage to whom he pleaseth. Our men had sometimes the better, and sometimes the worse. But this is but a languishing fit. Our French being encamped at Nocere, had by an intelligence given, taken and slain seven hundred Arragonois, going to surprise Gisone, near to S, S●uerin: but seeing Ferdinand fortified with the Pope's troops, they leave Nocere, to take S. Severin, and Gosenze which was lately rebelled against them. Abruzzo continued firm through the valour of Gratian de Guerres, against the attempts of the Earl of Popoli: and the coming of the Vrsins and the Vitelli, did greatly molest the lands of Mont●assin, and the neighbour country of Labour. Calabria (although the long sickness of the Lord of Aubigni, had stayed the course of his prosperity) remained yet at the King's devotion. The Viceroy had mounted & armed such as came with him from Naples. All these considerations gave courage to our men, and made the way to a battle, which the Viceroy and Vrsins greatly pressed. But the want and necessity of money to pay their strangers, doth cast an apple of discord in the army: eight hundred Lansquenets, for want of pay, go to the Arragonois, who fortifying the enemy, makes our French so much the weaker. Behold a rough shaking for a house that threatened ruin. And now comes the blow, which in few months shall strike us dead. Ferdinand At the first, admitted ●●to the league. the Venetians would not receive Ferdinand into the league of the Potentates of Italy, to the end that urgent necessity might force him to yield them something, watching so long for an opportunity, as in the end they find it. Ferdinand had a great action in hand: he must hazard all, to become (as they say) a rich Merchant, or a poor peddler. He accords with the Venetians, and in regard of a succour of seven hundred men at arms, He capitulates with the Venetians. five hundred light horse, and three thousand foot, led by the Marquis of Mantove, and their navy entertained, which lay then upon that coast, with a loan of fifteen thousand ducats, he delivered unto them, Otrante, Brudusium, and Thrane, and consents they should retain Monopoli, and Pulignane, which they then held, upon condition to deliver them, upon payment of such money as should be employed in the guard thereof, so as it amounted not above two hundred thousand ducats. Moreover the Pope, they, and the Milanois, sent other companies of men at arms levied in common. And Lodowick, who would not directly break the treaty of Verceill, agreed secretly to pay ten thousand ducats monthly towards the wars of Naples. If the Earl of Montpenesier▪ were in want, Ferdinand was as needy, and the Venetian succours could not be so soon ready. So the weakness of both parties, being sick of one disease, kept them from attempting much, yet idleness makes the soldiers slothful. To keep them in exercise, the Viceroy practiseth an intelligence upon Beneuent: but he was prevented by Ferdinand, who had notice thereof: he leaves it to take Fenezane, Apice, and many other neigbhour towns: wanting victuals, and the season approaching to collect one of the most important revenues of the realm, which was the custom for cattle in Apulia, he marcheth to frustrate the enemy: it mounted yearly to fourscore thousand ducats. Ferdinand follows, to stay the Viceroy's course, attending his succours. At that time there arrives a French navy at Caiette, of fifteen great ships, and seven less, A new French fleet in the kingdom of Naples. wherein they had shipped eight hundred Lansquenets at Savone, and the troops appointed for the great ships that should have been armed at Genes. This army takes Itri at their landing, with other neighbour places. Don Baptist Caracciol had promised to give him entrance into Sesse, but Dom Frederick, Ferdinand's uncle, prevented him, committing the bishop and others guilty of this practice to prison. The fury of the war was in Apulia, and the success was variable, for both parties lodged in divers Towns, who rather by their ordinary roads, then by any valour, made war against the poor cattle. Virgilius Vrsinus and Marian Savelli had gathered together an infinite number of cattle, the custom betwixt S. Severe & Porcine: and Ferdinand with six hundred men at arms, eight hundred light horse, and fifteen hundred foot, comes by night to drive them away: who by the break of day being planted before Saint Severe with his men at arms, to make head against Viriglius, if he issued forth, he caused his light horse to drive away about threescore thousand head of cattle. Savelli issueth forth of Porcine, to the rescue, but being too weak, he was forced to retire with the loss of thirty men at arms. This check drew the Viceroy against Ferdinand being at Fog, to recover both the honour and the pray that was lost. Upon the way he encounters eight hundred Lansquenets, betwixt Nocere and Troy, which went to join with Ferdinand: he chargeth them, and being obstinate in fight, defeats them, and kills them all, with some loss of his men: Ferdinand's Lansquene●● defeated by the French. and so presents himself in battle before Fog: but none issuing forth save the light horse, he lay in ambush in the wood of the Incoronate or not crowned, and recovered the greatest part of the cattle. Then presenting himself before Fog, he retires to Saint Severe: when as the light horse falling upon those that did drive away the booty, deprived either party of the greatest profit, for the cattle being dispersed here and there, were abandoned to the first that could take them. Hereupon the army at sea joins with the Viceroy, and the Marquis of Mantova with the Arragonois. So the chief forces of both armies approach. The French were stronger in foot, and the Italians in horse: which held the estate of affairs in suspense. The King began now again to affect the affairs of Italy, and having made a progress to Tours and Paris, to perform (sayeth the history) some vows which ●e had made at Fournove, he returns to Lion. Charles returns to Lion. His own inclination drew him naturally to this war: glorious, for that he was the first of the Kings of France, after many ages, that had renewed the French armies in Italy. Moreover, the florentines, the Cardinal of Saint Pierre, john jaques of Triwlce, the Vr●ins, the Earl of Montoire, (sent to that end by the Barons of the Realm of Naples, who yet did carry the flower de Lice, but with more importance than all the rest,) the Cardinal of Saint Mal●, and that Mignon the Seneschal of Beaucaire, gave him a certain hope of victory, by means of a great and speedy succour: and contrariwise of an apparent loss, if matters were more neglected. Even those which before had dissuaded this enterprise of Italy, grieved now exceedingly to see their conquest so cowardly lost, and the French Nobility to perish: who (unfurnished of aid) were ready to suffer shipwreck. The Admiral of Graville alone could not savour this war. These resolutions were somewhat hindered by the war which the King supported in the County of Roussillon, from whence the Spaniards made ordinary roads and robberies in Languedo●. Charles of Albon, grandfather to the deceased Marshal of S. Andrew, defended the frontier, as Lieutenant to the Duke of Bourbon, governor of that Province the which was greatly indāmaged by the garrison of Saulses, a little Town in the said County, strong of men and situation, and defended by some gentlemen of the King of Castills house, who were seconded by an army in field, bigger than the French. Albon undertakes to besiege Saulses, batters it, make a breach, and gives an assault, and within ten hours carries it by force, where he slew some forty Spanish gentlemen of mark, and about four hundred men of defence. A worthy reward for the wrong which the castilian had done to Charles, who had so willingly restored him the possession of this Country, hoping to bind him by this good turn, not to cross him in his desseins, upon the Realm of Naples, as by the contract of reddition he had promised. This exploit kept the Snails within their shells, who under pretence and colour to continue their Conquests upon the Moors, A truce betwixt the Kings of France and Castil●. whom they lately overcame and chased out of Granado, in the end they motioned a truce, the which (being concluded from March to October, for themselves, and such of their faction as would accept of it) divided the Castilian from the other confederates, attending that a mutual assembly at Montpellier, should end all their controversies by a firm and durable peace. Thus Charles freed from this encumbrance, returns more vehemently to his first desseins, 〈◊〉 greatly a●●ects the ●nte●prise of It●●●y. and to draw his counsel thereunto, he said, that he felt a divine inspiration in his soul, which called him into Italy. It was according to the predictions of Sauo●ar●la. In the end it was concluded, That Triwlce should return to As●, with the title of the King's Lieutenant▪ with eight hundred Lances and four thousand French and Swisses: That the Duke of Orleans should soon follow, and then the King: That thirty ships should pass the straits into the ports of Prouen●e, and should be armed for the passage of Naples, with men, victuals money, and all other munition. A brave desseine and a goodly order, if it had taken effect. But it is a great error in Kings, to give the chief places of authority, rather to Churchmen, then to their Princes, The Cardinal of Saint Malo ●●nders the 〈◊〉 vo●age. or to Noblemen of merit: seeing that these men have but one oath, which is to their King, and the other having two, they commonly prefer that which they own unto the Pope. The Cardinal of Saint Malo, governing the treasure, and in a manner the whole State, did not directly contradict the Kings will, (having so greatly affected the first voyage) but so slacked the expeditions, delaying the necessary payments, that no provision was effected. And who would not believe, but the Pope giving to this man a cardinals hat, would likewise draw him to his faction. But let us hear another disturbance, when as every man supposed that the King would speedily pass the mountains, he makes a posting voyage to Paris and to Tours, for three reasons. The first, under colour of devotion: to take leave (said he) of Saint Denis and Saint Martin, according to the ancient ceremonies of the Kings of Fra●●e: The second, to bid the Queen farewell, who was resident at Tours: The third, to draw all the Cities of the Realm to aid him with money, after the example of Paris, to avoid the necessities of the year before. But he did not set down the fourth: and it may be more urgent: the love of one of the Queen's maids▪ an importune passion, which doth so restrain all the spirits of man, as he neglects all other cares. Charles departs, and returns not in four months: he sends Triuul●e to Ast, with a small troop, more to confirm the friendship of Philip, the new Duke of Savoie, by the death of the little Duke his Nephew, then for any preparation of war: and for the provision of Naples, six ships were provided laden with victuals, and laden with hope to be soon followed by a great army, and to receive forty thousand ducats due at Florence. This was physic after death: for if they had arrived in time, they had preserved, or at the least stayed for a season the loss of the Realm. If Brisonnet were so dull in these Commissions in the King's presence, judge if he made any haste in his majesties absence. Yet the body of the Neapolitan state was so shaken, as for want of speedy remedy it was ready to fall. The two armies approach, both so tired, as the war must suddenly end by the ruin of the one. The French were camped before Circelle, ten miles from Beneuent: and Ferdinand, to divert this siege, was before Fra●gette of Montfort. For the succouring whereof, our men leave Circelle: but the Lansquenets apprehending a second assault, left the place at random. This was a loss, which did greatly import our men. They had means in show to defeat this army, so busy at the sack of Fra●gette, as the Captains advertised, that there was but a valley betwixt the French and their lodging, they could not in time call back the soldiers from the spoil to arms. The Earl of Montpensier would have embraced this occasion. Virgilius' Vrs●●●s did urge it, Persi d' Alegre, by an envious, or malicious show of hazard, which they should incur in passing the valley at the mercy of the enemy, loathing the Swisses & La●sque●ets, which he commanded, discontented moreover with the small entertainment they had made him when he presented himself to succour the castles of Naples, hindered the execution and besides, under colour of pay, (as they say) he caused the strangers to mutiny. Thus the Viceroy forced to sound the retreat, went to follow the siege of Ce●cille, where Camille Vitelli, performing the office of an excellent Captain and soulcia●▪ during the assault, was wounded in the head with a stone, whereof he died. An accident which caused the French to abandon both the assault & the siege, to retire towards Arriane, and to seek some means to draw the Arragonois to battle. But they had to deal with cunning temporisers, who knowing our men to be pressed with the want of meat and m●ny, and foreseeing that the slackness of their succours would breed greater discommodities and desasters, they suffered them to keep the field, and lodged in their forts, where their commodities could not be cut off. Not only the army, but also the other parts of the realm were greatly distressed. Annibal the bastard son of the Lord of Camerin, diverse variable exploits. had of late defeated the Marquis of Bitonte of the French faction, in Abruzze: for a revenge, Gratian de Guerres, being in field, overthrew the Earls of Selane and Popoli, leading three hundred hor●e and three thousand foot for Ferdinand. Notwithstanding the loss of an occasion of a victory at Frangette, the extreme necessity of all things, the discord of the Captains, and continual contradiction of Persi, refusing to obey the Earl of Montpe●s●●r, for that (saith he) he had against reason abandoned the Castles of Naples, the disobedience of the soldiers, the discontent of the Neapolitan troops following the King, not paid, & injuriously entreated in the divisions of booties or victuals, the departure of many from the Camp, the mutinies of the Swisses and Lansquenets, who cried out tumultuously for their pay, the neighbourhood of many Towns, supported by the enemy's army, and many desasters concurring, daunted the courage of our soldiers, engendered a contempt and hatred in the people, & forced our men to fly from place, to place, without any hope of means to fight with the enemy, who to spare the blood of his people would not hazard any thing. All these difficulties carried our French into Apulia▪ The last act of this tragedy. and as they were busied in the ta●ing and sacking of Atelle, and then to possess Venouse, a strong Town, and abounding with victuals, Ferdinand takes Ges●alde in one day (the which in former time had endured a siege of fourteen months) and taking from them all hope of Venouse, he forceth them to retire to Attelle, and presently camps before it, desirous to win a victory without per●●l and loss of men▪ and cutting off all the passages, he takes from them all means of victual▪ But this accident made his designs more easy. The remainder of the Lansquenets, who since their departure from their houses, had received but two months pay, seeing the time of their entertainment past, they went t● the Arragon party. And that which hastened the total ruin of our men, was the event in Calabria. By reason of the Lord of A●bignies sickness▪ many of his company were gone to the viceroys army. The Earl of Melete, and Albert of S. Severin, with man● other Barons of the Country (servants to the Kings) lodged at Lain upon the ri●er of S●pri, covered with the Castle on the other side of the river, against any one 〈◊〉 should assail them upon the high way, and from some other places belonging to the Prince of Bisignan. It is very dangerous to be too confident, especially in matters of war. These Noblemen assembled all the forces they could, to charge Consalue, who made war in that Province, and after the taking of some places was camped before Casirovillare. Goasalue prevents them, and coming near the river, he causeth hi● 〈◊〉 to march towards the bridge, which lieth betwixt the Castle of Lain and the vil●age. Which bridge was negligently guarded, relying upon the above named places, whilst that he passeth with his horse at a ford two miles above, and both should charge our men at one instant. The effect succeeded▪ he arrives before day, finds them without sentinel, & without guard, chargeth, and breaks them instantly, takes eleven Barons prisoners, and almost all the soldiers, who flying towards the Castle, The 〈◊〉 defeated. fell amongst the foot, who had already seized upon the bridge. This victory laid the way open for Gonsalue to join with Ferdinand with 6. thousand men & this relief: was the ruin of our troops, pressed with 3. armies, the Arragonois, Venetian and Spanish. 1495 So as being no more able to be relieved with victuals, nor go to forage, neither to have any passage to the river, to water their horses, being themselves in great extremity for water; being vanquished with so many difficulties and abandoned of all hope, after two and thirty days siege, they obtained of Ferdinand a truce for thirty days, and necessary victuals for that time: during the which, none of the besieged should go forth: Licence for the Duke Montpensier to signify this accord unto the King: the soldiers, their lives and goods saved, with the which they might retire into France by land or sea: and the Vrsins with other Italian soldiers, whither they would, out of the Realm: Impunity to the Barons and all others that had followed the French faction, and restitution of their goods and offices, so as within fifteen days they returned to Ferdinand. All this is good, A dishonourable composition made by the French. but there follows a very dishonourable promise: That if the Earl of Montpensier be not relieved within thirty days, he shall deliver Acelle and all that he holds within the Realm of Naples into Ferdinand's hands, with all the artillery. Thus reason yields, where force commands. The time expired, all were conducted to the Castle of Stabbie upon the sea, and the Viceroy was summoned to yield up all the other places, which the King possessed. But, pretending that his authority did not extend to the Captains which commanded in Calabria, Abruzze, Caiette and other places, which the King himself (and not he) had given them in guard▪ the Arragonois making show to dismiss them, caused them to be conducted (but more properly confined them) upon this controversy to Blaie, and Puzzol, where (under colour that shipping was not yet ready,) part of them by the wants they had endured, and part by the indisposition of the air, being hot and unwholesome, and part feeding intemperately upon Grapes and other fruit half ripe: but with more likelehood, having (as some writ) seasoned their meats, & mixed their wines with drugs insupportable for the stomach, the Earl of Montpensier died, and of five thousand men, The Earl of Montpensier dies with most of his troops. scarce fifteen hundred returned safe to their Country. There is but one hazard to lose all. A battle although very desperate, had been far more honourable and less fatal. But let us rather note the examples and errors of other, then reprove them. Virgilius and Paul Vrsin, by the Pope's commandment (who had sworn the run of that house) were sh●t up in the Castle del'Oeuf: their men (led by john jordan the ●on of Vrsin, and Bartholmewe of Aluiane) were stripped in Abruzze by the Duke of Urbin, and these two commanders called by Ferdinand to Naples, were likewise imprisoned. Aluiane escaped soon after, the rest died in prison. Now all things smile upon the conqueror, but he pursues the victory otherwise then we can do: and in these garboils, every one flies to the stronger, and makes his peace as he may. Ferdinand ●ends Don Frederic his Uncle and Prosper Colonne before Caiete, and Fabricio Colonne into Abruzze, who received Aquille for the Arragonois, took the rock of Saint Severin by force, and caused the Captain and his son to be beheaded, to terrify the rest: then he went and encamped before Salerne, where the Prince of Bisignan made his peace, for himself, for the Prince of Salerne, for the Earl of Cappacie, and some other Barons. Gratian des Guer●es (forced to give way to this violent stream,) leaves Abruzze, and retire, himself with eight hundred horse into Caiete, where don Frederic doth presently invest him. Gonsalue returned into Calabria, where the Lord of Aubigni (after such resistance as his forces could make), being gotten in to Groppoli, in the end promiseth to leave all the Province, having liberty to return into France by land. The other Captains (either for that they had filled their bags with the provisions of their places, or had by disorder consumed that in few days, which in time of necessity might have served long▪ or through fear, or impatiency of the discomodities which follow a siege) were forced to yield them at the first summon. But shall Ferdinand long enjoy the happy success of his arms? Behold, having not yet tasted the sweetness of his Conquests, remaining nothing for the recovery of the Realm but Tarentum, Caiete, and few other places, held by Charles of Sanguine, & Mont Saint Angelo, where Don julian of Lorraine commanded, who caused the neighbour Countries to feel both the greatness of his courage, and the weight of his arm, 1497. death comes and cuts off both the course of his victories, & the thread of his life: and transports his Crown to Don Fredrick his uncle. King Ferdinand dies. Thus the state of Naples felt the divers humours of five Kings in three years. Ferdinand, Alphonso, or King Charles the eight▪ Ferdinand the incestuous, having married his Aunt, sister to Alphonso, his father, and Fredrick. Fredrick leaving the siege of Caiete, comes to enjoy his Nephes' succession, and those which had before followed the French parti●▪ as the Princes of Salerne and Bisignan, the Earl of Cappacie and others, were the first to proclaim his name in Naples, and to 〈◊〉 him to finish the remainder of the war against our men. Tarentum (besieged by the Venetians,) was forced to yield through famine, who having held it some days, (no● without suspect that they would appropriate it to themselves) in the end they consigned it, unto Fredrick, at the Popes entreat, and the King of Spain's, Caie●● might have held out some months, but judging the King would have as little care to secure them, as many other places negligent lie lost to the prejudice, both of a great number of the Nobility, and also of the Crown, they compounded with Fredrick by the means of the Lord of Aubigni, giving them leave to return by sea into France, with bag and baggage. And consequently, all other places did quite reject the French command in the state of Naples. And Fredrick (having obtained the investiture of the Realm, from the Pope) was solemnly crowned. Thus King Charles was freed from the care he had for the recovery thereof, but the loss and infamy thrusts him on to revenge upon the next neighbour. The Princes of Italy incense the king against the Venetians and Duke of Milan. Many Po●e●rates of Italy persuade him thereunto: the Duke of Ferrara knew well that the Venetians (having taken Polesan from him,) sought his ruin, and amidest these divisions he was like unto a sheep; betwixt two wolves, that is to say, the Venetians and Duke of Milan his son in law, who (preferring his safety and his children's, before the love of the Duke of Milan,) offered the King five hundred men at arms, and two thousand foot. The Marquis of Mantova (being discontented with the Venetians) fell from them with 300. men at arms. john Bentivole offered a hundred and fifty men at arms, & the companies which his two sons led, with a good number of foot. The Florentines (not to lose Pisa and other places, and to warrant themselves from the wrongs, which the Venetians practised against them) promised eight hundred men at arms, and five thousand foot at their own charge. The Vrsins and the Governor of Rome, a thousand men at arms. Moreover there was in Ast eight hundred men at arms, and six thousand foot. If all these forces with the French, had jointly charged the Duke of Milan, either his estate had been in danger, or he must have followed the King's party, the which obtained, the kingdom of Naples had been easily recovered. The Duke of Or●●●ns was appointed to this effect, for the King would not directly break the treaty of Verceil, The Duke of Orleans re●use●h to make war against the Duke of Milan in his own name. desiring the Duke should make this war in his own proper name. The Duke refuseth to march with other title than the King's Lieutenant, either judging his provisions not well grounded, or seeing the King ill disposed of his person, whose next heir he was, if he miscarried. Thus both the enterprise, and the intelligences which Triwlce had against the Milanois were made frustrate. There are other actions which succeed as unhappily. The Fregoses being expelled Genes, by the faction of the Adorns, could not return without some notable support, who coming to the gates, they hoped with great facility to raise their partisans, to chase away their adversaries, and to reduce the Town to the King's obedience. The King upon this hope, commands Triwlce to assist Baptista Fregose wit● those forces which he had in Ast, and the Florentines with Octavin Fregose to assail Lu●giane at the same time, and the East coast, whilst that Baptista should molest the West. This enterprise did much trouble the Duke of Milan: and if it had been continued, it had produced greater effects in the estate of Milan then at Genes. For Lewis of Fiesque and the Adorns had brought many men into Genes, and armed a flee● to se●, at the common charges of the Venetians, of Lodowick, and of Fredrick king of N●ples. And Lodowick had not yet received his Venetians. But in stead of Genes, they wen to take Novi, a town able to contain many men, and the Fregoses held the castle, fit to make war in the country, and to stop the passage from Milan to Genes. The taking of Novi made the neighbour places yield to Baptista, and at the same instant, the Cardinal of S. Pierra, with two hundred Lances, and three thousand foot of Triwlies' troops seized on Vintemille, and presented himself before Savonne, hoping that in disdain of the Genevois, (whose yoke they bore,) he should find both the Citizens hearts, and the City gates open. But no sign, no show of any alteration. john Adorn followed the Cardinal, and forced him to retire into Altar, a place belonging to the Marquis of Montferrat. Triwlce had an other desseing: and although he had an express commandment from the King, to surcease from making war against the Duke of Milan, and to second Baptista and the Cardinal, yet did he seek by all means to kindle troubles in the said Duchy: and if he had been suffered to proceed, without doubt there had followed some notable effect, under colour, to assure the companies that were passed into the river upon the East: that he thought it necessary to shut up the passage betwixt Alexandria and Genes, whereas Lodowick assembled his forces, by the taking of Bourg and other places of importance in the Country. But to obey the Kings will, he lost a goodly opportunity, to do great service unto the Crown. for now the whole Country stood at gaze, some for fear, others being desirous of innovation: The Duke of Mi●an perplexed. and Lodowick (as much perplexed in this adversity, as in all other) fl●es to the Duke of Ferrara his Father in law, to mediate an accord betwixt the King a●d him. But the fruitless stay of Triwlce betwixt Bosco and Novi, gave the Venetians means, The Venetians secure the Duke of Milan. to send many men at arms, and light horsemen to Alexandria, and fifteen hundred foot to Genes: and finally, to send the Earl of Petilliane to secure the estate of Milan. Thus the Fregose practices came to nothing, the which they imputed to the Florentines, who would not assail the river of the East, being loath to enter into a war until they might see the French affairs more successful. And Triwlce leaving garrisons in Novi, and Bosco, takes his way to Ast. It may be the dismembering of these companies into pieces, did hinder their enterprise: and it may be, if all together had gone directly to Genes, the success had been more profitable for, besides the diverse humours of factions, most of the Reistres, & Lansquenets, which Lodowick had sent thither, were after some small stay, returned un-awares into Germany. About the end of this year, the Kings of France, and Spain, began their assembly, promised at the last truce, Truce continued with the Spaniard. the which they had transported from Montpellier to Narbone, and afterwards broken off by the castilians excessive demands. There they found the same difficulties: The King would reserve to himself full power to continue his enterprise in Italy, refusing to yield to any agreement, wherein it should be comprised. The King of Spain desired to have no war with him beyond the mountains, which might draw after it many inconveniences, and yield him small profit: finally they continued their truce, not comprehending any of the Potentates of Italy. The Spaniard seeing the king to meditate of a second voyage beyond the mountains, hoped to persuade him to the counquest of Naples with their common forces, and to take from the Venetians many ports, and other places which they possessed, the usurpation whereof was very suspicious unto him. But neither of them had made his account with him, who doth prolong and shorten the days of man at his pleasure, and who doth sound the secret thoughts of men. But not able to obtain this condition of Charles, with all his policy, he procured it of his successor, to the great prejudice of his Crown. Then expired the two years, during the which, the castle of Genes had been left in guard with the Duke of Ferrare. The King (pretending the forfeiture and disobedience of the Duke of Milan) demands the possession thereof, offering to lay down in a third man's hand half the charge spent for the guard of the places, according to the treaty of Verceil, The Duke of Ferrare doth an ●ll office for the King. and in the mean time, the law should determine, to which of them it should be restored. But the great pursuit of Lodowick, and the imminent danger he feared, made him to yield it up unto Lodowick, upon restitution made of all his charges for the guard thereof. And the Venetians, to show that they held themselves more bound, for that he had delivered it to Lodowick rather than to our Charles, they entertained Ferdinand the Duke of Ferrares son, paying him for a company of a hundred men at arms. The King's desire to return into Italy increased still, and it seemed he had greater occasions than ever. Experience had made him wise. He remembered the errors he had committed in his first journey, and observed them well, hoping (if he might recover his losses) to provide better for the guard of the Realm. His intelligences from all parts called him. He had a truce with the castilian. Reasons to draw the King into Italy. He had a new league with the Swisses. The Emperor was discontented with the Venetians, and sought his friendship, be●●g desirous to join with him, to seize upon the states of Italy with their common force and expenses, imitating the castilian. Pope Alexander laboured to reconcile himself. The Venetians devised how to estrange themselves from Lodowick. The florentines had resolved to free themselves as soon as Charles should begin the war. And to this end they demanded the Lord of Aubigni for their general, with a hundred and fifty Lances whereof they should pay a third part. The Marquis of Mantova, was discharged from the Venetians pay, and should bring to the King, with the Vrsins, the Vitelli, and the Captain of Rome brother to the Cardinal of S. Pierre, fifteen hundred men at arms Italians. He had the friendship of the Duke of Savoye, and the Marquises of Saluces and Montferrat. john Bentivole promised to join with his troops as soon as he should pass the mountains. But he is diverted by divers means. Some of his favourits thrust him forward to this enterprise, but with so huge a preparation both by sea & ●and, and so great provision of money, as it required a long time. Hindered by divers mean● Others entertained 〈◊〉 his delights, and loathed him with all difficulties: and the Cardinal of S. Malo (according to his usual manner) lacked the provisions of money. Thus the time was ●●st, & matters made fruitless, which were almost brought to their perfection. There ●ere no dispatches for the Lord of Aubigni, no money for the Vrsins, Vitellies, Fregoses: no man passeth into Italy. So as all men's minds growing cold, the Fregoses make their peace with the Duke of Milan. The Vitelli had passed to the Venetians pay, if the florentines had not entertained them for a year. The florentines themselves (counseled by Lodowick Sforce, ●n the beginning of the year 1498 (scent an embassage to Rome, signifying (although in doubtful terms) that if Pisa might be yielded unto them, they ●ould join themselves with the rest, for the defence of Italy against the French. A 〈◊〉 policy, but made frustrate by a Venetian shift. The Venetians, being laboured to yield to the restitution of Pisa, seeing there was no 〈◊〉 means to separate the florentines from the French, The Venetians oppose against the Flo●e●ti●s. they cover their covetousness with many colours: they complain that this counsel proceeds not of any care they have to the common good, but from the bad affection which some one carries to their estate ●or▪ say they by their Ambassador at Rome) the florentines hoping to enjoy the greatest port of Thuscany by the return of the French into Italy, the yielding of Pisa were not able to divert them from their natural inclination to the house of France: but contrariwise, the more mighty they are, the more means they shall have to disturb the quiet of Italy. Why then ha●e the Confederates by a common consent promised the Pisans to defend their liberty, a●d now to violate both their honour and faith? Is this the reward for the exceeding charge we have so willingly maintained, when as all the other confederates were so unwilling to dis●●rse any thing for the common good? By what means was Italy preserved? With what forces did they fight at Taro? With what arms have they recovered the Realm of Naples? Wherewith have they forced Novarre to acknowledge her first Lord? Can any one deny, but t●●s● actions did proceed from a sincere affection to the good estate of Italy? seeing we were not the nearest unto dangers, neither are the disorders grown by us, whereof we suffer the pain. Whilst these things were treated of at Rome, among the Confederates, The Ca●te●● of 〈◊〉 built by C●arles. not without apparent signs of future division: a new humour carries away our Charles to his Castle, which he caused to be built at Amboise: a building of admirable work & charge, having (to that end) brought the most rarest workmen that could be found, 1498. from Naples, and all other parts and for the beautifying thereof, he had gathered together the goodliest plots that could be found in France, Italy, Flanders, and elsewhere: not able to foresee, that in steed of a proud and stately Palace, he should end his life in a base and filthy gallery. Broken off by his death. Having his mind inclined (besides his building) not only to a second voyage beyond the Alpes, but to reform his life, honouring the Queen his wives bed with a chaste respect, whereas many lose allurements had transported his youth: To restrain the pomp and ambition of the Clergy: To order justice, giving audience twice in the week to all complaints, and free access to any that would desire justice. Doubtless, Note O ye Princes. The King sitting in his throne of justice (saith the Wiseman) disperseth all ill with his look: To reform his house: to dispose of his treasure: to ease his subjects, restraining all taxes (which had been made upon his subjects, to twelve hundred thousand Frankes, besides his revenues): a sum which his estates had granted at his coming to the Crown, for the defence of the realm. It chanced the 7. of April, going after dinner with the Queen into the Castle ditches, he struck his forehead against the door of a gallery, whereas he meant to see a set at Tennis: this blow being a certain advertisement, to drive him to the premeditation of his approaching end: the last pangs of death moved him presently, with a godly and holy resolution, (but wisely conditioned, according to man's weakness) the which he testified by these words, talking with john of Beawcis Bishop of Angers, his Confessor, touching the faults he had committed in his younger age. I hope (saith he) never to commit mortal nor venial sin, if I can avoid it. Presently upon this protestation, he fell backward, falling into an Apoplexy, wherewith he had been a little before troubled, which closed his eyes with the sleep of death, about eleven of the clock at night. A notable example, wherein we read the pitiful estate of Princes, when as death knocketh with an even hand, both at King's Palaces, and at poor men's cottages, giving them an end like to all other men: and the inconstant love of Courtiers. Behold a King, who commanded over so many Provinces: whom so many great Cities obeyed: who had such numbers of sumptuous Castles at his pleasure, and now building a house of a royal attempt, giving up the ghost, in a chamber near to a gallery stinking with the Urine which every one made, as he passed through it, laid upon a poor ma●●resse, King Charles died. such as they could find out by chance. And before his eyes were shut up with this last sleep, every one forgets the course which this declining sun had run, to follow the hope of the Eastern star, which came to lighten this realm. Thus Charles the eight lived, and thus he died: an humble Prince, liberal, religious, courteous, His disposition. familiar, and of easy access: of a good and tractable disposition, small of statute, but of an invincible courage, loving justice and his people, capable of counsel, commended for his great attempts: having in his youth purchased so much glory, and given so great hope, both within and without Christendom, that if God had granted him a longer life, without doubt he had equalled the same of the most excellent and rarest Princes. In him failed the direct line of the Kings of France, descended from Philip of Valois, and the crown fell to the collateral line, of the which the nearest and most capable of the succession, was Lewis Duke of Orleans and Valois. LEWIS the twelfth, the 57 King of France. LEWES THE .12. KING OF FRANCE .57: · portrait NOW behold our France, (having, 1498. under Charles the eight happily breathed after the troubles and confusions which had so long afflicted the state, during the reigns of his Predecessors,) takes her rest under the protection of a Prince, excellent, in bounty of nature, in sweetness of manners, in temperance and moderation of mind and affection: finally, in the happiness and felicity of his reign. Who having extended his Empire beyond the limits of Gaul, subdued under his obedience two of the noblest and mightiest Cities of the world, Milan with Lombardie, and Genes with her two rivers, East and West, together with the islands of Corseque & 〈◊〉 reconquered and divided the Realm of Naples with the castilian: but in the end, lost it by his treachery and disloyalty: vanquished the Venetians in that memorable 〈◊〉, the 15. of May 1509. suppressed the Pope's insolency▪ defeated the Venetians. Again before Bresse: made a peace with the Spaniard and Venetian, & consequently allied ●●●selfe with the King of England. He shall have this honour and content, to see ●is subjects in so great prosperity, that by the conference of things passed before his 〈◊〉, the Realm was never so mighty in arms and men: The happiness of his reign. never so plentiful in all 〈◊〉 of commodities, never so fortified with such strong places: and which imports 〈◊〉, never so blessed in concord, never so void of divisions, never so able to 〈◊〉 a great charge, and to produce noble attempts. A Godly King, chaste, upright, courteous, good to his servants, gracious to his enemy's, merciful to all men, a friend to justice and sincerity, an enemy to flattery, libe●rall, but without oppression of any, loyal, respected in all parts of the world: who in regard of learning, shall open a way which his thrice worthy successor should bring to a most happy perfection. But to crown him with titles of honour, he was called The father of his people. A King commanding a nation most willing to obey. A people multiplying by millions, in Nobility, Merchants, tradesmen, and the common sort. A people replenishing the Towns before half desert. To conclude, a people testifying the excellency and greatness of their Sovereign. For the greatness of a King sayeth Solomon) is in the multitude of people, but when his subjects decrease, it is the fall of his Sovereignty. But let us see, by the relation of the History, the course of this admirable prosperity. and first of all his rights of Succession, as well to this Crown, and that of Naples, being King of France, as also to the estate of Milan, by reason of Valentine his grand mother. King Charles the 5. had two sons. The eldest Charles the 6. his successor, who was father to Charles the 7. of whom was borne Lewis the xi. father to Charles the 8. who died without children. The genealogy of Lewis the 12. The youngest, Lewis Duke of Orleans, who married Valentine daughter to john Galeas Earl of Vertus, & first Duke of Milan, by whom he had three sons, Charles his successor Duke of Orleans, john Earl of Angoulesme, Philip Earl of Vertus. The said Charles freed from his long imprisonment in England, had by Mary of Cleves his wife, our Lewis the 12. heir, (for want of heirs male in the direct line) of this realm, and of the dependencies thereof, and so was anointed at Rh●ims, the 27. of May, 149●, assisted at this solemnity, by john Duke of Alencon, serving as a Peer in the place of the Duke of Bourgongne, Peter Duke of Bourbon, for the Duke of Normandy, Anthony Duke of ●orraine, for the Duke of Guienne, Philip Earl of Ranas●ein, in place of the Earl of Flanders, Gilbert of Cleves, for the Earl of Champagne, & Gaston of ●oix, for the Earl of ●holouse: and for the Peers of the Clergy, the Bishops that were then resident. Afterwards he received the royal Crown, in the Abbey of Saint Denis in France, the first of july following, and the day following made his triumphant entry into Paris. We judge of the inward beauty of a Palace, by the entry thereof. Who would not then, by these happy first fruits of this reign, conceive a constant hope of a heavenly blessing? Lewis, after he had worthily performed the funerals of his Predecessor, he first purchased the love of the Noblemen of his Court, maintaining every man in his dignity and state, and the Magistrates in their offices. He applied his mind, to order and to cut off the tediousness of suits: freed his subjects of the third part of the Subsidies which oppressed them▪ yea even the rights which they are accustomed to pay to their new King, for the charges of his funeral that is deceased, and for his coronation: and for a second benefit to the country, he put the men at arms into their garrisons, reducing them to the ancient discipline of war, which the disordered liberty of troubles past, had much corrupted. This done, by the aiding of his best States men, he made many goodly laws upon the abusive charges in the pursuit of justice: neither did he ever publish an Edict, before it was confirmed by the judgement of Sovereign courts. His decrees contained some limitation of the privileges granted in old time to Universities, the which they abused to the oppression of the people. The University of Paris opposeth against the publication thereof, and were ready to make a sedition, many publishing infamous libels, both against the King▪ and against the Chancellor of Rochefort. The scholars troop together, and ●esolue to abandon, both study and the exercise of learning john Cave being Rector, The University at Paris 〈◊〉. forbids the Regent's to read any more, and the Preachers to preach, until the University had recovered her ancient privileges. The King advertised of these mutinies, draws many men at arms into Paris: and sitting in Parliament, confirms the above named ordinances by an Edict. The Rector fearing a check, keeps all the Scholars within their lodgings, and revokes the commandment he had given. john Standon, a Doctor of Divinity a Brabanson, and one of the chief authors of this counsel, was banished the realm. Thomas Warnet of Cambraie, (who preaching, had barked out some thing against the king's authority) prevented this decree▪ and ●anished himself. Lewis his title to the Duchy of Milan. B●ing thus content in mind, & quiet within his realm, his thoughts ●o●red beyond the Alpes, and now he takes upon him the title of Duke of Milan. He was 〈◊〉 upon the right of succession. Valentine besides her dowry (which was the 〈◊〉 and Country of Ast, with a great sum of money) had obtaymed this clause 〈◊〉 in her contract of marriage. That, for want of heirs male of Galeas, Valentine 〈…〉 the Duchy, or she being dead, her next descendants. 〈◊〉 invention was of no force, but the Imperial seat was then vacant: and the 〈…〉 it. The Pope's pretending, the Empire being without an Emperor, that the administration belongs to them. And seeing, that by the death of Philip Maria Visconte, the masculine line of john Galeas failed, who then should succeed in this goodly estate, many contended for it, the Emperor Frederick maintained, that it should be united to the Empire, considering the line specified in the Institution made to john Galeas, by Wenceslaus King of the Romans, was extinct. Alphonso King of Arragon & Naples, armed himself with the testament of Philip, by the which he was made his he●re. But in worldly affairs, the strongest most often carries it. Francis Sforce one of Philip's Captains, son to Sforce Attendule, an Adventurer, a brave and active spi●●, had married Blanch, bastard daughter to the said Philip: and having no man at 〈◊〉 ●●stant that might resist his violence, he did so cunningly win all the greatest 〈◊〉 of Milan, as by their support & sufferance he soon seized on the state the which 〈◊〉 easily effect, having all the forces at his command, & no competitor. For 〈◊〉 Lewis Duke of Orleans, nor his Children had any mean to recover this Du●●● 〈◊〉 Francis, by reason of the great wars which followed in France, by the 〈◊〉 of the said Lewis, and of the Duke of Bourgongne slain likewise at Monterea●, 〈◊〉 ●●wis the 6. and 7. Charles son to the said Lewis (taken at the b●tt●●l● of Az●●●●, anguishing twenty five years a prisoner in England, and delivered by Philip 〈◊〉 ●ourgundy,) could never obtain any aid from Lewis the eleventh, being 〈◊〉 by homebred wars from the beginning of his reign. Moreover Lewis did always make account to settle his authority, by the suppression of his nearest blood. And for this cause our Lewis, his son in law, son to the said Charles, had no whit the more credit with his father in law, for the recovery of his inheritance. And the sword which he did unsheath against Charles the eight his brother in law, (of whom he pretended the Regency) and after in the wars of Britain, took from him all means to attempt this enterprise, until such time that (the King having left him in Ast, to cross the attempts of Lodowick Sforce) the seized upon Novarre, but with a ●●●●lesse event. Now is he seated upon the royal throne of his Ancestors, peaceable within himself and peaceable with his neighbours. Triwlce doth not cease to lay open unto him 〈◊〉 to expel Lodowick. To make the way easy, Pope Alexander's friendship, 〈…〉, florentines, and other potentates of Italy was very requisite. He seek, 〈◊〉 Ambassadors, and finds that the death of Charles the eight, had bred an al●●● in their dispositions. The Pope conceiving, that the peace of Italy was the 〈◊〉 of his private estate, did easily allow of new troubles. The Venetians (be●●● 〈◊〉 by the King's decease, from the fear they had of him, for the indignities 〈◊〉 had received,) did not believe that a new King would so vehemently embrace 〈…〉 of his Predecessor: and foreseeing that also, that if S force were once quiet, he would oppose himself against them, for the affairs of Pisa, whereof he did ●ol●●● but coldly) the restitution unto the florentines, by the Pope's means. The florentines had not yet so much estranged their affection from the French, but there was good means to recover it. Being thus affected, they all send their Ambassadors to the King. The Pope's affection. The Pope (who 〈◊〉 to nothing more than the temporal advancement of Caesar Borgia his son, 〈◊〉 then Cardinal) did willingly embrace this occasion, to plant him in the King's 〈◊〉 savour, and by some especial bond, to purchase his master's love. He knew well 〈◊〉 Lewis would willingly put away joane his wife, to marry with Anne the widow of Charles: and even then he resolved, to exchange spiritual graces for temporal commodities. He than agrees with the King for thirty thousand Ducats, and draws a promise from him, 1499. He Capitulates with the king. to aid him presently after the conquest of Milan, to reduce to the obedience of the apostolic sea, the Towns possessed by the Governors of Romagna. And for his son Caesar, a company of a hundred Lances, twenty thousand Frankes pension, a wife in France to his liking, and Valence in Dauphin, with the title of a Duchy. Then he committed the matter of divorce, to Ferdinand Bishop of Sept, his Nuncio in France, to Philip Cardinal of Luxembourg, and to Lewis Bishop of Albi, (some name George of Amboise, Archbishop of Rovan,) who upon report of the protestation made by Lewis to a Notary, the day of his marriage: That his meaning was not to contract any marriage, and that the solemnity which he did celebrate, was only to please the King: whom he knew to be cruel against those, by whom he thought himself to be wronged. And moreover: If by chance Lewis, either by the express commandment of his father in law, or after, of his brother in law, did lie with his wife, he did interpose secret witnesses, that should depose of his abstinency. And besides, the Physicians and Philosophers having judged her incapable of issue, they declared the said marriage void, and gave him liberty to marry with Anne: who marrying elsewhere, should have divided the Duchy of Brittany from the Crown of France. The Venetians sent to congratulate his coming to the Crown, The Venetians. and by way of excuse, gave him to understand, that the controversies they had with King Charles, proceeded only of distrust and jealousy, whereof he had given them cause, seeing, that not content with the realm of Naples, he had cast his designs upon all Italy. The Florentines. The florentines did not forget their ancient customs in like cases to the Crown of France: but especially, to put him in mind of their deservings to the deceased King, solicited thereunto by Lodowick Sforce, to the end that when the two commonweals of Venice and Florence, should come to treat of the affairs of Pisa, the Venetians practices (whose greatness Lodowick did much fear in Italy) might be crossed by the florentines: & they purchasing favour & credit with the King, he might employ them, to mediate some accord betwixt the King & him, the which he desired with all his heart. Lodowick did foresee the storm, and laboured to avoid it, but in vain: for the time of his shipwreck was at hand. 〈◊〉 comes to Court. Then Caesar Borgia, the new Duke of Valentinois, came unto the King with the Bull of dispensation: where he was no sooner arrived, but as the so●ne of his Father, he played the first act of a bloody Tragedy, upon the alliance which the King did contract with the Pope his father. Caesar following the instructions of Alexander, dissembled the bringing of this Bull: judging the King's disposition to be like unto those, who desire that most, which is refused, to make him the more pliable to his designs. But the Bishop of Sept having sent intelligence unto his Majesty of the truth: the King thinking it sufficient to have the Bull dispatched, concluded the marriage with Anne, giving for a portion to his wife divorced, the Duchy of Berry. Caesar having discovered the author of this advise, He commits a treacherous murder. caused the Bishop to be soon after poisoned. The peace with other Princes, which might somewhat disturb the projects of Lewis, was no less expedient: he therefore concluded with Ferdinand King of Cast●le, and thereby did associate him in the conquest of the realm of Naples: Peace with the 〈◊〉. he confirmed that which his Predecessor had with the English, and renewed the alliance with the Swisses granting them the pensions which Lewis and Charles were accustomed to give. Maximi●ian alone, working upon the old levaine of his Ancestors, showed some bitterness amidst these contents, Troubles in Bourgongne. casting the coals of division in Bourgongne & Champagne, by the Lord of Vergi, Comtois, when as they lest doubted it, seeing that Lewis being taken prisoner at the battle of S. Aubin, and having, above all others, employed Maximilian for an intercessor to Charles the 8. they thought that Maximilian should rejoice at this new succession, more than any other Prince, and that the discontent he had against Charles (having forsaken his daughter, and married with Anne of Britain his Spouse) had been mortified by the death of the said Prince. The Emperor was thrust on by the Duke of Milan, who being persuaded, that the King busied at home, should have no leisure to attempt any thing in Italy, or any accord being made betwixt them, he should be comprehended therein. This war put the realm in alarm: but Lewis opposed so great a power, under the command of john of Foix Viscount of Narbonne, his brother in law, as it was quenched as soon as kindled, by a tirce of many months, without any mention of Lodowick Sforce. And to the end that Phillippe Archduke of 〈◊〉, and Earl of Flanders, son to Maximilian, might reap the fi●ites of their rere●o●●●●ement, he did homage to the King, for the places he held of the Crown: and those of Artois were restored unto him. In the mean time, they consult at Venice, upon the terms of confederation with the King. The chief difference was, The King's association with the Venetians. the holding of ●isa. The Venetians offering all other conditions, would not have this string t●●cht: and the King being resolute to have it, restored unto him, in favour of the Florentines, refused to treat, unless this article might be granted. But the Duke of Valen●inoi● and other Agents for the Pope, the Cardinal of S. Pierre Triwlce, and all the 〈◊〉 who for their own private interest persuaded him to war) having laid be●●re him the loss he should receive, by the want of the Venetians aid, considering their power and means to annoy the Duke of Milan, he yielded without any more ●p●ech: That at the same time, as he should invade the Duchy of Milan, they should do the like upon their frontiers. That having won the rest of the Duchy, Cremona and Guiara●add, should be taken by their common forces, for the Venetians, except the breadth of forty fathom along the river of Add. That after the conquest of Milan, the Venetians should be bound to defend that for a time, with a certain number of horse, and foot. & the King should do the like for Cremona, and other places which they possessed in Lombardy, even unto the marshes of Venice. This convention took all hope from Lodowick, both of peace with the King, and reconciliation with the Venetians. Being thus left naked, he resolves to defend himself, and begins by the fortification of Anon, Novarre, and Alexandria, towns lying nearest to the French, meaning to oppose against their violence, Galeas of S. Severin, with the greatest part part of his forces, and the rest against the Venetians, under the command of the Earl of Caiazzo. He commands Galeas to pass the Pau, with sixteen hundred men at arms, fifteen hundred light horse, ten thousand Italian foot, and five hundred Lansquenets: but rather to defend his places, then to keep the field, hoping that the prolonging of the war would breed him some advantage, for that he expected an issue of the accord, which he did mediate betwixt Maximilian, and the Swisses: the which effected, he had promise of notable aid. On the other side the King caused, Lewis of Luxembourg Earl of Ligni, to march with E●erard Stward Lord of Aubigni, & john jaques of Triuu●ce, leading 6. thousand horse, The first exploits of this voyage. and twenty five thousand foot. The Castle of Arazze upon Tanare, was the first object of their armies, a place kept by 500 foot, assailed the tenth of August, and taken within few days. Seven hundred men being lodged in Anon, did likewise suffer it to be lost in two days, and all those put to the sword, that were retired in arms into the Castle. Donat Raffagnin, a Milanois, Captain of the Castle of Valence, well furnished with men, & artillery, corrupted by the promises of Triwlce, gave entrance to the French, the same day, as he had by the like treachery twenty years before, delivered one of the gates of Tortone to Lodowick Sforce, to the prejudice of Bonne of Savoy, and of the little Duke john Galeas. All the soldiers were slain or taken, amongst others, Octavian brother to S. Severin, was prisoner. The same deluge overflowed (even upon the very brute) Basignagne, Voguere, Chasteauneuf, and Po●t Coronn●e. Antony Maria Palavoism yielded up Tortone, not attending any assault. Alexandria makes head against the army, and whilst they press it, Lodowick shuts himself into Milan, and seeing his estate lost by piece meals, he flies to those remedies which are usual in greatest despair. He inroules all that could carry arms, assembles the people, dischargeth them of a part of their ordinary impositions: shows them with most vehement words, That if happily he had overcharged 〈◊〉 not any desire to gather treasure, nor his own disposition, (being an enemy to oppression of 〈◊〉 subjects) but rather the time and the common dangers of Italy had priest him thereunto 〈◊〉 to countercheck the Venetians greatness: then, to oppose against the landing of King Charles. That the fruits which they had reaped thereby, were peace and public quiet, wherein he had happily maintained them many years, with a general increase of r●c●es, beauty, of buildings, inhabitants and acts, with mildness and moderation of spirit, careful to administer good and brief justice to every man indifferently. That the merits, and gracious government of his father laid before their eyes, how insupportable would the insolent and proud command of the French be unto them. That abhorring the rough and uncivil manners of strangers, they should resolve for the common defence of their lives and country. That the French are but a brunt, which being withstood, it should then be easy to resist them. That the Emperor made haste to secure them in person. That Prosper Colonne marched with the troops of Fredrick King of Naples. That the Marquis of Mantova, was already in the Country of Cremona, having pacified all controversies. That to all these aids, if they did but join their loyalties, and good will, he should find himself strong enough to encounter all the power of France united together. But these admonitions came too late: it wasvery apparent, that necessity, and not any good meaning, had forced him to this humility, whereof he had never given them any testimony. Thus his ruin approached. The Venetians for their part made war in Guiaradadde, and had taken Caravage and other Towns upon the river of Add. The Earl of Caiazze, discontented that his brother being younger of years and of less experience, should be preferred before him in the command of the army, had secretly passed his word to the King. In the mean time they thunder against the walls of Alexandria, A strange cowardice of Galeas. and Galeas of S. Severin having with him twelve hundred men at arms, twelve hundred light horse, and three thousand foot: not discovering his intent to any Captain, but only to Luke Maluezzo, he flies secretly out of the Town in the night, after the third days siege, with a part of his light horse, showing by the effect, that he had a braver arm, and was more experienced in justs, and tourneys (in which exercises all other Italians gave him place) then in the government of an army. This flight daunted the courage of the besieged, and made the pasage easy. The army enters in at the break of the day, spoils the garrison, and sacks the Town. Alexandri●: taken. The loss of Alexandria, and the following siege of Mortare, opened the gates of Pavia. Milan riseth, the citizens arm, and respect Lodowick so little, as they give good testimony of their affection, Milan mutins against Lodowikes Sforce. by the murder of Anthony of Landriano his Treasurer general, coming at noon day from the Castle. Lodowick foreseeing his own by an others ruin: being well informed that his government was exceeding hateful unto the Milanois, and moreover amazed at the report which Galeas made of the valour of the French men at arms, he sent away his children, accompanied with the Cardinals Ascanius his brother, and of S. Severin, with about two hundred thousand ducats which he had in treasure, (well shortened of a million and a half which he made show of few years before) he left the guard of the Castle to Bernardin of Corte borne at Pavia, whom he had bred up young, and three thousand foot, furnished with victuals, munition, and money, for many months: he restored to the Borhomees, gentlemen of Milan, the lands he had taken from them. He fl●es shamefully. But was this any liberality, seeing he could not keep them? and the second day of September he departed for Germany, followed by the Cardinal of Esté, and Galeas of S. Severin, with a good number of horse, and foot, under colour to hasten the imagined troops which Maximilian prepared for him. Milan yields. The Town thus abandoned, being loath to be a pray unto the enemy, who approached towards the walls, prevented their coming, and willingly consented to bring them in, reserving the capitulation to the King's arrival, from whom they hoped, (considering their voluntary submission) to receive goodly exemptions, and great privileges. All other places of the Duchy conformed themselves to the pattern of their chief city. Cremona abhorring the Venetian yoke, stretched out, both arms and hearts to the French: Cremona affected to the French. Genes. but the King unwilling to infringe the treaty made with the Senate, they were forced to yield to the yoke after some days siege. Genes follows this example. The Adorns (to whom Lodowick had given the government) john Lewis of Fiesque and the people, contend who shall have most honour in yielding it to the King, who gives them for Governor, Philip Lord of Ravastin, and baptist Fregose for his Lieutenant. But force could not take the Castle, by the advice of Triwlce, gold makes a breach. Bernardin without other approach, by the consent of the other Captains, namely of Philippin of 〈◊〉, bred likewise and brought up by Lodowick, Castle of Milan. sells it twelve days after Lodowikes departure, and receives for payment a hundred thousand Crowns. some report but ten thousand, (yet I should term this sale the capitulation of a fool, considering the place which he commanded) half the movables in the Castle, a company of a hundred Lances, an annual pension, with many other graces and privileges. But this infamous merchant, hateful to all the world, fled from by every man as unworthy to held any rank amongst men of honour, cast off from all companies, with words full of reproach, confounded with shame, and tormented in his own Conscience, accusing his villainy and base ingratitude, he died of grief within few days after. Thus all things foretell the ruin of Lodowick: his own indiscretion, the people's hatred, the cowardliness of his Captains and soldiers, & the treachery of his household servants, They love the treason but traitors are odious so as in twenty days he is dispossessed of this noble & mighty estate which he had before usurped. The King receiving intelligence at Lions, of a speedier victory than he expected, departs presently in post, and makes his entry into Milan, granting to the people exemptions of many customs, impunity to all such as had followed Sforce, restitution to the gentlemen, who through the tyranny of former times had lost their goods if they were not extant, or not to discontent them that were in lawful possession, he gave money to many to buy them again, or others lands if any were to be sold. He repealed by Edict the Regent's, and professors of learning, giving to some lands, to others increase of their entartaynment, The King makes his entry into Milan. honoured the gentlemen of the Country with his table, and their houses with his Presence. And to make this government more popular, he made john jaques of Triwlce, a Milanois governor of Milan, giving unto him Vigevene and many other things, in regard of his merits and loyal service. As the French forces prospered thus in the Duchy of Milan, and the Venetians bu●●●d in the Country of Cremona, the florentines gaped after the restitution of Pisa: & to obtain it, they give unto Paul Vitelli, their general, an army of ten thousand foot with ● great number of horse, with the which (having taking Cascine and other places that ●●●●orted Pisa) he encamped before the City, the last day of july. An enterprise of 〈◊〉, as well for the strength of the Town, as for the valour and resolution of the Citizens, who willingly would have suffered any misery, rather than to have fallen vn●●● t●e florentin's command. He batters the fort of Stampace, and the wall of either 〈◊〉 20. pieces of artillery. Vitelli gives an assault & forceth it, with so great a ter●● to the Pisans, as abandoning the ramparts, every man seeks to save himself by 〈◊〉. And if the general had pursued it vigorously, that morning had crowned him 〈◊〉 or, whereas it proved the beginning of his downfall: Pisa besieged by Vitelli. for seeing his soldiers 〈◊〉 of spoil run together by heaps, he stayed their heat, causing the most of ●is tro●pe● to retire, and gave the besieged leisure, (seeing this first brunt passed) to 〈…〉 courage, and return to the guard of their ●ampers. So as whilst he laboured to ●inne a victory, with the least prejudice to the army that might be: being lodged in a Country, full of pools & marshes: which lie betwixt the sea and the Town, and the season being subject unto pestilent winds, a general contagion infects so many of his men in few days, as the healthy were not sufficient for a general assault, so as he raised the siege against the florentines will, who promised to renew his troops ●●th fresh supplies. So as the bad opinion which the Florentin people had conceived of him, increased now in such sort, that being called into Cascine, by the Commentaries of the army, under colour of lodging the Companies, Vitelli beheaded. they took him priso●●● and from thence he was led by the Magistrates commandment to Florence, & there publicly beheaded: An ordinary reward for generous minds, that subject themselves to the service of a multitude. During Lewis his abode at Milan, all the potentates of Italy, except Fredrick King of Naples either came, or sent unto him, some to congratulate, some to purge themselves from suspicion, to have been more affected to Lodowick, then to him, as also to assure their private estates. The King receiving them all graciously, compounded with them according to the qualities of their persons, & the benefit he might reap by them. The Marquis of Matova, and the Duke of Ferrare, came in person. The King gave the Marquis a company of a hundred Lances, and the order of S. Michael, with an honourable pension. The Ferrarois (being in disgrace in Court, since the time that he delivered the Castle of Genes unto Lodowick) was glad to buy the King's love with ready money. john Benti●●le sent his son Hannibal: the florentines had some trouble to make their peace. They had offended all the Court, for that fearing to incense Lodowick Sforce, touching the affairs of Pisa, they had held themselves neuter betwixt the King and Lodowick. Moreover, the death of Paul Vitelli (to whom the Crown of France was beholding) made the King strange unto them: and the credit of Triwlce did them harm: who aspiring to the Seigneurie of Pisa, was as much desired of the Pisans, to warrant them from the Florentines oppressions: Finally the King had need of money, and the Florintins' paying a fine as the rest did, were received into grace, upon condition▪ To aid on another for their common defence, they of the Estates of Italy for the King, and the King for them, for the recovery of Pisa, and some places held by the Siennese and Luquois: That being repossessed of Pisa, they should furnish the King with five hundred men it arms, and fifty thousand Ducats: paying also unto the King six and thirty thousand Ducats, which Sforce had lent them, abating that which they had disbursed for him. The Pope also did not forget himself: but urging the performance of the treaty made with the King, obtains for the Duke of Valentinois (who having married the Daughter of the Lord of Albret, had repassed the Alp●s with his Majesty) three hundred Lances in the Kings pay▪ and four thousand Swisses, to be paid by the Pope, to aid him to make war in Romagna. The King (having settled such order as he thought fit for his conquest: and prolonged the truce he had with the Emperor, until May following,) took the way to Lion, leading with him the grand child of john Galcas, whom the mother had unadvisedly delivered, him he made a Monk. Then he received news of a fair Daughter that was borne unto him, the which shall hereafter be wife to Francis the first of that name, and Queen of France. another accident, but fatal, made that season famous. The fall of our ladies Bridge at Paris, drawing after it the ruin of threescore houses, Our ladies ●ridge at Pa●i● ●alls. and a great number of persons swallowed up in the river. This year Italy, besides foreign and homebred decisions, felt also the Turks fo●ces. Bajazet Ottoman (being expressly drawn by the persuasions of Lodowick Sforce, The estate of the East. having no other means to be revenged of the Venetians,) assailing with a mighty army by Sea, such places as the Venetians held in Greece: he sent six thousand horses by land to spoil Friuli, who finding the Country without defence, expecting no such guests, did spoil, sack, and burn, all even unto Livence: they chained together an infinite number of prisoners, and being come to the river of Tagliament, they reserved such as they thought fit to carry with them, The Duke of Valentinois exploits. and murdered all the rest. In the mean time, the Duke of Valentinois (having joined the forces of the Church, with those troops he received from the King,) took Imole with ease, in the end of the year. And in the beginning of the next, (famous for the celebration of the great jubilee at Rome) Furli. But as he marched to other Towns, the course of his conquests is stayed by unexpected accidents, bred by divers motives. The most part of the Lombard's could not fit with the French humour, and all were discontented, for that they had not tasted this great bounty of the Kings, whereby they were promised a general exemption of all impostes and tributes. Moreover, the Gibelin faction (very mighty in Milan) was wonderfully grieved to see Triwlce (chief of the Guelfe) preferred to the government: and he by nature factious, proud, and st●rring, did much increase this bad disposition, favouring them of his party beyond the bounds of reason. 1500. This did greatly estrange the people's hearts from him. He slew with his own hand some butchers, who according to their commonrashnes, refused to pay the ordinary customs, and withstood the receivers with arms. Doubtless if such as have the guard of a mighty estate newly conquered, displease both Nobility and people, what may be expected but a general alteration? Add thereunto the lightness of an inconstant multitude, always desirous of innovations: Now they lament him whom before they hated. Lodowick advertised of these broils, strikes while the iron is hot, and without any longer feeding himself with the emperors vain and frustratory hopes, he makes a sudden levy of eight thousand Swisses, and five hundred men at arms, Bourgognons, Milan revolts by the help (but not entertained) of the said Maximilian, and flies to Come with all speed, the which being abandoned by the French garrison▪ finding the humour of the inhabitants inclined to change, gave him an easy entry. Triwlce felt this storm coming, and to avoid it. he demands speedy succours from the Venetians, according to the association which they had made with the King, and makes known to the Lord of Alegre (who commanded the French troops, and the Swisses in the D●ke of Valentinois army) the necessity which calls him speedily to Milan? The Venetians send Nicholas Earl Petilliano, to join with Triwlce or Aubigni, and if he were debarred, to spoil the Milanois country. The Earl not able to join with Aubigni, spoils the Country, and then returns towards the Towns upon the ●i●er of Add, to prevent any new alteration. Aubigni departs suddenly with the Swisses, and all the horse, obtaining free passage through the Countries of Parma, and Plaisance, upon condition to abstain from all acts of hostility. And coming near to Tortone, at the persuasion of the Guelves of that Town, (who had been expelled by the rest that were at Lodowikes devotion) he enters, and sacks the whole Town, Guelves and Gibelins, without any distinction: then he went towards Alexandria, where as the Swisses for want of pay, Swisses revolt. went to Sforces army. The loss of Come having stirred up the people of Milan, and the chief of the Gibelin faction, Triwlce leaves within the Castle such forces as the present necessity could furnish: he fortified Novarre with four hundred Lances, and puts himself with the rest into Mortare, thinking that Lodowick would force it before he passed, and in the mean time, giving the King advertisement of this sudden alteration, he should have means to stay the enemies proceed. But it chanced otherwise. Sforce recovers Milan. Sforces army neglecting both Mortare, and Novarre, flies to the most important, and recovers Milan▪ as easily as they had lost it. Pavia, and Parma presently set up Sforces arms. Lode and Plaisance had done the like, if the Venetian troops had not suddenly entered. Alexandria and other places nearer to Asl then to Milan, would not declare themselves, before they had seen the last act of this Tragedy. The Genovois refused to return under Lodowikes command: and the Florentines reject his request, touching the restitution of money which he had lent them, for the which, they had past their promise unto the King. The Marquis of Mantova sent him his brother, with some men at arms. The Lords of Mirandole, Carpi, Correge, the ●osses, those of Verme and Bobie, with other such weathercocks, follow the wind that blows: finally this new Conqueror finds more affection, and joy at his return, than he had least at his departure. Milan being recovered, Lodowick leaves the Cardinal Ascanius bis brother before the castle, and (renforced with fifteen hundred men at arms, besides the Bourguignions', & great troops of foot) he takes Vigeven by composition: and the King's succours, not able to come in time, for the defence of Novarre, they compound to yield the Town, and to departed with all their baggage. Triwlce and Aubigni divided. But the Castle (which holds yet for us) shall shortly be the means of Lodowikes ruin. At Triwlces first summon, the King had dispatched the Earl of Ligni, with a good number of foot, and horse. But he found the two commanders, Triwlce and Aubigni, so divided, as if the King had not speedily and wisely prevented this pestilent contagion, it had doubtless ended with a pitiful and bloody Catastrophe. Aubigni and Triwlce, held themselves equal in power; and venue. The first would have them presently to force Milan: the other would attend, about Novarre, the new army which the King levied in Suisserland. If Aubigni set at liberty any prisoners taken in the war, Triwlce ransomed them. Fnally, what the one built, the other pulled down: and they tormented one another with continual riots. The King advertised of this prejudicial partiality, he sends unto them, Lewis of Bourbon, younger brother to Gilbert, late Viceroy of Naples, and john of Foix Viscount of Narbonne: but by reason of their young years, they were guided by Lewis of Tremoville, Lord of Thovars, being accompanied by the Lords of Graville, Admiral of France, Lautree, and many others, followed with fifteen hundred Lances, ten thousand Swisses, six thousand French, and the Cardinal of Amboise, who was Lieutenant for his Majesty, on that side of the Alpes. Triwlce being arrived, treating with these two Commanders, Reconciled by Tremoville. he easily drew them, (in regard of his majesties service,) to lay aside all rancour, and to become good friends, handling them so wisely, as there appeared no change in their government: but in stead of two, they afterward seemed to be three heads in one hood. Thus united, they resolve to send some companies of light horse, upon the way to Milan, to cut off the passage to four hundred horse▪ and a great number of foot that came from Milan: & to prevent Lodowick of all means to get unto Milan if he were priest & then they turn the force of their army against Lodowick being at Novarre. There were among the Swisses, that were entertained by Sforce, many captains which had served in the voyage of Naples, & at Novarre, who complained of their entertainment, not paid at the appointed time. Tremoville deals with them underhand, and upon promise of a great sum of money, withdraws them from Lodowick. The Swisses, by the persuasion of their Colonels, begin tumultuously to demand their pay. Lodowick gives them all his plate, and entreats them earnestly to attend the men and money that came from Milan. But fea●ing, least by the coming of these Milanois, they should be forced to wink at Lodowick, and to fail Tremoville, they caused the French army to approach near to Novarre, to draw Lodowick to field, who was loath to engage himself among men whom he sees ill affected to him. They are not deceived in their hopes. Disloyalty of the Swisses. He goes forth with his army, and puts his light horse to begin the charge. Tremoville makes it good, until the Admiral Graville, and Edmond of pry arriving, the Italian troops give way, and are put to rout. The Swisses pressed to fight, answer. That they will not fight against their brethren, kinsmen, and others of their nation, without leave from their superiors. And approaching near their Countrymen, making as it were but one army, they protest, that they mean to return, and so obtain free passage through the French army. Lodowick compassed in in this nation, could neither by prayers, nor promises, divert them from their disloyal intent: only he got a promise, To set him in a place of safety. So they agreed, that disguised, & armed like a Suisse on foot, he should march in their ranks. But going betwixt two great troops of men at arms, this poor Suisse disguised, is discovered, in one of their battalions, with Galeas of S. Severin, Fracasse, and Anthony Marry his brethren, and stayed: the Italians were stripped, but the Lansquevets, and Bourgognons were sent away without touch, and Lodowick was led prisoner to Lions, where the King remained▪ and within two days after was sent to the great Tower at Loches, Lodowick taken. where he continued captive, about ten years, until his death. Behold the ambition and aspiring conceits of him, whom all Italy could not contain, now restrained in a strait prison. And to avoid a greater corsie, he entreats Tremoville that he might not see Triwlce his enemy. Who being advertised, and hasting thither, Sforce (said he with a braving speech) thou seest the wrongs thou hast done me, are now repaid in the same measure. This happened the thursday before Palm sunday. doubtless the circumstances of Lodowick Sforces miseries are remarkable: wherein we may learn, that the divine justice doth always punish offenders, and takes from them at need, both judgement, courage, wit, and all other faculties. Let us observe in this Tragedy, that Lodowick being fearful, Lodowikes disposition. promising, praying, sighing, flying, disguised: is mocked, taken, & finally, dies in a most pitiful estate. A Prince excellent in many perfections of nature, industrious, eloquent of an high and busy spirit, but infamous for the death of his nephew, covetous, vain, ambitious, turbulent, proud, treacherous, impious, cruel, paying a Crown for every frenchman's head that his host should murder going to the jubilee. Lodowikes dispositions. So as it is not strange, if he hath felt the rigour of God's justice in his own person. And to fill up the measure of affliction in his family, the Cardinal Ascanius, upon the brute of this defeat, flying from Milan to recover ●ome place of safety with many gentlemen of the Gibelin faction, (who having affected Lodowick, despaired of pardon) refreshing themselves at Rivolte, in theterritorie of Plaisance, Conrade of Land, Lord of the same place, (his kinsman and ancient friend) sends presently for Charles vrs●● and Sonzin Benzon (Captains under the Venetians pay,) and treacherously deliver unto them the said Cardinal, with Hermes Sforce, brother to the deceased Duke john Galeas, with most of the gentlemen in their company, who presently conveyed them to Venice: but the Senate, at the King's instant request (who considered how necessary it was for the safety of the State of Milan to have these men in his power (delivered both the Cardinal, Baptista Vicomt, and Hermes, with all other Milanois that were retired for the same cause into the Towns of Guiaradadde. The Cardinal was sent to the great Tower at Bourges, until that having the whole Realm for his prison, he obtained leave, by the intercession of the Cardinal of Amboise, to go to the election of a new Pope, promising upon his oath ●euer to attempt any thing to prejudice the Crown: and to be a means to advance one of the French Cardinals to Saint Peter's chair. But oh the ingratitude and treachery of this Milanois: the College of Cardinals inclining to choose the Cardinal of Amboise, he alone by his faction, wrists the popedom from the French, to give it unto jules the second a Genevois, in the year. 1503. Milan, being restrained from all means of religion, sues presently for pardon, Milan pardoned by the King. the which they obtain of the Cardinal or Amboise in the King's name, upon condition to repair their rebellion, by the payment of three hundred thousand ducats, whereof his Majesty did afterwards remit the greatest part. The rest of the rebelling Cities were every one taxed, according to their abilities. Thus all the Duchy of Milan was quiet: the Swisses were dismissed, who returning to their houses, seize upon Belinzone, lying in that mountain, the which (not drawn out of their hands, as the King might have done for a little money, shall hereafter grieve the author of this error, being a most convenient passage to stop the Suissers entry into the Duchy of Milan) and shall give occasion to liberal tongues, to scoff both in public and private, at the greediness of Lewis, whereof these brave Commanders returning into France, had had more cause to complain, if the Queen had not supplied this defect with that bounty which the King did owe unto their merits. Doubtless she did bountifully repair those errors, which the King did often commit in that respect. And the King restraining his liberty, within the bonds of frugality, would not seem bountiful with the oppression of his people. Now let us see how the remainder of the year was employed. The exceeding prosperity of a Prince is suspected unto other great personages, who fear some diminution▪ in their estates. Maximilian considering how the alienation of so goodly a fee, was prejudicial to the Empire, and the blame he did incur by suffering Lodowick to be thus spoiled, who had cast himself into his protection, he dismissed the Ambassadors of France, and Venice, being ready to proclaim wars against them, as usurping the lands of the Empire. With this desseine he acqavints the Prince's Electors with the injury done to him, to them, and to all the Germany nation, the apparent danger, lest their too still patience should make the King of France seek to join the Imperial Crown unto his own, like unto some of his predecessors. That partly through necessity, and partly through the ambitious desire which the Pope had to advance his son Borgia, Duke of Valentinois, he would willingly wink at these proceed. This consideration made the King to put off the war of Naples unto the next year. But as the forces of Germany move but heavily, so had he leisure to assist the florentines, (who had showed themselves ready in the recovery of Milan for the King▪ & to discharge the oath made by his Predecessor, The King succours the Florenti●●. and his own) with six hundred Lances maintained by his majesty, and seven thousand Swisses (but paid by their commonweal) and divers companies of French, with artillery and munition necessary for the recovery of Pisa, Pietresancte, Montpulcian, Matron and other places, under the command of the Lord of Beaumond, whom they demanded, but ill chosen for them. To avoid this storm, the Pisans, Genevois, Siennese and Luquois, (envying the florentines greatness, offered the King a hundred thousand Crowns in ready money, to the end the florentines should not benefit any thing by the recovery of those places so important for their states, promising to pay him fifty thousand crowns yearly fo● ever, upon condition that the Pisans should recover their liberty by his means, and the fortresses of Livorne, with all the territory of Pisa. Triwlce and ●iesque, pleaded for the Pisans, showing how expedient it was for the King to weaken the florentines, and some other potentates of Italy: but offering a great some of money to the King, they discovered their inward greediness, to make themselves Lords thereof. Finally the matter was concluded in favour of the florentines. And whilst this army remains in Lombardie expecting their pay, the King causeth the Lords of Mirandole, Carpi and Correge to pay their fines, who for twenty thousand Ducats obtained remission of their rash rebellion. The potentates of Ital● reconciled to the King. The Marquis of Mantova, (to avoid the like censure,) humbly craved pardon. john Bentivole (having favoured Lodowick as the rest,) paid forty thousand Ducats: and the King by this means, took both him and the City of Bolongne into his protection, whilst that the army (to lose no time) took Mont chiarucole in the territory of Parma, belonging to the Torelli favourers of Sforce: then returning back, to pass the Appenin, by the way of Pontreme, at Fregoses request they spoilt Aubri Malespine Lord of Massa, with small credit and other places, although he were in the Florentines protection. In the end the Cardinal of Amboise (performing his promises but badly with the florentines) received (for a sum of money) the Luquois into the King's protection, agreeing, that his majesty should hold Pietresancte in guard, until it were decided to whom it did appertain. The Pisans (being resolved to make a defensive war) repair their fortifications: men women and Children work with great earnestness: The Pisans fortify themselves. and to cool the heat of the French coming to their siege, they made known the affection they bore to the Crown of France, by an antentike Instrument sent to the Lords of Beaumond and Ravastein Governor for the King at Genes, who received them in the King's name: and Beaumond summoning the Town of Pisa, had for answer: That they desired nothing more than to live under the obedience of his Majesty, and therefore they yielded unto the King, upon promise not to deliver them into the florentines power. Doubtless he was ill practised in politic and military affairs, to seek that by force which he might have without toil or shame. And was it not a hard thing, to ruin a people which made such show of tender love and voluntary obedience to this Crown. Beaumond camps before Pisa the 29. of june: Pisa bese●g●d. batters it all night, and some part of the day following, beats down about threescore fathom of the wall: and mounts to the assaults both with foot and horse. But he discovered not a deep and large trench, which the Pisans had made betwixt the wall and the rampar within, so as the breadth and depth amazing our men, they remained upon the breach, rather as spectators of the work, then having any desire to enter. Strangers speak truly, that we are but a brunt, and that being withstood at the first, we are easily broken. The quality of the rampires, the obstinacy of the Citizens, their ancient inclination to the French, engenders such a familiarity, betwixt the beseegers and besieged, as conferring familiarly together, going into the Town of Pisa, and coming out safely as from a friend Town: the soldiers now fall to accusing their Commander of rashness, and support the Pisans against their Captains, so as in stead of assailing them, they themselves encouraged them to defend▪ & suffers Tarlatin born at Costello, The French army tavours the Pisans. to enter the Town with some old soldiers, to receive the command for matters of war, as he did ever a●ter, with much ●onor. This sufferance both of horse and foot, breeds other disorders. They defiri●g to have the siege raised, spoiled the victuals that came to the camp: and Beaumond (unable to stay this insolency) the G●scons first leave the army, in tumultuous manner, and give example to all the rest of the foot: And abandons the siege. The Swisses likewise found a retreat, & the horse return into Lombardie: leaving the Florentines affairs in great confusion and disorder. The Pisans embrace the opportunity: and with one breath take Librefacta, ●reeing themselves towards Lu●ques. And the King complaining, that the Florentines had preferred Beaumond before the Lord of Alegre, would have sent back his men at arms, to winter about Pisa, that roading up and down the Country, they should keep it as it were blocked up, giving them hope, and promise of a new siege in the Spring. But the Florentines refusing this offer, despairing of any better success by the French forces, exposed themselves to the common injuries of their ill willers, the Genovois, Siennese, Luquois, and all others, who desired their ruin. On the other side, the King considering, that the Pope's union with the Emperor would be wonderful prejudicial unto his desseine for the revenge of the revolt at Naples, The King sends forces to Pope Alexander. although he had some reason of discontent against Alexander, who had nothing assisted him, during the wars of Milan: yet his Majesty showed himself always most tractable to second the Pope's continual desseines, in favour of the Duke of Valentinois, sending unto him, (under the command of the Lord of Alegre) three hundred Lances, and two thousand foot, accompanied with threats, To be revenged of those that should oppose themselves against the Pope's desseins, as an injury done to his own person. And the Pope likewise promised him, both his sons person, and his men, whensoever he should recover Naples. So Borgia (joining six hundred men at arms, and six thousand foot, to the French troops,) enters Romagna, takes Pesere, Rimini, Brisiquelle, and runs without any resistance throughout all the valley, until that Faënze stayed, for a time, the violence of this stream. He camps before the Town in November, The exploits of Ca●a● Borgia. batters it, makes a reasonable breach: and the fist day of the siege, gives a fierce assault, s● valiantly defended, as the death of Honore Savelli, and a great number of his men, s●a●ne at the first charge, forced him to sound a retreat, and the snow (falling with an exceeding cold) to raise the siege. The former threats had terrified the Potentates of Italy: and the King's request unto them in private, made them abandon Romagna. The Venetians renounced the protection of Peter Astor, Lord of Faënze. john Bentivole his uncle contains himself, fearing to incense the King, and the Pope's forces: and the Duke of Valentinois, could not endure, that an unwarlike people, (having no other head but a young man, of eighteen years of age) should obscure the fame of his first exploits: he returns in the beginning of the new year, laden with ladders, and seeks to surprise it: but in vain. Cooled by the siege of Fa●nze. Policy not succeeding, he returns to force, and by the taking of Russy, and other places of the country, he makes the enterprise easy. A new breach is made, and new assaults given the first without effect, the second gave hope of victory: but the violence of the Canon which battered in flank, the encountering of a deep & large trench▪ the death of Ferdinand Farnese, with many other men of worth: and the number of the wounded, makes them to leave the assault. But at length he carries it. The loss the Faventines had received in this assault, and the despair of succours, cooled this first heat, & fear making them apprehend hard conditions, if force reduced them into the victor's power, they treated to yield, their lives and goods saved, upon condition that Astor their Lord, Facuze yielded should with his liberty choose what retreat he pleased, enjoying the revenues of his patrimony. But poor Astor (oh Burgia who soever shall read the detestable life and horrible death of thy father, will always judge thee, a right and worthy son of such a father) being young and very beautiful, was with goodly shows and honourable demonstrations of love retained in the Valentinois Court, 1501. and soon after conducted to Rome, where some one (sayeth the Original, The pitiful death of the Lord of Fa●●s, murdered by Borgia. naming no man, but noting the villain with his fingar) having taken his pleasure of him, and glutted his lust, they caused him to be secretly murdered with his bastard brother: and the Pope with the approbation of the College, gives to his son Borgia, the investing and title of Duke of Romagna. This estate seemed to him imperfect, without the adiunction of the territory of Bologne. But the King's express commandment, not to attempt any thing against the estate of john Bentivole (whom he had taken into his protection) caused the Valentinois to content himself for that time, with a transaction from Bentivole, to have passage and victuals through his country, a tribute of nine thousand ducats yearly, a certain number of horse and foot, and Castel-bologne, (a place under the jurisdiction of Bologne) and so he transported his forces into Tuscan. Mark here a notable example of a child to his father. One of the sons of the L.G. Montpensier going to Pozzuolo, to visit the sepulchre of his father, suffered himself to be so much overruled with passion, that after he had washed all parts of the monument with his lamentable tears, he fainted, and fell down dead upon the Sepulchre of his father, who had as little sense of those his latest furrows, as he had feeling of so great a fault, to give such liberty to the rage of nature. The florentines are mightily perplexed, they had greatly moved the King by their bad order in the recovery of Pisa, The Florenti●s in great perplexity. as we have heard before, but there springs up new motives of discontent. The exceeding charge they had been at, and were still forced to bear for the wars of Pisa, the jealousy of the Pope's forces and of his Borgia, made them slack in paying the King the money, which the Duke of Milan had lent them: and the debt which he pretended to be due unto him by reason of the pay, made by his majesty to the Swisses which he had sent against Pisa, whom he had maintained with his own money: upon refusal which the florentines had made them, under colour that they would retire into their Country before their time perfixed: and the King (who sought to empty their coffers, to the end he might govern them more absolutely) demanded it very earnestly. Moreover they grew more weak by their own civil discords, which troubled them in the popular government, wherein many of the Citizens being suspected, either as friends to the Medicis, or desiring an other kind of government, matters were managed with more confusion than counsel: and to increase their crosses, the King did press them for the aides and sums of money promised for the vo●age of Naples, pretending: That he had performed the conventions they had made together, whereto they were bound: seeing that by their own fault they had hindered the recovery: therefore he was no more bound to protect them. And in truth julian de Medicis, beseeching him in person, and at the Pope's persuasion, The Florentines freed by a feigned transaction with Borg●●. to restore him and his brothers into their estates, upon promises of a great sum of money, he most willingly opened both ear and heart to these offers. All these considerations drew the Valentinois into Tuscan, with seven hundred men at arms, five thousand choice foot which Bentivole gave him, (the French companies lodging apart, to attend the King's army which began to march): But he knew, that the King would not be pleased with this entry in Hostile manner into the florentines Country, and that otherwise his army was both weak of men and munition, to force any Town. The florentines also knowing themselves naked, both of horse and foot, others then of the Country: oppressed with jealousy, fear and divisions, he makes this accord with them: That there should be a confederacy, betwixt the commonweal of Florence, and the Duke of Valentinois, with a prohibition not to aid the rebels on either side: and that the florentines should entertain him for three years at their charge, with three hundred, men at arms and six and thirty thousand Ducats yearly, which men at arms he should send to them when soever they had need, either for themselves, or any other, and should not oppose themselves against him, for the defence of the Lord of Plombin, who was in their protection. But this composition was only to disarm the Valentinois, and to send him packing. And he well informed of the policy, staying in the same County, spoiled it in revenge, both by fire, and sack, most like to an open enemy, tiring them with demands, which partly they refused, partly differred, hoping that the King's authority should free them from these bonds, which necessity of the time and Borgia force had extorted from them. The King indeed held the rod, but stayed his arm: he was pleased the Valentinois should terrify them, but not tyranise over them. For although he would willingly have seen some other form of government at Florence▪ yet an alteration than would have been very prejudicial unto him: the King being loath to see the Valentinois advanced to any other authority, or by any other forces then his Majesties. So, The wars of Naples rescued. by the commandment of Lewis, he leaves Florence, and enters the territory of Plombin, taking Surgeret●e, Scarline, and the Islands of Elbe and Pianosa, where leaving a sufficient garrison, as well to guard the places, as to molest them of Plombin, he continually returned towards Rome, to join with the army, that was marching to the conquest of Naples. Nothing crossed the course thereof, but the alarms which the Emperor had formerly caused. But when one treats with a Prince, that is flexible for money, the accord is soon made. The gold of France must now stay the iron of Germany. Philippe the Archduke might do much: he was a Prince inclined to peace (and it may be, he died too soon for the good of France, leaving an heir, Lewi● confirms a truce with the Emperor. whose birth and all the course of his life, hath been most fatal to the Crown) and the traffict of his subjects made them loath to hear speak of war with the French. But that which did most import, the King offered to give claud his only daughter, in marriage to Charles, son to the said Archduke: and for a dowry, when they should be both of age, to consummate the marriage (for neither the one, nor the other was yet three years old) to give the Duchy of Milan. So by the means of Philippe, and for money, Lewis obtained a prolongation of the truce, in the which the King of Naples was not comprehended: who notwithstanding, by the means of forty thousand ducats, and a bond of fifteen thousand more monthly, pourchased a promise from Maximilian: Not to make any accord, but to comprehend him in it, and to make war in the Duchy of Milan, when as need should require, to divert the King's forces. There yet remained one scruple, Ferdinand King of Arragon, and of Castille by Isabella his wife, might stir up the Venetians, and happily the Pope, (both prompt enough to oppose jointly against the greatness of this Crown:) He was concurrent with our Lewis, in the right of the succession of Naples: for although Alphonso King of Arragon had dispoposed thereof to Ferdinand his bastard, as his own proper good, gotten without the rights of the Crown of Arragon: Yet john his brother (successor to the Realm of Arragon) and since Ferdinand son to john, had always protested of their lawful pretensions to the estate of Naples, as a good, purchased by Alphonso, with the forces, and treasure of Arragon. And this Ferdinand King of Arragon temporised like a Spaniard: watching his opportunity, to attempt some great matter for his own benefit: ●●e did not only make demonstration of all the duties of a good kinsman to Ferdinand King of Naples, and his other successors: but the better to lull him a sleep, he allied himself to the said Neapolitain, giving him his sister jane in marriage, and consenting that jane her daughter should marry with young Ferdinand. This concurrence of two Kings in like desire, The Realm of Naples diuid●a betwixt the Kings of France and Arragon. caused the one to free himself from lets, and crosses: and the other to get a part of that which he could not compass wholly, and so then to share betwixt them, the conquests of the said Realm: vp●on condition: That the King of France should have the City of Naples, with all belonging to the land of Labour, and the Province of Abrazzo: Ferdinand should for his part have all the lands, and territories belonging to Apulia, and likewise to Calabria, agreeing that every one should conquer his own part, without any bond to aid one another, but only not to hurt one another, and that they should do homage unto the Pope, Lewis with the title, no more of King of Sicily, but King of jerusalem and Naples, imitating the example of Frederick the second, Emperor of Rome, and King of Naples, by his wife the daughter of john, King of jerusalem (in name but without effect) and of Naples, and Ferdinand in quality of Duke of Apulia and Calabria. The army going to Napl●s. The capitulation was no sooner concluded, but the King prepared his army under the command of Lewis of Armagnac Duke of Nemours, son to james beheaded at Paris, under Lewis the eleventh, and the Lord of Aubigni, an ancient, wise, and well experienced Captain. In the which were Francis of Bourbon, Earl of S. Paul, brother to Charles Ea●le of Vendosme, sons to Francis of Vendosme, who died at Verce●l, Lewis of Bourbon, Prince of la Roche-sur-Yon, great grandfather to the Duke of Montpensier now living, Charles of Bourbon, afterwards Duke of Bourbon, and Constable of France, Lewis of Bourbon Earl of Montpensier, his brother, Gaston of Foix, Viscount of Narbonne, the King's Nephew, son to john Viscount of Narbonne, but by reason of their young years, obeying the above named commanders. The troops were a thousand Lances, four men to a Lance, six thousand French foot, four thousand Swisses, and the Duke of Valentinois with his forces. The army at sea, commanded by the Earl of Ravastein, Governor of Genes, consisted of three Caraques of Genuoa, and hexylene ships, with many other small vessels, laden with many foot men, so as they esteemed their footmen to be twenty thousand: who by the Pope's favour, and Borgia his sons, frederick's simplicittie. passed through all Italy without any resistance. Frederick King of Naples, had not yet discovered the secret convention of the two Kings, who proceeding plainly, did solicit Gonsalue (who lay at Anchor in Sicily, under colour to secure him) to come to Caiete: and very simply put some places in Calabria into his hands, as he demanded: but this was but to make the conquest of Ferdinand's portion the mo●e easy. So hoping (that Gonsalue having joined with his army) he should have sufficient forces to withstand the French, he went and camped at S. German, with seven hundred men at arms, six hundred light horse, and six thousand foot, with the troops which the Colonois brought unto him, having likewise sent his eldest son Ferdinand to Tarentum, to commit the Prince of Basignan, and the Earl of Melete to prison, accused to have intelligence with the Earl of Caiazzo, who was in the French army: the which being come near unto Rome, the Ambassadors of France and Spain, give notice unto the Pope of this division made betwixt their masters, with an intent afterwards (say they) to make war against the enemies of Christian religion: and according to the tenor of thi● agreement, they demand a leagar, the which was presently granted. Doubtless the more we seek to shadow and colour an injustice with goodly shows, the greater it appears. Two Kings blamed for this division. Behold the designs of two Kings, discovered and laid open to all the world, and both jointly blamed. Ours, for that he had rather draw a corrival into Italy, to whom his enemies and ill willers might fly, then to leave the full possession unto Frederick, offering (as we have said) to hold the realm of him, and to pay him a yearly tribute. The other, for that, desire to have a part of the realm had made him to conspire against a King of his own blood, whom (the more easily to ruin) he had always entertained with lying promises of succours, blemishing the glory of that noble title of Catholic King, which he and his wife Isabella had lately obtained. This league amazed Frederick. Rebellion in the estate of Naples. but more the general mutiny, whereby Saint German and the neighbour places had rebelled at the bruit of the French forces, even before that Au●igui parted from Rome: so as in steed of keeping the field, as he had pretended, he shuts himself up, meaning to defend his Towns. Capova was the first place of defence that he made choice off, and did fortify it with three hundred men at arms, some light horse, and three thousand foot, under the command of Fabricio Colonne and Rainunce of Martiane: and leaving Prosper Colonne for the guard of Naples, he lodged in Averse. Fabricio had caused the messengers of some Neapolitaine Barons of the French faction, to be murdered at Rome, being sent to treat with him touching an accord for their masters: and see now, these murders are revenged, if not upon the person, at the least upon the Author's goods. Aubigni in passing, burns Marine, Cavi, and certain other places belonging to their house: then drawing towards Montfortin, he finds that julius Colonne had shamefully abandoned it, leaving by the same means, all the other Towns about Capova, even unto Vulturnus, to the victor's discretion. Frederick advertised that Aubigni had passed Vulturno, leaving Averse, he retired into Naples. Arterse, Nole, and others, yielding unto the French, prepared them the way to Capova, the which environed on either side the river, and battered fiercely on all parts, endures a hot assault, and repels them with great loss. The Canon shot shakes the strongest walls, and the rough assaults amaze the most resolute, they renew the battery, and all prepares to a second assault. The people mutined, the Captains and soldiers fainted, Revenge upon the Colonnois. The lamentable taking of Capua. and Fabricio Colonne parled from a Bastion with the Earl of Caiazze, when as our men grieved with the first affront, force the breach, overthrow the defences, enters it, kill all they meet in the fury, ransom such as they find after their fury past, and sack the Town. A happy victory, if the horrible insolency and licentiousness of the victors, had not defamed it. Many women, maidens and Nuns, to avoid this first fury, were retired into a Tower. Borgia would see them, and chose out forty of the fairest, the rest served as a pray for the soldiers lust, The soldiers insolency. who after sold a part of them at Rome. Fabricio seeing the Town taken, fled away speedily, but some galloping after, brought him back prisoner to the Campe. Don Hugue of Cardonne, and all the other Captains and men of quality, saved their lives by ransom. Rainucio of Marciane being hurt at the assault, died in the Duke of Valentinois mens hands. Capova being lost, it made them lose all hope ever to defend any place: Caiete yields presently, Averse opens her gates. Naples compounds suddenly for three score thousand crowns, payable to the victors. And Frederick being shut up into Castle- Neufe, compounds with Aubigny: To deliver into his hands within six days, The capitulation of Frederick, who of King of Naples is made Duke of Anjou. all the towns and forts which were of the King's portion, only reserving the I'll of Ischie for six months, during the which, it should be lawful for him to go whether he pleased, but not into the realm of Naples: To draw what he would out of the Castles of Naples, except the artillery of King Charles, which remained there: That all offences should be pardoned which had been committed since the first conquest of the Realm by Charles: and that the Cardinal's Collonne, and of Arragon, should enjoy the spiritual livings they possessed within the realm. Thus Frederick detesting the treachery of the Arragonois, and desiring rather to fly unto the King's protection, he came into France, to accept what his Majesty should give him, which was the Duchy of Anjou, with thirty thousand Crowns of yearly pension. An ill advised resolution, for keeping himself in some place of safety, happily he might (during the partialities which shall soon grow betwixt Lewis and Ferdinand) have found means to recover his realm: yet was he happy in his misery, changing a Crown of thorns, a State full of troubles, to a quiet life, and yet honourable: for even after the French were expelled Naples, he was still maintained and kept in the same honour, and in the same estate, by the King's great love and bounty. Gonsalue at the same time conquered the portion for his Master, Gonsalues exploits. and although all the Country did more affect the French command, yet having no man to receive them in his name, nor to defend them, all the Towns did willingly submit themselves unto him, except Manfredonia and Tarentum, the which after some show of resistance, did in the end undergo the castilian yoke. Ferdinand eldest son to Frederick, was at Tarentum, with secret commandment from his father, not to come into France, though he should be forced to strike sail. But seeing that both were wholly despoiled of their estates, and that our Lewis did nourish the father, the castilian might well entertain the son. Gonsalue sends him unto him, against his solemn oath taken, at the receiving of the sacrament, To leave him at his liberty: but some nation prefers the interest of state, before the fear of God and the respect of his own reputation. The Conquest of Naples, had made the Valentinois return to his enterprise of Plombin, and james Appian Lord of the Town (having manned it with a sufficient garrison, came unto the King, who long before had taken him into his protection. But whilst he did solicit in Court for the preservation of his estate, (though without any hope of favour, by reason of the King's promises made unto the Pope, Not to hinder him in his desseins) Pandolfo Petruccio delivered up the Town to the Valentinois, who by the authority of the apostolic sea, and the support he had from the King, made it well known in Italy, that his excessine covetousness had no restraint nor bounds. In the mean time, Plombin deliu●red to the Duke of Valentinois. the King treats a peace with the Emperor very effectually. Many reasons moved him thereunto: they desire to obtain the possession of Milan: to offend the Venetians, to whom the prosperity of this Realm being very offensive, they 〈◊〉 underhand hinder the conclusion of this peace: and to recover Cremona with Gua●adadde, at the great instance of the Milanois. with Bresse, Bergamo, and Cr●me, the ancient appurtenances of the Duchy of Milan, and usurped by the Venetians, in the time of Philip Maria Vis onte. For this treaty the Cardinal of Amboise, Lieutnant general for his majesty at Milan, went to the Emperor to Trent, where first they treated of the marriage of Charles the eldest son to the Archduke, Philip with claud the only daughter of Lewis: the Emperor granting to either of them, the investing of Milan, but not to the King's heirs males, in case he had any: To recover whatsoever either of them pretended to have been usurped by the Venetians: To call a general counsel to reform the Church, not only (ay they) in the members, but even in the head. Doubtless there is small assurance in the love of Princes, who gape after nothing but their own greatness. Moreover did we ever see any thing succeed well with them, who have coloured their passions with the name of the Church, A tr●a●y betwixt the ●mpererour & King Lewis. and the reformation thereof. This is properly said, to take the name of God in vain: And likewise all the malicious practices and school tricks of a Cardinal, (whose ambitious spirit gaped after the Popedom) what could they bring forth but smoke for France, and combustion for Italy? Truly the reading of Histories doth teach us, That the politic government of priests, is unfortunate and fatal. This treaty, having only in show made way for a peace, was ended with a prolongation of a truce, giving hope that these things treated on, should soon take effect. And this opinion was confirmed by the coming of the Archeduke Philip, with his ●ife (daughter to Ferdinand King of Arragon and Isabella Queen of Castille): The truce prolonged. who as appointed to the succession, meaning to go and receive the oath of fidelity of their subiect●, they passed through, Paris the 25. of November, and from thence to Blois, where the King and Queen remained: and there they concluded the marriage of their children: but man purposeth, Philip of A●s●ia passeth through France. and God disposeth. For with the new year, the Emperor brought forth new desseings, refusing flatly the investing of the Duchy of Milan to the King: and treating with the potentates of Italy touching his passage to Rome, to receive the Imperial Crown, he found the florentines tractable to the articles which he propounded, considering the hard conditions the K●ng demanded, seeming to be wholly estranged from them, saying that he was acquit of the articles accorded at Milan, and they remained still bound. Thus Hermes Sforce Ambassador for Maximilian at Florence, had obtained a promise of the Commonweal, to aid him in his voyage with a hundred men at arms, and thirty thousand Ducats, when as he should be entered into Italy. But the King fearing least the florentines despairing of his love, should make some accord with Maiximilian, in the end he made an new agreement with them, upon, mild conditions: That the King (re●●●uing them again into his protection) should defend them against all men, with his own force and charge for three years following, The King makes a new accord with the Florenti●●. during the which they should pay unto his Majesty forty thousand Ducats yearly▪ and it should be lawful for the florentines, to proceed by force against the Pisans, or against any other that withheld their places. The Pisans are again abandoned to the spoil, and the Florentines resolved to vanquish by a general waste (the forerunner of famine) that place which they had in vain tried to subdue by the sword. This passed in Tuscan, when as no man perceived what followed these garboils. But two nations of such contrary humours, could they live so near neighbours. The beginning of division betwixt Lewis & Ferdinand. but some seeds of dislike should bring forth fruits of division? There suddenly grows great controversies betwixt our French and the Castillans for their confines. And why do we not use a grave deliberation in our contracts, to make them so strong as nothing may infringe them? Alphonso of Arragon King of Naples, the first of that name, had (to make the collection of his revenues the more easy,) divided the realm of Naples into six principal Provinces, The Land of Labour, the Principality, Easdicate, Calabria, Apulia, and Abruzze, whereof Apulia was subdivided into three parts: the land of Otrante, Bari, and the Capitanate joining to Abruzze, and separated from the rest of Apulia by the river of Lofante, (otherwise called Laufade,) Seeing then that in the division, Abruzze was fallen to the French, had they not reason to dispute the possession, the said Capitanate being rather a portion of Abruzze, then of Apulia? and the matter of greatest importance was▪ that not enjoying Capitanat, they lost the revenue growing of the custom of Ca●tell, being one of the clearest revenues of the realm. Moreover Capitanate is a Corn country, and might easily in a time of dearth famish the land of Labour and Abruzze, whensoever the Spaniards should forbid the traffic of grain from Apulia and Sicily. Hereupon either part drew what he could out of the revenues of this custom, feeding still their contentions with new motives. The Spaniards maintained, that the Principality and Pazilicate were comprehended in Calabria, which is divided into two, the hither and the farther, one high and the other low: and that the valley of Beneuent possessed by the French, was a portion of Apalia. And therefore Gonsalue cha●ed the French Magistrates out of Tripalde, and sent others to administer justice and right under the command, and authority of Ferdinand. All things tended to open division. But let us not flatter ourselves. Was it not reason, that they which had devoured an other, should afterwards consume themselves? The chief Barons of the Country, desiring to quench these first firebrands of discord, did mediate an interview betwixt the Viceroy of Nemours, and Gonsalue, who agreed to enjoy those places in common, that were in controversy, and in the mean time set up the banners of the two Kings, expecting what they should determine. The Viceroy was hot and vehement, and could not endure a bravadoe. Gonsalue (of whom the Spanish and Italian Authors make no less account, The virtues of Gonsalue. then of a Furius Ca●ides; a P. Scipio, or a C. Caesar,) had doubtless goodly parts of a Captain. Brave in arms, vigilant, industrious, patiented in travel, stately, prodigal, liberal, not voluptuous a man of a strong and vigorous complexion: He sometimes by libera●ltie, sometimes by sufferance, gave liberty to his soldiers: then again would restrain their insolency imperiously, within the bounds of duty: he loved and honoured men of valours and very ingeniously did fit himself to occurrents, judging of things to come, with a good natural discourse▪ by the comparison of the present, and what was passed, never grounding his designs upon any uncertainty. But all these goodly virtues were blemished with a perpetual dissimulation and treachery: His vic●●. no fear of God, no loyalty where he felt any profit, being accustomed to say, That a brave Soldier must grossly weave the web of his honour. 1502. As Gonsalue then (following the instructions and letters of Ferdinand, who already in imagination had devoured the whole Realm of Naples) had sowed the seeds of war on all ●ids, the Viceroy protests by a public declaration, that he will make war against Gonsalue, if he speedily depart not out of the Capitanat. And seeing the King of Spain resolved not to leave the possession, he enters Tripalde by force the 19 of june. and consequently the other Towns which Gonsalue held in that Country. They are now embarked in war, and the King is at Lions, to provide necessary things more commodiously to cross the unjust practices of his adversary. Upon this desseing he sends 2000 Swisses by sea to supply his men, and entertains the Princes of Salerne and Bisignan, with an intent to pass into Italy, if need required. The new tumults which Vitelloze (impatient of the death of his brother Paul Vitelli, beheaded at Florence as we have said) did raise in Tuscan, drew him thither. They begun by the revolt of Aretzo, against the florentines, at the persuasion of the said Vitelloze, New broils in Italy. of the Vrsins, john Paul Baillon, Pandolfe Petrucci and others which desired the return of Peter of Medicis, into the state of Florence. The florentines protecting themselves with their new league with the King, fly to him, accuse the Pope and the Duke of Valentinois, to be the Authors of these stirs: sound forth the imminent danger of the Duchy of Milan, Lewis succours the Florentines. if the above named (united and conjured to ruin their estate) reduce it into their power. The King had been long tired with the insolency, and ambition of the Pope and his son. He did foresee, that the treaties of accord being broken with Maximilian, the Venetians would soon cross him· and that having open war with the Spaniard, the invading of Tuscan, done by the secret practices of others, would prove very prejudicial unto him. And therefore he sent four hundred Lances to succour the florentines, with commandment to Vitellozze and his adherents: Not to molest those any more whom he had received into his protection: the which he declared to all those that should fear to incur his indignation. In the mean time the Duke of Valentinois upon the confusions of Aretze, went out off Rome with his army, and under a false pretext to take Camerin, having before (to weaken Guidobalde Duke of Urbin, drawn men and artillery from him,) leaps into that Duchy, and takes all his estate without any let, except the Rock of S. Leon, & Maiuol●, to the great discontent & amazement o● Vittellozze, the Vrsins & Petruccio, who by an others ruin began plainly to discover their own. This conquest had made the Valentinois to assail the florentines, if the commandment made him from the King, or rather the coming of his majesty, had not diverted him. The Duke of Valentin●●s his cruelty. Camerin was the object of his arms. He took it, & with a barbarous inhumanity caused jules of Varane Lord of the said place to be strangled with his two sons. The King arrives at Ast, and Lewis of Tremoville comes into Tuscan with two hundred Lances, three thousand Swisses, and great store of artillery, for the recovery of Aretze in favour of the florentines. The Pope with his Borgia, foreseeing that the King being incensed against them, as the chief motives of this war, would spoil Borgia of Romagna, and other places which he possessed: and that they were too weak to withstand this storm, they return to their accustomed practices: imputing the bellion of Aretze to Vitellozze and his Associates, whom they could not (say they) neither by prayers nor authority divert from this enterprise. And to pacify the King, the Valentinois sent word to Vitellozze, that if he did not give up Aretze and other places belonging to the florentines, he would cast him out by force. Vittellozze was ready to bear the whole burden, but by what means? considering the weakeness of his forces, and that the strongest were ready to reconcile themselves, and to leave him in the mire: therefore makes no delay, but consignes Aretz● and the other Florentin Towns, which the violence of his forces had put into his power, Mo●t Saint Sovin, Chastillon d' Aratze, Cortone and the rest of Valdichiane: all which were presently by the Kings command restored to the florentines. another alliance betwixt the King and Pope. The affairs of this world require every man to shroud himself under the strongest. The King hath no sooner set footing into Italy, but all the Princes and commonweals (according to their accustomed manner) fly unto him, some to get pardon, some to maintain their estates, and all in general to draw his majesties forces against the Pope and his son. But doth it not commonly fall out, that what many desire, succeeds but seldom? Their private interest and respects, are most commonly contrary to their outward and shows, and desires. So the King, not so much moved by the Pope's exact diligence, (who by all means and messages, sought to pacify him, and to return again into favour,) as by the Cardinal of Amboises persuasion, (who to entertain the Pope in union with the King, presumed to frame himself a ladder, to mount unto the Popedom, & to advance some one of his house, to be Cardinal) he happily followed of two ways the worst, favouring the Pope, and his followers. The wise reader may judge thereof by the event of the history. True it is, the Emperor was a chie●e motive to draw our Lewis to this accord. His fingers itched, he could not be quiet: and under colour of his passage (which he did so much affect) to receive his Imperial Crown of the Pope, he might happily trouble the state of Italy, to the King's great prejudice▪ and indeed he had already sent many horse and foot to trent, making great offers to the Pope in favour of this passage. Moreover, the King was not ignorant, Made upon sundry considerations. how unwillingly the Venetians did see the state of Milan, & the realm of Naples in his hands▪ Adding thereunto, the imperious threats which four Cantons of the Swisses made. That if the King did not yield them the rights he had to Belinzone, and give them Volteline, Schafouze, The Swisses brave the king with other outrageous demands, they would compound with Maximilian. But to add more crosses, he must dispute the conquest of Naples by the sword. All these considerations made our Lewis desirous to entertain the Pope's friendship, whereby Maximilians desseins were suddenly disappointed. So the King, (having more liberty to provide for the estate of Naples) sent a fresh supply by sea, of two thousand Swisses, and ten thousand French, the which joined to the Viceroy, who had already taken all the Capitanate, except Manfredonia and S. Angelo. They camped before Canose, the which Peter of Novarre yielded by composition, to departed with bag and baggage. The taking of this place, did shut Gonsalue into Barlette, without money, with little victuals, and less munition. And the French Captains alleging, The exploits of the F●ench in the Kingdom of Naples. (against the advice of the Lord of Aubigni,) that the army could not all camp about Barlette, for want of water, and many other reasons? they resolved, a part of the army should remain thereabouts, to maintain a kind of siege, and the other should seek to recover the rest of the realm. After this Counsel, the Viceroy seized upon all Apulia, except Tarentum, Otrante, and Gallipoli: and then he returned to Ba●lette. The Lord of Aubigni entering Calabria with the other part of the army, took and sacked the Town of Cosenze, with some other places. But our prosperity lasts not long, we commonly sleep in the midst of our course. This happy beginning, made ou● Lewis more careless, than the cause required: the which if he had continued, he might easily have expelled the enemy, (before he had been supplied) out of all the state of Naples: but he took his way for France, a●ter he had treated a new with the Pope, and received the Valentinois into favour again, upon condition, To aid him in the wars of Naples, when need should require: and a promise from the King, To give the Valentinois three hundred Lances, to help him to conquer Bologne for the Church, and to suppress the Vrsins, Baillon and Vitellozze against whom the King was wonderfully incensed for the outrages they had done to the Florentines, and for that they had showed themselves too slack in the execution of his majesties commandments, especially Vitellozze, who had refused to yield the Florentines the artillery which he had taken from Aretze. This reconciliation made the Valentinois fearful to all Italy. The Valen●in●●s fearful to the Poten●a●s of Ita●●●. And doubtless whosoever is neighbour to a cruel, and inexorable man, hath need to stand upon his guard. Moreover a wicked man having so firm and strong supports in the King's counsel, where the Cardinal of Amboise ruled all: how could he but daily presume to commit new insolencies? The Venetians were wonderful jealous of Borgia greatness increasing daily, 1503. showing the King by their Ambassador, how much it did derogate from the beauty of the house of France, and the glorious surname of most Christian King, to favour a Tyrant borne for the ruin of people, and the desolation of Provinces, disloyal, cruel, thirsting for human blood: by whom so many gentlemen, and Noblemen had been so treacherously slain: who sometimes by the sword, The Venetians oppose against him. sometimes by poison, glutted his cruelty upon his allies, his kinsmen, his brethren, & upon them, whose age, even the barbarous Turks would have respected. But the King did not build so much upon the Pope's friendship, as he doubted his hatred. Moreover, he thought (being firmly united to him,) no man should dare to attempt any thing against the authority of his Crown, in the estates of Milan and Naples. The King's answer was. That he neither would, nor aught to hinder the Pope, from disposing at his pleasure, of places belonging to the Church. The Venetians therefore forbearing to cross the prosperity of the Valentinois, A League against the Valentinois. for his majesties respect, behold, many small brooks joined together, make a great stream. The Vrsins, the Duke of Gravine, Vitellozzi, john Paul Baillon, Liverot of Farm, Hermes, for john Bentivole his father, Anthony of Venafre for the Sienois, with many other heads, make an offensive, and defensive League: by means whereof, and by the surprise of the Castle of Saint Leon, Guidobalde recovered all his duchy of Urbin. They go to field with seven hundred men at arms, and nine thousand foot: but they displease the King, arming themselves with his authority, hoping (it may be) that he would not be discontented to have the Valentinois molested by another. The Valentinois flies to the King, and speedily provides for convenient remedies: first he pacifieth Cardinal Vrsin, by the means of julius his brother, and by divers policies did so cunninly practise, fi●st one, than another of the confederates, (con●used, and troubled with the King's succours, which the King gave commandment to the Lord of Chaumont to send to Borgia, with express charge, to countenance his affairs by all means,) that the first which was taken in the snare, was Paul Vrsin, whom he held to be a fit instrument to dispose of his companions, and to draw them innocently into danger. But what did these poor Commanders, capitulating with a wicked wretch, Fatal to the author's. whose sweet words was a snare for their death, and who must shortly serve as an instrument of God's wrath against them. Truly whilst they employ the forces (which they had levied to suppress him,) in his favour, for the taking of some places, and that they suffer themselves to be lulled more a sleep with his goodly shows, and sweet speeches, he prepares for their ruin. After they had by his commandment taken the Town, and Castle of Sinigalle: he comes thither the next day, with all his companies in order: he causeth then: to be taken prisoners, strips their troops: The violent death of Vitellozze and Liue●ot. and to make the last day of this year famous, he strangles Vitellozze and Liverot of Farm. The first must follow the miserable course of his house, all his other brethren (and according to the order of their ages) being dead of violent deaths. john was slain with a cannon before Os●●e, under Pope Innocent, Camille with a stone before Circelle. Paul was beheaded at Florence. And Liverot felt in his person, the treason whereby he had in a banquet treacherously murdered john Frangiane his uncle, with many Citizens of Farm, to usurp the Seigneurie thereof. Now we shall see a year full of memorable, & famous accidents, begun with the Pope's impiety, The notable cruelness of the Valentinois & treachery but he was ignorant what should presently befall his own person and state. Being advertised of his sons exploits at Sinigalle, he calls the Cardinal of Vrsin to the Vatican: who (trusting in his faith, whom all the world knew to be faithless) was lately come to Rome. Being arrived, he is taken prisoner, and with him Rainold Vrsin Archb. of Floremce, the Protonotaire Vrsin, and the Abbot of Aluiane, brother to Barthelmew, & james of S. Croix a Romain-gentleman, whom some few days after he caused to be delivered upon a good caution: The Cardinal poisoned. The Duke of ●●●uine and Paul Vrsin strangled but the Cardinal ended his days there by prison: and the Valentinois hearing that the Cardinal was prisoner, he caused the Duke of Gravine, & Paul Vrsin to be strangled. Then he approached to Siene, meaning to seize thereon under colour to expel Pandol●o Petru●●io, as an enemy, and disturber of the quiet of Tuscan, promising, that when he had chased him, he would presently return with all his troops to Rome, without indomaging their territories. The Ste●ois thinking it no reason, that the whole City should incur so great danger to maintain the power of one private Citizen, and Pandolfe desiring rather to accept that with every man's good liking, which in the end the people's hatred & the peril of his person would force him unto, he parted out of Siene, The King discontented with the Pope and his son. leaving the same guard & the authority with his friends, so as his departure bred no alteration in the government. T●is enterprise displeased the King: for although he were not sorry, to see Vitellozze & his adherents punished, yet desired he not their total ruin, the which with the conquest of so great estates made the Pope▪ and his Borgia too mighty. He desisted therefore from this attempt, not so much to obey the King, as finding the taking of Sienne difcult, being a great Town & strong: converting all his forces to the total destruction of the house of Vrsins, john, julio, Francis, Fabian, and Organtin, who having joined with the Savelli were in Ceruetre, had taken the bridge of Lamentane, & scoured all the country. When he had restrained their courses, he invaded the possessions of john jordan, who was then in the King's protection and pay, bearing arms for his service at Naples. The King was greatly moved here with: and to control the presumption, & insolency of the V●lentinois, he command's him to forbear to molest the estate of jordan, & to restrain his excessive covetousness: he procures an union betwixt the florentines, Sienois & Bolognois for their common defence; to take from the Pope & his son, all means to extend themselves any farther into Tuscan. The Spaniard fortifies himself in the mean time, in the realm of Naples, and our affairs decline. The Earl of Melene, the Princes of Salerne & B●●ignan, were encamped at Villeneufue▪ & Don Hugue of Cardone (passing from Messina into Calabria with 16. hundred foot, Spaniards, Calabriens and sicilians, and a hundred men at arms) marched to secure it. going through a narrow plain betwixt a mountain and a little ●i●er, joining to the way with a causey, desiring rather to enter into Villenefue, then to fight. The Earl encounters them beneath the riue●: & not able to draw them into the plain, he passeth the water to cut of their way to Villenefue, & to charge them. But very indiscreetly, for being troubled with the causey, they were easily defeated and the Town relieved. And behold Manuel of Benavide, The French defeated. (having Anthony de Leave with him, who of a simple soldier became a brave Captain, and shall win many victories) leading two hundred men at arms, two hundred Genetaires, and two thousand foot, takes Losarne at the second assault, where the Lord of Ambricourt was lately entered with thirty Lances, and the Earl of Melete with a thousand foot. Ambricourt was taken, but the Lord of Aubigni, approaching with three hundred Lances & five thousand foot, forced the victors to retire to Villeneufue, and gave the Earl means to save himself & to keep the castle. Aubigni following them in the tail to the foot of a high mountain, cut off threescore men at arms & some thousand foot, with 13 hundred prisoner's, taking 15. enseignes. But this was with the death of Grigni, abrave captain, wholed the company of the Earl of Caiazzo, being dead of sickness a little after the taking o● Capova. At the same time Porta Carrera brought two hundred men at arms, The Spania●ds, defeated. two hundred light horse, & two thousand foot, who dying at Rhegium, left the command of his troops to Fernand Andrade his Lieutenant. Few days after, Gonsalue departing from Barlette, set upon the Lord of Palisse who lodged in Rubos, with a hundred Lances, & three hundred foot, as securely as in an assured peace, & having surprised him suddenly, battered it furiously and made a breach: he forced him to yield the place, and to remain prisoner with his troop, and then he retired safely to Barlette: notwithstanding the Duke, of Nemours companies lodged for their ease in divers places about Barlette, whilst Gonsalue endured with an admirable patience both hunger & pestilence, within the same City. Moreover fifty French Lances sent to surprise some money, which was brought from Trani to Barlette, were defeated by such as Gonsalue had sent for the conduct thereof. All these petty losses were without doubt foretellings of a change of our good fortune. But what need was there in the beginning of this so visible a Catastrophe, to hazard a fruitless combat, for falling to our disadvantage, it must needs greatly diminish our reputation, & make the whole nation to be scorned? although the honour & valour of a whole country consists not in the combat of a few private persons. A Trumpe● returning from Barlette (where he had treated of the ransom of some prisoners) reports some speeches which he had heard to the prejudice of the French: who displeased therewith, they defy the Spaniards and Italians. Thirteen French, make offer to fight with thirteen of theirs. The field was chosen betwixt Barlette, Andrie and Quadrate. It chanced that having broken their lances, The French defeated in combat. with no advantage to either party: falling to their other arms, a Frenchman overthrew an Italian, and advancing to kill him, he himself was slain by an other Italian that came to rescue his companion. In the end, after a rough and bloody fight of some hours, the Italians (having slain many of the Frenchmens horses) remained masters of the field and bodies, leading their enemies prisoners to Barlette. While a State stands firm, every one fears to attempt against it, but upon the first disfavour every one seeks to pull a plume. Some Cantons of the Swisses seek to fish in a troubled water, Troubles by the Swisses. and to obtain by force, what they could not get by favour: which was the case of Bellinzone, the which they had surprised in Lombardy. To this end they come before Locarne, camping towards the wall, upon that great Lake which stops the descent from the mountains into the plain: and the other Cantons seeing the enterprise succeed well in favour of the first assailants, run to aid their companions, to the number of fifteen thousand. These were too many mouths in a strait & barren country, whose fury must soon faint, for want of artillery, victuals, money and horse. The Lord of Chaumont did wisely foresee all this, who furnishing his castles, upon the mountains, & keeping his troops in the plain, kept this great swarm from coming into open places, whilst that he assembled all the forces of Lombardie, and the allies of Bologne, Ferrare, and Mantove. The Venetians (being required to send the succours which they were bound unto for the defence of the State of Milan) sent some companies, but so late as they were unprofitable. Thus the Swisses wanting victuals, the French having sunk many barks which brought them provision upon the Lake, and the Swisses themselves beginning to be divided, for that the whole gain of of their arms redounded to them alone that possessed Bellinzone, they retired in the end, upon condition to deliver what they had taken of the Kings, except Musocque, as not belonging to the Duchy of Milan: and Bellinzone at a certain time. Thus ended this great show, and Philip Archduke of Austria, returning from his voyage, armed with authority from his father in Law, and mother in law, to make a peace with the King, A counterfeit peace with the Spaniard. it was concluded at Blois: That the Realm of Naples should be enjoyed according to the first division; but Philip should keep those Provinces, for the which they had taken arms. That from that day, Charles his son, and claud the King's daughter, should entitle themselves Kings of Naples, and Dukes of Apulia and Calabria▪ and both the King's portions should be governed in the name of the two children, until the consummation of the marriage: when as the King should give his part for his daughter's dowry. This peace was of a happy consequence. Arms were laid aside betwixt 2. mighty Kings. It bred love betwixt the Emperor and our Lewis: & new disseines against the Venetians, whom the King desired to annoy: & it may be, the Pope (being hated of all the world) had been forced to undergo a Council, a matter which he feared exceedingly. doubtless there is always an Antipathy betwixt bad Popes and good councils. But this peace was but counterfeit by the Spaniards: yet it seems not that Philip proceeded therein like a Fox, considering his quiet spirit, & the alliance he made with this crown. Lewis and Philip sent presently to proclaim it at Naples, & to command the Captains: That attending the king of Spain's ratification, & holding what they did possess, they should abstain from all acts of hostility. But not ratified by the Spaniards. The Viceroy surceaseth: but Gonsalue had his watchword, how else durst he disobey Philip? Gonsalue answereth, That until he had received the same commandment from his King & Queen, he might not lay down arms. He grew the prouder, for that the king trusting in this peace, had neglected things necessary for wars, & kept back 3. thousand foot which should have been embarked at Genes & three hundred Lances levied to that end, under the Lord of Persi: Contrariwise Gonsalue was newly reenforced by two thousand Lansquenets, which the Venetians (against the articles of their accord made with the King) had suffered safely to pass by their gulf. The Viceroy (foreseeing that he must stand upon his guard) sends for all the French companies which he had dispersed into diverse parts, and the forces of the Country, except those which made war in Calabria, under Aubigni: but in the assembling thereof, he gave the first blow, to the ruin of the French, in the Realm of Naples. The Duke of Atri and Lewis of Ars a French Captain, were joined together, to go unto the Viceroy, knowing well that Peter of Novarre was so lodged, as he might endamage them being divided. Lewis of Ars finding his opportunity, passed without attending his companion, and the Duke advertised that the Navarrois had taken the way of matter, to join with Gonsalue followed the track of Lewis of Ars. But it chanced at the same time that Rutiliane, (a Town in the Country of Bari,) being revolted, had called back the Navarrois, The Duke of A●●s defeated by the Spaniard. who being upon this occasion turned from matter to Rutiliane, encountered the Duke of Atri, charged him, and defeated him, john Anthony his uncle being slain, and himself prisoner. And to increase these mischiefs, Preian Provensal a knight of Rhodes, was come into the haven of Otrante, with four French galleys, with promise from the Venetian Magistrate, not to suffer them to be molested by the Spanish fleet, which hovered near abouts: who entering soon after into the same port, Preian (to the end his loss should not benefit the enemies) freed his galley slaves, sinks his galleys, and saves himself by land, with his people. another injury, which shall greatly incense our Lewis against the Venetians. Hereafter all things fall out opposite for our men: but see, their violent heat makes them run headlong to their total ruin. Calabria is the means. They had commandment from the King to temporise, and only to keep themselves from surprise, expecting either a confirmation of the peace, or some greater succours. But what means is there to temper the furious courage of the French, the enemies lying so near them? Manuel of Benavide, having repaired his army, and fortified it with fi●e thousand men which Ferdinand had sent him, was joined unto john of Cardone, & the two armies approached within a League and a half. Aubigni within Gioie: the Spaniards at Seminare. Aubigni was fortified with four pieces of Canon, upon the river side, whereas Gioie is seated, to hinder the enemy's passage: the Spaniards being resolute to pass in, they caused their forward (led by Manuel Benavide) to march on directly to the river, to entertain Aubigni, who was planted directly on the other side, under the colour of some parley, whilst the battle, and the rearward, passed a mile and a half above Gioie. Aubigni discovering this cunning stratagem, f●●es thither in great haste, without any artillery, to charge them before they were all passed. But it was too lateral marched in order, to help our French running thither without order, & almost out of breath. The charge was sharp, and the issue doubtful, The French defeated. fight with great obstinacy, and no man seemed desirous to turn his back. doubtless the full decision of controversies approached to the confusion of our men: who being the smaller number, & having lost many in this resolute fight, they were in the end forced to give way to the Spanish horse, and every man to seek for his safety, as he could. Ambricourt was again taken prisoner, and some other French Captains, with the Duke of Somme and many Barons of the realm. Aubigni saved himself in the fort of Angirole, but being presently bos●t▪ and unfurnished of succours, and defence, he was forced to yield himself prisoner. Such is the alteration of the affairs of this world. This noble and valiant Captain, had but few years before, defeated Ferdinand Gonsalue, in the same place: and now by a strange alteration, he is charged, defeated, and a prisoner. Moreover, that the end of a misfortune in Calabria, Aubigni taken prisoner. might be the beginning of an other in Apulia, Gansalu● being forced by famine, and pestilence, to abandon Barlette, and to retire to C●●ignole, a Town betwixt Canose (where the Viceroy remained) and Barlette▪ The Viceroy (foreseeing that Gonsalue puffed up with this first success, would attempt some higher enterprises) he calls unto the Lords of Ars, Alegre, Palisse, Chana●ou trajan Carraciole, and other Commanders. And as he propounded unto them on the one side the enemy's forces, grown glorious by many notable victories, and now presenting themselves to make trial of a new battle: on the other side, their own weak troops, diminished, and terrified by reason of the former disgraces, ask their advice, whether they should accept, or fly the hazard of a battle: many were of opinion to refer it until the next day, seeing there remained scarce an hour: when Alegre (in a manner alone among many) blamed the fear and covardise of such as sought delays. Then the Vi●●roy said. For my part, I am ready to fight, but I fear this brave Counsellor will repose more trust in his courser's legs, then in the valour of his arm, when it shall be needful to fight: foretelling the issue of the fight, and the flight of Alegre. He therefore puts his man in battle, and leads the forward, with Captain Ars the battle he gives to Chandiou, and the reerward to Alegre. It is a frivolous ceremony to call a counsel, and conteme good advice, preferring opinions that do but resemble the truth. And what reason had our men so far from succers, having so many enemies in front, to hazard all upon a show of valour? Seeing the discomodity of the way, being barren of water, and the exceeding heat beyond the ordinary of the month of May, required rest. But man cannot avoid his fortune, when it approacheth he runs after it. The Duke o● Nemours takes the way to Cirignole, sending some troops before, to seize upon the place: but the Spaniards being arrived first, lodged in certain vineyards, & entrenched their lodging with a large ditch. The French arriving, (not able to judge, whether those they did see before them, were all, or a part of the Spanish army, for that the light horse led by Fabri●io Colonne, the Lances of the men at arms, & the fe●el stalks, which were very high in that Country, took from them all knowledge:) did assail the enemy with great fury. But the smoke, and dust which the Spanish Canon raised in the air, blinded our men, A general overthrow of the French. The Duke of Nemour● slain who could not come to handy blows, by reason of the enemy's trench. The Vic●roy seeking to force them by an other way, is slain with a harguebus, extinguishing in him the name and family of the Earls of Armagnac, and daunting the courage of the whole army: the which by the death of their Commander presently fled, (being favoured by the approaching night, whose darkness covered their retreat) preserving some from death, and others from prison. Chandiou (otherwise called Chandenier, a gentleman of Poictou, near unto Niort) was likewise slain, fight at the same ditch: d' Ars seeing the most part of his men slain, and that d' Alegre had fulfilled the Viceroy's prediction, cursing the wilfulness of the man, who by ●is contumacy, at an unseasonable time, and unfit hour, had made a shameful breach in the honour of the French nation, and diverted the Viceroy from the true means to make war: in the end he saves himself in Venouse Alegre running up and down, gathers up the pieces of this shipwreck, with the Prince of Salerne, and many Barons of the Country, whilst that Gonsalue following his good fortune, took his way to Naples: at whose approach the French shut themselves up into the new Castle: and the Neapolitains the fourteenth of May, received Gonsalue, upon condition to maintain them in their rights, and privileges. Averse and Capova were also light in their change. But what urgent necessity thrust our men into this adventure? They had strong places enough to maintane themselves four or five months, during the which either some notable succours, or the approaching winter, might breed some alteration. Out of doubt the impatiency of the French, The indiscretion of the French. (who cannot temporise) was the cause of this last loss of the realm of Naples, rather than any necessity that forced them: yet Lewis of Armagnac had equalled the reputation of the bravest Captains that had been long before him. When as good commanders have managed an unfortunate war, we must judge modestly of the issue of human forces, & confess that they have done their duties: that others might have encountered the like difficulties: & raise our considerations higher, to him that placeth, & displaceth kings from their thrones, as it best pleaseth his divine providence. The King resolved to send two mighty armies, one by sea & another by land, to save the castles of Naples, Caiete & some other places, which yet held good: and to invade Spain with two other armies: the one in the county of Roussillon, which joins to the Mediterranean sea: the other towards Fonta●abie, and other places lying upon the Ocean: and at the same instant with an army at Sea to invade the coasts of C●telogne & Valence. But whilst these were preparing, Gonsalue battered the Citadel, and Peter of Navarre made a mine, where having given fire, the violence of the powder made a breach, by the which the Spaniards (attending in battle the issue of this stratagem) enter, some by the breach of the wall, some by scalado. The Castles of 〈◊〉 ●ak●n. On the other side the French issuing out of the new Castle, to expel them the Citadel, the Spaniards turn head, and repulsing our men towards the ravelin, they enter pell mel with them: and advancing with the same fury to the gate, they force the French to yield them the Castle. Very happily for the enemy, for the next day there arrived from Genes, to secure them, six great ships and many other barks, laden with victual, arms, munition, and two thousand foot. But this was physic after death, and the work being ended, this army retires towards Caiete. The Castle de l'Oe●f was taken by the like mine. The French enjoyed Caiete yet, with other places there abouts, and in Abruzze, Aquile, the rock of Euandre, Rossane, Matalone, with many other places belonging to the Barons of the Angevin faction: and Lewis of Ars, being with the Prince of Melfe (worthy doubtless of our history, seeing that Gonsalue having offered to leave him his Estate absolute, if he would join with the Spanish faction, he chose rather to departed with his wife and children) being fortified in Venouse, having surprised and vanquished Valentine Benavide with some Spanish troops, he annoyed the whole country. The conclusion of this war consisted in the keeping, or loss of Caiete: having a very convenient haven for ships that came from Genes or Provence. Gonsalue therefore bends his forces thither. But Alegre having drawn forth 400. Lances and 4000 foot, preserved at the battle, the which he had lodged in Fondi, Itri, Tracette, the fort Guillaume and else where, enters into Caiete, abandoning the other places to the victor's discretion, to save that which did most import: who having battered the wall, made a breach, and received great loss at two assaults, having intelligence of the arrival of the Marquis of Sal●ce (made Viceroy by the King in the Duke of Nemours place) with six great Genoa Carackes', six other ships and seven Galleys, followed by others, carrying a thousand foot of the I'll of Crosica & three thousand Gescons, he retires his men to Naples, well diminished with skirmishes, assaults; and with retreat, amongst others of Sante Armentel, Alphonse Lopes, john Litestan a german: but above all Gonsalue grieved for Dom Hugue of Cardone and Roderike Maurice slain with a Cannon shot. There small good haps were crossed by the taking of the fort of Euandre, Aqu●●e and all other places of Abruzze, the which drew all Calabria to the Spanish obedience. The King in the mean time sent seven thousand foot, The King's new army for Naples. and eight hundred men at arms, commanded with the Title of General, by the Lord of Tremoville (who then by common consent was held one of the chief for martial affairs: but surprised by sickness at Parma, he gave the charge thereof to Francis of Gonzague Marquis of Manto●a) and eight thousand Swisses, to the which the Florentines did add 2. hundred Lance ●●e Duke of Ferrare, the Bolognois and Gonzague, a hundred men at arms, and the Siennese a hundred more: the which being joined with those troops that were in Ca●ete, made about the number of a thousand eight hundred lances, French and Italian, and above eighteen thousand foot, besides the army at sea, wherein were great forces. For the passage of this army by land, the King desired to be satisfied of the Pope's intention, and of the Valentinois; for the Pope (who made an ordinary traffic of other men's loss and calamity) signified, that as a common father (a●d he) to both parties, he would remain a neuter, suffering either of them to lea●y troops indifferently in the territories of the Church, he granted free passage to the said army. And the Valentinois offered the king, to join unto his army 500 men at arms, and two thousand foot, but some letters intercepted from the Valentinois to Gonsalue, discovered the very bottom of his thoughts, capitulating, that Gonsalue having taken Caiete, and consequently all the realm of Naples, the Valentinois should seize upon Pisa, and then joining their forces they should invade Tuscan. But as the Pope and his Borgia would serve two masters, The estate of the Church. and the King pressing them vehemently to declare their minds plainly, behold a strange Catastrophe of the Pope's Tragedy▪ The Pope and Borgia had before time poisoned the Cardinals, of Saint Angelo, of Capova, of Modena, Vrsin, and many other rich personages, whom commonly by their death they disrobed of their goods. They had likewise sworn the death of Adrian Cardinal of Cornete. They were to sup coolly in an arbour in a garden belonging unto Adrian & for the effecting of their desseing, the Valentinois had sent before some flagons of poisoned wine, whereof he gave the charge to a groom that was ignorant of the business, with express commandment, that no man should touch them. It chanced that the Pope coming before the cloth was laid, distempered with heat and thirst, called for wine. The taster, thinking this flagon had been especially recommended for the Popes own mouth and his sons, filled of this wine to the Pope. And as he was drinking, the Duke of Valentinois comes, to whom (being desirous to drink) they gave of the same flagon. Thus Pope Alexander the 6. died the next day, the 18. of August: whose immoderate ambition, The death of Pope Alexander. His disposition. unrestrained arrogancy, detestable treachery, horrible cruelty, unmeasurable covetousness, selling both holy and profane things, had infected all the world, verifying in his person: That the wicked man labours to bring forth outrage, but he shall bring forth that which shall deceive him: he hath made a pit, and is fallen into it. And, The eternal God searcheth out murders and remembers them. The Valentinois, through the vigour of his youth, and speedy counter poisons, (being put into the belly of a moil newly killed) prolonged his days, to feal many deaths in his soul not dying so soon. He had often foreseen all accidents that might hap unto him by the death of his father, & provided remedies for them all: but he reckoned without his host, not supposing to see his father dead, & himself at the same instant in extreme danger of death. And whereas he did always presume after his father's decease, partly by the fear of his forces, partly with the favour of the Spanish Cardinals, which were eleven, to cause a Pope to be chosen at his pleasure, he is now forced to apply his Counsels, to the present necessity. And imagyning, that he should hardly at one instant withstand the hatred of the Colonnois, and Vrsins, if they were jointly handed against him: he resolved to trust them rather whom he had only wronged in their estates. So restoring to them their lands and possessions, he presently reconciles himself with the Colonnois, and others of their faction, who by the coming of Prosper Colonne to Rome, had already filled all the C●tty with jealousies and tumults: some fearing lest this reconciliation should draw the Valentinois to the Spanish party: others apprehending the coming of the French army. Moreover the Vrsins assembled all their partisans, and thirsting after the Valentinois blood, sought to revenge the outrages which all their famimely had sustained. So as in hatred of the deceased Pope and his son, they burn all the shops and houses of some Spanish merchants and courtiers at Mont-Iordan. All the other Parons in the dominions of the Church, by their means, return to their lands and goods. The Vitelli return to Citta of Castello. john Paul Baillon chased from before Perou●e at the first siege, returns, and by a furious assault takes it. The Town of Pl●mbin receives her first Lord. The Duke of Urbin, the Lords of Pesere, Camerin, and Si●igalle are re-established in their possessions. The Venetians assemble many men at Ravenne, and give cause of suspect to invade Romagna, which only remained under the Valentinois command, desiring rather to serve one only a mighty Lord, then to have a particular Lord in every Town. Notwithstanding all these disgraces, yet both the French and the Spaniard made great instance, to entertain him, or to win him to their party: the French, for that he might (being armed) cross their passage into Italy, if he discovered himself in favour of the Spaniard, and molest them in the estate of Naples: the Spaniard, for that they desired to make use of his forces, and to get (by his means) the suffrages of the Spanish Cardinals for the election of a future Pope. But the French army approached Rome, and the King might hurt or help him, more than the Spaniard, both within Rome, and in his other Estates. He therefore passed this accord the first of September, the Cardinal of Saint Severin and the Lord of Trans, Ambassador, undertaking for the King, To aid the King with his forces in the war of Naples, and in any other enterprise against all men, except the Church. And the said Agents bound his majesty, as well to protect the person of the Valentinois, as all the estates which he possessed, and to aid him to recover those which he had lost. The Cardinal of Amboise up on the first news of Alexander's death, posts thither, to labour for the Popedom, building chiefly upon Cardinal Ascanius' promises: whom two years before he had drawn out of the Tower of Bourges. But so many ambition's brains, fraught rather with divisions and partialities, every one for his own private profit, then assisted with the holy spirit, to whom notwithstanding they give the first voice in their election, Election of a new Pope. did in the end frustrate both the French and Spaniard, to install Francis Piccolomini, Cardinal of Siene, being old, worn, & sickly: to the which the whole College agreed, both for that this neutral election might disperse the divers pursuits of the pretending nations: as also, for that the new Pope's infirmity gave them hope to proceed shortly, to the subrogation of another. To revive the memory of Pius the second his uncle, who had made him Cardinal, he was called Pius the third. Yet this election did not pacify the troubles within Rome. The Valentinois and the Vrsins being within the walls, fortify in themselves daily with new companies, resolved to obtain by force, the justice which their reasonable demands could not get of the College of Cardinals, when as their Partisans were arrived. This contention did greatly trouble both the Court and the people of Rome, & did mightily prejudice the French affairs: for this vehement affection, wherewith they see the Valentinois supported by France, drew the Vrsins to the Spaniards pay, whose forces were of no small consequence for an absolute victory. But the desire the Venetians had to see the King disappointed of the Realm of Naples, The Vrsins & Colonnois reconciled, ●bandie against the Valentinois. and the liberty they gave the Vrsins to leave their pay, made the world to judge, that either they had persuaded this family to the Spanish party, or at the least they had consented thereunto. And this was an other cause of discontent, to be revenged of them in time. The Vrsins being entertained by the Spaniard, and reconciled with the Colonnois, by the mediation of the Ambassadors of Spain, and Venice, and jointly resolved for a common revenge upon the Valentinois, they fall upon his troops in the suburbs: the which (being unable to withstand so violent a charge) were forced to give way unto their violence, and the Commander to save himself in the Castle Saint Angelo, having likewise with the Pope's consent taken the captains oath, to departed when he pleased. The tumult being thus pacified, it gave them free liberty to attend a new election for Pius nothing deceiving their conceived hope, of his short Popedom, died the twenty sixth day after his creation. But alas, Alexander had served but as a scourge for that great judge: but now he takes his rod in hand, to break Italy in pieces. The Cardinal of Saint Pierre, mighty in friends, in reputation and in wealth, was chosen, the last of October, and named julius the second: by nature factious, and terrible, unquiet and turbulent: but stately, julius the 2. chosen Pope. a great defender of the liberties of the Church▪ and a most frank receiver of the love and favour of all those that might advance him to this dignity. The Valentinois flight to the Castle of Saint Angelo, and the dispersing of all the troops he had with him, made the Towns of Romagna (which had till than continued constant & firm in his obedience,) to call home their ancient Lords, or to embrace sundry parties. And the Venetians, good fishermen in a troubled water, aspiring to the command of all Romagna, had seized upon the Castles of the valley of Lamone, of the Town of Forlimpople, of Rimini, Faenze, Montefiore, S. Archange, Verruque, Gattere, The usurpations of the Venetians. Savignagne, Meldole, and in the territory of Imole, Tossignagne, Solaruole, Montbataille, and had easily seized upon Imola and Furli, if by the new Pope's complaints, (whom they had strangely discontented) they had not put their men into garrison. The Venetian usurpations did wonderfully displease julio. but what could he do, being newly advanced to the chair, unprovided of forces, of money, or of any hope of succours from the Kings of France and Spain, being not yet resolved whose Ensigns to follow? To retain (in favour of the Church) some places which the Valentinois yet held, and to oppose him in some sort against the Venetians (although he loved the Valentinois heels better than his face,) he agrees with him, that he should go to Ferrara and Imola, to receive such forces as he could levy, But he is no sooner parted, but a new desire of command sugests, that it should be good the Valentinois should deliver unto him such Castles and places as he commanded, to the end the Venetians should not invade them in his absence. And to this end, he sends unto him the Cardinals of Volterre, and Surente. Upon the Valentinois refusal, the Pope being offended, sends to arrest the Galleys, wherein he had embarked at Ostia, and causeth him to be brought from Magliana to Vatican, honoured and much made of, but safely guarded. Thus you see the Valentinois power reduced to nothing, spoiled in a manner of all he had usurped, The Valentinois a prisoner his troops stripped by the florentines, and himself at this instant so well watched, as he could not go the length of himself. But let us see what becomes of so many great and goodly designs of our Lewis. He intends not only to recover his losses in the realm of Naples, but also with one breath, to cross the affairs of Ferdinand in Spain. The Lord of Albret, and Marshal of Gié, marched towards Fontarabie, with four hund●ed Lances, among the which Peter of Foix Lord of Lautree, and the Lord of L●scun, so famous in our History, made first show of their virtues, and five thousand foot, Gascons and Swisses. And to make war in the County of Roussillon, was sent the Marshal of Rieux, accompanied with Geston of Foix, Duke of Nemours, by the death of Lewis of Armagnac, the viscounts of Paulin and Bruniquet, the Earl of Carmain, The attempts of the French against Spain the Lords of Montaut, Terride and Negr●pelisse, leading eight hundred men at arms, and eight thousand foot, French, Gascons, and Swisses. And at the same instant an army was ready at sea to invade the coast of Catalogne, and the realm of Valence: but he that overgripes himself holds little: these were but shows without effect. For the Lord of Albret being entered into the Province of Guiposcoa, whether that the enemy's forces were greater than his, or fearing lest the Castillan should be revenged of the King of Navarre his son, he retired, and went into languedoc to the Marshal of Ri●ux to besiege Saulses with their joint forces. But the King of Spain, having assembled a great army at Parpignan from all his realms, and marching in person, with a resolution to raise the siege by some notable stratagem: ou● men finding themselves too weak, retired to Narbonne, with a success contrary to the Lord of Albon, in the year 1496. And the Spaniards after some roads and spoilings, on this side the mountains, content to have repelled the enemy, concluded a truce for five months, A truce betwixt Spain and France. by the means of Frederick, (whom Ferdinand King of Arragon and of Castille, held in hope to restore him to his throne) and Queen Anne moved our Lewis thereunto, only for the regard of that which concerned the affairs of France. By this truce, the thoughts and forces of these two Kings, are converted to the wars of Naples. Th●●arres of Naples revived. The French army, having passed the lands of Valmontone and of the Colonnois, marched through the territories of the Church, with an intent to take in the Castle of Seeque. Here our men received their first affront. Secque well assailed, was well defended, causing our men to retire: who despairing to win S. German, take their way by the Sea coast. But the question was, how to pass Garillan, which was not to be waded through at that season. Gonsalue was encamped on the other side: our French by reason of their Canon, win the passage of the river, make a bridge thereon, and adventure to pass. The Spaniards repulse them, even to the midst of the bridge, and by the fury of their shot, force them to go to land, Infortunate at the first. having lost five hundred men, French and Swisses, and some hundred drowned the enemy two hundred, and Fabius the son of Paul Vrsin, a young man and of great hope. It is a matter of dangerous consequence, to attempt to pass a river in the face of a mighty army, and commanded by a discreet Captain, if they be not well fortified with trenches. This second disgrace encouraged the Spaniard, terrified our French, and made them lose all future hope. Doubtless the most important part of an army, is a good commander, and commonly few do willingly undergo the command of a stranger, if he be not especially favoured by the heavens, & hath won great credit, and given great testimonies of his valour. Herein the Spaniards did exceed them: and this defect in the French army, had bred great contempt of their general: and more confusion than concord among the Captains. The Marquis of Manto●a general of the French, give over the charge of the army. So as the Marquis of Montava Lieutenant for the King, either thinking himself unfit to govern so great an army, or (as Sandr●court charged him) carrying away with him the Italian forces, that the French might be so much the weaker, or for that having received this double repulse, he would no farther engage his honour, parted from the army, laying all the fault upon the contumacy of the French. All difficulties conspired their ruin, the hard season of the winter, the situation of the moo●ish country, the continual rain and snow, want of pay, the impatiency of the toils of war, and moreover the great sufferance of the enemy, who fortified with a deep ditch: and two bastions in the front of the enemy's army, continually guarded the passage, whilst that our men wasted themselves with fruitless attempts, and by their unseasonable stay, the which quailed as much the heat of their courage, as the covetousness of the victuallers, the ordinary theft of the Treasurers, the dissension of Captains, and the disobedience of soldiers, usual in troops wanting a vigilant commander, and of authority, and the increase of ordinary diseases did hurt them. Being environed with these difficulties, the enemy hath a new supply by Bartholomew of Aluiano, with the rest of the Vrsins. And Gonsalue finding himself now to have 900. men at arms, a thousand light horse, and nine thousand Spanish foot, advertised moreover of the disorders and continual decay of our army, the which being stronger in cavalry then in footmen, those being cut in pieces which they had lately lest at Castle G●illaume, were so dispersed, as their lodging contained ten miles in circuit: a gross error of the Marquis of Saluce, having an enemy in front, who could well embrace all advantages: he secretly casts a bridge over the Garillon, four miles above that which our men had made at the passage of Suie, where the French kept no guard: he passeth the 27. of December in the night, and possesseth Suie. The Marquis understanding that the Spaniard did pass, riseth suddenly, breaks his bridge, and causeth the army to march towards Caiete. Gonsalue hinders his passage by Prosper Colonne, and the light horse men, that being molested by them, they should be enforced to march the more slowly: he overtakes them right against Scandi, and stays them with continual skirmishes, until that Gonsalue eomes upon the rearward of them. An army that retires with fear, rece●ued the first stroke of death, when they are skirmished with. Our French were driven to the passage of the bridge which is before Mole of Caiete, and whilst the Viceroy stayed there to give the Canon time to pass, the battle and rearward of the Spaniards arrive. Bernardin Adorn, the Lords of Cramont and S. Colombe, with some Cornets of French & Italians, make it good a long time, and favour the retreat of the foot, until that by the death of Adorn and many others, with the wounding of S. Colombe, the rest of these horsemen seeing the troops to have gotten some ground, do likewise take their way to Caiete, always beaten behind, even unto the head of two ways, whereof the one leads to Itri, and the other to Caiete. The French defeated 〈◊〉 Here all disband, those which are best mounted save themselves: the slowest, the wounded, the sick, the Canon, and the munition, remain at the victor's devotion. 1504 At the same time Fabricio Colonne, (having passed the river with five hundred horse and a thousand foot) spoilt the companies of Lodowick of Mirandole, Alexander of Triwlee, Peter of Medicis (who followed the French army) retiring by sea to Caiete with many Gentlemen, and four pieces of artillery, their bark overtaken with a storm in the mouth of the river, was swallowed up in the waves, and all in it drowned. Gonsalue knew well, that so great a multitude of men being retired into Caiete, would breed a sudden famine, and soon yield him the Town. He besiegeth it▪ and our men not able to dispose themselves, to endure the tediousness of a doubtful expectation of succours, The realm of Naples wholly lost by the French. made the first day of the year 1504 famous by this accord with him: To departed with lives and goods out of the realm of Naples, either by land or by sea, and that the Lord of Aubigni, and all other prisoners, should be delivered on either side. So our French are again dispossessed of the estate of Naples, and exposed to cold, hunger, and to a long and painful retreat, that although of so great an army, few were slain by the enemy's sword: yet the most part of them which departed after this capitulation, found their graves in hospitals, market places and streets: and of such as took their way by sea, few survived long the extreme discommodities which they had endured: amongst others, the Marquis of Saluce, Sandricourt and many Gentlemen of mark. It were better to foresee all those difficulties, before we part from our houses, then to go so far to seek our graves. Captain Bayard returned, admired greatly even by Gonsalue himself, having purchased great glory and reputation amongst the French. Doubtless, besides the discord and bad government of Captains, the sharpness of the time, The chief causes of this overthrew. and impatience of our men in military labours: two things principally had wrested this victory from the King. The one was the long stay of his army in the territories of Rome for the Pope's death, so as winter came, and Gonsalue had leisure to practise with the Vrsins before this army entered the realm. The other was the treacherous covetousness and theft of the Commisaries and Treasurers, who commonly empty the King's coffers to fill their own bags, to the prejudice of the soldiers pay, and the order they should take for victuals. john Herovet Treasurer, condemned of theft, was publicly executed: Alegre▪ Sandricourt and others, were for a time in disgrace with the King. The loss of Naples, the death of so brave a Nobility, the infinite numbers of men slain in these attempts, had filled the realm and Court with great heaviness and mourning, The King much perplexed with these losses. every man cursing the day wherein that miserable desire to purchase new estates in I●aly, had first entered into the hearts of our Kings of France. The King seeing well how much his reputation would be blemished with strangers, and how much the loss of so flourishing an army, would weaken his forces, was not without fear: either that Maximilian would alter some thing in the State of Milan: or that Gonsalue (following his course) would employ his victorious army to the subversion of the said Duchy: and those which followed the French party in Italy, feared least in his way he should alter the estate of Tuscan. Without doubt it was likely, that the King, wanting money, weak of men, and the French daunted in courage, and without any desire to repass the Alpes, would without any great resistance, have given place to the victor's violence. But Gonsalue content with the surname of Great Captain, which the Spanish boasting had given him, restrained his desi●es within the limits of this happy victory. True it is, that many extremities kept him back. He did owe much unto his army, who made great instance to be paid, and put into garrisons. Moreover, it was a matter of dangerous consequence, to lead his army out of the realm, from whence the enemy was not yet fully expelled. But that which stayed the course of his prosperities, was a dangerous sickness, so as he could not execute any enterprise in person: he sent Bartlemewe of Aluiane, against Lewis of Ars, who during the stay of the army upon the banks of Garillan, had seized upon Troy and S. Severe, and had put all Apulia into arms. This stay of Gonsalue, held the rest of Italy rather in jealousy, than any way troubled ●t. and the Pope (forbearing yet to discover his desseins,) laboured to get the possession of such Castles as the Valentinois held of Furli, Cesene and Bertinoire. The Valentinois was content for Cesene: but the Pope having sent Don Pedro d'Ouiede a Spaniard, to receive it in his name: the Captain of the place judging the composition of no force, for that the Valentinois was a prisoner, caused him to be hanged. So as the Pope d●spayring to get it without his liberty, agrees with him. That he should be put into the Castle of Ostia, with commandment to the Cardinal of S. Croix to enlarge him, when he had consigned the said Castles. This consignation made, the Valentinois escapes with the Cardinal's permission, and retires to Naples, from whence Gonsalue sent him afterwards to Ferdinand his King, The Duke of Valentinoi●. prisoner in Spain. who confined him prisoner to the Castle of Medina del Campo. An act in truth unworthy the sincerity of a great Prince, but most worthy of this Duke, who not satisfied with the wickedness he had formerly done, devised anew, to trouble other men's estates, and to sow dissensions throughout all Italy. A prison which did greatly comfort all Romagna, being freed from the evil spirit, which so tormented it. A common necessity is usually the mother of a peace, or truce betwixt Princes, that have long tormented one another. Behold the Kings of France and Spain, A truce with the Spaniard. both weary of war, conclude a truce. Lewis fought it, and Ferdinand accepts it willingly, thi●king by this means to confirm his new conquests, with more safety, upon condition: That it should be lawful for the subjects of either party, to traffic throughout all their realms and dominions, except at Naples. The Kings of Spain have always treated upon advantage with our Kings. Gonsalue doth cunningly make his profit of this clause, placing upon the frontiers of those places, which the French did yet possess, (as Rosane in Calabria, Oire in the land of Otrante, Venouse, Conuersan, and the Cast●e of Mont in Apulia) guards to watch that no man living should converse in any place that was held by the Spaniard. The which brought the inhabitants to so great a strait, as resolving to yield to the enemy, Lewis of Ars, was forced to retire into France. But what avails it to avoid one danger, and fall into another? We have not yet breathed from our travels past, and see, we now st●die on new jars, and confusions. In truth the estate of this world is like a chessebord, where Princes with a variable change, play most covetous games, sometimes with loss, sometimes with gain: & oft times (treating with men in whom there is no trust) they fall out of one mischief, into a greater inconveniency. At the same time, Ambassadors being come from Maximilian and Philippe, to confirm that which had been propounded, by the com●ing of the Bishop of Cisteron, and the Marquis of Final, sent expressly by the Pope for that business, this peace was in the end concluded: That the marriage of claud the King's daughter, with Charles the Arch-duke's eldest son, should take effect▪ A peace betwixt the King & Emperou● that all the former investitures of the Duchy of Milan being disannulled, Maximilian should grant the investiture unto the King, for himself, and his heirs males: and for want of males, should give it in favour of the marriage of claud and Charles: and if Charles should die before the consummatian of the said marriage, to claud and the archdukes youngest son, in case he married with her: for which possession the King should pay unto Maximilian, upon dispatch of the letters patents, threescore thousand florins of the Rhin, and threescore thousand more, within six months after, and every year, on the birth day of our Lord God, a pair of spurs of gold. All these Princes were wonderfully incensed against the Venetians, by reason of the usurpations made by them in their estates. A League against the Venetians. They make a League for their common defence, and to offend the Venetians, meaning to pull from them, what they had usurped. And for that the promises which Maximilian had vainly given to Lodowick Sforce, were the cause to hasten his ruin: he was a means the King should set him at liberty, and give him some good pension to live withal in France. But this was a short comfort for Lodowick, whose turbulent spirit would have practised some alteration. This capitulation being so profitable to all these Princes, the Pope being comprehended therein, 1509. it was likely it should hold. But there must be stronger bands to tie it: that is, a reciprocal love, without the which all treaties are fruitless. The end of this year is famous by the death of Fredrick, Fredrick of Naples dies. sometimes King of Naples, the which deprived him of all his vain hopes, to recover his Realm of Naples, by the accord of the●e two Kings, and by that of Isabel Queen of Castille, a virtuous Princess, noble, wise, and beloved of her subjects. The year following, disposed the two Kings and the Potentates of Italy, to lay aside arms: Ferdinand of Arragon having new desseins, and foreseeing that by the death of his wife, Philippe his son in law would challenge the Crown of Castille, (as having married the inheritrix of the said Realm) desired only to preserve the realm of Naples, by means of the capitulation lately made. Our Lewis was not altogether freed from doubt, for that Maximilian delayed (according to his usual tediousness) to ratify the peace. The Pope desired innovation, but his forces were too weak without the support of some mighty Prince. The last League had put the Venetians in alarm, having thereby three mighty enemies against them. To pacify the nearest, they offer unto the Pope, to restore all they had usurped, except Faense, Rimini, and their appurtenances. The Veneti●an● reconciled to the pop●. And the Pope knowing, that the Emperor's war against the Elector Palatin, would hinder his passage into Italy, jointly with the King, for that year, accepted the obedience the Venetians offered him, in regard of the said places, without making them any show of a more mild and tractable disposition. The King (for the accomplishment of that which had been treated of,) sent the Cardinal of Amboise to Haguenau a Town of Alsatia (newly taken from the County Palatin) where the Emperor did solemnly swear, and proclaim the articles agreed upon, according to the which, the Cardinal paid half the money, promised for the investing of Milan. N●w troubles in I●alie. During this ratification, there grows new seeds of dissension in Itali●. The Cardinal Ascanius, brother to Lodowick Sforce, treated with the Ambassador of Venice at Rome, and had also (according to the common opinion) some secret intelligence with Gonsalu●. It was in show to invade the D●chie of Milan, the which they knew to be unfurnished of French soldiers: the people inclining again to thename of Sforce: and (that which made them the more bold,) the K●ng being surprised with so dangerous a sickness as the Pihifitians despairing of his ●ealth, the Queen prepared to send all her jewels into Brittany, if the Marshal of Gié had not placed men upon the way to stay them: for the which, the king afterwards was as well placed, as the Queen, by her dislike, sought to bring him in disgrace. doubtless the people should oft times suffer much, if their counsels were not stayed by the providence of God. The King recovers his health, Appeased by the de●th of Cardinal Ascanius. and the Cardinal Ascanius dies suddenly of the plague, at Rome, interring with him the desseins of Milan. The King is freed of one danger. And as God by means unknown of men, change the great storms into calm sunshines: our Lewis, who till then had the greatness of the Archduke Phillippe in jealousy, fearing to m●ke him his enemy, he finds now that the death of Isabelle of Castille doth free him of his fear: for that the Archduke, contemning the testament of his mother in Law, devised to take the government of the Realm of Castill from Ferdinand his father in law, the which could not be done but by their common quarrels, and the weakening of their forces, the King (remaining betwixt both, free from troubles,) should thereby fortify himself, with men, money, and munition, for the advancing of his desseins. And the Aragonois▪ on the other side (forced to seek a support against his son in law,) desiring a peace with the King, he obtains it, by the marriage of him and German, sister to Gaston of Foix, daughter to his majesties sister, upon condition: That the King should give her in dowry that part of the Realm of Naples which belonged unto him: A peace betwixt the king and Ferdinand the King of Spain binding himself to pay him within ten years 7. hundred thousand ducats for the charges past: and to endow his new spouse, with 300000. ducats. Which dowry (German dying in marriage without children) should return to Ferdinand: but if he died first, it should return to the crown of France. 1505. A happy conclusion both of a peace, and of the year, if it could have entertained love betwixt these two Princes. 〈◊〉 with the 〈…〉 to 〈◊〉. But it shallbe soon broken, and always our peace with the Spaniards hath been full of discord. Let us now open the springs of new wars. The Pope had without the King's privity gi●en all the benefices that were fallen void in the Duchy of Milan by the death of Cardinal Ascanius and other Clergy men. Moreover in the creation of many Cardinals, Mot●●es of n●w troubl●● he had refused to admit into the society the Bishop of Auchx Nephew to the Cardinal of Amboise, and the Bishop of Baieux Nephew to the Lord of T●emouille. And moreover he had armed some galleys, to be in a readiness (●s some gave out) to free Genes from the rule of the French, in case the King died, as ●ome feared, and other did hope. All these considerations, together with the King's discontent, seemed to breed some division with the Pope▪ yet his friendship was profitable for the King in the war he pretended against the Venetians, against whom he knew the Pope to be ill affected, for the desire he had to recover the Towns of Romagn●. He therefore sent the Bishop of Cisteron his Nuntio into France: to propound unto him many offers, and desseines, for the execution of this common enterprise. Moreover the Pope seeing himself as it were forced at the King's instance, to prolong the Cardinal of Amboise his legation in France, and for jealousy he had that this Cardinal aspired by all means to the popedom, he could not resolve to join in all points with the King. But he knew moreover that being divided from his majesty, his councils could not succeed happily: in the end they trea● a new amity & league together, and to make the king the better a●●ected, he gives a Cardinal's hat, The Pope and King are reconciled. to either of the forenamed Bishops, and power unto the King to dispose of all benefices wi●●in the Duchy of Milan. The more the King confirmed himself in the Pope's alliance, the more he loathed that of Maximilian and of Philip his son▪ the passage which he pretended into Italy with a mighty army to receive his imperial Crown, and to cause ●is son to be chosen King of the Romans, being greatly suspect unto the King: an● t●e greatness of Philip (who, by capitulation had sent his Father in-law Ferdinand back into Arragon having already so apparently estranged the King's love from him, as he gave Cl●ude his daughter in marriage to Francis Earl of Angoulesme (the next heir to this Crone, after the King's disease without heirs males) at the suit & supplication of all the Parliaments of his Realm. The which served for an excuse to Philip. And the more to divert Maximilians passage into Italy, the King sent men to secure the Duke of ●u●●dres (a great enemy to Philip's prosperity) and to molest his Provinces of the Low-countries in his absence. As these things passed, the Pope burning with desire, The Kin● seeks b● al● meane● to 〈…〉 son 〈◊〉. to restore unto the obedience of the Church, all such place● as had been taken away) entreated the King (according to their agreement) to aid him in the recovery of Perou●e and Bologne. This request was very pleasing unto the King; it was a means to tie the Pope, whom they had in some jealousy in Court, to have been privy to some practice, which Octavian Fregose had made to dispossess the King of the Seigneury of Genes. Moreover Bentivole Lord of Bologne, seemed more affected to Maximilian then to him: and john Paul Baillon, the usurper of Perouze, was in disgrace with the King, having refused to join with his army, when it was upon the Garillan. Notwithstanding the protestation which the Venetians made unto the K●ng, The Pope's exploits. To take arms for the defence of Bologne, if the Pope did not first make them grant of the rights of Faenze belonging to the Church, did somewhat divert ●im▪ referring the execution to another time. Yet the Pope (being vehement and perē●tory by nature) goes out of● Rome with five hundred men at arms, and gives notice of his coming to the Bolo●nois, commanding them to prepare to receive him, and to lodged 500 French Lances in their country, whereof he had yet no assurance. Then Baillon fearing his coming, goes to meet the pope, and delivers him the forts of Perouze and Perousin. In the end by the persuasion of the Cardinal of Amboise, the King commanded Charles of Amboise Lord of Chaumont, 1506. to assist the Pope in person with five hundred Lances, and three thousand foot: amongst the which were G●ston of Foix the King's nephew, and Duke of Nemours: Peter of Foix Lord of Lautr●c his cousin, the Lord of Palisse and others. Bentivole and his children amazed at this sudden arrival, Bentivol: compounds with the Pope an● delivers up Bologne. beseech Chaumont to be a mediator, and to procure them some tolerable conditions: who dealing with the Pope, obtained leave to departed safely out of Bologne, to remain in what part he pleased of the Duchy of Milan, to sell and carry away all their movables, and to enjoy the revenues they possessed by any just title, without any molestation. Thus Bologne returned to the obedience of the Church: and the Pope having given the Duke of Nemours a sword enriched with precious stones, amongst the which there was one Diamond of inestimable value, eight thousand Ducats to Chaumont, and ten thousand for his men: he converted all his thoughts to annoy the Venetians. The death of Philip Archduke of Austria. At this time died Philip the Archduke, of a Fever, within few days, in the City of Bourges, young of years, strong and healthful of body, leaving an heir (the fatal scourge of the French Monarchy) who within few years s●all mount upon the Theatre of our History, to act many and divers tragical parts. And the Duke of Valentinois, to finish the last act of his Tragedy, having slipped down with a cord from the fort of Medina de'l Campo, and sought for refuge with john of Albret King of Navarre, The Duke of Valentinois slain. brother to his wife, was in the end slain before Viane, fight for his brother in law: Too honourable a death for such a tyrant. Chaumont was no sooner returned, but there sprung up a new occasion to employ his ●orces: Rebellion at Genes. the Genovois taking occasion, not of any desire they had to rebel, but only of civil discords betwixt the people and the Nobles, (the which do often transport men beyond their fi●st resolutions,) did sack the noblemen's houses, and did tumultuously create a new Magistracy of eight popular men, whom, to authorize them the more, they named Tribunes of the people: they seized by force on Spetie and some other Towns lying upon the Eastern river. The Lord of Ravastein being absent, flies speedily to Genes, with a hundred and fifty horse, and s●uen hundred foot. The King had sent unto th●m Michael Riccio, a Doctor banished from Naples, to persuade them to seek rather the mildness of his mercy, then to try the rigour of his forces. But a mutinous people is like unto a wild horse, which runs furiously, until some downfall stay him: ●or in steed of giving care to his counsel, they go to besiege Monaco, lying upon the sea, in a commodious place, and of great importance for the C●ttie of Genes. they create Paul de Nove, a Dier of Silk, Duke of G●●●s, beat down the King's arms, and set up Maximilians: they take Castellat, a Castle built above Genes, in the mountain: and ●gainst their faith, cut the French men's throats that were in Garrison. So the King imputing that to the Genovois as a rebellion, which they had done by civil discord, marched himself in person, followed by eight hundred Lances, eighteen hundred light horse, twelve thousand foot: and an army at sea, consisting of eight Galleys, The King goes with his army against the ●ebels at Genes. eight Galleons, and many Foists and Brigantins: he raiseth the siege at Monaco, takes the Bastion which they had built in the top of the mountain, forceth the Genovois to yield to his mercy, disarms thei●: & the 29. day of April, enters into Genova, ●n complete armour, with his sword in his hand, under a Canopy, accompanied with all his companies of men at a●mes, and Archers of his guard: who (at the pitiful cry of the people, demanding mercy of his Majesty) he grants them pardon, paying a hundred thousand Ducats in ready money, and two hundred thousand more to be paid at certain days, Genes recovered. for the charges of this expedition, and to build a Citadel. And in token of absolute authority, he commanded that the money of Genes should from that time be coined with the stamp of France: and then he ended all this tragedy with the death of Demetrius justinian, one of the chie●e Tribunes, Execution done at Genes. who by his examination laid open all the practices and hopes the Pope had given them: and soon after by the death of Paul de Nove, the new Duke of Genes, with three score others, which he put into the hands of the Magistrate. In the mean time the Pope (who found himself far engaged in the rebellion of Genes,) seemed discontent: he accuseth the King, that he had persuaded Bentivole, 1507. anew, to surprise Bologne, meaning to declare himself afterwards an enemy to the Church, and by violence to install the Cardinal of Amboise in Saint Peter's chair, pressing the Emperor and the Venetians to make war jointly against the King. The Pope seems discontented with the King. Maximilian had (in a Diet held at Constance) got the consent of the Princes of the Empire thereunto: and the King, to prevent this storm, which threatened him from Germany, and to free both the Pope and the Venetians from jealousy, soon after the taking of Genes he dismissed his army, and himself had presently returned, if the desire of a parley with the King of Arragon his Nephew had not stayed him. Savone was appointed to that end, An interview of the Kings of France and Arragon. where having promised respectively a mutual preservation of love and good intelligence, they treat of the reformation of the Church, by means of a holy and free Counsel, and to reconcile our Lewis with Maximilian, and they two assail the Venetians with their common forces. Moreover the Pope had sent the Cardinal of Saint Croix, for Legate to Maximilian: and the Venetians, florentin's (whom the King would not receive into his protection, against the passage of Maximilian, but with this clause, excepting the right of the Empire) and all others that depended of themselves (except the Marquis of Mantova) had sent their Agents to this Imperial diet of Constance, some for desire of innovation, some for hope, others for fear. Which things troubled the King's mind: especially the embassage of the Cardinal of Saint Croix, whom he knew to be always desirous of Maximilians prosperity. In the end, the conclusion of this diet (the which the Pope attended wavering betwixt hope and fear, sometimes desiring Maximilians coming into Italy, and sometimes apprehending the memory of ancient quarrels betwixt the Emperors and Popes) was, That they should give unto Maximilian to follow him into Italy, eight thousand horse, and two and twenty thousand foot, entertained for six months, and that the companies should be in field near unto Constance, by the midst of October. Upon this conclusion Maximilian demands passage of the Venetians, through those countries which they held in Italy. They grant it, so as he come without an army, else not. But they excuse themselves upon the necessity of the league they have with the King, and upon the conditions of the present time: yet notwithstanding, except that which they should be forced unto by virtue of the said alliance, for the defence of the st●te of Milan, in favour of the King: they would not oppose themselves to any of his advancement. And in truth, being loath to offend Maximilian, or to give the King occasion to presume too much, they did not seek unto him for any new alliance, hoping it may be, that Maximilian leaving their frontiers in peace, would turn his forces either against Bourgongne, or against the Duchies of Milan and Genes. T● prevent all inconveniences, The King seeks to hinder the emperors passage. the King had sent great numbers of horse and foot towards Milan, and did levy (with the permission of the Catholic King his Nephew) two thousand five hundred Spaniards, five hundred Lances in Bourgongne, under Tremovilles' command, four hundred French Lances, and four thousand foot, jointly wit● the Venetians, to prevent any alteration that might happen towards trent: and to distract the emperors forces into divers parts, he favoured the Duke of Gueldres, who molested the Country of Charles, grandchild to Maximilian. And to begin his voyage, Maximilian being come to trent, caused a proclamation to be publicly made, the third of February: That he was resolved to pass in hostile manner into Italy. And from that time leaving the name of King of the Romans, The vain attempts of Maximilian. took upon him that of chosen Emperor. But this was to brag of mountains, and to bring forth molhilles. He goes from Trent with fifteen hundred horse, and four thousand foot, not of that number ●hich had been promised him at Constance, but of the ordinary train of his Court, & leu●ed in his own territories, and the Marquis of Brandebourg with five hundred horse and t●o thousand foot. But there was no reason the servant should be more happy than the master. The Marquis returns, having only presented himself before Rovere, and demanded in vain to be lodged within the ●owne. 1508. And Maximilian hindered by many trenches which the Mountainers of Siague had made, retired back fou●e days after his departure. If he had gone back to take a greater leap, (as the Proverb saith) it had been a good sign, but to turn his back, it was a disgrace. Open war. Behold an open war, and the Venetians are nettled with these weak beginnings: But conquests of Villages, are like bonfires of Straw. Maximilian taking the way of Friul, for the commodity of the passage, & the country being more open, with six thousand men levied in those marches, did run above forty miles into the Venetian territories: having taken certain villages of small moment (performing the office of a simple Captain, rather than of an Emperor) he returned towards juspruch, to engage some jewels, and to make provision of money by some other means. which fa●ling, 8000▪ Swisses forsake the Emperor. had caused eight thousand Swisses to leave his pay, whereof five thousand went to the King▪ and three thousand to the Venetians. And to increase the mischief, Maximilian had left nine thousand foot and horse at trent. Bartholomew of Aluiane (sent by the Venetians to secure Friul) seized upon the passages of the Valley of Cad●re, by the which the Germans might save themselves: he charged them, slew above a thousand, Maximilians ●orces defeated. and took all the rest (in a manner) prisoners. So the careful valour of A●ui●ne made vain the former exploits of Maximilian. It is all one to be well or ill beaten. The Venetians put in practise this common saying, not without some offence to the King, who did not willingly behold the prosperous cou●se of their victories, in regard of his own desseins. They were forced to take arms, and before they lay them down, they take from the Empire Triesle, Portonon, and Fiume: then passing the Alpes, Possonia. On the other side, the german army towards trent, had put to sword three thousand Venetian foot, set to guard mount Bretonic. The Bishop of trent encouraged by this small stratagem, with two thousand foot, and some troops of horse, went to besiege Rive trent, a great bourgh upon the Lake of guard: but as he did batter it, two thousand Grisons, which were in the german Camp, fell into a mutiny by reason of their pay, and spoil the victuals of the whole Campe. So all being in disorder without respect of command, and without obedience, the Grisons being gone, all the rest of the army (being about seven thousand men) were forced to retire. Thus ended all these great shows, and Maximilian having rashly given credit to the Pope's suggestions, reaped nothing for his indiscretion, but shame, loss, & contempt. Being thus perplexed, he seeks to withdraw himself out of the country, A truce betwixt the emperor and Venetians. and finding the Venetians well disposed to make an end of this war, and to preserve (by means of a truce) the places which they had conquered in these garboils: he easily obtains a truce for three months, whereby they laid down a●mes, to resume them soon after, but with more dangerous effects. This was the xx. day of Ap●il. In corrupted bodies, the remedies we apply to divert one inconvenience, do commonly engender another, more dangerous. So the truce (made betwixt Maximilian & the Venetians, wherein they had exceedingly neglected the King) in steed of quiet and rest which they expected, bred more horrible calamities than the former wars. The Venetians sought it by their insolent manner of proceeding. The Emperor studied by what means he might repai●e the infamy and loss he had newly received: New mo● ve of war. and now they incense him more, receiving Aluiane into Venice, in a triumphing manner. And the King found himself much wronged, for that presuming to name him in this truce, and to comprehend him as an adherent, they had notwithstanding provided for their own safety, and left him charged with the cares and troubles of the wa●re: seeing that in their favour he had opposed himself against Maximilian, as we have seen. The Emperor being then so weakly assisted by the forces of the Empire, and finding his own too feeble, devised to unite himself with the King against the Venetians, as the only remedy to recover both his estates and his honour lost. Moreover, this new disdain revived in the King the ancient remembrance of the wrongs he had received by them in the wars of Naples, and since in divers other accidents: thrust forward with an exceeding desire to wrest out of their hands Verona, Cremona, and many other towns possessed of long time by the Dukes of Milan. And the Pope crossing them, possessed with that first desire to recover those places which they usurped of the Church, taxing them that the banished men of Furl● had of late days, by means of their S●●ate, sought to enter into the said town, discontented moreover, that the Venetians had, in contempt of the authority of the Roman Court, given the Bishopric of Vincence, to a Venetian Gentleman, contrary to the collation w●ich the Pope had made to his Nephew Sixius, he persuaded the King against them. desiring rather to remain a neuter in the midst of these contendents, & be a spectator, then to invade. In the end, (under a colour to treat a peace, betwixt the Archduke Charles, son to Philip, & the Duke of Guildres:) they must meet at Cambraie. For the King, came the Cardinal of Amboise: and for the Emperor, Marguerit his daughter Governess of Flanders, assisted in this treaty by Matthew Lange, a trusty Secretary to the Emperor: and for the King of Arragon, an Ambassador of his. A league betwixt the French King the Emperou● & Ferdinand, against the Venetians. The 9 of December they conclude a peace betwixt their Masters, and a perpetual league against all men, every one to recover from the Venetians, the places which they had taken from them, and to spoil them of the territories of the Church usurped by them: whatsoever we treat, the Church must be one, but more with a colour, than any devotion. The Emperor did solemnly confirm this new league. The Arragonois feared the increase of the King his uncles greatness, and preferred the safety of the realm of Naples before any thing which the Venetians enjoyed: yet dissembling his conceits he performed all solemnities req●i●ed. The pope was more scrupulous: he had ●ent his commission, but had not yet consented. Many considerations moved thereunto: a desire to recover the Towns of Rom●gna, and a disdain against the Venetians. Moreover he feared to incense the King, rejecting this association: yet he held it a very dangerous thing for him, that the Emperor should extend himself in Italy. Thus troubled in mind, he resolves, for the mildest course, to obtain a part of his desires by an accord, rather than all by war. He lets the Venetians understand, that the storm which threatened them by the union of these princes, would prove far more tempestuous, if they forced him to give his consent. That yielding willingly the places they had taken from the Church, it should make him refuse to ratify the treaty of Cambray, made in his name, but without his approbation: without the which their alliances would easily turn to smoke, if they refused, he would pursue them with spiritual and temporal arms. Oft times, those which have the name, the age and countenance of wise men, conclude to the ruin of their country. The Pope en●ers into the league. The King goe● into Italy. The Venetians at this time follow the worst advice. And the Pope ratifies the treaty the which he had deferred until the last day assigned for the ratification. The King arms and passeth the Alpes in person, followed by the Princes of his blood, Charles of Bourbon Earl of Vendosme; Charles of Bourbon afterwards Constable of France, son to the Earl of Montpensier, Lewis of bourbon, Prince of Rochesur-Y●n▪ René Duke of Alencon, and his son Charles the Duke of Longueville, Gas●on of Foix Duke of Nemours, Peter of Foix Viscount of Lautrec, Lewis of Tremoville Viscount of Thovars, the Earl of Montmorencie grandfather to the Constable that now lives; the Lords of Palisse, Andovins, Grandmont, Curton, Boissi, Coligni, E●●●uteuille, and almost all the Nobility of France, which followed (as to a certain victory) their King, and so many brave and generous Princes, with joy and courage, amounting to forty thousand fight men, besides three thousand horse, & six thous●n● foot, which Chaumont brought out off the Duchy of Milan, and the troops of Anthony Duke of Lorraine, who accompanied his Majesty in this voyage. The King having passed the Alpes, sends Montioye his Herald presently to proclaim war against the Senate o● Venice. And for that the Pope complained that the time specified in the capitulation expired without any effects of war, the King commands the Lord of Chaumont to begin. He thereupon passeth the river of Add, the 15. of April, and camps before Trevi, batters & forceth it to yield at discretion, taking prisoners justinian Morosin, Commissary of the Venetian Stradio●s or light horse, Vitelli de Cita de Castello, Vincent de Nalde, & other Senators, 1509. and with them a hundred light horse, and a thousand foot▪ then he repasseth Add, to attend the Kings coming at Milan. The Emperor was gone into Flanders, to require a levying of money, from the subjects of Charles his grandchild: a testimony that he could not begin the wars within forty days after the King, as his promise was. The Venetians prepared, and seeing a great part of Christendom armed against them, they seek to dissolve this union by reasonable offers. But the Pope could no more accept that which he had before desired. The Catholic King had not credit enough to divert the rest. The Emperor full of disdain, would not so much as see john de● Estoille their Secretary. As for our Lewis, they hoped for nothing from him, but by the sword. The Venetian army. They therefore entertain two thousand men at arms barded, four fight men for every Lance: three thousand light horse and Stradiots: fifteen thousand foot, of the flower of Italy, and fifteen thousand others chosen out of their territories: they arm many vessels to guard the banks of Romagna, the Towns of Apulia, the approaches of the Lake of guard, Po, and other neighbour places, fearing to be molested by the Duke of Ferrare, Fatal prognostications for the Venetians. and the Marquis of Mantova their enemies. But behold bad signs, and prodigious fote-runners of losses, whereunto (besides the threats of men) the Venetians shall be shortly subject. A Bark carrying ten thousand Ducats to Ravenna, was drowned. The Castle of Bresse was fired with lightning▪ the place where the Charters of the Commonweal did lie, was suddenly ruined. And that which did most terrify them, their great counsel being assembled, fire took their Arsenal, whereas the saltpeter did lie, and burnt twelve galleys, with a great quantity of munition. Moreover having entertained julius and Rance Vrsins, and Troile Savelle, with five hundred men at arms, and three thousand foot: the Pope commanded them upon grievous censures, (as defendants of the Church) not to departed out of Rome. And presently did publish in form of a monitory, a horrible Bull, containing: The usurpations the Venetians had made in the sea of Rome: the authority they did arrogate to the prejudice of the Ecclesiastical liberty, and the Pope's jurisdiction. To give bishoprics and other spiritual livings being vacant: To decide spiritual causes in secular Courts, and other things belonging to the censure of the Church: specifying moreover, all their disobediences past, The Venetians censured by the Pope. and admonishing them: To yield up within 24. days next ensuing, the towns of the Church which they possessed, with the fruits received since they enjoyed them, upon pain to incur, not only the censures and curse of the City of Venice, but also of all the territories under their obedience, and of all others that should receive any Venetian, declaring them guilty of high Treason, and detested as perpetual enemies to all Christians, to whom he gave power to take their goods in all places, & to make their persons slaves. Against this Bull, they cast forth a writing about Rome, containing (after a long protestation against the Pope and our Lewis) An appellation from the monitory, to the next Council▪ and for want of human justice, to the feet of jesus Christ, a most just judge, and the Sovereign Prince of all. The Venetian army being assembled, made their beginning famous by the recovery of Trevi, after the retreat of Chaumont. But it was famous to the Conqueror: for during the heat of the spoil, the King (who came to relieve it) passed the river of Add with his whole army, without any let, the 9 of May. And Triwlce seeing the army past: This day (said he) O most Christian King, have we won the victory. The King lodged within half a league of the Venetian Camp, and (holding it more glory, if of himself, without the assistance of any other, he ended this war,) he drew the enemy by all means to the combat. The enemy's design, was to keep themselves close in places of strength, to fly the necessity of fight, and to keep the French from attempting any matter of importance. So both armies continued a whole day, one in view of an other. The next day, the King stood four house's before the enemy's lodging, with his troops in battle, and took Rivolte, in their view, without making any other show, then to want courage to come to the fight. Necessity must then force them to it. hunger drives the Wolf out off the wood. The king (to cut off the vittells that came to them fro Cremona & cream, raiseth his camp, to lodge at vail or Pandin: and the Venetians (to engage their enemies in the like difficulties,) resolve to follow them at the heels, and always to lodge in places of advantage. There were two ways to the said places. The one was longer and lower, which going bias against the river of Add, was in form like a bow: the other shorter and higher, but strait as a line. The King takes the lower, the enemy the higher, Chaumont led the forward of the French, Aluiane the Venetian. They approach near unto Agnadel, when as Aluiane being forced of necessity to fight, plants six pieces of artillery upon the caussie of a brook which was then almost dry, which parted the two armies, and his foot in the vineyards adjoining to it, The battle of Agnadel. and comes resolutely to charge our forward. The combat was long and doubtful: for that, by reason of the stocks and branches the French horse could not fight commodiously. And now the Swisses begin to waver: when as the King sending Charles of Bourbon to encourage them, and advancing himself with his battle into a more large and open place, he redoubled the shock, favoured by his artillery: the which the enemy could not discover by means of certain small trees and bushes. So as after a resolute fight of either side, about three hours, the King's presence not suffering any one of faint, and the Swisses returning to their first heat, the Venetians wonderfully spoiled by the horse, and Cannon, and hindered by the rain and hail which beat in their faces, began to yield both in courage and force: and finally resolving to sell this victory to the French very dear, failing rather in force then courage, they desired rather to lose their lives, than their honours, by turning of their backs. The Earl of Petiliano (with whom was the greatest part of their forces, encountered with a squadron of their own men flying, grieved that Aluiane had contrary to his advice, presumed to fight▪ and thinking that his endeavours would pre●aile little to obtain the victory) he desired rather to save the rest of the army, then to see all lost by the rashness of an other. The Earl of Bernardin du Mont, was slain, and some men at arms, & about ten thousand foot. Bartholomew of Aluiane was prisoner, and hurt in the eye, & twenty pieces of great artillery lost. Of the French, Won by the King against the Venetians. no men of mark· but some five hundred foot were slain. The King caused the dead to be buried, and for a trophy he built a Chapel in the place of battle, the which he named S. Mary of Victory. So ended the battle of Agnadel, or Guiaradadde, or (as others call it) of vail, the 15. of May. This happy victory purchased the King the next day, Carravage, and then Bergame, Bresse, cream, Cremona, Pisqueton, Pesquiere, and other places, whereof the King would not accept one, but upon condition, that the Venetian Gentlemen, that were within any of them, should yield themselves prisoners upon ransom. On the other side, the Pope with four hundred men at arms, The exploits of the Pope● army. four hundred light horses, eight thousand foot, and the artillery of the Duke of Ferrare, took Ceruie, Solarole, Baesiquelle, all Valdelamone, Granarole, all the Towns of the territory of Faenze, Russi, Ravenna, Imole, and all the Towns of Romagna, but more through favour of the King's victory, then by his own forces. The Marquis of Mantova recovered Asole and Lunate, which the Venetians had usurped from john Francis of Gonzague his great grandfather. And the Duke of Ferrare, Polesine of Rovigne. In Is●ria, Christopher Frangipan invaded Pisinie and Divinie. The Duke of Brunswike entering into Friul, for the Emperor, took Feltre▪ Bellona, Trieste, and then Verona and Padoua ●eturned to the obedience of the Empire. The Earls of Lodron seized upon some Castles and villages in their jurisdictions, and the Bishop of Trent, got for his share, Rive de trent, and Agreste. The King of Arragon making his profit of an other man's pains and charge, recovered Brindes and Tarentum. So every one pulling his plumes, the Crow (according to the Proverb) remained almost bare. Such are the fruits of a battle won in a Country not fortified. This check had abated the natural pride and haughtiness of the Venetians, but their ruin touched the hearts of the Italians diversly. Some were well pleased, for that without any observation of faith or equity, (thrust on with an insatiable ambition and covetousness,) they made profession to seize upon all, that opportunity offered them. Others began to sigh, lamenting the general calamity of Italy, ready to yee●d to the servitude of a stranger. The Pope's inconstancy. The Pope was one of the first that grieved at this great fall: and fearing the emperors power and the Kings, he devised how to cross their affairs, and to take from them all means to ruin this commonweal, the ancient seat of liberty. He accepted of the Venetians embassage and submission, and revoked the sentence by the which they were excommunicate. The which gave them a beginning of hope▪ but more when they see the King content to have recovered his own, and not to exceed the limits of the capitulation of Cambray. And that which revived then spirits, certain banished men, newly restored at Trevise by the Venetians, to make the memory of this benefit famous, troop together, plant the banner of S. Marc in the Market place, and expel Leonard of Dressiné, who without any arms or force, had received the City in the emperors name: they bring in seven hundred Venetian foot, and consequently, all the forces they had assembled in Sclavonia, and Romagna. Without doubt Trevise alone repaired the Venetians honour: and the chief cause of this accident▪ The Venetians begin to recover their losses. as also to put the Venetians in more hope, was the negligence and ill government of the Emperor, who during the course of so many victories, had made show but of his name only: and these importune delays had caused the King to take his way towards Milan, to return speedily into France. The King's dislodging of his army, gave courage to the Venetians to recover Padova, which they knew to be unfurnished of men for the defence thereof. Andrew Gritti one of their Commissaries, had assembled two thousand men of the Country, Padova recovered. with three hundred soldiers, and some horse, and finding by chance the port of Codalungue half open, by reason of some Carts laden with hay, that were lately entered: he seized thereon without noise, and kept it, until the companies lead by the Chevalier Volpe, Zitole of peruse, and Lacta●●e of Bergame were arrived, who held it almost an hour before that any alarm was given in the Town. This reprisal made the way to recover L●gnague, a very commodious town, to annoy Vincence and Verona. One of the ancients said▪ that we must reverence fortune, else she will show herself terrible. Hereafter she leaves the Emperor, and returns to the Venetians. The Marquis of Mantova lodged in the Isle of Escale, in the country of Verona, attending the preparatives which the Bishop of trent, governor of Verona made, to besiege Legnague. The Marquis of 〈◊〉 surprised by the Venetians. Luc Maluezze, with two hundred light horse, and Zitole of peruse, with eight hundred foot, and fifteen hundred of the country, besides the garrison of Legnague, entering one morning into the said Isle, surprised the Marquis his troops sleeping, spoil them, leading the Marquis with his Lieutenant Boisi (nephew to the Cardinal of Amboise) prisoners: leaving a lesson to commanders in the war, to be vigilant, to weigh their own forces and not to contemn their enemies. On the other side, the Venetians in F●i●l recovered Valdefere by force, Bellona by composition, and fortified themselves in the Vincentin, by the taking of many places, as of Seravale, a passage of great importance, the which Maximilian recovered soon after, with the like cruelty upon the Italians as the Italians had used upon the Germans, at the taking thereof: for having not yet assembled sufficient forces to go to field, they make small attempts, besieging now one bourgh, than another, with small honour and reputation, for the quality of an Emperor: soliciting notwithstanding all his confederates, to unite their forces for the taking of Venice. But who should have reaped the profit? The Pope would not have the Emperor nor King possess it: and the Catholic King detested this enterprise as unjust and dishonest, moved thereunto, not with the love of virtue, but with envy, the which he bore to the greatness of our Lewis his uncle, who he thought should have the greatest benefit by this conquest. Whilst that the Emperor filled all Italy with a vain fear of his forces, he sent the Prince of Anhalt with ten thousand men into Friul, who at his entry took Cadore with a great butchery of those that defended it: and the Duke of Brunswike, whom the Emperor had likewise sent, did put to rout eight hundred horse and ●iue hundred foot, which john Paul Gradenic Commisarie of Friul, brought to the succour of Civital of Austria, which the Germans besieged. Christopher Frangipan did also defeat the Venetian officers followed by the forces of the Country, he wasted the Country, and seized upon. Chasteauncuf, Fiume and Raspruch. And the Venetians sending Angelo Trevisan General of their army at sea thither, recovered Fiume and Raspruche. To conclude: by sundry prizes, and reprises, men's goods and lives were continually in prey. The Emperor having now assembled all his forces, prepares for the siege of Padova. Besides the forces of the Empire, he had seven hundred French Lances, The siege 〈◊〉 Padova commanded, by the Lord of Palisse: two hundred men at arms, which the Pope had sent him· Two hundred more from the Duke of Ferrare, The emperors army under the command of the Cardinal of Esté: six hundred men at arms under divers Italian Captains, eighteen thousand Lansquenets: six thousand Spaniards: six thousand adventurers of divers nations, and two thousand foot, which the said Cardinal brought unto him for the Duke with so wonderful a preparation for pieces of battery and munition, as the issue of this siege held all Italy in suspense. The Emperor had already taken Limini, near unto Padova, by force, when as there chanceth a sign of happy success for the Padovans and Venetians. Philip Rosse, and Frederick Gonzague of Bossole, went with two hundred light horse, to guard the artillery that came out of Germany▪ five hundred horse issuing out of Padova, having intelligence thereof, charge them in the night, defeat them five miles from Vincence, and take Philip Rosse. And in exchange, Maximilian having extended his companies about twelve miles of from Padova: to be assured of the commodity of victuals and pasture, takes by assault and sacks the bourg of Esté, Mo●selice, and Montagnane, overthrows three thousand peasants at the bridge of Bovolente, and carries away a great prey of cattle, which they had gathered together: at length after many delays (which gave the Padoua●s leisure to fortify and furnish themselves with victuals) he is planted before the Town walls, the fifteen day of September. As for the defence of Padova, the Venetians had furnished it with six hundred men at arms, fifteen hundred light horse, & fifteen hundred Stradiot, or Albanois▪ commanded by Captains of great experience, the Earl of Petitlane, Bernardin of Montone, Anthony Pie, Luc Maluezze, john the Gr●c, and twelve thousand choice foot, under the charge of Denis de Nalde, Zitole of peruse, Lactance of Bergame, Sa●coc●o of Spole●e, and many other of meaner quality, and ten thousand foot Sclavones, Greeks and Albanois. And why should not two and twenty thousand foot, and three thousand six hundred horse defend Padova, with that multitude of Venetian youth, who (to make proof of their valour and piety to their country) had willingly trust themselves into the Town, seeing they could not have forced them in field, within an●e small trench? Padova was furnished with great store of all kind of artillery, The forti 〈◊〉 or Padova. victuals and a great number of peasants, who continually laboured in the fortifications. The ports and other fit places were furnished with bastions without, and every vault underneath full of barrels of powder, to blow up such as did assail them. And within round about the City a palissado, or fortification of piles, trees and pieces of timber, fortified with a deep ditch sixteen fathom broad: flanked with Casemats and small Towers full of artillery: and behind the ditch a rampar of the same breadth, round about the Town, except some places where they could not plant any artillery▪ and before the rampar, a parapect of seven cubits high, to cover them that should defend the ramparts. Behold all the Imperial army is now planted before Padova: but this was not to attempt a Town besieged, but rather an army camped in a Town which made 〈…〉 against an army, holding the field. The artillery thunders eight days together, and prevails so much, as it seems they need not to shoot any more. They give an as●●●●●o the bastion, at the point of the port of Cadalungne. The Spaniards and Lansquenets (seconded by some men at arms on foot) vinne the bastion, and plant two enseignes: but both the fortress of the ditch, the valour of the defendants, the abundance of instruments for defence, artillery, stones, artificial fires, and all other kind of offensive arms, force them to abandon it in haste, many remaining dead or wounded: so as the army being ready to assail the wall (the baston being won,) he retired and disarmed without any farther attempt. Maximilian despairing of victory by these prejudicial beginnings, The Emperor raiseth the siege. after seventeen days siege raiseth his camp, and passing in his retreat by Vincence and Verona, receives their oath of fidelity: he than dismisseth almost all his army, and took the way to trent, determining to make a truce with the Venetians for some months. But grown proud with this prosperity, seeing his associates to aid him so coldly, and supposing that a surceasing of arms would be prejudicial unto them, they prepared to recover Vincence, Civitelle, Bassan, Monselice, Montagnagne, Este, Polesine, & in the end to make war against the Duke of Fer●are. But he that undertakes too much, reputes sometime. Desire of revenge is a dangerous Counsellor, and the resolution not to endure a wrong either done, or pretended to be done, grounded rather upon passion then reason, is commonly the cause of the Author's ruin. The Venetians make wa●●e against the Duke of Ferrare. Alphonso D●ke of Ferrare recovering of Polesine, had (in hatred of the Venetian name) wonderfully spoiled the gentlemen's houses of the Country: he received the Town of Este from Maximilian in fee, and Montagnagne in mortgage. The Venetians (building the motives of their disdain thereon) send their General Angelo Trevisane with seventeen galleys, and a great number of other smaller vessels, towards Ferrare, and a good number of horse by land, to second their army at sea: the wh●ch being entered into the river of Po, and having burnt Corbole, and some other villages near adjoining, they spoilt all the Country, even unto the Lake of Scure, and without difficulty recovered all the territory of Polesine. To withstand these violent courses, the Ferrarois' plants his artillery upon the banks of Po, to stop the passage of this army, and forceth Trevisan to cast anchor in the midst of the water, behind a small Island right against Pulicelle: a commodious place to molest the Ferrarois, and there he fortifies himself with two bastions upon the banks, the one on the side of Ferrare, the other opposite, whilst that other vessels assailing the Duke of Ferrares Country in an other part, take Comache. The Venetian army in rout. The Duke strengthened with a hundred and fifty Lances, which the Lord of Chastillion brought him, & two hundred men at arms, which the Pope sent him, (discontented that the Venetians had invaded this Duchy, without respect of the superiority which the Church hath over it) favoured with the knowledge of the Country, and the nature, and opportunity of the river, having brought his Cannon to the bank opposite to the enemy, being covered with a strong causey, after an assault given to the bastion, where his men had the worst, he saluted the Venetian ships so furiously, as some ●ot able to resist, yielded: others fired with the shot were miserably burnt with the men that were in them: others sinking, escaped the enemy's hand, and the general saved himself by flight in a Cockboat, his galley-flying, shooting and defending itself, was in the end sunk. To conclude, the river being full of blood, fire and dead men, fifteen galleys came into the Duke's power, some great ships, many foists, and other small vessels in great number: threescore enseignes taken, and two thousand men slain. This army defeated, Alphonso sent presently Hippolyta Cardinal of Este his brother, against that army which had taken Comache: but the loss of the other having forced them already to retire, the Cardinal employed his forces to recover Lorete, which the Venetians had fortified. This done, the Pope desirous to tie the Duke of Ferrare unto him, 1510. to the end that acknowledging the good he should receive by his intercession, he should depend more upon him, then on the King, against whom he laid the foundation of great hatred, was a means the Venetians should yield Comache to the Ferrarois, and should no more molest his estate. And to reconcile them with Maximilian, he sends Achilles de Grassi, Bishop of Pesere, his Nuncio unto him. But through the emperors excessive demands, and the King's Ambassadors crossing it, Achilles returned without effecting any thing. The season made them proceed coldly in matters of war, until the end of this year. Maximilian and Ferdinand had contended before the King for the government of the realm of Castille: the first for Charles his grandchild, the second building upon his wives testament, as we have seen before. In the end, the Cardinal of Amboise, (not considering how much this accord did prejudice the King's affairs) drew Maximilian to consent, that the Catholic King, in case he had no heirs male, should be governor of the realms of Castille and Naples, until that Charles his grandchild should come to the age of five and twenty years, and should pay unto the said Charles forty thousand ducats yearly, fifty thousand to Maximilian at one payment, and should aid him according to the treaty of Cambray, to recover that which belonged unto him. Accord betwixt Maximilian and Fe●●dinand. A match which gave courage to Ferdinand to encounter the King's greatness: the which, in regard of the realm of Naples he always feared. Doubtless ambition did so blind the eyes of this good Cardinal, as he could no more discover this gross policy, then foresee that death prepared him a bier in stead of a Pontifical chair. In the end of this year died the Earl of Petillane, General for the Venetians, old and of great experience in martial affairs. Although they proceed slowly in matters of war, yet Prince's minds were disquieted with many distemperatures, especially the Emperors, who despairing to get the victory of the Venetians by his own proper forces, persuaded the King to attempt the recovery of Padova, Vincence and Trevise, receiving a sufficient recompense. The King knew well, that whilst the Venetians possessed a foot of land, he should still be compassed in with continual charge, and dangers. The Pop● practices against the king But he was diverted from repassing of the mountains, by the sickness of the Cardinal of Amboise, to whom only he committed all his affairs: fearing likewise, lest a new army should wholly withdraw the Pope's affection, who long before devised, by what means he should dislodge the French out off the Estates of Italy, and fearing (as we have said elsewhere) lest the King (being armed) should dispossess him of his chair, to place the Cardinal of Amboise in it, he laboured to draw the English from the King's friendship: he practised to join with the Swisses, by means of the Bishop of Zion, to the prejudice of his Crown, and protected the Venetians. In ●ruth, we may behold three Princes act three divers personages upon this theatre. The King of a faithful ally: the Emperor of a weak: and the Pope of a disloyal. Three deuers humours 〈…〉 Prince's. In the end, the King (the better to supply the affairs of Italy) goes to Lions, with an intent to pacify the Pope, or at the least, to keep him from being his enemy. To this end he sends Albert Pie Earl of Carpi, with commission to offer the Pope both the King's forces and authority in all occasions, to impart unto him the affairs that were now handled. The requests which the Emperor made unto him, and to leave it to his discretion, to pass or not, into Italy: were not these sufficient submissions, to pacify any discontented mind? Contrariwise, julius received the Venetians into favour▪ and the four and twentieth day of February gave them full and absolute remission. He still solicits the English to take upon him the title of Protector of the sea of Rome, against the King of France, against whom (said he) if he made war, many others (to whom his power was odious) would take arms. The Swisses forsake the alliance of France, and join to the Pope. But he drew the Swisses with more efficacy to the protection of the Church, paying a thousand florins yearly to every Canton. The boldness and presumption wherewith they refused to renew their alliance with our Lewis (but upon condition to augment their pensions) had justly displeased the King: but this unseasonable repulse shall prove very prejudicial to this Crown. The King in exchange allies himself with the Valaisans and Grisons, who bind themselves to give passage to his people, and to deny it to his enemies, and to serve him for pay, with such forces as they could make. The Pope fortified with this new alliance▪ bends all his thoughts to support and raise the Venetians, to reconcile them to the Emperor, and by their rising to pull down our Lewis. But the Pope's alienation served only to kindle new fires in Italy. The Emperor and the King discontent with the shows, which the Pope made in favour of the Venetians, united themselves more strictly together: and the Duke of Ferrare gave the King occasion to advance his forces, for the protection of his estate: for the Duke having set an impost upon all the merchandise that passed by the Po to Venice, the Pope commanded him to free it, as not being in the disposition of the vassal to impose a tribute without the liberty of the Lord of the fee. And in case he disobeys, he denounceth war against him. The Duke thus threatened, flies to the King, who had before taken him into his protection, giving thirty thousand ducats, his estate also importing the King much for his affairs of Lombardie: yet loath to contend with the Pope, for the Duke of Ferrare, he propounded conditions, whereby the Pope might rest satisfied of the interests, which the Church, and he, pretended against the Duke. In the end, as the Pope (the more he sees himself sought unto) showed greater signs of bitterness, the Lord of Chaumont enters into Italy with fifteen hundred Lances, and ten thousand foot: to whom the Duke of Ferrare scent two hundred men at arms, five hundred light horse, and two thousand foot. At their first landing, they take Polesine Montagnagne, A French army enters Italy. and Es●è. Then the Prince of Anhault, Lieutenant to the Emperor, parting from Verona with three hundred French Lances, two hundred men at arms, and three thousand Lansquenets, joined with Chaumont, and jointly together, they march against Vincence. The Vincentins abandoned by the Venetian army, which retired towards Padova, f●ie to Chaumont to obtain some reasonable conditions of the Prince, who wonderfully moved with their rebellion, would not receive them with any other condition, but to have their goods at pleasure: and their lives saved. These victories were fruitless, without the taking of Legnague: the which the river of Adice divides into two parts, whereof the less is called P●r●o. This river is divided into many branches: about Legnague, passing the last branch, they encounter some footmen, set to guard Porto. Our men charge them, repulse them, kill a great number, chase the rest, and enter pel mel with them into Porto. The taking of Porto made the means easy, to batter the Town on either side the river, for the effecting whereof Chaumont sent Captain Molare with ●oure thousand men, and six pieces of artillery, who having in a manner battered down the bastion, which was upon the causey, at the point of the Town, the Venetian commissary retired himself into the castle, and the Captain which commanded the bastion, yielded to departed with bag, and baggage. The bastion taken, the Town was sacked by Molare, and the Castle battered, yielded the next day, upon condition, that the Venetian gentlemen remaining Chaumonts' prisoners, the soldiers should departed with a white stick in their hand. At this time died the Cardinal of Amboise, uncle to the Lord of Chaumont, The death of the Cardinal of Amboise. a man of a great spirit, and long experience in affairs, but with the service of his master, he did not forget the content of his own private ambition. Civitelle, Maroslique, Basciane, Feltre, l'Escale, and other places there abouts (abandoned by the Venetians) opened their gates upon view of the Canon. To conclude, all places whereas the armies passed were exposed to take, & retaking, sacking, and burning: and all persons were at the victor's mercy. Monselice remained yet. The Town is seated in a plain, and the Castle on the mountain compassed in with three walls, whereof the lower required two thousand men, for the defence thereof. By reason then of a new convention betwixt the King and the Emperor, That this army should conti●ue yet a month longer in Italy, and that the extraordinary charge, above the payment of the companies, which the King had till then defrayed, should afterwards be paid by the Emperor, and the footmen also, for that month: and in consideration of fifty thousand Crowns, which the King should add to fifty thousand others, that he had formerly lent the Emperor, Verona with the territories thereof should remain in pawn to his Majesty, until it were satisfied: Chaumont besieged it. Seven hundred foot, and some companies of horse having upon their approach abandoned the Town, kept the first wall. He batters it, and makes a breach in divers places. The French (followed with fifteen hundred Spanish Lances, newly arrived, under the command of the Duke of Termini) mount to the assault, chase the garrison, and skirmishing with them, they enter pel mel within the other two walls; and so into the Castle, the most part being slain. Such as were retired into the dungeon, yielded. when as the Germans setting it on fire, burned both the place & the men: so a●, of this number few escaped, either the fury of their armies, or of the fire. The Town was likewise consumed to ashes. This done, a new commandment from the King, calls back Chaumont, with his army, into the Duchy of Milan. which the Pope b●●●n to d●sturbe. Moreover two armies of divers nations joined together, to make private conquests: hardly can the commanders remain long united in one will. And the Germans (who can do little alone) lodged in Lonigue. We have hither to seen, that Pope julius desseins tended, not only to restore the Church to her pretended estates, but also to expel the French out of Italy. The Pope seeks to expel the French out of Italy. H●s fi●st project was effected. And now many considerations draw him to the second. The Venetians are partly restored, and all at his devotion, having revoked their censures. He is strictly allied with the Swisses. He knows well, the Arragonois will be always glad to see the King's greatness diminished, to have the better means to settle himself at Naples. He finds the emperors forces, & authority to be feeble. He is not out of hope to draw the King of England into arms. And that which feeds this covetous passion, he is well informed, that the King hath no will to make war against the Church: and that at all events, it shall be in his power to make peace with him and this is the last help the Popes have always relied on. But with what colour may julius arm against our Lewis? The King will not give over the protection of the Duke of Ferrare, & julius desires exceedingly the possession of his Duchy, grounded (●●though the Seigneurie of Comache, from whence Alphonso drew the salt belonging directly to the Emperor) upon the discord for the salt pans, and customs which Alph●nso levied unlawfully, and without the leave (said he) of the Lord of the Fee. This was a cross devise, to cloak his covetousness. To colour this, he urgeth the King again to renounce the protection of the Ferrarois absolutely: upon his refusal, he protests to renounce the treaty of Cambrai: that he will not join with him, neither yet be opposite unto him, and that without tying himself to any person, he will hereafter seek to maintain peace in the Church. But on S. Peter's day, he discovers in effect the motions of his spirit: that day the rents due to the apostolic sea are paid: he refuseth to accept those of the Duke of Ferrare, alleging for his reasons, that Alexander t●e 6. marrying his daughter Lucrece, could not (to prejudice the sea,) reduce four thousand ducats to a hundred. And the same day (having before refused to give the French Cardinals leave to return into France) advertised that the Cardinal of Auchx was gone to field, with his dogs and nets, he sent to pursue him, as after a fugitive, and held him prisoner in the Castle S. Angelo. A League betwixt Ferdinand and the Pope against the King. And to win unto him the Catholic King, against the most Christian, he grants him the investing of the Realm of Naples, upon condition, to pay the same rent which the ancient Kings of Arrragon had paid, and entertainment for three hundred men at arms, for the defence of the Church, when it should be demanded. But behold a strange unquiet spirit, who atttempting at one instant to assail Ferrare, Genes and Milan, toils himself infinitely to bring forth pain and confusion. The Ferrarois offered to give him the salt made at Comache, and to bind himself, there should be no more made: yet proceeding against him, as against a notorious 〈…〉 he sends his troops, led by the Duke of Urbin, into the territory of Ferrare: who 〈◊〉 first arrival, and at the only summons of a trumpet takes Cente, Pi●ue, Bagnaca●●●, and Lugo. But as he camped before the Castle of Lugo, Alphonso coming with his people and some French companies, the Duke of Urbin raised the siege, leaving three pieces of Cannon behind him (it is a dishonour for a Commander to lose his arti●lery● and retired into Imola, giving Alphonso means to recover that which they had taken from him in Romagna. But the army of the Church was no sooner refreshed, but they take the same places, and likewise Modene. He sent eleven Venetian galleys against Genes, whereof Grille Contarin was general, and one of the Popes, in the which were Octuaian and john Fregoses, Jerome Dacie and many other banished men. And by land Marc Anthony Colonne with a hundred men at arms, and seven hundred foot. About the same time six thousand Swisses (in the beginning of September) passing by Bellinzone, camp at Varese: where four thousand more join with them: but this proves but fire of straw. julius hoped that Genes being assailed both by sea and land, it would breed some infallible alteration, that the greatest part hating the French command, would easily maintain the name of Fregose, and that the French (amazed with this alteration at Genes, being likewise priest by the Swisses) would recall into the Duchy of Milan, all such companies as they had both with the Emperor and the Duke of Ferrare: that by consequence, the Venetians would recover Verona, and he enjoy Ferrare, and then with their united forces invade the estate of Milan. But he reckoned without his host: let us now see the proceed of these arms. They shut those gates against him which he expected to find open. Chaumont a the first b●nt of the enemy's approach, had manned Genes with some companies, 〈◊〉 Provençal was entered the port with six great galleys, the son of john Lewis of F●●sque, with eight hundred men of the Country, and a Nephew to the Cardinal of ●●nall, with no less number, was come into the Town, for the King, and these together prevented all insurrections. So the Pope and the banished men, frustrate of their chief hope, retire to Rapalle. And Colonne foreseeing that he should hardly recover any place of safety by land, for that the commons were risen, he shipped himself in the galleys with three score of his best horse, and sent the rest by land to Spetie, who for the most part were spoiled upon the Marches of the Genovois, Luquois, and florentines. On the other side, the Swisses which camped at Varese, under colour (as they said) to go to serve the Church, found in the end to their harm, that they did but serve the ambition of one private man. Chaumont having manned all the passages with sufficient forces, sends Triwlce to Mont Brianse, that with his troops & the help of the country men he might keep the Swisses from seizing on that passage, The Swisses retreat. and he himself coasting along by them, and still skirmishing with them, with his horse and foot, and many field pieces, cuts of their victuals, and performing the duty of a good Captain, without hazarding of any thing, he annoyed them at the passages of rivers. To defeat a poor but a warlike nation, there is nothing but blows to be gotten: and in losing they hazard an estate. In the end, besides the continual charges of the French army, oppressed with want of victuals & money, they free our men (who are not accustomed to spend much in spies) of the doubt which troubled them, that is, whether they would pass to Ferrare by the Duchy of Milan, The Swisses retire. or turn by the hills under Come, Le●que, Bergam● and Bresse, or else by the Guiaradadde, through the territory of Mantova: for taking their way by the high places of Come, they went to lodge at the bridge of Trese, where (brought to extremities for want of bread and money) they retired by troops to their houses. Whilst the French were else where busied, the Venetians (making profit of their absence, and of the Germans retreat,) recover (without toil) Esté, Monselice, Moutagnagne, Maros●ique, Basciane and Vincen●e. Legnague stayed theirvictories, but Verona overthrew them. They besiege it with eight hundred men at arms, three thousand light horse and ten thousand foot, besides an infinite number of peasants, and batter it from a mountain opposite, being counter-battered and wonderfully spoiled by the artillery from the Town. But the Venetians desire was great, to conquer this City, and the valour of the besieged was no less to defend both their honours and lives. They had four hundred French Lances, three hundred Spaniards, a hundred Germans and Italians, five hundred French foot, and four thousand Germans, The Venetians rep●●●ed retire from Verna. which the Prince of Anhault (dead some few days before) had left there: A thousand foot, with some Cornets of French issue forth in the night, put them to the sword that kept the artillery, cloyed two pieces, and carried them away, when as Zitole of peruse flying to the rescue, and being slain with almost all that followed, Denis of Nalde arrived: who recovering the prey, repulsed and beat them within their walls. But the Venetians daunted with this check, seeing no rising of the people, as they expected, advertised of the Swisses retreat, and that Chaumont came to secure them, they retired to S. Boniface. The wars continued in Friul and Istria, with the accustomed insolencies and cruelties on either side. but more to the ruin of the Country, and buildings, then of the people. At the same time, the Marquis of M●ntoua came out of prison, at the Mantovans suit to Bajazet Prince of the Turks, in whose love the Marquis had many years held himself. The Pope was not grown wise, neither by his own, nor other men's losses: his unfortunate attempts had nothing quenched his hopes: and they found the proverb t●●e, to their cost: He that hath a companion, hath a master. A wit blinded with presumption: who (seeing his practices now discovered, the port of Genes furnished with a strong army, the Town provided of all things necessary for defence) hopes to obtain that now which he could not get: when the port was disarmed, he persuades the Venetians to a second trial. They come to Genes with fifteen light galleys▪ three great, one galleass, and three Bis●aine ships. The French fleet going out off the haven, with two and twenty light galleys, after they had given order, that the contrary faction should not rise, met with them at Porto Venere: where by the thunder of their Cannons, and by the Tower of Codifa, The Venetians make attempt against Genes. they forced them to retire to Ci●itaue●●hia, whence the Venetian fleet parting to recover the gulf, a tempest cast five galleys upon the coast of Messine: the others beaten and bruised, were driven upon the coast of Barbary, and in the end recovered the port of Venice, half lost. The army which came by land, led by the Archbishop of Salerne, brother to Octavian Fregose, by john of Sasatelle, and Renier of Sasate the Pope's Captains, seeing the fruitless attempts of the fleet at sea, in stead of Genes, went to take Fanane in the mountain of Modene. A small recompense for so many presumptive stirs. This disgrace did rather increase the Pope's obstinacy, then make him faint. He ●ight easily obtain a peace of the King, and with such conditions, as might well ●●●tent a Conqueror. The King was content to refer the Duke of Ferrares cause 〈◊〉 justice, and gave power to the Pope, to name such judges as he pleased. But julius ●●●lowing the holy Oracle, Loved cursing and cursing followed him: and for that he took no pleasure in blessing, it forsook him.) seeing the King yield to so reasonable conditions, he impudently demands, that Genes be set at liberty, and with such bitterness, as the Duke of Savoys Ambassador (offering his Prince's intercession for their place,) he puts him in prison, and tortured him as a spy. He converts all his thoughts against Ferrare. The Venetians thrust him forward, fearing (lest in the end, losing the hope of his desseins) he should be reconciled to the King. And the King sufficiently informed of the Pope's bad affection, resolves to defend the Ferarrois, and both by spiritual, and temporal arms, to cross the Pope's insolencies. In the end of September the Pope comes to Bolog●e, with an intent to assail Ferrare, both by water, and land the Venetians on the one side, and he on an other, persuading himself, that at the fame of his forces, the people would rebel against Alphonso. But the Venetians companies having brought many barks by the river of Po, into the territory of Mantova, to make a bridge: the Duke of Ferrare with the French forces, set upon them unawares, took them, and many vessels in certain channels of Polesine, with the Venetian commissary. Then was there discovered a practice which the Venetians had in ●r●sse, The Pope revives the wa● against the Fer●arois. for the which the Earl john Maria of Martinengue was beheaded there. This stay of the fleet did nothing discourage the Pope, but persuading himself that his own forces were sufficient to conquer Ferrare, he assembled them 〈◊〉 at M●dene, under the Duke of Urbin being General, the Cardinal of Pavia, john Paul Baillon. Marc Anthony Colonne, and john Vitelle, Captains of authority, whilst that Chaumont encamped right against them at Rubiere and Marsaille, tiring them with daily skirmishes: he gave the Ferrarois' means, with the Lord of Chastillon, to recover Polesine, Final, and Cente. Having sacked and burnt it to ashes, he went to join with Chaumont, even as three hundred men at arms, many light horse, and four thousand Venetian foot, to win the passage of Po, and to join with the Pope's forces, having already taken Fi●queroles & Stellate on the other side, forced Alphonso to go to the succour of his country. Thus the two Venetian fleets, having free passage upon Po▪ did greatly annoy the Ferrarois' territory, by daily inroads and spoils: when as the Duke issuing out of ●errare, put to ●oute that fleet, which was entered the river of Po, by Primare, and came unto Adria: the other which consisted of foists and small vessels, being entered by furnaces, and come to Pull sell, seeking to pass into the river of Addict, by a river adjoining, they found the water so low, as they could not enter, but were to battered with the Ferrarois' artillery, as they abandoned their ships, seeking to save themselves and their Canons. The Pope seeing he could prevail nothing by his temporal forces, he flies to the spiritual: excommunicating Alphonso of Este, and all those that were, or should come to his succour, namely Charles of Amboise, with all the chief of the French army. This furious course made the King to assemble all the Prelates of his realm at Yours, w●th the most famous Doctors of all his Universities, as well in divinity, as in the c●uill and canon laws, 8. Conclusions made by the French Church against the Pope. who resolve upon eight notable conclusions against the Pope▪ That it was not lawful for the Pope to assail any temporal Princes, by force, in their territories not belonging to the Church. That it was lawful for any such Prince for the defence of his subjects and courtrie, ●o● only to repel this injury by force, but also to invade the territories of the church possessed by ●ny such ●ope▪ not with an intent to hold them, but to the end (the Pope b●●ng dispos●ed thereof s●ould have no more means to molest his estate: seeing the Pope had, 〈◊〉 the aid of ●●e said Prince, recou●red the same lands, usurped before by certain tyrants. That for so manife●●● a wrong and unjust attempt, any such Prince might with draw 〈…〉 from the Pope's obedience▪ for the defence of his temporal estate, seeing he had 〈…〉 many other Princes and commonweals, to invade the dominions of the said Prince, who 〈◊〉 reward and love of the Apostolic sea. That this substraction being made, they 〈…〉 France the common and ancient law, and the Fragmatique sanction, 〈…〉 the Council of Basil. That any such Prinçe might by ●orce defend another Prince his co●●●derate and of whom he had lawfully taken the protection, for these Seigneuries which he 〈◊〉 enjoyed, and with a just title, seeing this confederacy had been made with the consent of the sai● Pope, who as the chief was comprehended therein: and that this Prince all●●d, according to the form of the league, had given aid for the recovery of the patrimony of Saint Peter. That the Pope pretending any thing due for any rights belonging to the Church of Rome, and the Prince on the other side challenged to hold of the Empire, and should refer this controversy to the censure of indifferent judges, as equity required, that in ●his case it was not lawful for the Pope, without further knowledge of the cause, to make war against any such Prince the which if he did, the said Prince might oppose his forces with other Princes his confederates▪ so as that right had not been possessed by the Roman Church within a hundred years. Tha● if the Pope would not accept this honest and lawful offer, but contrary to order and right, should give sentence against any such Prince, maintaining his right not to depend upon the Church: neither he nor any other by opposing, should incur the censure of that sentence. seeing that Prince had no free access, neither to go, nor send to Rome to defend his rights. That if the Pope unjustly, (the due course of law not observed,) should by main force, pronounce any censures against any such Princes, their allies and subjects resisting in such a case, the sentence were of no force, neither could it by any means bind. These conclusions taken, the King (according to the resolution of the Council) sent Ambassadors to julius, in the name of the French Church, to admonish him by brotherly, & spiritual correction, that leaving his desseins, he should attend to peace, concord, love, and charity, and reconcile himself with the foresaid Princes: upon refusal, they should summon him to call a Council, according to the decrees of the holy Council of Basil. That his answer heard, things should be ordered according unto reason. In the mean time forty light horse, & five hundred foot (having at the first summons of a Trumpet, yielded Carpie to Albert Pi●,) were encountered by four thousand foot, led by Palisse, defeated, and in a manner all slain. And Chaumont desirous to charge the Church forces, before they should join with the Venetian Companies, and three hundred Spanish Lances, which Ferdinand had sent him, in consideration of the investing of Naples: but not able to draw them, but to some light skirmishes, by the persuasion of the Bentiuol●s, he turned his forces against Bologne, where the Pope remained sick, both doubtful of the people's faith, being besieged, The s●ege of Bologne. and so discontented with the long stay of the Venetians, as he protested publicly to Ier●sme Donat their Ambassador, that if their succours entered not the next day into Bologne, he would agree with the French. And at that instant sent john Francis Picinino, Earl of Mirandole, to treat with the Lord of Chaumont. Chaumont not to alter this good disposition, understanding the King's pleasure, keeps his troops within their lodgings, and sent back the Earl with these propositions: That, Alphonso of Este, and all those the Pope had comprehended in his Censure should be absolved: That in regard of the Venetians, nothing should be done contrary to the treaty of Cambray: That the controversies betwixt Alphonso and the Pope should be decided within 6. months by judges chosen by their ●ōmon consent. That Modene should be restored to the Emperor: Cotignole to the King, & the Cardinal of Auchx set at liberty: & that the gift of all benefices within the King's dominions should be according to this nomination. But Chiappin Vitell●, entering into Bologne with 600. Venetian light horse, and a squadron of Turks, which they had in pay, made the Pope to sing another note, That there was no means of accord, if the King did not absolutely abandon the defence of the Ferrarois. And Chaumont seeing that neither by treaties of peace, nor by force, he prevailed any thing, the people of Bologne holding themselves quiet, & at the Pope's devotion, being also afflicted with the 〈◊〉, & want of victuals, he returned to Chasleaufranc & Spilinberte, the which he had lately taken. Chaumont is no sooner gone, but the Pope wonderfully incensed, exclaims against the king to all Christian Princes, as thirsting after his blood & the territories of the Church, having caused him to be besieged with all his Cardinals & Prelates in Bolog●e: and returning to his former course with more vehemency, he sends his troops 〈◊〉, augmented by five hundred men at arms, sixteen hundred light horse, five t●ousand foot, and three hundred Spanish Lances. But whilst this army sojourns 〈◊〉 Modene, some squadrons running towards Rhegium, being defeated by the French, they lost a hundred horse, and the Earl of Matelique was taken prisoner. Moreover the D●ke of Ferrare with the Lord of Chastillon, encamped upon the Po, betwixt Hospitalet and ●ond●n, opposite to some other Venetian companies, that were on the other 〈◊〉 of the river▪ they sun●e nine of their vessels, and forced the rest to return to Venice. T●ese small victories were crossed by the taking of Sassuole & Forminge, whilst that Chaumont refreshed himself within Pavia, and Aubigne at Rhegium. These conquered towns 〈◊〉 julius more violently against Ferrare, the which he knew was well furnished with men, and things necessary for defence: and the French through the continual toil of the war, were tired both in bodies, & minds. And presuming to make the enterprise more easy, he went himself in person, the second day of january, before Mirandole, advertised that Chaumont had made an escape to Milan, drawn thither (as they said) with the love of a young gentlewoman, A journey which did greatly quail the courage, and hope of them that defended Mirandole, who see themselves abandoned, not so much by the negligence, as by the dissension betwixt Chaumont, and john ●aques of Triwlce, (who then was gone into France:) whereby, it may be, he was not ●●ch displeased to see the Earls Mirandole, (grandchilds to Triwlce, by reason of Francis their mother, 1511. his bastard daughter) deprived of that place. In the end, after all the duties that might be performed by men besieged, Mirandole taken. despairing of succours, seeing a breach made, and the water of their ditches so frozen, as it bore the soldiers, they obtained in the end (by the intermission of the Cardinals which assisted the Pope) to departed with bag and baggage: upon condition that Alexander Triwlce Governor of thetowne, and all the Captains, should remain prisoners: and to redeem the town from sack, which he had promised to his soldiers, they should pay a certain sum of money. After the taking of Mirandole, two things were propounded in Council by the French. whether they should assail the enemy, or besiege Modene, or Bologne, to draw the Pope's forces out off the Estate of Ferrare, & by that means to draw them into a convenient place for a battle. Great Captains hold it for a firm maxim: & experience hath always taught it, That we ought never to undergo the hazard of a battle, but for some great advantage, or when as urgent necessity doth constrain. This was the advice of Triwlce, newly returned to the Camp: & accordingly resolution was taken to go to Modene. But let us observe a Spanish trick. The policy & secret advertisements of Ferdinand did more harm to the King his uncle, than the Pope's open force. He thinks this to be a means to pacify the emperors spleen, and to sow some division betwixt the King and him. Modene was held, time out of mind, to be a fee of the Empire, and the house of Esté had not enjoyed it, but by the emperors investiture. Ferdinand then adviseth the Pope, to the end the French should not have it, to restore it to the Emperor, as a town of his jurisdiction. So Vitfruch, Maximilians Ambassador, having received it in that form, gave notice unto Chaumont, That Modene did no more belong unto the Pope, but to her ancient and lawful Lord. And to enjoy this restitution quietly, Vitfruch and Chaumont a greed together, that the French forces should not offend Modene, nor the territory thereof: and during these garboils betwixt the King and the Pope, it should favour neither party. Then died Charles of Amboise, a Captain, whom the name of the Cardinal of Amboise his Uncle, The death of 〈…〉. and the governments of the estate of Milan and of the King's armies held in great reputation in Italy: a faithful servant to this King, but (to bear so great a burden) he wanted a longer experience in the art of war: seeing that after the death of his uncle, through that default he was become contemptible to his soldiers▪ to whom (to keep them the better at his pleasure) he gave too much liberty, john jaques of Triwlce, as Marshal of France, took upon him the command of the army, attending the King's pleasure, and inflamed with an honest ambition to perform something worthy of his virtue, having in the month of May gathered together twelve hundred Lances, and seven thousand foot, he besieged, took, and sacked in one day the Town of Concord, and won Chasteauf●anc. by composition. Then approaching Bologne, he so amazed the Pope, as having ●ounded the Bolonois minds, & drawn from them an oath of fidelity, he left the Cardinal of Pavia there, & retired to Ravenne. He is no sooner gone, but the people looking to the preservation of their private & present estates, and seeing themselves surcharged with two armies, they take arms and hinder the Cardinal of Pavia from bringing in of any forces. The Cardinal being out of heart, Bologne taken. fearing the armed people should seek revenge for their honourable citizens, whose heads he had lately cut off, as fautors to the Bentivoles, flies in the night disguised into the Citadel, and from thence towards Imola, with a hundred horse. The Legates flight being known, the people began to sound out the name of Popolo, with great mutiny and tumult. Laurence Ariosto, Francis Rinuche, & other Captains of the town, affected to the Bentivoles, run to the gates of S. Foelix, and lame: break them down, call the Benttuoles, and receive them into the town. The Duke of Urbin, advertised of the Legates flight, and of the people's rising, dislodged in the night, (leaving most part of his tents and pavilions standing) with all his army, The Pope's army in rout. except such as for the guard of the camp, were on the other side of the river towards the French, to whom he gave no intelligence of his departure. The people understanding of his retreat, and the peasants coming down from all parts, with great cries and shouts, pursue them, take fifteen pieces of great artillery, and many less, the Duke of Urbin's standard, their munition and baggage. The soldiers had time to save themselves, whilst that Raphael of Passi one of the Captains of the Church, made a stand at the bridge of e'en, until that by the taking and rout of all his people, the whole army had a free passage to Bolongne. A victory extraordinary happy, having in one night conquered a great City, & without peril or fight, broken a whole army. The Bishop Vitelli held the Citadel, and Vilfruch, posting thither in the night, persuades him to deliver it into the emperors hands: but three thousand Ducats which the Bolonois gave him, The Bolonois raze their Citadel. made him to open the gates, the people having recovered it, to free themselves both from subjection, and the jealousy of nations, and also from the fear they had, lest the King should retain it, they ruined it to the ground. The Duke of Ferrare making his profit of this victory, recovered Cente, Pieve, Cotignole, Lugo and other towns of Romagna. At the same time, the Emperors and the King's Deputies, assisted by the Cardinals of S. Croix, S. Malo, Baieux, Cosense, Albret, and many others, publish a Council at Pisa, for the first of September, the which was lately returned to the obedience of the Florentines. To cross this Council, the Pope (following the advice of Anthony de Mont of S. Sansovin, one of the eight Cardinals newly created at Ravenne) appointed a general Council the first of May, at S. john de Lateran in Rome. And to keep the King's forces quiet, he colourably gave ear to a peace, which the Bishop of Tivoli his Nuncio, and the King of Scots Ambassador treated for him with the King, and the Cardinals of Nantes and Strigonia with the Pope. A new league against the French. But these practices of peace are broken by the Pope's infirmitie· the which having brought him even to the pits brink, gave him yet respite to stir up long calamities. julius is no sooner freed from the danger of death, but he makes a new league with the Senate of Venice, and the King of Arragon against the French: To maintain (said he) the union of the Church: to defend it from apparent Schism, and to recover all such places, as mediately or immediately depended on the Church. The first day of Septem. was come, when as the Cardinal's Atturneiss, in their names, A Council gins at Pisa. do celebrate the acts appertaining to the opening of the Council of Pisa. And the Pope very wroth, that the Florentines had yielded to the celebration of this petty Council (as he termed it) in their estate, declared Florence and Pisa subject to the Ecclesiastical censure, by virtue of the Bull of the Council which he had caused to be published, and he pronounced the above named Cardinals from the dignity of Cardinal, & subject to the punishments of heretics and Schismatics. The Florentines & Pisans appeal from this curse to the holy council, (not of Pisa, but to err least in their terms) of the universal Church: and by the Magistrate's commandment, the priests continue the public celebration of divine service in their Churches. The pretext to reform the church was goodly and of great profit. But oh pleasant reformers: the Authors of this Council, thrust on by their own private ambitious designs, under colour of a general good, contended of their own private interest, so as every one might plainly see, that whosoever should be chosen Pope, would have no less need of reformation, than those they now undertook to reform. So as even at their first entry the Cardinals tried both the contempt and hatred of the commons. They call the Clergy to assist in the Cathedral Church at the first session. No one appears, the Priests deny their ornaments to the Cardinals, offering to celebrate the Mass, & shut the Church doors. So as the Cardinals fearing they should not remain safe at Pisa, unless they were backed with foreign forces, & the florentines unwilling to admit any, remembering the Pisans rebellion under Charles the 8. they decreed to have the Council transported to Milan. They found the like difficulties at Milan. The Council transported to Milan. The Clergy abstain from saying service, as before accursed persons: the commons curse them, and laugh at them in open street, namely at the Cardinal of Saint Croix chosen Precedent of the Council, whom every one noted to be the Author of this assembly, hoping by favour thereof to make himself a footstool to climb to the Popedom. This disgrace of the Milanois made them again to transport the Council to Lions. When julius being su●●ended from his Popedom, & prohibitions made throughout all France, not to send any m●ney to Rome, nor to bring any Bulls from thence: he did not only excommunicate all ●●e French, but also granted Bulls of pardon and remission, to any one that should 〈…〉 Frenchman: giving the realm of France (& that of Navarre, in hatred of john of Albret allied to the King, and at the persuasion of Ferdinand King of Arragon, who had long gaped after some occasion to lay hold of it,) in prey to the first conqueror. So this Council did nothing but increase their spleens and kindle new troubles. But as the King had an intent to assail Romagna, or to maintain the war in another's Country, attending his own coming in person, the next spring with all the forces of his realm, behold sixteen thousand Swisses, with seven field pieces (new raised by the cardinal of Sion, A descent of Swisses. under the authority of julio) come a land at Varese &, Galere & from thence they send a trumpet to defy Gaston of Foix, Duke of Nemours, who with the Council of Triwlce commanded the French armies, as Lieutenant general to the king his Uncle, Gaston (having speedily assembled seven hundred horse, and such foot as the urgent necessity would suffer him, the companies being divided into sundry garrisons) presents himself before Galere, with much artillery. The Swisses go forth in battle: yet unwilling to fight in so open a place, they retire to Busti. In the mean time the companies of men at arms, and foot, come from all parts to Milan. Captain Molare with his Gascons came from Verona, and the Lansquenets from Carpi, who cheered the minds of the Milanois, being some what daunted by sudden an assault. And the more, for that, certain letters were surprised which the Swisses had written to their Lords, that they had no news, neither of the Pope nor of the Venetian army. So as having found some difficulty to pass the river of Adie, they took (as in their journey) the way of Come, and so every one to his home. Showing, Their retrea●. that for want of conduct, assistance and payment, they do commonly terrify more than hurt. War in Romagna. After the Swisses retreat, behold all the Towns the Ferrarois held in Romagna were exposed in prey to the Spaniards, being joined to the forces of the Church, who assembling at Imola, a thousand men at arms, eight hundred Genetaires, and eight thousand Spanish foot, with many Barons of the Realm of Naples, under the command of Fabricio Colonne, their general, and for the Pope eight hundred men at arms, eight hundred light horse, and eight thousand Italians, under Marc Anthony Colonne, john Vitelli, Malateste son to john Paul Baillon, Raphael of Passy, and others, all subject to the command of the Cardinal, of Medicis Legat in the army, resolving to besiege Bologone. The Duke of Nemours had put into it, (besides the inhabitants and some horse and foot entertained by the Bentivoles) two thousand Lansquenets, and two hundred Lances under Odet, son to Peter of Foix Viconte of Lautrec, Yues of Alegre, Anthony of Fayete, Peter Terrail, surnamed Captain Bayard: and in the mean time assembled all the forces of Italy together at Final, to preserve Bologne from the enemy. Al●ead●e a hundred fathom of the wall near to Saint Stephen's gate were laid even with the ground, the Tower at the gate was already abandoned: and the Spaniards had already planted an ensign upon the wall, Bologne besieged by the Spaniards. when as the besieged placing their Cannon in counterbattery, and having slain some of them that were mounted, they forced them to retire in disorder. These first attempts had troubled the people, if Gaston had not suddenly reenforced the Town with a thousand foot and a hundred and fourscore Lances. The besieged thus fortified, a strange success doubles their courage. Peter of Navarre having set fire to a mine which he had made at the port of chastilion, where there was a chapel, both the wall and the Chapel leapt so into the air, as the army without, descovered the Town plainly, A miraculous chance. and the soldiers prepared to defend the assault, but both the wall and chapel falling down, settled in the same place from whence the violence of the fire had forced them. Doubtless the Bolonois had reason to make a miracle of this adventure, and to believe, that this fall upon the same foundation, was a manifest testimony of God's assistance. This happy success brought Gaston to Bresse, 1512. whether the Venetian army marched, to effect some intelligences: but persuaded by the Captains of Bologne, that his absence would double the enemy's courage, he parts from Final, and marching all night (notwithstanding the snow, and violent winds) 〈◊〉 the City in the morning, with thirteen hundred lances, six thousand Lansquenets, and eight thousand French and Italians, before enemy had any notice thereof: who being assured of the truth, retired their artillery secretly, and took the way to Imola. In the mean time Andrew Gritti, Bresse 〈◊〉 by the Venetians. general of the Venetians (persuaded by Count Lewis A●ogare, and the most part of the Country men) had taken the Town of Bresse by assault, where james of Aillon Lord of Lude kept the Castle still. People newly conquered ●o commonly the like in all occasions. Be●game (the two Castles excepted) Orciveche, Orcino●e, Pontui●ue, & many places there abouts, obey the victors. The Duke of Nemours leaving three hundred Lances, and four thousand foot in Bologne, posted with all speed to Bresse, and having intelligence that john Paul Baillon lodged in the I'll of Esc●le, with three hundred men at arms, four hundred light horse, and twelve hundred foot, he goes to charge them with three hundred Lances, & seven hundred Archers: having overtaken them, as they were ready to pass the river of Adice, at the tower of Magnanine, he chargeth them, defeats them, and kills almost a hund●ed horse, takes many p●●soners (amongst others Gui of Rangon, & Balihazar Signorel of Percuse) dispe●s●d all his foot, (whereof the most part were drowned in p●ssing) and takes two Fauconeu●▪ which he had. The next day, in an encounter, he overcame Meleagre of Furli▪ Captain of the Venetian light horse, the commander remaining prisoner so continuing his desse●●e, he arrived at Bresse nine days after his departure, besieged it, takes it by force and sacks it. Doubtless this brave Prince did hazard his own ruin, if he had not, with great judgement and order, commanded, that no man should look to any spoil, Bresse recovered by the 〈◊〉. before the town were fully at his command And he d●● so well put it in practice, as the first that made show to abandon his rank, was slain by his companions. But who doth use such discipline at this day, when as being greedy of booty, they lose so goodly occasions? Our French lost some men at arms, and many foot: but the enemy lost about eight thousand: some inhabitants armed, some Venetians, who were five hundred men a● a 〈◊〉, eight hundred light ho●se, two hundred st●ad●ors, and eight thousand foot. 〈◊〉 Conta●in Commissary of the Stradiots was slain, Andrew Gritti, Antho●ie Ius●ini●n, john Paul Ma●fron and his son, the Chevalier Volpe, Balthasar of S●ipion one of 〈◊〉 so●●es of Anthony of Pié, Count Lewis A●ogare his two sons, and Dominique 〈◊〉▪ Captain of the Stradiots were prisoners. Count Lewis and his children, the chief 〈◊〉 of this rebellion, were afterwards beheaded. A revolt dee●el● bought by this 〈◊〉, which yielded not to any other in Lombardie, in Nobility and dignity: and in wealth (n●xt unto Milan) it exceeded all the rest. This chastisement made ●ergame and the other revolted Towns, to call back the French whom they had lately expelled. These prizes and reprises, conquests and happy success prolonged the stay of the French in Italy, and yet they did nothing settle their 〈◊〉 seeing what they enjoyed, was rather a charge and expense to them, than any profi●. Bu● behold strange crosses both by land and sea, do hereafter bandy against the happiness of our men. They give the King intelligence from Rome, A new league against the King. that Henry the 8. King of England (notwithstanding his promise) was joined in league with the Pope, & it was confirmed by writing, that a Galeasse laden with wines, corn, and other provision arriu●ng in England from the Pope, had exceedingly altered Henry, with the 〈◊〉, Clergy, and commons of England. That he should with his army at sea invade the coasts of Normandy and Bri●tanie, and send 8000. foot into Spain to begin war in Cu●enne jointly with the Arragonois▪ And they made already great preparations of men and shipping in England, and likewise of ships in Spain, to pass into England. Moreover the Emperor was altered and changed in his affection, complaining that the King (contrary to the capitulation of Cambrai) did hinder the advancement of the Empire in Italy. He required that Renee the King's youngest daughter should be promised to Charles his grandchild, giving him Bourgongne in downy, and that the Maid should then be presently delivered into his hands and custody. That the controversies, for Ferrare, Bologne and the Council should be referred to him. And moreover having made a truce with the Venetians, for eight months, he protested, not to suffer the King to increase his estate in Italy: But these were but bare shifts to cover his bad intent. Besides, the Cantons of the Swisses were so incensed against this Crown, that although the King sought to win their loves with store of gold, yet the persuasions of the Cardinal of Zion (whereby we may see that Cardinals have been always dealers in matters of state) had newly made them grant to the confederates a levy of six thousand men. And the Pope, to strain all his strings against our Lewis, fearing lest his extreme rigour should induce the florentines to follow the King's fortune, to the prejudice of his desseins, he revokes, without any suit, the Censures whereunto he had bound them. To quench this fire before it flamed farther, the King commanded his Nephew to march with speed against the confederates army, of whom he promised himself the victory, being amazed and yet the weaker, and then to assail Rome and the Pope with all violence, desirous that this war (to seem the less odious) should be made in the name of the Council, called first at Pisa, and that a Legate deputed by the Counsel should receive the conquered Towns, in the name thereof. The Cardinal of Saint Severin was appointed Legate of Bologne in the army. So the Duke of Nemours, furnishing all places with men necessary for defence, gathers together all the forces the King had in Italy, ●e makes a company of sixteen hundred Lances, five thousand Lansquenets, five thousand Gascons and eight thousand French and Italians, to whom the Duke of Ferrare added a hundred men at arms, two hundred light horse, The French army in Italy. and a great quantity of good artillery: Gaston having left his at Final by reason of the bad way. The enemy's army was 1400. men at arms, a thousand light horse, seven thousand Spaniards & three thousand Italians newly levied. Gaston thrust forward aswell by the King's command, as by his own valour and desire of Glory, was desirous to see if the enemy would willingly try the hazard of a battle. They on the other side temporised, attending their Swisses, and that the English and Spaniards beginning war in France, should force the King to call back all or the greatest parts of his troops▪ and yet coasted alongst the French army lest the Towns of Romagna should be left in prey, and the way laid open to go to Rome, lodging always in strong places, near to some strong town, which might serve them for a retreat at need. So the Duke of Nemours (not able to cut off their victuals through the commodity they had of the Towns of Romagna, nor force them to fight, without great disadvantage) goes and encamps before Ravenna, hoping they would not be so base minded, as to suffer such a City to be l●●st before their eyes: and by this means an occasion should be offered to fight with them in an equal place. The enemy discovering this purpose, sends Marc An●honie Colonne to Ravenne, with threescore men at arms of his company, ●eter of Cast●e with a hundred light horse, ●alezar and 〈◊〉 ●ith▪ six hundred Spaniards. The ●owne is seated betwixt two riuer●, Ron●ne and Mon●one which descending from the Appenin hills, straighten themselves near unto Ravenna, with so small a distance, that on either side they pass close to the walls, Savenna besieged by the Duke of Nem●urs. 〈◊〉 joining together they run into the sea three miles from thence. Gaston encamps him●elfe betwixt the two rivers, & plants his artillery, some against the to●er of 〈◊〉 betwixt ●ort Adrian and Ronque, and some on the other side of the 〈◊〉 of Mont●ne, whether almost half his troops were passed to batter in divers places, and t● hold the river at his will. He batters the wall, makes a breach of thirty fathom, chooseth ten out of every company of men at arms to cover the foot: divides his army into three squadrons, & gives a furious assault, although they could not mount but with Ladders, the wall remaining yet above three yards high. Those within maintain it valiantly, and fight the space of three hours, in the end they repulse our men, with the loss of three hundred foot and some men at arms, with a great number of hurt: amongst others the Lord of Chastillon, the master of the ordinance, and Spineuse, who being hurt with the artillery from the Town, died within few days after. In the mean time the Citizens amazed, and fearing a more dangerous charge, treated of their yeedling, without the privity of Marc Anthony Colonne, when as behold the enemy comes, marching to their succour, who camps at Meu●●nach three miles from Ravenna, fortifying themselves with a trench, ●●ch as the shortness of time would permit, leaving an entry of about twenty fathoms. 〈◊〉 raiseth the siege, turns the mouth of the Cannon towards the enemies, and on Easter day the eleventh of April, passeth Ronque, leaving his rearward led by Yues d' Alegre upon the rivers side towards Ravenna, to secure the army at need; to m●ke head against those that should issue out off the Town, & to keep the bridge which they had made upon the river of Montone: then disposing of his troops, he gives the ●●ant-gard to the D●ke of Ferrare. the battle to the Lord of Palisse, and the Car●●●all of Saint Severin, who great both in mind and body, covered from the head to the foot with most shining arms, performed the office of a Captain rather than of 〈◊〉. Gaston reserved to himself no private charge, but would be free, to see and secure in all places, the beauty of his arms, his cassake, his cheerful countenance, his eyes full of vigour and shining for joy, made him very glorious. The enemies seeing ou● French pass the river, were ranged in battle. Fabrice Colonne led the forward, the Cardinal of Medicis Legat of the Council of Lateran, the battle, but (a fatal sign) in a peaceful habit: Caruagial a Spanish Captain, the rearward. So the two armies approaching one to the other, stood immovable above two hours, the enemies being loath to abandon the compass of their palissado. The Spaniards artillery thunders, and at the first volee overthrew many French. The battle o● Ravenne won by the French. The French answers, but with a greater loss to their horse. Peter of Navarre having caused the foot to couch flat upon their bellies, Fabrice cries, presseth and importunes, to go to the battle, and not to suffer them to be consumed by the Cannon. The Nauarr●is contradicts, presuming that the more the danger increased, the more famous would the victory be which he expected. But the Cannon had so scoured their men at arms and light horse, as they could no longer keep their ranks. There might you see men and horse fall dead to the ground, heads, arms and legs fly into the 〈◊〉, when as Fabricio cries out. Shall we die shamefully here, by the obstinacy and malice of a villain? Shall this army be consumed, without the death of any one enemy? must the honour of Spain and Italy be lost for the pleasure of a Navarrois? Speaking thus, he presseth out of the trench with his company, all the horsemen follow him, the foot rise, and with fury charge the Lansquenets. All the squadrons join, danger, glory, hope and hatred of nation against nation flesh them in the combat. Fabricio Colo●ne is already taken by the Duke of Ferrares company, Alegri chargeth in flank with his rearward. The Viceroy of Naples and Caruagial are put to flight, leading with them almost a whole squadron. The light horse are disranked, and the Marquis of P●scara their Captain prisoner, being covered with wounds and blood. The Marquis of Padulle is likewise defeated with his squadron, and taken prisoner. The Italians foot strenke and began to turn their backs, if the Spaniards had not speedily come to second them against the Lansquenets. But all the horsemen fled, and the Spanish battalion re●●red in order, when as Gaston turning to charge them with a great troop of horse, not holding the victory absolute, if those retired whole, he went courageously to assail them. But alas, as they charge the hindermost, they are environed by this battalion, cut in pieces for the most part, & he (thrown under his horse) was slain, being thrust into the s●anke with a pike. Doubtless a happy death for him, having this content in his s●ule, to die in so young an age, honoured with so much glory, Gaston of Foix slain. the which he had purchased in few months by so many and so notable victories: but a fatal victory, polluted with the death of so brave a Commander, who but even now began to make his na●● and his valour known, and by his fall carried with him the happiness of the French, and the strength of this army. The Viconte of Lautrec his Cousin, remained almost dead, by him, maimed with twenty wounds: but led afterwards to Ferrare, and being carefully looked unto, he escaped, to do the King notable service. Gaston being dead, the Spaniards retire without trouble or let: the rest of the army is broken and dispersed. The baggage taken, enseignes and artillery. Prisoners of account. Prisoners of mark, Fabricio Colonne, the Marquises of Pescara and Padulle, Estelle, and Bitonte, the Earl of Monteleon, john of Cardone, Peter of Navarre, many Barons and Noblemen Spaniards, Neapolitans and Italians, and the Legate of the Council of Lateran. There were slain, according to the common estimation, ten thousand, & a third of the French, amongst which were Alegre and Viverrois his son, Raimonet of Saint Maur, Molare and some other Gascoine Captains, jacob Colonel of the Lansquenets, a brave man, The number of dead. and commended to have assisted much with his troop for the winning of this victory. Two thirds of the enemies, but almost all their chief Captains and the bravest of their army, a great number hurt, and most of them that fled, were st●pt and beaten down by the Countrymen, which lay in troops by the way. And (for the last act of this Papal tragedy) Ravenna is taken by assault and cruelly sacked, and spoiled. Imola, 〈◊〉 taken and s●ckt. Furli, Cesena, Rimini and all the forts of Romagna followed the victo●● fortune, and the Legate of the Council of Pisa, receives them all in the name of the said Council. The body of Gaston was carried to Milan, with an honourable convoy, in a litter followed by the above named prisoners, & interred with a wonderful mournful pomp, namely of the soldiers, whose hearts he had so won, as they protested that nothing was impossible unto them, under the leading of such a Commander. And the King his Uncle receiving these heavy tidings. I would to God (said he) I were driven out of Italy, so as my Nephew de Foix and the other Noblemen lived▪ I wish such victories to mine enemies. If we vanquish once more after this sort, we shall be vanquished. Without doubt he had reason, for from that time this army (not able to find a Commander of that credit) on the one side rich with spoil, on the other weak both of force and courage, by this so bloody a victory, seemed rather vanquished then victorious. This battle had filled the Court of Rome with terror and tumult, and the Cardinals running to the Pope, priest him with instant prayers to accept a peace, with such conditions as the King offered by the Cardinals of Nantes and Strigonia, wherewith the King was yet content, notwithstanding the happy success of his affairs: That Bologne, Lugo and all other Towns, which Alphonso held in Romagna, should be restored, and the Council of Pisa disannulled. The treachery o● 〈◊〉. julius seeing these conditions very honourable for him, & that under colour of these parlays he should stay the King's army, until he heard the resolution of those, on whom he grounded the rest of his hopes, subscribed these article● nine days after the battle, promising on his faith to the Cardinals, to accept them. Bu● our Lewis must try once more, how dangerous it is to move a warlike nation. The Swisses wonderfully discontented with the King's refusal, to increase their pensione, by whose valour (said they) he had conquered so great Estates without his re●●me, and ●or that he had entertained Lansquenets, as if he had means to make war without their forces: they have no sooner received a florin of the Rhin for every man 〈◊〉 the Pope (whereas before the King was enforced to give much gold, and great presents to their Colonels, A new● descent o● 〈◊〉. to have them fight) but descending into Lombardie with sea●en or eight thousand men, they force Palisse Lieutenant general of the King's army, to re●●re to de●end the estate of Milan: Robert Vrsin, Pompey Colonne, Anthony Savelle, Peter Marga●● and Rance Mankin had, since the battle accepted the King's pay: and now the descent of the Swisses, and the dislodging of Palisse, makes some to lead such men as they had levied with the King's money, unto the Pope: others retain the money to themselves, only Margane (more modest than the rest) restores it again. All this freed the Pope from fear, Treachery in 〈◊〉 commanders. and confirmed him in his obstinacy. He gins the Council of Lateran the third of May, pronounceth a monitory unto the King. That he deliver, upon the p●●nes set down by the holy Canons, the Cardinal of Medicis, taken prisoner in the war, being a Milan: and after some sessions he surceasseth, to attend the war. john Paul Baillon, general of the Venetian army, attended the Swisses in the territories of Verona with four hundred men at arms, eight hundred light horse, and six thousand foot: being joined, they surprise a letter which Palisse did write to the general of Normandy, who remained at Milan: That it would be very hard to resist the enemies, if they turned towards the Duchy of Milan: A sufficient instruction to direct them in their course, which makes them march towards Milan. Palisse had not with him above a thousand Lances, six or seven thousand foot, all his other troops being divided into places for defence: and this general of Normandy, as bad a warrior as a treasurer (I would not forget to name him, if I had learned his name) having after the battle of Ravenna, under colour of sparing for the King, contrary to the disposition of present affairs, indiscreetely discharged the Italians foot and some French. And besides the small number of men, the dissension and disobedience of Captains, and the soldiers contempt of their commander, joined with the discomodities of a tired army: a general little regarded, ill accompanied, in a Country far from succours, Disorders in the French army. environed with mighty and many enemies, must needs produce some great and sodden disorder. The best means our Captains could find, was to abandon the field, and disperse their troops into the most important places. In Bresse two thousand foot, a hundred and fifty Lances, and a hundred men at arms of the florentines, in cream fifty Lances and a thousand foot, in Bergame, a thousand foot, and a hundred men at arms of the florentines. The remainder of the army consisting of six hundred Lances, two thousand French foot, and four thousand Lansquenets retired to Pontic, a strong place of situation, and fit to secure Milan, Cremona, Bresse, Bergame, and to withstand the enemy. But it is a great inconvenience to rely most upon foreign forces, so subject to change. The Emperor gives the first stroke, he calls home his Lansquenets, and their departure making Palisse lose all hope of possibility to defend the Duchy of Milan, he retires to Pisqueton. So the Cremonois abandoned, yields (except the Castle) at the first approach of the confederates, and pay forty thousand ducats to the Swisses. Certain banished men returning into Bergame, cause a revolt, and Palisse being too weak to stop the enemy's passage over the river of Add, puts himself into Pavia. But he sought to prevent the ruin of a great building with a rush. Then john jaques of Triwlce, the general of Normandy, Anthony Marie Paluois●, Galeas Visconte, and many other gentlemen and servants to the King, The estate of Milon lost by the French. saving themselves 〈◊〉 Piedmont, leave Milan in prey, which bond itself at the first summons to pay a great some of money. Pavia battered and abandoned by the French, is saved by the 〈◊〉 means from spoil. All Towns except Bresse and cream, make haste to do the 〈◊〉. All the Country cries against the name of the Empire. All is taken and governed in t●e name of the holy League (for so they called it) The Cardinal of Zion governs 〈◊〉 his pleasure, and causeth all the taxes of the conquered Towns to be given to the Swiss, so as upon the brute of this money, an infinite number of others run and 〈…〉 the first. Rimini, Cesenne and Ravenna return to the Pope's obedience, 〈◊〉 and Parma yield willingly unto him, as members of the government of Ravenna. The Swisses seize upon Lucarne, the Grisons (who also in this cross left the French alliance) upon Voltoline and Chiavenne. Genes rebels, expels the French, and john Fr●gose, a Captain in the Venetians army, returning, causeth himself to be created Duke, as his father bade been. At the same instant the Pope recovers all Romagna, the Bentivoles abandon Bologne, and the Duke of Urbin seizeth thereon in julius name. So every one pulls his piece from the whole, and all these estates conquered with so great toil, so much money, and such loss of blood: are lost at the first attempt, after this great victory of Ravenna, with little labour and less bloodshed. Truly, the best wits are confounded in the 〈…〉 of these things: and we must confess, that the issue of human affairs depends of a higher Council then that of Man. Notwithstanding, according unto man, to whom shall we impute the cause of these mischances, but to the death of the Duke of Nemours? for if he had lived, it is likely, that governing well his victory, he had (with his help that gives and takes) reaped the fruits worthy thereof. But greatness comes neither from the east, nor from the west, nor from the desert, for it is God which governs, he pulls down one, and raiseth an other. The Pope still gaped with his old desire, to have Ferrare in his power. But by the intercession of the Marquis of Mantova▪ the Ambassador of the King of Arragon (for that Alphonso was borne of a daughter of old Ferdinand King of Naples) and the Colonnes, Alphonso having demanded and obtained pardon of the Pope, upon promise hereafter to do the deeds and duties of a faithful feudatory and vassal of the Church, julius turns his revenge upon the companies, wherewith the florentines had aided the King, whom he caused to be spoiled by the Venetian soldiers, with the consent of the Cardinal of Zion, who notwithstanding had given them a passport to pass safely into Tuscan. And by the practices of the said julius, who (according to the ancient desire of all Popes) sought to have authority in this commonweal, the Medicis, with the help of the Confederates, returned to Florence, & settled themselves by force in the dignity which their father was wont to enjoy. Italy being for this time freed from the fear of the French forces, the King holding nothing but Bresse, cream, Legnague: the Chastelet and the Lantern at Genes, the castles of Milan, of Cremona and some other forts, all these Confederates gaped after the Duchy of Milan: and the Swisses, on whom the Pope then partly depended, opposing themselves, not to suffer this estate to fall into the hands of any other Prince, but of such a one as could not maintain himself without their aid and secure: Maximilian grandchild to Lodowick Sforce was named Duke of Mil●●: who made his entry in the end of December, receiving the keys from the hands of the Cardinal of Zion, Sforce restored to Milan. as confirming the said Maximilian: That he held the possession of Milan in the Swisses name. An honourable act and worthy of their generosity: not to yield the honour which belonged unto them to the other confederates, the which notwithstanding t●ey should much esteem, and (it may be) might have obtained it for money. Novarre returns soon after to the obedience of Sforce. Then the Genovois recovered the Chastelet of Genes, forten thousand Ducats given to the Captain: and the Venetians besieging Bresse, Aubigni who defended it, resolves to deli●er ●t to the Spaniards, to breed a jealousy betwixt them: even as a few d●●es before Palisse had given Legnague, to the Emperor, to nourish a discord bred betwixt the Emperor and the Venetians, who besieged it. Octavian Sforce Bishop of Lode and governor of Milan, sent four thousand Swisses to conquer cream, for Maximilian Sforce. but Benedict Criba●io, corrupted by gifts, delivered it to the Venetians, with the consent of the Lord of Duras, who kept the Castle. This was of purpose to breed a division betwixt the Swisses and the Venetians. A counsel generally concluded by the French, which remained of this shipwreck, the which in the end wrought some effects▪ but the loss fell upon the French, for with this first disdain of the Venetians against the Emperor by reason of Legnague, behold a new levaine of discontent is laid by the Bishop of Gurce, Maximilians ●mbassador at Rome. He made great instance, that the Venetians should deliver Vincence to the Emperor: whereunto, neither soliciting, entreating, nor the Pope's threats could induce the Venetians. The Pope (desiring to gratify Maximilian: that in his favour he should approve the Council of Lateran against that of Pisa) protested to the Ambassadors of Venice: A new League where the Venetians are excluded. That he should be forced to pursue their common we●le both with spiritual and temporal arms. So as nothing mo●ed with this protestation, the Pope, the Emperor & the Arragonois renew the league of cambray, declaring the Venetians to be excluded. So the Emperor (by the Bishop of Gurce, in the next session of this Council of Lateran) disavowed all them that had used his name in the Council of Pisa, and allowed that of Lateran. In the mean time, the six thousand English (promised by Henry King of England,) were arrived at Fontaraby, a Town seated upon the Ocean, & frontier of the realm of Spain towards France, to assail jointly (according to the conventions of the two Kings of Arragon and England, father in Law and son) the Duchy of G●ienne: upon this pretext the Arrogonois had entreated john son to Alain of Albret and King of Navarre, about by reason of Katherine of Foix his wife, heir of the said realm), to remain a newrer betwixt the King of France, and him: and that▪ for the assurance thereof, he should deliver certain places into his hands, promising to redeliver them when the war should be ended. But the Navarrois knowing well the demanders' intent, obtains a promise of succours from King Lewis: who, to divert the Arragonois forces, treated with the Duke of A●be Lieutenant general for Ferdinand in this army. But when the one party is vigilant and politic, and the other slothful, there soon appears great effects. The Industry & vigilancy of Ferdinand, the slackness and too great facility of Lewis, who (abused with the policy and devices of his Nephew) did equally hurt the Navarrois, who suffered himself likewise to be deceived with the fradulent hopes wherewith the Arragonois entertained him, who (seeing the succours of France far off, Navarre usurped by the Arragonois. the realm unfurnished of forces, and the places not yet fortified) enters into Navarre, takes Pampelune, and the other Towns of the realm, abandoned by john (being unable to defend it) and fled into Bearne. And having no lawful title to possess it, publisheth, that he is lawfully seized thereon, by the authority of the apostolic sea, whereby the said realm was given to the first that should conquer it, by reason of the alliance which john had with the King of France, a sworn enemy to the Church, and by the Pope's bull, both being subject to the censure, as heretics & schismatics. Without doubt the Pope holds not this prerogative of jesus Christ, to give kingdoms, and to expose them in prey: for he exhorted to yield, and not to take from Caesar: and the Apostles did not busy themselves, to divide earthly possessions. Moreover, is it lawful for the Pope to usurp an other man's right, give away that which is not his own, and consequently the spiritual sword against those he cannot judge, having declared himself a party? After the Conquest of Navarre, the English persuaded Ferdinand to the siege of Bay●n●e, who without this place made no reckoning of the rest of Guienne. But he held that which he long wished for, as a commodious Country and very necessary for the safety of Spain, and could not affect the war on this side the Pyrenae mountains. So as the English, seeing that Ferdinand did use them only to satisfy his private covetousness, took shipping, and sailed into England. To recover this usurped realm, the King sent Francis Duke of Longneville, governor of ●uienne, Charles Duke of Bourbon, son to Gilbert late Viceroy of Naples, Odet of Foix Vicontu of Lautrec, john of Chabannes, Lord of Palisse, Martial of France, Peter of ●err●●l, the Lords of Maugiron, Lude, Barbezicux, Turene, Escars, Ventadour, Pompadour and other valiant Captains and Gascons, which he assembled from all parts. But the army being divided by the dissension of the Duke of Longueville, who as Governor of Guienne, pretended the command to belong unto him: and the Duke of bourbon unwilling to yield unto him, by reason of his quality, proved fruitless for the King of Navarre. Thus the realm of Navarre was invaded by the Spaniards, who remained master thereof. The departure of the English, and the enterprise of Navarre being made frustrate, 〈◊〉 affects the affairs of Milan, with greater vehemency, whilst that the castle, and that of Cremona held good: but the opposition of so many enemies bred many 〈◊〉. There were many hopes to draw some one of these from this common alli 〈…〉 Bishop of Gurce had courteously given ear to a friend of the Cardinal of S. 〈…〉 whom the Queen of France had sent unto him, and held one of his people at 〈…〉 Court to make a motion, that the King should bind himself to aid the 〈◊〉 against the Venetians▪ that Charles grandchild to Maximilian, should 〈…〉 ●ing● youngest daughter, to whom he should give the Duchy of Milan, 〈…〉 the King should yield unto them the rights he pretended to the realm of Naples, 1513. and that the said Duchy being recovered, Cremona and Guiaradadde, should be held by the Emperor. Moreover the Venetians were wonderfully grieved at the Pope's new treaty with the Emperor: which put the King in hope to draw the Venetians unto him. The Arragonois came between by a politic stratagem: to assure his new Conquest of Navarre, he had sent two Friars into France (it is the Spaniards custom to manage affairs by the means of religious persons, to make their neg●tiations the more grave, and to colour their policies with more subtlety) to treat with the Queen, touching a general peace, or a private, betwixt the two Kings. The amity of the Swisses did import much. But remembering, that by their forces, Charles the 8. had first troubled the peace of Italy, Lewis his successor, by means thereof, had conquered the Estate of Milan, recovered Genes, and overthrew the Venetians: that at this present the Pope and other Potentates of Italy paid them annual pensions, to be received into their confederacy: They grew obstinate in refusing the King's alliance, wh●ch he sought by the Lords of Tremoville and Triwlce. In the end, the King (being rejected by the Swisses) seeks the Venetians, who conclude to make a league with the King, according to the capitulations made formerly betwixt them, by the which Cremona & Guiaradadde should remain to them. Robertet, Secrettary of the State, Triuul●e and almost all the chief of the Council approved this league. But the persuasions of the Cardinal of S. Severin opposite to Triwlce, and the Queen's authority, (who desired much the greatness of her daughter by the foresaid marriage; so as s●e might remain with her, until the consummation thereof,) made the King and his Council incline to the emperors party. But discovering, that these were but practices of the Emperor, to make the King proceed more coldly in his courses, he soon gave it over. Whilst that arms ceased on all sides, the Pope's passions increased. He revived his desseines against Ferrare, Sienne, Luques, Florence and Genes, and as if it had been in his power to beat all the world at one instant: he thrust the King of England into war, in whose favour he had dispatched a Bull in the Council of Lateran, whereby the title of most Christian was given unto him, and the Realm of France again abandoned to him that should conquer it. But as he devised of all these things, and without doubt of many other more high sec●●●s (according to the capacity of his terrible spirit, how great so ever) death ended the course of his present toils, the 21. day of February at night. Pope julius dies. A Prince doubtless of courage, of admirable constancy, and most worthy of glory, if he had directed his intentions to advance the Church by peace, as he sought to grow great in temporal things, by policies in war. john Cardinal of Me●ic●s succeeded ●im, and was called Leo .10. The happy memory of his father, his lawful election free from bribes and S●monye, his fair conditions, his liberality and mildness of spirit, A new election. gave great hope of the quiet of Christendom. Yet soon after his installment, he showed plainly that he was rather successor of his predecessors hatred and covetous passions, then of S. Peter. According to the treaty of the above named Friars, the Kings of France & Arragon concluded a truce, A truce betwixt ●rance and Arragon. whereby our Lewis having more liberty to think of the wars of Milan, resolved to send an army, knowing well that the people of that estate, oppressed with excessive taxes, levied to pay the Swisses, and with the lodging and payment made to the Spaniards, desired earnestly to return to his obedience. And to make this enterprise the more easy, the accord propounded before with the Venetians was again renewed: so as the Venetians considering, that a concord with Maximilian▪ keeping Verona from them) was not sufficient to protect them from troubles and dangers, and that hardly they should get such an occasion to recover their estate, they bind themselves by Andrew Gritti: Peace betwixt the king of F●ance and the Venetians. To aid the King with eight hundred men at arms, fifteen hundred light horse, and ten thousand foot: to recover Ast, Genes, and the Duchy of Milan. And the King: to assist them, until they had recovered all they had possessed in Lombardie, and in the Marquisate of Trevise before the treaty of Cambray. The King knew well, it were but labour lost to seek the Pope, who desired to have no Frenchman in Italy. Yet the devotion he had to the Roman sea, made him sue unto Leo: not to hinder him in the recovery of the above named places, offering not only not to pa●se any further, but also at all times to make such peace with him as he pleased. But Le● ●reading the steps of his Predecessor, persuades the King of England to join with the Arragonois in the oppression of France, according to the Bull gruen by julio: he protested to continue in the League made with the Emperor, with the Catholic King and with the Swisses. The King thus frustrate of a peace with the Pope, A royal army in the Du●hie of Milan. sends the Lord of Triwlce, with fifteen hundred Lances, eight hundred light horse, and fifteen thousand foot, half French and half Lansquenets. The whole Country was already in a mutiny, the Earl of Mussocque, son to ●ohn james of Triwlce, was entered into Ast and Alexandria: the French had taken Cremona, Sonzin, Lode, and other places near: and the Milanois had excused themselves to their Duke, who was at Novarre: for that having no man to defend them, they made their composition with the French: yet giving him hope to return to his subjection, when as the Swisses and his confederates should join in field. Bartholomew of Aluiane, General of the Venetian army, had taken Valege, Pesquiere, and Bresse, when as the King's army at sea approaching to Genes, and finding Othobon and Sinibaud, the sons of Lewis of Fiesque, leading four thousand foot: and on the other side Antonel and Jerome Adorns, Genes taken. with a great number of the country men: they took Genes from the Fregoses, where the victors entering, (transported with the fury of revenge,) the two Fiesques brethren, caused Zacharie brother to the Duke of Genes to be slain, and then to be tied cruelly to a horse tail, and dragged through the City, being present a little before, at the death of Jerome their brother, who coming out of the Palace, had been murdered by Lodowick and Fregosin, brothers to the Duke. All this succeeded well: but forty thousand Ducats, lately sent by the Pope to the Swisses, had drawn an infinite number into the estate of Milan, thrusting themselves into Novarre, at the first b●ute that the French meant to besiege it. It was the same Novarre, wherein Lodowick Sforce, father to this present Duke, was taken prisoner. In the King's camp were the same Captains, Tremoville and Triwlce: some of the same Ensigns and Colonels which had sold the father, accompanied the son in this war. And these presumptions caused Tremoville to make this overbold promise to the King: That he hoped to deliver him the son of prisoner in the same place, where before he had gruen him the father. The remembrance of happiness past, comforts the hope: but let us take heed, least under this colour we grow insolent and careless. Now the arrogancy of our French, finds a firm resolution in the Swisses, whereof follows a strange catastrophe, and an overthrow of the desseine. The army batters Novarre furiously, and lays a great part of the wall even with the ground: but whereas the descent was wonderful hard and dangerous, so as Tremoville advertised, that new Swisses were entered into it, and that Altosasz a very famous Colonel, brought a greater number, which coming by the valley of Aoust, approached to juree, despairing to take the Town, he retired his Camp, to go fight with the succours that came, making his account to break the enemies, rather by their own disorders for want of pay, then by the force of his arms. But by the persuasion of Mo●in, one of their Captains, ten thousand Swisses issue forth in the night, the 6. of june, without horses and artillery, against a mighty army, and better provided: they set upon our French, not asleep, but in a lodging unfortified. The men at arms assemble at the first alarm of their Sentinels, range themselves in battle, and the foot under their colours. The artillery laid many Swisses on the ground, when as the sun beginning to appear, the body of their army resolving rather to be cut in pieces than retire, seven thousand of them fall violently upon the La●sequenets who guarded the artillery: and 3000. of them plant themselves with their Pikes charged, against the horse. The Swisses and Lansequenets, thrust on with a mutual hatred, and a desire of victory, hew one another with a bloody fury, one while the one shrinks, is chased and recoils, and then the other: filling the field with ●ead bodies wounded men, and with blood, in view of the men at arms, lodged so as they could not secure the foot, by reason of brooks and ditches, that were betwixt them. So the Swisses after two hours combat remained victors, win the Artillery, turn the mouth of it against our men, and put both foot and horse to flight, of whom there is nothing remarkable observed, but that Robert of la Mark, Lord of Sedan, understanding that Floranges and jamets' his sons, The memorable valour of Robert de la 〈◊〉. Colonels of the Regiments of Lansquenets, lay among the dead carcases, moved with fury, and a fatherly affection, he runs into the midst of the Swisses troops, and in despite of them, lays the eldest upon his horse, and the youngest upon one of his men at arms, bringing them alive out oft the conflict, being reserved to show future proofs of their valour. There died about fifteen hundred Swisses, with the Author of this glorious Council: Of ours, the most part of the L●nsquenets fight, and of the French flying, unto the number (as the Italian Authors say) of ten thousand. All the horse in a manner saved themselves: the Suits not able to pursue them for want of horse: all their baggage was lost, and two and twenty pecees of great Artillery, with all the horse appointed for the same. Doubtless it was one of the most glorious battles that ever the Swisses won▪ whereby we observe, that to be surprised and prevented, takes away all judgement of command from the best commanders, daunts the soldiers courage, & breeds confusion in order. This victory being gotten, all places which had declared themselves for the French, crave pardon, and purchase their peace for money. Milan for two hundred thousand Ducats, & the t●st according to their power, to be distributed to the Swisses, to whom was due the glory and profit of this victory gotten by their blood and valour. Octaui●n Fregose (aided by three thousand Spaniards, commanded by the Marquis of P●scare) enters Genes, and causeth himself (to the prejudice of john his brother) to be created Duke of Genes. Aluiane (fearing lest this happy success of the Swisses and Spaniards should draw them upon him) retires himself, takes Legnague from the Germans, besiegeth Verona, but in vain, and then lodgeth his army within Padova. The two chief Autho●s of the Council of Pisa, Bernardin, Caruagial and Frederic of S. Severin, amazed w●●h this rout, went and craved pardon of the Pope, and were restored to the ran●e o● Cardinals. In the end of the year, the Castles of Milan and Cremona, returned to the Du●e of Milan's obedience, so as the King held nothing in Italy, but the Lantern of Genes, the which we shall see taken and razed by the Genovois. Without doubt, he that seeks profit far from his own home, is oft times forced to return poor and naked. Troubles in 〈◊〉 by the English. The King thus dispossessed of his estates in Italy, turns his thoughts now, & arms to cross the attempts of England. Henry King of England having (at the Pope's persuasion) resolved to invade the realm of France, agrees with the Emperor to give him six score thousand Ducats, to enter Bourgongne at the same instant, with three thousand horse, and eight thousand and foot, Germans and Swisses, promising the Swisses a certain sum of money, to join their forces with Maximilian, being content they should retain a part of Bourgongne, until they were fully satisfied. According to this agreement, the English enters the marches of Picardy, & camps before Therovenne, with five thousand horse of combat, and above forty thousand foot. But the English forces did not molest France at land only: the Admiral of England ran along the coasts of Normandy and Brittany. And the King to resist their incursions, caused four Galleys to pass the strait of Gibral●ar, under the charge of Captain Pregent. At the first encounter the Admiral chased Pregent into Breast. Here Pregent turns his force, fights with the Admiral, and hurts him, whereof he died within few days after. After that, four score English ships, and twenty Normands and Britons ships, fought with equal forces, ours having the wind. But in the end Primauguet a Britton, Captain of the Nun, which Queen Anne had caused to be built, beset by ten or twelve English ships, and resolute to sell his death dearly, grappled with the Regent, the chief ship of the enemy's fleet, and firing it, burned both the one and the other, with all that was in them. Therovenne was defended by two hundred and fifty Lances, and two thousand foot, whilst the King prepared two thousand five hundred Lances, ten thousand Lansquenets led by the Duke of Gueldres, six thousand others, Th●rou●●●e besieged. which the Duke of Norfolk brought (being fled long before out of England) and ten thousand French, to secure the besieged, who in the mean time molested the enemy, day and night, with their artillery; with the which the great Chamberlain of England was slain, and Talbot Captain of Calis lost a leg. The troops assembled, the King sent them to Air, under the command of Lewis of Longueville, Marquis of Rotelin, Captain of the hundred, gentlemen of his household. Victuals grew scant in Therovenne, when as the Lord of Pieces, governor of Picardy, and the French Captains, chose out the most resolute of all their troops, and gave them charge to carry victuals to the Town. And for that their enterprise had happily succeeded, retiring too confidently, and reproaching the enemy of covardise, having no intelligence of their intent, the English having sent their horse, and fifte●ne thousand foot, to cut off our men's passage, who did ride on their nags disarmed, they charge them unawares (being ready to wade through a river, that passeth at Huchin), they kill about three hundred, and take many prisoners: amongst others, the Marquis of Rotelin, Bayard, la Payete, Clermont of Anjou, and Bussy of Amboise: all the rest casting away their Lances, and trusting to their heels, and horses, saved themselves by flight. And therefore they call it the battle of spurs, which caused the yielding of Therovenne, the which was dismantled: The incoun●● of 〈◊〉. to take away all cause of discord, betwixt the Archduke Charles, (who by ancient right pretended it,) and the English, who challenged it, as conquered from the enemy by the sword. From Therovenne Henry went to camp before Tournay, following in this resolution, not so much the actions of a good Commander in the war (seeing the taking of this place, lying within the low Countries brought him small profit) as the persuasions of Maximilian, hoping that this Town pulled from the French, might in time return to the obedience of his grandchild Charles, to whom, they pretended it appertained. Tournay taken Tournay unfurnished of men of war, and despairing of succours, for that the King not being master of the field, nor of sufficient force to encounter the English,) could not secure it, saved herself from spoil, paying a hundred thousand Crowns. To cross the English, at home, The Scots defeated. the King had stirred up james King of Scotland (an ancient ally to this Crown,) but the chance of arms was nothing fortunate for him, neither at land, nor at sea, for joining with the English army, where Queen Catherine was present, he was vanquished upon Till, and slain, with above twelve thousand Scots. After these victories, the end of October approaching, Henry left a great garrison in Tournai: The English retire. dismissed his strangers, and took his way towards England, carrying no other recompense for so great, and sumptuous a preparation for war, but the City of Tournay. But some desseins upon Scotland (fallen into a pupil's hands,) hastened him home. another storm threatened France. The Swisses armed according to the former conventions: the King sends Tremoville unto them, to disperse them, under whom many of the Colonels, had received the King's pay. But neither by presents, not promises, prevailed he any thing: only he had a secret intelligence given him from some Captains, to provide for the defence of his government of Bourgongne, whether the Pope, the Emperor, & Sforee did thrust them. And behold fourteen, or fifteen thousand Swisses, with the troops of the French County, a thousand horse, The 〈◊〉 enter into Bo●●go●ne. and the artillery which the Emperor gave them, under the conduct of Vlric Duke of Wirtemberg camped before Dijon: Tremoville was returned, with a thousand Lances, and six thousand foot, who by his practices had greatly altered the Colonels, when as the multitude doubting the faith of their Captains, takes the artillery, and batters the wall. Tremoville not able to resist the force of this nation, which increased daily, flies to the last remedy, and without expecting any authority from his Majesty, agrees with them: That the King should renounce the rights he had to the Duchy of Milan, & should pay them 400000 crowns within a time prefixed, which they pretended was due for their services in the former wars: and for assurance thereof, he gave for hostages, his nephew of Mezieres bailiff of Dijon, and four bourgesses of the said town, who saving themselves awhile after in Germany, escaped the threats of this people, to cut off their heads, if the King did not ratify it. Doubtless, these were wise men, to save their heads from the Swisses choler. A very prejudicial accord for the King, if he had been constrained to ratify it. But was it not better to lull the Swisses asleep, then to lose Dijon? Our Lewis is now freed off two encumbrances, the English, and the Swisses. But the exemption of present dangers freed him not from a relapse, for the English departing, threatened to return in the spring, and prepared already, being loath to stay any more so long at the war. The Emperor had the like intent to annoy him. The Catholic King devised (as was discovered by a letter, written to his Ambassador resident with Maximilian) the means to draw this Duchy of Milan to Ferdinand their common grandchild, younger brother to Charles the Archduke, showing that by that means, all the other estates of Italy should be forced to take their law from them, that it should be easy for the Emperor, assisted with the arms of Arragou and Naples, The Empero●r affects to be Pope. to make himself Pope (the which he had always desired since the death of his wife.) & being installed in S. Peter's chair, he should renounce the Imperial Crown, in favour of the said Archduke. Moreover, the bad affection of the irreconcilable Swisses was apparent. The flight of the hostages had newly incensed them, who threatened Bourgogne or Daulphinè. The Pope desired greatly the whole extirpation of the Counsel of Pisa,, especially for matters decreed, either by the authority of the said Council, or against the Pope's authority, the which (not revoked) must needs breed great confusions. Yet could he not obtain this abolition before the King did ratify it. Three Cardinals were therefore appointed to redress these disorders. But the greatest difficulty was about the abolition of Censures, which the King (said they) had incurred, thinking it a thing unworthy of the apostolic sea to grant, if the King did not demand it: the which his Majesty would not yield unto, whereby both his person and his realm had been taxed of schism. In the end, the King overruled by the earnest suit both of the Queen and his subjects, wearied with so many crosses, resolves to yield to the Pope's will, hoping hereafter, by this means, to find him favourable. And therefore at the eight session of the Council of Lateran, which was in the end of the year, the King's agents, in his name, and by his command, renounced the petty Council of Pisa, adhering to the Council of Lateran, and so obtained full re●i●sion of all things committed against the Roman Church. Amidst so many foreign vexations, which infinitely troubled the King's mind, there chanceth a homebred affliction, The death of Queen any the death of the Queen his wife: A Princess endued with most virtues incident to an honourable Lady, and for this cause greatly lamented of the whole realm. This death was the accomplishment of the marriage betwixt Francis Duke of Valois, and Earl of Angoulesnie, and claud the King's eldest daughter: the the which had been deferred till then: for that the Queen loved not Lowise of S●uo●e mother to the said Francis, affected more to have Charles of Austria, afterwards Emperor, for her son in law. The Realm being reduced to the obedience of the Church of Rome, the Pope (to whom the King's greatness was commonly fearful) gins now to fear least his power should be too much suppressed, and that the enemies of France should hereafter join their forces to the prejudice of the Roman Court. To balance ●hing, in such sort, as he might subsist in the midst, and that the means which aided ●●e of his intentions, should not hurt an other: considering that the irreconcilable hatred of the Swisses, might force the King to resign his rights of the Duchy of Milan to the Emperor and Catholic King, in regard of the marriage which they pretended (a very prejudicial thing to the common liberty of Italy): and holding it also dangerous to have the King to recover it, he persuaded the Swisses, that their extreme hatred might force the King to take a course no less hurtful to the liberty of their common weal (considering the little love with Maximilian and Ferdinand did bear them) then to the Church and all Italy. Moreover, to make the K●gs descent into Italy more difficult at all events, 1514 he labours an accord betwixt the Emperor and the Senate of Venice: who being resolute, either to have a firm peace concluded, or open war, would by no means give care to any truce, for that had been to settle the emperors affairs, and business, in those Towns which he enjoyed. The Pope's persuasions were fruitless with the Swisses: the Emperor and Venetians made him judge of their controversies, but without decision for either party: he only commands them to surcease from arms, until the pronunciation of his sentence. The Catholic King could not more firmly assure the realm of Navarre, then by a peace. Our Lewis & he prolong the truce for a year, adding to the former articles, one that was secret. That during the truce, the King might not molest the estate of Milan. That which the Pope could not get of the Swisses, he obtained of the King of England: Henry discontent that his father in law had again deceived him, by the prolongation of a truce, without his consent, grew daily more unwilling to make war in France. The Pope desiring by some kindness, to win the King's love, and fearing daily, that Lewis oppressed with enemies, would ally himself, both by a peace, and consanguinity with Maximilian and Ferdinand: he sent the Cardinal of York, to persuade his King: That remembering what correspondency of faith he had found in the Emperor, the Catholic King, and the Swisses, and contenting himself with his happy passage, and return, he should cease any more to afflict France with his forces. The Cardinal finding Henry disposed to peace, whom the Duke of Longueville (a prisoner, taken in the war) had already moved, and Lewis desiring it, with all h●s heart, (having sent the General of Normandy) but more under colour to treat of the delivery of the Duke of Longueville, and his companions in prison, they made an agreement betwixt the two Kings, in the beginning of August, for their lives, and a peace after their death, upon condition, A peace with the English. That the King of England should enjoy Tournay, and the King of France should pay him six hundred thousand Crowns. That they should be bound to defend the estates one of another, with ten thousand foot, if the war were by land: and six thousand, if it were by sea: That the King of France should furnish the King of England with twelve hundred Lances at need, and the King of England with ten thousand foot: but at his charge that should have need. This peace was confirmed by the marriage of Lewis with Mary sister to Henry. Lewis King of France marries Mary of England. But the Pope was not persuaded, so great a hatred might so suddenly be converted into amity, and alliance. For as he had made the first motion, so did he expect to be made acquainted with the conclusion: wherein he made account to reserve this clause, That the King should not invade the Duchy of Milan for a time. The Emperor and Catholic King were exceeding jealous: yet the last assured hi● self to receive two contents. The one, that the Archduke his grandchild ●as out of hope, to give his sister in marriage to Lewis: The other, that Lewis being in possibility to have heirs males, the succession of Francis Earl of Ango●l●sme should remain doubtful, whom he hated exceedingly, seeing him greatly inclined to restore the Realm of Navarre, to the ancient estate. The Swisses rejoiced, not for any affection they bear unto the King, but foreseeing that Lewis having truce with the Arragonois, and peace with the Venetian, and English, would employ his forces to recover Milan, and this should be a new whetstone to sharpen their hatred, and make their virtue known to the whole world. No man doubted of the King's resolution herein, and in deed he prepared for it, having retained the Lansquenets, which the Duke of Gueldres had brought against the English. A●d the Pope, although it were a very troublesome thing unto him, to have the King recover this estate, yet knowing that his persuasions could not divert the enterprise, he adviseth him (but faintly) not to prolong it, giving him to understand that things were ill prepared to resist. The Emperor had no forces, and as little money, the Arragonois army was grown weak, and not paid: the people of Milan poor and brought almost to despair: no man could furnish money to make the Su●●es march: and Fregose was not out of hope to agree with his Majesty for the Seigneurie of Genes. The Pope's policy. But let us observe his policy. All these provocations came not from a sincere heart. The Pope sees every one tired with travels past, and ill provided. And now the French had taken breath, and fortified themselves with new alliances▪ he gins to fear the King, and would assure himself of his forces, in case he came into Italy. Moreover he knew well the King could not this year molest the estate of Milan, by reason of a clause mentioned in the truce with the Arragonois· and if it should so fall out, this good inclination and will, should serve him for an excuse with the King, when as he should ●equi●e either his consent or help. During this truce, the Lantern at Genes (being reduced to all extremity, for want of victuals, and not able to be succoured) yields to the Genovois, who made it even with the Causey. Thus the King was dispossessed of all his conquests in Italy. We must not wonder if the people, make heaps of Stones of the Castles within their Towns, when they fall into their powers: for they are but shackles of their liberty. In the mean time, the new confederacy which the Pope contracted with the Emperor, (betwixt whom and the Venetians, Leon laboured an agreement, not giving the King any notice thereof) lending him forty thousand Ducats, and receiving from him Modene in pawn, gave our Lewis new causes of jealousy and distrust. To be resolved then of the Pope's intent, he sends to entreat him, to declare himself in his favour, adding moreover, that if he might not be in good terms of friendship with him, he would accept such conditions of Maximilian and Ferdinand as he had refused. On the other side, Maximilian and the Arragonois wanted no persuasions full of efficacy, to unite the Pope unto them, for the defence of Italy: showing, that if united together, they had been able to chase the French out of the Duchy of Milan, they were not now more vn●ble to defend it against him. They did not omit to show, that if the King prevailed in his d●sseins, he would not fail to be revenged at the same instant of all the injuries he had received, namely of the money, wherewith Leon had lately thrust the Swisses into ●ourgorgne. And the authority of the Swisses, (who continuing in their first sp●●●ne, offered for six thousand Florines of the Rhin, to take and defend the passages of Mount Senis, Mount Geneure, and Final: and for forty thousand Florines a month, to ●●uade Bourgongne with twenty thousand men) did strangely move the Pope's mind, who restrained by fear of that he most desired, made some scruple to bewray his conceit●, giving them all good hopes under general terms. In the end, being priest by the King, behold his answer: That he had persuaded him to 〈◊〉 into Ita●ie, when as without danger or effusion of blood, he might have reaped an assured victory. That now other Princes have so ordered their affairs, as there is no more hope to vanquish but with much hazard and blood. And, for that the Turk had lately increased his power much by a notable victory against the Sophi of Persia, Leon therefore forgets not to add: That it is was neither conformable to his nature, nor agreeable to his ●f●●ce to favour Christian Princes arms against themselves. That he could not but exhort him to so c●●s●, attending some more easy and better opportunity, which being offered, he should alwa●●s find in him the same disposition, to his glory and greatness, that he had some few months before made show of. This answer was sufficient to quail the King's hope of Leon's favour▪ yea to let him understand that he would oppose both his Council and forces against this enterprise, which the King had resolved for the Duchy of Milan, according to the charge he had given to the Duke of Bourbon. But death, which commonly cuts off the counsels of man with his life, stayed this resolution, to revive it soon after in the mind, of his next successor. For as Lewis pleased himself exceedingly in the excellent beauty of his new Spouse, The death of Lewis. being but eighteen years old, behold a fever, accompanied with a f●ux of blood, frees him from the troubles and cares of this world, to enjoy an eternal and happy rest in heaven, noting the first day of januarie, with the exceeding grief which his memory graved in the hearts of all his subjects. He was a godly Prince, just, chaste, mild, temperate, loyal, loving his Princes, His virtues. his Nobility and his people, and likewse beloved of them, a friend to sincerity, plainness, and truth, an enemy to envy, lying and flattery. Let us observe, for a testimony thereof, that royal apothegm, being urged by the flatterers of the Court, to take revenge of Lewis of Tremoville, who had overcome and taken him at the battle of S. Aubin▪ A King of France (saith he) doth not take upon him the quarrels of a Duke of Orleans. If he hath faithfully served the King his Master, against me who was but Duke of Orleans, he will do the like for me, who am now King of France. But above all, he was good to his subjects, whom he did always study to ease: for how many levies hath he ma●● both of horse and foot, without the oprression of his people, by any new imposition? How often have his subjects, willingly granted him an increase of subsidies, to supply his foreign and domestical affairs, and yet would he not allow of these impositions? desiring rather to cut off the expenses of his own person, and his house, to save his people from oppression and spoil. Franc● was never seen so populous, so fruitful, so r●che, so well tilled, nor so well built, as in this reign. A happy reign in the observation of justice, martial discipline, l●be●t●e of traffic, increase of goods, cheapness of victuals: and which is more, every man to eat his bread quietly at his own board, free from outrages and Soldiers violence. To conclude, never King loved his people so much, neue● subjects loved their King more ●euer subjects gave with greater joy to their Sovereign, than the French did to h●m, ●ha● glorious surname of Father of his people. FRANCIS the first of that name, 58. King of France. FRANCES THE. I. KING OF FRANCE .58. portrait 1515. Happy is that Realm (saith the wise man,) which falls not into a child's hands. This was the first comfort which revived the hearts of the French, oppressed with mourning, and heaviness, for the death of their good King Lewis, the twelfth. The second was, that they cast their eyes upon a worthy successor, a Prince well borne, judicious, and of a generous spirit: liberal, courteous: in the prime of his age, and fit for government, affable to the people, favourable to the Clergy, pleasing to the Nobility, (who do naturally love their Princes good countenance,) and (that which all subjects admire in their Sovereign) of an excellent beauty. Thus capable was he of the royal dignity. Francis being then two and twenty years old, before Duke of Valois, and Earl of Angoulesme, took upon him the government of this Monarchy, as son to Charles Earl of Angoulesme, son to john Earl of Angoulesme, who was the youngest son of Lewis Duke of Orleans, (murdered by the Bourguignon at Paris, in the time of Charles the sixth) who was also the youngest son of King Charles the fi●t. He was anointed at Rheims, the five and twentieth of january, being attended on by the Dukes of Bourbon and Alencon the Earls of Montpensier, Vendosme, and Saint Paul, & the Prince of Roche-sur-Yon, all of the house of Bourbon. Then having made his entry into Paris, & a solemn Tournie kept, in Saint Anthony's street: he confirmed all the ancient officers of the Crown, and to supply those which were vacant, he crea●ed Charles Duke of Bourbon Constable of France, (being void by the death of john the second Duke of Bourbon,) Anthony Prat, Chancellor (for then Steven Poncher Bishop of Paris was keeper of the seal) Charles of Bourbon, Earl of Vendosme, Governor of the I'll of France, making the said County a Duchy, and a Peer of France: the Lord of Lautree, Governor of Guienne, Palisse Martial of France, Boisi, his governor in his youth, Lord Steward and Superintendant of his house with whom he joined Fleuremonde Robertet, His dess●●ins. Secretary of State. With this title of King of France, he took upon him that of the Duke of Milan, not only as descending of the house of Orleans, the true heir of that Duchy: but also as comprehended in the investiture made by the Emperor, according to the treaty of Cambraye. And for that he succeeded equally, both to the Crown, and the desire his Predecessor had to recover that goodly estate of Milan, he therefore (to work it with more facility) renewed the peace, made betwixt the deceased King, and the King of England, sending home Mary, the widow of Lewis, with a dowry of threescoore thousand Crowns a yeare· who afterwards married with the Duke of Suffolk. He also confirmed the alliance this Crown had with the Senate of Venice. The Archduke Charles, sent a very honourable embassage to the King, whereof the Earl of Nassau was the chief, to do him homage, for the Counties of Flanders, Arthois, and other Lands, which held of this Crown, and (the which gave great hope, of a future peace, betwixt these two Princes, both being young, but marked for great matters) to treat a marriage betwixt the said Charles, and Renèe the Queen's sister, who was after wife to the Duke of ●errare. And for that the said Earl was greatly favoured by the Prince Charles, the King desirous to gratify him, caused him to marry with the daughter of the Prince of Orange, bred up in his Court. Charles was yet under age, but so carefully instructed by that wise Lord of Chieures, of the house of Croye, whom the deceased King Lewis had made choice of, to govern him in his youth, (for that Philippe the father of Charles had by his testament entreated Lewis to accept the charge of his son) that even in his younger years he made him capable to understand the affairs, presenting unto him all packets that came, causing him to make report thereof unto his Council, and to determine all things in his presence. He did foresee, that after the death of Ferdinand his grandfather by the mother, the French might cross him in his passage from F●anders into Spain: holding it dangerous, to stand in the midst, betwixt the Kings of France and England united together, and not to fort●fie himself, with this common alliance. Moreover his subjects of the low Countries, would have no wars with the Realm of France. The King likewise desired, to take from him all motives, to govern himself hereafter, by the council of his two grandfathers. They therefore agreed That the marriage proceeding betwixt the Archduke, and Rene, the King should give him six hundred thousand Crowns, and the Duchy of Berry for ever, to her, and to heirs: upon condition she should renounce all rights of inheritance, both from father, and mother, namely to the Duchies of Milan, and Brittany. That after the death of the Catholic King, the King should aid the Archduke with men and ships, to go and receive his Realms of Spain. The Arragonois demanded a continuance of the truce: but the King meaning to put out that clause. Not to molest the Duchy of Milan during the truce, their parley was fruitless, The Emperor (who joined his desseins to the counsels of Ferdinand) opposed against the amity of the French. The Swisses were as forward as before. As for the Pope, Francis desired to be freed from all bond to him, that he mightt resolve for the best, according to the course of his affairs. To build upon these foundations, he now employs his Captains, men at arms, and the provisions which his Predecessor had first prepared, and makes his army march with speed to Lions: whether his Majesty comes in july, An army ●o all in the Duchy of 〈◊〉 having left the Regency of the Realm to Lovise of Savyoe his mother. The Duke of Bourbon Constable, led the forward, accompanied with his brother Francis, newly created Duke of Castelleraud▪ the Marshals of Palisse, and Triwlce, Charles of Tremoville Prince of Talmont, son to Lewis Vicont of Tovars, the Earl of Sancerre, the Baron of Beard, the Lords of Bonnivet, Imbercourt, and Teligni Seneschal of Rovergue, Peter of Naurrre (whom the King had drawn to his service, giving him his liberty without ransom) commanded six thousand Gascons, and the Lords of Lorges (grandfather to the late Mongomeries') Pirault of Margiron, Richbourg, jorteil, little Lainet, Onatilleu, Hercules of Dauphin, and Captain Commarque: every one commanding five hundred foot, making four thousand, and eight or nine thousand Lansquenets, led by Charles Duke of gelders. The King led the battle: followed by the Duke of Vendosme, Lorraine, and Albania, the Earl of Saint Paul, claud of Lorraine Earl of Guise brother to the Duke of Lorraine, the Lords of Lantree and Lescut, brothers to Arual, a younger brother of the 〈◊〉 of Al●ret, Tremoville, Renè bastard of Savoye, (who was afterwards Lord Steward of France, and governor of Provence, whose d●ughter Anne of Montmore●ce, the Constable married) and Captain Bayard, to whom the King did that honour the day of the battle, as to receive his knighthood at his hands, hoping that the happiness of so gentle and brave a Knight, would accompany his arme●. The Rearward was committed to the Duke of Alencon, who had married with Margu●rite of France, afterwards wi●e to Henry of Albret, King of Navarre,, grandfather by the mother's side to our King happily reigning at this day. At the first brute of this army, the Empero●r, the Arragonois, Scorce, and the Swiss contract a League together, A League ●gainst the King. to force the King to renounce his rights to the D●●hie of Milan: the Swisses, receiving thirty thousand Crowns a month of the other confederates, should keep the passages of the mountains, and invade Bourgogne, or Daulphinè: and the Catholic King of France, by Parpignan or Fontarab●●. The Pope (although the King made some account of his friendship, for that julian of Medicis his brother, had lately married with Philiberte, sister to Charles Duke of Savoy, and Aunt by the mother's side to his Majesty) in the end joined with them. The Duke of Genes, swam betwixt two streams, (and as they say) held the Wolf by the ear. Both the French forces, and the confederates victory were fearful unto him, namely the Popes, Genes yeelped to the King. who under colour to keep this Duchy from any Stranger, desired exceedingly to unite it to the Church. In the midst of these contrarieties, he yields Genes to the King, upon condition: That he should lay aside the title of the Duke of Genes, Genes yielded to the King. and take that of Governor of Genes, perpetually for the King, with power to give the offices of Genes (this was to retain some marks of Sovereignty,) That the King should give him an hundred men at arms, the order of Saint Michael, and a yearly pension during his life. That the King should not repair the Fort of Todisa, and should restore unto the City, all the privileges which King Lewis had disannulled. That he should give certain Ecclesiastical livings, to Frederick Archbishop of Salerne, brother to Octavian, and to himself: if he should be expelled Genes, some places i● Provence. The army approached near the Alpes, which d●uide France and Italy: and the Swisses, according to their capitulation, had stayed upon the passages of the mountains & vallees, aswell of Montsenis, which is of the jurisdiction of Savoy, the shortest way, but the most uneasy, as of the mount of Geneure, which is of the jurisdiction of Daulphiné, the longer way, but the less painful, being the ordinary passage of the French armies. The King had intelligence, that Prosper Colonne was at the foot of the Mountains within Piedmont, with fifteen hund●ed horse, which the Pope had sent to succour Milan, not fearing any enemy, for that the Swisses (as he thought) had seized upon all the approaches. But (some guides belonging to Charles of Soliers, Lord of Morete, having showed them a passage near to Ro●que Espierre,) the King sent Palisse (whom hereafter we will call the Marshal of Chabannes), ●mbercourt, Aubigni, Bayard, Bussi of Amboise, and Montmorency, at that time highly favoured by the King, leading four Corners of light horse, under the charge of the said Morete and his guides, who having waded through the Po, beneath Villefranche, whereas Colonne lodged: they came to the gates not discovered, but by some inhabitants, who run speedily to prevent their entry: but two hardy men at a mes of Imbercourts' company, which led the Scouts, whose names were Beawais th● brave, a Normand, and Hallencourt a Picard, set spurs to their horses (so as Hallencourt was carried into the Ditch) and amazed the inhabitants: Prosper Colonnes surprised. Bewais thrusting forward his Lance, kept the gate open, until the troops arriving, surprised both Villef●anche, and Colonne as he dined: they made booty of the baggage, and about twelve hundred Neapolitan horses, and carried away the Commander and his troop p●isoners to ●●ssan. In the mean time the forces pass, some with the Artillery betwixt the Alpes towards the Sea, and the Coctiennes, descending towards the Marquisate of Salu●e: the toil of men exceeding all the difficulties, King Francis his first passage over the Alpes. which the steepy and craggy mountains, and the ●ough downefalles, in the deep valleys of the river of Argentiere, did present unto them, where the artillery, not able to pass in those straits, the horses being unprofitable, in five days it was fo●ced up with ropes by main strength, in those places where as never Canon no● horseman was seen to pass. Others, with infinite pains and difficulties, recovered the pace of Dagonniere: some, the high tops of the rock of Perrot and Cuni, (passages lying towards Provence) where the Marshal of Chabannes had passed. Thus the Swisses deceived of their hope, abandoned the Strait of Suze, where they defended the passages of Mont Senis and Geneure, and that of Coni, returning with shame toward Milan, spoiling and sacking Chinas', Verteil, and other places, where they entered: whilst that Ainard of pry, having passed with the first, had with the help of Octavian Fregose, reduced Alexandria, Tortone (and all that lies beyond the Po) to the King's obedience: who having passed the Po at Mon●callier, and presenting himself before Novarre, received the Town at his devotion, and then Pavia. The Milanois sent Ambassadors to the King's lodging at Bufalore, to beseech him to rest satisfied with victuals, and a promise from the people to remain affected to his Crown, and so to march on against his enemies·s assuring him, that Milan should most willingly give him entry, when he should be master of the field. It is an ordinary stratagem of inconstant Towns, to set up the Ensigns of the stronger pa●tie. The King having a mighty army in front, granted their demands for that time. Then the Duke of Savoy did mediate an accord betwixt the Swisses and the King his Nephew, wherein he prevailed so much, as they concluded: That the King paying unto them four hundred thousand crowns promised by the treaty of Dijon, and a●l which they pretended to be due for their ancient services, they should yield unto the king his Duchy of Milan. and the vallees which the Grisons enjoyed: and the king should give unto Maximilian Sforce threescore thousand Ducats of yearly pension. But some hope to gain, who lose all: especially in these cases. A new supply of Swisses, fierce and bold, Inconstant treachery of the Swisses. by reason of their forepast victories (being dissuaded by the Cardinal of Zion) break this treaty, and bring matters to the same estate they were before. Thirty five thousand take the way of Monse, to lodge in the suburbs of Milan, vn●●ll the Pope's army led by Laurence of Medicis, and the Spanish by Raimond of Cardone, should join with them. Maximilian Sforce and the Cardinal pressed them, but distrust one of another stayed them. Raymond had surprised letters of credit, sent from the Pope to the King, and was well advertised that Laurence had secretly sent (whether upon his own motion, or by the Pope's command he knew not) a gentleman to the King, to excuse himself for the army which he led against him, being forced by the duty he did owe unto his Uncle, promising that without offence to his Uncle, or blemish to his own honour, he would endeavour to content his majesty, according to the desire he had always had, and now especially more than ever. More over the Arragoncis desseine was to remain quiet, so as this army did not threaten his new conquest of Navarre. And Laurence on the other side, seeing the delays of Raimond, conceived, that he had some secret charge from the King his master, to forbear to fight, and give others, leave to decide the quarrel, & both jointly feared to engage themselves between the King's army, & the Venetians led by Bartholomew of Aluiane, the which was very available for the King. Without doubt all their private intent, was to act this tragedy with the blood and loss of the poor Swisses. Thus these two armies of Arragon and the Popes, did only labour to keep the Venetian from joining with the French: and the French these two from the Swisses. A miserable estate of Italy▪ the which at one instant was oppressed with five sundry armies: French, Venetian, Swisses, Spaniards and Italians. Upon hope of this treaty of peace, the King had countermanded Aluiane, who was at laud, and Lautre● to carry unto the Swisses all the money they could get out of the King's coffers, or borrow of the Princes and Nobility, but through the persuasions of this mutinous Cardinal, they resolve, both to take the money from Lautree and suddenly to give the King battle, when he least doubted any enemy. This counsel had prevailed with some drowsy commander. But Lautree (advertised by his spies of the treacherous resulution of these Swisses) left the way, and retired into Galere. And the Swisses failing of their purpose, passed on, to wreak their choler upon the King. The King was come from Marignan, to lodge at Saint Donat, the 13. of September: ●hen as behold they come with a resolution, The battle of Marignan. and charge the artillery of the vanguard which the Lansquenets guarded: they overthrew the first they encountered, recover some pieces of Cannon, and amaze a battalion of Lansquenets: who (supposing t●at the treaty of peace with the Swisses had continued firm) feared lest they should deliver them into the hands of their ancient enemies. But seeing the horse, and the King himself in person come to second them, they recover their courage: enter the combat, stay this violence of the Swisses, and with a soar fight, maintain the shock with variable and doubtful events, until the dust and approaching night made them retire. At this fi●st charge were slain Francis of Bourbon Duke of Chastelleraud, the Earl of Sancerre, Imbercourt and many other brave gallant gentlemen. The King seeing the greatness of the danger, planted his artillery in convenient places, ordered his battalions, gathered his horse together, sent for Aluiane, and lay all might armed with all pieces but his helmet, upon the carriage of a Cannon. The sun was scarce risen, when as the Swisses (grown proud with the conceit of some advantage) charge the Lansquenets, & force them to recoil above a hundred 〈◊〉 & but for horsemen (who repelled the violent force of the Swisses) the issue ha●●in very dangerous. The Cannon thunders through their squadrons; the French and ●aston shot make a horrible slaughter; the horse charge them in flank, Alui●ne co●e upon their back in the fury of the fight: They had all continued many hours ve●● hot in skirmish, when as the Swisses (having lost most of their Captains, being ch●●ged in front, in flank and behind) grow amazed: despair of victory, turn their squadrons, and make a goodly retreat, some to Milan, othe●s home to their houses. A great numbe● shut themselves into the Constable's lodging: where (refusing to yee●d to the king's mercy) they were all burnt, and many of our men, that were entered pe●l mell with them amongst others john of Movy Lord of Ma●lleray, who carried the white Cor●et. In this second battle were slain the Prince of Talmont, Bussy of Ambo●se, t●e Lord of Roye and many other valiant Knights: Gilbert of Levi Lord of Ven●●dour was hurt, claud Earl of Guise overthrown and trodden under the horse fee●e: but he was relee●ed by Captain jame a Scottishman, a Gentleman of the King's chamber. The King was often in danger of his person, receiving many a push of the Pike upon his armour. Without doubt this was the most furious battle that ever the Swisses gave: the which by the testimony of Triwlce, seemed rather to have been fought by Giants then by men. For that the eighteen wherein he had been, were l●ke the encounters of small children in regardss of this. That which happened to Gaston of Foix at the battle of Rau●nna, made the King to give them that fled, free passage: leaving fourteen or fi●teene thousand slain upon the place. Th● number o● the ●ead The King lost of French and Lansquenets, about three thousand. The Cardinal of Zion (the chief author of this battle, ●●ed at the fi●st charge, to Milan, and from thence (seeing the Swisses in a mutiny, as we●l for their loss as for three months pay, that were due unto them) into Germany, to Maximilian. We may justly ●ay, that the Swisses had need of this correction: for the remembrance o● their forepast prosperities ●ad made them insolent beyond the bounds of modesty: but they reaped a benefit by their shame, gro●ing more tractable, & friendly to them that corrected them. Moreover this should be a good advertisement to the King, to consider rightly of the wars of Italy, in the which (for want to judgement) both he and hi● Realm we●e afterwards in a manner ruined. A●ter this happy victory, Milan and all other places of the Duchy, followed the Conqueror's fortune. M●la● yeelde●. Peter of Navarre, had by a mine blown up a C●●emate at the Castle gate. Maximilian Sfo●ce and the Swisses (besieged therein by the D●ke of 〈◊〉) yield it, upon condi●ion: That the Swisses should departed with bag and baggage, and M●ximilian should deliver the Castle with that of Cremono, unto the King, ●nd all 〈◊〉 places 〈◊〉 by him, and should go into France, where the King during his life should give 〈◊〉 t●●●●score thousand Crown●s a year pension. According to this capitulation, 〈◊〉 br●ther to Tremoville, Francis Earl of Pontreme with many other Gentlemen ●●●●d●cted him into Franc●. The King entered into Milan armed, accompanied wit● t●e above named Princes, and the Nobility of his army, whether the Potentates o● Ita●ie sent unto him, some to reconcile themselves, others to rejoice this victory. T●e Pope did not forget hi● ordinary practices, to stay the course of the King's victory: and finding the King very obedient to the Sea of Rome, they concluded a mutual league for the defence of the Estates of Italy, of the Pope, the Church, of julian and Laurence de Medicis, and the Estate of Florence. By this accord the King gave the Duchy of Nemours to julian, who had married a sister to the King's mother· which Duchy (after the death of julian) the King did give to Philip of Savoy, who took to wife one of the daughters of René, Duke of Alencon: to whom the Duke of Nemours▪ now living in Grandchild. And the Pope delivered Parma and Plaisance to the King. These Articles were confirmed by an interview, betwixt the Pope, and the King at Bologne, in the beginning of December: where they treated of many things touching the Realm of Naples, which the King resolved to invade: for the recovery whereof the Pope promised him his favour, after the death of Ferdinand which every man thought to be near) or at the least when as the truce were ended. He promised als● t● give him power to levy the tenth part of the revenues of the Clergy, within hi● Realm: and the collation of benefices, the which before belonged unto the Colle●●▪ and Chapters of Churches; and for the King's sake, he made Adrian of Goufieres▪ brother to the Lord Steward, Cardinal. And the King, to gratify the Pope, granted a● abolition of the Pragmatical Sanction; making new conventions in steed there●●▪ whereunto the French Church and the Universities opposed. The Venetians sent four Ambassadors to the King, the chief, and most honourable persons of their Senate: Anthony Grimani, Dominic Trevisan, George Cornare, and Andrew Gritti: to congratulate his victory, and to beseech him to make them partakers of the fruits thereof: that by his aid they might recover their towns, according to their agreement. At their request, the King gave commission to the Bastard of Savoy, and to Th●odore Triwlce, to join with Aluiane, with six hundred lances, and six thousand foot led b● Peter of Navarre. Then leaving the Duke of Bourbon his Lieutenant general in the Duchy of Milan▪ he returned into France, abou● Candlemas, whether the desseines of Henry King of England did call him. Henry discontent, that the King had taken the young King of Scotland into his protection, and to that end had sent john Steward Duke of Albania, both to govern his person and his Realm: (which john had punished either with death or banishment, all such as he found to savour the English: and even the mother of the young King, sister to the said Henry) for revenge whereof he thrust the Swisses to new attempts against the king. B●t returning to their first sincerity, they join in league with this Crown, binding the●●e●ue●: To give unto the King for ever, in Italy or out of Italy, and against all men (except the Pope & the Emperor) such numbers of men, as he should require under his pay. The King did also co●firme their ancient pensions, promising to pay, within a certain time the sum due by the treaty of Dijon. and three hundred thousand crowns more, yielding unto him the towns and valleys which they held belonging to the Duchy of M●●an. but the five Cantons which did enjoy them, having refused to ratify this accord, the King began to pay unto the other eight, that part and portion of money which was ●ue unto them: who accepted thereof, but with an expres●e condition: That they s●ould not be bound to march under his pay, against the other five Cantons. A means to dra● the others to the alliance of France. Man hath always his mind bend to seek means to annoy his neighbour. A new league against the King. The 〈◊〉 prosperity, makes the Emperor, with the kings of England and Arragon, to 〈…〉 to cross him. The Emperor (always desirous of innovations) could not 〈…〉 own forces hold the towns he had taken from the Venetians. and the English remembering the fruitless promises which Ferdinand his father in law had made ●im the which he respected not where he might gain) stood ●aue●ng betwixt the dis●●●st he had of his father-in law, and the hatred he bore to our Francis: but this treaty is so●●●nly br●ken by the death of Ferdinand, who died in the month of january. Ferdinand dies. A prince e●●elling in counsel & many vertue●: so as if the promises had been accompanied with 〈◊〉 effects, he might well have been numbered amongst the most perfect. T●●s death seemed to make the King's enterprise upon Naples mo●e easy, purposi●● to send the D●ke of Bourbon for the execution thereof. Many reasons moved him thereunto. There was some revolt in the Realm, after the decease of Ferdinand. The Archduke Charles was young, and could not come in time to secure it: the Pope's 〈…〉 a●de hi● much (yet the king trusted to him who deceived him in the 〈…〉 the ●orld) but above all, the private interest of this Crone, to whom the 〈◊〉 of Charles he●re to so many realms by the death of the Catholic king and 〈…〉 of the Empire● should be wonderfully suspect. But the des●e●nes of 〈◊〉 ●●ancis are crossed by t●e Emperors landing with ten thousand Germans and 〈◊〉, ●oureteene th●usand Swisses, and five thousand horse, The Emperors' voyage into Lombardy to secure 〈◊〉, jointly besieged by the French and Venetians, which made them retire to Milan to the Duke of Bourbon. 1516. So Maximilian passing the rivers of Mincie, Oglie and Add, without any let, had all the country betwixt Oglie, Po, and Add, at his command, except Cremona and cream, the one kept by the French, the other by the Venetians. Then having taken Laud by composition, he sends to summon the Milanois with threats: That if within three days, they did not expel the French army, he would entreat them more rigorously, than Frederick Barbarosse, one of his predecessors had done: who not content to have burnt Milan unto Ashes, did sow Salt there, in memory of his wrath, and of their rebellion. The inhabitants began to rise, and our men grew amazed, when as Albert Peter, leading thirteen thousand Swisses and Grisons, arriving, confirms them: he made them to change their resolution, to burn their suburbs, and to resolve upon defence. The Cardinal of Zion, and many others banished from Milan, followed the Emperor, feeding him with hope, that at the first brute of his approach, the Citizens would set up his Ensigns. Marc Anthony Colonne likewise followed his army, with two hundred men at arms, at the Pope's charge (a manifest sign of his Counsels and dissemble.) But Maximilian seeing no show from the Town (the chief of the Gibelin faction, being expelled by the Constable of Bourbon, as adherent to the Emperor) remembering the treachery of the Swisses, to Lodowick Sforce: and fearing least through the ancient hatred of that nation to the house of Austria, the Swisses in the French army, and those in his (which refused plainly to fight one against an other) uniting their forces, should deliver him to the enemy, for that james Stafflet Colonel of his Swisses, had with much arrogancy demanded their pay. he secretly departs from his army in the night, Maximilian retires. with two hundred horse, so as he was twenty miles off before they were privy to his departure. His army (wanting both a commander and money) took the same course. The Earl of S. Paul, with the Lords Montmorencie and Lescu, pursuing them, defeated a great number, whereof three thousand, part Germans and part Spaniards, yielded to the French and Venetians, being in Camp: and our Swisses (notwithstanding they had been paid for three months) went home to their houses, except some three hundred which remained with Peter. During these garboils, the Pope smothering his conceits, laboured to be as pleasing as he could to either party: yet was he grieved, the Emperor had brought so great forces: for he could not remain a victor, but he must afterwards seek to oppress all Italy, or put Leo from the Papal seat, to hold it himself, according to the common report. On the other side, (as we judge of causes by the effects) the King had many reasons to suspect the Pope. He had consented to the emperors descent. Colonne the Pope's pensioner, did accompany Maximilian. He refused to send five hundred men at arms for the defence of Milan, and to pay three thousand Swisses, as he was bound by the treaty of Bologne. So as the King, to let Leo know, that the brightness of his Mitre did not so dazzle his eyes, but he discovered his practices, he made him Brewiste of the same bread· declaring, that seeing the league they had made, was fruitless in time of war, he would contract a new one, which should not tie him but in time of peace. The emperors army being dissolved, the Duke of Bourbon returns into France, and of his own motion resigns his government into the King's hands, by whose command the Lord of Lautrec, Bresse yielded. taking the charge of the army, to free the King from that bond, joining with the Venetians, returned to Bresse, which pressed with two batteries, one by the French, the other by the Venetians, yielded to the King, their lives & goods saved, and Lautrec delivered it to the Venetians. Verona had a harder issue, for being battered by the French towards Mantova, Verrona yielded. and by the Venetians towards Vincence, giving two assaults: afflicted with want of victuals and munition, and troubled by the hurting of Marc Anthony Colonne, governor of the City, yet being assured of eight thousand men, led by Cont Roquendolfe, that came to their succour, they held out until Christmas, at what time famine forced the Spaniards to yield the Town, the which was in like sort delivered to the Venetians. The Pope, to make profit of the King's victory and forces, solicits Lautrec to aid him, to dispossess Francis Maria of Rovere of the Duchy of Urbin. The motives of this war which Leo pretended against him: were for that Francis had denied the Pope those men, for the which he had received pay of the Church, and had treated secretly with the enemy: That he had slain the Cardinal of Pavia, and committed many other murders▪ That in the hottest of the war against Pope julius his Uncle, he had sent Balthasar of Chastillion to the King, to receive his pay, and at the same instant he denied passage to some companies that went to join with the army of the Church: and pursued (in the estate, Francis Maria chased from Urbin and. Laurence of Medicis invested in the Duchy. which he held as a feudatory of the Church) the soldiers which saved themselves at the defeat of Ravenna. Lautre● desiring to please Leo, sent Lescun his brother, the Lord of Chifle, the Knight of Ambrun, the Lords of Aussun and S. Blimond, and many other Captains with good numbers of horse and French foot. Who in few days reduced the said Duchy to the Pope's obedience, who did invest Laurence of Medicis his Nephew in the said Duchy. Moreover the King's friendship was very necessary for the Catholic King. Charles the Archduke took upon him that title, after the death of Ferdinand his grandfather by the mother's side) to make his passage more easy from Flanders into Spain, and to assure himself of the obedience of those realms. Fitting therefore his resolutions according to the time and necessity, by the advice of the Lord of Chieures his governor, he sent Philip of Cleves, Lord of Rauas●ein to the King, to make choice of a place where their deputies might meet, to decide all controversies betwixt them. Noyon was named. and for the King there came Arthur of Goufiers, Lord of Boissy, Lord high Steward of France: for the King of Spain, Anthony of Croye Lord of Chieures, both governors of their master's nonage, and both assisted with notable personages. Who concluded: That within s●e months the Catholic King should yield the realm of Navarre to Henry of Albret, A peace concluded betwixt the King and the Archduke Charles. son to john of Albret and Catherine of Foix, deceased the same year: or else should recompense the said Henry within the said term, to his content: else it should be lawful for the King to aid him to recover it. That the King should give his daughter Lowise (who was but a year old, in marriage to the Catholic King and for her dowry, the rights he pretended to the realm of Naples, according to the division made by their Predecessors: upon condition, that until she came to years of marriage, Charles should pay unto the King a hundred and fifty thousand Ducats yearly, towards the maintanance of his daughter. That she dying, if the king had any other daughter, he should give her to the Catholic king, upon the same condi●ions. If he had none, than Charles should marry with Renee, Daughter to the deceased king. To propound and conclude marriages so disproportionable of age, is it not properly to mock one an other? Seeing that only two years time bring forth occasions which make Princes to alter their courses, whose wills are often inconstant. This treaty was respectively sworn by both Kings, who appointed an interview at Cambray, attending the which they sent their orders of knighthood one to an other. And sense the Emperor ratified these conventions, but we shall see small fruits thereof. France reaped an other benefit of this peace. The Swisses (seeing a surcease of arms betwixt the Emperor and the King) compounded, as the former had done: That the K●ng should pay unto their Cantons, within three months, three hundred and fifty thousand ducats, and after that a perpetual and annual pension: That the Swisses should furnish him, whensover he demanded, a cera●ue number of men, at his charge. But diversely, for the eight Cantons bound themselves to furnish against all men indifferently, and the five, no otherwise, but for the defence of his own estates. As for the castles of Lugan and Lugarne, strong passages and of great importance for the surety of the Duchy of Milan, they desired rather to raze them, then to take three hundred thousand Ducats, for the restitution thereof. Let us now lay out all arms aside for a certain space, and give our warriors time to take their breath, and return again shortly to war by the ambitious factions of two most great and mighty Princes. This year in Febuary, was borne Francis, 1●17. Dauphin and successor to this Crown, if his end had not been violently forced. The Dauphin Francis born Laurence of Medicis, did present him at the Font, for the Pope ●is uncle. A Christening celebrated, with iousts, skirmishes, encounters, besieging and taking of places, and other such stately shows, as the memory of man hath not observed greater. And the King, to make a more stricter league with the Pope, he caused the said Laurence to marry with Magdaleine, daughter to john Earl of Auvergne and Auraguez, and of joane sister to Francis of Bourbon, Earl of Vendosme, who died at Verceil, when as King Charles the eight returned from Naples. Of this marriage came Katherine of Medicis, whom we shall see Queen of France, and Mother to the three last Kings of the name of Valois. At the same time, the King sent Gaston of Breze, Prince of Fonquarmont, brother to the great Seneschal of Normandy, with two thousand French foot, to secure Christian King of Denmark, against the rebels of Sueden, who (after they had won a battle for the King) being abandoned in the end by the Danes, in a combat upon the Ice, (where those Northern Nations are more expert than ours,) were overthrown, and the most part slain: such as could escape the sword, returned without pay, without arms, and without clothes. 1518. The year following, the last of March, Henry the King's second son was borne, who by the death of the Dauphin his brother, shall succeed his father. Henry King of England was his Godfather, and gave him his name. During this surcease of arms among Christian Princes, the Pope motioned (but saith the Original) rather in s●ew then with any good intent, Estate of the East. a general war of all Christendom, against Selim Prince of the Turks. Bajazet (as we have said) in his latter age, studied to install Acomath his eldest son, in the throne of the Turkish Empire: Selim the younger brother, through favour of the janissaries and Soldiers of his father's guard, forced him to yield the government unto him. Selim was no sooner in possession, but (as they say) he poisoned his father, and murdered his brethren, Acomath and Corcut, and in the end, all that descended from the line of the Ottomans. Then passing from one war to an other, he vanquished the Aduli●ns, overthrew the Sophi of Persia in battle, took ●●om him Tauris, the chief seat o● his Empire, and the greatest part of Persia, rooted out the Sultan's of Egypt, and the Mammelius: took Cairo, and seized upon all Egypt and Syria. So as having in few years almost doubled his Empire, and taken away the hindrance of so mighty Princes, who were jealous of his Monarchy: Christian Princes did not without cause, fear the happy course of his victories. Hongarie was weak of men, and in the hands of a Pupil King, governed by Prelates and Barons of the realm, divided amongst themselves. Italy dismembered by former wars, ●eared lest the part alities of these Princes should cause Selim to turn his eyes towards it. The ●ope and all the Cou●t of Rome (making show to prevent this imminent danger) thought it expedient to make a great provision of money, by a voluntary contribution of Princes, and a general tax over all Christendom: That the Emperor. accompanied with the horse of Polonia and Hongarie, and an army of Reistres and L●●squenets, fit for so great an enterprise, should assail Constantinople: and the King of France, with the forces of his Realm, the Venetians, Swisses, and Potentates of Ita●ie, should invade Greece, being full of Christians, and ready to rebel upon the first approach of foreign ●o●ces. The Kings of Spain, Portugal and England, should pass the strait of Gallipoli with two hundred sail: and having taken the Castle at the entry thereof, they should approach near to Constantinople: That the Pope should follow the same course, with a hundred great Galleys. These were goodly plots in conceit. This sergeant show to send an army into Turkey, was but a device to fill the Pope's coffers, which was made empty by the former wars, especially by that of Urbin. To treat of these propositions, Leo published in the Consistory a general Truce for five years amongst all Christian Princes, and upon rigorous censures to them that should break it. Appointing for Legates, the Cardinal of Saint Sixte, to the Emperor: the Cardinal of Saint Marie in Portico, to the King: the Cardinal Giles, to the King of Spain: and the Cardinal Laurence Campege, to the King of England: he proclaimed his Bulls of pardon, to all such as should contribute a certain sum for so worthy an expedition. All Princes accept of this truce, and show themselves very willing to so honourable in action. But the means, how in so short a time to make a firm Union among so many potentates, who had been long at deadly war? Every one studies of his private interest, and finding the danger to concern one more than an other, they care for themselves, and manage these affairs carelessly, more with show, than devotion. This negligence of the public state, and greediness of private men, was the more confirmed by the death of Selim, who leaving his Empire to his son Soliman, young of age, but of a milder spirit, and not so inclined to war, A peace concluded with the English. than all things seemed to incline to peace and love, betwixt so many great warriors. The Kings of France and England, renewed their friendship, by a defensive League betwixt them, upon promise of a marriage betwixt the Dauphin, King Francis eldest son, and the only daughter of Henry King of England, both very young: which contract, many accidents might hinder, before they came to sufficiency. And Henry yielded Tournay for four hundred thousand Crowns, the one half for the charge in building the Citadel, and for the artillery, powder and munition which the King of England should leave in the place: the other half, for the expenses in conquering thereof, and for other pensions that were due unto him. Thus often times the loser pays the shot. On the other side, the King's eldest daughter being dead: And with 〈◊〉 Spaniards. whom they had appointed to be wife to the King of Spain: a peace betwixt these two Kings was reconfirmed, according to the first Capitulation, with promise of the younger. An alliance which either Prince did confirm, with great outward shows of friendship, King Francis wearing the order of the golden fleece on Saint Andrew's day: and the King of Spain that of Saint Michael, on the said Saints day. The Venetians also, by the King's means, had prolonged their truce for five years with the Emperor. But the sovereign judge of the world (having decreed to punish the disorders of Christendom with sundry afflictions) took Maximilian out of this world: The death of Maximilian. in whose life we may observe a strange alteration of affairs, for if prosperity did often present unto him goodly occasions, adversity did as often cross him in the execution. A good Prince, merciful, courteous, very liberal, a great spender (the which did many times hinder his good success) painful, secret, well seen in the art of war: but his happy beginnings did commonly prove fruitless, through his own delays and inconstancy. This death bred an equal desire in the minds of two great Princes, Francis King of France, and Charles King of Spain. Francis sent the Lord of Boissy, Lord Stuard of France, to purchase the favour of the german Electors, for the Empire. Some promised all favour for the King his master: yet the cause was not so favourable for the French, having no correspondency with the Germans, neither in tongue, manners nor life. Moreover the Commons of Germany, were suitors that the Imperial dignity might not go out of the nation. The Pope favoured the King, but in show only, hoping that by these demonstrations of love, he would hereafter give more credit to his councils: whereby discovering that in his inward thoughts, the election both of Francis, and Charles were alike suspect unto him, he laboured to persuade the King (that seeing there was small hope for him to carry it by voices,) he should seek by his authority to advance some other Germany Prince, to this Crown, rather than Charles. But whilst that Francis feeds himself, with vain hopes given him by the Elector of Brandebourg, and the Archbishop of Triers, who (to draw money from the King) gave him great assurances: 1519. Charles in steed of gold, brings arms to the field. An a●my approacheth near to Francford, for the King of Spain, under colour there should be no force in the election: the which increased their courage that favoured his cause, made them yield that wavered, and troubled the French faction. So Charles of Austria King of Spain, The election of Charles. the fift of that name, was chosen Emperor of Germany the 28. of june. The Election of a new Emperor consists in the voices of six german Princes. Three are of the Clergy, the Archbishops of Maience, Cologne, and Treves: Three seculars, the Count Palatin, the Duke of Saxony & the Marquis of Brandebourg. The King of Bohemia is Vmper, when as the voices are equal. The Emperor is chosen at Francford, and crowned at Aix la Chapelle. Who could doubt, but these two young princes, having so many occasions of jealousy and quarrel, would soon break forth into fierce and cruel wars, the which had taken deep root in both their hearts. The King desired infinitely to recover the Realm of Naples,, and did greatly affect the restitution of Henry of Albret, to ●is kingdom of Navarre, whereof he sees himself now frustrate by the sudden advancement of Charles to so high a dignity: and all that which the French held in Italy was in great danger. The Emperor on the other side was discontented, that the King contemning the accord first made at Paris, and knowing the necessity of his passage into Castille, for the which his favour did much import, had in a manner forced him to agree to new Articles. Moreover the king had taken the Duke of Gueldres into his protection, (an enemy to the Flemings, who where subjects to Charles.) a sufficient cause to draw both Francis and Charles into arms. But above all, the recovery of the Duchy of Bourgongne, caused strange alterations in the mind of this new Emperor. The Duchy of Milan was a sufficient motive of quarrel: the King since the death of Lewis the 12. had neither demanded nor obtained investiture, and therefore they pretended the possession to be of no validity, and his interest to be void: yet all these were not sufficient motives to stir up those horrible confusions, which so afflicted the Estates of these two Princes for the space of thirty years. Ambitious hatred is always grounded upon light beginnings, In the mean time the Preachers of this voyage against the Turk, dispersed through out all Christendom, 1520. grew vehement, promising (according to the Pope's Bulls) pardon for all sins, and the kingdom of heaven, to such as paid a certain sum of money. Without doubt Leo used the authority of the apostolic sea too boldly, dispersing throughout the world, without distinction of time or place, most large pardons▪ not only for the living, but also to redeem the souls of the dead from purgatory for money. And for that, every one did plainly see, that these pardons were o●ly granted to get money: which the Commissioners (appointed for such exact●●●) demanded after an impudent and shameless sort; being also well known that the greatest part of them had purchased their authority from the Pope's officers. Leo incurred great dislike: many were discontented with this insolent proceeding, especially ●n Germany, where the ministers of this collection, appointed (according to the common opinion) for the delivery of poor Christians fight under the burden of the Turkish yoke, sold for a small price, yea played away in their Alehouses, their authority to redeem dead men's souls from purgatory. And that which did more increase the people's spleen, it was generally reported: that Laurence of Medicis, had carried a brief, from his uncle to King Francis, whereby he allowed him to employ the money gathered throughout his Realm for this war, to what uses he pleased: upon condition, to yield it, when it should be demanded for the voyage beyond the seas, and to employ fifty thousand crowns, to the benefit of the said Laurence his Nephew. A worthy cause to make the French repine, seeing the money they gave to a good intent, was converted to contrary uses. But that which made the Germans wonderfully impatient: Leo had given to his sister Maudlin, the profit of the exaction of Indulgences in many parts of Germany▪ who appointed the B●shop Arembauld a Commissioner in that part: Worthy (saith the history) of such a charge, the which he executed with great covetousness and extortion. Being the more odious for that this holy money went, to satisfy the greediness of a woman. So as not only this exaction, and the Agents thereof, but also his name and authority that granted it, became odious in many provinces. Martin Luther, a religious man of the order of S. Austin; learned and vehement, The beginning of Luthe●● doctrine began to preach against these indulgences in his public sermons; he taxeth the Pope's authority, complains of Albert of Brandebourg, Archbishop of Mayence: and of the doctrine which these gatherers did teach, inducing the people to believe confidently that by the purchase of these pardons they must needs be saved: as if the virtue of these money-pardons could wipe away any sin, and the money put into the coffers of the Church or of the Commissioners, could draw men's souls out off purgatory, and send them into Paradise. And thereupon he exhorts every man to believe soberberly, and to govern himself wisely in this business, and rather to employ their money otherwise then in this frivolous merchandise. The people give ear unto him, find his doctrine plausible: and Frederic Duke of Saxony his Prince doth embrace it, Luther supported by the favour of his Prince and the people, proceeds▪ he publisheth propositions wherein he doth dispute at large: Of purgatory, of true repentance of the office and duty of Charity, of indulgences and Pardons, to seek out (said he) the truth, calling all such to dispute as would propound any argument to the contrary. He entreated all such as could not assist, to answer by writing: protesting that he would not maintain any thing, but submit himself to the censure of the holy Church: yet rejecting all things that should not be conformable to the holy Scripture and the decrees of the fathers. In the end he encounters the Pope's authority, the Images of the Church, the celibate of religious persons, restraining the Pope's authority within the limits of the Bishopric of Rome, and publishing the doctrine, which hath caused the General schism unto this day. The Pope to quench this fire, cities Luther to Rome, forbids him to preach, declares him contumax, if he do not obey, and submit himself to the Ecclesiastical censure. Notwithstanding the Original saith, he did not reform many things that were of bad example, which Luther did blame with reason, being very odious to all men, using his pontifical office with small reverence. But this was to cast oil into the fire. These Ecclesiastical arms did but increase Luther's reputation with the people. Neither the religious men, which Leo sent to preach against him, nor the letters which he did write to the Princes, and Prelates, nor all the other means he employed to suppress him, could any thing withdraw the people's inclination, nor the favour of Frederic from him. This action seeming still of greater importance to the Court of Rome, made them to fear some great disgrace to the Pope's greatness, to the profit of the Court of Rome: and the union of Christian Religion. Many assemblies were made at Rome, many consultations in the Pope's chamber betwixt the Cardinals and Divines appointed to prevent these inconveniences. Some did show, that for as much as they did not correct in themselves so many vices and damnable things which did scandalize all Christendom, the persecution of Luther, would but augment the hatred of nations against him: giving Council like unto that of Gamaliel in the fift of the Acts of the Apostles, that it had been better to have winked at such a folly which happily would have vanished of itself. Notwithstanding the heat and violence of others prevailed, so as not only the persecuions were doubled against him, and his followers (who by his name, were called Lutherans,) but an excommunication was decreed against Frederick Duke of Saxony: the which did so incense him, as of a favourer he became a vehement protector of the cause: the which since hath been dispersed over all Christendom, so as neither prisons, nor banishment, fire nor water, sword nor tortures, nor any other punishments, could prevail against it. Without doubt, we have learned by experience, that religion is not planted, nor rooted out by violent means. The altars of piety are enemies to arms, drums and trumpets. men's consciences must be gently entreated, not violently forced. Let us attend this so desired reunion from heaven. The mediation, of the m●st Christian King is necessary: let us hope, that the continuance of a holy peace will give him the means, as he hath a desire to choose men capable thereof, who not regarding their private interest, will seek the advancement of God's glory. But let us return to our history. Whilst that Charles the fift, was crowned at Aix, the people of Spain foreseeing, Troubles in Spain. that by the means of his advancement to the Empire, he should remain for the most part out of Spain, being also incensed against the Lord of Chieures, and some Flemings which had governed Charles in his youth, through whose covetousness, offices, graces, privileges, and expeditions, (which had been usually given to Spaniards) were now dearly sold unto them: they rebelled, refusing to obey the King's officers. They erected a form of popular government, with the advice almost of all Spain, whilst the Nobility sought by force to suppress this popular liberty. The King, by the Pope's Counsel (who makes his profit of Chistian Princes quarrels, that he might have peace, whilst they are at war) seeing that the Emperor, being often urged, did in no sort perform the articles of the treaty of Noyon: sent an army into Navarre, under the command of Esparre, brother to Lautrec, Navarre recovered. who in less than fifteen days, reduced Navarre, to the obedience of Henry of Albret their lawful King. This was enough for Esparre. It had been better to return a victor triumphing, with glory and honour, then to follow the advice of too violent a Councillor, Saint Colombe Lieutenant of Lautrecs' company, (promising to himself, it may be, the conquest of Spain, as easily as that of Navarre: or fed with a hope to make some good booty:) carried Esparre even to the frontiers of Catalogne: who having taken Fontarabie, did run as far as the Grongne. The Spaniards being incensed, (the Nobility against the people) had endured the loss of the kingdom of Navarre, but seeing them to invade their own marches, they put in practise the byword of the dogs, who fight together, laid aside their quarrel, to fall upon the wolf, their common enemy. So these, being at great discord amongst themselves gave over their intestine quarrels, to pursue their general professed enemies. The Nobles and Commons join their forces, they encounter Esparre, who to save the soldiers pay, had dismissed some part of his army, giving leave to all that would, in yielding half a pay: they charge him, defeat him, and take him prisoner, being hurt in the eye with a Lance, whereof he was blinded. The Lord of Tournon was likewise taken with many other good men. So the Spaniards finding Navarre unfurnished of soldiers, Taken again. recovered Pampelune, with as great faci●●ie as the French had conquered it. The first breeder of the horrible confusions which shall follow. But let us see an other motive of war●e, betwixt these two Monarches, which rising from a small fire, shall flame over all this Realm, and many other estates. The Prince of Simay, of the house of Croy, had before time obtained a sentence against the Lord of Aimeries, given by the Peers of the Duchy of B●uillon, (which judge soverainly) for the Town of Hierges in Ardennes: yet through the favour and credit which Aimeries had with Charles of Austria, and the greatest in his Court, he was relieved, although he had not appealed from the said sentence in time, grounding the causes of his relief upon the lets and hindrances he had had, during the former wars, at the which he had always assisted in person. So as a Commission being granted before the great Chancellor of Brabant, and a day assigned to the heirs of Symay, 1521. to come to hear the reasons of Armouries relief: and if need were, to see the former sentence (given to their behoofe● revoked. They found this commission so unjust, and unreasonable (seeing that both their father, and they had been in long and quiet possession of the said Town) and that this decree was not subject to appeal: as they repaired to Robert de la Mark, Duke of Bovillon, as to their Lord, and Protector, that with their right he might defend the liberties, and privileges of his Duchy. Robert discontented, that his company of men at arms had been cassierd for the extortions and robberies they had committed in Italy, and else where, had left the King, and was retired to the Emperor. But seeing that justice was denied him, as well for the private interest of pu●●ls (whose uncle and Tutor he was, having married their Aunt, sister to the Prince of Symay) he made his peace with the King, by the mediation of his wife, and his son (Fleuranges' being daughter to the Earl of Brenne) with the King's mother. A bold and insolent ●act. Robert having assured his affairs with the King, sent to defy the Emperor at Worms, where he had called a Diet of the Princes, and free Towns of Germany, against the new-bred troubles, by reason of Luther. A bold attempt of a petty Prince, against an Emperor, mighty in means, men, and courage. A great river runs quietly betwixt the banks that bond it, but at the first breach, it overflows the whole Country: so there is nothing more easy, then to incense Princes, but being once moved, they are hardly appeased. This defy given, Fleuranges' the eldest son of Robert, notwithstanding the Kings expressed prohibition, made levy, as well in France, as in other places, of three thousand foot, and four or five hundred horse, with the which he besieged Vireton, a small Town in Luxembourg belonging to the Emperor. But soon after he retired his army, by the King's commandment, and dismissed it. But their spleens were wonderfully incensed upon new occasions. The King, for that the Emperor failed in the payment of the pension, for the Realm of Naples, and in the restitution of Navarre: and withal, his preferment to the Empire had greatly discontented him. The Emperor was grieved, for the enterprise of Navarre, and the attempt of the Duke of Bovillon, being also well informed, L●os ordinary dissembling. that the King sought the means to recover the Realm of Naples. Francis had sent a gentleman to the Pope, to know when it should please him to perform his part for the execution of that which they had concluded together (the which his Majesty knew according to the disposition of Leo, to be more counterfeit than currant.) And Leo giving to the gentleman a note of the horse, foot and artillery, that was necessary for this enterprise; assigned the King two and twenty days to arm, whilst the Venetians might enter into this League. The Pope had no meaning, that Naples should be sub●ect to the French. If the King had not in the mean time neglected his affairs, Leo had been forced to run another course. And the Pope glad to have some colourable show of disdain, accuseth the King, either to be careless, or ill affected, having not drawn the Venetians into the said League for the defence of Italy. He complains, that his majesty had not paid, but the first month for the levy of Swisses, which they had been forced to make against the Spaniard, who a little before, had invaded the territories of the Church, whereof the King should pay a moiety, and makes a show as if the King had treated some thing with the Emperor, without his privity, and to his prejudice. Thus Leo, seeming justly dspleased, received into Regium, (contrary to his agreement with the King) all the banished men of Milan. he invested Charles of Austria, The Pope capitulates with the Emperor in the Realm of Naples, made a defensive League with him, including the house of Medicis and the Florentines: and devising how to conquer Milan, they agreed: That Parma and Plaisance should remain to the Church, to hold them with the same rights it did before: That Francis Sforce, brother to Maximilian should be put in possession of the Duchy of Milan, as having right, from his father, and his brother's renunciation: and that the Emperor should aid the Pope against his subjects, and feudataries, namely to conquer Ferrara. This mutual resolution of alliance was a means, by God's providence, to show his wonderful judgements, and a scourge to punish both French, Italians, and Spaniards for many years: whereby followed so many eversions of Towns, oppressions of people, desolations of Provinces, and the death of so many men of valour. La Marks estate ruined. The Emperor in the mean time, levies a great army of horse and foot, under the command of Henry Earl of Nassau, who took Longnes from Robert de la Mark, razed the Town, and hanged the Captain, with twelve of the chief of his troop. The Captain of Musancourt, (delivered by some of his soldiers, with the place, to the said Earl) escaped the gallows, at the entreaty of the chief of his army, but twenty of his Soldiers were hanged, and the place likewise razed and spoiled to the ground. About this time, there was much controversy touching the Duchy of Milan, the Emperor pretending it to belong absolutely to him, not only by conquest, but much rather by inheritance: concerning which, the most learned in the laws of the Empire produced many and very probable reasons, and arguments. These two prizes caused Fleuranges' and Sansey his brother (the sons of Robert) to put themselves into jametz, with a resolution to die or to keep it. The Earl, after four days siege, having seen the garrisons firm resolution, raised his camp, to take the way to Fleuranges'. The Germans which kept it, yielded up both the Town and their Captain the Lord of jametz, the son of Robert, into the Earl's hands, who having ruined it, did the like unto Sansy. Bovillon was afterwards yielded unto him by intelligence. After this, Robert obtained a truce of the Emperor for six weeks. But the Emperor Charles dreamt of a more important war. If his spleen had been only against the house of La Marck, why should he grant them a truce, being almost ruined? The King's army against the Emperor and being a conqueror, and strong enough to subdue the said Robert, why did he still increase his army? The King having intelligence, that war was proclaimed against him, prepared his forces to withstand the Emperor: and to this end he gave a commission to Francis of Bourbon, Earl of Saint Paul, to levy six thousand foot: to the Constable of Bourbon eight hundred horse, and six thousand foot: and to the Duke of Vendosm● the like charge. And to revenge the disgrace received by Esparre, he sent six thousand Lansequenets, of whom claud of Lorraine Earl of Guise was general, under William of Gouffiers, Lord of Bonnivet, Admiral of France, to whom he gave five companies of horse, and commission to levy what number of Gascons and Basques he should think necessary. The Lord of Lescut was in like sort ●eleeued with French and Swisses, Open war. for the war of Italy. The armies on either side were in field: there remains nothing but for the one to make a breach: the imperials begin. There had been a long and a great quarrel betwixt Lewis Cardinal of Bourbon, and the Lord of Liques, a Gentleman of Hainault, for the Abbey of Saint Amand, which the Cardinal enjoyed. Liques takes this occasion to assault the Abbey, which being of no strength, was delivered unto him by Champeroux, Lieutenant for the King in Tournaisis, in the which the Loges Governor of Tournay was surprised. We might pretend, that these were but private quarrels: but Liques advanced with his for●es to Mortaigne, a place subject to the King, the which he said he had some times enjoyed. In the end, Pranzy, Captain of the said place (having no hope of succours,) yielded it, Siege of Tournay. not to Liques, but to the Lord of Portien, upon condition to departed with their lives and baggage. But contrary to the law of arms and honesty, they were pursued, stripped, and hardly escaped with their lives. On the other side, Fiennes, of the house of Luxembourg, Governor of Flanders, besieged Tournay with a thousand horse, eight thousand foot, and six Canons, continuing there fi●e months, whilst that the Bourgognons did take, spoil, and raze Ardres, the Lord of Teligni in exchange, did charge, defeat, and cut in pieces, six hundred Bourgognons, that were entered the realm to spoil it. In the beginning of these garboils, Henry King of England did offer himself an Arbitrator betwixt these two Princes, Charles and Frances, and Calis was named for the treaty of a good peace. But what means was there to yield to the emperors unreasonable demands, to restore him to the Duchy of Bourgongne, with an abolition of the homage which he ought unto this Crown, for the low Countries? being unreasonable, as he pretended, that an Emperor should do homage to a King of France: as if we did not commonly see Princes hold their lands by homage of simple gentlemen. So this parley took no effect. Hitherto the Imperials dealt under had, protesting not to make war against the King· but now they discover themselves, and come with enseignes displayed, to besiege Mouzon: they batter it in two places, the one by the meadow, towards the Port of Rheims: the other from the mountain going to juoy. The footmen newly levied, and not yet trained, grew amazed, and force Montmort the Captain of that place, to demand a composition: for the obtaining whereof, he went with Lassigny his companion to the Earl, and obtained, That every man at arms should departed, Mouson take● with a curtail unarmed, and the foot men, and archers without arms, and a white wands in their hands: what policy was this, to see two Lieutenants to a King, go forth off a place to capitulate with the enemy: without doubt they deserved the shame which many have suffered ●or the like rashness, to be detained prisoners, put to ransom, and forced to yield the Town at discretion. The taking of all these Towns without opposition, drew the Earl to Me●●eres (commanded by the Chevalier B●yard, Siege of Mezieres. ) but he found a more valorous resolution then at Mouzon. The experience, and valour of the Captains, and the desire which Anne Lord of Montmorency had to do the King some notable service in his youth, had drawn him into the Town, with many well minded gentlemen of the Court: amongst the rest, the Lords of Lorges, d'Annebault, Lucè, Villeclair, john de la Tour Lord of Bremont, john Dureil, Lord of Berbee, Nicholas of Thou●rs Lord of Suilly, Mathurin, and Charles des Cleres, (whose valours, and fidelity, deserve a place in our History.) Anthony Duke of Lorraine, whose Lieutenant Bayard was, and the Lord of Orual, governor of Champangne, commanded either of them, a hundred men at arms. Boucart, and the Baron of Montmorea●, had either of them, a thousand foot. This might seem too much, for a small place, but it was strong, and of importance. The Canon did no sooner begin to batter, but most of the foot grew amazed, and in despite of their Captains ●●ed, some by the gate, others over the walls: Bayard by the baseness of them that fled, took occasion to assure the resolutions of such as remained, For (said he) preserving the Town with the help of few men, we shall have the more merit, and reputation: our troops are of the more force, being discharged of this unprofitable burden. The Earl coming near to Mezieres, sent to summon the Commanders to yield the Town unto the Emperor. The Valiant resolution of Bayard. He reports to the Earl of Nassau (said Bayard to the Tr●mpe●,) That before he shall hear me speak of yielding up the Town, which the K●ng hath given me in charge, I hope to make a bridge of my enemy's carcases, over the which I may march. Henry makes two batteries, and shakes the walls, for the space of a month. But finding by sundry sallies, (in the which the besieged did most commonly carry the honour and profile,) the resolution of the Commanders, men at arms, and soldiers: having also intelligence of the defeat of a hundred choice horse of the Emperors' Camp, and two hundred foot, led by Earl Reinfourket, to spoil Attigni, upon Aisne: all which Francis of Silli, Bailiff of Caen, Lieutenant to the Duke of Alenson, had put to the sword, except five or six, which were carried prisoners to the said Earl, to Rheims, the Town having been also relieved, the first of October with a thousand foot led by Lorges, four hundred horse by ●●●gni, and some munition, he abated the first fury of his artillery, and despairing to 〈◊〉 the Town by force or famine, he raised his Camp, and made his retreat by Mont-Co●●et in Ardennes, Maubert fontaine, and Aubenton, to Ver●in and Guise, spoiling, burning and killing, The Earl of N●ssau le●ues Me●●ers. men, women and children without distinction: a mournful beginning of the cruelties which have been committed in the succeeding wars. B●yar● for a worthy reward of his virtue, was honoured by the King with a company of a ●undred men at arms, and the order of Saint Michael. In the mean time the King assembles his forces at Fernacques, to cut off the enemy's way about Guise, and to fight with him▪ during whose retreat, the Cont Saint Paul recovered Mouzon, for the King. Mouzon recovered. Such was the estate of Picardy, and champaign, whilst the Admiral of Bonnivel arrived at Saint john de Luz, The enterprise of Navarre. for the enterprise of Navarre. His purpose was to surprise Fontarabie. To hold the enemy in suspense, he first took the Castle of Poignan upon the mountain of Roncevaux: then making show to take the way of Pampelune, he turned head through the mountains towards the Town of may▪ and whilst he lodged his artillery, he caused the Earl of Guise (who commanded the Lansquenets) to take the way by the river of Behaubi●, running at the foot of the mountains which come from Navarre, and so passeth into the sea before Fontarabie: and in the morning he followed with his army. Having some Spaniards in front, which camped on the other side of the water, he passed the river at a ford, the said Earl marching before them with a pike in his hand. Don Diego de Vere chief of the enemy's army, being equal in number, and having an advantage over those that came wet from the passage of a river, amazed at the resolution of our men, left the field, and fled with his men through the mountains. The Castle of Behaubie, kept all victuals from our Camp, and held it in great distress. But the first Volee of the Cannon, having split one of their best pieces, and slain the governor with some others that did assist him, the soldiers being amazed, force their Captain to yield at discretion: whereof the Admiral sent the best prisoners to Bayonne, the rest he turned away being disarmed. The way being thus laid open to Fontarabie, (a place which they held impregnable, and one of the keys of Spain) fortified on three parts, Fontarabie taken. with the sea, river and mountain, in few days he made a breach, but not assaltable. Notwithstanding the Gascons, Basques and Navarrois, demanded the assault, the which was defended with as great resolution as it was assailed: but the besieged having discovered some pieces, which the Admiral had planted on the mountain, to beat them the nex● day in flank at the second attempt: and knowing the resolution of the assailants, by the proof they had formerly made, caused them to yield, upon condition to departed, with all their bag and bggage. james of Aillon Lord of Lude, was made Captain. Let us return to Fernaques, where we have left the King preparing to fight with the enemy. To this end he gives the forward to the Duke of Alançon (who had married Marguerite of Valois the King's sister) accompanied with the Marshal of Chastillon, (this was the first motive of the Constable of Bourbons discontent, the which place was due unto him as Constable of France.) He took the battle himself, taking the said Duke of Bourbon unto him, and committed the rearward to the Duke of Vendosme. Bapaume did much annoy the frontier towards Peronne, Corbie and dourlan's. The Earl of Saint Paul, The ruin of Bapaume. the Marshal of Chabannes and the Lord of Fleur●nges took it, beat down the defences, and burned it to ashes. The Duke of Vend●sme had Commission to do the like unto Landrecy: who arriving late, four or five enseignes of the bands of Picardy march, without commandment and without ladders, and fire furiously to the ●ort, where they plant their Ensigns upon the draw bridge, Landrecy. but they were repulsed by seven or eight hundred Lansquenets and some of their Ensign bearers slain. This fury of the Picardes did so amaze the Germans, as without attending battery, breach, or assault, they retired into the next forest, where they could not pursue them, by reason of the river running through the Town. Thus Landrecy unfurnished of men, was the next day taken, razed and burnt. The Emperor was retired with his army towards Valen●iennes: the King makes a bridge over the River of Escau beneath Bouchain, either to fight with him, or to make him abandon the country with dishonour. Charles having intelligence of this bridge, sent twelve thousand Larsquenets and four thousand horse to stop the passage, but the Earl of S. Paul with those six thousand men which he commanded, was already in battle on the other side of the water, in a marsh towards Valenciennes, and the King followed him speedily with all his army, which were about sixteen hundred men at arms, and six and twenty thousand foot, with the light horse. The which the enemy perceiving, he left seven or eight hundred horse, The emperors dishonourable retreat. to recover the retreat of his footmen, taking the way to Valenciennes. Tremoville and the Marshal of Chabannes offer to charge them in the rear. the Swisses cried out for battle, to give a testimony unto the King, that they desired to seal the confirmation of their new alliance with some notable service: and if their advice had been followed, the Emperor had that day by all likelihood lost his honour, and the flower of his army. So the enemy retired without any loss, except the bastard of Aimeries and some prisoners. GOD doth often minister occasions, the which being once neglected, are never recovered with so great advantage. But howsoever, the Emperor retired by night into Flanders with a hundred horse, leaving all the rest of his army behind him. The next day, Bouchain yielded at the first summons of the Duke of Bourbon. This shameful retreat of the imperials draws our army to Hedin, being unfurnished of soldiers, when as the Inhabitants feared no enemy, being busied at the marriage of the daughter of the Receiver general of Arthois. The Dukes of Bourbon and Vendosme and the Earl of S. Paul, with the troops commonly (called the black bands) notwithstanding the continual rain, were at the Town gates, before the Citizens had any intelligence of their departure from the army. The Town being resolutely attempted, was taken by assault, Hedin taken and was spoiled by the footmen, the which abounded in wealth: for that in old time the Dukes of Bourgongne had made their chief residence there. But in the midst of the spoil, one quarter of the town was fired, contrary to the Constables express commandment, the which deprived the soldiers of part of their booty. The Lady of Reux and the garrison of the Castle departed with their baggage: but all the inhabitants that were retired and come into it, were put to ransom. The Lord of Biez had the government of the Castle, and Lorges of the Town, with a thousand foot. This happened on all-Saintes day. Winter was come, and the enemy appeared no more: the King dispersed his army, and giving the most of the Gentlemen that had followed the Dukes of Bourb●n and Vendosme, the command of twenty five horse a piece, putting his companies into garrison, and disposing of the rest of the army, he retired to Compiegne, about Christmas, not able for the distemperature of the weather to relieve Tournay, necessity forcing the Lord of Champroux to departed with an honourable composition, armed, their Ensigns displayed, Drums sounding, Tournay lost and their baggage saved. Now may we see, what effects the Pope's league with the Emperor shall bring forth. Being both equally desirous to expel the French out of Italy, they thought it best, before they came to open force, to shadow their practices with a Fox's skin, and by means of the banished men, to assail the Duchies of Milan and Genes, at one instant, with the Cities of Parma, Plaisance, Cremone, and cream. But he that attempts too much, performs little: so many sundry enterprises do most commonly terrify more than hurt. According to this plot, the emperors galleys, remaining at Genes, the Popes come suddenly into the Port of Genes, with two thousand Spaniards, led by Jerome Adorn, hoping that the Partisans of that family, would not fail to mutiny: but the good order which Fregose had set, made their desseine fruitless. On the other side, Lautree, before his coming into France, to marry the Daughter of the Lord of Oryall, had expelled many out of Milan, that were ill affected to the King, whereof they said the most part had been banished for sleight occasions, or to seize upon their goods. Without doubt, severity looseth those hearts, which clemency and moderation in a temperate commander would make use of at need. Francis Sforce, jerosme Moron, Manfroy Paluoisin, and Soto of Brindesi, were the chief, who having assembled a great number of their Partisans, for the execution of their desseins, retired to Regium, belonging to the Church, although neither the Pope, nor the King (according to their treaty) ought to have supported them in their territories. Lescut Marshal of Foix, Lieutenant to his Brother, advertised of these stirs, by Frederick of Bossole, parted from Milaz on Midsummer eve, accompanied with four hundred Lances, and followed by Bossole, leading a thousand foot, to require Count Guy of Rangon, governor of the Town for the Pope, that according to the treaty, he should deliver these banished men into his hands. Whilst that Lescut and Rhangon, conferred together upon their faith, at a postern entering into the Ravelin, at the gate which goes to Parma, the one complaining, that contrary to the Articles of the League, they did support (in towns belonging to the Church) the banished men assembled, to trouble the King's estate: and the other, that he had suddenly entered with arms into the territories of the Church: behold a gate being opened for the letting in of a Cart laden with meal, the Lo●d of Bonneval advanceth with some men at arms, to seize upon the port but they were repulsed, and the gate shut. Some banished men being upon the walls, discharge their Harquebuses, and h●●t Alexander Triwlce, whereof he died two days after. Nothing saved Lescut, but the fear which the Harquebusier had that a●med at him, to kill the Governor. The indiscretion of one man, is pernicious to such as accompany him. During this garbo●le, the Earl, to assure Lescuts' person, led him upon his faith into the Ravelin. The men at arms taking this for an imprisonment, fled to carry news to the troops▪ which stayed two miles from Regium: who standing doubtful, whether they should march against the Town to recover their leader, or return to Parma, thinking t●a practise to surprise the Town in their absence: the Marshal arrived, being released by the Earl, forbearing to stay him, having given him his faith, and received commission, not to proceed against the King by open war. This enterprise as badly effected as rashly attempted, was of consequence. It was a good colour for the Pope to accuse the King, and to justify his confederacy with the Emperor. To prevent this, Lescut sent La Motte Grovin to Leo, to disavow the attempt at Rh●gium, and to let him understand, that what he had done, was neither to attempt against him, nor against the estate of the Church. For answer: The Marshal of Foix (said the Pope in great choler) hath lodged (in arms like an enemy) upon my territories, I will make him know the wrong he hath done unto the King. Presently after this threat, he did excommunicate the Marshal out of the Church. An enterprise upon Como, ●●●all. The des●eine upon Como, succeeded no better than that of Genes: for Manfroy of Palu●●s●n, and Soto of Brindizi, having in the night approached to the walls, with eight hundred Italian foot, and Lans●uenets, hoping that Anthony Rusque a Citizen of Come, would make a breach for them in the wall behind his house, as he had promised to Benedict Lorme, an other of that city, that was banished: Captain Garrou a Basque by nation, a man well practised in arms, did mingle the townsmen with the soldiers, at the guard of, the wall: to prevent the execution of their intelligence, if happily they had any. So as the conspirators not daring to discover themselves, Paluoisin deceived of his foolish enterprise, having planted his guards about the town, where he thought most fit, went to sleep. Garrou, issues forth to give them a skirmish▪ he kills the greatest part; some seek their safety upon the lake, others upon the mountain. Three barks were sunk in the Lake, and seven taken by Garrou. Many were taken prisoners: amongst others Manfroy and Soto, who after they had confessed the revolts and practices in the estate of Milan, were publicly quartered at Milan: and Bartholomew Ferrier their complice, a man of authority in the Town was beheaded, upon the return of the Lord of Laut●ce; whom the King (being advertised of these disorders) sent presently to Milan. The Lansquenets had leave to departed into their Country. Seeing the Pope's secret practices could not succeed, he now discovers himself: The Pope declares himself against Francis. he complains in the consistory of Cardinals, of the attempt of Rhegium▪ and concludes, that the King is ill affected to the apostolic sea, and (concealing the capitulations he had secretly made with the Emperor) he protests, that he is forced to ally himself unto him, who (said Leo) had never committed any thing unworthy of a Christian Prince, and very zealous to religion. So, the Wolf in the fable accused the sheep for troubling the water. Thereupon he presently makes show to contract with Dom john Emanuel Ambassador to Charles, the league which he had formerly concluded, and resolves, by the advic of Prosper Colonne, to invade the Estate of Milan, with six hundred men at arms, and the companies of horse which the Emperor had in the Realm of Naples, six thousand Italian foot, two thousand Spaniards (which Adorn had in the river of Genes) two thousand Neapolitans, (which the Marquis of Pescara should bring) four thousand Lansquenets, and two thousand Grisons (which should be lea●●ed at their common charge) and too thousand Swisses, which had remained voluntarily, of a greater number under the Pope's pa●e. Whilst this was working, behold a fatal sign to our Frenchmen, of their instant calamities: for on S. Peter's day, the Sun being set, and the sky cleete, An ominous sign to th● French. a lightning fell upon the great Tower of the Castle of Milan, and overthrew six sadomes of the Curtain on either side, consumed two hundred and fifty thousand weight of powder, twelve hundred fire pots, the provision of salt for five years▪ and under the ruins were slain, Richbourg Captain of the Castle, and about three hundred Gentlemen & soldiers that were walking there. Leo did not forget to triumph at this accident, and to impute it to the wrath of God laid upon the French. This heavy accident was a spur to hasten his resolutions, for the ruin of our men. And knowing that the estate of Mantova did import him much for the wars of Lombardy, he entertained Frederic Marquis of Mantova with two hundred men at arms, & two hundred light horse, giving him the title of General for the Church: for the accepting whereof the Marquis renouncing the order of Saint Michael, sent back the collar to the King, wherewith his majesty had honoured him. The Marquis of Mantova and Prosper Collone, having armed for the Pope, Siege of Parma. and the Marquis of Pescara for the Emperor, they besieged Parma, seated upon a river of the same name, and easy to be passed: but after great rain, and the day after the beheading of S. john, having battered the port of S. Croix towards Milan (which at that time was but the suburbs) and made a breach of fifty paces, given three sharp assaults and were repulsed, about four thousand Italians, of six thousand that were within the Town, went out at a breach, and yielded to the enemy. The Marshal of Foix▪ who had undertaken the defence thereof, the Lord of Pont dormy Governor of the Town and the other Captains, having kept the base Town about fifteen days, retired into the Town beyond the River, leaving an Italian Captain at the breach, to favour the retreat of their men at arm●●, who, to work his own with safety, deceived the enemy by a gentle stratagem, he caused every one of the harquebusiers, to lay an end of a match light upon the rampar▪ where they did usually make their guard, so as it was an hour after the break of day, before the enemies had knowledge that the breach was abandoned: which having discovered, they pass their artillery, spoil the suburbs, make their approaches to the Town at Noon day, and begin to batter the wall, which defends the other bank of the river. But small accidents do often disappoint attempts of great consequence. The sam● night that the enemy entered into Codipont (which is the suburb they had abandoned▪ news comes, that Alphonso of Esté, Duke of Ferrare, with a hundred men at arms, two hundred light horse, two thousand foot, (whereof Lautrec had sent him a thousand Italians and Corsegues, and twelve pieces of artillery) had surprised Final and Saint Felix, and threatened Modene. Prosper Colonne would not diminsh his army, when as he feared the enemy's approach. But to assure Modene, they must draw out of the Pipes army, two hundred light horse and eight hundred foot, led by Cont Guy of Rangon, to join with six hundred others that were left within the place. On the other side, Lautrec approached with his army, which consisted of seven or eight hundred Lances, thirteen or fourteen thousand Swisses, four thousand French, which S. Vallier had newly brought: five hundred men at arms Venetians, and four thousand foot under Theodore Triu●lce general of the Venetians, and Andrew Critti Commissary, accompanied with the Duke of Urbin & Marc Anthony Colonne. These two considerations, with the obstinate resolution of the besieged, forced the enemy to raise the siege, and to take the way of Po, to enter the estate of Milan. Lautrec follows them: but having lost two or three days in taking the Castle of Roque-bianque, he give them leisure to pass the river. It is good to observe the errors of a Commander, Errors of the French army. that others may judge and make their profit thereby. The Pope's army la●e open to the spoil: the Lansquenets mutined for want of pay, refusing to follow, and resolved to join with the French▪ The retreat was made in confusion: the army was full of fear, for this sudden dislodging: they had in front a great difficulty, being to pass the river of Po. When a great army passeth any river, it is easy to disturb them, if the enemy be diligent & valiant. Were they not then likely to be put to rout, if Lauterec ●ad pursued them hotly. Thus they passed the Po, the first of October, spenci●g a ●hole day & a great part of the night at the passage, but the sparing of spies makes commanders oft times to let slip goodly occasions, being ignorant of the disorders & difficulties that trouble the enemy. T●i● i● not all, other accidents happen, which being neglected, the French shall receive a shameful disgrace. The enemy's army was so weak, as the Spaniards and Lan●quenets were now reduced to about seven thousand. the Italians (for the m●st part new soldiers,) served rather to make a number, then for any strength, and lodged a● Rehec, attending a supply of Swisses, so priest for victuals, as the provision of meal, which was brought unto them in small quantity, was distributed to the companies by measure. The soldiers, for want of Ovens, baked their portions upon the embers: their Swisses came not: many Italians fled away secretly, and all men confessed, that if the French army which lodged at Bourdellane; two miles near to the enemy's camp, had charged them at their rising from Robert, half vanquished with so many difficulties, there had remained little or no hope of safety. For these necessities had forced them to retire: where the retreat being long and the enemy near, the danger had been evident, considering that from the Castle of Pontiuy, belonging to the Venetians, they might disorder their battalions with the Cannon. But the fruitless and long stay of our commanders at Rebec, after the enemy's departure, gave them leisure to pass the river of Oglié and to lodge in the village of Ostiane, with an intent not to rise, before the arrival of their Swisses. The feast of all Saints drew near, the nights grew long, the continual rain and cold annoyed our Swisses, who demanded that pay which the law of arms gives unto soldiers that have won a battle, saying, that it was not their fault they had not obtained a victory. But in this case, not the will, but the effect merits such a pay: so as of all their company there remained about four thousand. Thus being full of disdain and discontent, suborned likewise by the practices of the Cardinals of Medicis and Zion, (who as Legates to Leo marched in the midst of the army with their crosses of silver, environed (said the Original) with numbers of armed men, artillery, blasphemers, murderers and thieves, they did greauly weaken the King's army, to fortify the enemy, joining with Prosper Colonne, and rejecting the chief causer thereof, upon the want of payment. Without doubt, it is a great error, in a King's Officers, especially in an army; to convert the money appointed for the payment of an army, to other uses. I● was at the passage of the river of Add, that the last act of this tragedy must be played: for the defence whereof, Lautree sent the Lord of Pontdormy, with his Comp●●●e▪ that of Octavian Fregose (led by Count Hugue of ●epol● a Bolonois) a thousand or t●elue hundred foot, and two falcons. But it pleased God, at this time to satisfy the Pope's covetousness with the spoil of our men, that might execute the just judgement of his Vengeance soon after upon his person. The enemy beats back our guards, and puts them to flight, kills some and amongst others, Gratian of Luc● and Chardon, neighbours to the forest of Orleans: who commanded either of them a reg●ment of five hundred men. They pass Add at Vauci, and force Lautrec to retire to Cass●n, and so towards Milan with his whole army. The passage of Add recovered Prosper Colonnes reputation, who for the retreat before Parma, and his ordinary tediousness, was ill reputed of, as well at Rome, as in his army. Contrariwise, Lautrec wanting neither valour nor brave resolution, but Vigilance and happiness, purchased contempt of his men and hatred of the Milanois, whom he did the more exasperated, in causing Christopher Paluoisin to be publicly beheaded, a man of great Nobility, great authority, great age, and a long time detained a prisoner. Colonne advertised of the retreat of the French to Milan, lodged at Marignan, and his Swisses in the Abbey of Cleruaut, doubtful whether he should pass on to Milan, being fortified with so many men: or turn to Pavia, being destitute of soldiers. Being thus irresolute, there appears unto the Marquis of Mantova, an aged man, Lautrec odious to his army. mean in show and apparel, who being brought before Colonne and the other Captains, assures them, that he is sent from the parishioners of Saint Cir of Milan, to let them understand, that at the first approach of their army, all the people of Milan are resolved to take arms, against the French, by the sound of the bells of every parish: wishing them to set forward with speed, without giving the French leisure to bethink themselves. And so he vanished away, not known to any man. The Commanders gave credit to this intelligence. A notable adventure. The 23. of November the Marquis of Pescara with his Spanish bands, presents himself at the port of Rome, at sun setting, and presently chargeth the Venetians, appointed to guard the suburbs with a bastion, which they had newly begun: he puts them to flight, making no resistance, and the Swisses likewise that were lodged by them: kills ●ome and hurts others, before our men had any knowledge of their arrival. Theodore Triwlce, who (being sick and disarmed) came to this alarm upon a little moil, was taken. The Gibelins seizing on the part, brought in the Marquis of Fescara and Mantova, the Cardinal of Medicis, Colonne, and a part of the army: Milan taken and sacked. the victors not able to conceive, by what happiness and means they had so easily obtained so notable a victory, the which was confirmed by the sack of the City, which continued fifteen days. We cannot but blame our Commanders herein of negligence, and too great confidence, in not discovering the enemies remove that day: and believe, that they would not▪ assault the Ramparts without their artillery, the which could not 〈◊〉, the ways being broken with continual rain. Lautrec, troubled with the fear and the darkness of the night, not able to discover in so short a time, the estate of the enemy confusedly lodged, ●ome in the City, others in the Suburbs: Abandoned by Lautrec. he left Mascaron (a Gentleman of Gasconie) within the Castle, with fifty men at arms, and six hundred French foot, and retired his army to Come, whe●e leaving john of Chabannes' Lord of Vandenesse, brother to the Marshal of Chabannes, with fifty men at arms, and five hundred foot, he repassed the river of Add at Lec●●e, and took the way of Bergamo, to put his men at arms into Garrison in the Venetians Country, and other places which held yet for the French. It is an usual thing, to yield unto the Conqueror. laud, Pavia, Plaisance, Alexandria, Cremona, hold for the Empire and the Duke of Milan. janot of Herbowille, Lord of Bunou, held yet the Castle of Cremona. Lautrec sent his brother Lescut thither, (who since the retreat of Parma, had joined with the army) with part of his forces to recover it. Who being repulsed, Lautrec brought all his troops, which were but fi●e hundred men at arms, four thousand Swisses, a few other footmen, four hundred men at arms Venetians, and six thousand foot. As all things were ready for the assault, the enemy being amazed, demanded a composition, the which they obtained with their lives and baggage. Cremona recovered. A small comfort for men half discouraged. Frederic of Bossole came from Parma with his forces, by Lautrecs' commandment. He ●ad no sooner passed the Po, but Vittelli seizeth thereon, with a most pleasing consent of all the people. All these victories were glorious to the enemy: but the treachery of one blemished their former reputation. Come spoiled contrary to the capitulation. Come besieged & battered ten or twelve days, despairing of succour and defence, had yielded upon condition, that as well the French companies, as those of the Town, should have their lives and goods saved, depart with their Lances upon their thighs, and be safely conducted into the Venetians country: and yet when the French would departed, the Spaniards entered, and spoiled both the Soldiers and the Citizens. Vandenesse accusing the Marquis of Pescara to have broken his faith, challenged him to the combat. If you will maintain (answered he) that this sack is happened by my commandment or permission: I say you have lied. But before the quarrel could be ended, Vandenesse was slain at Romagnen, at the retreat of the Admiral of Bonnivet, whom the end of the wars of Navarre had drawn beyond the Alpes. At the same instant, those of the League sent the Bishop of Verule to the Swisses, to withdraw their affections from this Crown. But displeased that their men had marched against the King, and complaining of the Cardinal of Zion, the Pope and all his officers, who had persuaded them to break the conditions of their alliance, they put this Bishop in hold at Bellinsone, and called home the troops they had in Italy. On times the victor is partaker of the discommodities of war: they made preparation to assail Cremona and Genes. But their desseins are broken by the death of pope Leo, who having news of the taking of Milan, Death of Pope Leo. but especially of Parma and Plaisance (for the recovery whereof to the Church, he had chief moved this war,) he was so wonderfully transported with joy, as he falls into a quotidian, with a Catarrh, amidst all his jollity, the which carried him within three days after to the grave, being the first of December. This death did greatly impair the emperors affairs in Italy, and bred new governments, new Counsels, and a new estate of affairs in the Duchy of Milan. The Cardinals of Medicis and Zion, Alterations after this death. went to assist at the election of a new Pope. The imperials retained fifteen hundred Swisses, and dismissed the rest. The Lansequenets likewise departed. The Florentine companies returned into Tuscanie. Guy of Rangon lead part of those of the Church to Modena, the other remained with the Marquis of Mantova, in the Duchy of Milan. And the Duke of Ferrara (making his profit of this occasion) recovered with the liking of the inhabitants, Bondene, Final, the mountain of Modene and Garfagnane: he took Lugo, Bagnacaval, and other Towns of Romagna. Likewise Francis Maria, being expelled his Duchy of Urbin, by Leo, 1522. and called home by the people, recovered it in few days. Our Commanders slept not. but the chance was turned. The Admiral of Bonnave, with three hundred Lances, Frederic of rossome and Marc Anthony Colonnet, leading five thousand French, and Italians, Pa●ma besieged in vain. went to besiege Parma: the which after many distresses incident to the Towns besieged, was preserved by the wise resolution, and singular direction of Francis Guiciardin governor thereof. In the mean time, the Cardinals at Rome did strive for Saint Peter's chair. The Cardinal of Medicis, for the reputation of his greatness, for his revenues, and glory gotten in the Conquest of Milan, had already gotten the voices of fi●teene Cardinals. But the rest could not endure two Popes together of one family, which might have been a Precedent to usurp a right of succession in the Popedom. The most ancient Cardinals opposed themselves against his nomination, every man pretending, that dignity for himself, which an other sought so greedily. During their controversies, Cardinal Adrian Bishop of Derthuse, borne at Trect, and somet me schoolmaster to the Emperor Charles, was put in the election: not with any intent to install him in the place of the deceased, but only to spend that morning, and by delays cool the heat of the most violent suitors. But the Cardinal of Saint Sixte, having by a long 〈◊〉 amplified his virtues, and knowledge, some yielded unto him, (it may be the Emperor would have been displeased, if they had rejected his election) others followed them: so as all the Cardinals agreeing, A new Pope called Adrian the sixth. by a common consent he was created Pope, when as he lest dreamt of it, being absent, a stranger, unknown, having never seen Italy, and without thought, or hope, ever to see it. Being loath to change his name, he was called Adrian the sixth. But what shall this poor Fleming get, to run so far to sit in a chair, so much envied? He came from Spain, (where the Emperor had made him governor in his absence) to seek his death at Rome. He shall be little esteemed, during his Popedom, and they will be glad, to send him speedily after his Predecessor. The winter passed, and our soldiers scattered their harness, to arm again, The war ●●uiued. the one sort to preserve their Conquests, and the other to recover their losses. To this end the King sent Renè, bastard of Savoie, Earl of Villars, Lord Steward of France, the Marshal of Saint Chabannes, Galeas of Saint Severin, master of his horse, and the Lord of Montmorency, newly created Marshal of France, to make a levy of sixteen thousand Swisses, for to secure Lautrec. And to cross him, the Emperor, by means of the King of England's money (estranged from the love of France) sent Ier●sme Adorn to make a levy of six thousand Lansquenets, to put into Milan, with Franc●s Sforce. Adorn coming to Trent, understood that the Milanois had already entertained four thousand foot, with the which he retired to Milan, whilst the other six thousand did arm. In the mean time there wanted no practices at Milan, by jerosme Moron, and his partisans, to kindle the people's hatred against the French. It is not alone in our late troubles, that we have tried, with what efficacy seditious sermons touch the people's hearts. Andrew Barbato, an Augustine by profession, preaching with a great concourse of people, did wonderfully encourage them, to defend their religion, goods, families, lives, and Country. A vehement Preacher, and gracious to the people, leads them as he pleaseth: and it is the ordinary mask of the wise men of this world, to settle their affairs. It is no less honour to preserve, then to get. Ten thousand Swisses were already come: and Prosper Colonne (to keep the French from entering into Milan, by the Castle, and to furnish it with victual, and munition,) he caused to be made, after the manner of the ancient Romans', without the said Castle, betwixt the gates that go to Verceil and Come, two trenches, distant twenty paces one from another, about a mile long: and at the end of either of the said trenches, a Cavalier, or Mount, very high, and well furnished (to endamage the enemy,) with Cannon, if he approached on that side, so as the succours could not enter, nor the besieged go forth. Lautrec having by chance surprised, and defeated the troop of Lewis of Conzague, repaired his Companies, and the Venetians assembled theirs, about Cremona; who being joined with the Swisses, passed the river of Add, the fi●st of March, and john de Medicis with them, who persuaded by the King's great and certain entertainment, was newly drawn to his service. They march like men resolved to assa●●e the rampar, but the trenches stay them: the third day Marc Anthony Colonne and Camille bastard son to john jaques of Triwlce, Milan besieged. walking together in a house, and devising to make a mount to shoot from with their artillery, betwixt the enemies two trenches, a vo●ce of Cannon shot from the Town, did beat down the said house, and buried them in the ruins thereof. Thus Lautrec despairing to take Milan by assault, converteth all his thoughts to vanquish it in time by famine: he wastes the Country, stops the victual, breaks the mi●s, and cuts off thei● water. But not to fall into their hands whom they fear, they dread not death. The people's hatred against the French, and the desire of their new Duke whom they expected, makes them to endure all distresses patiently. Francis Sforce comes to Trent with six thousand Lansquenets, who by the taking of the Castle of Croare, having opened the passage of Po, arrived without any let at Pavia. The way was difficult from Pavia to Milan: for at the first brute of their approach, Lautrec went to lodge at Cassin, and the Venetians at Binasque, upon the way to Pavia. There f●ll out an accident, which helped Sforce. The Marshal of Foix came out of France with money, and some troops of footmen. Lautrec sent Fredrick of B●ssole, to receive him into the estate of Milan, with four hundred Lances, and seven thousand Swisses, and Italians: No●are taken being joined together, they went to Novare, and through the favour of the Castle, took it at the third assault, with the slaughter of most that defended it. A small gain which shall cause a great loss. For Lautrec wanting a great part of his forces, he gave Sforce means to enter into Milan, Pavia bese●ged in vain. with his Lansquenets, and three hundred horse, with an incredible joy to the Milanois. The coming of a new Prince is very pleasing to an estate, whereby the people hope for ease. Lautrec se●ing Sforce dislodged from Pavia, and received into Milan, resolves to besiege Pavia, where the Marquis of Mantona commanded, wi●h two thousand ●oot, and three hundred horse. Lautrec batters the Town, and makes a breach of thirty fathom, he gives two assaults, and is repulsed. There was a postern in the Town, joining to the river of T●s●n, where they watered their horses, which by reason of the river was ill guarded, whilst they did busy the imperials at the breach. Saint Colombe had charge to pass the riue●, at a ford, with two thousand foot: and Riberac and Rocheposay, with four hundred horse, of the companies of Lautrec, and the bastard of Savoie, who marched along the wall, where there was no flankers, should by the swiftness of their horses, seize upon the Postern, and ●old it until thei● foot came. Riberac and Rocheposay execute their dessein, they ●●ter the Town, plant a Guidon upon the postern: but Saint Colombe was content to bring his ●en to to the rivers side, without wetting of his foot. So that the Cittize●s had leisure to come to secure it, and to repulse our men: who if they had been followed, had taken the Town. Riberac was slain fight, and Rocheposay had a leg broken with a musket shot. This attempt did wonderfully amaze the Inhabitants, considering their want of men, and munition: and the Marquis made it known, that without succours he should in the end be forced to yield the Town. Prosp●r knowing the danger, sent twelve hundred Corpse's and Spaniards, who marching by night, speaking Gascon, were taken for Gascons, by the Venetians, and passed thei● fi●st guards, and meeting with some French scouts, speaking Italian, were taken for Italians. So as deceiving the companies by this Stratagem, they passed without discovery, but very late, by the horsemen, who charging them behind, slew some small number. The death of Riberac, kinsman to Lautrec, made him to double the fury of the Canon, and all prepared for an assault: when as Colonne fortified with Sforces troops, goes to field, and comes to camp at Chartrousse, three miles from the French. What means then was there to give an assault, having a mighty army behind them, and all things else succeeding crossly? The money which Lescut had brought, was spent, and that which came from France, was stayed in Arone, by the Viscount Anchise, who was sent to that end from Milan to Buste. The continual rain had over-flowed the river of Tesin, and small brooks grew to be great rivers: so as the victuals which came from Omeline, to the camp, could no more pass: whereby they were forced to raise the siege, and draw towards Monce, to enjoy the commodities of Laudesan and Cremonois. The enemy seeing the French army take the way to Monce, fearing they would recover Milan, went to lodge at Bicocque, a Gentleman's house, but of so great a circuit as twenty thousand men might easily be put in battle, upon the way from Laud to Milan. Without doubt the valour and wisdom of Prosper, gave the fi●st wound to the French affairs, but the impatience of the Swisses did utterly ruin them. Their Colonnels gave Lautrec to understand, that their companions were weary of camping so long without any profit: th●t they demand of three things the one, either money, leave to departed, or a battle. Our Commanders hoped by famine to drive Colonne out of his borrow. And what reason was there to assail a mighty enemy in a Fort entrenched with Trenches, & flanked with great platforms, well furnished with artillery? But neither persuasions, prayers, promises, nor authority could divert them from their first resolution. Seeing then there was no other means to retain them, Lautrec forced to fight by the Swisses. Lautrec resolved, rather to hazard his army by a battle, then to give any occasion to be suspected of cowardice. An unfortunate condition of a commander, who sees himself a slave to those whom he should command? and what a grief is it to be forced to do that which must needs bring shame and confusion? but where force reigneth, right hath no place. The day of Quasimodo, the army marcheth towards Bicocque. The marshal of Foix led the forward, Lautrec, the Marshal of Chabannes, the bastard of Savoy, and Galeas of Saint Severin the battle. Francis Maria Duke of Urbin, with the Venetian army, the reerward. Count Peter of Navarre marched before, to make the way. The Lord of Montmorency should assail them on the one side with eight thousand Swisses. Lescut, with three hundred Lances, and a squadron of French and Italian foot, should charge at the Bridge, entering into the enemy's lodging, and Pontdormy should march before the Marshal of Foix, with a troop of horse, to watch, lest the Imperials should come behind and disorder the army, and likewise to secure where need should require. Besides force, Lautrec used this policy, to raise the men at arms, to set red crosses upon their Cassocks, the mark of the imperial army, in steed of a white, the livery of France. But the providence of Colonne made this devise fruitless, as we shall see. On the other side, Colonne had sent for Sforce, who having suddenly assembled four hundred horse, and six thousand of the commons, was set to guard the bridge, and all the troops were put in battle upon the Trench. Montmorency accompanied with a great number of the Nobility, was come close to the enemy's rampar, entreating the Swisses to attend the Artillery, The battle of Bicocqu●. and that the Marshal of ●oix should be ready to assail them on the other side: that Colonne being charged on all sides, might be constrained to divide his forces. But a rash fury transporting the Swisses, to their own ruin, all run furiously to the enemies Fort. The Canon entertains them before they approach, and kills above a thousand of them. A vollee of small shot kills most of thei● Captains, and chief Soldiers: and the Rampar being above a Pike in height, stays them suddenly. The Earl of Montfort, eldest son to the Earl of Laval, Miolans of Savoye, Graville, brother to the Vidame of Chartres, Roquelaure, la Guiche, the Lords of Tournon and Longa, Launay a Gentleman of the King's Chamber, and many others died there. Colonel Albert Peter (who above all others, thrust them into this fury,) suffered the pains of his rashness. Montmorency was overthrown, but suddenly relieved by the gentlemen that were about him. In the mean time, the Marshal of Foix forced the guards upon the bridge, and charging the enemy within his fort, gave hope of victory. But this violent heat of the Swisses was soon quenched. All retire, yet keeping a kind of order. The Imperials freed from the Swisses, turn all their forces upon the Marshal: and Vandenesse, who had not above four hundred horse, and force them to repass the bridge with the los●e of some men. On the other side the Spaniards issuing forth, charge the Swisses in the rearward, and had put them to rout; if Pontdormy had not by a furious charge kept them within their fort. The Venetians kept themselves safe from danger: but if they had charged with the Swisses and men at arms, and the Marshal of Foix had been well followed, the French in show had won the victory. But when things are done, there never wants an if. The Swisses lost about three thousand men, and two and twenty Captains. The enemy lost few: no men of quality, but john of Cordone Earl of Culisane. So Lautrec returned with the rest of his army, the Swisses and the artillery, to Monce, from whence the Tuesday after, the Swisses returned to their houses, and the Bastard of Savoie, the Marshal of Chabannes, and Galeas of Saint Severin retired with them. Now shall we see this nation so daunted, as of many years they shall not show their accustomed vigour. The remainder of the French hopes was chiefly grounded upon the Town of laud, for the passage of the river of Add, and preservation of the Country of Cremona▪ Lautrec sent john de Medicis, and Frederic of Bossole thither with their troops, which were about four hundred men at arms, three thousand foot, comprehending those which Bonneval, Laud happily taken from the French. Captain of the place had. These companies tired with their march in the night, arrived in the morning, and leaving the guard of the Town to Bonneval, they took their lodgings, to refresh themselves and their horse. The Marquis of Pescara had followed them, and his forward marching near unto the Town, gave occasion to the garrison to come forth to skirmish: in the which 〈◊〉 men were so roughly repulsed, as the enemy entered with them pel mel, into Laud, and surprised most of the soldiers in their beds at noon day. Thus, four hundred men at arms, and three thousand ●oote were shamefully taken in a Town without battery, without breach and without ladder. john de Medicis and B●s●le saved themselves in Cremona. The loss of Laud for the French, was the cause the enemy recovered Pisqueton, one of the strongest places upon Add. Hereupon Pontdormy offers to put himself into Cremona, with such as would follow him, and being strong or wea●e, fight with all that should come, desiring rather to die by the enemy's sword, then to fall into the mercy of villains, or return into France without arms, and without honour. Lautrec yields, and he gathers together a troop out of many companies. The Marshal of Foix would have his part of this glory, five or six days after the imperials camp before it. At their arrival, john Medicis mutines, he demands pay for fifteen or sixteen hundred men, which he had gathered together presently after his retreat: he seizeth upon one of the gates, towards the enemy's camp, and threatens to deliver it for want of payment. They search their purses and pay him the sum demanded. But he was corrupted, and our men seeing his treacherous intent, having no hope of succours, did capitulate: That, if within three moneth●s the King did not send a strong army, able to pass the river, they should departed with their baggage, arms and all their artillery, marked with the arms of France, and should be conducted in safety unto Suze: Cremona yielded. and the sad Marshal should deliver into Prospers hands all whatsoever was held in the King's name, in the estate of Milan, except the castles of Milan, Cremona and Novare. This capitulation was found of hard digestion: for Montmorency was in possibility to renew the League with the Venetians: but advertised of this composition, they changed both affections, and party. The reason which made Prosper yield to so honourable a composition, The Venetians forsake the King. was the desire he had to restore the Adorns into Genes, before the levy of four hundred Lances, and fourteen thousand Gascons should be ready to enter into Italy. Prosper Colonne plants himself before Genes, which was then governed by Octavian Fregose, a man of excellent virtue, who for his justice, and other commendable parts, was as much beloved, as any Prince might be, in a City divided into factions, having not yet lost the remembrance of the ancient liberty Fregose seeing Jerome and Anthony Adorn, to take arms, in favour of the Imperials, and the people inclined to sedition, treated of an accord, when as Peter of Navarre enters into the port with two galleys, and some two hundred to assure the Town, attending the succours of France. But a Tower which the Marquis of Pescara had battered near unto the gate, made them return unto their parley. Being ready to conclude, the Spaniards discovering the small guard they made within, under colour of this hope, seized on the Tower, Genes taken and spoiled. entering the Town thereby, and by the wall which was ruined, killing all they met, and getting a great spoil, Fregose being sick, yielded to the Marquis of Pescara, and within few days after died. Peter of Navarre was taken fight in the market place. The Archbishop of Salerne, brother to Octavian, and many Captains saved themselves by sea. Anthony Adorn, was chosen Duke of Genes, and within few days received the Citadel, the Chastelet, and the Church of Saint Francis, by composition. Six thousand men newly sent by the King, under the command of the Lord of Lorges, for the succour of Genes, and the army of claud of Orleans, Duke of Longueville, to repair the affairs of Lombardie, returned without any effect, being already entered into the territory of Ast. and Lescut, priest by the term limited by the composition, delivered Cremone to Colonne, leaving Bunou Captain of the Castle. Thus the French were again expelled out of Italy. Lautrec seeing the enterprise of laud made fruitless, his army ruined, and the Swisses, and Venetians retired, The French expelled out of Italy. he ret●●nes into France, bringing to the King, rather justifications of his actions, than any signs of his victories, imputing the cause of these disorders to want of money, without the which, he could no longer keep the men at arms together, who had served eighteen months, without any pay, the King's mother having stayed four hundred thousand Crowns, appointed for the payment of the army, which sum (she said) she had spared out of her revenues, and had long before put it into Sembl●sais hands, being overseer of the treasure of France. Hereupon theKing appointed certain judges, and Commissioners to determine of this controversy, and to arraign, the said Semblansaye,, for the which he lost his life. Let us now pass over the Pirenee mountains, and then we will return to the frontiers of Picardy: an other Theatre, Fontarabie besieged by the Spaniard and relieved by the French where there was likewise acted a mournful and bloody Tragedy. The Admiral of Bonnivet was no sooner returned into France with his troops, but the Spaniards went and encamped before Fontarabie, and had so priest it with siege, for the space of a year, as many were dead of hunger. The marshal of Chastillon marched with an army, to relieve the Town, and Lude, being then governor, coming to Dax, (six Leagues on this side Bayonne) he died of a violent sickness. A Nobleman of great experience, and credit. Montmorency (who was then at Venice) succeeded him in the office of Marshal, and the Marshal of Chabannes in that of Lieutenant general for the King in his army, who having gathered together his troops, lodged in Endaye, having a river betwixt the Spanish army, and him, attending Lartigue Viceadmiral of Brittany, with an army at sea, for the victualling of the Town. But he not appearing, either through sloth or misfortune, he resolves of an other course▪ he passeth the river, dislodgeth the enemy with his Cannon, and by continual skirmishes, makes them fly through the mountains. So Chabannes having victualed the Town, returns, leaving Frauget to govern there in the King's name: he was Lieutenant to the Marshal of Chabannes, leading away Lude to refresh himself in France. Without doubt, Lude deserves to be registered in this history Having (sayeth the Original) won such honour in the defence of this place, as he may well be compared to any that have maintained sieges in our days, or our forefathers. Contarywise. Fra●ge● shall purchase as much infamy, as his predecessor did honour. During these confusions beyond the Alpes and Pirenee mountains, Wars in Picardy. the war continued throughout all the garrisons of Picardy, sometimes with gain, sometimes with loss. The day of the Annunciation, twelve hundred Lansquenets going out of Arras, having spo●led Bernaville and other villages about, led away their booty, when as Estree comm●nding the company of the Duke of Vendosme, which was in garrison at dourlan's, advertised hereof, goes to horseback about midnight, with thirty men at arms only, fifty archers and three hundred of the Country men, without pay: he attends them at a passage of the river of Othie▪ Lansquenets' defeated. upon their reteate, he chargeth them, defeats them, and kills a hundred and fifty, making the rest to leave their prey. And if this handfuls of men could give them so great a check, what had been the issue, if their foot●●en had come to fight? In this encounter were slain the Lord of ●icame, and the bastard of Dampont. dourlan's besieged. The enemy grieved at this disgrace, sought to be revenged by the surprise of dourlan's, where there were no footmen. With this desseine, the Earl of Bures, Lieutenant general for the Emperor in the Low Countries, encamps before the To●●e, with all his garrisons, batters it with six pieces of artillery: makes a breach near to the Tower of Cor●i●re, gives an assault, and plants many ladders. Here the Inhabitants show themselves better Frenchmen, then in our late troubles: who backed by this small troop of men at arms, repulse the enemy, and overthrow a good number dead in the ditch. To raise this siege, the Earl of Saint Paul (under the authority of the Duke of Vendosme his brother) gathers together such forces as the garrisons could ●urnish, whereof the Bourgognons advertised, they shamefully returned to Arras, leaving their ladders within the trenches. Dienal, Divion, Brueil and other places about Betune, (wonderfully annoying the frontier,) were ruined by the Duke of Vendosme. But oftentimes a small gain is crossed with a notable loss. Telligny came from Monstre●il, to join with the Duke's troops at Mouchy le Cayen, when as passing by Hedin, he encountered three hundred Bourgognons on foot, driving the booty before them: he chargeth these armed clowns, slew some and took others. A very prejudicial victory, Teligny slain. in regard of that valiant Knight, so well experienced in martial affairs, who being sh●t into the shoulder, died within few days after. In the mean time the Emperor passed into Spain, to punish the authors of the sedition before mentioned, impar●●ng his desseines to the King of England. His voyage was not frutlesse· they remained well satisfied one of an other, A League betwixt the Emperor & the King of England. to the prejudice of this Crown, b●th equally desirous to ruin it. But it shall feel (as in former times) the favour of heaven against their common attempts. The fi●st effect of their treaty, was to send their Ambassadors jointly together to Venice, to require the Senate to join with the Emperor, for the defence of Italy. For the second; The King of England complaining that the King did not continue the payment of fifty thousand Crowns yearly, which he ought him (as we have said,) he proclaimed war against the King by his Herald, in case he would not make a general Truce with the Emperor, comprehending the Church, the Duke of Milan, and the florentines. The King refused this truce, and as for the pension, It is not reasonable (said he) to give money to him, that aids mine enemies with money. Henry King of Enland had before lent a notable some of money to the Emperor: but not discovering himself openly: he sent the Duke of Suffolk, husband to Queen Marie, widow to Lewis the twelfth, to Calais: and the Emperor joined his forces with him, being led by the Earl of Bures. The King opposed the Duke of Vendosme, commanding about a thousand men at arms, with their archers, and eighteen thousand foot, assisted by that reverend old man Lewis of Tremoville. The enemy's army was not ready in fifteen days. The Duke therefore divided his forces into Bologne, Therovenne, Hedin, Monstrevil, Abbeui●e and other places subject to the enemy's invasion. He must not suffer their courage to quail through idleness: Bepaume served them for an exercise. The Earl of S. Paul led the Earls of Guise and Lorges thither▪ equal in charge, with four hundred men at arms, six thousand foot and ●ou●● Cannons▪ who having taken, burnt and razed the town and Castle, they took their way, to the passage of Sluice, and finding it g●●ded by the Bourgognons, they charge them, and chase them to the gates of Do●ay. Here Francis brother to the Duke of Lorrai●e and Earl of Guise, of the age of sixteen or seventeen years, carried his first arms: who seeing in this chase, seven or eight Bourgognons on foot, seeking their safety within the woo●es: being alone, not seen by his followers, he lights and chargeth them: but Martin du Bellay arrives happily, accompanied with ten or twelve horse, by whose means these runnawaies were cut in pieces. Hereupon the English arrive at Calais, The English land in France and at their first entry, they become masters of the Castle of Comtes, betwixt Monstrevil and Hedin. To prevent these incursions, the Duke sent the foresaid Earls into the trench of Bologne (Ardres was then ruined and desert) who by the recovery of the said Castle, put all to the sword they found within it, except the Captain: and afterwards overthrew many other troops, that were dispersed in the land of Oye, while the two armies, English and Bourguignons assembled betwixt Ardres and S. Omer, consulting upon the first object of their forces. Hedin seemed the easiest to be attempted, yet it must needs cost blows. Hedin besieged by the imperials and English. The Lord of Biez commanded there with thirty men at arms▪ and thirty Dead-paies: Sercu with a thousand foot, and La Land with five hundred. The battery continued fifteen days, and a breach was made of forty fathom, but no assault given: the enemy being diverted by continual alarms. The Earls of Guise and Pontdormy, understanding one day amongst others, that four hundred English were gone towards Biez, and the Commander of Oison: they part from Monstrueil with their companies, and some of the Duke of Vendosmes, they overtake them, charge them, and kill or take them all. Some few days after, Pontdormy encountering some other troops, which had burnt Fressin, a house of his elder brothers, Exploits of war. he put them all to the sword. Thus kept within their lodgings, by continual enterprises, and afflicted with a general flux, which went through their army, proceeding in part by the continual ●aine, after six weeks siege, they raised their Camp with shame, to march towards dourlan's, which was not defensible. At that time there was no Castle: and from the mountain where it is now built, they discovered the town on all sides. The Earl of S. Paul prevented the enemy, and (lest the enemy should make use thereof) he spoiled the victuals, and took off the gates: then he retired to Corby, to withstand the attempts of the English. Then arrived the Marshal of Montmorency, bringing with him the two hundred Gentlemen of the King's Chamber, with authority from his Majesty to rule and command at Corby, if the enemy did besiege it. But there was too great resolution in Corby, the ways were too foul, the infirmities were many in the English and Bourguignons' armies: and winter approaching (it was about all Saints) invited them to set sail. Being able to do no worse, they burned dourlan's, and the Villages about, and retired into Arthois, putting the Bourgognons into Garrison: and the English took their way for England. Let us conclude this year with an ignominious and fatal loss for the Christians. The English turn ho●e. Soliman did not forget to make his profit of these horrible confusions: who by the painful and constant siege, for the space of eight months, brought the Isle of Rhodes under his obedience: Rhodes taken by the Turk. where (to the great contempt of our Religion) he made his entry the day of the birth of our Lord and Saviour. 1123. In the beginning of the following year, The Caste●l of M●ielan yielded. the Castle of Milan (priest with diseases and want of all things) compounded, to departed with bag and baggage, if they were not relieved by the fourth of April. But death preventing most part of the garrison, hindered them from enjoying any benefit of the Capitulation. At the same time Livet, a soldier of the garrison of Guise, treated with the Duke of Ascot, to deliver him the Town (, but not according to the buyers intent) by the consent of Nicholas of Bussu Lord of Longuevall, Captain of the Castle. The party was well made and the plot cunningly laid, to take the merchants when they should come for their possession. The Lord of Fleuranges', with three hundred men at arms, and four or five thousand foot, should lie betwixt Auennes▪ and Guise, to stop the enemy's retreat. The Duke of Vendosme, with five hundred men at arms, four thousand Germans, and four thousand French, should cut off their way betwixt the Abbey of Bonhourie and Guise: so as the enemy seeking to retire, had the one before him, and the other behind. The chief of all their troops would be partakers of this enterprise: When as news comes unto them, that the King (who would countenance this exploit with his presence) was come in post to Genlis, near unto Chaunis. This made them turn head without any effect, giving him the strappado that sold it, & was their guide: the which Longueval requited with the like to the hostages, which the Duke of Arescot had given him for the performance of covenants. His majesty, to make use of these troops which he had assembled, commanded them to victual Terovenne, the which ●iennes besieged with fifteen thousand Flemings and six hundred English: the King had a little before repaired it. Bailleul upon the hill a strong place, betwixt Arras and dourlan's, and defended by three hundred Spaniards, Bailleul besieged by t●e Fr●nc●. was a hindrance to this desseine. The Duke of Vendosme took charge of the army, whereof the Duke of Norfolk led the Germans: the Lords of Sercu, Bournonuille, la Hergerie, Font●ins and Heilli commanded the French. Brion had four hundred archers of the King's guard, and la Fayete commanded the artillery: he made his approaches at noon day, without any trenches, but with the loss of three gunner's that were slain, and the Lord of Piennes shot into the arm: he battered it the same day, gave them their lives that were within it, and razed the Castle. The enemy lodged in Andincton and Dellente, half a League from Therovenne: and le Lude Marshal of the Camp (having lodged his army at Fouquemberg, to have victuals more commodiously from Montrevil, and to keep them from the enemy) did cut off the way to Saint Omer, and the garrison of Terovenne, that of Air. ●iennes seeing them approach so near, dislodged in the night, and went to camp at Elfaut. The Duke of Vendosme followed, with an intent to fight, whilst that Brion marcking directly to Terovenne relieved it with such victuals as were brought from Montrevil. The Earl of Dammartin and the Lord of Esguilly began the skirmish, when a sudden fear surprising the Flemings, puts them in rout towards the river of Colds, where many were drowned in the passage, not able to be stayed, although no man followed them: for that Brion returning from Terovenne, The Flemings put to ●ou●. brought commandment from the King to the Duke of Vendosme, not to hazard a battle, but to keep his forces whole for the voyage of Italy, which his majesty pretended to make in person. But he must likewise provide for the frontier, especially for Terovenne, being only refreshed for some days. The victual and carriages being ready, and the troops camping before Andincton, upon the river of Lis, the forward led by the Marshal of Montmorency, was on the one side of the river, and the battle on the other: the Flemings and Bourgognons (advertised of these divided lodgings,) come and charge them both by night at one instant, fall upon the guards of the light horsemen of the battle, and repulse them to the men at arms, whereof part being then on horseback, they sustain the shock: and if they had not busied themselves with the spoil, before a final victory, it would have caused a great disorder in the army. The Marshal had fortified his guards. Tiguerette a man at arms of his company commanded them: who at the first alarm given by his scouts, 1523 being advanced to discover, he was compassed in, and taken prisoner. Our history owes the report of his name, to the faithful affection he bore unto his Country: sot fearing least the Camp should be surprised, he respected not his life in regard of the advertisement he might give in crying, to arms. So the enemy seeing himself discovered, made the victualling of Terovenne easy by his retreat. This exploit increased the Kings desire to repass the Alpes. With this intent, he sent the Marshal of Montmorency, to make a levy of twelve thousand Swisses, appointing the Rendezvous for his army, at Lion. In the beginning of August, he dispatched the Admiral of Bonnivet, with six thousand French, led by Lorges, to get the passage of Suze, until he might follow with the rest of his forces. The Venetians having tried in former times, that the neighbourhood of the King of France; and the Emperors of Germany, had caused them to attempt against their common weal, desiring that the Duchy of Milan might remain in the possession of Francis Sforce, whose power they nothing feared: and ●or that the Emperor, not able to proceed further, inclined to the restoring of Sforce, they embraced his friendship, and concluded a peace and perpetual league with him, with Ferdinand Duke of Aus●ria, and with Francis Sforce Duke of Milan, whereby they bond themselves: To arm for the common defence of Italy, six hundred men at arms, A league betwixt the Venetians & th● Emperor. six hundred light horse and six thousand foot. And the Emperor, with the like numbers of men should defend all that the Venetians possessed in Italy. Moreover Pope Adrian, desiring (in show) the general peace of all Christendom, had soon after the coming to the Pontifical seat, made some show to interpose his authority ●or the reconciliation of our warriors. But he had been of long time at the emperors devotion: so as he did willingly give ear to such as persuaded him, not to suffer the King of France to repossess the Duchy of Milan. And certain letters of the Cardinal of Volterres, intercepted by the means of the Duke of Sesse, Ambassador ●or the Emperor at Rome, thrusts him on to make his declaration against the King. This Cardinal advised the King, by the Bishop of Xaintes his Nephew, to assail the Hand of Sicily, with an army by sea: to constrain the Emperor to turn his forces to the de●ence thereof, and to make the way more easy to recover the estate of Milan. And according to this Council, a practice was discovered in Sicily, in the King's favour, which was the death of the Earl of Camerate, the master of the Ports, and of the high treasurer of the Island, who was quartered. These reasons, and the landing of the French, which was bruited throughout all Italy, did easily draw the Pope to join with the Emperor, the King of England, the Archduke Ferdinand, brother to the Emperor, the Duke of Milan, the Florentines, Genovois, Sienois & Luquois: who agreed to levy an army to oppose it against any one that should invade any of the confederates in Italy. Neither the Emperor's league with the Venetians (who had played the turne-coats) nor the union of so many Princes and Estates conspired together, could daunt the resolution of our Francis: and now the rumour of his com●ing bred new tumults in Italy. Lionel brother to Albert Pie surpriseth the Town of Carpi, which the Emperor had taken from him, proclaiming him a rebel to the Empire. Francis Sforce, riding one day from Monce to Milan, and his troop remaining behind, lest they should annoy the Duke with the dust which their horses did raise, Boniface Vicomte, a young Gentleman, grieved that a kinsman of his had been put to death within Milan, by the consent (said he) of the said Duke, watching his opportunity, The Duke of Milan h●r●. he pricks forward with a dagger in his hand to strike Sforce in the throat: but being mounted upon a little Moil, and Boniface upon a tall & swift Turkish horse, Sforce had means to slip aside, so as he hurt him in the shoulder: and then the murderer began to strike him with his sword: but his train coming to his rescue, they forced him to leave him, and so by the swiftness of his Horse, he saved himself in Piedmont. Galeas of Birague, followed by the banished men of Milan and ●ome French soldiers, which were in Piedmont, seized upon Valence: but having no time to fortify it, Anthony of Leave besieged it, battered it, and the second day of the siege took it by force, with the slaughter of four hundred men and many prisoners taken, of which number was Galeas chief of the tumult. The French army passed the Alpes in small troops, and the King prepared to follow them: But it is a matter of dangerous consequence for a King, to thrust a great Prince into despair, who hath means of revenge, if without respect of his degree or quality, The Duke of Bourbon revolts. they seek wholly to oppress him. Notwithstanding Princes should forbear to cause any innovations, if they did but duly examine the causes and reasons whereby men colour their bearing arms against their Country. The King's journey is stayed by the like occurrent. We have noted before, that the leading of the forward (given by the King to the Duke of Alencon, and to the Marshal of Chastillon) was the first motive which estranged Charles Duke of Bourbon, Constable of France, from the King's service, and this other did wholly withdraw him. Of the marriage of Peter Duke of Bourbon and Anne sister to King Charles the 8. Susanne was borne, their only heir, the which being made sure to Charles of Valois Duke of Alencon. Charles of Bourbon Earl of Montpensier, and afterwards Constable, waged in law, after the decease of the said Peter, that all the lands of his succession belonged unto him, as the heir mas●e, issued from a younger brother of Bourbon. To end this controversy, a marriage was made betwixt the said Earl of Montpesier and Susanne, and he called him self Duke of Bourbon. Susanne dying soon after the first discontent of Charles Duke of Bourbon, the King's mother being Regent, (by the Counsel as they say of Anthony Prat then Chancellor) pretended, that such lands as came by the succession of Peter of Bourbon, and were held by gift, belonged to the King: and such as were held by Inheritance, appertained unto her, as the next heir, and daughter to a sister of the said Peter married with the Duke of Savoye. The suit depended in the Court of Parliament at Paris, & Charles either distrusting the equity of his cause, or fearing lest the Regent's authority should prevail against his right, & so by consequence dispossess him: choosing rather to abandon his Country, then to live in want, he practiseth with the Emperor, by the means of Adrian of Croy Earl of Reux: and to make the articles of his transaction the more strong, he obtains a promise from the Emperor, to marry Eleonor his sister, widow to Emanuel King of Portugal. The King being past the Alpes, the Constable should invade Bourgongne with twelve thousand Germans, which should be secretly levied by the Emperor and King of England, who at the same instant should invade Picardy, whilst the Spaniards recovered Fontarab●e, as they did. Of their Conquests he only reserved Provence, pretending to call himself King of Provence, as belonging unto him (said he) by the house of An●ou, yielding all the rest to the English. A practice sufficient to shake France, before the King (being absent with his forces) should return in any time to secure it. But they reckoned without their host, and the guardian of this Crown did prevent them: for Argouges and Marignon, gentlemen of Normandy, and household servants to the Duke, had advertised the King, of his pretended retreat to the Emperor: but they were ignorant of the agreement made betwixt them. To divert him from this resolution, the King passing by Molins, did visit the Duke in his chamber: who made a show to be sick, and that cunningly. I understand (said the King) of some practices which the Emperor makes to withdraw the love you undoubtedly bear unto the Crown, as issued and near allied to the house of France. I do not believe, that you have given ear to any such persuasions, moved with any dislike of me, or of my realm. Some fear of distrust to lose your offices, hath perchance made a breach in the love you have always made show of. Let not this conceit trouble you. I promise you, in case you should lose your suit against myself and my mother, to restore you to the possession of all your goods. Prepare therefore to follow me, after your recovery, in the voyage of Italy. The Duke (being very wise) dissembled his intent cunningly, confessing unto the King, that in truth the Earl of Reux had sought him for the Emperor, but he would give no ear unto him: that his intention was to have advertised his Majesty at the first view, being loath to commit it to any man's report: that the Physicians gave him hope to be soon able to go in a litter, and that he would not fail to come to Lions, to receive his majesties commandments. But considering that he had to deal with too strong a party, and that hardly he should enjoy his goods, which were already sequestered by a decree of the Court, he retired to Chantelles, in the beginning of September, a house of his own, where he had the most sumptuous movables that any Prince could have. From thence he sent the Bishop of Autun, of the house of Hurauts, to the King, with instructions signed with his hand, promising, To serve his Majesty well and loyally, in all places, whensoever it should please him, during his life▪ and without any breach, upon restitution of the possessions of Peter of Bourbon. The King finding this manner of proceeding hard and insolent, sent the Bastard of Savoy, Lord Steward of France, and the Marshal of Chabannes, with four hundred men at arms, the Captains of his guards, and the Provost of his house, to besiege the Duke in Chantelles. And understanding that many Lansequenets did troop together upon the frontier of Bourgogne, he caused the Bishop of Autun, the Chancellor of Bourbonois, the Lord of Cars, Saint Vallier, Bussy brother to Palisse, Emard de pry, la Vauguion, and many others, to be taken prisoners: who for the love of him were content to abandon their country, families and goods, notwithstanding they found grace with the King. But the Duke (despairing of his estate) resolved to hazard all, and to begin a furious Tragedy, in the which we shall see our Francis act the part of an unfortunate prisoner of the wars, and Charles reserved for a bloody and tragic end. The Duke of Bourbon flies disguised. He disguiseth himself, and taking the Lord of Pomperant for his only companion, whose servant he seemed to be. After many turnings, being often feared, as appears in the Originals, the ways being laid, and the passages stopped, or full of troops, marching into Italy, he recovers the French Court, and so by Ferrete, crossing through Germany, he came into Italy: and according to the choice which the Emperor gave him, either to pass into Spain, or to remain in Italy with his army, in the end he continued at Genes, to see the end of these two great armies. The Marshal and Lord Steward, seized upon Chantelles, with the movables of Car●at, and generally of all the lands of the house of Bourbon, for the King. In the mean time, the Marshal of Montmorency had made such speed, as his twelve thousand Swisses were joined with the Admiral, attending the Kings coming at Turin. But his presence was necessary in France: there were strange practices against him. He therefore sends part of his forces to the Admiral, and commands him to execute the enterprise of Milan, as they two had concluded. He had eighteen hundred Lances, twelve thousand French, ten thousand Swisses, Six thousand Lansquenets, and three thousand Italians, a sufficient army for a great attempt: but want of judgement to embrace occasions, and negligence of his business, made the Admiral lose the opportunity to recover Milan at the first, and to be unfortunate in this voyage. Prosper Colonne, considering the Venetians league with the Emperor, and the treach●●●e of the Duke of Bourbon, could not believe that the King should continue constant in his resolution, to invade the Duchy of Milan that year. This persuasion had made him careless to make necessary provision for this war. But now (notwithstanding his infirmity) he employs all his means and forces, to keep the French from passing the river of Tesin, neglecting to repair the Bastions and Ramparts of the Suburbs of Milan, being for the most part ruined and spoiled. But the French finding the waters low, some passed at a ford, others in Boats, about s●me four miles from the imperial Camp, making a Bridge for the artillery. Colonne knowing that an encounter of the French is very dangerous, in their fi●st heat retired into Milan, and finding the Citizens and Soldiers wonderfully amazed, seeing no means to keep the City in the estate it was, he abandons it, to provide for the defence of laud. Without doubt, the captious propositions of an enemy must be duly examined: and moreover, an assailant that hath prevented his enemy, should not lose any hour, neither by his too great le●itie, nor his base negligence. Hereupon Galeas Vicomte, gives the Admiral to understand, that if he enters forcibly into Milan, The Mi●a●ois fraud. there will be no means to save it from spoil, and so by consequence, the King shall make no use thereof against his enemies: but if he would suffer him to go and compound with some Citizens, which did solicit him, he would give order, the imperials should departed, and furnish the King with a good sum of money, which might greatly avail him in his affairs. The Admiral is carried away with these persuasions. But whilst that Galeas Boyer, General of Normandy, and some others do treat: they spend some time in vain by the river of Tesin, during the which, Prosper deluded our men with parlays, revived the hearts of his men (who had already packed up their baggage for their retreat) and with exceeding diligence, p●●s the Ramparts in defence. And then knowing his forces unable to defend the whole Duchy, he restrained them to keep Milan, Cremona, and Pavia, whilst the fury of the French should grow gold by an idle abode, and the Winter approaching nee●e, ruin them. The Admiral, finding the error he had committed by his too great credulity, employed all his ●orces against Milan, but too late. The Citizens had gotten heart: and Prosper had now gathered together eight hundred men at arms, eight hundred light horse, four thousand Spaniards, six thousand fi●e hundred Lansequents, and three thousand Italians, Milan besieged. besides the inhabitants who were all armed. He doth notwithstanding besiege it, betwixt the ways to Laud and Pavia, and seeing other places abandoned, he takes Monce for the K●ng, to cut off the victuals from Milan: he sends Bussy d' Amboise, with two thousand frank Archers, to se●ze upon Alexandria, and the Chevalier Bayard, with four hundred men at arms, eight thousand foot, and ten pieces of Artillery to laud, where leaving a strong garrison, he went suddenly to attempt Cremona. The Castle held yet for the King, but the enemies had made two great trenches betwixt the Town and the Castle. There Rinse de Cere, a Baron of Rome joined with him, leading four thousand Italians. This supply encouraged ●ayard to attempt the Town in another place. They make their approaches, and within three days make a reasonable breach. But all fall out crossly for the French. Being ready t● g● to the assault, a continual rain of four days, made the ascent so 〈◊〉, as they went as much backward as forward, and did so break the ways, as no victuals could come to the Camp from any part. Even so it chanced to Lautre● before Pavia. Moreover, the Venetians army on the one side, and the Spanish on the other, cut off the●● victuals. The Castle of 〈◊〉 relieved. So Bayard priest with famine, refreshed the Castle with men and victuals, and returned to Milan. Without doubt Bunon with the whole garrison that kept thi● Forte, deserved great commendations: where having continued two years in extreme necessity, desiring all rather to die, after the example of their Captain, the● to yield the place by treachery, there remained only eight Soldiers, whom Bayard found languishing, but resolute in their constancy. We have understood, that by the intelligences of the Duke of Bourbon, the Emperor at the same instant should assail Bourgongne, and Champagne, the English Pi●ardie, and the Spaniards Fontarabie. According to this desseine, and to make the siege of Fontarabie easy, the Spaniards Camp before Bayonne the 17. of September. Lautrec Governor of Guienne, although he were unprovided of men, (the King's forces being dispersed in Italy, Champagne and Picardy,) furnished the Town with victuals, munition, and such men as the time and necessity could afford, and he himself went into it. Where the valour of this Nobleman, who continued three days and three nights continually upon the walls, ●a●●nne besieged. providing for all things necessary, especially for the entry of two rivers which pass at Bayonne, giving such courage to men, women, and children, as every one falling to work, the most coward made shows of great willingness. So as the fourth day of the siege, the enemy feeling, that he did but lose there his time, left Bayonne, to besiege Fontarabie, Fontarabiae yielded. which showed no proofs of like valour. It was furnished with good store of men, and other things necessary. F●auget commanded there, as we have formerly declared. He was an ancient gentleman, & all his life had had the reputation of a good soldier. But now to save his goods, not attending any force, he yields the Town, which was not to be forced. A cowardice which brought him to a scaffold at Lions, to be there degraded of his Nobility, and himself, with his posterity, declared base, for that he had been so faint hearted, and careless, to prevent the conspiracy, which he said Don Peter of Navarre, (the son of Peter, Martial of Navarre, whom the Spaniards had lately caused to die in prison) had with the Spaniards. On the other side, the Lansquenets, which had been levied for the Duke of Bourbon, were come unto Champagne, War in campaign. under the command of William Earl of Furstemberg, and spoiled the Province, after they had taken Co●●●y, a place upon the confines of the French Comtè, and Montclaire a Castle seated upon a mountain, near to Chaumont in Bassigni. The Duke of Guise, whom the King had made his Lieutenant general in Bourgongne, in the place of the Lord of Tremoville, lately advanced to the government of Picardy: having, with his company of a hundred men at arms, those of the Dukes of Alencon and Vendosme, joined with the forces of Oruall, governor of Champagne, and some other troops, making about six hundred men at arms, he so restrained the enemy, as having no means, for want of horse, to guard their foragers, they were in few days famished, and forced to seek their retreat at Neufchastell in Lorraine. The Duke of Guise advertised of their course, sent some three hundred men at arms before, to charge them in front, at the passage of the river of Me●se, whilst that he should set on them behind, being laden with a great booty. The Duke came, In Picardy. and finding them half passed, he cut the remainder in pieces, and recovered the booty. But a quarrel chanced betwixt Couruille, and Chastelet, a Lorraine ensign bearer to the said Duke, the which (Couruille being thrust through the mouth, with a sword) overthrew the better part of this goodly enterprise The Duke of Suffolk was lately landed again at Calais, with fourteen or fifteen thousand English, which joined with the forces of the Earl of Bure, made five or six thousand horse, and about five and twenty thousand foot. But if in their former voyage, they made a great stir and reaped small benefit, so likewise, they will make but a bare conquest by this last descent. Tremoville (although he had so few men, as he was forced, when the enemy had left the place, to retire his men, to put them into that, whether the enemy seemed to bend) had so furnished the Towns with valiant Commanders, and all things necessary, as the Duke and Earl, having made a show to besiege Terovenne, Hedin, dourlan's and Corbie, in the end they camp before Bray upon Somme. The wall was weak, and three mountains commanding the Town, were the cause they could not fortify it: yet that brave Pontdormy had thirst himself into it, with a hundred and fifty men at arms, and some fifteen hundred foot, to defend this passage against the enemy. Let us not blame a valiant Captain, if he receive a disgrace, in a weak place. He made his account (in case he were forced) to retire by the Causey, and to break the bridges after him. But he was so priest, as he had no means to retire, but in disorder, with the loss of four score, or a hundred men and if he had not maintained the fight with his men at arms, whilst his footmen recovered Corbie, there had been no hope of safety for the rest. But see how he revenged this disgrace. The enemy threatened Montdidier: and the small forces Tremoville had, made all men unwilling to lead any succours thither. Pontdormy was never daunted with the difficulty of any enterprise. Night being come, he goes to field, and without any encounter, puts into Montdidier Rochebaron, an Awergnac, and Fleuras' Lieutenant of the Earl of Damartius company, The valour of Pon●dormy. either of them commanding fifty men at arms, and René of Palletiere, with a thousand French. And fearing lest Tremoville should have need of h●m, he had not the patience to attend for night to make his retreat, he doth it at noon day, resolute to charge all he should incountre, having but his own company, with that of the Vicont of Lavedan. With this resolution he meets with five hundred horse, chargeth them with such fury, as he puts them to rout. But two thousand men coming to secure the rest, he was forced to leave the chase, to savour the retreat of his troop. In the which, his horse being slain, he left Barnieulles, and Canaples his brother and nephew, to bear the shock, with twenty men at arms, wh●●st that he saved the rest in Amiens, the enemy cutting off the way to Corbie. Baruieulles and Canaples (overthrown from their horses,) were taken prisoners, with seven men at arms, Roy and Moutd●●ier taken. of their company. So Roye remained at the enemy's mercy, who having taken, and burned it, marched to Montdidier, where a breach being made, they within distrusting of their forces, departed with their baggage, and came to Tremoville. The enemy had opened the passage of Oise, and approached within eleven leagues of Paris. But their courses are stayed, and Paris is assured by the arrival of the Duke of Vendosme, with four hundred men at arms, so as the English and Bourguignons fearing to be compassed in by the Duke and Tremoville, and so famished, took their way to Artois, and a little after All Saint's day, (a notable season for the loss of Corn, which was frozen generally throughout the Realm) they dismissed their army, carrying no other spoils of their victory, but the taking of the Castle of B●ha● n, which was yielded unto them without somons. But the enemy was no sooner retired, but Tremoville, before the Duke of Vendosmes arrival, made so furious a battery, with six Cannons, as the garrison seeing their army broken, yielded by composition. Thus Picardy is freed from a mighty army, which at their departure held not one foot of land of their Conquest. In like sort, the D●ke Bourbons attempt against Bourgongne turned to smoke, for wanting money, to pay his Lansquenets, the King did practise some of their Captains, who came to him with their troops. So despairing to get any thing in France, he retired into Milan. Augustus' the Emperor loved treason, but not the Traitor. So the Emperor Charles loved his actions, but not the Duke of Bourbons person. To keep him from passing into Spain under hope of marrying with Eleoner, sister to the Emperor Charles, made him his Lieutenant general in Italy, whilst that he prepared to pass into France in person, as we shall see. Let us now return into Italy, where we shall see a Pope, of more turbulent spirit than Adrian, Pope Adrian dies. who died the fourteenth of September, little lamented, and of small esteem. He was a stranger, and little acquainted with the affairs of the Court of Rome, he was learned, and not greatly vicious. The College of Cardinals repined to see any other set in Saint Peter's chair but an Italian, or at the least, one bred up in Italy: jules Cardinal of Medicis after many and sundry strifes and contentions, every one of the Cardinals seeking the choice and election by the support of such as favoured him, in the end he carried it, the nineteenth of November, through the favour (saith the original) of the great revenues of his ecclesiastical livings. Clement the 7. chosen. In all his actions, we shall see him discover a spirit wonderfully ambitious, of a great courage, active, desirous of innovations, given to affairs, especially of the world, not much subject to his pleasures, and giving hope of great and extraordinary matters: and for that presently after his instalement, he used clemency to the Cardinal of Volterre▪ declared unsufficient to come into the Conclave by Adrian, for the subject we have formerly noted: he therefore took upon him the name of Clement the 7. In the mean time our Admiral took cold before Milan, which he thought to famish, cutting off conduits that went into the Town, & beating down the mills: but the great number of hand mills (which Colonne had caused to be made) preserved the Citizens from famine. And to cut off the victuals that came from Laudesan to the French Camp, Colonne had put the Marquis of Mantova, with five hundred horse into Pavia. The Admiral fearing, lest he should seize upon thebridge he had made at Vtgeve, by the which victuals came unto his army he commanded Bayard and Rinse, to come and lodge at V●geue: but by their dislodging from Monce, the passage was open to the enemy, and then victuals entered abundantly into Milan▪ which caused the ruin of the French army. Nothing succeeds happily with them, The enemy's victories. whom the providence of God doth not favour. The hope to famish Milan is frustrate, and the intelligence which the Admiral had within the Town with one Morgand, a Corporal of the Squadron of john de Medicis, is discovered with the loss of all their lives, that had consented (he should have received the French into a bastion, when the guard thereof fell unto him.) Moreover the enemy grows proud of small advantages and light victories, who being accustomed to overcome by degrees, resolves to vanquish all at once. john de Medicis being to guard the victuals that came from Tress to Milan, john de Medicis stratagem. with five hundred horse and a thousand foot, met with four score French Lances: and by a feigned retreat drew them into an ambush of five hundred harquebusiers, which he had laid, he easily defeats them, slew some and takes the rest. In an other encounter, Succre a Bourguignon put to rout threescore men at arms, of the company of the master of the horse. Our men being in guard at the trenches, which were made to go unseen unto the ramparts, assailed by many skirmishes, had most commonly the worst. So decreasing in number, priest with abundance of snow and the sharpness of the winter, which they had endured six months together, the Admiral retired his army, to lodge it in Biagras, and other places there abouts. He sent the Earl of S. Paul from Biagras, with Rance de Ceres, and Lorges general of the French foot, to besiege Arone, a town upon the Lac-Maiour. They make their approaches, plant their ordinance, batter it about five and twenty days, and give two or three assaults. But Colonne foreseeing this desseine, at the retreat of our men, had manned the Town with twelve hundred soldiers, who made our attempts fruitless. That which they could not do by assault, An extraordinary chance. they seek to effect by mine, blowing up a great part of the wall. But they kicked against the prick. The wall falls upon the same foundation, and stands firm. So frustrate of their intention, having lost many good men, they return to the Campe. At that time Prosper Colonne, the chief pillar of the emperors affairs in Italy, died the last day but one of the year. Prosper Colonne dies. A famous Captain throughout all the course of his life, well practised in matters of war, slow to embrace the occasions which the weakness or disorders of his enemies might present him: but commended to have managed the war, more by counsel then with the sword. Don Charles of Launoy, viceroy of Naples, was substituted by the Emperor▪ Don Charles, having taken upon him the government, employed all his wit to expel the French out off the Duchy of Milan, either by force or famine: and to appoch near unto them, attending a supply of six thousand Lansquenets out of Germany▪ an occasion was offered to make the first fruits of his arms famous. They give him intelligence, that Bayard, Mezieres and Saint Mesme with two hundred men at arms, and Lorges with the French foot, whereof he was Colonel, lodged at Rebec, two miles from Biagras. To give them a Camisadoe on the sudden, he sends the Marquis of Pescare, and john de Medicis, who came from the taking of Marignan by composition. Sometimes renowned Captains, are lulled asleep with conceit of their own reputations: and although the enemy fears them, yet he most observes them, and desires most to cirumvent them. But Bayard was sick, and that day had taken physic. The Spaniards falls upon the French guards, two hours before day, and presently beats them back upon their men at arms, 1524. Bayard (being sick) and Lorges, gather together what men they could, The French charged and beaten in their qua●ter. and maintain the shock, whilst the rest retyre● to the Camp▪ few men, but all the baggage was lost. hereupon the Lansquenets arrive, and the Imperial army joined with the Venetians: and the Popes (a right Florentine, and no less counterfeit than Leo the tenth, his kinsman, for he assured Saint Maxian, the King's Ambassador, that he would assist neither party, and yet he did aid the Emperor, both with men, and money,) being come to lodge at Casere, five miles from Biagras. There were in the Imperial troops, sixteen hundred men at arms, fifteen hundred light horse, seven tho●●●nd Spaniards, twelve thousand Lansquenets, and fifteen hundred Italians. The chief Commanders, were the Dukes of Milan and Bourbon, the Viceroy of Naples, the Marquis of ●esquaire. The Duke of Urbin commanded for the Venetians, six hundred men at arms, six hundred light horse, and seven thousand foot. john de Medicis led the Pope's ●orces. The Admiral besides his companies divided into garrisons, and the French troops camped at Biagras, (attending six thousand Su●●ses to refresh his army) had with him eight hundred Lances, eight thousand Swisses, (and within few days after, three thousand more joined with him) four thousand Italians, and two thousand Lansquenets. A Victory against the French. The lodging was safe, and no means to force them: only fear of famine must dislodge them. With this desseine, the Imperials pas●e the river of Tesin, and lodge at Gambale to cut off the victuals that came from Omeline to the French: they take Garlas from them, and Saint George, seated above Monce. Garl●as furnished their army, with victuals which came freely to them, from Pavia▪ and Saint George cut off the provision, that came to our men from Biagras. So the Admiral fearing to be distressed for victuals, and to lose the other places of Omeline, the which being taken, he had been in a manner besieged of all sides: he lea●es a hundred light horse, and a thousand foot in Biagras, under Jerome Caraccioll, a Neapolitaine, and went to lodge at Vigene. He was far inferior in number, yet he presents his army in battle, three days together, but the enemy refuseth the combat: he would not hazard a victory, which he held assured, without loss of men. It was better to dislodge the French from Vigene: for the effecting whereof, the Imperials march to Sart●ane upon Po, fit to cut of the victuals from our men: Hugh Earl of Pepoli, and john of Birague kept it for the King. The Admiral follows them to save both the men, and the place. But upon the way he had news, that it was forced: most part of the men slain, and the Commanders prisoners. Vercel supplied our men, with most part of their necessary victuals. The enemy by the means of P●tit Vercelo●s, stirs up the Gibelins being stronger than the Guelphs, in the said City, who by their mutiny bring in the Imperials, which gave them great hope to have the French a●m●e at their mercy, for want of victuals: and if need were to stop their retreat into France, and to this end they seize upon the passage of Camarlian. Mischief upon mischief is no safety. Monteian and Boutieres, Lieutenant of Bayard his company, had chosen a hundred, or six score of their best men at arms, for the execution of an enterprise they had plotted. But being ill guided, they encountered a stronger party: were defeated, and all taken prisoners. A great weakening to the army, in an after season. The Admiral did still temporise, grounding his hopes upon four hundred Lances, which the Marquis of Rotelin did bring: who passing by the mount of Geneure, should join with ten thousand Swisses, and Rance de Cere brought six thousand Grisons, by the Country of Bergamo, to pass at Laud to Fredrick of Lossole, who led a great number of Italian foot, to assail the Duchy of Milan on that side, and force the enemy to repass the river of Tesin. With this dessein, the Admiral comes to lodge at Novare. But the ruin of our men approached. Sforce sent john de Medicis against the Grisons, with fifty men at arms, three hundred light horse, & three thousand foot, who joined with three hundred men at arms, three hundred light horse, & four thousand foot of the Venetians, and stopped their passage, so as being discontented having no escorte of horse not foot, as Ran●e had promised them, they returned to their Country. This thorn pulled out of the Emperalls' foot, john de Medicis takes Caravage, ba●ters down with his Cannon the bridge, which the French had upon Tesin at Bufalore: and nothing remaining of all the Towns betwixt Milan and the Tesin but only Biagras, which lying upon the great channel that runs to Milan▪ did cut off the victuals which were wont to come to the Town, in great abundance; Sforce followed by all the youth of Milan, besieged it, accompanied with john de Medicis: he battered it four or five days, was repulsed from the first assault, forced it at the second, and spoiled it. A spoil dearly sold to the Milanois. Biagras▪ was infected with the plague, so all the houses of Milan, whether any of the booty ca●e, were infected with the same contagion, which was the death of above fifty thousand persons▪ Biagras taken, Biagras taken by the Milanois. (to stop all passages from the French) the Viceroy went to lodge at Marignon,, and the Admiral, considering that it was better to hazard the rest of his army, then to perish by famine, and pestilence▪ which had greatly diminished his troops▪ he took the way of Romagnan, to join with eight thousand Swisses▪ which were come to Yuree. But they struck ●he last stroke. They send him word, That it should suffice them, to retire their companion, and conduct them into Suisse, seeing the King had broken his promise with them, by the which they should meet at▪ ●ur●e with claud of Longueville, and four hundred Lances to accompany them. Their Countrymen, which remained in the camp, understanding that their companions were upon the banks of the river of Stesie, fled away for the most part, to join with them that were newly come. In the mean time the Imperials, by the persuasion of the Duke of Bourbon, followed the Admiral at the heels, The Admiral defeated. who to take from the enemy the knowledge of the Swisses disorder, endured the shock, with such men at arms as he could gather together: but being hurt at the first charge, with a shot in the arm, and forced through the grief of his wound to leave the retreat of the army, to the Earl of Saint Paul, and to Captain Bayard. Bayard and Vandenesse (performing wondrous deed● of arms) died there: Vandenesse presently, Bayard thrust through the body, caused himself to be laid at the foot of a tree, by his steward, his face turned to the enemy, as he that never turned his back. The Duke of Bourbon poursuing the chase, seeing him in this pitiful estate. I am sorry for you▪ said he, having known you so valorous a Knight. Sir said Bayard (drawing towards his end) there is no pity of me, A worthiie speech of Bayard, being hurt, and dying. I die an honest man▪ you are to be lamented, who served against your Prince, your Country, and your oath: and soon after he gave up the Ghost. Lorges arriving with those few French which remained▪ repulsed such as pursued unto the body of their army, and the Earl of Saint Paul having passed the river, with the loss of few, but the bravest of his men, delivered the artillery to the Swisses, who made their retreat by the valley of Aouste, and himself by Turin. laud, Alexandria, Novare and generally all which the King possessed in Italy, remained at the victor's devotion. The estate of Milan was thus freed from the French, and Italy from their present calamities, but the roots were not yet cut up: it was but deferred for a time. Then the Duke of Bourbon gave the Emperor Council, to transport the war into France. The King of Englan● did willingly give ear unto it. The favour, the authority, the many followers, and the great intelligence which the Duke of Bourbon presumed to have in France, invited him thereunto. To this end, the Emperor treated with the English, and the Duke of Bourbon: That the Duke should enter into France, with a part of his army, which was in Italy. That having passed the Alpes, the King of England should pay him a hundred thousand Crowns for the charge of the first month, and should continue the same monthly, unless he would invade the Realm, with a mighty army: That France should be conquered for the English, and Provence for the Duke of Bourbon, according to the treaty we have before made mention of. That the Emperor, at the same instant should make war upon the confines of Spain, and should procure the potentates of Italy, to concur in this enterprise, for the freeing of themselves for ever from the invasion of the French. Marseilles is a commodious port to annoy France, and to pass from Spain into Italy. Marseilles. besieged by the Imperia●s. According to the emperors desire, and the former treaty, the Duke of Bourbon, and the Marquis of Pescara, march to the conquest of Marseilles. The King advertised of their desseine, sends Rance de Cere, a man well experienced in war, and the Lord of Brion, with two hundred men at arms, and three thousand foot, for the guard of Marseilles: repaired his army, and sent to make a levy of fourteen thousand Swisses, and six thousand Lansquenets. The Duke and Marquis had now l●en six months before Marseilles: the King having united his forces, marched with an intent to fight with his enemies before Marseilles, who seeing so great a power to approach, embarked their great Ordinance for Genes: the lesser they laid upon Moils, and so made a speedy retreat. The Marshal of Chabannes, who had the leading of the forward, The Imperially re●●●e ●n disorder. sent four or five hundred horses after them: who overthrew many, and returned with great spoil: every one leaving his baggage behind him, and the Soldiers casting away their arms, to be more light to run away. The King seeing himself to have a goodly army ready, and his enemies retired, resolves to cut off their way, or to come before them into Italy: many dissuaded him, the season might well divert him (for it was in the midst of October) the Regent his mother advised him to make war by his Captains, and not in person: and the Bishop of Capova, came from the Pope to treat of a general peace. But the heat which transported this good Prince to his own ruin, and dishonour, made him to say unto the Bishop: That he should treat with him by letters, and attend him at avignon with his Mother. The king go●● into Italy If the King makes haste to pursue, the Duke and Marquis made as great haste to arrive in time, for the defence of Milan: so as in one day the King arrived at Verceil, and the Marquis at Alba: the Duke followed one dai● after him with the La●squenets. At that time, claud Queen of France, died at Blois, leaving three sons by the King and her, Francis the Dauphin, Henry Duke of Orleans, and Charles Duke of Angoulesme: and two daughters: Magdalene, married afterwards to the King of Scots, and Marguerit, which shall be Duchess of Savoy. The Viceroy seeing the King to march directly towards Milan, without stay, he put Anthony de Leave into Pavia, with twelve hundred Spaniards, and six thousand Lansquenets: posting himself with exceeding speed to Milan with the rest of the army. Milan had changed her mind, the plague had wonderfully wasted the Citizens: many (to avoid this danger) had absented themselves: there was no such store of victuals within it as was usual▪ the traffic had ceased, there was no means to recover money: they had made no account to repair the fortifications: and the King had from Vigeve sent Michael Anthony Marquis of Salusses, The estate of M●lan. with two hundred men at arms, and four thousand foot: who at the first, overthrew the Spaniards, that were set to guard the suburbs of Milan: beat them into the Town, and kept the suburbs: notwithstanding their continual sallies, by means of the Lord of Tremoville, who came to second him. The Viceroy finding the citizens minds to be little at his devotion, issued forth by the port Roman, leading with him the Duke of Bourbon, the Marquis of Pescara, and the rest of the army, Milan ta●en. and went to laud. The Milanois freed from the danger of the Imperials, received in the Marquis of Salusse and Tremoville. The Imperial army retired in great confusion and disorder, tired with the tediousness of the way, having lost many horse and arms. if they had been hotly pursued, without doubt they had been easily overthrown. Moreover, if our men had presently gone to Laud, the imperials had not dared to stay there: and it may be, passing the River of Add with speed they had disordered the rest of the army with the like facility. But when as the providence of GOD means to chastise any people, he blinds the eyes of their understandings, in such sort as they cannot judge of occurrents, but often times they embrace those ways that be most dangerous. Thus it fell out with our Francis: for according to the advice of such (as held it not fit for his majesties affairs, to leave a strong Town behind him, manned with many Soldiers) he turned head to Pavia, in the end of October. He had with him Henry of Albret King of Navarre, the Dukes of Alançon, Lorraine, Albaine, and Longueville, the Earls of Saint Paul, Vaudemont, Laval and Tonerre: the Marshals of Foix, Chabannes and Montmorency, the Bastard of Savoy Lord Steward, the Admiral of Bonnivet, the chief author of this Counsel: Lewis of Tremoville, the Marquis of Salusses, Anthony of Rochefou●ault, the Lords of Brion, Escars, Bonneval, Fleuranges', Paulmy, Rochedu-maine: the Vidame of Chartres, Aubigny, Clermont, Bussy d' Amboise, de Conty, Fontenay a younger brother to Rohan, d' Aumont, and a great number of others: two thousand Lances, eight thousand adventurers, eight thousand Lansequenets, six thousand Swisses, and four thousand Italians, which number did afterwards greatly increase. The Imperials gathered together the remainder of their shipwreck, The estate of the Imperials and made a new levy of twelve thousand men in Germany: but want of money did greatly trouble their affairs. The Emperor could not help them: to draw any out of the Duchy of Milan, there was no means. From their ancient confederates, they hoped for small or no succours at all. The Pope and the Florentines contented them, but with general words. Clement sought to maintain himself in the midst of these storms, and would make no League with any other Prince. The Venetians, urged by the Viceroy, to furnish the men whereunto they were bound by the Capitulation, made cold answers. They grew now more jealous of the emperors ambition. All Italy complained, that he would not invest Sforce in the Duchy of Milan, unto which the Pope's authority did move him: to whose examples and counsels they had then great regard, being willing in like ●o●t to frame themselves to present occurrences. And the King of England, in st●●d of furnishing them with the money he had promised, demanded all that which h●●ad lent. All these considerations, made our 〈◊〉 resolve to the siege of Pavia. Pavia besieged by the French. He batters it in two places, makes a breach, and 〈◊〉 an assault, they win the breach, but had not means to enter: they ●i●de 〈◊〉 and deep trenches to stay them, and the nearest houses pierced and furnished wi●● sho●te, forced them to abandon the breach af●er the loss of many good me●. As they despaired to take Pavia by force: james of Silly Bailiff of Ca●n, propounds a more easy means to force it. The river of Tesin divides itself into two branches, two miles above Pavia, and joins again a mile beneath the Town, before it runs into Po. By reason of the depth of the water, the Wall was nothing fortified upon the greatest stream. He undertakes to cut this arm, and to drive all the Stream into the less, hoping that the course of the water being dried, and making a sudden and furious battery on that side, the Town should be forced, before the enemy had any means to prevent it. They spend many days, employ an infinite number of men, and make a great expense in this work. But the water is of more force than the labour of men, or the industry of Enginours. A continual rain did so swell the river, as breaking the Sluices and Banks which were made within the Channel, in one hour it made all this great labour fruitless. So all the attempts of our men were reduced to a hope, to force them to yield at length by necessity. The Pope in the mean time, (moved with the sudden spoil and conquest of the Duchy of Milan, by the ●●ng, desirous to settle his affairs and business, and to pacify Italy the better, he sent john Mathieu Gilbert, Bishop of Verone his Dataire, to exhort our warriors to peace and concord. The Viceroy, trusting in the strength and valour of Pavia, refused to give ear to any agreement or composition, whereby the King should hold any foot of land in the Duchy of Milan: The King on the other side, puffed up with this good success, the greatness of his army, the hope not only to maintain it, but also to increase it, to preserve unto himself the estate of Milan, to recover Genes, and afterwards to assail the realm of Naples, made him as unwilling to yield to any peace. The Pope makes a league with the King. Thus the Pope having failed to reconcile these two Princes, the chief cause, why he sent his datary, took effect. Clement bound himself, Not to give any succours, either open or secret, against the King. And the King received the Pope and the Florentines into his protection, especially to maintain the family of Medicis in their greatness. The Pope supposed, the Emperor should go to the wall: but he will soon repent him. This agreement drew the King to the enterprise of Naples: for the execution whereof, The King sen● an army to Naples. he made john Steward Duke of Albania his Lieutenant general, accompanied with Rance de Cere, six hundred men at arms, three hundred light horse, ten thousand foot, and ten or twelve pieces of Artillery. His intent was to force the Viceroy to abandon the estate of Milan, to fly to the defence of Naples, where as there remained no garrisons. But he should have consulted hereof, after the absolute conquest of the Duchy. The enemy will make his profit of this indiscreet division of his army in so unseasonable a time. He did foresee, that in succouring Naples, the Duchy of Milan would be wholly lost. The Viceroy having resolved to make head against the King within Lombardie, sent the Duke of Traiette, to give order for the defence of the realm, in case the French did assail it. Let us leave the King a little at his siege, and see some exploits of arms. The Marquis of Salusses, Lieutenant for the King at Savonne, had in the beginning of March, sent two thousand men in garrison to Varas, a small town, all walled upon the sea shore, midway betwixt Savonne and Genes. Don Hugue of Moncade, Viceroy of Sicily, than Governor of Genes for the Emperor, brought the emperors galleys to beat down the gate of Varas with their Canon, hoping that the weakness of the place would force the Soldiers to make their retreat to Savonne, and with this desseine he put himself in Ambush, with four thousand men, betwixt Varas and Savonne. The Marquis advertised of this battery, flies thither, with those few men which the present necessity would suffer him to gather together. At his approach, the besieged take courage, and rampar up their gate quite ruined. The Galleys of Genova grow amazed, A notable victory gotten by the Marquis of Salusses. and turn their prows. The Marquis pursues them. Dom Hugue seeing himself abandoned by his forces at Sea, gins likewise to make his retreat to Genes along the shore. La Mailleray, by the commandment of the Marquis, goes to shore, draws forrh the garrison of Varas, and leads them in the pursuit, whilst that he coasted along, seeking to disorder them with his Canon, being forced to March by the sea side, by reason of the mountains. Moncade falls into the reerward, with some of the chief Captains, to endure the shock. They charge him, and put his troops in rout, and he, with all them that did accompany him, are taken prisoners. The Marquis takes two Galleys, and pursuing his victory, finds the Admiral of Genes in the road, forceth her to yield, makes a great booty of Artillery, munition, and other riches. And if his forces had been sufficient to assail Genes suddenly by land, as well as by sea, considering the fear which had seized upon the City, it had been in danger to have been lost for the Emperor. On the other side, Anthony of Crequy Lord of Pontdormy, parting from Monstrueil, at such time as the King lay encamped before Pavia, to put victuals into Terovenne, and to try if he could force Neuffosse, (which was a great trench full of water, that shut up the Valley of Cassel, from Saint Omer unto air, furnished with Bulwarks at every entry with Artillery, and well manned, to guard the entries and passages of the said Valley, (whether they retired all their goods and cattle) he came to Foucamberg, with three hundred men at arms, some twelve hundred foot, and two Culverins. And after the men at arms had fed their horses, having put the victuals they had brought into Terovenne, he parted for the execution of his enterprise, and coming to Neuffosse before day, he forced the passage, carrying away an inestimable prey: and passing, i● his retreat near to Arques, half a league from Saint Omer: he overthrew the garrison of the said Saint Omer, which issued forth to secure the valee. In this charge Estree took Licques, Lieutenant to the Duke of Ascot, who the same day had married his mistress, to whom Estree was likewise a servant: but with a cur●●sie never heard of, at the request of the new Bride, he sent back his prisoner. Those of Aixe, The worthy exploits o● Pontdormy. and Betune, likewise came posting, to the number of eight or nine hundred natural Spaniards, five or six hundred Walloons, and three hundred horse, of their ordinances, and joined with the troops of Saint Omer, to stop or hinder the retreat of the French. Pontdormy chargeth them, beats back their horse upon their Spanish foot, and entering pel mel, breaks them, slew two hundred and forty, and carried away eight or nine hundred prisoners to Terovenne, all which he sent back for a months pay, and for hostages, retained their Captains. Moreover, Fiennes Governor of Flanders, having suborned a Soldier of the Garrison of Hedin, which had been taken in the wars, to deliver him the Castle of Hedin: the Soldier advertised Pontdormy, of the means he had to deliver into his hands the said Governor, the Duke of Ascot, and most of the Noblemen of the country. The Soldier brings this troop at the day appointed. Pontdormy is there with two hundred men at arms: and covers balls of wildfire with straw, in a ravelin of stone, where the enemy must pass, into the which those that were above the gate should cast fire, when as they should see a sufficient number of the enemies entered. Men encounter their enemies both by fraud and virtue. But fraud is oft times fatal to the Author. Pontdormy having his mouth open to speak, the fire was so suddenly cast, by him that had it in charge, as entering in at Pontdormyes' mouth, it burned his bowels, Pontdormy slain. whereof he died two days after. Canaples his Nephew, had his face likewise so burnt, as there remained no form thereof: so as their enterprise to charge the enemy behind in this disorder, came to nothing. Four score or a hundred Bourgognons being entered within the R●uelin, were burnt: the rest saved themselves in this amazement, and many were lost in the wood upon their retreat. But all were not sufficient to repair the loss of that worthy and valiant man of war. The siege of Pavia was continued, 1525. when as the Duke of Bourbon bringing five hundred men at arms Bourgognons, and six thousand Lansquenets, the imperials resolve to succour Pavia, and to that end part from laud the 25. of januarie. The imperials approach, assured the King he should have battle, The two a●mies approach. and to provide for it, he had caused Tremoville, whom he had appointed Governor of Milan, to come unto him, leaving Theodore Triwlce, with Chandion within Milan. john of Medicis, with three hundred light horse, and three thousand foot, was newly come into the King's pay, and had won him many Italian Captains▪ amongst others, Guy and Francis, Earls of Rangon, and john Lewis Paluoisin, brother to him whom Lautrec had beheaded at Milan. Tremoville, the Marshals of Foix and Chabannes with other Captains of experience, advised the King to retire his army from be●ore Pavia, and to encamp in some strong place, whereof there are many in that Country, by reason of the Channels which over flow the Meadows. They gave him to understand, that the enemy's army being unfurnished of money, they should be forced within few days, to break off their companies, and to put them into Towns. That the Strangers for want of payment of their money, would make some dangerous mutiny. That the enemies did not maintain themselves together, but with hope to give battle: and if they did see the war prolonged, they would be engaged in many difficulties and confusions. To conclude, it was (say they) exceeding dangerous, to thrust himself betwixt a Town defended, by five thousand men, and an army that came to secure it, being mighty in numbers of men, in valour and experience. But all this, was to cast Oil into a fire which already flamed. The King will not leave the siege, & yet will he keep the enemy from entering into Pavia. He referred (saith the Original) the government of the army to the Admiral: he believed his counsel only & gave ear to Anne of Montmorencie, and Philip Chabot Lord of Brion, men pleasing unto him, but not yet of any great experience in matters of war. Moreover, he had not that number of men in his army, as they gave him to understand. The Duke of Albania had led away part of his horse: some remained for the guard of Milan, many were dispersed into Towns and Villages about. There were but eight hundred Lances in the Camp: and the negligence of his officers, with the deceit of his Captains, especially the Italians, abused him, not furnishing the number of footmen, for the which they received pay. But howsoever, he must needs fight. Behold pitiful first fruits, forerunners of a general overthrow. Two thousand Valaisans lodged at Saint Saweur▪ betwixt S. Lancfranc and Pavia. They within charge them suddenly, Sad forerunnings of an overthrow. and disperse them. Pyrrhus' brother to Frederick of Bossole, held the Castle of Saint Ange, with two hundred horse, and eight hundred foot. This place lying betwixt laud and Pavia, stopped the victuals which might be brought from laud. Ferdinand of Aual● approacheth with his Spaniards, takes away the defences, and forceth the garrison to yield: that Pyrrhus, Aemilius Cauriane, and three sons of Phoebus' Gonzague, remaining prisoners, all the rest should departed without arms or horses, and for a month, should bear no arms against the Emperor. Belioyeuse, and then all the other places which lay behind them, except Saint Colombain, which they had so besieged, as no man could issue forth, came into the power of the Imp erials. Moreover, the King caused two thousand Italians to come, of those which had maintained the siege of Marseilles. Passing the confines of Alexandria, near to the river of Vrbé, wearied and toiled with the tediousness of the way, Gaspar main Captain of Alexandria, chargeth them suddenly, breaks them, and chaseth them into Cas●ellat, and there forceth them to yield, with seventeen Ensigns. The like success had john Lewis Palu●isin. The King had sent him to surprise Cremona, which was guarded only by five or six hundred foot. Sforce advertised, that he lodged at cassal the great, with four hundred horse, and two thousand foot, sent Alexander Ben●●uole, with some number of horse, and two thousand foot, suddenly levied, to Cremona. Too great confidence doth no less prejudice men, than fear. Paluoisin (holding himself strong enough, without attending of Francis of Rangon, who came to join with him, with three or four thousand men) abandons his Fort to fight with them, marcheth directly to the enemy, and at the first, putteth Sforces horsemen to flight: but Ben●iuole coming with his footmen, john Lewis was overthrown in the midst of the combat, taken prisoner, and all his men put to rout, which was a great prejudice to the King's affairs. Behold an other disgrace, of no less importance. john james of Medicis, a Milanois, Captain of the Castle of Must, had intelligence, that the Captain of Chiavenne, a Castle upon the Lake of Como, belonging to the Grisons, having no enemy near to annoy him, went daily to walk without his Fort, (the taking of this place, was a fit means to divert six thousand Grisons, newly come unto the King's Camp), john james lying one night in ambush close to the Castle, failed not of his prey, but holding this insufficient Captain, he brought him before the gate, with a Dagger at his throat, ready to stab him, if his wife had not let down the bridge. The gate being open, three hundred men issue forth off another ambush, seize upon the Castle, and so on the Town. The Grisons, supposing that Medicis had other enterprises upon their places, call home their men, who notwithstanding the shame they should purchase in forsaking (upon the point of a battle,) a Prince, whose pay they had received, and to whom they had given an oath, returned five days before the fight. All these difficulties chancing one upon another, were infallible forerunners of great misfortune: which when he sees come, he ought carefully to provide for the preservation of his estate, or with a firm and constant resolution, to try the hazard of a battle. A commander may lawfully try this last remedy: but a King must use the other. The two armies approached within half a mile: the forward lead by the Marshal of Chabannes, lodged with the Swisses at Ronces, in the suburbs near to Saint justins' gate: the King at the monasteries of Saint Paul and Saint james, places of advantage near unto Pavia: the Duke of Alencon at Mirabel with the rearward, so as holding Pavia girt in of all sides, the imperials could not enter, unless they did pass the river of Tesi● or the Park of Pavia. The imperials lodged at Prati towards Saint justins' gate, and extended unto Tr●leuere and la Motte, and in a wood by Saint Lazare▪ so near as they did greatly indomage one an other with their Cannon, being divided only by a little brook, which they call Vernicule. The lodging of both armies had infront on their wings, and on the left flank, great ramparts environed with tremelios, and fortified with bastions. But the imperials had this advantage, being approached so near unto Pavia, as in a day of battle they might be assisted by them within the Town. In the mean time Anthony de Leave did greatly annoy our men by continual sallies, and in many skirmishes had most commonly the better. The 17. of February, john de Medicis, to be revenged of a disgrace which his troops had received by a former sally, laid a bait for them of the Town, seconded with a double ambush, the one in the trenches near unto the Town, the other farther of. The Spaniards drawn on by their former victories, pursuing them which had charged them, they discover the farthest Ambush, and began to retire, when as the nearer cutting off their way, puts them all to the sword. But this small victory did greatly preiudi●e the general. john de Medicis had the bone of his heel broken with a shot, and was carried unto Plaisance. His troops were so dispersed after his hurt, as the army was diminished above two thousand, and his absence did cool his soldiers courage and heat, in skirmishes and assaults: for he was a great soldier, and the good success of a battle, doth partly depend of the presence of such personages. The imperials had no more means to maintain themselves within their fort▪ want of money had soon driven them forth: yet they considered that by their retreat, Pavia would be lost, and they were out of hope to preserve the rest, which remained in the Duchy of Milan. To assail the French within their lodging, were a dangerous and vain attempt. Also the enemy's resolution was not to give battle, unless ●ome advantage were offered them, but only to retire their men that were within Pavia, and to man it with new troops, the which they could not do, without passing in v●●e of the French Ca●pe. They therefore prepare themselves to two effects, either to execute their desseine, or to fight, if the King issuing out of his fort would stop their passage. The night before Saint Mathias day, the 25. of February, the day of the Emperor Charles his nativity, they disquiet and tyre our men with many false alarms, Bat●aille of Pavia. and make two squadrons of horse and four of foot. The first, under the command of the Marquis o● Guast, consisting of six thousand Lansquenets, Spaniards and Italians. The second under the Marquis of Pesquaire. The third & forth of Lansquenets, led by the viceroy and Duke of Bourbon. They come to the Park wall, cast down about threescore endome, enter within it, take the way to Mirabel, leaving the King's army upon their left hand. The artillery planted in a place of advantage, doth much indomage their batta●lons, and forceth them to run into the valley for shelter. Here impatience transports the King. He sees the enemy disordered and thinks they are amazed: moreover he had intelligence, that the Duke of Alencon had defeated some Spaniards that would have passed on the right hand, and had taken from them four or five Cannons. Thus the King losing his advantage, seeks his enemies, and passing before his own Cannon, hinders their execution. The imperials desired nothing more, then to have the King out of his fort, and to be co●ered from his artillery. They now turn head against him which was directed to Mirabell. The King (supported with a battaillon of his Swisses, being his chief strength,) marched directly against the Marquis of Saint Ange, who led the first of the horsemen, overthrows them, kills many, and the Marquis himself. But oh villainy! The Swisses in steed of charging a battalion of the emperors L●nsquenets, which did second their men at arms, they wheel about, and go to save t●em selves at Milan. The Marquis of Pescara came to charge the King with his battalions: Francis Brother to the Duke of Lorraine, and the Duke of Norfolk, who l●d about five thousand Lansquenets, marched resolutely against him, but they are sod●●●● environed with two great battalions of Germains, defeated and cut in pieces▪ 〈◊〉 Swisses thus retired, the Lansquenets lost, the whole burden of the battle lay upon the King, so as in the end being hurt in the leg, face and hand, his horse slain under him, charged on all sides, defending himself unto the last gasp, he yielded unto the Viceroy of Naples, who kissing his hand with great reverence, received him as prisoner to the Emperor. At the same instant, the Marquis of Guast had defeated the horse that were at Mirebel, and Anthony de Leave issuing out of Pavia charged our men behind. Thus seeing the pitiful estate of the King's person, all give way, all seek to save themselves by flight. The Duke of Alencon seeing no hope of recovery, preserves the rearward in a manner whole, Slain in the battle. and passeth the river of Tes●n. The vanguard (for a time) maintained t●e fight, but in the end it shrunk by the death of the Marshal of Chabannes. This day deprived us of a great number of the chiefest Noblemen of France, amongst the which the Marshals of Chabannes and Foix, the Admiral of Bonnivet, L●wis of Tremoville, about threescore and fifteen years old, (a worthy bed for so valiant a Nobleman, whose Council deserved, to be followed) Galeas of Saint Severin master of the ●or●e, Francis Lord of Lorraine, the Duke of Norfolk, the Earl of Tonnerre, Chaumont So● to the great master of Amboise, Bussy of Amboise, the Baron of Buzansois, Be●upr●●● Marafin the chief query of the King's stable, and about eight thousand men. The bastard of Savoie Lord Steward of France, died of his wounds being prisoner. There were taken, Henry King of Navarre, The Ea●le of S●int Paul, Lewis Lord of Nevers, Fleuranges' son to Robert de la Mark, the Marshal of Montmorency, Laval, Brion, Lorges, la Rochepot, Monteian, Annebault, Imbercourt, Frederic of Bossole, la Roche Du main, la M●●lleray, The Regent's fore●ight. Montpesat, Boissy, Curton, Langey and many others. Of the enemy there died about seven hundred, few men of Mark besides the Marquis of Saint Ange: Triwlce and Chandions' who remained at Milan, advertised of the ruin of their army, returned with their men in to France, so as the very day of the battle, all the Duchy of Milan was freed from the French forces. The next day the King was led to the Castle of Pisqueton, under the guard of Captain Alarson, always entreated according to the dignity of a royal person, but so far forth as the quality of a prisoner would permit. The Duke of Albany was far engaged in the realm of Naples, and all passages by land were by this disgrace stopped. To draw him out of danger, the Regent mother to the King, giving order for the affairs of the realm, sent Andrew Dorie general of the King's galleys unto him, with la Fayete the Vice-admiral being at Marse●●les, who (without any loss of men, but of some scouts chased by the Colonnois even to the very gates of Rome) returned safely into France. The estate seemed now near a shipwreck, as well by the imprisonment of the head, as by the death of many worthy personages, who might have served greatly in the preservation thereof. But God by many corrections would often chastise France, but never ruin it. The King of Engla●d offers all love to the French King being a prisoner. And now touching the King of England (who was then ready to embark for Calais,) he suddenly changeth his hatred into Love, so as growing jealous of the emperors exceeding greatness, the Regent having entreated him by john joachin, a Genovois his Ambassador, to give ear to some mild treaty, rather than to invade the Estate, of a Captive Prince▪ he promiseth all succours both of men and money for the King's delivery, and without any demand of restitution for his charges he dismisseth his army. In the mean time, the Emperor adviseth in Council, what course he should hold with the King. The Bishop of Osime, the emperors confessor, is commended ●o have advised him to show a brotherly love, and to set him free, referring this notable victory to the express will of God: showing that the chief use thereof should be th● peace of Christendom, threatened with a total r●ine by the ●u●k●sh arms, whereof we shall soon see fatal effects. But the advice of Frede●ic Duke of Alba, a man o● great authority with the Emperor, was of more force. He yielded to the ●ing● liberty, but with so excessive conditions, as it might have been the means, for Charles to lay the foundation of an absolute monarchy in Ch●istendome. According to this advice, he sent the ●arle of R●ux, his Lord Ste●ard, The emperors vn●●●sonabl● demands. to offer the King liberty, so as he would resign all the rights he pretended in Italy, restore the Duchy of Bourgongn●, as belonging to him by right, with Provence and Daulphiné for the D●ke of Bourbon, to incorporate ●hem with other la●ds, which he had formerly enjoyed, and to make all to gither a Kingdom. Moreover the Emperor offered to give him his sister in marriage, propounding many other cond●tions, so absurd and v●ide of reason as it is better to let the curious read t●em in the Originals themselves. Amongst all losses, that of liberty toucheth nearest: b●t our Francis ●a●ing learned to ●i●●stand all adversities with a constant resolution. I will die (said he) a prisoner▪ rather than make any breach in my realm for my deliverance. Whereof I neither will nor can alienate any part, without the consent of the sovereign Courts and Officers, in wh●se hands remains the authority of the whole realm: We prefer the general good b●fo●e the private interest of King's persons. If the Emperor will treat wit● me, let him demands reasonable things, which are in my power, than shal● he ●inde me ready to join with him, The King● reasonable offers. and to favour his greatness. And to redeem his liberty with ho●or, and his subjects content, 〈◊〉 wonderfully desired his enlargement, he then offered, To marry his said sister, widow to the King of Portugal, and to hold Bourgongne for her dowry, the which should belong to the Children that should come of this marriage▪ to resign his interest to the realm of Naples and the Duchy of Milan: To accompany the Emperor with an army both by l●nd and sea, when he should go to Rom● to receive the Imperial Crown. Was not this properly to give him all Italy in prey? To yield unto the Duke of Bourbon his offices, l●ndes and movables confiscated, and the revenues received by ●eason of this seizure, and to give him to wife the Duchess of Alencon his sister, newly a widow by the death of th● Duke of Alencon, instead of Eleonor, the widow of Portuga●l, which had been promised him. To content the King of England with money, and to pay what sums of money should be s●t down for his ransom. Here upon the Earl of S. Paul, having corrupted his guards, escaped out of prison, & jointly with the Earl of Vaudemont, and the Marquis o● Saluss●s, treated by the means o● Francis Earl of Pontresme, with certain Princes and Captains of Italy, to stay the Kin● from being transported out of the D●chie of Milan, hoping that the Potentates of Italy (fearing lest the Emperor should seek to supplant them) would seek his majesties delivery with their common forces. And the Venetians bein● not advertised of the reconciliation of the English with the King, retired themselves from their League with the Emperor. But the Viceroy discovering these practices, gave the King to understand, that he had commandment from the Emperor, to pass him into Spain, that being there, their majesties by a gracious and favourable enteruewe, would easily conclude a peace, which should cause his liberty. So the King understanding that the Duke of Bourbon pursued his marriage in Spain with Eleonor, yielded to this passage, hoping she would rather desire to marry a King of France, than a Prince disinherited. They embark the seventh of june, and within few days after (the Emperor having commanded, that he should be received, The King transported into Ca●til●e. with all the honour that might be, as he passed,) they arrive happily in Castille: the King was lodged at Madril, a place of hunting and pleasure, but far from the sea, or the confines of France. The Emperor would not admit the King to his presence, before the accord were made, or in such terms as there were no doubt thereof▪ for the advancing whereof a truce was concluded until the end of December, during the which Marguerite the K●ngs Sister, Duchess of Alencon, came with a large commission into Castille, to treat ●ith the Emperor. Her arrival was very pleasing and healthful to the King: who finding him so sick, as few men hoped for his recovery, she did more revive him then a●l the physicians art. But having found the Emperor (who was come to visit the sick King) constant in his unreasonable demands, especially for the restitution of Bourgongne, whereunto the King would not yield, but upon the former condition, or that t●ey might try it by law, to whom it belonged: and seeing that the King had recovered his former health, she returned into France, leaving with the Emperor, the Archbishop of Ambrun, afterwards Cardinal of Tournon, & john de Selue, chief Precedent at Paris, to pursue the treaty begun, bringing with her an ample declaration from the King, whereby (resigning up his Crown) he gave her power to invest the Dauphin his son, the King remaining resolute, rather to continue in perpetual prison, then to pass any thing to the prejudice of his realm. But the Emperor seeing the King constant in this resolution, in the end agreed to his majesties delivery, The King set at liberty. whereof we will set down the most important points: That within six weeks after his delivery, he should consign the Duchy of Bourgongne to the Emperor, with all the dependences, as well of the Duchy, as of the County, the which should hereafter be sequestered from the Sovereignty of the realm of France. That at the ●er● instant of his enlargement, they should deliver into the emperors hands, the Dauphin, and with him the Duke of Orleans, the King's second son, or twelve of the chief Noble men of France▪ such as the Emperor should name, to remain as hostages, until the restitution of the said lands, and ratification of the peace, with all the Articles, by the general Estates of the realm: and upon the restoring of the Hostages, they should deliver unto the Emperor the Earl of Angoulesme the King's third son, to be bred up with him, the better to assure and maintain the peace. That he should resign unto the Emperor▪ all his rights pretended to the Estates of Naples, Milan, Genes and Ast. That he should quit the Sovereignty of Flanders and Arthois, and should marry Eleonor, sister to the said Emperor, with two hundred thousand Crowns dowry, and jewels fit for her estate, and the Empeperour should renounce all his pretensions, to any place belonging to the Crown of France: especially to Peronne, Mondidier, Roye, Bologne, Ponthieu, and other Seigneuries, lying on either side the river of Somme. Without doubt, these were hard conditions, and beyond all the bounds of reason. But the King being a prisoner, guarded, and not his own man, of what validity could they be in law? It was therefore in his power to redeem his children by money. These be the fruits the Spaniard would gather by his victory, to teach the French not to fall again into their hands. The judicious reader may consider, whether they be grown wise by their own loss. Then the King and Emperor did see one another again, with great demonstrations of love: they showed themselves together in public places, had often, long, and secret discourses: they went in one Carosse together, to see Queen Eleonor, to whom the King was made sure. But for that in the midst of all these skewes of love, the King was at no more liberty than before, but more carefully guarded: who would not have held this accord to be full of discord, this alliance without love: and the most part of the articles extorted by force, would bring forth the fruits of their ancient jealousies? A lesson for Princes that be victors, to contain themselves within the limits of reason, for whatsoever is forced by violence, is not durable. Some days were spent in these actions: then the King was conducted to Fontarabie, where exchange was made of his Majesty, with his two sons, being yet very young. At Bayonne the Ambassadors of Charles demanded the ratification of the treaty which the King should give at his entry into the realm: but he could not alienate the Bourgognons without their consent: and therefore he answers, That he will shortly assemble the Estates of the country, to know their minds. Let us see then what followed, and begin somewhat higher. After they had transported the King into Castille, Francis Sforce fearing lest the Emperor should retain the Duchy of Milan to himself, together with the excessive sum of ●●e●ue hundred thousand Ducats, 1526. which he demanded for the expenses he had made 〈…〉 conquest, and defence of the said estate: considering also, that part of the Sp●niar●s ●ere gone into Spain with the Viceroy, part were with the Duke of Bourbon: many laden with spoil, were retired into divers places. And the Marquis of Pescara, was in bad terms with the Viceroy: he persuaded himself, that the rest of the trou●es might be easily overcome, if the Marquis would give his consent. Sforce therefore, by the advice of Jerome Moron his Chancellor, did ●ound the Marquis his m●●de: he propounded unto him, to cut in pieces those companies which remained within the estate of Milan, and to make him King of Naples, if the Pope and the Venetians would agree. A sufficient spur to prick forward an ambitious man. T●e Po●e did not dislike it: the Venetians showed themselves most affectionate: all io●ntly do malice the greatness of Charles. The Marquis at the first gave ●are unto them, but having discovered the whole practice to the Emperor, and growing suspect unto the rest, accepting the lieutenancy of Lombardie, of the Emperor, he publicly put in execution what he had in charge: to prevent these imminent dan●e●s, ●s he should think fit. And first he seized upon Moron, whom he made to confess all the conspiracy, charging Duke Sforce, as culpable and consenting to all that had pas●ed, he made him to resign unto him Cremona, Tress, Lecq●e, and Pisqueton, The Marquis of Pescara dies. the Keys of the Duchy of Milan: he forced the Milanois to take the Oath of fealty 〈◊〉 the Emperor, and Sforce to shut himself into the Castle of Milan. But when as the Marquis had reduced him to all extremities, death takes him away before he could enjoy the fruits of his malice. The Duke of Bourbon did succeed after him. There was great likehood, that the Emperor being in quiet possession of the estate of Milan, all the rest, especially the Popes (lying betwixt Lombardie, and the ●ea●me of Naples) would remain in prey. A League against the Emperor. To prevent Charles his attempts (who made show to invest the D●ke of Bourbon in the Duchy of Milan, if Sforce were ●ound guilty of the crime, whereof they accused them) a League was made at Cognac▪ betwixt the Pope, the Kings of France, and England, the Venetians, Florentines and Swisses, for the common liberty of Italy, and the restoring of Francis Sforce to the Duchy of Milan, being besieged, as we have said. This League was signified by the King▪ to the Viceroy of Naples, to the Duke of Tr●●ette, and to Alarson, whom the Emperor had sent, to be fully satisfied of the King's intent: who excusing himself, that he could ●ot perform his promise for the alienation of Bourgongne, as very prejudicial to the Crown, he offered to accomplish all the rest, and for the ransom of his children, to pay two Millions of crowns. According to this treaty, the Pope sends into ●ield eight hundred men at arms, seven hundred light horse, and eight thousand foot, under the charge of Gui Earl of Rangon, and john de Medicis Colonel of the Italian foot. The Venetians sent eight hundred men at arms, a thousand light horse, and eight thousand foot, commanded by Francis Maria Duke of Urbin. laud was the first object of their arms, the which by the intelligence of Lodowick Vistarin, a Gentleman of that Town, they surprised from fifteen hundred Neapolitaines, whom the Marquis of Guast, and Anthony de Leave, had placed there, under the charge and command of Fabricio Maramao. These happy beginnings, should have made the heads of the League to have proceeded in their course speedily and valiantly. By the taking of laud, the way was open even to the gates of Milan: the enemy had no more means to succour Cremona, and if they had speedily advanced towards Milan, they had found them in great perplexity and confusion: the Citizens oppressed by the tyrannical usage of the Spaniards, dreamt of nothing but rebellion: but the Duke of Urbin, terrified with the ●ery name of the Spaniards, marching slowly like an Abbot, and staying a whole day i● every lodging, to attend the Swisses, without the which he thought it dangerous to approach near Milan, by his slow and faint proceeding, he caused an irreparable loss and shame to his own reputation, and to his masters. For ha●ing by his long delays, given the Duke of Bourbon leisure to enter into Milan, with eight hundred Spaniards, before the army of the League could approach: the Soldiers of Milan resumed courage, charged the Artillery in the night, and so terrified the Duke, as he presently retired his army, desiring rather, said he, to repair the forepast error, then to persist in it, seeing they had approached so near Milan, contrary to his opinion, where expecting no resistance, he knew that a longer abode would wholly ruin the League. He trembled for fear, at the report of the Spanish forces, and yet would make show as though he had to deal with men made of snow, who without striking stroke, would suffer him to reap the fruits of his pretended victory. So the Duke retired to Marignan, being resolute, not to dislodge, until he were fortified with twelve thousand Swisses: without doubt, a hundred thousand men cannot assure a ●earfull mind. It was a foul error, at the beginning of a long and dangerous voyage. The Imp●rials freed from this army, repaired the Ramparts and Bulwarks of the Suburbs, disarmed the people, thrust forth such as were suspect, and lodged the Soldiers in the Citizens' houses: Who insulting over their hosts, as in a Town of conquest, forced them to furnish victuals, clothes, and money▪ abused their wives and daughters, compelled servants to discover their masters wealth being hidden: to conclude, they practised all acts of inhumanity, which licentiousness doth commonly breed in this nation being a Conqueror. The miserable estate of Milan. Being thus oppressed, they repair to the Duke of Bourbon, being newly arrived, and ●ith pitiful complaints, tears, and lamentations, they beseech him to ease their miseries. The Duke, after he had imputed the causes of these insolencies, to the w●nt of pay for the army, promised to lodge them else where, so as they would provide thirty thousand crowns for the maintenance of one month: and the better to countenance his promiss, he wished, In case that ever any extortion were committed, that he might be slain with a Harguebuse, at the first enterprise he should be at. A prayer which we shall soon see take effect. The money was gathered, but the people finding no fruits of his promise, the pitiful estate of the multitude being spoiled, nothing mollifying the cruel insolency of these barbarous soldiers many not knowing to whom to have recourse, cast themselves headlong from the tops of their houses, many hanged themselves, many ended both their ●iues and misery's, by other horrible and strange manners of voluntary torments. Francis Sfo●ce was at this instant ready to yield up the Cast●e, when as the confederates, The secon●●iege of M●l●n fortified with five thousand Swisses, newly arrived, drew the Duke of Urbin a second time before Milan: but this was to make a second discovery of his indiscretion and cowardice: for being still ready to number his Soldiers, possessed with a strange fear, and seeking rather means to fly then to fight, Sforce priest by famine, and want of courage in the Duke of Urbin, The Castle of Mil●n yielded. yielded up the Castle of Milan, to the Duke of Bourbon, the 24. of july, and retired himself to the confederates, who put laud into his hands. Then the King's army arrived, lead by Michael Antony Marquis of Saluces, consisting of four hundred men at arms, five hundred light horse: and four thousand Gascons, and within few days after, the twelve thousand Swisses, levied in the King's name, encouraged the D●ke of Urbin to return towards Milan, where leaving part of his men at Arms, the Pope's troops, and the foresaid Swisses, he went with the Venetian foot to fortify Malateste Baillon, who with three hundred men at arms, three hundred light horse, and eight thousand foot, besieged Cremona, C●emona taken by the confederates. and so priest it, as they yielded by composition, the which was likewise delivered unto Sforce. Every one hath his turn, saith the Proverb: The Pope had been the principal Author of the Kings sending the Duke of Albany into the estate of Naples, and now he solicits his confederates again to invade the realm, supposing things could not succced happily, if the Emperor were no where else encountered, but in the D●chie of Milan. But whilst he seeks to fire or burn his neighbour's house, it falls upon his own head. Ill counsel is commonly dangerous to the giver. All these wars had been plotted in the Council at Rome: was it not reason he should reap what he had sown? The Pope urged his confederates to send a part of their sea forces into the Realm of Naples: which consisted of four Galleons, and sixteen Galleys for the King, thirteen Galleys for the Venetians, and eleven for the Pope, over all the which Peter of Navarre was appointed General at the King's instance, notwithstanding the Pope's pursuit in ●●uour of Andrew Dory, whom he had enterntained. The Colonnes unable to resist such forces, did cunningly strike sail, and to busy the Pope until the Viceroy's return from Spain with the army at sea, they did capitulate with them the 22. of August: To retire their troops to Naples, with the which they did molest the territories of the Church, The Colonnes capitulate with the Pope and on the other side the Pope should remit all offences past, and revoke the monitory which he had published against Cardinal Colonne. This reconciliation made the Pope in a manner to dismiss all the horse and foot, which he maintained upon the territories of the Church against the Colonnes, and to disperse the rest into Towns about Rome: growing cold in his desseine to invade Naples. The Colonnes cared not to wrong the Pope with the prejudice of their honour, but having no means to make open war against him, Rome surprise● they strain all their wits to cirumvent him by fraud. Feigning therefore to suppress Agnane, defended by t●o hundred men in the Pope's name, they fly with all speed to Rome the twentieth of September, with eight hundred horse and three thousand foot, they seize upon three gates, sack the Pope's palace, and the ornaments of S. Peter's Church. There were present in person Ascanius Colonne, Don Hugue de Moncade Vespasian son to Prosper Colonne, (the mediator of the accord, and who had plighted his faith, for himself and t●e rest) Cardinal Pompee Colonne, so far transported (saith the Original) with ambition and fury, as having conspired to put the Pope cruelly to death, he had resolved to force the Cardinals to make choice of himself, and to install him in the seat being vacant. The Pope in the beginning grew resolute, like unto Boniface the 8. when he ●as surprised by Sarre Colonne: but in the end conjured by the Cardinals that were about him, he retired himself into the Castle of S. Angelo; where Don Hugue having received the Pope's oath, and the Cardinals, Cibo and Rodolphe his cousins, for hostages of his safety: capitulating with him in terms of a Conqueror, he forced the Pope to promise, To retire the army of the League, out off the Estate of Milan, and not to give any succours to the Confederates, for four months. Ti●es for punishments, are noted in the Counsel of God's divine providence, who meant to give two notable strokes with one stone, as we shall shortly see. This truce ●as wonderfully commodious for the emperors affairs. Milan had been vanquished at length: Genes oppressed by the Confederates army at Sea: cried out for ●read, and the small store of victuals which came by land, did but keep them in breath for some few days. But behold two great effects diverted by the coming of ●e●rge Fronsperg, who knowing the extremity of Gaspar his son, Colonel of the Lansqu●nets, which were within Milan, having stirred the Germans, with hope to enrich themselves with the spoil of Italy: he led a good number of horse, Milan relieved by Lansquenets. and fourteen thousand Lansquenets, who receiving every man a crown, followed him to the succour of Milan. The Marquis of Salusses, and the Duke of Urbin advertised of these succours, abandon the siege of Milan, with an intent to cut off their victuals, and to charge them at the passage of some river. But the Duke's accustomed delays had given Fronsperg leisure to assure himself of the field, so as the league could no way annoy him, but by light skirmishes: john de Medicis di●●. in one of the which john de Medicis having his thigh broken with a falcon shot, he retired to Mantove, and there died, within few days. This death was an absolute victory to the adverse party: for he was young, wise, and a valiant Captain. laud and Cremone, did cut off the victuals from Milan: & the Duke of Bourbon being freed from the siege, having no more means to maintain his army, after he had by strappadoes & other tortures, wrested some money from the Citizens to pay his Spaniards, he left Anthony de Leave in the City, & entered the territories of the Church, with an intent to possess Pla●sance. To prevent him, the Marquis of Salusses ●leaui●g the Duke of Urbin in field) put himself into it: so as the Duke of Bourbon (seeing the Town well manned, and the Venetian army to follow him,) left Plaisance, and by the Duke of Ferrares advice (whom the Emperor had won unto him) being joined with Fronspreg, he marched directly towards Rome. The Pope (to be revenged of the outrage received by the Colonnes) called the Ea●le of Vaudem●nt, brother to the Duke of Lorraine, issued from the house of Anjou, a ho●●e greatly desired by the ancient partisans thereof, to the realm of Naples. The Earl accompanied with Rance de Cere, about ten thousand foot, and some ●orse, entering into the Realm, The war of Naples. had taken Aquile, Salerne, and many other places, chased Don Hugue de Moncade, and raised the siege of Freselon, which the Imperials had besieged: when as the Viceroy of Naples required of the Pope in the emperors name a surcease from arms. The Pope had no money to maintain so long and so heavy a burden of the war: there were greater difficulties in the enterprise of Naples than he expected. the King did not seem willing to make war out of Italy as he had promised, in the articles of their Capitulation, neither did he furnish, besides his part of forty thousand Crowns a month for the common war, the twenty thousand, which he ought every month for the expedition of Naples: the French galleys were so ill furnished, both with men and munition, as they remained fruitless at Savonne, not attempting any thing▪ the succours of the King of England were far off, and uncertain, the tedious, and variable proceeding of the Duke of Urbin did vex him: the approach and threats of the Imperial army at the gates of Rome, did amaze him: All these considerations made him conclude a truce with the Viceroy for eight months, whereby either party called back his men speedily, delivered up the places taken, and caused the army at sea to retire. This was an other means to ●ull the Pope a sleep a little before his ruin. For, threescore thousand Ducats which Pope Clement had given in regard of this truce, were not sufficient to satisfy two pays due to the Duke of Bourbons Lansquenets: the Germans and Spaniards gaped greedily after the sack of Rome, which had been long promised them. The truce did nothing stay them, from showing all acts of hospitality. they spoiled the Countries of Bologna and Romagna, and then camped before Rome: the next day, the Duke of Bourbon causing a furious assault to be given, marching in the head of his troops, with a ladder in his hand, he was slain w●th a harguebus. The Duke of Bourbon slain Philibert of Chalon, Prince of Oranges (who marched besides him, to conceal it from the soldiers) caused ●is body to be covered with a cloak, and following the charge hotly, he forced the suburbs and the City. The victors entering, put about four thousand men to the sword. (It is to be supposed, the slaughter had been greater, if the death of their general had been known. they spoil friend and so indifferently, Prelates, Temples, Monasteries, and relics. They ransom both secular, and religious men. They sack the Cardinal's Palaces (except such as had redeemed their goods, Rome sacks. and such as were fled into their houses) with exceeding sums of money. And which is worse, many being spoiled by the Spaniards, were fleeced again by the Lansquenets, being seasoned for the most part with Luther's doctrine, and by consequence passionate enemies to the sea of Rome. To conclude, Rome is subject to all the insolencies of a conquered Town which they mean to ruin. The Pope besieged in his Castle of S. Angelo, sent for the Viceroy of Naples, hoping that he would make him some better composition. But coming to Rome, he sound the Imperials nothing pleased with his government, A hard capitulation for the Pope. who had chosen the Prince of Auranges' for their general, with whom the Pope (void of all hope of succours) agreed the 6. of june▪ To pay unto the army four hundred thousand ducats, a forth part presently, the rest at sundry terms: 1527. to remain prisoner with thirteen Cardinals that did accempanie him, until the first hundred and fifty thousand were paid, and then to go to Naples, or to Ca●ete, to attend how the Emperor would dispose of them. To give in hostage for assurance of the money, the Archebishops of Siponte and Pisa: the Bishops of Pisto●e and Verona, james Sal●●ati, Simon Ricasoli, and Laurence brother to the Cardinal Rodolphe: To deliver into the emperors hands (to hold so long as he pleased) the Castle of Saint Ange, the forts of Ostia, Civitavecchia and Civita Cast●llana, with the Cities of Plaisance, Parma and Modena. The accord being made, Alarson entered the Castel● with three companies of Spaniards, and three of Lansquenets, lodging the Pope very straightly and with small liberty. This insolent and hard proceeding against the Pope, to the scandal of all Chr●stendome, caused the Kings of France and England to make war in Italy, at their common charge, to free the Pope, and his Cardinals being besieged both with war and pestilence, and to restore him to the possessions of the Church: A new leag●● against the Emperor. the King of England contributing for his part threescore thousand angels a month: and to confirm the League betwixt the King and the Venetians, they promised to entertain ten thousand Swisses in common, the King furnishing the first pay, and they the second, and so consequently. The Duke of Milan with the Venetians should likewise entertain ten thousand Italians. Odel of Foix Earl of Lautrec was made general of the whole army, and passed the Alpes with a levy of six thousand horse, six thousand Lansquenets, ten thousand French and Gascons, and ten thousand Swisses. Then Andrew Dorie was entertained by the King with eight galleys, giving him thirty thousand Crowns pay every month. Before they came to open war, the two Kings sent jointly to the Emperor, to demand the Pope's enlargement; the restitution of the children of France, with an offer of two millions of gold for their ransom: the preservation of the estates & governments of Italy, and finally a general peace: which the: Emperor accepting, the Duke of Orleans should marry with the daughter of England, but having refused these articles they did swear and solemnly proclaim their League the 8. of August. The expectation of Lautrecs' forces was great, and the confusions of the Imperial army great, being dispersed by the plague about Rome, and so diminished as there scarce remained ten thousand men of all the emperors forces. Lautrec had no sooner set footing in the marches of Lombardie, but having intelligence that the Earl of Lodron had sent two thousand Lansquenets to B●s●o, in the territories of Alexandria, he belegard them, battered it day and night, and the tenth day of the siege forced them to yield, at his discretion, who keeping the Captain's prisoners, dismissed the soldiers; but upon condtion that the Spaniards should return into Spain, through France, and the Lansquenets into Germany, through Suisserland: but these were afterwards received into the King's service, under the Earl of Vaudemont Colonnel of the Lansquenets. This small victory was the forerunner of an other, of greater importance. Andrew Dorie general of the King's galleys, made hot wars against the Genovois, so as no ship durst go to sea along the river of Genes, and Cesaer Fregose advertised by his friends that were within Genes, of the great scarcity of victuals which did press the Inhabitants, being sent by Latrec, with two thousand men by land, he kept them so short, as in few days there was neither corn nor cattle, for the Inhabitants. The belly is an importune solicitor, especially when many mouths cry for meat. Mol●stus Clien●●enter. The Genovois had no more hope of help, but in hazarding some galleys to sea. They a●me some, and send them out by hazard to seek victuals: four laden with 〈◊〉 were taken by the French galleys, four retured fraught with corn, and one with other merchandise: and nine were gone forth of Genes to west them, when as having news of Fregoses approach, they abandon their galleys to go to charge him. In the mean time Andrew Dorie arrives, he compasseth in these galleys in the port of Genes, burns one & takes all the rest, whilst the Genovois (having overthrown the first they encountered,) chased them so far, as the way being cut off by the French betwixt the Town and them, they were all defeated, and Gabriel Earl of Martinengue their general taken prisoner. This misfortune with sundry other crosses and losses of money and divers ships, the famine having brought them to the last extremity, Genes yielded to the King. reduced the Town to the King's obedience, where of Lautrec made Theodore Triwlce Governor. The loss of the Lansquenets had wonderfully daunted them of Alexandria: so as although Alberic of Belioyeuse had somewhat revived them with a supply of a thousand men, Alexandria taken. yet the rough and continual battery of Lautrec, forced the Earl of L●●ron to enter into composition, whereby the Lansquenets departed with their baggage, taking an oath not to carry arms against the King, nor his allies for six months. The taking hereof brought Vigeve, with all the Country of Lomcline and Biagras to the King's obedience. Anthony de Leave had not within Milan above a hundred and fifty horse and five thousand Lansquenets and Spaniards, being ready to abandon the Town (doubting to be unable to defend it, with so few men and so many difficulties) and to retire to Pavia. But Pavia was ill victualled: and moreover his army could not live there upon extorsion and spoil, as it had done at Milan. He therefore sends Lodowick of Bel-ioyeuze to Pavia, with two thousand five hundred men, and resolves him sel●e to defend Milan. Lautrec follows him, and beseegeth it on the Castle side, & the Venetians on the other part, he makes a breach, and takes the Town at the second assault, he leaves it eight days in spoil to the soldiers, & leads away Bel-ioyeuze (who lately for a quarrel with Frederic of Bossole had forsaken the King) prisoner at ●●nes. All which places according to the treaty were restored to Francis Sforce. Milan wavered, the Confederates did solicit the taking thereof. But it was thought good to leave this thorn in the Venetians feet and Sforces, for being both freed from fear of the Emperor, P●●ia taken. who (having this passage stopped, should draw no succours out off germane) would have been less affected to favour the King in his enterprise of Naples. Moreover it was a means for the King to make a more easy treaty of peace with the Emperor, of whom (leaving the estate of Milan,) he might with more ease obtain the liberty of his children, according to the treaty with the Emperor, by the Ambassadors of France, England and Venice. But the King desiring that Sforce should still stand in need of help, gave the Emperor more means to speak big. He was of a great spirit, and never daunted in adversity. He protests, that neither love nor force, shall make him to alter any of the conditions before propounded: & his proud demands make proof that he had no inclination to peace. As the Venetians and Sforce laboured to stay the French forces in Lombardie: so the Pope pressed them to drive the Imperial army out of the territories of the Church. He therefore passeth the river o● Po the 18. of October, with an intent to attend the rest of the Lansquenets commanded by the Earl of Vaudemont, which were not yet arrived, to be in the Swisses place being for the most part retired. Lautrec had no sooner turned his back, but Anthony de Leave came and recovered Biagras the 18. of the said month, and prepared to pass into Lomeline to take Vigeve and Navare: but Lautrec advertised of this attempt, sends back Peter of Navarre with six thousand French foot, and some men at arms, who chased the Spaniard into Milan, & settled Sforce in Biagras. The Lansquenets being arrived, Lautrec took the way to Plaisanee, where the Duke of Ferrare (it may be) well pleased to see the Pope against whom he had been long incensed, receive some disgrace leaving the imperials, joined in League with the King: and there was concluded the marriage of Hercules his eldest son with Renée the youngest daughter to King Lewis the 12. The Marquis of Mantove a friend to the strongest, did likewise join with the confederates. The Emperor then foreseeing, that the invasion of the realm of Naples by Lautrec, would force him to call back his forces, which he had in the territories of the Church, he sent his Comisson to set the Pope at liberty, which done, after many treaties he agreed the last of October, The Pope delivered. To attempt no thing against the Emperor, neither for the estate of Milan, nor the Realm of Naples. To pay three hundred and fifty thousand ducats▪ that is three score thousand presently, to the Lansquenets, and thirty five thousand to the Spaniards: the like sum within fifteen days, and the rest three months after. The Pope to free himself from prison, fled to those remedies, which he had before his restraint neglected, he made Cardinals for money, the most of them (saith the histo●●e) being unworthy o● so great an honour. Necessary it was, that the Court of Rome should thus be disgraced, that they might l●sse me●dle in worldly affairs, & look to their spiritual duties. The 10. of December was come, when as the Spaniards should conduct the Pope to a place of safety, but knowing the bad affection of the Spaniards, especially of Don Hugue de Moncade, Viceroy of Naples, by the death of Launoy, and ●earing a worse condition, or some other change, he deceived his guards, & the night before (disguised like a merchant (he went secretly out of the Cast●e, & saved himself in Oruiete: but his hostages paid his ransom. A rare example to be noted in the Church, since the time it came to that greatness: To see a Pope issued from one of the greatest families in Italy, ●allen from so great a dignity, to lose Rome, to be a prisoner, and to have all his estate possessed by the violence of Christian arms: then in few months, to be restored to his seat, and by the means of the eldest son of the Church to recover his estate, greatness & authority. Without doubt the Emperor, suffering himself to be so much priest, for the Pope's delivery, showed, that the Counsel of Spain was more governed by ambition, than devotion. The Pope being at liberty, he exhorted the Confederates to draw their Companies out of the territories of the Church, that by their example the Imperials might make their retreat according to promise, as in deed they did: he gave thanks to Lautrec in particular, for that he had assisted him in his deliverance, adding, that he was as much bound unto the King, and h●m▪ as if he had been freed by his forces. But the Moor changeth not his hew. He held (saith the history his accustomed disposition, having not (by his imprisonment) left his craft, and covetousness. As the Kings of France, and England, required him to rejoin his arms, and means with them and their allies, sometimes he fed them with hope, that he would employ himself for a general peace, and the good of all Christendom, sometimes with excuses, that wanting men, money, and authority, his conjunction with them would be fruitless, and give the Imperials occasion to wrong him in many respects. Lautrec stayed at Bologne, attending directions from the King, either of a full resolution of peace, or to proceed in his course of arms. The Emperor offered to settle Sforce in his estate, and to compound with the Venetians, Florentines▪ & other confederates. But the Emperor and the King stood upon the point of honour, which should trust other. A point which plainly discovered the bitterness of their spleen. The King would not be bound to draw his armi● out of Italy, before he had recovered his children: yet he offered to put hostages into the King of England's hands, for performance of whatsoever he should be bound unto, if upon the delivery of his children, he did not presently withdraw his army. The Emperor was obstinate, and saying that he could not trust him, who had once deceived him. The King of France and England proclaimed war against the Emperor. The Ambassadors of France and England took their leaves of the Emperor, and according to their masters Commission proclaimed war against him. The Emperor accepts it cheerfully: but to stay the Ambassadors, presently to send them f●fteene leagues from Bourges, (where then the Court of Spain remained,) to give them a guard of shot, & halberds, and not to suffer them to confer, or to write in any s●●t. Was not this to violate the Law of Nations? The fire is now kindled, they dream of nothing but war. Lautrec proceeds in his course, he takes the way to Rimini, Antone and R●●anate, chaseth the Imperials before him into the realm of Naples, where we s●●ll soon see the expliots of his arms. The King advertised of the detention of the Bishop of Tarbe, his Ambassador, who was afterwards made Cardinal of Grandmont▪ he committed Nicholas Perienot Lord of ●ranuelle, the emperors Ambassador, to the Chastelet at Paris, & stayed all merchants, subjects to the Emperor. But this was not all. The Emperor had before time at Crenado, when as they treated of a peace betwixt them, said: That he would willingly end all controversies with the King, 1528. by a single combat of his person against the Kings: he now delivers the same words unto the Herald that denounceth war unto him, adding: That the King had basely, and treacherously broken his faith with him. The King would not have refused it▪ but his Ambassador did then wrong him, in concealing this speech. It may be the Emperor had such an intent. He was a most va●iant Prince: but our Francis did yield nothing unto him in courage. He had no sooner intelligence of his challenge, but calling together, the twenty eight of March, all the Princes, all Ambassadors, with the whole Court, into the great hall of the Palace at Paris, King Francis challengeth the Emperor to the combat. sitting in his royal seat, he caused john Robertet, one of his Secretaries of Estate, with a loud voice, to read a cartel signed with his own hand: That the Emperor, accusing the King to have falsified his faith, had spoken untruly, and as often as he did speak it, he did lie. To the end therefore heeshould not deffer the deciding of their controversies, he wished him to appoint the field, & he would bring the arms, the King protesting, that if hereafter the Emperor shall write, or speak any thing prejudicial to his honour, the shame of the delay should redound upon himself, seeing that the combat is the end of all writing. Without doubt, this proceeding had been more seemly for Knights, then for such Princes: and no enterprises are commendable, but so far forth as they agree with the dignity of their persons, and States. And for that Granuelle refused to take upon him this charge, the King dismissing him, Henry King of England denies th● Emp●rou● & pu●s away his wi●e. did accompany him with an Herald, to present this writing unto the Emperor▪ Within few days after, Henry King of England, sent him the like defy, and did put away Catherine his wife, daughter to Ferdinand and Elizabeth Kings of Spain, whom he had married being widow to Arthur his elder brother. A divorce which Pope Clement granted, upon promise that Henry should, for his safety, maintain him agard of four thousand foot. Lautrecs' success in the Realm of Naples. In the mean time Lautrecs forces prevailed in the Realm of Naples, with such applause of the people, as, whether for affection of the French, or hatred of the Spaniard, almost all the Towns, sent to offer their keys, and gates. Peter of Navarre had chased the Prince of Melphe out of Aquile, and reduced all Abruzze to the King's obedience: the whole estate of Naples was ready to set up the banners of France, when as the Prince of Orange having assembled within Troy, and thereabouts, five thousand Germans, five thousand Spaniards, and fifteen hundred Italians, he made Lautrec to unite his forces, which were dispersed, and to turn head to the enemy, with an intent to fight with him. He wanted the sinews of war, the King's assignations failed, so as he could not long maintain the burden of the war: The adauntage of men, victuals, and the field, did invite him: he must therefore attempt some great matter. He goes to field with three thousand French, whereof the Lord of Bury was Colonel, four thousand Gascons, under the command of Peter of Navarre, and the Lord of Candale, eight thousand Germans commanded by the Earl of Vaudemont, three thousand Swisses under the charge of the Earl of tend, with ten thousand Italians, and approached near the enemy: but there was no means to draw him out of his fort. Many days were spent in skirmishes, and courses: In one of them, three hundred horses coming out of their battaillons, which marched after the artillery, were charged by Moriac and Pomperant (it is that faithful Achates to the Duke of Bourbon, whom the King had drawn to his service, and honoured with a company of fifty men at arms, for the good service he had done him at his taking of Pavia, having freed him from some soldiers, that had environed him in, and not known him were wholly defeated, and their enseignes, and guidons carried away. Lautrec offered battle, yet well pleased not to fight in the absence of Horatio Baillon, who brought thirteen enseignes of foot, whom john de Medicis had long before trained in the exercise of arms. But behold, a heavy sign of a fatal desaster, the winds were so violent, and the sky so troubled, as all the tents in the French camp were overthrown, & many men slain. Baillon arrives, the enemy packs up the baggage, stops the bells of his moils, and marcheth through the woods directly to Naples, without sound of drum or trumpet. It had been a goodly thing to pursue these runaways. The French Captains flew after them in their hearts, but Lautrec said. I will have them at my mercy, and without loss of my men. But the spirit of man is ignorant of future destinies. The emeny retires. Don Hugue de Moncado and other chief servants to the Emperor, did so hate the Prince of Orange, as without doubt, they had shut the gates of Naples against him, the which had given the French a great advantage. But the sovereign judge of arms had otherwise decreed. The Prince of Orange being dislodged, Lautrec sent some troops of French hor●e and foot with the black bands (which were those of Baillon) to go before Melfe, which might cut off the victuals from the army lying before Naples: the Prince thereof defended it with three thousand men, who by their continual ●allies had much indomaged our troops. They made a small breach with two Cannons, and the Gascons burning with heat, offer themselves to the assault: the black bands follow them, without any commandment or direction from their Captains. A volley of shot makes them retire, ki●●es many Gascons, and some threescore of the black bands. At night they renew the battery, and make a second attempt: but with like success, yet at length they carry it. The next day they have a supply of artillery, wherewith they make two great batteries. The peasants (which were in great numbers within Melphe) mutiny for fear, they are in deed more fit to amaze, then to serve at need. Melphe taken. The soldiers terrified with this tumult, abandon the defences and recover the Castle, they enter the Town, spoil it, and kill of soldiers and Inhabitants six or seven thousand▪ they take the Castle by composition, and the Prince with his wife and children prisoners. Barleta, Trant, Venouse, Ascoli with all the places there abouts, except Mansfredonia, yield to the victor's fortune, who prepared a great mass of victuals for the siege of Naples, the Venetians 〈◊〉 having fortified the army with about two thousand men. Capova, Acerre Nol●, Averse and all places there abouts, having voluntarily opened their gates, made the way easy for Lautrec, who camps before the walls of Naples: in the end of April the imperials were resolved, only to defend Naples and Caiette. It was a great matter to have chased the enemy out of the field, and to keep them cooped up, within the capital City. But alas what shall become of so great a multitude of men▪ our French must learn once more, to their cost, that all their strange enterprises attempted far off, have been mournful graves unto them. The issues of death belong to the eternal God. Lautrec employs all his wits, in the siege of Naples, but who can hope for any happy success. The City was full of men of defence, Naples besieged. and the mean to famish it very uncertain: for the galleys of Phillipin, Nephew to Andrew Dorie, being unable to stop up the port, some ships fraught with meal stole in: those of Venise came not: the enemies light horse (which were many) cut off the victuals from our men: the ordinary grossness of the air, the continual rain, the discomodities of the soldiers, who for the most part lay open, filled the camp full of diseases: The discomodities of the s●ege. the King's ●lowe provision, and the negligence of the Treasorers were the cause that no money could pass the mountains: the Venetians, of two and twenty thousand ducats which they should contribute every month, did owe threescore thousand, and that little which Lautrec did gather of the custom of the cattle of Apulia was employed for the defraying of his ordinary expenses. The number of the defendants ●●s great, their experience in deeds of arms well tried, being nine or ten thousand old soldiers. It was therefore better to besiege, then to assail Naples, A bra●e stratagem of Philippin Dorie. and to provide that they might not be relieved with victuals neither by land nor sea, Philippin Dorie kept the gulf of Salerne, and the imperials relying upon the valour and strength of their men, conceive a hope to overcome him. This resolution was necessary for the Spaniards, they make choice of a thousand Spanish shot, and divide them into six Galleys, four Foists, and two Brigantines. Don Hugue the viceroy, Gobbe an old sea Captain, and almost all men o● command, will be partakers: and to amaze Dorie a far off, by a show of a greater number of ships, they make a long train of Fisher-boats, and send two galleys before, giving them charge to retire at the enemy's approach, that they might draw them into the open sea. Dorie aduerti●ed of the Imperials council by faithful spies, makes three of his galleys to disperse themselves, as if they fled, to the end that turning, they might (through favour of the wind) charge them in flank and in poop: and followed with five galleys, he marcheth towards the enemy. The greatest stratagems consist in expedition: the first blow 〈◊〉 worth two. The Spaniards presumed, that compassing in Dorie, with the smoke of their Canon to take from him his sight and mark. Dorie prevents them, and for the first check, he carries away with one Canon shot, forty men out of the Admiral, amongst the which was the Captain and many officers: the other pieces fitly discharged, do likewise disorder them. On the other side, the galley of Don Hugue discharging her Canon, kills the Captain of Dories galley, and hurts the master, with some others. The approaches are made, and a furious charge is given with their sho●te and other arms. These two fight with great courage. three other Imperials press two Gen●uoises, and seemed to have the better, after the death of many men of either side, when as the other three which made show to fly (having gotten into the ●pen Sea,) they turn the prewe against the enemy, beat in pieces the Admiral●, a●d an other called Gobbe, take their foists, sink some, burn others, kill their men, break their arms, and fight hand to hand, and foot to foot, in the end they get both the advantage of the combat, and the honour of the victory. Don Hugue de Moncade Viceroy of Naples, Fieramosque, with many other Gentlemen and Captains, A victor●e at ●ea gotten by Philippin Dorie. and above a thousand men, we slain and remained a prey for the Fish. Two Spanish foists sore battered, recovered Naples with great difficulty: the Prince of Orange caused the master of one of them to be hanged, the other went and yielded to Philippin Dorie. The Marquis of Guast, Ascanius, and Camille Colonnes, the Prince of Salerne, Saint Croix, le Kiz, Gobbe, Serenon, with a great number of chief men, The success thereof. were taken prisoners. These are goodly beginnings in so famous a siege, which fill the French with great hopes of a happy success, and the imperials with a strange amazament. They see the flower of their men buried in the waves, they have lost the command of the Sea, and are blocked up so near at land, as they have no means to be relieved with victuals: they have no meal but by their hand mills, no money for their soldiers, the plague did daily diminish their numbers. Stabie, Saint German, Fondy, and all the country about, yields to the conqueror▪ the Prince of Melfe joins to that party: the people of Calabria seem very willing to come under their command. Distresses in the French army. But the point of a total victory consisted either in the conquest or the defence of Naples. Our men were much annoyed for fresh water, diseases increased, the which did greatly waste the army: the enemy being stronger in light horse, did cut off their provisions by their daily sallies. Lautrec without doubt a great Captain, but absolute in his opinions, left most of his horsemen dispersed at Capova, Averse and Nola, so as the black bands having no horse to second them, came often with disadvantage from their skirmishes. The report was, that they prepared an army at sea at Marseilles: but it was only in imagination. The Venetians more careful of their private interest, then of the general good, fitted themselves of those places which should be their portion of the conquest. The Pope had no other desseine, but to recover the authority which his house was wont to enjoy at Florence. Thus there appeared many difficulties on either side, yet such as there was an expectation of victory for the French: for in the end there arrives two and twenty Venetian galleys in the gulf of Naples, the tenth of june, which deprived the besieged of all commodities at sea, and threatened them with a general famine. But see what caused the total ruin of our French. The Emperor in the midst of a notable loss, makes a great gain. We do commonly sink under our own burdens, and are the cause & motives of our own miseries. The infidelity of the Genovois is herein detestable: but we may observe a goodly lesson for Princes, To endure much of a rude servant, when he is profitable unto them, and that they must never hope to recover him, when he is chased away or lost. Lautrec advertised of the foresaid victory, commanded they should send the prisoners into France, Phillippin puts them into two galleys, with that intent. But the booty was too good, and might easily draw a Genovois soul to dispense with his faith. As they passed by Genes, Andrew Dorie stayed them, covering his secret desseins with this pretext. That the King had not satisfied him for the ransom of the Prince of Orange, and other prisoners, which he had taken at Porte-sin during the siege of Pavia (the which had been set at liberty, a peace being concluded at Madril with the Emperor) neither yet for the entertainment of his galleys, without the which he could no longer maintain them. That if it pleased his Majesty to do him right, & yield unto the Genovois their accustomed commands over Savone, (the King thinking to keep Genes in awe, had transported the traffic of merchandise, and the custom of salt to Savonne) with their ancient liberties, and privileges, he would deal with the people, that for assurance of his faith, he should furnish the King with twelve galleys entertained, in the which he might place such Captains, and soldiers, as he should think good, reserving only two galleys, for the guard of the port. A strange and insolent course for the servant, to prescribe a law to his master. But the loss of such a servant was the loss of Genes, of the Realm of Naples, and of the army which besieged it. But these demands of Dorie, being found unreasonable by the Counsel, especially by the Chancellor du Prat, a sour man, and of great authori●●e, the King sent Anthony de la Rochefoucault Lord of Barbezieux, with the office of Admiral into the East-seas, and a Commission to seize as well on his Majesties' galleys, a●● those of Andrew Dorie: yea and of his person, if he might find the means. Andrew advertised of this charge, retired himself to his galleys, delivered up the Kings, left his pay, and practised by his Spanish prisoners, Revolt of Andrew Dorie he took part with the Emperor ●ith the liberty of Genes, under the emperors protection, the subjection of Savonne to the Genovois, a pardon for himself, who had been so great a persecutor of the Spanish name, entertainment with the Emperor, of twelve galleys, Of Philippin his nephew. and threescore thousand ducats yearly pay, with many other honourable conditions: during which traitie, his nephew Philippin, not only kept ill guard, but also privily relieved the bese●ged with victuals, and in the end, retired himself from Naples, with all his galleys. This departure of Philippin, caused the Venetians (who wrought from the sea shore until they met with the trench, which Lautrec had made betwixt the Town and Mount Saint Martin, which the enem●es had fortified) to leave their work, and look to guard the sea. This was the first effect of Dories retreat, to prejudice the French, army. Behold the second, whence followed the overthrow of their enterprises, and the los●e of their infinite charges. The fifteenth of july, the Venetian galleys return into Calabria, to provide biscuit. So the port remaining open, The great constancy of Lautre●. the besieged received a great refreshing at such time as necessity had brought them to Lautre●s devotion, (who notwithstanding the plague) resolving rather to die, then to retire one foot back from the place, he solicited the King, to supply him with money, and men in their rooms that had died of the infection. The King sent the Prince of Navarre, brother to Henry King of Navarre, but with so small a troop, (whereof the greatest part were voluntary young gentlemen▪ who marched only for pleasure, and to win honour) as he was forced to send some out of the army, to conduct h●m safely from Nola to the Camp, and to receive some money which he brought. This charge was given to Candalles, nephew to the Marquis of Salusses, who passing in his return before Naples, was charged by the Imperials, who issued forth in great troops, being hurt, (his men put to rout, himself taken prisoner) to Naples: and then redeemed by exchange of one of theirs that was taken in the fight, he died of his wounds. Hugh Earl of Pepoli was likewise exchanged for an other, and their troops were diminished, by about two hundred, that were slain and taken. A hard forerunner of a fatal check, which within few days shall waste our warriors. Now behold a pitiful Catastrophe of these two armies. The Imperials, by their daily sallies, provided them things necessary, and do often cut off the victuals from the French army, take their baggage, and forage, even at their forts, and their horses at the watering, their hopes increase with their advantages: their Lansquenets mutiny no more: every one esteems it a glory to have suffered: contrariwise, the others decay both in force and courage: the horse disband, some to refresh themselves, others to avoid the plague: the footmen faint, having no horse to second them: the plague began to cease at Naples, and increased amongst our men. The Earl of Vaudemont, Gruffy with many other Captains, were already laid in their graves: the Prince of Navarre, Camille Triuulc●, and almost all the men of command were sick: and that which did most import, Lautrec stricken with sickness, could not redress those things, which did hourly tend to ruin. Rinse de Cere, whom he had sent towards Abr●●a●, to make a levy of four thousand foot, and six hundred horse, found the Treasorers, who paid him with their ordinary answer. I have not a farthing. The King hath no money in his coffers. The enemies did so belay the ways, as they could not go to Capou●: every man almost was sick in the army, the footmen were almost wasted. Simon R●main, a brave Knight, and of the French party, had been defeated in Calabria, Somme had been sacked with the slaughter of a troop of men at arms, and light horse. Most commonly there were no victuals in the camp: they wanted water, all the cisterns being dry: and to heap up their miseries, Lautrec dying the 15. of August, interred with him all his brave desseins. Lautre● dies. Without doubt the death of a valiant commander, and of great reputation, is the ruin of an army. The head failing, all the members tremble, and soon fade away. Moreover, we observe in this Nobleman, that no man, (how wise and valiant soever) is always happy: for virtue and fortune, have always been at hatred and mortal war. The King did honour his funerals, at our Lady's Church in Paris, with a mourning dump, fit for one of his children. The Marquis of Salusses, took upon him the government of the army. A man of courage, beloved and well followed by men of war: but it decreased, and disorders increased daily. The Earl of Sarni, with a thousand Spaniards, chased three hundred foot from Sarni which were in garrison there: and followed with a greater troop, he took Nole from Valerius Vrsine▪ who being retired into the Castle, attended two thousand men which the Marquis sent him: the which being charged in the plains of Naples, were put to rout. Fabricio Maramao issued out of Naples, with four hundred men, and finding Capova in a manner forsaken, he straightway entered into it. So the French abandoning Pozzuole, put the garrison into Averse, a place of great importance for the Campe. But Capova and Nola being lost, they could hardly recover any victuals. So as the army being no longer able to subsist, The siege of Naples raised. did ●ise in the night, to recover Adverse. The Imperials discover their departure. they poursue them, defeat the battle upon the way, being led by Peter of Navarre, and the rearward commanded by Pomperant, Negrepelisse, and Paul Camille Triuul●e. They take the Nauarr●is with many other commanders, and men of quality, and besiege the Marquis in Averse: who having no means to defend himself, sent Guy of Rangon, to parley with the Prince of Auranges', and did capitulate with him, as followeth: That he should leave Averse, with the Castle, artillery, and munition. That as Lieutenant General to the King, he should remain a prisoner: That he should employ his authority to cause both French and Venetians to yeeeld unto the Emperor all the Realm of Naples: That the men of war should yield and deliver up their enseigns, guidones, banderolles, arms, horses and baggage but such as had command might everyone carry away a horse, or a moil, at their choice: The French army wholly ●●ined. That the strangers should not bear armies against the Emperor for six months. So all the company were defeated, all the Captains dead, taken or fled: and this accord was a conclusion or ●eale of the misery. of the French in the realm of Naples, and a confirmation of the Spaniards greatness in Italy. Things having thus passed, the Marquis was ●ar●●ed sick in a L●tter to Naples, where within few days after he died. During the ●eeg●, and after, there died the Earls of Lautrec and Vaudemont, Charles Prince of Nau●rre, Candalles, the Barons of Grandmont, Buzansois, de Conty, the Lord of Tou●non and his brother, The nob●e men that died at the siege of Naples. claud of E●●ampes Lord of la Ferte Nabert, Charbonnieres, la Vall a D●ulphin●is, ●ruffy, Moriac, ●O, Pomperant, Montdragon, Louppé, Cornillon, Grutture, Maunourier, the elder jarnac, B●●iuet, Hugh Earl of Pepoli, Count Wolf, with so great a number of others, as of so many men at arms there remained not a hundred, and of so many thousand of foot, there hardly escaped four thousand: but let us see the success of our forces in the estate of Milan. The Duke of Brunswike, having passed the river of Adice the x. of May, with ten thousand Lansquenets, and six hundred horse well armed, he marched to the succour of Naples. And the King, to cross his desseins, opposed the Earl of Saint Paul, The estate of Milan. brother to the Duke of Vendosme, with five hundred men at arms, five hundred light ho●se, under the command of Boissy: six thousand foot led by Lorges, and three thousand Lansquenets, by Montiean. The Earl had commandment from the King, to 〈◊〉 this german Duke at the heels, if he directed his course to Naples, and to engage him betwixt the two armies but necessary provisions for his troops causing the Earl to make a fruitless stay at Ast, gave the Duke liberty to take by composition Pescara, Rivolte, Lunate and almost all the other places upon the Lake of Gard●. This little success drew him to the siege of laud: but in vain, the valour of the besieged, the plague among the beseegers, the policy of Anthony de Leave (who would have no companions of the booty, nor so great forces as might prescribe him a law in his government) took from them all hope to recover any money, considering the poverty of Milan, and the difficulty of victuals, whereof there was great want in Lombardie: the Lansquenets mutyning returned home in disorder, the 13. of july. The Earl being thus freed from this throne, and joined with the Dukes of Urbin and Milan, recovered what the imperials had seized on, and all that they held betwixt the Po and the river of Tesin unto Pavia, which then obeyed the Emperor▪ for after the passage of Lautrec to Naples, Anthony de Leave, aduerti●ed that it was carelessly kept by Peter of Lungene, with four hundred horse, and a thousand Venetian foot, and by Hannibal Pissinard a Cremonois with three hundred foot, he scaled it in t●e night and surprised it by assault. Biagras and Arone were by the same means brought under his obedience. The confederates meaning was to assail Milan hotly: but a continual rain breaks their way to the Port of Verceil, by the which they should enter▪ so as they change advise and went to camp before Pau●a. They battered it with twenty Cannons, and made a reasonable breath, where they disputed who should have the point of the assault, the French and the Venetians affecting this honour equally. A brave act of Lorges which caused. The lot fell to the Venetians, who gave it: but skirmishing coldly and far off, Lorges moved ●ith choler and impatiency to see them so faintly pursue the advantage, which fortune had given them, thrusts himself betwixt them and the breach, and takes it by force, before the Venetians could approach. Florimond of Chailly and Gransay (who did second Lorges on either side if need should be) were there slain, and the ensign which marched before them. Peter of Birague died being shot in the thigh. The taking of Pavia. There were slain within about seven hundred, almost all Lansquenets. The town being taken, the Castle yielded by composition. But this victory is crossed with a notable loss. The plague was great at ●en●s, and for this reason the Town was almost desolate. Andrew Dorie embraceth this occasion: he approacheth near the Town with some galleys, enters it with 〈◊〉 resistance, ruins the Chastelet speedily, and in the end ●eceiues it by a comp●sit●●● made with Theodore Triwlce, being unfurnished of money and me●. The Genovois being restored to their liberty, raze the Chastelet, establish a 〈◊〉 form of government, name a Council of four hundred Citizens, by whom 〈◊〉 the officers and dignities of the City should be chosen: they abrogate the 〈◊〉, whereby all gentlemen were excluded (a good expedient to banish all 〈◊〉) they reserve in their important affairs, the pre-eminence which A●drew Dorie had deserved in recompense of the liberty which he had purchased for them, 〈◊〉 recovered from the F●ench. who (neither meddling with the election of their Duke, nor any other magistra●●, neither yet with the government of the treasure) made his authority less l●●●full, and this new policy more pleasing. Afterwards they took Savonne: and the better to hold it in subjection, they ruined the fort, and filled up the haven w●th stones. The Earl of Saint Paul, relying on the word of some Citizens, who promised to give him means to surprise the Town, parted with speed out of the D●chie of M●●an, with three thousand foot and some horse to second them: but having no 〈◊〉 of victuals, but for four and twenty hours, and no artillery with him, all turned to smoke, and he retired into Alexandria, to winter the rest of his troops, his 〈◊〉 being already retired, and the French half diminished of their numbers, 〈…〉 of pay. The spring being come, the Earl of Saint Paul goes to field with those small troops he could gather together: he takes Mortare, a strong town well flanked & with double ditches, full of water: Navare abandoned by Conte Philippin Tormiel, Vigeve and almost all other places on this side the river of Tesin, yet all this was nothing, seeing the Town and Castle of Milan, with other chief places were in the emperors power. The Dukes of Urbin and Milan advertised, that the French army kept the field, came and joined with them at Marignan: yet all these armies united were not sufficient to assail Milan, the Venetians having not the moiety of twelve thousand men, which they should entertain by the articles of the League. Moreover Anthony de Le●● was newly relieved with three thousand Spaniards, which came from Naples. They resolve therefore, that (to cut off the victuals, from the imperials,) the French should march to Biagras, the Venetians to Cassan, and Sforce to Pavia: but the Earl of Saint Paul did wonderfully affect the enterprise of Genes. Andrew Dorie was departed the eight of june with his galleys, to guard the Emperor who passed into Italy. This absence put the Earl in good hope, that Cesaer ●regose (to whom the King had promised the government of Genes) would make the Town revolt, with some few foot. This was to take a mighty wolf by the ears, which will bite them shrewdly that think to lay hold. They had behind them too vigilant an enemy. According to this desseine, the Earl in steed of Biagras arrives at Landri●ne, the twentieth of june: but in the night a great rain doth so swell the river, as he had no means to pass his artillery. Enterprise upon Genes. Anthony de Leave advertised of the Earls stay, parts from Milan, overtakes the Earl (who was busy in pulling down an old house, to have some pieces of Timber, to put under the carriage of a piece, that was all du●tie and myred) and chargeth him before he had, in a manner, discovered him. At the first the Earl forceth the Spanish shot to retire into the battalion of their Germains; and the French Lansquenets had repulsed those that had passed a little river, which divided the two armies: but pursuing and following them to the bank, they were greatly annoyed by them that were opposite on the other side. Guy E●rle of Rangon, had in the morning taken the way to Pavia with the forward, so as he had no notice of the fight, until it was past time to secure them. 1529. john Thomas of Galere and the Castellan of laud, Colonnels of Italian foot were already well advanced: and leaving them engaged that were desirous to fight, they retire on the one side and save themselves likewise in Pavia. john jerosme of Castillon and claud of Rangon, Commanders over two thousand Italians, performed wonders. But the Imperial horsemen, having passed the river with a great battalion of Germans▪ our Italians turn their backs, our Lansquenets yield to their Countrymen: the Earl and Annebault with those few horsemen which remained, made the retreat, Fatal to the undertakers. always turning their faces to the enemy, until they were stayed by a brook, which the Earl was not able to pass, through the weakness of his horse: where as he and almost all that followed him were put to the sword, or prisoners, except Annebault and some few Lances, which leapt over the ditch: the footmen were all defeated, the artillery lost, and the baggage taken. After all these storms, and confusions: after so many fatal sweats caused by the ●●ight of their arms: was it not now time to take breath? The Alpes and high pointed Pyrenee mountains, be they not sufficient bars to restrain us within our bounds, content to enjoy and defend that which belongs unto us? was not so much blood spilled sufficient to make all Italy drunk? Such pitiful spectacles of French men's bones, wherewith the plains of the estates of Milan and Naples were made white, ●ad they not force, and virtue, to take from us all future desire to bear ar●es in such mortal conquests? Without doubt they had reason to make this complaint, with the ancient Church: All our remains have opened their mouths upon us, they have hissed, gnasshed their teeth and said: we have confounded them, this is the day which we expected: we have found it, we have seen it. And with the like repentance to cry▪ Remember O Lord what hath chanced unto us, behold and see our reproaches. Turn us unto thee o Lord, & we shall be turned. Behold now the pitiful reliks of our Frenchmen, hateful to strangers, scorned of all the world, beaten on all sides, returning home with their shirts tied upon their shoulders, who having scarce breathed four years, we shall so again fall to arms. This unfortunate success of our men, having caused arms to cease, in a manner throughout all Italy, the Emperor and Pope, both being bare of money▪ treated of some articles of peace. The Emperor had no inclination thereunto▪ yet he could not grant it in a season more beneficial for himself. The King sought it: two notable afflictions drew him thereunto, the imprisonment of his children, and the ruin of so many armies, with the wasting of his treasure. But one especial consideration did move him. If the confederates had discovered his intent, they would have prevented him, and by their agreement with the Emperor excluded him from League with any of them: and by consequence have brought him to that point, as he should have been forced to accept far less tolerable conditions of peace. Lovyse the King's mother, & Marguerite▪ Aunt unto the Emperor by the Father's side, did treat it at Cambray, furnished with authority and Council from both their majesties, and finally they concluded: That the King should pay two millions of gold, for the freedom of his Children: that is, twelve hundred thousand crowns, when as the said Children should be in France and at liberty: He should deliver the lands which Marie of Luxembourg, A Peace concluded at Cambray betwixt the Emperor and French King. mother to the Duke of Vend●s●e had in Flanders, Arthois, Brabant and Hainault, and those which the Duke of Montpensier, cousin germane to the said Duke did possess in the said Countries, for four hundred thousand Crowns, to be redeemed within a certain time. And for the other four hundred thousand remaining, he should acquit the Emperor of so much to the King of England, which he had lent unto him, and fifty thousand more which the Emperor did owe unto the English, for the indemnity of the marriage, betwixt the Emperor and Marie Daughter to the said King of England, whom he had left▪ to marry with the Daughter of Portugal. Moreover he should ungage the ●lower de Lis of gold, inritched with precious stones, and a piece of the cross which Philip the emperors Father had engaged to the King of England's Father, for fifty thousand Crowns. That t●e King should renounce the sovereignty of Flanders and Arthois. That he should m●rrie wi●● Eleonor the Emperor's sister: and if they had a son, he should have the Duchy of Bourgong●●. That he should restore whatsoever he possessed in the Duchy of Milan, and the R●a●me of Naples. That he should disannul the Duke of Bourbons process, restore him to his honour, and his Children to their inheritance, and generally to all others that had been spoiled by reason of the wars. These articles thus coloured, were read and published in the great Church of Cambray, the 5. day of August. But could the King renounce such pretensions, seeing they were inheritances, purchased to the infants of France by the succession of claud their mother, daughter to Lewis the 12. Duke of Orle●ns, of whom depended the said succession of Milan. This treaty did greatly move the confederates, for that they were not acquainted with it, especially the King of England: notwithstanding his secret desseins, made him to temper his choler. He meant to put away Catherine his wife, Aunt to the Emperor, and daughter to Ferdinand King of Spain, saying, as it was true, that she ●ad been before married to his eldest brother, wherewith the Pope could not dispense, belonging to the Law of God: which conclusion he obtained by the means of the Lord of Langey, in the universities of Paris, Pavia, Padova, cologne and others. The Emperor and his ministers, crossed him in this desire. This quarrel had nedde of a strong support. To make use of the King's favour at need, he lent him the said sum of four hundred thousand Crowns, to be paid in five years: he fo●ga●e him fifty thousand Crowns, and gave the flower de Lis to his good son Henry Duke of Orleans. The tenth of May was come, when as the deputies should meet at Bayonne, for the exchange of the Infants of France, with the payment of their ransom. Montmorency, Lord Steward and Marshal of France, came for the King; for the Emperor came Velasque Constable of Castille: the Crowns are told and put to the proof: but being found somewhat altered by the advice of the Chancellor du Prat, who thought to make it a benefit to the King, forty thousand Crowns more paid the interest of the whole sum. The King's children and their ransom paid. There were about ●oure months spent in the trial of these Crowns: and in the beginning of julie, the Dauphin of France and the Duke of Orleans, came to the river which runs by the walls of Fontarabie, and divides France from Bisc●ie. A great boat was fastened in the midst of the stream, with anchors and cables, that the sea, which flows twice a day, raising the boat to the height of the water, might serve as a bridge: and overthwart this great boat, they made a bar, to the end that the boat which carried the Infants of France, and that which brought the money for their ransom, being fastened on either side the great boat, the French men should pass into that, where the Infants were, and the Spaniards where the ransom was. Thus it was performed, and they came accompanied with Queen Eleonor, to meet the King their Father betwixt Roquehort of Marsan, and Caprieux, in a little Abbey of Nuns, where the King and Queen were espoused, an hour before day. Then taking their way by Bourdeaux, Cognac, Amboise and Blois, they came to Saint German in Say, attending the preparatives for the Queen's coronation at Saint De●is, and her entry into Paris. The Emperor being thus assured of the King, who above all others might cross his desseines, he is now resolved to be crowned. To this effect, he must win the Pope (for he must receive the Crown from him): and the Pope who desired some notable revenge of the florentines, for the injury they had done him during his captivity under the imperials (they had spoiled all the goods belonging to the Medicis, The Emperor comes into I●a●y. and chased them and their adherents out of the estate of Floren●e) was easily drawn to the emperors will; yea with such extraordinary privileges, as the Emperor fitting himself to the Pope's passions, settled the foundation 〈◊〉 that admirable greatness, which his house doth at this present enjoy in Italy. 1530. The P●pe having granted the Crown to the Emperor, which he could never obtain of his Predecessor julius: upon condition, that for recompense thereof, he should 〈◊〉 ●im with an army, to restore them of his name, to their ancient authority with●● Florence, he imbarkes at Barcellone, lands at Genes, passeth to Plaisance, and at the Pipes request, restores Francis Sforce to the Duchy of Milan: but he reserves in his 〈◊〉 power, the Castles of Milan and Cremona: he marrieth the said Sforce with 〈◊〉 Niece, Daughter to the King of Denmark, a prisoner, and dispossessed of his ●●●lme: and on Saint Mathias day (so famous for his Nativity, and the taking of t●e King before Pavia) he received the ornaments of the Imperial dignity from t●e Pope. One scruple withheld the Emperor from resolving against the I lorentines. The T●●ke besieged Vienna in Austria, with two hundred and five & twenty thousand fight●●● men: but the valour of Philip Count Palatin, the Earls of Salme and Rokendolf, and 〈◊〉 ●●●cours brought by Ferdinand Archduke of Austria, and King of Hongarie, having 〈◊〉 the Infidels to take their way to Constantinople, with shame and ●osse: the Emp●●●u● gave the charge of this war to the Prince of Auranges', who joining with Don 〈◊〉 of Gonzague, and the Marquis of Guast, takes from the florentines, Cortone, Ar●●z●, Lastre, Pistoia, Prato, Volterra, Empoli, camps before Florence, and red●ceth the 〈◊〉 to extremity: The Prince of Auranges ●laine. but as he marched to encounter some forces that came to ●●●cour the besieged, meaning to win the horse, or to lose the saddle: he was slain 〈◊〉 t●e charge being in the head of his troops, performing (saith the Original) rather 〈…〉 of a man at arms, then of a Captain. The succours notwithstanding overcome, the Florentines after a long and painful sie●e of eleven months, fell in the end into the pope's power: who by many and s●●●●y punishments of death and banishment, did so weaken the City, as in the end (the power of the Medicis being more free,) they have settled the Sovereignty in either family. The Duke of Ferrara had in time purchased favour with the Emperor: and happy was he, for without it they would have clipped his wings shorte●. Wherewith the pope was so greatly moved, as he would not ratify the sentence, by the which the Emperor had condemned the ●errarois in a hund●ed thousand Crowns to the Pope: neither would he accept the money, nor the rent, which according to the ancient custom, the said Duke caused to be offered unto him, at the feast of Saint Peter following: and even then began to study how he might secretly oppress or grieve the Duke by ambush, or find some matter or occasion to wrong him openly, with the aid of great princes. But he did not foresee, that death would soon cut off the thread of his life, and inter with him the issue of his desseins. The present estate of things, promised in show a general peace betwixt these two great princes, but their minds were possessed: That of ou● Francis, with a wonderful desire to be revenged, for the rigorous conditions of the treaty of Cambray, being forced to renounce the Sovereignties of Flanders and Arthois, ancient members of the Crown of France, and to quit his rights to the estates of Milan and Naples, the which had wonderfully discontented him. That of Charles, who feared least the King or his successors, should draw those provinces within the bounds of the realm, and by the recovery of the Duchy of Milan, molest him continually in the possession of Naples and Sicily. To exclude the King from all hope, the Emperor thought it best to restore▪ Sforce to the estate of Milan, that he might rule him at his will and pleasure: and for a time, give good contentment to the Potentates and Commonalties of Italy, to ●equester them from the alliance of France, and make them enter into a defensive League for the sayd● Sforce▪ the first motive or occasion, which within few years shall transport our Arms beyond the mountains. There were divers othery which touched as near. Savoye lies upon the ●aye or passage from F●●nce to Lombardie. Therefore, for to lay a strong bar before the King, 1531. if he should revive his ancient quarrels, and pretensions: the Emp●rour sold to Charles Duke of Savoy, the County of Ast, with the appurtenances, be●●g the ancient patrimony of the house of Orleans, to tie him to his command, & to 〈◊〉 him to this league, as having now a private interest in the wars of Lombardie. Moreover he employed the mediation of the said Duke, to withdraw the Swisses, and ●risons, from the King's friendship, to his. Th●se were new motives, of new troubles▪ 〈…〉 one enemy, he had two: they all had privy persuaders, who desirous of new 〈◊〉, anchored the hope of their private affairs, upon the general troubles of Christ●●dome. A scar scratched too hard, breaks forth easily: a noble courage wronged, doth with like facility feel an outrage. Here we observe a public prejudice done to the Crown, Causes of the King's discontent. and a private contempt to the King's person. A notable wrong, cutting 〈◊〉 from the sovereignty, two rich neighbour Provinces. A contempt, for that we ●ee Sforce issued from a mean stock, and the son of a bastard, (often times terme● by the Emperors own mouth, a traitor, and perjured) preferred before the King, brother in law to the said Emperor, and his majesties children, whom no just title, but only force of a●mes could exclude. Let us add hereunto a third sting, sufficient to animate any generous mind: under a colour pretended, that they sought to stea●e the Infants of France secretly, out of prison, the Emperor had put most of their 〈◊〉 into the galleys: and although he had been often summoned by the King, by virtue of the treaty of Cambray, yet would he never enlarge them. Let the Iudi●iou●●e●●der judge, which of these two did first infringe the articles of the said treaty. But the ulcers of precedent wars, being not yet well cured, and the King ca●●●ng to mind the calamities to come, they dissuaded him from taking arms. It 〈◊〉 b●●ter to try a friendly course, and seek to recover his own by money, rather the● by force. With this dessein● he sends Rabodenges to the Emperor. The Regent and Queen, assist and labour for an enteruewe, betwixt the Emperor, and the King. The Emperor advertiseth the Pope, and doth assure him, that whatsoever he treats 〈◊〉 the King, Cunning practices. he will conclude nothing with him, to bring him into jealousy. The Pope dar●s not ●elie upon this promise: he complains of the King, that without his pri●●tie such practices are managed. The King excuseth himself, alleging, that they were not so far forward, as it deserved to be lightly imparted to his holiness: notwithstanding, he surceasseth the said practices, and the death of Lovise the King's mother and Regent, The Regent of France died chancing the 22. of September, did qui●e dissolve them. There are other matters. which shall hereafter import. The Emperor sought to force the Princes, and other estates of the Empire, to receive Ferdinand his brother for King of the Romans', making them to allow of the election made of him, to the prejudice of the golden Bu●l, A league of the Princes of Germany against the Emperor. and contrary to the ancient orders of the said Empire. A levy, which shall cause the civil wars, that hereafter▪ shall afflict Germany. Moreover, these Princes pretended, that the Emperor failed in the performance of many things promised by him, touching the rights, privileges, and liberties of the Empire. So as john, Elector and Duke of Saxony, john Fredrick his son, William and Lewis Dukes of Baviere, Phi●ip Lanigrave of Hessen▪ with many other Princes, make a general league, for the foresaid causes. And now seeing the King discontented, that the Emperor had newly discovered unto the Pope the treaty of their enteruewe, mediated by the Ladies, & that the King had many & lawful occasions, to give ear to the persuasions which were made often unto him▪ that the Emperor did but seek to lull him a sleep, while that he did fortify himself, with men, money, and alliances: they in●reat the King, to enter into their association, by virtue of an ancient league, observed long before, betwixt the Empire, and the Crown of Franc●: they send him an authentical copy of their treaty, that he might know, their intention was not to make any invasion, but for the defence of the Empire, the which they did foresee, that Charles the fift did seek to subvert; and to make it hereditary to his house, to the great prejudice of the neighbour Princes greatly troubled with the emperors exceeding ambition, 1532. and injurious outrages The King to give two strokes with one stone, imparts this matter to the King of ●●gland, his perpetual Ally: asketh his advice, and counsel, how they two together ●●ght enter into this League, without breach of the treaties they had with the Emperor▪ and in the end, by Pomm●raye his Ambassador, he doth capitulate: That the King of E●gland, being assailed by the Emperor, he should secure him with twelve ships, well ●●●ointed, and victualled, with five hundred men at arms, French, A League. and three thousand ●●●te. And in like case, if the King were invaded within his Realm, the King of England was bound to furnish him the like proportion of shipping and with six thousand English men, both the one and the other to be entertained at his charge that was assailed. That either of them being assailed, should stay all merchants, that were subject to him that did assail, that 〈◊〉 be found within the territories of their obedience, and deliver them to him that was 〈◊〉, to redeem such as had been seized on by the aggressor, in the beginning of the war. That neither the one, nor the other Prince, should hereafter treat or make alliance with any other Prince, Potentate, or commonalty, without the consent, and association of either of them. And they treated likewise, of the means how they might best undertake to ●esist 〈◊〉 Turk (if he did persist to invade Christendom:) whereupon their majesties 〈◊〉 an enteruewe at Bologne: the 28. of October, they made a new treaty: 〈◊〉 to give more perfect proof of their zeal, and desire to enlarge Christendom, Interview of the two kings and t● summon other Princes by their example, considering that the Turk, notwithstanding his 〈◊〉, had left a good part of his forces in Hongarie, they should assemble together, by their 〈◊〉 forces, an army of fourscore thousand men, whereof there should be ten thousand horse▪ with artillery requisite for the said Campe. And besides this treaty, these two Kings had many causes of discontent: Our King found himself grievously wronged, for that the Pope, and the Emperor with the●● partisans, had newly made a League for the defence of Italy, whereof they had declared Anthony de Leave to be general. The King of England had no less cause to complain of the wrong, he said the Court of Rome did him, touching the matter of 〈◊〉 divorce, se●king to force him, either to go to prison to Rome, for to send then, with express deputation, men of great account that should stand to the Pope's I●dgement. An insolent proceeding in like cases, chanced among sovereign Princes: seeing th●t such a business of that importance, and touching the conscience so near, did well deserve, that according to the usual custom, they should send Iudge● to the place: it being reasonable, that the persons should speak personally, and 〈◊〉 by their Attorneys: and very unreasonable, that a Sovereign Prince, leaving the 〈◊〉 and government of his estates, should go and plead his cause at Rome. Moreover he did complain unto the King, of the exactions of the Roman Church, upon the clergy, and people of England, and did instantly require, that they two s●ould send their Ambassadors jointly together to the Pope, to summon him to appear at the next Council, forto hear the extortions he did unto Princes, and Chris●●●n people. The King propounded like abuses. The Pope had dissembled with him touching certain tithes which he had granted him to levy upon the Clergy: and the French Church complained of him, of the undutiful and new exactions, which under colour of piety they made at Rome, for the expedition of Bulls, by means whereof all the trea●or was daily carried out of his Realm, to the prejudice of the Clergy, which grew poor: the Churches were not restored, nor the poor ●●●thed nor fed: their yearly rents were excessive, no equality in them, many officers newly created, which were paid upon the dispatch and expedition of Bulls, over and above the just price which they were wont in former time to pay: the offices which fell void, were sold to the great benefit and profit of Saint Peter, entertaining many grooms, Chamberlains, Protonotaries their servants, Gardeners and others: and for the repairing of Saint Peter's Church, a great sum of money was levied, the which they did afterwards employ, to make war against the King. Yet the King would neither wholly allow, nor disallow of the King of England's complaints: but for that the Pope had sent him a promise, by the Cardinal of Grandmont, of an interview at Nice or avignon, after the emperors return into Spain, he requested the King of England to attend the issue of their parley. These griefs of the French Church, had been presented unto the King in th● assembly of the Estates of the Country and Duchy of Britain, with many other things, far from that charity which ought to be in the Church. In the said Estates it was concluded: The Duchy of Britain incorporate to the Crown. That Francis the King's eldest son, Dauphin of Viennois, should be acknowledged Duke of Britain: that the eldest son of France, should hereafter carry the titles of Dauphin of Viennois, and Duke of Brittany: and the said Duchy should for ever be incorporate to the Crown. So the treaty made by the marriage betwixt King Charles the 8. and Anne Duchess of Brittany, and others following, were disannulled in regard of the said Duchy. As these things passed in England, William of Bellay, Lord of Langey, promised the german Princes in the King's name, That for the affection he bore to the preservation of the privileges, rights, and customs of the Empire: if the Emperor 〈◊〉 whom he desired to observe inviolably the alliances and treaties he had with 〈◊〉 would in that case employ his forces to their oppression, A treaty betwixt the King and the Princes of German. he would secure them 〈◊〉 all his power: so as neither his men nor money, should not be employed to the offence ●f any of his confederates, namely of the Emperor, but only to defend the rights 〈◊〉 privileges of the Empire. A great desseine is always shadowed with goodly shewe●. Hereupon the Emperor came to Bologne, to confer again with the Pope. The Kings of France and England, well informed of the emperors bad disposition, and especially the English, of the Popes to him, by reason of his pre●ended divorce: they sent the Cardinals of Tournon & Grandmont, the Pope's servants, that under co●our●● accompany him at this interview, they might employ their authorities, that nothing might be done to the prejudice of their Majesties: The Kings of France and England complain of the Pope. or at the least they should give intelligence of their conclusions. And the said Cardinals had commission to lay ●pen unto the Pope, the griefs and complaints of the two Kings: and to summon him to make reparation: if not, they would take order for it. So as his Holiness might we●l perceive, that they two together were not to be contemned: and to wish him to consider wisely, of the support and profit he might draw from these two Kings, and what disgrace otherwise in discontenting them, especially the King of England, whose cause the King did no less affect then his own. For (said these two Princes) if we come to demand a general council, and his Holiness doth not grant it, or delays it, we shall take his delay for a denial, and calling it without him, we will easily 〈◊〉 the fact with other Princes, who producing the like, or greater complaints, would in the end, forbidden their subjects to send or carry any money to Rome. If his Holiness (for so did our Francis protest) will proceed by censures against me and my realm, and that I be forced to go to Rome for an absolution, I will pass the Alpes, so well accompanied, as his Holiness shall be glad to grant it me. The scandals of Rome have already withdrawn most part of german, and the Cantons, from the obedience of the Roman Church. It is to be feared, that if these two mighty Kings sever themselves for want of justice, they shall find many adherents, and these two, together with their open and secret allies, may make such an attempt, as it will be hard to resist. That if the holy father be disposed to moderate things (especially towards the King of England) there is hope, that at the first interview, all may be ordered by mildness, before they should proceed to greater bitterness, by a general summons from both the Kings. Thus the King spoke unto those Cardinals whom he sent to Rome. But we have elsewhere observed, that men of the Church do commonly prefer the Pope's respect, before the service of such as employ them. These flea the Ee●e by the ta●●e, 1533 and in steed of following their instructions from point to point, beginning with rigour, and ending with mildness: they take a contrary course. They feared (said they in their justification) that his Holiness holding the Wolf by the ears, pressed on the one side, sometimes with promises, sometimes with threats by the Emperor: and on the ●ther side, in a mane● despairing ever to find grace or favour with the King should in t●e end cast himself into the emperors arms, and run the same fortune with him. To draw him therefore to the French party, they offer the Pope in the King's name: To make him judge and Arbitrator, of such controversies and quarrels, as he had with the Genovois, the which his Majesty pretended were not contained in his renunciation. And the better to draw him, The Cardinal's means to win the Pope. they renewed (without any special commission,) the proposition first made by Pope Leo, and after revived by Clement, of the marriage of Henry Duke of Orleans, with Katherine Daughter to the Duke of Urbin. This did greatly please Clement, who then began to hold up his head, and resolved to str●ke whilst the Iron was hot. This match was wonderful honourable and beneficial for his Holiness, and helped much for the ratifying and support of his house, the which he had in singular regard. The Emperor did presently discover, that upon the coming of these Cardinals, the Pope's affection to him was greatly altered. And upon the first discovery of this treaty of marriage, he employs the Lords of Cans and Granuelle, to break it in favour of Francis Sforce, with the said Duchess of Urbin, and to persuade ●●e Pope that his practices was artificially brought in by the King, to entertain him only, but not with any intent to conclude it, considering the great disparity of their degrees and qualities: and seeing the●e two Cardinals (said he) had no sufficient authority touching this alliance, it was an evident proof of the fraud. But by means of this marriage, the King thought to strengthen his house, and to get new footing in Italy: and the Pope did thereby free himself from the fear of a Council, wherewith he was threatened from France, Germany and England. While the Cardinals attend a Commission from his Majesty, to conclude this marriage, the Emperor continued his pursuit, for the assurance and declaration of his league, comprehending the estate of Genes. And the better to unite it, he required his confederates, to make a tax among them, for the pay of such Soldiers as should be fit to entertain in Italy, for the peace and quiet thereof: that the first payment should be presently consigned into the hands of a Banker of Genes, and that the Emperor should not be tied to any contribution, in regard of his great charge to resist the Turks invasion, and to prevent the attempts of such as would trouble the common quiet of Italy, whereof there was now great likelihood. By the force of his persuasions, the matter was in a manner concluded. But through the lively reasons of the French Cardinals, and the Lord of Velly, Ambassador for the King, showing, That the Emperor had no other desseine, but to entertain his army upon the frontiers of Italy, at other men's charges, being ready to assail the King upon all occasions, without any charge to himself: and that without doubt the King, (having reason to look to his affairs,) would encounter him with another army, on the frontiers of Italy, in the Marquisate of Salusse, or in Daulphiné, which would breed no quiet, but troubles and combustions throughout all Italy (for two armies being near, they willingly fall to blows,) they concluded, not to make any consignation, but that every one of the confederates, should tax himself for his portion (any war chancing in Italy) and should give a caution for his part, the which did amount to a hundred or six score thousand Crowns a month. So the Emperor sent three thousand men out of his Army into Spain, as many likewise to Naples, and the rest he dismissed. Then came authority from the King, to the Cardinals & his Ambassador, with an express clause for the confirmation of the marriage. And the Emperor seeing himself frustrate of his intent (to make the Pope declare himself openly against the King,) he embarked the 8. of April at Genes, and sailed towards Spain. the Pope 〈◊〉 towards Rome, The Emperor r●t●r●s into Spain. whether the above named Cardinals did accompany him, alwaye●●●sisting by the King's importunity, that the troubles of England might be pacified, before the fall of that great storm which threatened the Churches. But the King of England, wearied with the Pope's dissembling and delays (●h●m he then called but Bishop of Rome) upon the matter of his divorce, he caused it t● 〈◊〉 decided by the English Church. The Archbishop of Canterbury, Primate of England, being precedent: where, by sentenceof the said Church, his marriage was declared void, The first motive of the separation of England from the Church of Rome. and the dispensation void, as given in a case that was not dispensable, and which is not in the Pope's power, not in the Churches. According to this sentence, he left his first marriage, and took to wife Anne Bullen, and in her name did publish an ample Treaty, against the authority and pre-eminences of the Church of Rome, resolute to sequester himself wholly, if the Court of Rome did him not justice. These news being published, the Emperor grows in choler, threatens to raise all the world against England: takes his Aunt's cause in hand, summons the Pope to administer the like justice to her that was put away, as her cause required: if he doth it not, he protests with an oath to be revenged. The College of cardinals sto●●●●, they environ the Pope, and all with one voice, demand justice against the attempts 〈◊〉 the King of England, and the Archbishops, having taken knowledge of a cause, the deciding whereof belonged to judges deputed by his Holiness. His Holiness desired to temporise, and to make a more quiet end. He did 〈◊〉, that proceeding to condemnation, and having no means to execute it really, were a fruitless enterprise, and would make his Apostolic authority contemptible, 〈◊〉 no means to put it in execution without the emperors assistance: besides, they ●ad a great let, which was the strict alliance of the most Christian King with the 〈◊〉, who joining their mutual forces, offensive and defensive, might engage all C●●ist●ndome in more mortal wars then ever. Notwithstanding, in the end (as well t● gratify the Emperor as his Cardinals, The Pope censures the King of England. ) he pronounced his censures against the King ●f England, if within a certain time he made not reparation of the said attempts. T●en he prepared for his interview with the King, notwithstanding all the crosses 〈◊〉 the imperials gave him, transforming themselves into as many shapes as Proteus, 〈◊〉 draw him from this resolution: all which are to be read in the Originals. Nice had been appointed for this effect: the Duke of Savoie had freely offered it at the Pope's request, holding himself happy (said he) that so holy a work should ●e treated off in his country. And in truth it was his best course. The Pope did 〈◊〉 this place, that he might by this means reconcile the Duke unto the King, 〈…〉 many respects (as we shall note hereafter) was discontented with him. But the Emperor, forgetting nothing which he thought might serve to break off this interview▪ gave him such goodly reasons, as afterwards he let men understand, that this assembly was nothing pleasing unto him. Morseilles supplied the defect of Nice. Patience being moved (saith the Proverb) turns into fury. If the King to this time had many motives of discontent, now is he pricked to the quick, which will soon draw him to revenge. The unjust death of the Seigneur of Merueilles, who was a Gentleman of Milanois, bred up in Court, since King Lewis the 12. one of the Quirries: and now Ambassador for the King with Sforce Duke of Milan, yet secretly, having besides his instructions and letters of credit, a private letter directed to the Duke, in recommendation of some business for the said Merueilles▪ to the end, that if the Emperor should grow jealous of the Duke, he might by means of the said letters, justify his being there, not in quality of an Ambassador, but only for his own private affairs. It chanced, the first of july, that Merueilles accompanying the Duke through the City, a Gentleman Milanois of the house of Castiglion, (having either by chance, or of purpose, picked a quarrel) demanded of one of Merueilles' servants, to whom he belonged, he answered: I serve the Lord of Merueilles of France, who is there. Nay replied Castiglion, Merueilles of the gallows: which was a very ignominious word. Another 〈◊〉 his Lord, taketh hold of this speech, and in the end, reproacheth the Milanois, 〈◊〉 spoken ill against such a parsonage: the Milanois denies it: the lie is given on 〈…〉, and the French man offers to maintain it with his sword. Castig●ion happily disdaining a man of base quality than himself, retires two of his servants draw their swords, but they are parted. Afterwards Castiglion gathers together ten or twelve 〈◊〉, with harguebuzes and pertuisans: he passeth and repasseth often before 〈◊〉 lodging: one evening he meets five or six of his servants, offers them violence: 〈…〉 retire, Merueilles complains to the Captain of t●e justice, and entreats 〈◊〉 to take order, being loath to seek revenge of their wrongs, or that they should 〈◊〉 to wrong them. The Captain makes no account thereof. Castiglion continues his course, and sets 〈◊〉 upon Merueilles' servants: but the first fear had made them wise, they defend 〈◊〉, kill him, and put his followers to flight. The next day being the 4. of july, 〈◊〉 Captain goes in the morning, to take an inventary of Merueilles goods, The unworthy execution of Merueilles. puts him 〈…〉, & all his servants he could find: gives the strapado to one above four score 〈◊〉 o●d being deaf for very age, to wrest some confession from him against his 〈◊〉 ●ee suffers not any of his friends to speak with him, or to see him: tears in 〈◊〉 disdaining to read the justifications (which according to the custom of 〈…〉 of his friends had presented him in writing): and the Sunday following, after 〈…〉, first informed of the Duke's pleasure, he cuts off his head in prison, and 〈…〉 body to be cast upon the merchants meeting place. A horrible and insolent p●●ceeding against so notable a person, being public, sacred & inviolable! If it shallbe 〈◊〉 so to violate the law of nations, what safety shall Ambassadors find with them to whom they are sent? The King demands satisfaction of this wrong of the Duke: he writes to the Emper●●●▪ and to all Princes and potentates of Christendom, as having all a private 〈◊〉 in this public injury. The Duke excuseth himself by Francis ●auerne 〈◊〉 Chancellor, Nephew to the said Merueilles, who allegeth, that the Duke 〈◊〉 ma star did never acknowledge Merueilles to have the place, nor to hold the 〈◊〉 of an Ambassador: but as a private man, his vassal and subject, The impertinent excuse of S●●●ce. he had 〈◊〉 ●ustice to be done, for the murder committed on the person of one of the 〈◊〉 gentlemen of his house. That Merueilles was a man of a vicious 〈◊〉, seditious, scandalous, a concealer of murderers and conspirators 〈…〉 life of the Duke his master, who for these causes had often let him 〈◊〉 th●t his stay at Milan was not pleasing unto him. 〈◊〉 ●●kinde Nephew (he was son to Meru●illes sister) and a bad Advocate 〈◊〉 ca●se. Had not Sforce belied himself in a letter of his own, dated the 〈…〉 of december 1532. whereof the King had the Original, where 〈◊〉 give him to understand, that his coming from the most Christian King, 〈…〉 he was, and desired to be a most humble servant) was very pleasing 〈◊〉 ●im, and that for many respects, he should always have been welcome to 〈◊〉 〈…〉 Tavern be ignorant of Merueilles' quality, seeing that he himself 〈…〉 this charge for his Uncle, being at Fontainbleau, and propounded this 〈◊〉 private recommendation to the Duke, to serve as a shadow against the 〈…〉 jealousies? Moreover he knew his Uncle had letters of credit to the 〈◊〉▪ and his instructions signed with the King's hand. But the hast●e proceeding 〈◊〉 ●●●day to Sunday, following the execution done by night and without the 〈◊〉, privity (who perchance would tumultuously have opposed, fearing to inc●●●● the revenge, which without doubt the King would take) do they not plainly discover that the fact was not excusable, nor to be justified? T●e Emperor made answer to the Ambassador de Velly, that Merueilles had well 〈◊〉 de●th, not being acknowledged for an Ambassador, but for a private gentleman, subject to the D●ke, and following his own private affairs, being 〈◊〉 moved, when as Velley presented him the Duke's Letters unto the King for 〈…〉 whereby it appeared what place Merueilles held with the Duke, 〈…〉 himself more assured of Sforce, he sent into Flanders for his niece, the 〈…〉 daughter of Christian King of Denmark, according to the promise which 〈…〉 made him at Plaisance. A nenterview betwixt the PoPe & King. About this time the Pope made his entry at Marseilles in great pomp, 〈…〉 young Ass: he was carried in a high chair, upon two men's shoulders, follow 〈…〉 Cardinal's, and the Duchess of Urbin apart, accompanied with a great number 〈◊〉 Ladies and Gentlemen. There was nothing ready for a council, which the 〈…〉 Germany did solicit with great vehemency▪ neither was there any intent of reformation. But expecting the opportunity of this general convocation, a Bull was 〈◊〉 forth to stay the course of religion, which passing from Germany into Sui●●erland, and from thence into France, did greatly multiply. Then the marriage betwixt 〈◊〉 Duke of Orleans, and Katherine de Medicis Duchess of Urbin, was consummated 〈◊〉 Clement the 7. her Uncle: who in the end of their parley, at the King's request, crea●ed four Cardinals, the Cardinal of Veneur, Bishop of Lisieux, and chief Almoner 〈◊〉 King, one borne of those three notable houses, Chastillon, Chambre and 〈◊〉, This done, the Pope embarked for Rome, the 20. of November, and the King to 〈…〉 way to avignon. Here the King resolved in his privy Counsel upon a request made unto him, as well by Christopher, son to the Duke of Wirtemberg, both in ●is own name, and 〈◊〉 fathers, spoiled of their estates seventeen years since, by the Emperor Charl●s, a●d Ferdinand his brother: as also by Lewis and William Dukes of Baviere his Vncle●. The mother of Christopher, was Daughter of a sister to Maximilian, Grandfather to the said Emperor, and King of Romans', and the consummation of the marriage of Eleonor their sister, with his Majesty, gave the Father and the son hope, that t●e King in favour of this alliance, interposing his authority for them that were p●●led, should either procure restitution of Ferdinand for these Dukes, or refusing justice, to purchase him the hatred of all Germany, which in the end might by open force dispossess him of the Duchy of Wirtemberg, and of the name of King of the Romans'. The King did greatly desire to see these Dukes restored to their estates, and to that end would willingly have opened his purse, to weaken the Emperors and 〈◊〉 brothers' forces, and by the same means, to confirm the amities which he had purchased in Germany, and to procure new, requiting the Emperor, who ●ought by a●l means to take from the King his ancient alliances. But he sought to 〈…〉 protection of these afflicted Princes in such sort, as no man might justly challenge him to have broken the treaty of Cambray. He therefore sent the Lord of 〈◊〉, with commission to do ●or these Dukes whatsoever were in his power, not 〈◊〉 contradicting the conventions: and to conclude, the consignation of a hundred 〈◊〉 Crowns, into the hands of the Dukes of Baviere, with a sufficient b●●d to his Majesty: reserving notwithstanding this clause: That his money should not be 〈◊〉 to the invasion of any one, but only for the defence of the ancient customs and 〈…〉 the Empire. The public and private persuasions of Langey, were of such efficacy, as that ancient and great League of Sueve (which had continued three score and ten years, to the benefit of the house of Austria) was disannulled. But for that the reintegration of these Dukes, could not be made but by arms, they covered inwith this expedient. That the Duke of Wirtemberg should sell the County of Montbeliard (whereof he was Lord) unto the King, for six score thousand Crowns, upon condition that he might redeem it: which money he might employ to his use, either in peace or war, without any ●reach on the King's part, to the articles of Cambray. So the Landgrave of Hessen, chief of this present League, and the Dukes of Baviere and Wirtemberg, with their allies, went suddenly to field with an army, before the Emperor or his brother could cross their attempts, restoring them that were spoiled, to the possession of their Duchy: and soon after 1534. they repaid the King's money, within thirty or forty thousand Crowns, for the which the Dukes of Baviere were answerable: and the County of Montbelliard was restored unto them. Let us now see what catastrophe the Pope's rash censure given against Henry King of E●gland, shall cause. Henry was wonderfully incensed against the Apostolic Sea, Estate of England. by reason of the injustice (he said) was done him, in that they had refused to send him commissioners to t●ke knowledge of his cause, and of the contempt done to his authority, in that they would disdainfully force him to abandon his realm, and appear personally at Rome. Notwithstanding, by the persuasions of john du Bellay, Bishop of Paris, (whom the King had sent unto him, presently after his interview with the Pope) he granted, that in case the Pope would surcease from the said sentence, until he had sent judges to be heard, that he would likewise surcease from his intention, to withdraw himself wholly from the obedience of Rome. The Bishop offers himself to go to Rome, to that end. Henry entreats him, and assures him, that having obtained his demand, he will give him authority presently, to confirm what he had yielded unto. The matter was not yet desperate, but the Consistory of Rome ga●e so short a time to have an answer from the King of England, as the Post came short two days at his return. The term expired, they proceed hastily to the confirmation of the curses and censures, Troubles through the Pope's rash & hasty proc●eding. notwithstanding the Bishops' instance, to obtain six days delay, seeing the King of England had wavered six years before he fell. Two days were scarce passed, after the prefixed time, but the post arriving, with authority and declarations from England, did greatly amaze those hasty Cardinals, who afterwards could find no means to amend that which they had marred. The matter (saith the Original) was so hasted, as that which could not be finished in three consistories, was done in one. This indignity done to the King of England, and the small respect they had to his Majesty, caused both him and his rea●me, to shake off the yoke of the Roman obedience, declaring himself immediately under God, supreme head of the Church of England. In the mean time, the King not able to get by justice, a reparation of the unworthy death of his Ambassador at Milan, he studied to have his revenge by arms. To this end, following the example of the Romans', he erected in every Province of his realm, a Legion of six thousand foot, under the command of six Gentlemen, who for every thousand should have two Lieutenants, and under every Ensign five hundred men, who in time of peace, should once a year make a general muster: and the Captains should know their names and surnames, with the dwellings of every one, to have them ready at all commands. Then he sent William Earl of Fustemberg, into Germany, to make a levy of twenty Ensigns of Lansquenets, and demanded passage of the Duke of Savoy, through his Country, to be revenged of the wrong done him by the D●ke of Milan. The Savoisien refuseth it: which causeth our Francis to demand the portion of Lovyse of Savoye his mother, sister to the said Duke, children to Philip Duke of Savoy Philip had to his first wife a daughter of Bourbon, New moti●●● of war in Savoy. by whom he had Philibert Duke of Savoy, and Lowyse the King's mother. Then he had to his second wife, a Daughter of Ponthieure, by whom he had Charles, who is now in question, and the Earl of Geneva, afterwards Duke of Nemours. Philibert was dead without children, and therefore the King challenged a good portion in the succession of Savoy, his mother coming of the first venture, and sole heir to the said Philibert. But the King's deputies not able to draw any reason from Charles, Uncle to his Majesty, he must seek that by force, which he could not get by a friendly and amiable composition. The King's first stratagem, was to bring a part of Rinse de Ceres company into Geneva, to secure them against Charles, who besieged it. The second was to stir up the Bernois, allies and neighbours to Geneva: who taking the Town into their protection, went to field with ten or twelve thousand men, made the Duke retire, 1535. spoiled him of a good part of the lands that were under his obedience, chased away the Bishop of Lauzanna, and joining it to their jurisdiction, they remain still in possession thereof. The Emperor returned then from his victory of Tunis against Barberousse, and seeming desirous to make a more stricter League with the King, he offered him a pension of a hundred thousand Crowns a year, out of the Duchy of Milan, for any one of his Children, whom he should name: he treated the marriages of the Dauphin with the Infant of Portugal, Daughter to Queen Eleonor: and of the Duke of Angoulesme, with such a one as the King should well like of (it seemed that he meant the Infant of Spain) to the end that by these new bonds of conjunction, tying their friendships more firmly, they might jointly participate (said he) in the honour and profit of the mighty conquests, which they should make upon Grece. All this was but cunning. The Emperor was tired, and his forces were ●as●ed by the toils of war, and the great heat they had endured. And the King being ready with a fresh and mighty army, The emperors dissimulation. threatened the Duchies of Savoy and Milan: he must therefore busy him with some ba●te, and at the least stay the exploits of his forces. The death of Francis Sfo●ce, presents a new occasion. By this death the Emperor pretends to be freed of that blood, The death of Francis Sforce. and that he might dispose of this Duchy at his pleasure. The captains promise to hold their places of the Emperor. The Emperor gives hope, not only to dispose of the said Duchy to the King's liking, but also to conclude of a general war, against the Turk: in the which he offered to impart with the King, the good or evil that should grow thereby, and of the faith a●d reunion of the Church, namely for the reducing of Germany and England, to the general belief of Christians, and of a general peace in Christendom. In the mean time he prepared for wa●re: he caused Cont Nassau to make a great Levy in Germany, and called back Ferdinand Gonsague into Italy, with his Spaniards which remained in Sicily. Thus all the negotiations and practices of these two great Princes, gave sufficient signs of open war: there wanted nothing but a lawful occasion for either of them to blame his companion, and to lay upon him the causes of the first invasion. The Emperor required moreover, that for the quiet of Italy, the King should desist from the action of Genes. That excluding the Duke of Orleans, from the estate and Duchy of Milan (the which the King demanded for his second son, according to the treaty made with the Pope at Marseilles) the Duke of Angoulesme, for that he was farthest from the Crown, should be invested. That the King should send him the said Duke of Orleans, to assist him at the conquest of Alger which he pretended. The King desired greatly to maintain true friendship with him, and to unite it by as strong alliances as the Emperor offered, that the greatness of the one might not breed any jealousy in the other. As for the action of Genes, he was content to surcease that controversy, until it might be decided by good and lawful means: to renounce for ever his pretensions to Naples, and to cause the said Duke of Orleans to yield up his quarrel to Florence and Urbin, with such security as the Emperor should require: so as his second son might be invested in Milan. He promised the Pope (which was Alexander Farnese, under the name of Paul the 3. successor of Clement. 7.) summoning all Princes to that end, to employ his forces, to make Germany and England obey the sentence & decree of the Church, and to employ himself in favour of the said Emperor, to the states and Princes of the Empire, that they should jointly receive his brother Ferdinand, for the true and lawful King of the Romans. He offered to secure the Emperor in his holy war with a certain number of galleys, and men entertained, promising to accompany him the year following, in the vo●age of Constantinople, with all his forces. But to exclude the Duke of Orleans from the inheritance of his Ancestors, which his eldest brother did willingly yield unto him, in favour of his marriage, to install his youngest son: was it not to sow dissension and cause of war, 1536. betwixt them whom he desired to breed up in peace and brotherly love? And to what end did the Emperor demand the Duke of Orleans, but rather to hold him in manner of an hostage, then to make any show of love or trust? On the other side, to give hope, that he would compound with the King touching Mil●n, and to urge this clause vehemently, That all should be managed without the Pope's privity,) who no doubt would seek all means to cross it (said the Emperor), if he should understand they had treated without imparting it unto him, and notwithstanding to give intelligence to the Court of Rome, by Andrew Dorie, and to assure him, that although he gave ear to the King's ministers, yet would he not conclude any thing without the advise and consent of his Holiness: was not this a corrupt proceeding, seeking to breed a jealousy and distrust betwixt the Pope and his Majesty? The King (wearied with these long dissimulations and delays, without effect,) sent the Lord of Beauu●is unto Venice, to make a new League with the Senate: and the King of England ●ent the Bishop of Winchester to the same effect. The Emperor had some intelligence thereof: and to cross the King's desseins, he sent Du Prat, a Gentleman of his house, to make a new levy of L●nsquenets: and And●ew Dorie to Genes, to prepare his army by sea, but under colour of his enterprise of Alger. Who would not then judge, but in steed of a confirmation of peace and love, all things tended to open war? Nothing could detain these invincible warriors, but that the Empeour, after so great a dissipation of his forces, could not so suddenly repair his army, and the King making a scruple to be the first assailant, would not incur the blame, to ha●e broken the treaty of Cambray. But without breach thereof, many motives of discontent, had long incensed him against the Duke of Savoy. Causes of the King's dislike with the duke of Savoy. The jewels which the Duke had engaged, to borrow money for the Duke of Bourbon, and to favour his rebellion against the King: the letters of congratulation he had written for his taking at Pa●●a: his pursuit to withdraw the Swisses from the alliance of France: the purchase of the County of Ast, his refusal to lend Nice, for the interview of Pope Clement and his Majesty, and to give him passage against Sforce, the detention of his Mother's inheritance, which the King could not by any amiable means draw his Uncle to restore. This must be tried by the sword. The King therefore sent Francis of Bourbon, Earl of Saint Paul, who before the Duke could oppose his forces, conquered all Savoy, Conquest of Savoy. except Montmelian, where Francis of Charamont a Neapolitan commanded, who wanting victuals, and without ●ope of succours, in the end yielded up the place, to departed with baggage: and afterwards contemned by the Duke, he followed the victor's fortune, & in the end did good service to the Crown. Then the Emperor granted (by the Lord of Cans and Granuelle) the Duchy of Milan to the Duke of Orleans. But when it came to demand the security and conditions of his installment, they made answer to the Ambassador de Velly, That it was sufficient for that time to have granted the principal, the rest should be treated of with Philip Chabot Earl of Busançois, Admiral of France, who should presently arrive, (they supposed he should first make a voyage without any forces) and that they must keep this conclusion secret from the knowledge of his Holiness. All this discovered plainly, that it was a trick of their ordinary craft and dissembling, to lull the King asleep in the beginning of his course. At the same instant, the King hath news, The emperors practis●● under hand. sufficient to give h●m a certain impression of the emperors desseins, That the Pope had been duly advertised by the emperors ministers, of all these practices, which he would have secretly managed: That the Venetians, at the urgent request of the Emperor, were entered into a defensive League for the Duchy of Milan, in favour of any one he should invest: That he offered great matters to the King of England, to draw him to his devotion: That Du Prat passing by Milan, had delivered speeches quite contrary to the hopes and promises which the Emperor had given: and that in 〈◊〉 he had made great preparation for war. That the Emperor took upon him 〈◊〉 protection of the Duke of Savoy. And for the sixth point, the preparations made 〈◊〉 Andrew Dorie. It was therefore resolved, to proceed in Savoye and farther, without breaking off (on his part) this negotiation with the Emperor. To this end, the King sent (for his Lieutenant general) the Earl of Busa●s●●s Admiral of France, with eight hundred Lances: whereof the several Captains' we●e james Galeat, The King's army. master of the horse, and master of the Ordinance of Fra●ce: Robert Steward Marshal of France: René of Montiean, Francis Marquis of Saluss●s, claud of Annebault, Anthony Lord of Montpesat, john d'Estouteuille, Lord of Villebon Provost of Paris, Gabriel d' Alegre, Charles Tier●●lin Lord of Roche du main, and john ●aul d● Cere. A thousand light horse, under the command of the Lords o● Esse, Term, Aussun, & Verets of Savoy. Twelve thousand of his legionary men, that is t●o thousand Picards, commanded by Michael of Brabançon, Lord of Cany, and Anthony of Mailly Lord of Auchy. Two thousand Normans, under their captains La Sale, and Saint Aubin the Hermit. Two thousand Champanois, lead by john d' Ar●lure Lord of jour, and by the Lord of Quinsy. A thousand of Languedo●s, under the Knight d' Ambres. Four thousand out of Daulphiné, under the Lord of Bres●●●x, and others. And a thousand under the Lord of Forges, the King's ordinary Cupbearer: of all which bands René of Montiean was Colonel: six thousand L●●●quenets, lead by William Earl of ●urs●emberg: Two thousand French, not Legionaries, lead by their Captains Lartigue-Dieu, Blanch, Anguar and War●●s a Navarrois. Two thousa●d Italians, under the command of Marc Anthony of Cusan, a Gentleman Mil●nois, and a thousand under Captain Christopher G●●●o: eight hundred pioneers, six hundred and four score horse for Artillery, and the charge thereof appointed to be ●●der the g●uernment of claud of Cou●is Lord of Bury. Count Philip Torniel, and john jaques of Medicis Marquis of Marignan, marched before, to stop the passage of Suze: but Anneb●ult advancing with the troops of Daulphiné, Beginning of the wars in Piedmont. prevented them with speed, chased them before him, from lodging to lodging, and at the first summons, put● into the King's hands the towns of Turin and Chivas. Don Laurence Emanuel, john jaques de Medicis, and john Baptista Caslaldo, camped upon the ri●er of Doaire. The French and Lansquenets, impatient to attend the making of a brid●e, wade through the water even unto the breast, repulse the imperials, and make them ret●re towards Verceil. A gallant legionary (to whom the History ought his name) swimming through the river, brought away a Boat in despite of the enemy's shot, for the building of a Bridge. The Admiral, to encourage the rest according to the King's command, caused a gold ●i●g to be given him, in view of the whole army. The Emperor was upon terms of his departure from Naples, to make his entry into Rome, when as these happy beginnings made him to renew the treaties of an accord: but with such slow proceeding, as a man might easily judge, that his only intent was, to stay the King in his course, labouring to entertain him with doubts, hopes, and delays. In the mean time, he solicits the Pope to declare himselve on his party: he assured the Duke of Savoye, to cause all he had lost to be soon restored to him again: he hastened the levy of his Lansquenets: causeth his horsemen to advance: draws Artillery and Munition out of Imperial Towns: makes them to march towards Italy: protests again to the Pope, that he would never yield Milan to the King, nor suffer him to possess one foot of land in Italy: he solicited the Court of Rome, the Senate of Venice, and all other Potentates of Italy, to oppose against the investing of any stranger in the Duchy of Milan. These were vehement presumptions, to show, that the Emperor meant not to treat but armed: which caused the King to command his Admiral to proceed in his first course, (he had temporised by his majesties commandment, attending the issue of this new parley) and to march against Verce●l●: and if he encountered his enemies with equal●tie▪ to ●ight with them. There were three thousand men, to defend Verceil, and four mile's 〈◊〉, Anthony de Leave camped with about six hundred horse, and twelve thousand 〈◊〉, not as Lieutenant to the Emperor, but as Captain general for the League of Ital●e, cutting off the passage to Caguin, and Hannibal Go●s●gue, Guy Earl of ●●●gan, an● some other pensioners to the King, who had brought for his service, five hundred light horse, choice men, bred up in the former wars, and si●●e thousand f●ot. The Admiral therefore, to be assured of Anthony de Leave, demands free passage for the fo●esaid pensioners. I will (answered Leave) give them assurance, so as they come for the League of Italy. A sufficient answer to begin the war, whereof the ●ing would by no means be the first author. During this time, the Emperor made his entry into Rome. An entry, which by the ruin (amongst other buildings) of that ancient temple of Peace, The emperors en●●ie into 〈◊〉. g●ue the most 〈◊〉, occasion to judge that his entry was not with an intent to confirm a peace, as he gave hope by his speeches, but contrariwise, to deface all memory thereof. Hi● actions did afterwards confirm many in this opinion, for after Charles his fi●st parley with the Pope, the Bishop of Mascon and Velly Ambassadors for Fr●●ce, the one to the Pope, the other to the Emperor, learned from the Pope's o●n mouth (who said he would remain a Neuter, as a common father to maintain Instile, and yet oppose against the obstinacy of him that would not yield to reas●●,) that the Emperor would never condescend, to give Mil●n to the Duke of Or●eans. This was the chief point: and either party growing obstinate, upon the effect of this clause, what accord could be expected? This holy father was little affected to the house of Medicis, and therefore would hardly have been pleased, to see a daughter of that house Duchess of Mil●n. To conclude, the Emperor did submit his instalement, to the Pope's liking: and the Pope did promise verbally, to yield unto it, if the Emperor would consent: yet did he freely show, that the Emperor entertained this practice of purpose, to abuse the King, whilst that he should fortify himself with alliances, men, and money, and, yet as it ●ere, giving scope to both parties: I think (said the Pope to the French Ambassadors, replying that this condition failing, the King their master would never come to any conclusion) that things cannot pass, without a breach▪ for that the Emperor nei●her will, nor can give Milan, without the consent of some, who in my opinion will neue● yield. These were the Venetians, whom the Emperor did coldly entreat, to like of ●●is clause but in effect to contradict it: and all in general, would have no Duke of Mil●n, who might at any time, unite this goodly estate to the Crown of France▪ for (●aid they,) the Duke of Angoulesme being invested in the Duchy of Milan, although he depends on the King his father: yet marrying one of the emperors Nieces, ●hee offered him the widow of Sforce) his wife would be of the emperors faction, and so matters should remain in suspense, whereas the Duke of Orleans, besides many other obstacles, must be only at the King his father's devotion: a●d a● husband to the Niece of Pope Leo, and of Clement, would not cease to pretend an interest in the estates of Florence and Urbin▪ and consequently, by new, and pretended quarrels, trouble the quiet of Italy. In t●e end, the Emperor in a speech made to the Pope, in the presence of all Cardinals, and many Ambassadors, as well to show (said he) his good meaning, and how much he desired the peace of Christendom, as to he cleared hereafter, be●●●e God and men, he offered again three conditions to the King. The first to give the Duchy of Milan to one of his children, so as thereby he might confirm a good and durable peace, maintaining notwithstanding that it could not be, so long as the King continued obstinate in favour of the Duke, 1529. of Orleans. The second was; to fight with the King, hand to hand with like arms, and hostages, in an Island upon a bridge or boat, or any other place of safety, to avoid greater effusion of blood, being reasonable that they, by whom such great combustions did grow, should decide their quarrels in person. A Spanish brag. But upon condition, that the victor should give his forces to the holy Father, to maintain the celebration of a Council, to reduce them that were rebelled and sequestered from the Church, and to the suppression of Infidels: and that the vanquished should assist the victor with all his power. Requiring moreover, that this combat chancing, the King should pawn the Duchy of Bourgoigne, and the Emperor that of Milan, both to be adjudged to the victor. The third was, a protestation never to take arms, but forced, foreseeing that the war would be so cruel, as the victory would be of small profit to the victor, and should but open a passage to the common enemy of our faith. And to conclude, he added, that what he had propounded touching a peace, proceeded not from any fear, having never sought peace in loss, but could well give it to them that were vanquished. But contrariwise, three good and just reasons gave him an assured hope of victory. That he was not the beginner of this war. That the King had begun it in a season of great advantage for the Emperor. That he found his subjects, Captains, and soldiers so well disposed, as if the Kings were like unto them, he would crave mercy with his hands and feet bound. The second article of the three, and the last, being but brags, were by the Ambassadors, (as shallbe noted hereafter) concealed from the King. The Pope requested them, that without prejudice to the King, they should suppress what might incense his majesty, adding thereunto the explication, which the Emperor himself did afterwards make of his words, at the request of the French Ambassadors (desirous to know if the Emperor had any meaning thereby, to charge the King to have done any thing prejudicial to his honour, or if his intention were to challenge him,) he publicly declared: That what he had spoken, was but by way of advice and proposition, as being more fit, and of less inconvenience, then to expose the lives of so many thousands, fight for their quarrels, to the mercy of arms, to decide it betwixt them two, with the peril of their own bloods: not meaning in any sort to tax the King, whom he knew to be a great Prince both in courage and person, much less to defy him, The emperors protestation. and in the presence of his holiness, without whose permission he would not attempt such an action. So as the King answering only to those articles whereof he was advertised, failed in these. The Emperor having thus published his protestation, took his leave of the Pope, who displeased in show of the near breach of peace, resolved to be a Neuter, not assisting either party with council or favour concerning the war. In the mean time the Admiral (having express commandment from the King, and afterward reiterated by john Cardinal of Lorraine (sent by his majesty to the Emperor,) not to attempt any thing whereby the imperials might frame any just complaint) had retired his army towards Saint German, with an intent to assure himself of the town of Yuree, and of all the valley towards the Swisses, to receive men for the King's service, if they should come to open war, and to succour Turin when need should require. But having intelligence of the emperors care, to increase his forces, and that Anthony de Leave was resolved to pass into Astisan, to cut off his victuals behind, he sent Montpesat with two hundred men at arms, four thousand French foot, and eight hundred Italians, to seize upon Fossan, Vignon, Savillan, Cony, Mout-devis and other towns there abouts: And to provide for the fortification of Turin, he sent Stephen Colonne with a hundred men at arms, and four thousand foot. From words in the end they fall to blows. The Emperor hitherto fed us with good words, now he discovers himself: and to make an open declaration of war, he makes three armies to assail at one instant, the Provinces of Picardy, 1536. Provence and Champagne. To cross him, the King disperseth fourteen, or fifteen thousand of those men which he had in Piedmont, to fortify those places, The King's preparation for the war. which he held beyond the Alpes: and calls back his Admiral, to the end he might lay all the blame of this invasion upon the Emperor. Considering moreover, that the Admiral having placed his garrisons) had been too weak in field, he sent Commissions with great sums of money to Charles of Bourbon, Duke of Vendosme, Governor of Picardy, Grandfather to our most Christian and victorious King, and to claud of Lorraine, Duke of Guise, Governor of Champagne, brother in law to the said Duke, to levy sixteen thousand Adventurers, to divide them into frontier Towns, and to provide for the victualling, and fortifications thereof. At Marseilles he placed Antony of Rochefoucault, Lord of Barbezieuz. In Daulphiné, john Lord of Hum●eres. In Guionne, Henry of Albret King of Navarre, for his Lieutenants, and governors in the said Provinces. And himself (resolute to oppose against the enemy, some fortified places upon the frontier, to make him to consume time, men, munition, victuals, and money, in the siege and battery thereof,) assembled the rest of his forces near to his own person. The Admiral retiring out of Piedmont, left claud Lord of Annebault, to command within Turin, as the King's Lieutenant, with a hundred men at arms, and three hundred light horse, led by the Lords of Aussun, Terms and Essa: four thousand five hundred foot, under the enseigns of the Lords of Auchy, Cany, Sale, Quincy, Lartigue-Dieu, Blanch and Anguar, and two thousand Italians, under the charge of Mar●e-Anthonie of Cusan: of all which footmen, Charles of Coucis, Lord of Bury, was head and Colonel general: and the rest of the army Francis Marquis of Salusses commanded. This was to give the purse to keep to the veriest thief▪ but his treachery was yet covered with a great show of hypocrisy. He had long determined to revolt Fear, and hope moved him thereunto, fear to lose his estate, hope, to be favoured by the Emperor, in the cause he pretended to the Marquisat of Montferrat. Moreover he was a man curious to know what was to come, and did superstitiously believe Soothsayers, who had foretold him, that the Emp●rour should this year dispossess the King of his Realm. The first act of his treason appeared in this, that the enemy being near, and strong, he said he had neither order nor means to fortify any place in time, or to make it tenable, but that of Turin: and that to put in more men than t●ose that were, were to lose them wilfully. The second was, when as the Lords of Mon●pesat, Roche du main▪ Villebon, the Knight of Ambres, Saint Aubin, the Earl of Pontreme and other Captains were resolved to attend the enemy in some place of importance, before he came to Turin, and was concluded to put themselves into Foss●n, after they had received commandment to hold Fossan or Cony only for fifteen ●ayes, to keep the Imperials occupied; he discovered this desseine to Anthony de Leave, advising him to come thither with speed, promising to deliver into his hands, both the Town and men that were in it: and in steed of sending to Fossan the meal, a culvering, three Canons, powder and bullets, which he had drawn out of Coney, he con●●ied thither, but one Canon, a Culverin, five barrels of powder and some bullets, Treacheries of the Marquis of 〈◊〉. but of an other size: he put all the rest into his house at Ravel, & retired the night following. A horrible treason. He had been brought up with the King, from his infancy, well maintained during the life of the Marquis Michael Anthony his brother, and honoured with the order of Saint Michael. And which is more, his Marquisate having been adjudged unto the King for the treason, & rebellion of john Lewis, the eldest of the house, after the decease of Michael, the King had not only invested him, but also given him freely out of the conquest of Savoie, to the number of seventeen Towns, the flower of Piedmont, amounting to more in revenue, than the Marquisate, amongst the which Savillan, Cony, Fossan, Cavallimont, Mont-devis, and others, which he pretended to be ancient appurtenances of the said Marquisate. According to the advice of Francis of Salusses, Anthony de Leave, leaving at Turin (which he had belegard) ten thousand men, Fossan besieged. to continue the siege, came and camped before Fossan the twelfth of june: makes his approaches, gins his trenches: many of the assailants lose their lives, few of the besieged. The third day, the Canon plays, but slowly. The Marquis assured them, that showing themselves before one gate: the besieged would go forth at an other: they go forth indeed, but not like men that fled. The Baron of Castelpers Lieutenant to Montpesat, led the horse, Warts the foot. A gallant sally. The Imperial Lansquenets were lodged somewhat far from blows, and therefore their guards were but weak. Wartis doth charge them, and at the first gives them a great check. Castelpers arrives, and reenforceth the Alarm. Anthony de Leave sends a good number of Spaniards, to cut off our men in their retreat: and they whom he had appointed to guard the trenches, seeing every one run to the alarm, would likewise have their share in it. Saint Petre Corse appointed with Villebon to guard the Bastion newly begun, within the Town, perceiving the trenches unfurnished, issues forth with some Champanois and Normans, kills five and twenty, or thirty men, and puts the rest to flight. Anthony de Leave sends the rest of his men which remained, to second them, Anthony de Leave fo●ced to fly out of his Campe. and himself being old, and full of the gout, is carried forth of his lodging to save himself: they follow him: but those which carried him, set him in the come, where the height of the ears covered him, from such as sought him. It is a rashness, yea in the greatest Captains, to contemn an enemy. Anthony de Leave building upon the hope which the Marquis had given them, left the besieged a gate free, thi● king they would retire to Coney. But this was a refreshing unto them, for of seven wells which they had in the Town, five were dried up in two days. Anthony therefore persuaded, that the besieged attended some more honest excuse, and colour for their retreat, he plants four Cannons in battery, and makes a breach for twenty men in front. Fossan had no ditches, so as the Imperials might more easily assail, than the French could defend the walls. But Anthony would reserve his Spaniards for some better enterprise: they were old soldiers, and the whole hope of his army. The Italians would not march, unless they were paid: and the Germans (who held themselves of no less reputation, than the Spaniards) would not hazard themselves alone. So the breach continues twelve days in this sort, giving them leisure to repair it, and to make atrench within, and a ramparwell flanked. The time the King had appointed, was now passed: they had no wine, nor meal, but some Corn, and no mills, and the Marquis had maliciously sent away the workmen they had to make any. Moreover, the King commanded them, not to hold it so long, as very necessity should force them to accept a shameful condition. But it was a point of honour, for the one to demand, and for the others to give a composition. In the end, the grief which Anthony de Leave conceived, to spend the time before a paltry hen's ro●st, which might have been better employed: and the great desire those within the Town had, to do the King good service, in the affairs of better importance, made them to enter into capitulation: whereby at the end of the month, they departed with their arms, and enseigns displayed, leaving nothing in the Town but the artillery, munition, & their great horses, which were above 16. handfuls & four fingers high, except twelve, at the choice of the Captains: and came to refresh, and to horse themselves anew at Marseilles, honoured by the King, with three months pay, besides that which was due. But the enemy had small profit by their horses, for they had filled them before with new corn, so as when they came to water them, most of them burst with drinking. Let us here observe some other Spanish brags, but boldly encountered by a French liberty of speech. Eight days after the Capitulation was signed, the Emperor came to visit Anthony de Leves Camp, accompanied with the Dukes of Savoie, Albe, Bavier, and Brunswick, the Princes of Salerne and Bis●g●an, the Marquis of Guast, and many others: he cau●ed his army to be put in battle, and finds it goodly, and pleasing to his mind. he calls Roche du main, la Palisse (the only son of the Marshal of Cha●annes deceased) and Assier (the only son of the master of the King's ho●se) who remained for hostages of the Composition: he embraceth la Roche courteously, whom he had heard reputed to be a gallant Gentleman, causeth him to cover his head, by ●eason of the heat of the sun: and says, that to do him a pleasure, he will show him his army: My Lord (answered La Roche) to show me your army goodly, as you esteem it, were contrary to all content. I should be better pleased to see it poor, and ruined: unless the King my master and you would agree together, and not bring two such goodly armies to fght, as yours, and that which the King will shortly oppose against you, to the prejudice of all Christendom. If you were both well advised, you would agree and hold, both the Turk and all others in subjection. But to think to overthrow one another, were a mere folly. And if the first army the King shall oppose against you, should chance to be vanquished (which God forbidden) he will within fifteen days raise another▪ yea and at need, would show you as many Gentlemen on foot, as you have men here of all sorts. Whereupon the Emperor said: I am not ignorant of the King's forces, so are mine well known unto him. As for an accord, I will never stop mine ears against that motion▪ so as it might be made as it ought. This being spoken, he commanded the Marquis of Guast, to conduct them about the army, and to dine with the Princes of Germany: that after dinner he would see them again. After dinner the Emperor said: How think you of mine army? I find it very fair, answered la Roche, it is pity you employ it not in some other desseine. The Emperor replied, Where think you I will employ it? La Roche answered, Into Provence. The Emperor said, The Provencalls are my subjects (he did commonly peruse the map of Provence, and had already devoured this Province in imagination, but he shall find the situation stronger than in his map, and men of a firmer metal than paper) La Roche answered: You shall find very rebellious, and disobedient subjects. The Emperor replied: How many days journey is it from hence to Paris? La Roche answered. If you mean battles, at the least a dozen, if the invader (meaning the Emperor) have not his head broken at the first. The Emperor smiled, admiring his wit: and some one of the assistants (who knew Tei●celin well) said, I told you before my Liege, he could speak well if he list. Then the Emperor taking the word, gave him assurance that he would give ear to any proposition of peace, so as it might be worthily treated of. And in truth he doth revive it: but this was to have speedier means to send news to the Earl of Nassau, and to receive intelligence from him: that both his army, and that which the Earl led upon the marches of Picardy, might at one instant invade the frontiers of the Realm. Moreover, attending the yielding up of Fossan, he made at Savillan, Montdevis, Cony, and Tend, great provision of biscuit, and beasts of burden to follow the Camp with this biscuit, and other victuals to supply the waste which he did foresee. Some, and the greatest number, counseled him to pursue the recovery of the country, which the King had won from the Duke of Savoy, by means whereof he might plant a strong bar against the French forces: and first to settle a sure peace beyond the Alpes, before he came to make war in France. Other men clawed him where it did itch, and by a more pleasing then wholesome Council persuaded him to take on his way to Provence. The Earldom pleased him greatly, gaping wonderfully after it, for the commodity of his passage upon the Mediterranean sea, hoping that, as Italy should take breath, and new courage after the ruins and desolations where with it hath been continually shaken these thirty years, the curses, spoils, sword, and fi●e, which he should draw after him, chase, destroying, amazing and making desolate the people of France, Paris in the end, and the Crown of France should be the prize and recompense of his victories. But he reckoned without his host, Marseille in steed of making his entry into the Realm, shall shamefully make him retire into Castille. Many enticements draw him into France. We have had (said he) almost for these twenty years, a continual victory against the enemy. The Duchy of Mi●an which we now possess, The Emperor's conceit of his passage into France. is a certain testimony of our triumphs: we have reason to retain the same resolution in this war, and the same hope which conquerors ought to have: and leave unto the French, terror and despair, which commonly doth accompany the vanquished. We are superiors in number, men of better constitution, more practised in the art of war: and leaving some part of our forces on this side the mountains, we have sufficient remaining to encounter the enemy's power. But that which will give us the victory, we march against one that hath broken his faith. (the judicious reader may consider which of these two Princes had most right, whether the Emperor, taking upon him the protection of the Duke of Savoye: or the King seeking his right by force of arms, which he could not obtain by reason from hi● Uncle) Doubt not but we have God for us, he is a just judge, and a rigorous revenger of the breach of faith. Moreover let us not fear, that the king of France can fortify himself on this side the Alpes: he wi●● prepare all his forces against this army: but I have an other, ready to invade Picardy: and besides, t●e Empress prepares one in my kingdoms of Spain, which shall come by La●guedoc, to join with me. I levy an ot●er to assail Champagne and Bourgorgne, in the hottest of these wars, the which shall perform as much for my service as t●e rest. Having so great preparatives, and in so ma●y place●, and the king so surprised as he cannot ●n time assemble sufficient forces to encounter so many armies: it is impossible but on some one side, we should make a passage by force, even into the heart of his Realm. We have good intelligences and manage great practi●es. This spoke the Emperor. But, Dost thou know the decres of heaven (saith the Eternal reprehending man) and wilt thou dispose of the government thereof upon earth? What were these great practices and secret intelligences, which the Emperor vaunted to have in France? A politic Commander doth commonly use this kind of speech, to give courage to his men, and breed jealousy and distrust in his enemy against his subjects. He had some secret practiser upon the Town of Langres, (b●t the Inhabitants were too faithful to their King, and since in these latter days, have given sufficient testimony of their obedience to the Crown) Some hel● that the Marquis of Salusses had partakers of his treachery: and William D●ke of Baviere said openly, that many in France, holding the same party, would discover themselves at need. The death of F●anci● the Dauphin poisoned. But whatsoever it were, that which gave a more lively impression: Francis Dauphin of Viennois, the King's eldest son, whom his majesty (going from Lions, to see his army which he meant to oppose against the Emperor) had left sick at Tournon, dies the fourth day of his sickness, being about t●e●ty years old▪ bred up by his father, in singular expectation of all the world, to prove in ●ime, a great and most excellent Prince. And Sebastian Earl of Monte-c●c●llo, found guilty of poison, and for that cause was drawn in pieces with four hor●es within Lions, had by his confession declared, that the Emperor had once inquired: If he knew the order and manner of the kings eating and drinking. An attempt so wicked, as it is scarce credible, that so wretched and damnable a treason should enter into the heart of so generous a Prince. Notwithstanding when Don Ferdinand of Gonzague presented the said Sebastian to the Emperor: saying, that he was ready to execute that which he had promised unto him, and to Anthony de Leave: if the desseine extended upon any places of the French obedience, why did he inform himself of the Kings eating and drinking? Besides, during these practices, why did Don Lopes of Sora, Ambassador f●r the Emperor at Venice, inquire who should reign in France, and against whom the Emperor should pursue these wars, in case the King and his children should die: If he had not been acquainted with some fatal practice against the said Princes. Thus the Emperor, resolute to pass, against the opinion of the clearest sighted (as he afterwards confessed unto the King with his own mouth: who having till than see●ed to follow Council, did now rashly follow his own head) and now by divers and many expeditions, of division of places, offices, Captaineshippes, governments, gifts of Towns and castles, devouring (by presumption) the goods of the King's subjects and servants, he left ten thousand men to continue the siege of Turin: and for the affairs of Piedmont, he divided his army into three bands, for the greater commodity of the passage, and appointed their Rendezvous at Nice, and there abouts. In the first were the men at arms, with the Lansquenets of the Lord of Thamise, conducting the artillery and the baggage, who took their way by the river of Genes. In the second Don Ferdinand of Gonsague, The Emperors' passage into Provence. general of the light horse and with them some Neapolitan men at arms, the Lords of Iselsthein, Dietri●, Speech, Wolf, Dietric of Kuttringhem Colonels of the Reistres, than the Marquis of Guast with the Spaniards and the emperors household, and at their tail Anthony de Leave, with the Lansquenets of Marc Ebensthein: after whom marched the Emperor, in the midst of a troop of Spaniards, followed by the Lansquenets of Gaspar of Fronsberg, taking the direct way from Fossan to Nice. In the third, were the Italians, which took their way by Coney. On the other side the King made his necessary provisions at Lions, and providing for all parts where the enemy might land, he sent claud of Savoie Earl of tend, and the Lord of Bonnevall his Lieutenant's general in that army, to join with William Earl of Furstemberg Colonnel of his Lansquenets, & other Captains placed towards Cisteron, The King's order against the Empeour. upon the passages of Roquesparuiere, Terrenewe, and other approaches, to spoil the corn, either standing, or in the barn: to draw all that might be into strong places: to beat down all ovens and mills, which might any way help the enemy, to burn the horsemeat: to beat out the heads of their wine vessels, if they did not speedily retire them, and to cast corn into their wells to corrupt the waters. All the people, both great and small, were so wonderfully affected to the public good, as every man forgets the grief of his private loss. The Lords of Mas, Calds, Carses and many others, prick them forward by their example, themselves setting fire on their corn, barns, and mills, and causing fellows to drink their wine. And for that the King had not yet all his forces united, to present himself with honour and reason in people before the imperials, his majesty appointed the Lord of Montmorency, at that time Lord Steward & Marshal of France, his Lieutenant general as well on this side as beyond the Alpes, to seize upon avignon. But for that the King would consult with him, more at large of these great affairs, he sent Robert Steward Lord of Aubigny Martial of France, to that end, with eight thousand Swisses, who kept the enemy from the said town. Montmorency having in avignon imparted to the Marshal d' Aubigny and other Commanders, the means which seemed most convenient for the managing of this war: he came to Aix, viewed thesituation of the place, and finding it hard to fortify, by reason of certain little hills near at hand, which looking into the Town, Aix abandoned . might serve as a Cavalier or Mount for the enemy to plant his ordinance on, he caused all that might be, to be transported, razed the portals and such defences as it had, and abandoned it, leaving it empty and unprofitable for the enemy. The Emperor was now in the plain of Cans, and the next day Don Fernand Gonsague, who led the forward, should advance with eighteen hundred horse and six thousand Lansquenets, (whereof the master of the Camp marched sometimes three or four Leagues before the whole army) Montiean, a hardy and adventurous Knight, seeking opportunity in the beginning of this war to do the King some notable service, resolved to see if he could surprise this Master of the Campe. Boisy no less covetous of glory, would be his Companion in this enterprise, they part with about eight score horse, and three hundred foot, and encounter Don Fernand with his horsemen, who came to take lodging for the forward in the Town of Luc, on this side the river of Argence, and gave him an alarm: but unable to fight with so gre●t a troop, they sound the retreat, and all tired come about the shutting of the evening to Brignoles. Don Fernand, advertised by them that went and came, of the small number of our men, takes a number of choice men, marcheth speedily after them, 〈…〉 all the rest of his forces to follow: he passeth on the one side of ●rig●oles, 〈…〉 a great ambush where our men should pass the next day, and doth 〈…〉 in betwixt his troop and the ambush: at the break of day he chargeth 〈…〉 village, some Barricadoes which the Captains had made stay them, 〈…〉 arm and go to horse back, The defeat & ta●ing of Mon●iean & Bois●. they kill some at the first, and lose above ●ort●e, ●●●●iean and Boisy take the field, they place Ca●taine ●artis with h●s 〈…〉 the wings of their horsemen, marching close covered with their 〈…〉 Aix, maintaining still the shock of the enemy, they kill and hurt many in 〈…〉 ways, whereas the enemy could not stretch forth his troops. 〈…〉 the open champain, assailed by their whole force, charged by the 〈…〉 one of their flanks, the Lansquenets approaching, this present supply 〈…〉 to the enemy, and the peril without hope of f●ccour m●kes the French 〈◊〉 faint: they all give way, all are overthrown: and of all this troop but three men at arms escaped, but were slain or taken. Montie●n, Boisy, the o●her Cap●●i●e●, and many Gentlemen which had followed them, (desirous to make pro●●● of their persons,) are taken prisoners. There were slain of the enemies (besides t●e wounded, six score men,) and two hundred horse: but the number prevailed above valour. The Emperor hearing of this victory, did not forget to make a triumph, publishing it throughout all the world, as if he had defeated all the Kings Forward. Without doubt this lightness allowed by Montmorency, at the importunate request of the undertaker, purchased to the enemy, those which were doubtful and vnce●●●●ne what party they should take, confirmed his adherents, and strack 〈◊〉 into them that were contrary. This first encounter might give courage to the Imperial to seek the Constable in avignon, yet he sees no reason to hazard a battle in open fi●●d, before he had sufficient forces to encounter so great a power. To put 〈◊〉 ●●to avignon, were to hazard himself in a Town not defensible, and hardly to be ●ort●fied so speedily as necessity required. Marseilles was the only fronter Town, sufficiently furnished with all things necessar●e to endure an Imperial siege: but to leave all the rest of the way open to t●e enemy, had been to give him means to ●ort●fie on either side of the ●i●er of Ros●●▪ at his pleasure, and to draw upon him (without resistance) a flourishing and 〈◊〉 army. It was therefore better to let the Emperou● kn●w, that for an unfortunate encounter they had neither lost courage, nor hope: with t●i● d●ss●ine Montmor●●cy lodg●th his men in field, and chooseth the place for his Camp, betwixt the rivers 〈◊〉 Rosne and Durance, the one did furnish his army with victuals and o●her commodity's: the other served as a Rampar and bar against the enemy's approach. A●d to 〈◊〉 off all mea●es and liberty to run to forage, to learn news of the F●●●ch Camp, and to sound the passage of the river at his pleasure, without contradiction, he placed garrisons in all Towns and places, to be held on the other side of the water. The King on the other side was at Valence, where like the Master of a ship commanding from the Helm to the ●rowe, he sent daily new forces to the Constable, fortified the Tow●e, and assembled such a power, as if any mischance had rui●ed this fi●st army, the Emperor had had the King presently ready to give ●im a second battle. Let us now change our Climate, and make an escape into Pic●rdie. He●ry Earl of N●ssau, The Ea●le of Na●●au in Picardy. and Adrian of Croy, Earl of Reux, Lord Steward of the emperors house, being entered into Picardy, did at the same instant, spoil all places ●n their passage which were of weak resistance: but besides the taking of Bray upon Somme, they did more great exploits, but being repulsed from before Saint Riquier, they lost some of their Artillery, and a great number of their men for a ●leight enterprise. ●harles Duke of Vendosme, with three hundred men at arms, and six thousand foot, having forced them to repass the water, revenged the wrong they had done upon the ●●●ntier▪ he took and spoiled some small Towns, Castles, and Villages v●on their Marches. But seeing the enemy fortified with two thousand men, the which he hoped to surprise at Marolles an open Town, he repassed the water, not to hazard his forces rashly, attending the coming of claud Duke of Guise his brother in law. Among other places upon the frontier not defensible, he had appointed to abandon Guise. The Earl advertised by his spies, of the hast they made to carry away their movables and victuals, and to drive away their cattle: and that the garrison of the Castle, careful to free the Town, and to beat down the defences which might any way accommodate the enemy, did negligently guard the approaches, he marcheth thither with speed▪ surpriseth them in disorder, and kills some before they could recover any place of safety: he summons the Castle: some preferring life before honour, c●st themselves over the walls into the Ditch: the rest amazed, yield the place at the enemy's discretion. A baseness unworthy of Nobility: so as those wh●ch were f●●nd to be Gentlemen, were degraded, and both they and their posterity, declared peasants, and subject to taxes. Guise being sacked, and all the Country about burnt, the Earl carrying aw●y a booty of men, cattle, and goods, marched against S. Quintin. But being advertised of the good order the Duke had set for the good and defence of the Town, he turned suddenly, and took the way of Peronne. It is strong by nature and situation, but at that time not well fortified, nor sufficiently manned to withstand so great a power. He therefore passeth the ●iuer of Somme above Aplincourt, abandoned as not defensible, and spoiling, burning and making the whole country desolate, he camps before P●ronne about the midst of August. The Lord of Sercu, Captain general of the Legion of Picardy, puts himself into it with a thousand men, Peronne besieged. and the Marshal of La Mark with a hundred men at arms. Misfortune is good for some thing. The darkness of the smoke which the fire of the Fermes and Villages burnt by the enemy, had caused, covered the passages of our men, even at the Imperials noses. In the mean time, the Dukes of Vendosme and Guise, levy new bands in Picardy and Champagne, to join with the Lansequenets, which Nicholas of Rusticis did bring. L●t us leave the Count Nassau assailing, and the defendants valiantly encountering his attempts, until that the Emperor after his first disgrace received before Marseilles, shall be blemished with a second at Peronne, in the persons of the Earls of Nassau and Reux: and let us see what happened in Piedmont, after the yielding of Fossan. The troops which Guy Earl of Rangon, Caesar Fregose his brother in law, War in Piedmon●. Caguin Gonsague, and other Italian Captains, pensioners to the King, had levied, were broken, by reason of the last hope and practise of peace, cunningly given out by the Emperor. Now they renew them by a new Commission from the King, so to cross the imperials in Italy, as he might thereby divert the great forces they had in Frane●. Rangon Lieutenant for the King in this army, levied two thousand men, Caguin as many, Caesar Fregose the like number, and two hundred light horse: the Lords of Paluois●● a Viscount of Milan, Peter Strossi a Florentine, Balthazar called the Chevalier d' Azzal a Ferrarois, either of them a thousand men. Beringer of Caldore, a Neapolitan, Ea●le of Monte de Rise, and john of Turin a Florentine, every one five hundred, Auerol of Bressan four hundred: Bandin of Tuscan four hundred, and two hundred light horse, and the Lord of Tais (a Frenchman borne, but sent into Italy, to receive th● Earl of Mirandole into his majesties service) two hundred light horse. An army of great hope, whose exploits we shall soon see. Anneba●lt and Bury, being straightly besieged in Turin, performed the parts of good and vigilant Captains, & well practised in matters of war, preventing both the enemy, and the Citizens newly reduced to the King's obedience, from da●ing to attempt any thing against them, and by their daily sallies, bringing prisoners, and store of cattles, returned victors within the circuit of their walls. Maramao had gathered together 〈◊〉 in Ciria all the corn & victuals he could get thereabouts. Annebault advertised ●●erof by his espials, sent Essé with seventy horse, and Auchy, and Cany, leading either of them five hundred foot. who parting towards the evening, came to the walls side before they were discovered: A brave and happy exploit they plant their ladders, surprise the Town, put all to the sword that made resistance, load their beasts of burden with victuals, and booty, and retire to Turin without any encounter. This happy victory brought unto the besieged the conquests of Rivolles, Veillane, and S. Ambrois. The garrison thus revived, aspires to greater enterprises. The Emperor had left in Savillan, sixteen pieces of artillery, with all their provision of bullets, powder, and other necessaries, and a good provision of arms. The garrison which he had placed there, Enterprise upon Savillan. foraging without fear in the villages about, gave them hope to defeat them, and to surprise the Town. Marc Anthony of Cusan Captain of two thousand Italians, demanded the execution of this stratagem, with his troops. they give him for Companion Chambray Lieutenant of Annebaults company, with threescore cho●● horse. But they lose an ox, to take an egg: upon the way they are advertised by their scowts that certain freebooters of the enemies, laden with a great spoil, were presently retired into a Castle adjoining. They turn head, and take the Castle by assault, and sack it, it may be more greedily then wisely. For whilst they are busy at the spoil, the alarm is given in the Country, and some troops enter speedily into Savillan, draw the bridges, rampart up the gates, and man the walls, and the defences. The Town being furnished, the suburbs remain in spoil, they bea●e in pieces two great Canons, they carry away all the arms, and make booty of all they find good. In the mean time james of Scalenghe approached, with about four thousand men, The Imperials defeated. as well of his own troops, as of the peasants gathered together. Our men making a virtue of necessity, gather together, and go closely to field, charge the enemy running hastily to surprise them, dispersed in the streets, and busy at the spoil: they make them turn their backs, kill above three hundred, hurt many more: and of nine enseigns win seven: the horsemen flying, pulled away the other two, from them that carried them, to save them. In the end, john jaques of Medicis, Marquis of Marignan, came to secure them, with two thousand Lansquenets, being called by S●alengh: our men having their bodies wearied with travel, and their arms tired with striking, resolve to retire, and send to Annebault for succours. Alegre an adventurous and wise Captain, brings them two hundred horse, who arriving when as our men were in danger to be defeated, entering among the enemies, killing, and chase, gave their companies half tired leisure to take breath: and through the favour of twelve hundred foot, which followed Alegres troop, do retire with their booty, & baggage safelyinto Turin. A shot which Cusan received in the head, caused him to remain at Pigne●ol, where soon after he died: leaving a happy memory of his valour, and a great grief to his friends for the loss of his person. The Emperor approached now to Aix, having received some loss by the way, not so great as troublesome, in regard of the quality of the persons. The peasants, and mountaineers, lying in ambush, in the straits, and narrow passages along the Alpes, and issuing forth suddenly, sometimes upon the scowts sometimes upon the reerward, stayed them every two hundred paces, to defend themselves: having no means to offend this swarm of men, who being charged, vanished by crooked and unknown ways. Fifty men of the Country, resolute for all events, had shut themselves in a fort, called our Lady's Tower: with an intent to shoot at the Emperor in the passage, and all of them at one instant to discharge their harguebuses. But they take Martha, for Marie: they kill a Nobleman with a rich coat of arms, and followed by a troop of men, which did him great honour. The Emp. brings the canon, batters the Tower, & forceth them to yield at his pleasure: & to purge the offence they had made, sends them all to be hanged. Moreover, being advertised that a great number of peasants, women, children, & catttel were hidden in the ground in a wood on the side of a mountain, he caused the wood to be fired in many places above the wind, so as all were miserably burnt or slain. A stratagem which did so incense the people against the Emperor, as never any of his men fell into their hands, but he made trial of a most tragic and cruel death. These first fruits might induce the Emperor, to draw a consequence from the less to the greater, in comparison of these people unacquainted with arms, with those whom nature ●nd exercise had instructed, and to make him know, that it was no small enterprise to assail a King of France at his door. But this troubled his mind. He thought in the beginning of this war to have 〈◊〉 disgraced the King with the Germans and Swisses, as he should draw no men from them. Notwithstanding, advertised that besides the eight thousand Swisses levied by Lewis of Anguerrand, Lord of Boisrigault, Stephen d' Aigne Lord of Beawais and William Lord of Isernay gentlemen of the King's house, had made a levy of the like number, all which had in a manner joined with the Marshal of Montmorency, who had now about thirty thousand men in his camp: he is now much gree●ed in his hea●t, that having in the former wars won so many happy victories under the command of his Captains, now marching in person with so strong and mighty an army, after he had published his triumphs throughout the world, he should perform no honourable exploit of war. Therefore the 15. of August he makes choice of three thousand Spaniards, four thousand Italians, and five thousand Lansquenets, and takes in his company the Duke of Alba, a Spaniard, Alphonse d' Aualos, the Marquis of Guast and Don Fernand Gonsagne Italians, and the Cont Horn a german, followed with all the flo●er of his horsemen, and advanceth near to Mars●illes: he goes himself in person, 〈◊〉 view the Town, being covered with the ruins of a house lately beat down, an● 〈◊〉 forth the Marquis, to mark a convenient place for the planting of his artillery against the weakest place of the Town. This resolution had been good, when as the King's forces were not yet united, and his people terrified by the sudden and unexpected landing of so mighty an enemy. The watch upon the ramparts discovered the Marquis: they send forth men to compass him in behind, if there were no more than those which appeared with him. He retires towards the place from whence he parted, and by his retreat they discover a greater number of men, behind that ruined house. They set upon them that issued forth, and some Cannon shot scatter the stones, kill some and hurt other●. This first amazement carried the Emperor to his Camp, after he had appointed the Duke of Alba and the Cont Horn, to stay about Marseilles: and the Marquis of Guast, with twelve hundred horse, and six enseigns of foot, to go and view Arles: that if they found it not able to be taken by assault, he would come thither with all his forces. In the mean time, lest the first that sallied forth, should fall into some ambush, they send other fresh men in frigates and boats armed, who going along the shore, get above the place, where they had seen the harness shine: and landing take a compass among the mirtells and other bushes which grow in that Country. The Duke discovers them, and to busy them, sends certain horses, to draw the whole troop which followed upon them. Our men had the like desseine: and when as the enemies whole strength appears, they seem amazed, retire without order, and draw them that pursued towards an open plain, commanded by the Cannon, and turning their backs save themselves among the bushes. The Cannon plays, and passing through the imperials, makes heads, legs, and arms, to fly into the air so pitifully mangled, as the cries of them that died, the terror of them that fled, and the amazement of them that were found, turns them all into a hasty flight, & the soldiers hidden in the bushes, makes a furious sally upon them that fled: the Duke gathereth again his men far from the shore into a valley covered with rocks and hills, and having viewed them, he found his number greatly diminished, amongst others those of the Cont Horn, and of an other german Captain his near kinsman. The Marquis of Guast had already discovered, that they had abated a little hi●l, 〈◊〉 did overlook the Town of Arles, upon the which, a few pieces of artillery being planted, would have held the Town in great subjection. Arles is seated upon Rosne, at the point where it parts in two, and runs with two mouths into the sea: m●king an Island, which they call Camarole. john Carraciol a Neapolitan, Prince of Melphe, commanded there, as the King's Lieutenant, with a thousand foot, Gascons, of the troops of john of Foix Ea●le of Ca●maine: a thousand Champanois under the command of john Anglure Lord of jour, two thousand others under the enseigns of the Lords of Marieu of Daulphiné, la Gout a Bourbonois, du Palais, of the County of ●oix, and the Baron of Rix●u of Languedoc, to every one five hundred, and Bonneval, about a hundred and thirty men at arms. As the Marquis lying in ambush, behind certain windmills, viewed the weakest parts of the Town, being discovered, Anthony of An●ien●il●e Lord o● Villiers, Commissarie of the artillery, plants two pieces of artillery, so 〈◊〉 against these mills, as if the Marquis seeing them give fire, had not slipped aside, he had there ended his days. So as the Marquis (frustrate of his hope, either to surprise or to for●e the Town of Arles,) 〈◊〉 his way to Marseilles. Marseilles was besieged by the D●ke of Alba, more in show then with any hope, to force it, and only with an expectation to draw the besieged to some ras●●allie, or to have the King's army, to come to secure them, and then to fight with them w●th an advantage. With this desseine, the Emperor lay so near, as at the first dislodging of the French Camp, he might easily pr●u●nt them, and join with his forces. But those ●●thin the Town had good and ●i●e commanders, who suffered not their men to issue forth, but to good purpose, and always to the enemy's loss. As for removing of the Camp, Montmo●ency would not hazard the estate, nor the forces of the King his master. he ●opes by the rout of his enemy's a●mie, to preserve his own: and according to the advertisements he had, of the Imper●als de●●eins, he restrained, or gave liberty for the execution of his Counsels, and commandments, The surprise of Brignoles had made him more wary: yet not to daunt the courage of his men, he continually stu●●ed of revenge, vexing the Impe●ials with daily alarms, encounters, and charges, and all without any loss, or prejudice. The Dauphin com●s to the Campe. The King being advertised of the approaches which the Emperor had made to Marseil●es, Henry the new Dauphin and Duke of Britain desirous to make proof of his person, in so just and honourable a war, and against so worthy an enemy, obteines by 〈◊〉 instant prayers, and the intercession of such as might prevail much with his majesty, leave to go to the Camp: Not to command presently (said the King) but to lea●●e to command hereafter, and under the Lord Steward, (as an other Palantes under ●ne●s) who passeth his apprenticeship in the art of war. His coming made the youth ●o cry for battle, whensoever they went to consult, whether it were more expedient to approach near their enemy, or to prolong the war, by temporizing, and delays: and many which till now had followed the last opinion, were carried away to the contrary. Many considerations moved them, the King's forces able to encounter the Emperors, the presence of a young Prince, burning with desire to try himself in the war, the dishonour (as they said) in suffering the Town of Marseilles to be besieged, the means they had to defeat their enemies, before the Emperor could bring all his forces to secure them, who for want of victuals were constrained to ●e dispersed. But the Lord Steward, and the wisest heads, found it far more safe to win the victory without striking stroke, cutting off the enemy's victuals, as they had done before. Marseilles was well fortified, furnished with all necessary munition, manned with valiant Captains, Reasons why the French would not fight with the Emperor. and men of resolution. Contrariwise, famine, and pestilence, which did much afflict, and daily increase in the emperors camp, would soon ruin his power. It was now near at hand: The peasants had lately carried away, slain, and hurt, all the beasts which carried the biscuit that was made at Toulon, and continuing to molest them by these affronts, they brought the imperial ar●●e into wonderful wants and necessity. Moreover the daily checks which the French men at arms gave unto the enemy, made the Emperor think of his retreat. It was therefore a wise constancy and resolution of the Lord Steward, not to submit the importance of this war, to the discretion of a doubtful hazard. There is no l●sse honour to vanquish an enemy by counsel and government, then by battle: and not to hazard himself to the chance of arms without necessity, it is an abusing of the blood and lives of men. Hereupon news comes to the King, Exploits in Piedmont. that his army beyond the Alpes had brought most part of Piedmont under his obedience, and all the Marquisate of Salusses, except some Castles. His Majesty (using his tights) might have annexed this Marquisate unto Daulphiné, whereon it depends, as confiscate, by the rebellion & treachery of the Marquis Francis. But let us hear an act of his natural clemency and bounty. john Lewis, brother to the said Francis, was prisoner at Paris for the like rebellion. The King ●et him at liberty, he did invest him in the Marquisate, takes his oath of fealty to ●im, and against all other men: he causeth money to be given him, to furnish him and ●is ●●aine, and then sends him to take possession. Francis within few weeks after, came to carmagnole: john Lewis receives him into the Castle, and suffers himself to be so carried away with sweet words, as he swears by nothing, but by the confidence he had in his brother Francis. Francis was far more malicious and cunning. john Lewis, ●●●inst the advice of Saint julian (a Gentleman Gascon bred up in the house of Salusses, whom the King had sent with john Lewis to observe the actions, and the going and coming of this new Marquis, being a simple and dull man) he suffers him●elfe to be d●●●ne out of Carmagnole, and to be lead to the Castle of Valfeniere, where Francis ●●●●ined him prisoner, & then seeks to recover the places of the Marquisate. S. julian foreseeing the issue of this subtle stratagem, practised Saluador d' Aguerres by his persuasions, and received of him in the King's name, the strongest Castle of Vrezeul, a be●●e in Francis his eye, which kept him from being absolute Marquis. Andrew Dorie coming then from Spain, brought victuals and money to the Emperor, upon whose arrival he made a Proclamation throughout the Camp: The Emperors' retreat. That all men bearing arms, should be ready to muster (without doubt the great decay of his army, the which from fifty thousand men that he had parting from Nice, he found decreased to 25. or 30. at the most, did touch him to the quick) to receive money, and prepare to departed upon the day assigned, every man to be furnished with eight or ten da●es victuals. This proclamation made the King suspect, that he meant to come and ass●●●e his camp, or to march after the Duke of Alba, to the siege of Marseilles. And seeing the Emperor was there in person, the King did hope to have means in the midst of these great armies, to effect the contents of the challenge he had before sent to the Emperor by an Herald, as we have heard. But his Majesty was no sooner come f●om Valence to his camp near avignon, as he was giving order to prepare to receive or give battle, news comes unto him, that the Emperor with all his Camp, is ●●●lodged from Aix, leaving behind him (besides the dead bodies, which were infinite, a●re being corrupted round about) a great multitude of sick men, which could not follow the army, neither on horseback nor on foot: and taking the rout of Spain, Aix burnt by the imperials. spoiled with all the desolations which war could bring forth, except fire; from which the Emperor did preserve it. Only the palace, and especially the Chamber of accounts were abandoned to the fire, at the instance of the Duke of Savoy, who would assist in person at the burning thereof, hoping (it may be) to abolish the memory of the titles, whereby it appears, that Piedmont belongs to the Earldom of Provence. But the Lord Steward had foreseen this inconvenience, sending them to a strong place of his, named Baux. The King gave money to repair the losses. Amongst his chief champions, the Emperor lost Anthony de Leave, Marc Busthein, another Captain of Lansquenets his kinsman, the Count Horn, Baptista Castalde, and many other men of account. Let us apply here that holy Oracle, speaking of Senacherib King of the Assyrians. Thy bragging hath come unto mine ears, I will put my ring into thy nostrils, and my bit into thy mouth, and will make thee return the way thou camest. And, Thus said the Eternal touching the King of the Assyrians: he shall not enter into this City, neither shall ●e shoot an arrow therein, he shall not present himself before it with shield, nor cast etc. Behold the Earl of Provence in imagination, who had lately threatened the Provinces of this Realm, with fire and sword, and swallowed up the Crown thereof by presumption, ashamed, and confounded in his retreat, having lost half of his troops, turmoiled by the peasants, who using the arms of his sick men, and of those that were dead, seize upon the passages and straits, beat down the bridges upon the rivers, which were then very violent, charge them in front, in flank and behind, and the light horsemen led by the Earl of tend, Bonneval, Langey, and john Paul de Cere follow them so close, as they had no means to forage, leaving the ways from Aix to Freius, covered with dead carcases, and men languishing, harness, lances, pikes, harguebuses, and all other arms pel mel on a heap. The King resolved to march after them, and wheresoever he should overtake them to give them battale, and so pass into Italy, where at that instant he had a mighty army in field. But he is diverted from his desseine, by letters from the Marshal of Lamarke. He had no more means to hold Peronne long, the walls were beaten down in many places, famine pressed the besieged, they wanted harguebusiers and po●der. So the King caused some part of his men at arms, to march speedily, and ten thousand French foot, Of the Earl of Nassau. resolute to follow after by great marches, to raise the siege, or to recover the Town before the enemy should fortify it, and furnish it with victuals. God would preserve him from this toil, and give him l●isure to take breath. The Imperials being always repulsed, with loss of many, and sundry assaults, the mine wherein they had long laboured, proving fruitless, (besides the death of Philip of Bo●lin●illiers, Earl of Dammartin, overwhelmed in the ruins thereof, in a countermine he made to blow up the enemies mine (whose death was revenged, with the slaughter of three hundred Lansquenets, and twenty of their men at arms, at the last assault given by the Tower, that was undermined,) and the Town being relieved with five hundred shot, every one carrying ten pounds of powder, entering by means of a General alarm, given by the Duke of Guise, with two hundred horse, and all the trumpets he could recover, they dislodged in the night, about the midst of September, continuing their burning as they had begun. France (by the grace of God) is now free from enemies. But nothing is now perfectly happy. There are cross news which trouble the Court. The English Ambassadors that were near the King, ill affected to his Majesty, and without doubt, no faithful servants to their master, give him intelligence. That the Emperor seeing, that he could neither by spoil, or any other means, provoke the King to battle, made show of a retreat, to draw him to poursue him, and so to fight, or else retire to take a geeater leap, and to invade Provence suddenly, when as the French forces should be farthest off: That the Emperor himself (the better to colour his departure) gave out, that famine and mortality had diminished his forces of one third part, and the rest had run the like danger, if he did not retired▪ yet notwithstanding he had no such want of victuals, as was supposed, and since his coming out of Italy, had not lost above two thousand men. That since the taking of Montiean, and Boisy, no man durst give any alarum to the emperors Camp, nor yet follow it at their dislodging. These impostures, and false impressions had wrought such effects with the King of England, as Pomeray being sent from the King, to three ends: To satisfy him of the truth, touching the enterprise of Provence: To procure his liking of the marriage of Magdaleine a daughter of France, with the King of Scots, and to learn the King of England's intention, upon the motion before made, touching the marriage of the Duke of Orleans with Mart of England daughter to the said King: he had much a do to alter him any thing from the opinion he had conceived. But the marriage of Scotland did so incense the King of England, as having laid open unto Pomeray his griefs and the causes of his discontent upon this article, he sent him back without any conclusion, being loath to have his neighbour so highly allied. The cause of war betwixt England and France. There comes an other matter of greater importance: the Country of Taren●aise in Savoy had lately shaken off the French yoke. To reduce it to his obedience, the King sent the the Earl of Saint Paul, Duke of Es●outeuille by his wife, with French troops of horse and foot, and the Earl of ●●rstemberg with his company of Lansquenets, to whom, for the purging of their offence the Country was abandoned to the spoil, with the Town of Con●●ans. Being thus punished, they afterwards performed the duty of subjects, and the Duke returned into France with much honour and glory. Let us now discharge our promise, and conclude the year with the exploits of the assembly made at Mirandole by the Italian Captains, pensioners to the King. Their first desseine was upon Genes▪ and to this effect they came speedily and closely, hoping either by surprise, or by the partisans of Caesar Fregose, to become masters of the Town: but a Luquois of the troops of Cont Guy, stealing away in the night, had discovered the enterprise to the Citizens. So the Earl retiring his camp half a League from Genes, betwixt two mountains, he suddenly caused many ladders to be made, which proving too short, made the success fruitless. These Captains had no Cannon to make any battery: moreover Turin being besieged, required their presence. They therefore turn head. The imperials advertised of the Earls approach, abandon the siege, and leave the field at the devotion of this new army. The Lord of Annebault, seeing the Camp dislodged, sallies out after them, and in passing takes the Tower upon the bridge of Pau by composition (the taking whereof the Emperor had so highly commended) and the Lord of Bury took Groillan: the come and wine that was found there, served to refresh Turin. The Town of Quires was taxed by the imperials at five and twenty thousand Crowns: but whilst the soldiers were busy to force the Inhabitants to pay this sum, Annebault sent certain Captains, who surprised the Town from four hundred soldiers, which kept it in the emperors name. Montcallier sent presently to offer obedience: and the Castle of Carignan yielding, did furnish Turin with about three thousand sacks of meal, packed up ready to send to the Campe. Salusses, Quieras and many other places of the Marquisate and of Piedmont did homage unto the victors. The King sent to refresh Annebault and his troops, both with horse and foot: he drew them out of Turin, sending two thousand French ●oote under the Command of Captain René, and la Godiniere: and two thousand others, under the Chevalier Birague▪ and for governor he sent Bury, to whom he gave the company of men at arms, which Francis of Salusse being revolted, did command. But behold an act as remarkable, as it is rare, proceeding from a singular affection: and what will not a brave Knight do for his mistress? Unexpected succory fro● Scotland. Upon the first news of the emperors descent into Provence, the King of Scotland did arm sixteen thousand men, to come and secure the King, without his request or privity, (says the Original) and nothing stayed him from coming in time upon the general hope of a battle, but a contrary wind, which had put him back twice. The King had assured himself of his new conquests, and having given order to the frontiers of his realm, returned into France. The King of Scotland came to meet him at la Chapelle, betwixt Tarare and Saint Saphorin in Lionois: and the●e he demanded one of his daughters in marriage. The ancient alliance of the realm of France and Scotland, was considerable. The Father of this King had been slain in battle against the English, for the party of King Lewis the twelfth, and should his kind affection be denied? So the marriage betwixt him, and Magdaleine of France, was concluded in Blois, and sollemnized the first day of the year following. Great prosperities are oftentimes accompanied with some crosses, else the vanity of our senses, would easily transport us; and we would attribute that to our own valour, which belongs to the great judge, and moderator of battles: behold 〈…〉 fruits, in the government of the Lord of Bury at Turin. Oftentimes he is taken, that thinks to take. The Emperor had adjudged Monferrat to the Marquis of 〈◊〉▪ against the Duke of Savoy, and Francis of Salusses who pretended it. and those 〈…〉, would not accept of him. Bury during these garboils, practiseth Damian 〈◊〉 Captain in the garrison at Casal, for the Emperor. Damian, promiseth to deliver him a gate. Bury leads thither Christopher Govast, with twelve hundred Italians, whereof he was Colonel, and some number of horse, under the Lord of Tais: and at the first becomes master of the town. But the mattocks, shovels, and other instruments for Pioneers, which William Earl of Biendras should have provided with the money he had received to that end, to make a trench suddenly betwixt the Town and the Castle, whilst that Cont Guy should come to secure them, with the artillery to batter the Castle, were yet to buy. Whilst they seek for others, to make trenches, the Marquis of Guast had leisure to assemble his forces within Ast, and to enter into the Castle, by the field-gate, and so into the town. Twelve hundred men were not able to withstand the fury of this unexpected storm. Bury taken prisoner. He mainteins the shock, and enters fight: but in the end, being forced by the enemy, he is taken prisoner. Tais, Guast, and all the rest were slain, or taken. Biendras, Damian and other merchants save themselves. We find the fault when it is done. It is good to observe it, to make us wise. He should have imparted this enterprise to Cont Guy, who should have drawn his army near unto Ast. The Ma●qu●s fearing to lose the one, and not to save the other, had contained himself within his walls. Guy Guiffroy Lord of Boutieres was appointed governor by the King in Bu●●es place. The snow, ice, and slipperines of the winter, stayed the courses of the garrisons, in Picardy. And whilst the season kept them from doing any memorable exploits, the King laying open in his Court of Parliament at Paris (in the presence of the Peers of France, Pursuit against the Emperor in justice. and Princes of the blood, forty 〈…〉 Bishop's, many officers of the Crown, and other great presonag●s of all Estates) the lawful arms of a Lord against his vassal that hath committed a trespass: he sent to summon the Emperor, upon the fronters by a Herald, to come and plead what he should think good, against the demands of his majesties Advocate and Proctor general▪ concluding, that in regard of the rebellions & treacheries of the said Emperor against the King, his natural Prince, and Sovereign Lord, by reason of the Earldoms of Flanders, Arthois, Charolois, and other places, holding of the crown of France, they should be adjudged confiscate and united to the Crown. And no man appearing for the Emperor, the demand of the King's Council was registered according to the form & tenure usual in those cases. For the execution of this sentence, the Lords of Annebault, Tais, Termes, Aussun, Frenchmen: More of Novate, Francis Bernardin of Vimercat, Italians: George Cap●ssement, and Theode Manes, Albanois, either of them commanding two hundred light horse, de Bies Seneschal, and Governor of Boullen, and De Crequi, Governor of Monstrueil, Captains of fifty men at arms▪ having victualled Therovenne in view of the Earl of Reux, who issued forth of S. Omer▪ with six hundred horse to prevent this Stratagem, the King parting from Amiens, (whereas Charles Duke of Vendosme, then died, much lamented of the King and Realm, a brave Prince, and well deserving of this Crown, for his many & notable services) the king in the end of March, sends William Earl of Furstemberg, to field with eight thousand Lansquenets, the Lords of Se●e● and Auchi (who were slain at the first approaches at Hedin) Heilly, S. Seval, Picards, Bacqueville, la Salle, & S. Albin, Normands, Quincy a Champanois, Hara●court a Lorraine, either of them leading a thousand men: and many other bands of Germans and French, amounting all to five and twenty thousand men, whereof Montmorency (Lord Steward) was Lieutenant general for his majesty. Hedin of consequence to the King, 1537 for the preservation of his other places in Picardy▪ and being in his power did wonderfully annoy the enemy. He●in taken The town abandoned by the garrison, they retire into the Castle, the which was taken without resistance, but the Earl of Reu●● had well furnished the Castle for the de●ence of a place of importance. Captain Samson an old Knight of Namurs, a great soldier commanded there with fifteen hundred men, under the enseignes of Bou●e●s and Vaudeville. They make their approaches, & many Captains persuaded that the thickness of the wall, maintained which a great ramp●r, would never a●m●t any breach: t●ey come to undermine. The Prince of Milphe, the L●●ds of Barbes●●●●, Bury Vi●l●ers Corneilles undertake the work▪ and cast down ●alfe a Tower p●ssi●g from the Town to the Castle, but that 〈◊〉 whic● joined to the Castle st●●ding firm, the place was not much weakened. T●e King then 〈◊〉 to attempt it by battery, and he himself shows the place, where to plant the Cannon. At the approaches L●sarches and Pont-briant, 〈◊〉 experienced Commissaries of the artillery, with many Ca●●oniers and others lose their lives. The Cannon planted upon the brink of the ●●ench, plays two days together▪ and the third they make a breach of thirty fathoms. The King's presence, being the rewarder of virtue, sets many young gentlemen on fire, being desirous of reputation, and before that order be given ●or the assault, carries them to the top of the breach. But they find the like valout in 〈◊〉 them: some are slain upon the place, others return ●ore wounded. Charles of 〈◊〉 among others, Earl of Sincerre, a young Noble man, who followed the swappes of his 〈◊〉 virtue, Aubigny Lieutenant to Sercu: and Dami●te ensign be●●er of the said Company, testified by their deaths the hope of their youth, if the chance of arms 〈◊〉 ●ent them a longer life. Haraucourt a Lorraine and his ●rother his Lieutenant, sons to the Lord of Pa●oy Lieutenant to the Duke of Guise, in the government of Champagne and of his company of man at arms, F●le●eres, so●n● to Mardicoque and many others returned back lame. Yet this attempt amazed th● besieged, and helped the general. For when as they see the order the King had given to assail them in the morning, a great number of men at arms on foot, with five or six hundred light horsemen, all the rest on horseback, the whole army ready to be put in battle if the enemy approached, some appointed to march first, others to second them, and some to relieve them that went to the assault, the resolution and courage of the night passed made them enter into composition, whereby they departed with thei● baggage, leaving the artillery, munition & victuals. The King committed it to the guard of Sercu, The Castle of 〈◊〉 ●●ken. giving him a company of fifty men at arms and a thousand foot. Saint Paul near unto Hedin might much annoy him, and reduced to the King's obedience, cross the garrisons of Betune, Arras, Liliers, and other places there abouts. Annebault did this exploit, and Anthony of castle an Italian Ingen●ur undertook the fortification of the Town and castle. Saint Paul and Lil●iers taken. Lilliers abandoned by Lievin Captain of the Town, was by the Lord Steward and Duke of Guise visiting the Country, added to the former Conquests, and left under the command of Martin du Bellay Captain of two hundred light horse, joining unto him la Land with a thousand foot, to keep them of Saint Venant, and Maruille, from annoying the foragers & victuallers of the French Army. The Bourgognons had fortified an Island, at Saint Venant upon the river of Lis. The Lord Steward undertakes to force it, and takes with him the Earl of Furs●emberg, with eight thousand French and Germains. At the first the besieged repulse the Lansque●ets, kill some, and wound many. And now the day began to fail, when as Charles Mart●l Lord of Bacqueville, & la Land discovering one part of the trench worse manned than the rest, they cross it with their Normands and Picards, and come to hand●e b●●wes, they lose some men, and kill many of the enemies, force the trench, the rampar and the bastion, they compel them to abandon and leave their defe●ce●, and make way for the rest of their companies and troops to enter, who ch●●ing the enemies, make a great slaughter of men, to revenge the death of their companions. They presently set upon the second fort, the bridge whereof was cr●st with great long pieces of wood, joined one to another, and betwixt, manned with good shot, defended with a mill of stone well pierced. and furnished with harguebuses of Crock, and other shot. But nothing is difficult to a resolute mind, and the f●●st flying to the second fort, struck terror into them: they force them, and put them all to the sword: The number of the dead, was esteemed twelve or fifteen hundred on both sides, the place spoiled, the booty carried away, and the houses burnt. There passed no day without an enterprise of one side or other, courses, and recourses, prizes, and reprises: of men, victuals, and places ill guarded, or not gardable. The King seeing the Emperor had no army ready, able to cross his new conquest, content for that year to have taken Hedin, and fortified Saint Paul, he caused Liliers to be burnt, (reserving the Abbey of Nuns, and the Churches) and the walls to be beat down, that the enemy lodging there, should not annoy Therovenne, and Saint Paul. he gave the government of S. Paul to john d'Estouteuille Lord of Villebon, Provost of Paris, with his company of men at arms: that of Moyencourt named the Hangest, to Martin du Bellay, with his two hundred light horse, and two thousand foot, commanded by the Captains la Lale and Saint Aubin Normans, Blerencourt and Yuille Picards, every one five hundred, and in the Castle a thousand men, under the charge of René of Palletiere. He left the Earl of Furstemberg in garrison at dourlan's, with his Lansquenets, and a hundred men at arms, under the guidons of the Lords of Estree and la Roche du N●●ne. But these bands were so ill compleet, as they made not half their numbers, then having in like sort, provided for other places, he broke up his camp, and dismissed his troops, to give order for the affairs of Piedmont, where the enemy grew strong. The King thus disarming, the Earl of Bures arms four and twenty thousand Lansquenets, six thousand Walons, and eight thousand horse, and resolves to charge the Lansquenets, lodged near to dourlan's, to make the siege of Saint Paul more easy, which he meant to attempt. By the surprise of some letters, he learned that the fortifications of the place required yet 2 c. days time, to make it able to repulse the enemy. He changeth his opinion, and truning head to Saint Paul, makes his approaches the tenth of june, notwithstanding the many sallies, and skirmishes of the besieged: he recovers (by means of a great hollow way, which the sudden arrival of the Imperials would not suffer them to make even) the point of a great Bulwark upon the way to Mouchy▪ they undermine day & night, shoot sixteen or eighteen hundred canon shot, make a breach of three or four paces, Saint Paul besieged by the Imperials. and by the fury of seven or eight pieces of artillery▪ force Martin de Bellay, Blerencourt and Yuille to abandon the breach which looks towards dourlan's, their chief, and almost only defence: he gives an assault with five or six hundred men, only to view the breach: and by the thunder of their Canons, which battered all along the breach, and into the Town, they kill, or at the least hu●t, above a third part of the defendants: those which were set to defend the breach, being forced to lie flat upon their bellies. They discover the breach, draw seven or eight enseigns more into the ditch, which divided the great bastion from the Town, (they had had no leisure but to make two Courtins of pipes full of earth, to defend the way, which went from the bottom of the Trench into the Town: they set fire to the props which supported the point of the Bastion that was undermined: it sinks down, and presently overthrows all them that defended this point, into their trenches: they give the assault by that place, and are valiantly received by la Sale, and Saint Aubin. But during the assault, those which the enemy thrust into the trench, win the curtain made of Pipes, force five and twenty, or thirty shot that kept it, and enter the Town pel mell with them: come behind them, (who performing as much, as valour and nature could do, that defended the bastion, and cut in pieces all they encounter. Those which defended the breach, ignorant what passed on the other side, had already endured a furious assault, when as behold, those which were entered by the port of the great bastion, come and charge them behind, and the greatest number surmonting the less, at the first charge they kill Moyencourt, and his brother d' You, they massacre in the fury of the fight, seven score of the company of Du Bellay, Saint Paul recovered by assault. and the most part of that of Villebon: Villebon and Yuille were taken prisoners by Tonnoire a Spanish Captain, Du Bellay and Blerencourt were saved by Bose, a german Captain. La Palle●iere forced in the Castle by the bulwark which was not yet in defence, remained prisoner: but the contention of some (every one maintaining that he had given his faith unto him) was the cause of his death. finally sparing neither men nor children, wives nor maids, religious nor Nuns, about four thousand five hundred persons tried the pitiless chance of a horrible and cruel victory, whereunto they are commonly subject, who against the Laws of arms undertake the defence of a place not defensible, or that is not ready to withstand the violent attempts of a mighty army. Saint Paul being burnt, the Castle and all the defences razed to the ground, the imperials come before Montrueil. Montrueil was ill furnished: Canaples governor of the Town, entered but three or four days before, with a thousand foot and some two hundred horse of the bands of Normandy: but the Town not being retrenched, it required at the least six thousand foot, and three hundred men at arms. S● the Earl of Bures placeth a part of his Camp at the port of Hedin, one part at the Celestines, upon the way of Therovenne, and a part at the gate of the great market towards Abbeville: he plaints his artillery in three places. makes a breach along a great courtin from the gate towards Hedin to the port of the great market, and then p●epares for the assault. The breach was reasonable, but the trenches full of water made the access difficult. On the other side, the defendants were troubled with many disadvantages. Two batteries of the enemies kept them from coming to the breach: and being at their defence, they lay open upon both the flanks, and had no means to cover themselves. besides their number was not sufficient to keep the one half of the base Town, so as the enemy coming to the assault, had the rest of the Town at his discretion, the which is of a great circuit. These considerations made Canaples demand Composition, and the Earl intending the conquest of Therovenne, to prevent the next victualling, which he did foresee, he grants the men of war to departed, in arms with bag and baggage, and to the Inhabitants to carry what goods they could about them. This done, the want of men, and powder, which he knows to be in Therovenne, invites him to this enterprise. Francis of Montmorency Lord of Rochepot, than Lieutenant general for the King in Picardy, knowing the importance of Therovenne and the enemies desseine, besides threescore men at arms, a hundred foot and some hundred dead pays which kept it, he sent the Lord of Cany, Lieutenant to the Company of the young Duke of Vendosme (whom we shall see King of Navarre, and father to our most Christian King now reigning) Foudras, Lieutenant to Cany, the son of Dampierre guidon to the Dauphin, leading four score men at arms, and Saint Brise four hundred foot. He comes before it, Therovenne besieged. makes his approaches, plants his Cannon in battery, forceth our men to abandon the Castle, which had but two towers (the English Talbot, having taken the Town in the year 1513. had razed the Castle) and makes a breach in the Town wall, about two hundred paces long, but hardly to be forced: our Frenchmen retiring, had made a trench behind them, and made the rampar in such sort, as the enemy winning, it should fall into a trench well flanked. When as the Imperial army began to march, against Saint Paul, the King sought to redress his army, hoping (according to the promises of the fortificators) it would hold out until that succours should come. Now the Dauphin accompanied with Montmorency Lord Steward, Commander of the army under the Dauphin, gives the rendezvous towards Abbeville, to the Earl of Furstemberg, and to Nicholas of Rusticis, newly arrived with four thousand low Germans, warlike, men and in good order. Whilst the Dauphin attends the rest of his troops, the besieged give him notice that they had great need of shot and powder, for the furnishing whereof, they choose Annebault, general of the light horse. With this desseine, Annebault followed with an hundred men at arms, and sixteen hundred light horse, made choice of 〈◊〉 hundred harquebusiers, under the charge of Biendras, every one carrying a sac●e of leather bound about him, full of powder: many voluntary gentlemen desirous o● honour, (a brave ambition if we could temper the heat of youth) augment this troop, resolute to be either taken, or defeated, rather than to fail of their enterprise. The Imperials having intelligence of this desseine, go to horse, to preu●●t the execution: Therovenne victualled. and the French light horsemen, pricked forward by these young Noblemen, desirous to try their valour, give them an alarm. Mischance is good for some thing. It was night, and the darkness hindering the enemies forward from showing t●ei● battle, which came from an other side, to join with them, they charge, and k●●l one another, whilst that our shot enter into Therovenne, without discovery: being entered, they make a sign, whereby Annebault should make his retreat, and might have done it without danger. Notwithstanding, advertised that his light horse were in skirmish, he sought to retire them. The enemy prevents him, and cuts off his way at the passage of a bridge. Here gins the combat, and so violent, as the greatest check falls upon the Imperials. Annebault defeated. But in the end, all the horsemen arrive. Annebault is overthrown, taken prisoner, and near unto him the Earl of Villars, the Lords of Piennes, d' O, and Sansac, Captain George Capussement, Francis Bernardiu, and almost all, but some which had before passed the bridge. Those (amongst the which was Aussun) retire to Hedin, change their horses, post to the place of combat: find the Imperials in disorder, dreaming no more of any enemy: The imperials charged and beaten. they charge them, defeat them, take a great number, and recover many of their companies that were prisoners: and so cut off a great part of the glory, which they did challenge for such a victory. In the mean time, the Dauphin, and the Lord Steward, had gathered together about sixteen hundred men at a●mes, two thousand light horse, ten thousand Germans, and twelve thousand French, with the which they pretended to secure the besieged, or to force the Imperials to fight with disadvantage: when as the treaty, which Mary Queen of Hongarie, sister to the Emperor, had made by the means of the Duke of Ascot, for the procuring of a peace, A truce for three months. or truce, caused a suspension of arms, for three months, betwixt the King, and the emperors countries of the Netherlanders, until that matters being pacified, there might be a general peace concluded betwixt these two great Princes, and their allies. Let this truce now carry us beyond the Alpes, to see the estate of the forces in Italy. The ordinary jealousies, divisions, and partialities of Captains, which think themselves equal in authority, Division among the 〈◊〉 commanders. and reputation, & of like use for service, is commonly of dangerous consequence. The composition, which Caguin of Consague made with the imperials at Carignan, without the privity of Guy Earl of Rangon, Lieutenant general for the King, on that side the Alps, had discontented the Earl, and on the other side, Caguin complained, that they had cassiered some of his footmen, & in case Count Guy should die, or leave the place, the King had substituted Cesar Fregose his brother in law, without any respect of the ancient service of his house, and his breeding in the King's service, from whom he had not fallen, as the Earl had done: although he had been sought unto, with many profitable conditions. These quarrels did so increase, that after many complaints, and reproaches upon the point of honour, Guy and Cesar banded jointly against Caguin, framed a challenge upon some writings published to the disgrace of the said Cesar, under the name of Aretin, whereof they held Caguin to be the chief author, William of Bellay Lord of Langey, sent by the King to hear the griefs of either party, having given Count Guy, and Cesar Fregose, to understand what prejudice their quarrel with Caguin, would be unto his majesties service, and that by the articles of the King's order, the Knights may not without the leave of their superior (which is the King) send nor accept of any challenge one against an other, Caguin offered not to wrong the King's service, and to defer the combat, until the service were ended, so as after the answer he had made unto the challenge, Caesar had not written or said any thing that should come unto his knowledge, whereunto he should be bound in honour to answer: and under colour to go to the bathe for his health, he obtained a passport to retire himself to his house, with promise that if it pleased the King to give him an honourable charge, he would return with a troop fi● to do him service: And that howsoever, he would never wear a read cross. During these contentions the Imperial army fortified daily, and the Kings decreased, so as the Lord of Humieres sent by the King, for the affairs of Piedmont, could not be master of the field, without a body of four or five thousand Lansquenets or Swisses, and some supply of men at arms. To this end the King causeth his light horsemen to march into Piedmont, after the conquests of Hedin and Saint Paul, and sent to Christopher Duke of Wirtemberg, who brought ten thousand Lansquenets to pass the Alpes, and to join with Humieres. But upon the coming of the imperials before Saint Paul, the King being forced (as we have seen) to countermand his light horse, he sent the Baron of Curton, la Fayete, Brissac and others, leading three or four hundred men at arms, and two hundred light horse, Lassigny and Allegre, either of them commanding a thousand foot. The Marquis of Guast, had at that time delivered into the Marquis Francis hands, all the Marquisate of Salusses, except the castles of Verculo & Carmagnole. Two hundred Italians held it for Cont Guy: the Marquis of Guast doth summon it, & upon their refusal approacheth the artillery. Francis Marquis of Salusses (knowing the place) brings two Cannons on the right hand, going from the Town to the Castle, breaks two houses to cover himself, in steed of gabions: himself plays the gunner, Francis Marquis of Salusses slain. & shoots two volees. A soldier of the Castle discovers him (but knows him not) and shoots him through the body stark dead with a musket. The Marquis of Guast, causeth him to be covered with a cloak, and then again sends to summon the besieged, promising them an honourable composition: they depart with bag and baggage, and the Marquis seeing them pass, commended their good endeavours. But when he came to demand what he was that had shot so well from one of the windows over the port, the soldier both ignorant of the Marquis intention, and of the effect of his shot, presents himself unto the Marquis, who against the Capitulation caused him to be hanged at the same window. The King having afterwards reduced the Marquisate to his obedience, did invest Gabriel Bishop of Air in Gasconie, who married the daughter of the Admiral of Annebault, and dying without heirs left the said Marquisate to the Crown. The coming of Humieres and the Lansquenets had shut the Marquis of Guast with his troops into Ast and Verceil, who by his retreat left Pignerol, Chivas, Montcallier and other places abandoned to these new Conquerors. But at the first, want of the chief sinews of war, makes the Italian bands to mutiny, whereby our men lose ten or twelve days, during the which the Marquis had leisure to hasten his Lansquenets, levied by the elder brother of William Duke of Furstemburg. Humi●res had no soon●● pacified the Italians, with a portion of their pay, but he frames an enterprise upon Ast, where the Marquis had left his brother in law Don Anthony of Arragon Lieutenant for the Emperor, with two thousand foot and two hundred horse. The Lansquenets require the charge to make the approaches, and take it from john Paul de Cere, who had a meaning to discharge it well. About midnight Humieres comes speedily to see their lodging, and finds nothing done. Some exclaiming first would have made their cause good. Others storm (their pay being now out) and protest, that if it be not satisfied, they will wrap up their enseignes, A fruitless attempt upon Ast. and sound a retreat. They had reason: it is an ordinary course, when as the chief fo●●● of an army consists in a mercenary nation. Humieres searcheth all the purses in the camp, makes for every Company five hundred Crowns, and with this bone did somewhat satisfy their greediness. But in the mean time the besieged, giving the alarum to the Camp, they bring in seven companies of foot, 1534. and three hundred horse to their succours. Thus the small likelihood to force the Town, and less to famish it, seeing that for want of pay the strangers were no men of resolution, Humieres leaves the Town of Ast, to surprise that of Alba. About eight hundred Spaniards, were parted from Alexandria to enter into it. john Paul de Cere, meets them, Al●a and Quers taken. chargeth and defeats them, so as at the arrival of the French, the C●tt●zens of Alba unfurnished of soldiers, yielding to the yoke of obedience, gave occasion to them of Quires to follow their example. This absence of the army made Caesar of Naples, governor of Vulpian, a man active and Vigilant, A dangerous attempt against Turin. but unfortunate in his enterprises, to attempt Turin. Turin had in it but two companies of foot under de Wartis and d' Angart, weak forces for a place of such importance, yet the Inhabitants were well affected to this Crown. Caesar ●ubornes a Corporal, a Gascon, to deliver him the next day of his guard, a bulwark of the Town right against our Lady's Church. Such base people should never know the day nor hour of their watch). The night being come, he brings ten enseignes of foot and some three hundred horse▪ the soldier gives him notice by a sign, of the most convenient place to plant his ladders, he sets them up, & before the alarum was in the Town, he puts five enseignes into the bulwark: two or three base soldiers whom the traitor had of purpose drawn in with him, saved themselves by flight. Boutieres' governor of Turin hearing the alarum, goes into the street, followed only with the Swisses of his guard, and some gentlemen: he finds the Townsmen armed, and resolute to do their duties, he marcheth directly into the bastion with no arms but a halberd, shuts the gate by which they came from the said bastion into the Town, (the darkness of night had hindered the enemy from seeing it open, the which preserved the Town, for whilst that Caesar made fit his ladders to enter into the Town, the alarum grew hot) Wartin arrives with two hundred shot, and forceth the enemy to abandon the bulwark, The imperials repulse at Tu●in. having lost seven or eightscore men, at whose departure the soldier paid for his offence with his life. This attempt, the bad inclination of the foreign forces, the quarrels betwixt Caesar Freg●se, who led the forward, and john Paul de Cere, Colonnell of the Italian foot▪ the controverses of Brissac with Hannibal of Gonsague, Earl Lanivolare: six thousand Spaniards and twelve hundred horse, being entered into Montcallier and threatening Turin but weakly furnished with men: made Humieres to leave julio Vrsin in Alba, with a thousand foot under his charge, and a thousand more under Artigue-Dieu and Peter Strossy: in Quieras, Caesar Fregose with the like number of men, such as he would choose, & with the rest of the army, turns head towards the enemy, to surprise him at Montcallier. The Marquis of Guast advertised of this desseine, puts the rest of his troops into the said place. This enterprise proving fruitless, and Humieres not able any longer to hold his strangers without pay, he sent Francis Earl of Pontreme with sufficient forces, to make good Pignerol against the Marquis, who threatened to surprise it, to take from t●e French all means of retreat & succours in keeping the passage of Suze. Then he supplied Turin with two thousand French foot, commanded by Allegre and La●●gny: Quires with a thousand men of the bands of Aramont, besides eight hundred which the Knight Assall governor of the place had: Savillan, with a thousand Italians under the command of john of Turin, leading the Lansquenets and the rest of the troops into the Marquisate of Salusses, to attend news and money from the King for their pay, for want whereof this army served to small use. The Marquis of Guast seeing Humieres retired into Pignerol, whether the violence of the Lansquenets had driven him, there to attend their pay▪ he sent thirteen enseigns of foot, to Syria a small Town upon the mountain, to keep the valley of Suze in subjection, and by the taking of the castles of Rivole and Villain, to take from them of Turin all means to hear news out of France. So the way by the valley of Suze being cut off, and that of Pignerol by the means of Montcallier, Carignan, and Carmagnole which the enemy enjoyed: Humieres being ill obeyed by the Lansquenets (whom they forced to pay upon their old roll, although their number of ten thousand were half decreased) and those of Turin priest with want of victuals, and money, 1537. which they could not endure after Saint Andrews day, Piedmont in danger to be lost, for want of money. the King was in danger to lose all Piedmont. The Marquis having taken the Town of Quires, by assault, with Albe and Quieras by composition, was become master of the field, and held pignerol, a great and vast Town, so straightly begirt, as no victuals might enter, when as the King by a supply of five and twenty thousand Crowns, which he sent to Boutieres, made an entry for the Countrymen to bring victuals to Turin, which before was shut up, for want of payment for their wares: then he caused the the bands of the Earl of Furstemberg, and of Nicholas de Rusticis to march to Lions, under the command of the Dauphin his son and of the Lord Steward, with ten thousand French foot, commanded by Montiean, followed by fourteen hundred men at arms, and light horse, attending a levy of fourteen, or fifteen thousand Swisses, which the Earl of tend made for his majesties service: resolute to march after himself in person. And not to leave his realm unfurnished, he left the government of Paris, and the I'll of France, Picardy, Normandy, and other Countries about, to the Duke of Orleans his younger son, he sent back the Duke of Guise, into Bourgogne, and Champagne: Henry King of Navarre his brother in law, into Guienne, and Languedoc, and the Lord of Chasteaubriant, into Brittany. The Dauphin accompanied with Anthony Duke of Vendosme, parts from Lions about the tenth of October, The Daulphins' voyage into Piedmont gathers together in Daulphiné some three thousand Legionaries, and the remainders of Humieres army, which were come out of Albe, and Quieras: he forceth the passage of Suze against Cesar of Naples, who kept it with ten thousand men, chaseth them two miles, wins all their baggage, makes the Marquis to retire all his forces to Rivole and Montcallier, leaving Pignerol at liberty, opens a way by the taking of Villain from two hundred Spaniards which were cut in pieces, adds to his conquests Rivola, abandoned by the Marquis, turns head to the enemy, encamped on this side the river of Po, right against Montcallier: but having the bridge to favour him, to retire when he pleased, he gins the skirmish, with his light horsemen against theirs, kills many, takes some, and looseth few, he chaseth all their troops beyond the bridge, who breaks it after them, but with the hazard of their lives, that remained behind. Those of Montcallier, come with a great show of affection, and repair it: and then receive into their Town all the soldiers which the Dauphin had left to guard the river, whilst the army passed at Carignan. The Marquis dislodging still, left in Quires Don Anthony of Arragon his brother in law, with four thousand men and himself recovered the Country of Ast. Thus our men being at liberty on all sides, become masters of Poirien, Rive de Quires, Villeneufue d' Ast, Montafié, Antignan, and of all other forts, unto the gates of Ast, of Quieras, Albe and Fossan, whether they retired all the Corn of the Country, which did serve for the victualling of the Camp, and places of conquest. About thirty thousand sacks of corn, which the Marquis had gathered together, but had not leisure to bring from Montcalier, and much other munition found in divers places, supplied Turin for a year. During these actions, the King comes accompanied with the Earl of Saint Paul, the Cardinal of Lorraine, and many other great personages. And as his Majesty took council at Carignan, with the Dauphin, and the Lord Steward: news comes unto him, that the garrison of Vulpian kept the valley of Suze, The King comes into Piedmont. and for that Rivole nor Villare had any horsemen, to stay their incursions, they did wonderfully annoy those that followed the Campe. He presently sent away Martin du Bellay, and very happily. They had newly seized upon six moils laden with money for the payment of the army, driving the moils, and the treasorers in the midst of them. Du Bellay passeth the river of Doüaire, intercepts their way, and overtakes them three miles from Vulpian, he makes them to leave the moils, and only with the loss of the Treasorers, which they carried away, brings them safe to Rivole. The conclusion of this Council was, to besiege Quires, where the King would employ the first fruits of his last forces. But the great commander of battles, 〈◊〉 him a more favourable issue. Truce betwixt the two Princes. The truce of Picardy had given liberty to the 〈◊〉 of Hongarie, and likewise to the King, to send some gentlemen into Spain, to 〈◊〉 a peace, or a general truce: and the deputies had so well performed their 〈◊〉, as a suspension of arms was concluded on either side, from the eight and 〈…〉 of November until the two and twentieth of February following, whereby every o●e enjoying that whereof he should be found seized at the time of the publication, the garrisons of Turin, Vorlin, Savillan, Montdevis, and other frontier places, were no t slack to enlarge their limits, as far as they could, nor to put men in the King's name into all the small places, and castles there about. Three days after the truce was proclaimed, the Marquis of Guast, came to ●●sse the King's hand, whom he received very graciously: and the king making the Lord of Saint Montiean governor of Piedmont, he left William of Bellay his Lieutenant general in Turin: Francis Earl of Pontreme at Pignerol, the Baron of Castell-p●●s 〈◊〉 S●uillan: Charles of Dros a Piedmentois at Montdevis (he had surprised, and kept the place from the Imperials, when they were the strongest in field) Lodowick of sprague, at Vorlin, and Nicholas of Rusticis at Carmagnole: he dismissed his Swisses, and taking his way to France, he sent the Cardinal of Lorraine from Lions, with Montmorency the Lord Steward to Locate, where the emperors deputies should meet, concerning a peace betwixt their Majesties. The confusions had been great, & their spleen not easily to be pacified, which made them to prolong the truce for six months more. After all these toils, and painful endeavours, the loyal service of the most worthy deserved reward, which make the King being at Molins, to advance Anne of Montmorency to be Constable of France, the place being void by the revolt of the Duke of Bourbon: he gave his place of Marshal to Montiean: and that of the Marshal la Mark deceased, to claud of Annebault. It was now time to suppress these infernal furies, An interview at Nice. which had so long troubled the quiet of Christendom with such fatal combustions, and that the Pope (doing the office of a common father) should therein employ his authority. He procures an interview of these two great Princes at Nice, and himself assists, being about threescore, and fifteen years of age, in the beginning of june. Their mutual hatreds had taken too deep roots in their hearts, and that fatal and bloody check, which his brother Ferdinand King of Hongarie had lately received from the Turk, had nothing mollified the Emperor. Time doth pacify discontents. Ten years were sufficient, or never, ●o dispose both the one and the other to a general peace. A truce fo● ten years. The Pope therefore seeing that by the full deciding of their quarrels, he could not confirm a final peace, he propounded a truce for ten years, the which they concluded betwixt their Countries, and subjects, and then every one returned home. But Charles was borne to be a perpetual scourge to this realm, and many years shall not pass before ●e put us in alarm with an unworthy and base motive of new confusions. Let us now see how he worketh like a fox, to produce effects for his own benefit. The Emperor's policy. The Gantois being oppressed with many extraordinary tributes, had spoiled the emperors officers: who growing desperate, and seeking to fortify themselves against the revenging wrath of Charles: they secretly offer obedience to the King, as to their Sovereign Lord. The King performing the duty of a good brother, and faithful friend, gives the Emperor intelligence thereof. The Emperor deviseth by some notable examples, to suppress the Gantois insolencies. But the passages thither were not very certain. By Germany, the protestants might somewhat hinder him. By sea, a storm might as well cast him upon the coast of England, as upon Flanders: the divisions he had with the King of England, by reason of the divorce of Queen Katherine his Aunt, would not suffer him to take any assurance from him: France was very commodious for him: to this end, he demands the King's word for his safety, & among other toys, he promiseth, In case he gives him an assured passage, to invest him, or one of his children, in the Duchy of Milan. But (oh notable policy): he desires not to be priest to sign these promises, To the end (saith he) it may not be spoken, 1539. that I have done them by constraint to obtain a passage, and requires the King to take his word for assurance. This was to build a Castle upon a quick sand. Notwithstanding the King judgeth another man's heart and intentions by his own: he grants his brother in law such assurance as he demands. Being sick, he parts ●rom Compiegne, to go to meet with him, sending his two son●●●●o Bay●nne, The emperors passage through 〈◊〉 . to receive him, and to accompany him to the place where the King and he might meet, (which was at Chasteleraud) gives him authority to make entries, and to deliver prisoners, in many Towns of the realm, as if he had been in his own country: feasts him in all places, causeth him to be conducted by his said children unto Vale●●iennes, the first place of his own territories, where he is moved to confirm that which he had promised before his departure from Spain, but it was to no effect. The Emperor defers the matter, until he had conferred with his Counsel of the Low Countries. It may be he would have kept his promise, if he had found the Gantois so desperately affected, as he must needs have used the aid of France, to force them to obedience. But seeing themselves abandoned by the King, they sought and found mercy, upon certain conditions which he prescribed them. And ●he Constable, who (relying upon the word of such a Prince as the Emperor,) had given the King assurance, was for this cause in disgrace with his Majesty, and retired himself from Court to his house: from whence we shall see him called and restored to his dignities. Let us observe the craft and subtlety of the Spaniard, to bring the King into dislike with his friends and allies. The Venetians were ill satisfied of the League they had made with the Emperor against the great Turks: their treasure was wasted, and their estates (after that great and famous victory in Hongarie,) were in danger. They were (for their own safety) ready to enter into a treaty of peace, or of a long truce with the Turk. To break this, the Emperor solicits the King to enter into this common League, and the King persuaded thereunto, sends (by his instigation) the Marshal of Annbeault (Lieutenant general for his Majesty in Piedmont, by the death of Montiean, lately deceased,) to go in company with the Marquis of Guast to Venice, and the Lord of Gié to the Pope, as solemn Ambassadors, and to give them hope: That the King of France joining his forces to theirs, all jointly together, would make an army both by Sea and land, to extirpate the race of the Ottomans out of Europe. The Emperor struck three strokes with one stone: he dissuaded the Venetians from all accord with the Turk. He bred a hatred and dislike betwixt the King and the Turk. And put the King of England in jealousy: who could not well like of this great alliance and fraternity, which the Emperor did cunningly make show to have with the King. So as the English was persuaded, that the King had withdrawn his love, grew strange, and began to assure himself of the Emperor. And which is more, all the Kings other confederates, seeing that honourable and respective entertainment given to the Emperor, and the Ambassadors of both their Majesties, jointly sent into Italy, they conceived many causes of distrust, blaming the King in leaving them at need to the emperors mercy: from whom they could not expect (if he did vanquish them in war) any better usage then that of the Gantois. This year William Bude Master of Requests, died at Paris, 1540 a man of singular learning and godliness, to whom all men that love learning are much bound, Bude died. having by his learned and laborious writings, eased them of much pain: whose credit with the King, and the Cardinal Du Bellays, caused honest pensions, according to that age, to be given to those whom we call the King's readers, and professors, a fountain from whence are sprung so many great rivers, that in the end they are spread over all Europe. The extreme heat, and great drouths, did likewise make this season the more memorable, by the name which it carries yet, of the year of Roasted Vines. The Emperor having by his dissembling disappointed the King of his hopes, 1541. it was now needful to satisfy his friends and Allies, touching the truth of things past: for (to incense all the Potentates of Christendom against our King) the Emperor had under hand given them to understand, that the King treated with him of matters to their prejudice. 1541. To this end he sent Caesar Fregose to the Senate of Venice, and Anthony Rinson a Gentleman of his chamber to the great Turk. The King's Ambassadors surprised and murdered. The Marquis of Guast hath some notice thereof, and to surprise these Ambassadors with their instructions and letters of credit (which notwithstanding were not found about them, the Lord of Langey, who could not dissuade them from the passage of Po, had so prevailed with them, as they sent their instructions unto him, to convey them unto Venice an other way:) he sets watches upon all the passages, especially upon the Po, knowing well that Rincon, a big fat man, would rather pass by water then by land) and causeth them to be murdered in their bark, passing at Cantalone, three miles above the mouth of Tesin, putting all the watermen into the dungeon of the Castle of Pavia, as well those which carried the Spaniards, that were the murderers, as the French: they were Soldiers of the garrison of Milan, and of the said Castle. An odious and reproachful act. Some Packets coming from Venice to the King, and from the King to Venice, were surprised, and the carriers wounded by men attired after the Marquises devise. But see the notable policy of Langey, to discover the truth of a fact which the Marquis thought to have managed so secretly, as it should never have come to light. Gifts (says an ancient) pacify both Gods and men. Langey finds a means, by money, to file a sunder the grates of the prison towards the Castle ditch, with secret Files: draws forth the Mariners, wins some of the faction to the King's service, learns from them the number, the names, and the nation of the murderers, the order, the manner, and the hour of the murder, and all other available circumstances, to encounter the dissembling of the Marquis, who making a good show of a bad cause, seemed to inquire carefully of the crime, by the Captain of the justice at Milan. The Emperor was then at the Diet at Ratisbone, An Interim granted by the Emperor. where he granted an Interim to the Protestants, that is to say, until a Council were held to determine all controversies of religion, every one should peaceably enjoy the belief and ceremonies whereof he then made profession: and in doing this, the restoring of the Duke of Savoy to all his estates, was granted at the Germans charge. Soon after, William of Roquendolfe Lieutenant general for Ferdinand King of Hongarie, Ferdinand's army defeated by the Turk. was defeated before Bude, with the loss of twenty thousand Germans. It was a great shame for the Emperor, being near to so mournful and fatal a check, if he should not employ his forces in his brother's favour. He undertakes again the voyage of Algiers in afric, with an intent (that if passing through Italy, he should find the King's affairs disordered, and his sources dispersed) to attempt some thing against him, making account that the King would not fail to be revenged of the violence and wrong done unto him, in the persons of his Ambassadors. But the good provision which the King had made in Provence, and in Piedmont, by Langey his Lieutenant general, caused him to pass on without attempting any thing. Being at Luques, he had conference with the Pope and the King, sent his Ambassador unto them, to demand satisfaction for the crime: but he was put off with shifts. The enterprise of Algiers was unfortunate, The Emperor goes to Algiers without success. the violence of the winds, the continual rain, the storms and hail, with all the injuries of the air, had conjured against him: breaking some of his ships, he was beaten back with great danger of his person, and loss of his men. hitherto the Marquis had as covertly as he could, disguised the matter: but finding now that all men had discovered his devices, that notwithstanding the death of the Ambassadors, he could not decipher the King's desseine: that the King demanded as well from the Emperor, as from the Estates of the Empire, satisfaction for this soul fact: Now to make his cause seem good, he writes to the Estates which were assembled again at Ratisbone, for their common defence against the Turk, whereby he maintains, that he committed no act that might touch him for breach of the truce, and in show to justify himself of the crime wherewith he was charged: There are (saith he neither denying nor advowing the fact) two ways of justification, the one civil, the other Knightly. I offer to maintain civilly, that there is no breach of truce grown by me, The Marquis of G●a●t justifies himself. and to deliver into our holy father's hands (the protector of the truce,) both myself, and all those the King shall think culpable of this act, to the end the truth might be known: and if any Knight my equal will charge me with any such fact, and prove his saying by arms, I will maintain that he hath spoken falsely, and as often as he shall charge me with the like, so often shall he speak falsely. We do often shadow a lie with such good words, as it gives it a colour of truth. But did he think by this bravado, to prove his innocency? the retreat of those murderers to him, bringing them all prisoners that were left alive within the boats, to the end there should be no means to discover this infamous murder: the detention he made of the watermen, whom he afterwards transported into other prisons under his command: the penal Edicts he did publish in places where the fact might be known, against them that should be found discoursing of this action: the ill usage of them that had spoken of it: the favours, honours, and advancements, given to them that had been the actors: the depositions of prisoners freed by Langey, were not all these sufficient witnesses, to cry vengeance against the Marquis: Langey answering to the pretended justifications of the Marquis, was the Knight to make trial thereof, by the one or the other way. But the Marquis had no such meaning. We have heard how the King demanded of the Emperor (being in conference with the Pope at Luques) satisfaction of the murder, audaciously and against all divine, natural, and humane laws, committed upon the persons of two of his especial servants, men of estate, and of reputation by their births, having by their merits deserved, the one an honourable degree amongst his chief Gentlemen: the other an especial place amongst the greatest Noblemen. They would have satisfied him with frivolous reasons and excuses, persuading him to leave the abolition of their blood, to the forgetfulness of time, which might have been an imputation to his Majesty, either of want of wit and judgement, or of valour or courage. Profit urged the King, honour pricked him forward, and necessity constrained him, to use those means which the law of Nations did allow to him which doth acknowledge no other superior: and three chief reasons did urge him thereunto. The first reason that moved the King to war. Under this colour of peace, the Emperor had a thousand practices upon the frontiers of his realm: and the King had no sooner cut off one of this Hydra's heads, but presently there riseth up an other or many more. Moreover, this truce allowed the traffic and conference of either's subjects, The second. by means whereof so many treasons were practised. Neither could he draw his subjects from the commerce of the Low Countries, belonging to the Emperor, without express prohibitions, the which by consequence would argue hostility. The third. But that which did most move a noble and generous spirit: he had good and certain intelligence, that the Emperor (seeing war proclaimed, in case he did not within a certain time make satisfaction for the above named murders) made his account, that under colour of zeal to the Commonweal of Christendom, (filling the ears of the whole world with a goodly and great enterprise, against the enemies of the faith): he would raise great forces, and provide great preparation, at the cost and charge of his most credulous subjects, lying most open and nearest unto the Turks invasion: and conjure the most Christian King to assist him either with men or money. If then the fumes of an African or Turkish voyage, had been proclaimed through the world, before that war were denounced betwixt these two Princes, those which were not acquainted with the devices of the one, would have imputed the stay of so holy an enterprise to the other. Let us add, that howsoever, he m●st ●ntertaine men both in Italy, and upon the frontiers of Languedoc and Provence, for that both a truce, and war were of equal charge unto him. There were two means to begin the war: The one profitable and less honest. Many thrust him on, some with discontent, others with revenge, some with covetousness, some with desire of innovation, or some other private passions, offering to seize upon divers places for his Majesty, the conquest whereof, might be a worthy reward for a long and doubtful war. The other was more honest, but of less profit, just and not covetous. The Duchy of Luxembourg, and the County of Rousillon were worthy motives in general, besides the private interest of invasion, which the King had against his enemy. The causes of a new war. The Emperor did possess them both, without any lawful title. Luxembourg, by the succession of Charles and Philippe Dukes of Bourgogne, his great grandfather, and his father, who had by force dispossessed the true and lawful Lords of the said house, who had substituted our Francis, by a new grant into their rights and actions, besides the ancient rights, which the Kings of France have ever pretended thereunto: and especially, since the purchase which Lewis Duke of Orleans, brother to King Charles the sixth made. Besides that the Lords of la Mark had of late transported their pretensions unto him, of the said Duchy. Rou●●llion by the two scrupulous restitution of Charles the eight: being abused, and deceived (saith the original) by friar Oliver Maillard, his confessor, a man in show holy, but in effect an Hypocrite, and corrupted with money by the King of Arragon, to sell and deceive his master. King Charles having no power to make this alienation, in prejudice of the Crown, neither the King of Arragon, nor his successors, accomplishing the conditions annexed to the Contract, Charles now Emperor, was but an usurper, and a violent possessor. The situation of Luxembourg was commodious to receive the Germans that came unto the King: War declared in Luxemburg. but more, by this approach, to favour the Duke of Cleves, whom the Emperor did threaten to make the poorest man in Christendom. So the King sent Charles Duke of Orleans, his youngest son, accompanied with six hundred men at arms, six thousand French, and ten thousand Lansquenets, and claud Duke of Guise commanding the army under him: Francis of Bourbon Duke of Anguie●, brother to Anthony Duke of Vendosme, the Earl of Aumale, eldest son to the Duke of Guise, the Lords of Sedan, ●amets, Roche du main, la Guiche and many others, men of resolution, valour, and experience. And for the enterprise of Roussillon, Henry his eldest son Dauphin of Viennois, War in Rous●llon. assisted by the Marshal of Annebault, for the chief conduct of the war: and for an assistant in those military toils, the Lord of Montpesat, Lieutenant for his Majesty in Languedoc. Parpignan is the chief City of this County: the only bar, and bulwark of Spain towards the South: the Conquest whereof drew after it not only the loss of that which the Emperor possessed on this side the mountains, but laid open all the Province beyond it: and the King conceived, that assailing it, (being unfurnished of many necessaries, for the maintaining of a great siege,) either honour, or fear of loss, would draw the Emperor to fight, and with this hope, he prepared the rest of his forces to march in person. But this was but a great show, without any effects. The Duke of Orleans having assembled his troops, betwixt Verdon and Dun le Chasteau, Exploits in Luxembourg. he besieged, battered, and took Danuillier, a place of Luxembourg: where there came to join with him the Baron of Hedecq sometimes Lieutenant to the Earl of Furstemberg, the Earls of Mansfeld, and Piguelin, and the Colonel Reichroc, with their regiments of Lansquenets, making about ten thousand men. Then came Comte Reingrave to the King's service, a young Nobleman, and well resolved, who promised in his person, many good parts, as we shall hereafter see. Danuillier being burnt, as not defensable, had opened the way to Luxembourg▪ but news comes, that a part of the wall was fallen at Yurye: the Duke turns the head of his army thither, makes his approaches, plants three Cannons and a half upon the brink of the trench, 1539. but undiscreetly, without gabions, without trenches (this was to contemn the enemy too much) and without any covering for them that guarded the artillery. The garrison ●allies forth in the open day, in view of the army, and tie roopes unto the ordinance, but the weight of them was the let they could not draw them into the trenches, whereupon they burned their carriages and dismount them. They make trenches, and batter it towards Ardennes: they make a reasonable breach, but it was not assailed. In the midst of the breach, the besieged had a Casemate in the bottom of their trench▪ th● which could not be taken from them without great slaughter of them that should attempt it. They draw from Sedan, Mouzon and other near Towns a supply of artillery and munition: and make a ne●e battery, the besieged (being amazed) demand a parley. The bastard of Sombret, the Lord of Noyelles, Hannuyer, Captain Famas, Gyles de Levant and others unto the number of two thousand men, defended the place, the which could not be assaulted without hazard and loss of men. So it was concluded, Iuo●e taken. they should departed with their baggage, and to carry with them six faucons with munition to discharge them six times a piece. Then William Duke of Cleves fortified the King's army with ten thousand Lansquenets, and sixteen hundred horse, led by Martin de Rossan Marshal of Gueldres. William had lately espoused (but without any consummation of marriage, by reason of the Infants base age) joan Daughter to Henry of Albret and of Marguerite the King's sister, whom hereafter we may see by the nullity of this contract, to marry with Anthony of Bourbon Duke of Vendosme, and of their marriage was borne Henry the fourth King of France and of Navarre, now living and reigning under the favour of heaven, for the happy preservation of this monarchy. juoye, (which men held the strongest place in the Country, & best furnished with men artillery and munition) by their yielding, caused Arlon to open her gates at the first summons. Luxemberg seemed of a harder issue. It was kept by three thousand foo●e and four hundred horse. But the trenches, the approaches and a breach made, although not reasonable to give an assault (considering the trench was very deep cut out of the rock) did so amaze the besieged, as they yielded to departed with their baggage. The Earls of Man●eild and Piguelin promised to defend it against all men: but we shall shortly see how they will discharge their duties. Montmedy a small place situate upon a mountain, so as they could not approach but on the one side, moved with this happy success, yielded at the first view of the Cannon. To conclude, such was the success in this expedition, that only Tionuille remained in the emperors hands of all the Duchy of Luxemberg. But the great ●esire the Duke of Orleans had to be at the battle, which, in show, was to be given before Parpignan, drew him to Montpellier, where the King remained attending the progress of the said siege of Parpignan, to be ready to receive the Emperor, if he came to secure it. The Duke had no sooner dismissed his army, and turned his back to Luxemberg, leaving the Duke of Guise as Lieutenant general for the King, but the imperials presented themselves before the Town, and received it very easily of the Earls of Mansfeild and Piguelin: and by the recovery of Montmedy did wonderfully endamage all the French troops at Stenay, and along the Meuse, ifthe Duke (assembling what he could of those companies, he had dismissed) had not chased them from Montmedy, before they had any time to bethink themselves. A stratagem which did pacify the King's wrath, for the dismissing of so gallant and brave an army, in the heat of their most honourable and happy success. 〈◊〉 commonly said▪ That youth can do what age doth know but cannot do. What d●d this youthful escape of the Duke of Orleans benefit, preferring a desire of uncertain glory, before the fruits of an assured Conquest? No increase of his reputation: small assistance unto the King's troops, if he had been upon the point of battle, 1542. and a great prejudice to his majesties affairs. for this voyage of Rousillon, being wonderful sumptuous, and of no profit, he might with great honour have continued his victories, the which he had so happily begun. Let us now observe the success of this enterprise. Annebault having brought unto the Dauphin, Attempt of Roussillon fruitless. being at avignon, eight thousand Swisses, six thousand French foot, of the old bands, whereof Charles of Cossé, Lord of Brissac was Colonel: six thousand Italians, four hundred men at arms, and sixteen hundred light horse, whereof the Lord of Terms was general; and Mompesat having joined with him at Narbonne, with his legion of Languedoc, and part of that of Guienne, six thousand Lansquenets, and a great number of Swisses, newly levied, who being joined with their Countrymen, made about fourteen thousand, so as the whole army was esteemed forty thousand men of all nations, two thousand men at arms, and two thousand light horse. The rough entertainment the Imperials gave them at the Castle of Saulses, with their Canon and Culverin, made them to conjecture, that the intelligences which Montpesat the first firebrand of this attempt, pretended to have, were uncertain. And what success could Parpignan promise them, finding it very well fortified with platforms, well manned, and well furnished with Artillery, and munition? what assurance could the assailants have in a plain field, behind gabions which they could not fill but with sand. The long time which was spent in assembling so many sund●ie nations, and the fruitless stay of Annebault, six or seven weeks in Piedmont, had given the defendants time to prevent their enemy's desseines. Moreover winter approached, and the Emperor might well keep the place without hazarding of his person or trying the chance of battle, whereunto the King sought by all means to draw him. This was the means to take cold, and to consume himself in vain. Upon the first rain there had been no means to retire this army, by reason of the floods which run on all sides from the mountains, the which the nearness of the Sea makes to overflow the champion Country that lies near it, so as being shut up betwixt two Seas, and the mountain, the enemy would easily have prevailed. The King foreseeing these dangers, retired the Dauphin and his army, knowing but too late, that he had been ill served. These flourishing troops, fresh and resolute, might have been most profitably employed in the estate of Milan. But the assurance they gave the King, to take Parpignan at the first, of two parties made him choose the worst. Moreover, in an army there is always some one of those that are of the Council, (being jealous, and envying that any other should do better,) love rather to cross and frustrate desseins, then to advance them. In Picardy. In the mean time, Anthony Duke of Vendosme, Governor and Lieutenant for the King in Picardy, suffered not his arms to rust: The enemy lurked in divers places▪ which did greatly annoy Ardres, and the country about Bolongne: namely Montoire and Tournehan, the first being strong of situation, upon a little hill, at the entry of the County of Oye, discovering all that come out of Ardres. The other upon the edge of the County of Bologne, going from Ardres to S. Omers, belonging to the County of ●ures, one of the strongest places of the country. The taking and razing of these two, was the destruction of many others which held for them, and yet the enemy being the stronger in men, made some show to try his forces. In Piedmont. But on the other side, the country of Piedmont, was left in prey to the enemy, by reason that Annebault had carried away the troops for the enterprise of Parpignan. The Marquis of Guast embracing this occasion, assembled his forces at the bridge of Es●●re, a fit place to have the rivers at commandment, and where soever he pleased, on this or the other side of Po, to assail Piedmont. Langey Lieutenant for the King in Piedmont, to cross the Marquis, draws a company of foot out of every Town, makes an enterprise upon Coney, Quieras, and Albe, being ill furnished with Soldiers. The undertakers for Coney and Albe, wander in the night, and the day approaching, made their voyage fruitless. Aussun Governor of Savillan, and Centall of Riez, appointed for Quieras, planted their Ladders, notwithstanding the day breaking had given the alarm in the Town: they force it, and the Castle having but one horse, and two sacks of meal in it, yielded, after they had fasted 36. houres● Centall being made governor, manned it with two thousand Soldiers, which he levied, as well upon his own hands, as elsewhere. The Marquis posted to secure them, but the distance of the places required three days journey He took his revenge upon Villenen●ue of A●t, Poising & 〈◊〉, small places not fortified, resolute to pass the Po, and to camp 〈…〉, to take from the French all the plain country, and to famish Turin and Pignerol, with the other places, which they held 〈◊〉 this side, & to take from them all commodity of the Marquisate of Salusses. Five thousand foot, with some few men at arms, and lighthorsemen, which Langey might oppose against the Marquis, A gallant stratagem of Langey. who lead fifteen thousand foot, and two thousand five hundred horse, were not sufficient to stop his passage. But the industry of a well advised commander, doth often that which force cannot effect. He comes first to lodge at Carignan, fortifies himself speedily, and with continual skirmishes, keeps the Marquis from forcing of the passage. ●he waters were low (it was in the month of july) they might easily wade through both above and beneath Carignan● these two armies had already camped fifteen days one against an other, and the weakest in number was almost tired. Langey himself with his exceeding toil, was grown lame, yet having his tongue and his spirits free, he wins from the Imperial army, six thousand Italians: so as weakening his enemy, he fortifies himself. The Marquis amazed, and fearing least these should suborn the rest of his troops, retires to Villedestelon and Quires. It was a goodly thing to pursue them, and the Swisses had accepted of this proposition: but in steed of passing the Po, being mutined by the persuasions of some, they turn their Ensigns directly to pignerol, and Boutieres with them. Langey seeing himself abandoned, divides his last come Italians into Casell●s and Syria, betwixt Turin and Vulpian, leaves about fifty Soldiers in the Castle of Carignan, and causeth himself to be carried to Turin. The Marquis hearing of this sudden departure, sends to summon the place, and threatens the Soldiers with death, if they attend the Canon. They yield at the summon. It was likely the Marquis would finish the Fort which Langey had begun. He therefore sends his Brother Martin du Bellay, Governor of Turin thither. Du Bellay sends before him Captain Maruille, and the Earl Maxim, Anthony de Sesse, his two Lieutenants, with about fifty horse, to observe the enemy's countenance. The Earl leaves his companion in guard, and by a Trumpet, demands to speak with the Captain of Carignan. This Captain goes forth under his assurance, (the Earl knew him well: he had sometimes served him:) the Earl tells him, they are sent to invest him, attending the troops, and the Artillery, and assures him, that if he makes any delay, it will not be in his power to save his life. So the Captain terrified by this Stragem, delivers the Castle to the Governor of Turin, who took order, the like inconvenience should not happen. Then the Marquis, after two assaults given in vain to Chinas', and repulsed by jerosme of Birague, he stayed at Cazal: and Caesar of Naples, to open the way from Vulpian to Turin, hoping to recover again the Italians, late fallen from him, came to assail Cazelles. Langey discovering this desseine, appointed the Chevalier Villegagnon to command them, who sent back his enemy with the loss of about four score men, leaving his Ladders in the trenches, for a pawn of his vain enterprise. Barges stopped the passage from Pignerol to Ravel, and did then greatly annoy the places which obeyed the French, being in the midst of them. Barges taken. The Marquis retired from Cazal could not secure it in many days. And therefore not to suffer the Swisses to grow dull, for want of exercise, Boutieres by the commandment of Langey, parts from Pignerol with six Canons, finds a Convent fortified, joining to the Castle, without the taking whereof the Castle might not be attempted: he makes a breach, takes it by assault in four and twenty hours, and puts three hundred Spaniards which had the gard● thereof, to the sword. Then he approacheth the Castle, makes a breach, and compounds with the besieged, That if within six days the Marquis, or some for him, came not strong enough to raise the siege, they should departed with their lives. The Marquis advertised of this composition, posts to secure them, and Boutieres being too weak to attend so great a power, retires to Pignerol. In recompense whereof, Langey takes from him the Castle of Montaul● and some other places in Monferrat, being hard to be recovered in winter. And to pull so troublesome a thorn out of his foot, he causeth Vassé, governor of Pignerol, to practice P●ul Monnet Captain of Barges, and then with some bands newly come from ●r●nce▪ he marcheth with speed to the said place, plants ●oure Canons in battery, and by means of a hole which he made in the Tower, although not reasonable for a breach, he receives both the place and Captain to the King's service. The time ●itted well for the war, and the King being loath to lose the opportunity, and to employ some part of the forces that were retired from Parpignan, sent the Lord of Annebault, with the regiment of Reichr●c, into Piedmont, with the old Italian bands, and the French, all the light ho●se, and four hundred men at arms. This new army, might in show (whilst the Marquis of Guast was at Carmagnole, A new French army in Piedmont. doubtful where they would make their first attempt) have surprised Ca●al, and other places where Langey had intelligence. With this design, he secretly kept boats upon the river of Po: within four and twenty hours they might go down by water: and the Marquis could not come to secure them in less than four days march. Moreover, a friend (whom he entertained near unto the Marquis,) assured him to deliver over unto the French three thousand Lansquenets, and a thousand Spaniards, the which he himself should lead, and cause them to be surprised at a passage near to Villedes●elon, where they had no means to escape: so as passing the Po by night, they had sent some four hundred horse, betwixt Carmagnole, and Villedestelon, and opposed the army betwixt Villedes●elon and Quires. Without doubt Langey being lame of his limbs, employed all his wits, to discover the imperials purposes, and still to get from the enemy. But Envy hath always sworn the ruin of Virtue. Some envious persons break off these two designs, and dissuaded Annebault from these great enterprises. Langey seeing his project crossed by his enemies, he parted from Turin with the King's good leave, Langey dies in Piedmont. to acquaint him with many things touching his majesties service, which he could not commit to any man's report: but death prevented him at Saint Saphorin▪ upon the Mountain of Tarare. The Marquis dislodging from Carmagnole, had left so few men in Coney, as a sudden assault had carried it at the first. To this end A●nebault parts with four Canons, and causeth Rivoles to come with the Regiment of Reichroc. The bridges of Carignan and Montcallier were broken, so as the Lansquenets must pass at Turin. Du Bellay Governor of the Town, and Lieutenant for the King on this side Po, prepares their lodging, to employ them as they pass. The Tower of Saint Bony, Chastillon, Saint Raphael, and other small places, upon the Mountain of Montf●rrat, did wonderfully annoy Turin: They could not go to the places of Montferrat, whence the victuals (especially Wine) came in great abundance, without being discovered. He mounts four Canons, departs with some troops of horse, three Ensigns of French men of his garrison, and the said Germans▪ plants his artillery before S. B●●y, makes a hole: the Lansquenets give the assault, force it, and put all they find armed to the sword, except the Captain, who was hanged by the law of arms, for that he had endured the Canon in so weak a place. Chastillon could not be battered but from an other mountain opposite, and the horses could not draw up the artillery. The Lansquenets fleshed with the prey of Saint Bony, force it up by main strength: and the besieged, being four hundred good men of war, terrified with the usage ofSaint Bony, yield to departed with their baggage. Those of Saint Raphael, and some other places, send to demand a composition, & retreat. Only Chastillon was defensable, and commodious for the guard of the passage, all the rest were razed. The Lansquenets having joined with Annebault, he beseegeth Coney, overthrows a piece of the wall, and gives an assault, but it was the place which was best fortified: a great rampar behind the breach, stays our men▪ the which after an hours fight they are forced to abandon, with the loss of many men of service: and the night following, two hundred horse, and eight hundred foot being entered, made the Admiral to sound the retreat: eight Canons divided into two batteries, had so troubled the defendants, as not able to answer the divers assaults, the Town in show had been won. But errors are known after they are committed. Upon the retreat, the Earl Maxim Anthony Maruille, and Theode Bedaine an Albanois, encounter two hundred Imperial horses, near to Brabant, they charge them, defeat, and take the most part of them, and the enemy having abandoned many small pieces, the Admiral reduceth to the King's obedience Villeneufue of Ast, Poring, Cambian, and Rive de Quires. Winter did cut off all means of more happy success. So dismissing his army, and sending the Lansquenets of Colonnel Reichroc into France, he took his way to Mont-Cenis▪ Mont-Cenis is subject to tempests, as well as the sea. The way is strait, Annebaults dangerous retreat. restrained by two mountains: when any storm ariseth, the gusts of wind do gather together balls of snow, upon the tops of the hills, which growing great as they roll down, overthrow all they meet, and they to whom the strait is known, (for oft times, the guides are lost) run many times into caves full of snow. Annebault was in this danger▪ most part of them that did accompany him, found their graves under the snow: some lose their eyes, other die with cold: some return benumbed of their feet, others of their arms, and hands, and few of this whole troop enjoyed his perfect health: himself was near unto a fatal end, if some men attending the end of the storm, in little caves, had not preserved him from the injury thereof. At that time, the King determined a revenge against the inhabitants of Rochel, & the neighbour islands which were mutined against the King's officers, for the custom of salt. Being arrived at Rochel, they assembled all in the garden, Rebellion of the Rochellois. where his Majesty did lie, confessed their rebellion publicly, and most humbly craved pardon for their offence. The fury of a King (saith the wise man) is the messenger of death: but a wise man will pacify it. And the cheerful countenance of a King is life, his favour is like unto a cloud, bringing rain in due season. The King moved with the pitiful noise of this people, crying for mercy, with their hands lift up, kneeling on the ground, and tears in their eyes: did graciously remit their offence, The King's clemency. freed the prisoners ●or this offence, delivered their arms, and the keys of the Town, commanded the garrisons both of foot and horse, to retire: received them into grace, and restored their liberties, and privileges: without doubt, A King maintains his throne by clemency. In the mean time, many practices, and enterprises, are made against Turin. The Marquis of Guast, did at sundry times send unto the judge of Turin, An Enterprise upon Turin. being borne at Quires, a number of carts laden with wine: and within the vessels which were as long as the carts, many arms, harguebuses, pertuisans, and corselets, to arm fourscore men, the which he should receive into his house, disguised like countrymen, bringing victuals to the market: who at the first tumult they should hear at the Town gate, should issue forth armed, and seize upon the Court of guard, in the market place, whilst that other soldiers armed with jacks, and shirts of mail, morions, swords, dagger's, and targets, brought in five carts of hay, six in every one, (the hay being so cunningly laid, as cutting a cord within the bundles, would fall down) should fight with the guard at the port, and favour the entry of eight hundred horse, 1543. and five thousand foot, which should be ready at the alarm. But the enterprise being discovered, made the judge to lose his head. The enemy notwithstanding, let's not to proceed to the execution of his carts of hay, in the absence of Bellay, whom his private affairs had called into France, after the death of his brother: and the twelfth of February, Boutieres, Lieutenant for the King at Turin, was well advertised of some carts which were preparing at Lig●●, (an imperial Town near unto Vulpian) but not of the manner of the former enterprise. They hazard their hay. Raimont commanding at the gate, causeth Perrichon his Lieutenant to thrust a pike through the first cart: he draws it out all bloody: the soldiers leap forth, and the first thrusts Raymonet through the body, with his sword. Raimonet takes him by the throat, and stabs him: his companions likewise come forth, force the guard, seize upon the arms that hang up, and become masters of the port. Valiantly without doubt, but somewhat too soon for them, their succours were a mile or more from the first bridge. Captain Saluadeur d' Aguerre (who deserves to be named, having a great share in the preservation of the Town) who had then the guard of the place, hearing the alarum at the gate, and crying Savoye, turns head with his troop, repulseth the five that were slipped out off the first cart, and goes directly to the gate. A well advised Smith, who dwelled near the gate, goes up, and with a great hammer breaks the chain, and let's down the Portcullis, so as the imperials could not enter. Boutieres and Moneins arrive, they shut the gates, kill some of the soldiers that were betwixt the gate and the Portcullis, the rest creep under the Portcullis being too short: and Cesar of Naples (who not many days before, had left three of his soldiers hanged at Turin, being executed for an other conspiracy, against the Town) seeing his enterprise made frustrate, retired without the loss of any, but of his Lieutenant, who was slain with the Canon. On the other side, the Duke of Cleves made war in Brabant, and had won some places from the Emperor. So as the Bourgognons turning all their forces against him, give the Duke of Vendosme means to victual. Therovenne, to take Lilliers by composition, being a strong place, betwixt Air and Betune, at the entry of the marish: to burn the Town, beat down the gates, and to make it and many other places about Therovenne, Saint Omer, air, Betune, altogether unprofitable for the enemy. And to the Earl of Aumale eldest son to the Duke of Guise, accompanied with the Lords of Laval, Saint André, Escars, Dampiere, Chastaigeray, Esguilly, and a great number of other young gentlemen's occasion, Exploits in Picardy. to quicken the enemy with continual skirmishes, and assaults, most commonly carrying away the advantage. The happy success, and the favourable season, invited the King, in the beginning of june, to go to field with all his forces, with an intent to assail Auennes, being unfurnished of men. To this end he sends the admiral of Annebault, newly advanced to that office, by the death of the Admiral of Brion, that attending his coming, he should invest the Town: and sent to the Duke of Vendosme, to come to him to Cateau Cambresis, which was the rendezvous for all the army. So the King had the Admiral's army, as a forward on his right hand, that of the Duke on his left, and his Majesty in the midst. Longueval and Langey, with their companies of men at arms, and la Land with a thousand foot, go before by the Admiral's commandment, they take the fort by assault, which the enemies had built upon the bridge of the river of Estruel: and before the Town had any knowledge thereof, they put to the sword three hundred men, that had the guard thereof. In this annoyment, Landrecy and other places ta●en by the French. if they had furiously assailed the Town, in show, it had been forcible. Notwithstanding Landrecy, the Castle of Emery, and some other places taken & fortified, gave entry into the Country of Hainault. Landrecy is situate upon Sembre, a small river, but deep and strong upon the banks, which issuing out of Oise, in the Duchy of Cu●se, ●uns by Chastillon, Landrecy, Marolles, Emery, and Maube●ge: than it runs into the Meuze near to Namur. Beyond Sambre, is the forest of Mormaut. Langey foreseeing that the garrison might use the same stratagem, they had done in the year 1521. had placed a hundred horse betwixt the forest and the Town: that being fortified by the admirals coming, they might cut off the retreat to them that were assailed. But as we have said else where: Envy doth gladly cross brave desseines. The Admiral in steed of favouring the enterprise, calls back them that were on the other side of the river, being ready to perform a worthy exploit. And the enemy seeing the way open, retires into the Forest, and at their dislodging, consumes the whole town to ashes▪ and not able to save any thing but the Church, they burn withal, their victuals and munition, which was sufficient to feed the Garrison of the Town a whole year. To repair and make it defensible, the King gave the government thereof to La Land, who by a countertrench covered it from a mountain on the forest side, which looks into the town: he made three great bulwarks, and filled the castle with earth to make a platform, serving as a flank to the bulwarks. Let us mark an other fault, no less remarkable. The Duke of Vendosme, marching by the high country of Arthois to the Rendezvous, had suddenly reduced Bapaume to his obedience. Auchimont, with the soldiers and Citizens of all sexes, being retired into the Castle, had but one well, which dried up in two days, would have brought them to the Duke's mercy, when as he receives a second charge from the King, That upon pain of disobedience, and to incur his disgrace, he should come the same day to him to Cateau Cambresis: so as he left the besieged at liberty. The King having his forces united, he found the number to be about eighteen hundred men at arms, whereof the commanders were, the Dauphin, the Dukes of Orleans Vendosme, and Guise, the Earls of S. Paul, Aumale, and Brissac, the Marshal of 〈◊〉, the Admiral Dampiere, Maugeron, Boissy, Longuevall, ●onneual and many others whose names should be tedious: eighteen hundred light horse under Brissac their Colone● twelve thousand Legionaries, Picards, Normands, and Champanois, and twelve thousand low Germans. The Castle of Emery might be fortified, and serve to second Landrecy. The Castle of Emery taken. To that end the King sent the Dauphin, with part of the army, and some artillery. The Lord of the place, was at the wars in Gueldres, and they which kept it, yielded upon the first approaches. Langey with his company of men at arms, and an ensign of the legion of Picardy, was left for the defence and fortification of the place. The taking of Barlemont, an other ●astle upon the same river opened the passage unto Bains, and to the gates of Monts in Hainault. Maubeuge was the enemy's storehouse, when as he made any attempt against this Realm: and the Town being unfurnished of men, able to attend the Canon, the inhabitants yielded to the Dauphin:: who (leaving Heyley Captain of a thousand men, of the legion of Picardy, and S. You with five hundred) he retired to the army. The army camped ten leagues from Bains: and Bains was the ordinary retreat of the imperials returning from the war in Guelderland, who for the distance of the French camp, did lodge confidently in the suburbs and villages about: considering that there were no horsemen at Mauberge, Langey gives intelligence to Mauger●n, that they had means to do a brave exploit with honour and profit. He comes with his company of men at arms, and fourscore of the Admirals: and parting by night, they ta●e (in passage by S. You▪) footie Harquebusiers on horseback, of the Garrison of Maubeuge:: they lay an Ambush half a league on this side Bains, within a wood, and send La Motte Gondrin Lieutenant to Maugeron who remained sick at Maubeuge, to enter the suburbs of Mons, and by the firing of some houses to take from them of the Town the knowledge of the enterprise of Bains: and then to retire themselves into the ambush, in case they were charged: and they send Maruille Lieutenant to Langey (who commanded the ambush) the Vidame of Chartres, la Rocheguion, and the Harquebusiers on horseback, to surprise the imperials in their suburbs, at the break of day. Every thing was executed accordingly. About six score horse, arriving the night before, slept at their ease: they awake them somewhat rudely, and carry them away prisoners, spoil the Villages about, and return to divide their rich booty at Maubeuge. The imperials surprised at Bains. At the same time the Earl of Aumale tormented the garrisons of Auennes with continually skirmishes: but still with the decrease of their men, and no less of his. The prisoners of Bains had assured the King, that the town was unfurnished of men of defence. He therefore sends the Dauphin and the Admiral to subdue it to his obedience. But at the first approach they found themselves abused. The imperials had the next day after the alarm, put fifteen hundred Lansquenets into the town. Moreover, for want of well viewing the fort, they had indiscreetly planted the Cannon against the strongest part: the battery did small harm: many died there, and many returned wounded. Alegre among others, a young man, who for his age had made good proof of his person, lost his life. Gaspar of Coligny Lord of Chastillon (he shall hereafter play many parts upon the Theatre of this history,) for one of the first exploits of his arms, had a shot in the throat. So the great number of Germans which entered into Bains, the want of munition and victuals (the Dauphin having brought but for two days) the enemies which assembled at Monts, and at Quesnoy le Comte, the danger the King did foresee, in keeping his troops divided, the fear that going in person to join with his son (with whom were his chief ●orces, he should be constrained to leave the fortifications of Landrecy imperfect: his Majesty draws the Dauphin unto him, he causeth him to beat down the defences of Maubeuge in his passage: and (for that the Emperor was wont to assemble his forces there that came out off Germany and the Low Countries) to fire the Town. Trelon and Glayon, places betwixt Auennes and Simay, did greatly annoy the frontiers of Tierasse and Champagne. Bonnevall, and Stenay, Lieutenant to the Duke of Anguien (who was in Provence, as we shall shortly see) had commission to prevent it. Being come to Trelon, with two thousand French, and four thousand Lansquenets, those within at the fi●st sight of the Cannon yielded to have their lives saved. Glay●n afterwards submitted with the like facility. Both being burnt, but their fortifications not ruined, shall serve again to lodge the imperials. Emery remained still whole, but it might not be made fit to endure the attempts of a mighty army in twelve days. Moreover it must be furnished with victuals. Two ●iuers no● to be waded through, betwixt Landrecy, and Emery, made the victualling difficult. Auennes did cut it off, and the Commissaries of the victuals reported, that to put victuals into Emery, were in time to famish the army: & to take away the means to victual Landrecy, for the want of carriage, which was greatly hindered by a continual rain, three weeks together. And that which did most import, news comes to that the Emperor arms, and approached near the countries of the Duke of Cleves, whom he might not abandon to the paws of a roaring Lion, who had long time vowed his ruin. So the Towers of the Dungeon of Emery, and the portal of the walls flying into the air by mine, and other means, served to fill up the trenches. Hitherto we have made war with small resistance· hereafter we shall have a stronger party, and by consequence more glory to cross the emperors attempts, whilst that the famine▪ and the winter drives him from before Landrecy. In the end of july, Landrecy was in such estate, as without any support of an army, the fortifycations might well be continued, leaving some troops at Guise, and the Duke of Cleves, against whom the Emperor banded all his power, appealed to the King for succours. The King therefore to divert the emperors forces, to draw him to battle, and to try if he were accompanied with the like happiness, leading his forces, in person, as he had been by his officers, or at the least by the taking of Luxembourg, to make the way easy to secure his ally: he sent the Duke of Vendosme to encounter the enemy's attempts, upon the frontiers of base Picardy, and to favour the necessary victualling of Landrecy▪ and for the execution of his enterprise, he appointed the Duke of Orleans,, under the conduct of the Admiral of Annebault. The Prince of Melphes, whom the King had left in Guise, with three hundred men at arms, and Brissac, Colonel of fifteen hundred light horse, assembled to go and join with him about Rheims. And the Earls of Reux and Roquendolfe, with the forces of the Low Country, came from a skirmish at Landrecy, which they did hope to surprise, being unfurnished of victuals. As they trouped together, with a desseine to attempt the Castle of Bohain, news comes, that La Hunaudaye and Theaude Bedaigne an Albanois, (either of them, being Captain of two hundred horse) were lodged near unto the Castle of Bouhourie, making account to dislodge so early, as they might come in time, to part with the General. To surprise them, the Lord of Liques, Lieutenant to the Duke of Ascots' company, draws eight hundred choice Bourguignon horses, out of the Imperial troops, two hundred Englishmen, (the King of England being then favoured by the Emperor, The imperials charge the French in their lodging, & are repulsed. pretended to invade us, as we shall see hereafter) and four enseignes of footmen. But lest he should come too late, he leaves them behind him, and marcheth before with his horsemen. At the first, they charge Bedaignes' lodging, who whilst the enemy was breaking open the gate, had leisure to put on his Cuirasse: he goes to horseback with his lance in his hand, forceth furiously through them, overthrows them: he meets, and joins his troop with La Hunaudaye, who was likewise on horseback. Aché, and Bertrand of Foissy, Lord of Crené, Captains of two hundred harquebusiers on horseback, being lodged at the same Abbey, post to their succours: they force the bridge, which the imperials kept, jointly with the light horsemen repulse the enemy. The alarm is given at Guise. Theaude Manes, arrives with his two hundred light horse, to second his companions: and Brissac, borrowing about threescore horse of the Prince of Melphe (his troops had already taken the way to Marle) goes to their aid: he is advertised by Bedaigne, that the enemy (fearing to have the whole army upon them) began to waver: all the troops join, and charge them suddenly: they overthrow their horsemen upon their foot, which advanced, put them to rout: they pursue them speedily, leave three hundred dead upon the place, carry away six hundred prisoner's, and win four Enseignes on foot, and two Cornets on horse. The rest of the Imperial army, going to assail Bohain, hearing of this defeat, and doubting they should be forced to fight with the whole army, grew amazed, & retired to Quesnoy le Comte. The Duke of Orleans, having already by the taking of S. Mary (for Montmedy & Yuoy, were under the King's obedience, since the first conquest made by the said Duke) Danuilliers, Vireton, Arl●n, and other places, made his approaches to Luxembourg, he ●●st it with two batteries at a corner of the high town, towards France, the one crossing the other: the one was committed to the Duke of Aumale, the other to Peter Strossy a Florentine, kinsman to Pope Clement deceased: who (being lately come out off Italy) had brought three hundred Tuscan soldiers, all men of note, and commandment: two parts armed with Pikes, the third with Harquebusiers, all with gilt co●selets. The Town was defended by four hundred horse well appointed, & three thousand five hundred foot well armed, under the command of Giles of Levant, a man well esteemed by the imperials, and john de Heu one of the Lords of Metz. Yet at the fift or six volley of the Canon▪ having demanded composition, they departed with their baggage. Longu●uil entered as governor, with his company of men at arms. Anglure with a thousand of the Legion of Champagne: Haraucourt a Lorraine, and the Vicomte of Riviere, commanding either of them five hundred men: and jerom Marin a Boulenois six score Italians. The King having passed the feast of Saint Michael there, and performed the ceremonies of the order, he disposed of the fortifications of the town: then he prepared himself to secure Landrecy, which the imperials besieged, leaving the legionaries of Champagne, & the Normandy under the Comte Burienne, to favour the victualling of his new conquest, the which he had committed to the Prince of Melphe, being assisted with the companies of men at arms of the Lords of Sedan, jametz, Brienne, Langey, Eslauges, la Mailleray: two thousand Lansquenets, led by Fresnay, and ten thousand Legionaries. The munition was prepared at Stenay and Mouzon: and for want of carriages, which they had purposely stayed on all sides, the camp was so oppressed with famine, as the Captains themselves had no bread to eat. So the soldiers being impatient and ill affected: disdaining moreover to see themselves disappointed of the sack and spoil of Luxembourg, whereof they were in hope, they mutiny and return home to their houses: so as of ten thousand about three hundred remained under their ensigns and Captain Tavernier (whom the Duke of Orleans had left in Arlon) having spoiled the Town, took the same way with his company. Without doubt these poor townsmen newly conquered, showed themselves more faithful than this wretch, who was appointed to d●f●nd them. They give notice▪ that they had shut their gates against the imperials, that were come to se●ze on their town: and that having taken their oath of fidelity unto the King, they were resolved to keep their faith, so as they might be relieved. Ten or twe●ue thousand Lansquenets were assembled upon Muzzle to hinder this victualling. Notwithstanding through the help of the men at arms, and the Lansquenets of ●resnay, Luxembourg was victualled for three months, in despite of the enemy, and Arlon supplied with six hundred men, and such a quantity of mu●i●ion as the time would permit ●he taking of Luxembourg had given the King mea●es, to send the Admiral with four hundred men at arms, and ten thousand foot, to secure the Duke of Cleves▪ The king 〈◊〉, to succour 〈◊〉 Duke 〈…〉 He 〈◊〉 him●●lf● to th● Emperor. in whose favour this war was chiefly attempted. But the Duke, after the taking of the town of Dure, having no means to avoid the storm which threatened h●m with apparent ●uine, nor long to withstand so great a power, made his peace with the Emperor, yielded unto him the Duchy of Gueldres, the County of Zutphen, and the ●orts of Heusberg and Sittart, to dispose thereof at his pleasure. At the same time Don Fernand of Gonzague, Lieutenant general for the Emperor, besieged Cuise but being advertised of the King's arrival at Coucy, who marched with great speed to encounter the Emperor, he resolved to make his retreat to Landrecy. To arrive at their dislodging Brissac with a number of men at arms, and ha●gu●busi●rs on horseback, lies in ambush in a wood, and sends Theaude Bedaigne with ●is band, to enter skirmish with the Imperial light horsemen, and to draw them (if it were possible) into the ambush. But Bed●●gne not able by skirmish to make them abandon the body of their a●my, which marched towards Landrecy, Brissac puts forth five hundred horse, to give a ●u●ious charge▪ and he follows with his whole troop to second them. Our men making a gal●●●t charge, overthrew all they encounter: they kill and take p●isoners, amongst others Don Francis o● Esté, brother to the Duke of F●rrara, Captain General of all the Imperial horsemen▪ and they press on the rest so ho●ly, as Gonzague gathering together all his batta●lons, is forced to turn head to save the rest. So Brissac suffered himself to go on his pretended way, to join with the Earl of Reux, who had long time before possessed the Fort of Landr●cy. ●andrecy be●e●ged. Now are all the Imperial forces before Landrecy, eighteen thousand Germans, ten thousand Spaniards of the old band, six thousand Walons, ten thousand English, thirteen thousand horse, of the ordinary of the Low Countries, Clevois and high Germans. The Camp being lodged, and the artillery planted, the Emperor makes three batteries of five and forty pieces, against the Bulwark of Orleans, against the Castle, and against the Bulwark of Vendosme: and to keep the defendants from making of any rampar, or coming to the defences, the bulwarks and Curtains being not yet half finished, they plant a long Couluerin upon a little hill towards the Forest of Mormault. This piece did wonderfully annoy them, and they had no means to charge the Lansquenets, which did guard it on the one side. The ●iuer that passed by the trench of the base Town, which they had abandoned, ran betwixt them. Ricaruille with forty horse, and Saint Simon with thirty foot & some pioneers, undertake to seize upon this piece. They pass the water, surprise the Lansquenets, put them to rout, A brave sally. draw the Culverin by main strength to the bulwark of Orleans, turn the mouth of it against the enemy, & from the rampar kill many Bourgognons with their small shot, being come to the trench to rescue it. The King set forward: but the Emperor (to do some notable exploit before his arrival) overthrew a great part of the wall, making it very: easy to assail and to take from the besieged all means to defend this breach, he put men into a portal of the bas● Town which was abandoned▪ and about it he plants certain field pieces, which commanded the breach. Landrecy distressed ●or victuals. The soldiers were now brought to half a loof of provant bread a day, and to drink fair water. So whilst they were well affected, and had some courage (for men ill fed, and tired with continual labour faint soon) they must take this lodging from the imperials. Three hundred men appointed by la Land and Esse, assail them one morning at the break of day, and before they could come from the Camp to secure them, they dislodge them. The breach invites them to the assault: but the Emperor considering the valour of the defendants, foreseeing that he should hardly take it by force, without the loss of many of his men, he makes his account that famine, and the continual toil of war would in the end vanquish them. The want of victualies, the weakness of the place, and the insupportable travel which they must necessarily endure day and night, made the besieged to hazard Y●●lie a Normand, Captain of five hundred men in Landrecy, to advertise the King, that extreme necessity would soon constrain them to yield, but no force whilst they had a man living. The King assembles his camp at la Fere upon Oise: and knowing the resolution of these brave men, he went to lodge at Cateau Cambresys, Landrecy victualled. holding it more honourable to turn head to the enemy, then by delays to make them think he would not fight: he gave charge to Langey to gather together all the fat cattle, all the meal, and all the horses of labour he could, that whilst the King should feed the Emperor with the hope of a battle, they might refresh the besieged. The 29. of October he had drawn into Capelle, twelve hundred sheep, nine score cattle, six hundred sacks of meal, with so many horses and men, every one carrying a sack upon his horse. The enemy road up and down with a thousand or twelve hundred horse. Notwithstanding Langey having joined with Sansacs' troop, being resolute to pass on, or to sell their lives dearly, he causeth his peasants to march in battle, like to men of war, to the end the enemy discovering them a far off, should hold them to be men of an other quality. Thus they brought their victuals safely to Landrecy, and then retiring a contrary way, to that where the imperials attend them, they returned safely to la Capelle. Our men are now victualled for fifteen days, but they h●ue need of rest, and the place to be refreshed with men. The Emperor finding the King to approach, retired on this side the water, gathering together all his forces, which were before divided: and his majesty embracing this occasion, sends the Earl of Saint Paul and the Admiral of Annebault, to retire them 〈◊〉 of Landrecy, who had suffered much for his service, & to supply the place with fresh soldiers. They l●●t the Lord of vervain for the King's Lieutenant, commanding a thousa●d men of the Legion of Picardy, and Rochebaron five hundred. la Land and la Chapell●●●ainsouin, in recompense of their good services, were made stewards of the King's hous●: and Esse a gentleman of his chamber. The Dukes of Nevers and Aumale, the t●o brothers of Rochefoucault, the Lords of Andelot, Bresé, Crevecoeur, Bonnivet his brother, S. Laurent of Britain, Movy, S. Phale and many other young gentlemen, (who, to 〈◊〉 honour by some worthy exploits, had voluntarily entered into it,) were rewarded according to their qualities. The soldiers were made gentlemen during their lives, and such as had offended the Law pardoned. The King had now put in execution one of his chief desseins, in view of a great Emperor. Winter was coming, the continual rain had made frustrate all their attempts of war: and the long abode of the armies, had broken the ways six leagues about. The Emperor camped high with advantage, having a valley and a small brook not easy to be ●●●sed betwixt both the armies. There was no reason to pass the water, and mounting ●o fight the enemy. The Emperor likewise would not pass, to give t●e fi●●t charge. So his Majesty giving the enemy hope by fires and great noise, that he w●ul● fight, made is retreat towards Guise. The Emperor advertised in the morning▪ t●at the army was dislodged, he commanded Fernand of Gonsague to ●ollow, (〈◊〉 the better to discover them) intended to put some men into a wood, where they m●●t pass, but it was too late: the wood was full of French Harquebusiers, who rece●ued these adventurers so gallantly, as few escaped to carry news unto their compa●i●●●, of the manner of their retreat. A brave retreat made by the French. The Emperor followed with the rest of his forces, whilst the skirmish was maintained in the wood. Gonsague seeing himself seconded by his chief Commander, drew forth a thousand or twelve hundred horse, with a good number of ●ho●●e, and English light horsemen, on the right hand towards Bohain. But all in vain, the Ca●on and baggage (having passed the wood) followed the King in safety, who marched before, and the Dauphin holding the middle, with eight hundred men at arms, and fourteen thousand Swisses, having left Brissac with his light horsemen, and four hundred men at arms to second him: moreover the Swisses were behind in b●ttaile, and himself on the wing to support them, with an intent to fight ●ith the Emperor if he passed the wood: but he forced the enemy to retire, not d●ring any more to appear: many of his men were slain, many taken, and fe●e of ours. The season was not fit to Campe. So the King, to refresh his army, sent t●e Marshal of Biez to Saint Quentin, with four hundred men at arms, and fo●●e thousand foot, to oppose against the emperors desseins upon that frontier. The L●nsquenets to Crecy, under Cere, the Swisses to Assy: and he lodged the rest of his army along the river of Oise. And the Emperor seeing that he had lost his labour before Landrecy: and that he had with loss and dishonour followed the French army: he retired to Cambray, winning much more with the Fox's skin, than he had d●●e ●ith the Lions: for by means of their Bishop, who was of the house of Croy, perswad●ng the light believing Citizens, that the King meant to seize upon their Town, to spo●●e them of that ancient right of neutrality, The Emperor bu●●t a Citadel at Cambray. and to incorporate them to the Crown, 〈◊〉 made them yield to the building of a Citadel, by the which of free men, they are now become slaves, & this Citadel shall hereafter serve as a buckler against Landrecy. We have here omitted, to describe the exploits of the Duke of Angu●en in Provence. The King had sent him to receive the army by sea, A false practice upon the Castle of Nice which Barberousse brought to his s●●cour. Being at Marseilles, Grignan governor of the Town, did acquaint him w●th ●n intelligence which he had with three soldiers of the garrison of the Castle of Nic●, who promised to deliver him the said Castle. The Duke well informed of the King's pleasure, being loath to commit himself rashly to the discretion of traitors, who might as well sell the stranger, as their own country, armed four Galleys, and sent them before, under the command of Captain Magdelon, brother to the Baron of S. ●●es●uart, himself with eleven other Galleys, took the Sea, and the advantage of the ●inde, either to second his men, or to retire at need. When as Magdelon approached to Nice▪ six Galleys issue forth to invest him, and fifteen more lead by janetin ●or●e, chase him unto the port of Antibe. Magdelon hurt with a Canon sho●te, died fo●●e after: the Galleys being abandoned, were a prey for janetin: and the Duke 〈◊〉 by Moonlight, that janetin came to surprise him, retired speedily to ou●on without any loss. Hereupon Barberousse arrives at Marseilles, with a hundred and ten Galleys. The King pretends Nice to be his, Nice attempted by Bar●erousse, and taken, but not the Castle. and heretofore engaged by the Earls of Provence, to the Duke of Savoy, for a sum of money. They assail it, and within few days bring it to composition. But without the Castle, this victory was fruitless: the Castle seated vp●n a high and hard rock is hard to batter, and more ●en 〈◊〉 to undermine. So Barberousse seeing the time spent in vain, and winter approo●●ng, ●e●yred his galleys to ●o●l●n▪ and the Duke upon hope of a battle, came to the King to C●mbres●●. The taking of Nice, drew the Marquis of Guas● to ●●ccour the ●●stle. but advertised of their liberty, Montdenis yielded. he employed his forces▪ elsewhere Montde●i● 〈◊〉 the fi●st place of the King's obedience in Piedmont, opposed in ●his re●●●ne 〈◊〉 ●outiers, having ●ew French foot to ma●● it, h● was forced to put in Swisses▪ The Swisses are more fit for the field, yet 〈◊〉 they comm●●ded to have done their d●●les. But after many assaults, and toils, want of victuals▪ and despair of succours, The Capitulation broken made them enter into capitulation: the which was ill obseru●d by the Spaniard, for ●hey were stripped, and many put to the sword. A wound which shall prove bloody to the Spaniards, at the battle of Serisoles. This victory caused the Marquis to pass the ●o, and to take from our men the commodity of all the plain of Piedmont, on this side the water, (for that which they held on the other side, as Savillan, Beine, Roque de B●u and Cental, w●re without hope of succour) he turns head towards Carignan, whether the Lord of A●●s●n, and Francis Bernardin of Vimarcat (having no forces to make head against eighteen thousand men, Carignan abandoned. and to take from the enemy all means to make use thereof) they razed the fortifications, which were made the year before, by Lang●y. But they had no means to furnish their enterprise, nor leisure to recover Moncallier, for the enemy meeting them, at the passage of a river, slew many, and took the greatest part of them prisoners. This loss was ready to be seconded by that of Luxembourg, Luxembourg besieged. which the Earl of Furstemberg (a man variable in his parties) besieged in the emperors name, with twelve thousand Lansquenets, and a good number of horse,. The besieged wanted victuals, and the winter had not been so violent in twenty years. They divided the provant wine with hatchets, and it was sold by weight, and then the soldiers carried it way in baskets. The King being loath to lose any part of his conquests, sent the Prince of Melphe, with about four hundred men at arms, Brissac Colonnell of the light horse, and some foot. The Earl seeing, that the extreme frosts did kindle the courage of the commanders, and soldiers, who marched with an intent to fight with him, raised his Camp, and took his way to Germany. The Prince retired. Longue●al, and his troops, having been long kept in, to enjoy the liberty of the fields, leaving the Vicont of Eustauges, surnamed Anglure, with his company of men at arms, & fifteen hundred foot in it: then he dispersed his army into Garrisons in Champagne & Picardy, to make head against the enemy, the rest of the winter, and to preserve the last conquests. On the other side, his Majesty knowing, that the Imperials army was master of the field, he supplied Boutieres his Lieutenant in Piedmont, The King's army in Piedmont. with four thousand French foot, levied by the Lord of Tais, in Provence, Daulphiné, and thereabouts, and five thousand Gruyers (to join with the five thousand Swisses, entertained in Piedmont) with some three hundred men at arms. With this supply he recovered the field which he had long before lost, took many small places betwixt Verceil and Yur●e, forced Saint german (a Town upon the way from Chivas to Vermeil, where the counte● scarf of the trenches is as high as the wall, so as the Canon cannon beat at the foot thereof) to plant the enseigns of France, and then he marched before Yuree, and besieged it on all parts. But he had small credit with the soldiers▪ and the King was discontent with him, The Duke of Angu●●n made Lieutenant in Piedmont. for that he had so lightly suffered the Marquis to fortify at Carignan, and to victual it without any resistance. He therefore sends Francis of Bourbon, Duke of Angu●en in Boutieres' place, to be Lieutenant general in Piedmont. The Duke having taking charge of the army, he marched down the Po, & at the first subdued Palezol, Cressentin, Desanne, & other places there abouts, to make the way easy to Carignan, the which kept all the plain of Piedmont in subjection: and the King desired infinitely to have it in his power. But the means to force it? It is a place in a plain Country, it was fortified with five goodly bastions of earth, courtaynes, and a great trench, defended by four thousand, the best soldiers of all the Imperial army, so as their only hope to 〈◊〉 it, was to famish them. To this end he burnt the bridge they had upon the Po, whereby they might daily have refreshing from Quires, Ast and other places under their command; He seeks to famish Carignan. and to cut off the victuals they had on this side the Po, he went to camp at Vimeuz, two miles beneath Carignan. They received also many commodities from Pancallier up the river: a fort built upon the said way a quarter of a mile from Carignan, cuts off ●ll: and to enjoy the river of P● freely, he builds a bridge of boats two miles beneath Carignan, with a fort at either end, manned with four enseignes of Italians. Then passing the water, he went to camp at Villedestelon betwixt Carignan, and Quires. The Marquis made haste to assemble his forces to succour the besieged, and came to lodge at Carmagnole. Holding this lodging he might fortify himself, and suffering our men to die for hunger in a Country already wasted on that side Po, he found the Marquisate of S●lusses full of all commodities, wherewith he might without danger refresh Carign●n. The Duke prevents him, and lodging at Carmagnole, drives the besieged to that extremity▪ as within few weeks they were drawn to the King's obedience. Carignan was the chief trophy of the Marquis victories: he was loath to lose it without some blows, and the Duke as loath to lose a prey which was ready to fall into his hands. So the Court filled with the hope of an approaching battle, that gallant Nobility which had always so willingly gone to horseback at the first brunt of a battle, would now have been loath to have lost the sport. All post thither, some with leave, others without. Gaspar Lord of Chastillon, Francis of Vendosme Vidame of Chartres: the Lords of Saint André, Dampierre of the house of Clermont, in Daulphiné jarnac, the three brothers of Bonnivet, Bourdillon, Escars, the two brethren of Genly, Assier master of the ordinance, la Hunauday the only son of the Admiral Annebault, Rochefort; Lusarche, Wartis, Lasigny: to conclude the Court was left in a manner naked, namely of those, which as the Sun rising, followed the Dauphin, and he was not held an honest man that would not have his part therein. A happy arrival: they were all men of account, they had by this voyage emptied their own or their Father's coffers, and the Duke's treasure was so wasted, as both he, his treasorers and all the rest of the camp had emptied their purses, and for want of money the soldiers would have been less courageous in this occasion that was offered. But what would not these brave Noblemen do, for the King's service, and the authority of so gallant a Prince that commanded? With their voluntary lend, the Duke contents his troops, attending forty thousand Crowns which Langey brought. This was the forth part of that, which was owing to the strangers: but they must seek it else where. The Emperor levied almighty army in Germany, to invade the fronters: moreover a great storm threatened us from beyond the seas, which soon after fell upon Boulen and Montrueil. They had no means to content the soldiers, if they had not presently found out the want of their numbers: they therefore resolve on Easter even the seventh of April, to make a private muster of every company apart, and give them hope to receive money the next day. But they did foresee, that Easter day would not pass (the armies being so near without some blows), and by consequence the enemy's presence and the neccessity of fight would easily make them defferre the soldiers pay. And so it proved. The imperials de●●eine. The Marquis set forward, with an intent to pass on this side the river of Po, to keep our men on that side the water, without victuals and without money, and to recover the Marquisate of Salusses: being assured to find Corn and meal there to victual his Camp and the Town besieged, forcing the French army in the end to seek their retreat. Without doubt this had been their ruin, for the soldiers being unpayed, what means was there to keep the field? and retrying into Towns the Marquis would have spoiled Piedmont, burned the Country, driven away their cattle and ruined the Countryman. This was his desseine, 1544. and to receive ten thousand men at Yuree, which the Earl of Challan brought, and with this supply to pass by the valley of Aoust, into Savoye and Bresse, whilst the Emperor should make some great attempt upon the frontiers of Champagne. But he reckoned without his host. The Duke takes council, and resolves to fight with him on the way before he should recover a Country of strength, and to that end gives the forward to Boutieres, The French prepare to ●●ght. who upon the news of this battle was returned from his house: takes the battle to himself, and commits the rearward to Dampierre. On Easter day every man is under his ensign, they discover the imperials marching from Serisolles to Sommerive, and the Duke to divert them, sends forth Aussan with his troop and some shot unto a high ground of advantage, who placing his harquebusiers in a little grove, seeks to draw the enemy by skirmishes into the ambush. But the Marquis dares not charge home: he fears some disorder before he had discovered his adversary. The Duke marcheth with about three hundred horse, and the rest of his shot, and going to the hill, puts all his horse in battle upon the side, and in the midst plants three minions, which shooting against a battayllon of the enemies, standing in the valley, kills some men, and gives a show of battle. So the Marquis fearing to be ●ought withal as he lodged, retired to Serisolles from whence he parted. Night approached, and the Duke seeing the Marquis return to Serisolles, retired to Carmagnole, leaving two hundred horse to observe the enemy's countenance in the night, than an hour after midnight he goes to field. The Marquis seeing this retreat, persuaded himself, the French would pass on the other side of Po, and leave him the passage: so as changing his desseine, he parts an hour before day, to overtake him before he should pass the river. To return to the fort which they had left, had been (by some sign of flight) to daunt our men, and to give courage to the enemy, necessity therefore presseth both the one and the other to fight. The imperials had ten thousand men more, and the advantage of the place: they had recovered that high ground, from whence our men were parted the night before: they should have kept it, seeing their meaning was to return. The form of two armies. On the right hand of our men marched the Prince of Salerne, with ten thousand Italians, seconded by eight hundred horse sent by the Duke of Ferrare, to secure the imperials. In the midst Ailsprand of Madruce with many other german Colonnels and Captains, who commanded ten thousand Lansquenets, all in white armour: and on the left, right against our Gruyens, Don Raimond of Cardone with a battalion of six thousand men old soldiers, half Spaniards, the rest Germains: betwixt these two nations the Marquis of Guast with the like number of horse: on the other side of the Spaniards the Prince of Sulmone, son to the deceased Don Charles de Lannoy Viceroy of Naples, Colonnel of all the horse, with the like number of horse: ten pieces of Cannons by the Germans, and as many by the Spaniards, placed with such advantage as our French could not march against them, but they shot into the midst of their battalions. Thus they marched in form of three great battalions of foot, either having a wing of horsemen. Their order being viewed, the Duke rangeth his army in the like fort: on the right hand a battalion of the old French bands, being about three thousand besides the shot, led by the Lord of Tais their general, having on the right hand the light horse men under the Lord of Terms: on the left hand Boutieres with four score men at arms: then on his left hand a battalion of Swisses, of about three thousand men, supported on their left hand by the Duke of Anguien with a great troop of horse: and on the Duke's left hand four thousand Italians, and Gruyens having on their left Dampierre, with all the G●idons and archers of the men at arms. The troops thus disposed and ordered, he sent forth before the battles about eight hundred shot, for a forlorn hope, led by Captain Montluc: eight pieces of artillery before the battaillon of the Swisses, and the like number before t●e Gruyens. At the sun rising the two armies stand, one against an other: the skirmish begi●●, and whilst that either army seeks to get the flank of his enemy, they continue until eleven of the clock. The battle of Serilles. In the end, the enemy finding himself too strong by a thi●d part, he comes to the charge. Tais advanceth to fight with the Prince of Salerne, but he was commanded by the Marquis, not to stir before he gave him charge. So Tais seeing the Prince make no show to march, & that our Swisses being weak in number could not withstand the shock of the Imperial Lansquenets, which came to charge them: he turns the head of his battalion, and comes near to the Swisses, ●outieres being betwixt both. The imperials likewise change their des●eine, and o● their great squadron make two, one against the Swisses, the other against the French. At the same instant the horsemen of Ferrare approached, to charge the French battalion in flank when as the armies should join. Terms with his light horsemen being loath to attend this hazard, chargeth them furiously, breaks and overthrows them upon the Prince of Salerne: and thinking to be well followed chargeth into the midst of the Prince's battalion: but his horse was slain and himself taken. A happy charge, for without it, it was likely the Prince of Salerne had marched upon the flanks of the French battalion, and whilst that he was covered with the Ferrarois that were driven upon him, the French and Swisses had leisure to deal with their Lansquenets: Who falling upon the Swisses and French, fought long with like arms and a doubtful event, till that by the aid of the Frenchmen at arms▪ led by Boutieres, all the Imperial Germans were broken. The Marquis seeing his Germans in rout, upon whom he had ankored his chief hope: retires a part without striking stroke, and by this means makes the victory easy for Dampierre upon the enemy's horsemen who supported the Spaniards. But this old battalion of Spaniards and Germans, encounter our Italians and Gruyens with great advantage: at the first charge they are suprised with fear, and all but the Captains which fought in the formostrankes fly. Without doubt it was wisely advised of the Duke, to leave the Swisses, whom he promised to assist, to second these poor amazed souls, for without him not one had escaped. He suddenly chargeth these old soldiers, and taking one comer of their battaillon, forceth through them, and leaves not any ensign of the whole battaillon standing. Yet not without great slaughter of his men. The Lord of Assier, the Baron of Oyn Lieutenant to the Earl of Montravel, Montsaillais ensign to the Baron of Cursoll, de Glaive, governor of Cahors Couruille and the Duke's two Squires ended their days there. Saint Amand (otherwise called Rochechou●rt) and Fernaques were found among the dead carcases languishing of their wounds: yet they were afterwards cured: many others were slain or hurt, whereof fourteen or fifteen were Captains or men of account, but he that fears the leaves must not go into the wood. But this is not all, for the front of the Spaniards (who, by the voluntary rout of our men that ran away, had no footmen to encounter them) come furiously and charge the Duke, who having no footmen to second him▪ looseth more at this second charge then at the first: and to increase the danger (which had been sufficient to daunt a mind inclining to fear) he had no news of his Frenchmen, not Swisses: a little hill kept them from the knowledge one of an other. But he had rather die then retire. He chargeth and rechargeth, and still a number of the enemies shot pel mel with him, The Duke of Anguien in great danger. and a battaillon of their pikes follow him without breaking their ranks, and his troop being greatly wasted, was not now above a hundred none▪ an unequal force to fight with four thousand men. We may truly say, he is well kept whom God keeps. The Duke was ready to be swallowed up, when as retiring on the right hand, to free himself from the imperials shot, which compassed him in on all sides, the Spaniards had news of the defeat of the rest of their men. They see at the same instant some troops rally themselves under the Cornet of their enemies general. So their first heat grew reasonable cold, and they begin their retreat, but they had no time to finish it. The Duke appoints Aussun with about fifty horse to charge them upon the flank, and himself with those that came unto him, followed them in the tail. All give way, all fly, He wins the battle. every man seeks to save himself, some in the wood, some in cottages: they beat down and kill, all are taken or slain, few escape. The French pursuing the victory a mile, and especially the Swisses, incensed with the fo●le war the imperials had made at Montdevis, and crying in revenge of that day Montdevis, Montdevis, put all they encountered to the sword, without mercy. In the mean time the Prince of Salerne, seeing the whole defeat of the Germans and of their horsemen, made his retreat without any great loss. And the Marquis of Guast posted away to Ast. but at his departure he had said unto the Citizens: That if he returned not a Conqueror, they should shut their gates against him. They take him now at his word. Without the cowardice of the Gruyens, the battayllon of Spaniards had in show been defeated at the first charge: the Duke of Anguien had not received so fatal a check in his troop, Number of the dead and prisoners. the retreat of the Prince of Salerne had not been so easy: and pursuing the Marquis, they might have overtaken him, before he had recovered Milan or any place of safety. But the necessity this brave Duke had to be succoured at need, made this happy victory unperfet in that respect. There were slain of the enemies, about fifteen thousand, of all nations, in less than a quarter of an hour. Of german prisoners there were two thousand, five hundred and twenty: Al●sprand of Madruce their Colonnell, was found among the dead bodies maimed in many parts of his body: Spaniards, six hundred and thirty, amongst them: Don Raymond of Cardone and Mendosa, with seven or eight other Spanish Captains. Don Charles of Gonsague and many other Italians. The spoil was great and rich, a hundred thousand Crowns in money and plate, fifteen pieces of artillery, all the bridges they had brought to pass the Po, much munition, meal, and other victuals wherewith they presumed to relieve Carignan, about eight thousand corselets of Milan, and movables of divers sorts of great Value. Of the French, two hundred slain and of men of name, besides the above mentioned the ensign bearer to Aussun and his Nephew: Charles of Dros governor of Montdevis, Des●ro of the County of Nice, Colonnel of six enseignes of Italians, the Colonnel of the Gruyens, a Daulphinois, in the absence of their Earl: la Molle a Provensal, Captains, Paussin a Daulphinois: Barberan and Montault Gascons, and few others: of the Swisses, the Baron of Saxe was hurt in the throat with a pike and none else of account. If the Duke of Anguines arrival had been pleasing to the army, far greater had been the reputation he had gotten by this famous victory with all the nations of Europe, and the credit he purchased with men of war, commending his wisdom in so youngyeares, admiring his valour, and loving his courtesy and bounty, virtues worthy of a great Prince and general of an army. This bloody victory had terrified the whole Country, and amazed Milan. The Marquis of Guast struck up the drum: and twenty days were spent before that any man came to his colours. Moreover the King had made a new levy of six thousand Grisons: the Duke of Somme, the Earls of Petillane, Mirandola, Martinengue, Peter Strossy, Valer● Vrsin, Robert Malateste and many others levied an army to join with the Duke of Anguien. There was some likelihood after so furious a battle, to depri●e the Emperour●: the Estate of Milan. But he armed upon the Rhin, his troops were ready to invade the frontier. The English were at sea, and the King had rather need to draw forces o●t of Italy, then to supply them. The Duke therefore to draw them speedily to the King's devotion, sends the Lord of Tais with the French bands, two hundred men at arms six great Cannons with some other pieces, to force some places under the emperors obedience. Effects following the victory. Saint Damian a place of Montferrat, had not planted the French nor the Spanish Enseignes: notwithstanding being without hope of succours, they yielded to the Yoke, upon condition that they should have none but a French garrison. Montcallier followed, being a strong place: Vigon, Pont d' Esture, Saint Saluadour, Fresenet of Pau: to conclude all Montferrat, except Casal, Trin and Albe yielded their necks to the French obedience. And the Duke going to camp at Carignan, did by many forts so restrain the sallies of the besieged, and the entry of victuals, as extreme necessity having forced them to demand composition, they departed with their arms, only without enseignes or drums, Carignan yielded. taking an oath not to carry arms of six months against the King nor his allies. This done, the Duke sent unto the King, six thousand French soldiers of the old bands, and six thousand Italians to oppose against the emperors invasions. On the other side the Duke of Somme, with the other of the French faction, having levied ten thousand foot, but few or no horse, came to join with the Duke of Anguien▪ and the Princes of Salerne, and Sulmone, attended with a number of horse and foot, to fight with them at the passage of a river. They send to the Lord of Tais, to demand a convoy of horse. He promiseth, but performs nothing. And they (not able to retire without shame) charge the foot which were far from their horsemen, and put them in rout: But they consider not, that leving a place of strength, The Italians of the French party defeated. they give the enemy the advantage they had of them. The horsemen come and charge them in flank, as they had broken their ranks, thinking to have gotten the victory, and put them to flight, they take many prisoners of quality: kill few, and no man of mark except Valerius Vrsine, the rest saved themselves at Quieras and Carignan. We commonly say, that a small aid doth a great good. The footmen being overcome, a hundred men at arms had made the victory absolute. This check doth not daunt them. The Duke of Somme being newly delivered from prison, (the Prince of Salerne his Kinsman had freed him, fearing lest the Emperor should do him some disgrace) and Peter Strossy, gathering together six thousand men of this shipwreck at Miaandole, meaning to join with the Duke of Anguien at what price soever, he being unfurnished of forces, for besides the twelve thousand men he had sent unto the King, all his Swisses, (except two thousand) had been for want of pay dismissed. They give over the plain, and pass out of Parmesan with much toil, by the mountains of Genes. The Marquis advertised of this new assembly, gathers together what forces he could of horse and foot, draws forth his garrisons, and to stop to their passage attends them at the foo●e of the mountains. They advertise the Duke. Who having no men, but for the guard of his places, resolves notwithstanding to effect two things at once, and both to surprise Alba where they had left no men but for the guards of the gates, and to secure Strossy, and finding means to advertise him, that he should march towards Alba, whereof the enemy was left in doubt. The Duke comes thither on the one side, and Strossy on the other: he makes a hole in the gate towards the mountain, on the other side of the water, about ten foot long: prepares to give an assault, and Strossy the scalado, which the besieged seeing, Alba taken. they grow so amazed, as they yield the place, and departed without carrying away of any thing. The Marquis makes haste to secure them, but knowing the Town to be lost, frustrate of his hope, he retired, and the Duke having taken many places about, returned to Carmagnole. Within few days after the Marquis practised a suspension of arms, which being confirmed by their two majesties, Truce in Piedmont. there followed a truce for three months. Let us now see the enemies attempt invading the realm. The Emperor had no sooner found the King of England's discontent, (whereof the marriage of the King of Scotland had been the chief motive) but forgetting, or rather dissembling the injuries he had received, he wins him to his devotion, although he had assured the Pope never to treat any alliance with him, until he had repaired the offence done unto the sea of Rome, entitling himself supreme head under God of the Church of England, and punishing them which maintained the authority of the Pope and the Church of Rome. Thus two greyhounds tearing one an other in pieces, lay aside their choler to run after the wolf their common enemy. And for that, during the war of the Dukes of Wirtemberg, by the bond of the Princes of Germany with the King, the emperors desseins had been greatly crossed, now persuading them (and above all the Protestants) that he hath done more than his duty to the King of France, for the calling ofa Council, to call back them that were strayed from the union of the Church, and to reform the Pope and his ministers: but the King only had hindered this assembly,) to give him provision of men and money, and jointly to band with him to the destruction of this realm. So he sends the Earl of Furstemberg with an army before Luxemberg, War in Picardy. which having maintained the siege to the extremity, for want of victuals, the Viconte of Estauges was forced to capitulate, and to departed with baggage. Commercy was the second triomphe of his victories, Ligny in Barrois the third, being the way for victuals which came to him from Metz & Lorraine. The Castle is commanded by two or three mountains, and the besieged not able to stand to their defences, came to parley, when as the imperials entering behind, compassed them in that were come to the breach, attending the assault: and take them prisoners with small slaughter. Without doubt the place was not to withstand the force of an Emperor, being in person: neither was it so contemptible, but it deserved an honest composition. But the Earl of Brienne, Lord of the place, and Roussy his brother, Eschenais & Gouzolles, who commanded about a hundred men at arms, and fifteen hundred foot, won small reputation. Doubtless the Earl of Sancerre will win far more honour in the defence of Saint Disier, a place ill flanked, ill rampared, and unworthy to oppose against an Imperial army. Whilst the King assembled his forces, being ten thousand Swisses, six thousand Grisons, six thousand Lansquenets (whereof the Duke of Nevers was general) and the twelve thousand men which came out of Piedmont, he sent the Earl of Sancerre, to Saint Disi●r (whether the Emperor turned the head of his victorious army, Saint Disier besieged. without contradiction) with the Duke of Orleans company of a hundred men at arms, whereof he was Lieutenant, and some other troops of horse: la Land and the Viconte of Riviere either of them with a thousand foot. The Emperor being come before the town, hastens his approaches and trenches, makes two batteries, and plants six great cul●erines towards the Castle, to beat into the Town and to hinder their ordinary sallies: he turned the water out of the ditch, and brought them to the use of three wells only, which hardly could furnish the soldiers: and by a continual battery, The death of the Prince of Orange. doth exercise their care to repair it. La Land was tired with this toil, & retiring at night to his lodging to refresh himself, a Cannon shot passing by the breach through the Town, takes of his head, whose loss was much lamented being a valiant gentlemen, and a good soldier. In exchange, about the same time the Prince of Orange going to visit the Emperor in the trenches, a Culverin shot into a heap of stones, hurt him in such sort as he died, to the great grief of the Emperor and his whole army. The breach was reasonable, and they come to the assault. Eighteen enseignes of Spaniards go to it, and fight hand to hand, with them which were besieged, for an hours space. The Emperor causeth nine or ten thousand Germans, to advance speedily secure them: but if the assault was fierce, the defence was no less valiant. Our men overthrew the Spaniards, A furious assault at Saint Disier. from the breach into the ditch, by main force. The Emperor sends about night, a hundred men with velvet cassocks, bourgumets on their heads: they turn them likewise down. Eight enseigns of Germans renew the assault with many small barrels of powder, lances, & artificial fires. They are likewise repulsed, with such shame and loss, as all their engines and devices remain in the ditches at the defendants discretion: (and very happily, for they wanted powder) and seven or eight hundred slain in three assaults, gave a certain testimony of the valour of the besieged. A Canon shot did miraculously take away the Earls sword which he held in his hand, without hurting him, but lightly in the face. This brave defence made the Emperor think, that the besieged would accept of an honourable composition. He sends a trumpet to try their minds. But he had no audience. So the Emperor ceaseth his battery, to come to the undermine. The besieged discover it, and in the night send forth Linieres, a Norman Captain, who force the Spaniards, to abandon the trenches, which they had brought to the bulwark of victory: they bring some pioneers into the Town to tell news, and cuts the rest in pieces. Moreover, the Duke of Aumale being at Stenay upon Meuze, did greatly annoy the imperials camp, and cut off their victuals from Barleduke. They must therefore seek to win by policy, what they could not get by force. The Lord of Granuelle had surprised a packet, wherein he found the Alphabet of the Ciphre, whereby the Duke of Guise did communicate with the Earl of Sancerre. By this means, he counterfeits a letter in the Duke's name, and makes an unknown man to give it secretly to a French drum, returning from the enemy's army, for some prisoners, that he should deliver it to the Earl. The contents were: that the King knowing, in what want of victuals and powder they were ready to fall, commanded them to make so favourable a composition, as their men might be saved, having yet no means to secure them. They had endured six weeks siege, their victuals, and munition grew short, and their powder was not sufficient, to endure another assault. So they obtain twelve days truce, during the which, they should understand from the King, if he had means to secure them: or if he would be pleased, that for want of succours within the time, Saint Disier yielded. the horsemen should departed with their arms, & horses, their Cornets displayed, and casks on their heads: the footmen with their arms marching in battle, enseigns displayed, & drums sounding, carrying with them all their jewels, and four pieces of artillery, furnished at the choice of the besieged. This treaty pleased the King, and they departed according to the Capitulation. As honourable a Composition as ever was read off, for men besieged by so great an Emperor, with all the forces of the western Empire, in a bad place which had no better esteem, than a Country Town. But what was the motive of this easy accord? The Emperor was not ignorant of the small hope they had of succours, and that within few days famine would bring them to his subjection. But he would take from the King of England, (who camped before Boulen and Montrueil) all colour of excuse, and to let him know that the fault was not in him, if the treaty were not fulfilled, according to the which, without any stay elsewhere, they should join their forces near unto Paris, (the which united together, would have made threescore and ten, or four score thousand foot, and eighteen or twenty thousand horse) and to force the King to fight with disadvantage, or to suffer his country and subjects to be ruined before his face. Moreover, he did foresee, that the Dauphin camping upon the river of Marne, with the bands come out of Piedmont in good order, and well armed, would make him consume his army, whilst the King made a body of forty thousand men, the which confronting him, being fresh, lusty, and resolute, might cause him more loss and shame, than he had received in Provence. And therefore the Emperor, to proceed in his conquests and designs, which he had with Henry King of England, came to lodge at Vitry in Parthois. Here he learns that the King of England is not resolved to pass on, before he had reduced Boullen and Montrueil to his obedience: the first dislike which shall soon draw the Emperor to Bruxelles. He considers, that the travels passed at Saint Disier, and want▪ had great● he wasted his Soldiers: that to proceed, were to engage both his men and his person, in a Labyrinth, from whence he should not easily free himself with honour: The Emperor ●●udi●s of his retreat. that having in front a mighty army, still prospering, hunger, besides the King's power, was sufficient to force him to make a shameful retreat: that if the English take Boullen and Montrueil, he will impart nothing to him of his conquests, that being strong on this side the Sea, he will be more obstinate when there shall be any question to treat with him. So as he gins to taste of some proposition of peace, moved before Saint Disier, by the Lord of Granuelle and his Confessor, a Spanish Monk, of the order of Saint Dominike, and of the house of Gusmans'. A ●reatie of peace. A day is appointed for the meeting of the Deputies at La Chaussee, betwixt Challons and Vitry. For the King there came the Admiral of Annebault, and Chemen, Keeper of the Seal of France: ●or the Emperor, Fernand of Gonzague: and to know if the King of England would enter into it, they sent the Cardinal of Bellay, Raymond chief Precedent of Rovan, and Aubespine Secretary of the State, and Treasurer. As the Emperor camped towards the river of Marne, a league beneath Chalons, and within two leagues of the French army, a river being betwixt both, William Earl of Fursiemberg, parted about midnight with a guide only, to view a ●oard which he had in former times passed, when as he came into France for the King's service. Being come to the ford, he leaves his guide upon a bank: sounds it, finds it easy, and passeth the river. But he discovered not some Gentlemen of the King's house, and part of the admirals company, who had the guard that night, who without giving any ala●●m, put themselves betwixt the river & him, take him without resistance, lead him to the Camp, know him, and send him to the Bastille at Paris, from whence he shall not departed, until he hath paid thirty thousand Crowns for his ransom. In the mean time the Emperor sees his army ready to break for hunger: they cut off his victuals behind, and on either side. And if that goodly Captain whom the Dauphin had sent to draw into Espernay the victuals thereabouts, to break the bridge upon the river, and to spoil the Corn, Wine, and other provisions, which could not be saved, had carefully executed his commission▪ the Emperor (disappointed of the munition and victuals which he found in Espernay, and having no means to pass the river) had not in the end enjoyed those commodities, which he found in Chasteau Thiery, an other Storehouse of the French camp, whereby his troops languishing for hunger; recovered some strength. In the end the Dauphin being come to camp at La Ferté upon jovarre, and having sent a good number of men to Meaux, to hinder the emperors passage, who devising to make his retreat by Soissons, he takes his way by Villiers-coste-Retz, & under hand revives the proposition of peace with the King. The King knowing that a battle could not be given in the heart of his realm, so near unto his capital City, without a very doubtful and dangerous consequence, and the loss of men, and in case he should vanquish, the King of England, and the Earl of ●ures would encounter him with as mighty an army, as his own: that by the loss of one, and perchance two battles, his realm were in danger: that winning them, he should get little, especially upon England being an Island. Moreover the Marshal of Biez, was almost forced to yield up Montrueil to the English, ●or want of victuals and succours: the sufficiency of the Lord of Ver●ein governor of Boullen, as we shall shortly see, was not without cause suspected: and without a conclusion with the Emperor, hardly could these two important Towns be relieved. The King therefore sent the Admiral of Annebault again to the Emperor, being in the Abbey of S. john des Vignes, in the suburbs of Soissons, where in the end was concluded: A peace concluded. That Charles Duke of Orleans, should within two years after marry with t●e emperors daughter, or his niece, daughter to Ferdinand King of Romans', and at the consummation of the said marriage, the Emperor should invest the said Duke of Orleans in the Duchy of Milan, or in the Earldom of Flanders, and the Low Countries, at the choice of the said Emperor And in exchange, this done, the King promised to renounce all his rights pretended to the said Duchy, and the Kingdom of Naples, and to restore the Duke of Savoy to the possession of his Countries, when as the Duke his son should eni●y the said Duchy of Milan or the Earldom of Flanders: and all things during the term of two years as well on this, as the other side the Alpes, should remain in the same estate, as they were at the tru●e made at Nice. So the Emperor delivered unto the King on this side the mountains, Saint Desire, Ligny, Commercy: and the King Yuoy, Montmedy and Landrecy▪. Ste●●● was delivered into the Duke of Lorrains' hands, and the fortifications razed. On the other side the Alpes, the Emperor had nothing to yield but Montdevis: and the King, Alba, Quieras, Antignan, Saint Damian, Palezol, Cresentin, Verruë, Montcal, Barges, Pont d' Esture, Lans, Vigon, Saint Saluadour, Saint German, and many other places which he possessed. These treaties thus concluded, and proclaimed beyond the Alpes, the Duke of Anguien returned into France, with as great glory and honour, as a wise and valiant Prince could enjoy▪ and the Emperor retired his army (which the Earls of ●eux & Bures lead jointly with that of England): he dismissed his own, and parting from Soissons, took his way to Bruxelles, accompanied beyond the frontiers by the Duke of Orleans, the Cardinals of Lorraine and Meudon, the Earl of Laval, la Hunauday & others. The Emperor is now out of the realm: let us also seek to send the King of England beyond the seas. Henry the 8. King of England, according to the League he had with the Emperor, landing at Calais, with an army of thirty thousand men, fortified with ten thousand Lansequenets, and three thousand Reistres, which the Earl of Bures lead, and the troops of the Earl of Reux, chief of the army of the Low countries for the Emperor, he found Picardy very much unfurnished of men▪ the King had withdrawn his forces towards Champagne, to oppose them against the Emperor: and the Duke of Vendosme being weak in men, had five places of importance to furnish, Ardre, Boullen, Therovenne, Montrueil, Hedin, all equally opposed to the invasion of the English. Henry therefore seeing no army to withstand him, making his account to carry a leg or an arm of the body of this realm, sent the Duke of Norfolk and the Earls of Reux and Buries to besiege Montrueil▪ The King of England besiegeth Boullen & Montrueil. and himself went and camped before Boulen. The Marshal of Biez was governor. But when he saw the enemy turn the point of his army towards Montrueil, he left the Lord of vervain his son in law, to command in Boullen: from which he was dissuaded by some, to whom his sufficiency was well known) assisted by Philip Corse a Captain very well experienced in arms, the Lords of Lignon and Aix, otherwise called Renty, young, and without experience, with their regiments, and half the company of a hundred men at arms, of the said Marshal: and he put himself into Montrueil, with the Constable's company of a hundred men at arms, lead by la Guiche his Lieutenant (a man of great experience in the Art of war:) Genly, Captain of four Ensigns of French foot, the Earl Berenger and Francis of Chiaramont, Neapolitans, either commanding a thousand men. At the beginning of the siege of Montrueil, the Duke of Vendosme advertised of a Convoy of victuals, which came from Air and S. Omer to the enemy's camp, guarded by eight hundred horse, and twelve hundred Lansquenents, with four mean Culverins, to fortify themselves, if they were charged: he sent the Lords of Villebon, Estree▪ and Eguilly, with their companies of men at arms, to busy the enemy, until that he might come with his company of a hundred men at arms. Chastaigneray, with fifty of the Daulphins, and Senerpont with the like charge, who arriving in troop, charge the enemy, break them, put them in rout, and besides the dead, carry eight hundred prisoners of Therovenne, win two Culuerines, (the other two remaining, for that their carriages were broken) and four enseigns of Lansquenets. On the other side, the King's presence before Boullen, kindled the courage of the beseegers, and daunted vervain, the head of the defendants, a man of no worth. The first approach of the Cannon killed his heart: and amazed with the furious battery of the enemy, after he had endured a kind of an assault, (but whilst that Philippe Corpse stood by him, who being slain with a Canon shot) he sends presently to sound the intent of the King of England, and yields him the Town by composition: That the men of war, and Citizens, should departed with their baggage: delivered him the place, with all the artillery, munition, and victuals, whereof there was great store. The inhabitants refuse this bad composition: the Mayor offers, with the Townsmen, Boullen yielded. and those that were well affected, to keep the Town. A show of love very commendable in this people, but in such an action he should have proceeded farther, and have lodged the Captain, where he might have yielded a good account to the King, and by the effect, have performed what was offered. Without doubt, his Majesty would have allowed the enterprise, as done for the good of his service▪ for the Capitulation was no sooner concluded, and hostages not yet given, but a horrible tempest of wind and rain, overthrows all the enemies tents, and leaves not one standing, and the soil being fat and slippery, they had no means to mount to the assault. An undoubted sign of the present assistance of heaven. Moreover the Dauphin marched with speed to secure them: who by his approach, had made the King of England to change his desseine. But, said vervain, I will not break my word with the King of England. A foolish, and impertinent scruple, to continue constant in a treacherous promise to the enemy, and to make no conscience to break his faith to his natural and Sovereign Prince. A scruple which shall soon make him justly to lose his head on a scaffold at Paris. This peace with the Emperor, had greatly impaired the King of England's forces. Siege o● Montrue●● To surprise their camp before Montrueil, and to take Boullen from them, before they had fortified it, the King causeth his army to march with speed. But the Duke of Norfolk, fearing lest the French army would come betwixt Boullen and him, and cut off his retreat, he raised his camp, and went to join with the King of England: who knowing his forces, being divided from the Emperors, would be unable to encounter the King's army, he embarked a part of his great artillery for England, and leaving the Duke of Somerset for the guard of his new Conquest, he retired to Calais. The hast he had to dislodge, caused him to leave part of his artillery, victuals, and munition, in base Boullen, being fortified only with some small trenches: for the surprising whereof, the Dauphin sent in the night, two troops, led by Fouquessolles, and Tais, and to second them, he leaves six thousand Grisons in a valley. Fouquessolles and Tais enter the place, cut all in pieces they meet, win both the artillery, and munition, and think to have gotten an absolute victory: but for want of making a stand, of ten or twelve enseigns betwixt base Boullen, and the high Town, to hinder their sallies, and to leave some troop in battle in the market place of the base Town: five or six enseigns issue forth from the high Town, and finding soldiers in disorder, busied at the spoil, they put them in rout. Fouquessolles was slain, Tais hurt, The Fre●●● defeated. and no persuasions of the Captains could ever stay the rest, but they cast themselves confusedly among the Grisons, to save their lives: yet were they (saith the Original) as good soldiers, as any were that day in Europe: but in matter of enterprises, if all accidents be not foreseen, it is too late to repair them, when the disorder is happened. Day being come, and the rain falling in such abundance, as the most part of our shot had no fire: the victuals by reason of the bad way could not follow, all the Country of Boullenois was wasted, spoiled, and burnt, even unto Montrueil, and from Montrueil to Abbeville, 1545. (which were seventeen Leagues) no grass, nor forage for their horses. So the Daulphiu having received news from the King, dismissed his Swisses and Grisons, leaving the Marshal of Biez in Montrueil, with the French and Italian bands, come out of Piedmont, and retired to the King his father, at Saint german in Say. Then died james King of Scotland, leaving by his death, his realm in prey to his nearest neighbour. To save it from oppression, and keep the people in the obedience of the Queen Dowager, (he had taken to his second wife the daughter of the Duke of Guise) the King sent (with a good number of men, and money,) the Earl of Le●ox of of the house of Steward, Nephew to the deceased Marshal of Aubigny. The Earl being young, and ill advised, having in his vain and riotous expenses employed the King's money,, and fearing to be accused of theft, retired to the King of England, who desiring to use his service, and to tie him by some notable bond, caused him to marry a Niece of his, daughter to his sister, mother to the deceased King of Sco●●. T●e King advertised of this revolt, sent la brooch▪ a gentleman of Bourbonnois, wise and well advised, to give council and comfort to the widow, and soon after, the Lord of Lorges Earl of Montgomery, to cross the King of England's attempts against the Scots. But in caring for the affairs of an other, should he neglect his own? Boullen possessed by the English, was too great a beam in his eye▪ it was an open port for the enemy to take footing daily, and to fortify himself within the realm. They therefore make great preparations by sea and land, Boullen besieged by the King. to dislodge them. By sea he sends Captain Paulin (hereafter Baron of the Guard) into Provence, to bring five and twenty galleys out off the East seas, into the Ocean, by the strait of Gibraltar, and eight, or ten Carracks of Genoa: but they came so late, as they served to no use: most part of them perished at the mouth of Seine, for want of expert Pilots. By land he raiseth a mighty army, under the command of the Marshal of Biez, to camp before Boullen, the river betwixt both, attending his army by sea, and there building a good fort upon the point of the Tower of Ordre, to keep the enemy within their wal●s with the Canon, and to cut off all means for the ships to enter into the haven, to secure the Town: making account to go afterwards in person, to besiege Guines, & there to fortify: to keep Calais, and the land of Oye in subjection, and by that means to famish Boullen. But man purposeth, and God disposeth: we shall see both Boullen and Calais, by other means, and at divers seasons, reduced to the obedience of this Crown. According to these desseines, the King sent Cont Reingrave, the Colonnels Reichroc and Lodowick to fill up their regiments of Lansquene●s, to the number of four or five thousand a piece, and to join with ten thousand men, which he levied in Gasconie and Languedoc. This done, his Majesty took his way to Normand●e, to embark his army at Newhaven, and being at Touques about Midsummer, he discovered his army out of the Levant seas: then upon the assurance which the Marshal of Biez (having received the Lansquenets, and six or seven thousand pioneers) gave him, that by the midst of August the sort of Boullen would be in defence, he cause● hi● Navy to set sail, wherein the Admiral of Annebault commanded. But behold a pitiful beginning. As they come to weigh anchor in the Carraquon (which was the goodliest ship of the western sea, and the best sailor being of eight hundred tu●●s burden, in the which the Admiral should fight) fire takes the gunner's room, and consumes it to ashes. Many, to avoid the fury of the fire, leapt into the sea: the galleys saved many, and many were cast away: the fire takes the artillery, (there were a hundred great pieces of brass) which sinking all that was before them, behind or on the sides, forced the other ships to give roomer. A hundred and fifty great ships, threescore ba●ks, Th● King of Fran●● h●s ●rm●e ●gainst England. and five and twenty galleys set sail, the 6. of july, and be●r their course towards the I●le of Wight, and the haven of Portesmouth in England, where the English had threescore ships, well appointed for war. The Admiral resolved to fight with them, made choice of thirty ships, 1544. to accompany that wherein he would fight: Bou●ieres coasting this squadron on the right wing, with thirty six ships, and the baron of Curton on the left, with the like numbe●: The advantage of the place where the enemy lay▪ defended on the one side by some sorts, and on the other with rocks, banks and sands covered with water, which lie in th● midst of the way▪ and make a narrow and crooked entry, dissuaded him. To draw them to sea, the galleys advance, skirmishing with their Canon, and fight, they retire towards their squadrons. The calmness of the sea, without any wind, or great current▪ showed itself favourable to our men, for the space of a whole hour in the morning, having means to govern their galleys at pleasure, and annoy the enemy, who for want of wind lay open to the French artillery. So the Mary-rose one of the best ships of their fleet, was sunk with the Canon, and of five or six hundred men, only five and thirty escaped▪ the great Henry wh●ch carried their Admiral had made the like end, if the near ships had not succoured it. And greater losses threatened them, when as the wind changed, and became good for them, preserved them from peril, and served them to charge our ships with full sails▪ which change was so sudden, as the English ships pursuing our galleys, were ready to overrun them, if by a great assurance of the Commanders, and experience of the ●aylers, and rowers▪ having no Canon in their poops, they had not speedily turned their prows, who being without the reach of the Canon, slack their course, seeking to draw the enemy out of the rocks and banks, as they had been directed. Some English pinnaces (these be ships more long in form then round, more narrow than our galleys, swift, and easy to govern, and which better command the currants in that sea) followed with an incredible swiftness, and with their artillery, did wonderfully annoy our galleys: when as the Prior of Gapua, brother to Peter Strossy, impatient of this bravadoe, turns his galley against a Pinnace, which surpassing his companions, was ready to grapple with one of our galleys in poop, and forceth him to retire to the body of their battle. And our Admiral having now put his ships in order, and ready to give the sign of battle, he sees the enemy retire from the chase, and return to their hold. In this conflict, they lose some slaves, few soldiers and no men of account. They must now prepare an other bait. The King of England was at Portsmoth, and the Admiral (burning his Country, and killing his men in his sight) imagined that the indignation of this wrong, the compassion of his subjects blood spilled, the sack and burning of his Country, would force him to send forth his ships, to secure them, (being not above two Canon shot off,) or else the subjects wrongs, being no way relieved by the presence of their Prince, would breed some sedition, and mutiny in the Country. He therefore makes three sundry landings, to divide the enemy's ●orces▪ The one by Strossay, upon a little fort, furnished with artillery, which did beat our galleys in flank, and manned by the Countrymen, who seeing the resolution of our men, abandon their ●ort, and fly to a wood near by, some behind were slain, and the houses about it burned. The Lord of Tais, and the Baron of la guard both Generals, the first of the foot: the other of the galleys, land in another place: they encounter some squadrons of foot, who by covert ways in the woods, were gathered together, to fight at their advantage▪ they make head against our men, and hurt some, but the rest of the troops marching in battle, make them abandon the place, and fly to recover their straits, where they could not follow but in disorder. Marsy and Pierrebon Captains of galleys, were hurt in their landing, at an encounter of the English, but to draw them in gross to fight, it was not possible, and less means to charge them on their own ground. Neither Captains nor soldiers wanted will: but the danger was too apparent. They must slip down a narrow channel, where but four ships could go in front, and the like number of the enemy's ships might easily descend it. The could not enter, but with the tide and wind, and the four first ships repulsed, had fallen back upon the rest of the fleet, and disordered them. They must of necessity fight near unto their land: 1545. and favoured by their Forts and Canon, had they not means to hinder the approach, to the great prejudice of ●u● fleet? and our ships boarding and grappling, the force of the current had driven them on ground one upon another. There was as little reason to fight at anchor, the Cables might be cut: and this inconvenience avoided, the danger was not less, for the nature of the current is to turn the prow; so as our ships in steed of the prow or the broad side, must have presented their poop to the enemy. Moreover, their anchors not ●ble to stay the ships suddenly, by reason of the violent turning of the stream, either the Anchor or Cable might break, and by consequence cast the ships on ground. They therefore propound two things in counsel, either to sail into Picardy, to fortify the King's army, The French consult to take the Isle of Wight & to fortify it. and to cut off all succours from Boullen, or to fortify the Isle of Wight. Many reasons persuaded the most part to the last opinion: for having the I●le at their devotion, they might easily become Lords of Portsmouth, one of the goodliest ports of England: and forcing the enemy to maintain a continual army both by land and sea, to cross the Conquerors desseins, it would consume them in exceeding expenses. Moreover, they kept the passage of Spain and Flanders: and might in time till the Island, and make it yield victuals sufficient to maintain men for the guard thereof. Without doubt this was an opportunity which hath not since happened, to oppose a strong bar betwixt both the realms. But let us say, that he which holds both land and Sea, within the palm of his hand, would leave this Island in the power of her ancient and lawful Lord. But howsoever, the Admiral might easily have left four thousand men, and four thousand pioneers, for the defence of the Island, as he did to ●ortifie the King's army before Boullen, after the overthrow of the Chevalier d' Aux, a Provensall and Captain of the Galleys of Normandy, leaving his Fleet well manned. As the Admiral lay at Anchor before Boullen, a Western wind ariseth, and makes him to seek harbour upon the coast of England. Being at the Perrais, and there kept by force of wind, and a swollen sea, the English fleet thinking to have the advantage, embark speedily, being a hundred good ships, and come with full sails against our men, having the wind in powpe. The violence of the winds, & the greatness of the seas, which might have taken from our men the use and service of their galleys, gave them hope of victory. On the other side, the Admiral feared that the tempest would drive him to shore, or force him to weigh Anchor in disorder (for that the bad wether would not suffer them to keep together) and with great danger to pass the strait at Calais, or else to take his course towards Flanders, and so they might stop his passage in his return: moreover foul wether might stay him so long, as he should want victuals, and in the mean time, the enemy (who to attend him at the passage, would come to Boullen,) would disturb the King's Forts that he pretended to make, the which he desired by all means to prevent. And therefore following the advice of his Captains, he attends at Anchor the change of the tide. The next day the wind and tide favours him, so as he desires to encounter the enemy. The night passeth, and at the break of day, the English army appears. He follows them, but was so becalmed, as he could not advance but with the tide. Either seek to get the wind, and coasting near, salute one another with the Canon. Some ships are sunk, and some men perish in the sea. In the end, the enemy seeing our men to have got the wind, set sail, and take their course to the Isle of Wight, having both wind and tide, which carried them without disorder to their Port, and the night approaching ended the combat. The enemy having recovered a safe Port, the Admiral took his course towards New-haven, to refresh his Army, and to land many sick men languishing in the ships. This was about the midst of August. In the midst of August, the King meant to execute his enterprise upon Guines, whereof we have spoken. His army was of twelve thousand French, twelve thousand Lansquenets, six thousand Italians, and four thousand Legionaries, a thousand or hundred men at arms, and seven or eight hundred light horse. But the fort before Boullen was no more defensible than eight days after it was begun: Fi●st not built upon the point, as it was appointed, right against the Tower of Ordre, but against base Foullen, so as it could no way stop the entry of the ships into the haven. The Marshal of Biez excused himself, that they had given him to understand he should find no water there, and that thesoldiars could not lodge, for the violence of the winds. Secondly, he relied upon his Ingeneur, Anthony melon an Italien Captain, who was held to be a man of experience, and a good soldier, who being ignorant of his measures, made the work fruitless for two months. The Marshal notwithstanding assures the King, that within eight days, the fort would be defensible, but it was no more forward, then at the first day. And to cover this defect, he lets the Captains understand, that he is advertised, how the enemy assembled at Calis, to come and secure Boullen by land, holding it in danger to be farnished▪ he was therefore resolved to pass the river, and to abandon the fort. And without imparting of any thing to the Lord of Estrue, Marshal of the Camp, who contradicted this desseine, he leaves three or four thousand men in the fort, and goes to lodge at Mont-Lambert, within Canon short of the Town, to make head against the enemy, and to fight with him, if he came to secure the Town. But what likelihood was there, that the English being weaker in force and numbers, would hazard a battle, and by land (seeing that one ship would carry more victuals than a thousand carts) come and victual a Town, which daily he might refresh by sea, without danger, in sight of the enemy. But in effect, it was a great honour for the Marshal of Biez, to see so many young Prince's subject to his command: and if Boullen had been recovered, he had lost the authority to command so goodly, and mighty an army. The hope of a battle made all the youth in Court post to Mont Lambert, the Dukes of Anguien, Nevers, Aumale, Thovars Lord of Tremoville: the Earl of Laval and others, who by continual skirmishes, sometimes with gain, sometimes with loss, did try their valours with the besieged. And the King relying upon the assurance he had of the Marshal of Biez, advanced, hoping that the Bulwarks, and the Courtynes of the fort, had been in such defence, as he might have employed his army elsewhere. But there are two reasons which divert him: The one private, which was the death of the Duke of Orleans his youngest son, who supprised with a Quotidian fever, Death of the Duke of Orleans. which they held to be pestilentious▪ died the eight of September, in the Abbey of Forest-montier, betwixt Abbeville and Montrueil, being three and twenty years old, leaving a second grief to the father, to have lost two sons at such times as they grew capable to ease his decaying age: and without doubt, the the waywardness which made this Prince melancholic and difficult, will hasten the course of his life, to bring him to his grave. The other was public: the Prince of Melphe being sent to visit the fort, having considered the time of the foundation, and the term it required to come to the perfection, reported, that winter would be well passed, before it should be made fit for service, without the assistance of an army. So the King seeing his hopes lost, and the season spent, for the effecting of his desseins, he retired towards Amiens, to the Abbey of Saint Fuscien. Skirmishes before Boullen In the mean time the nearness of the King's Camp at Mon●-Lambert, did invite both nations, daily to make great skirmishes. One day amongst the rest, the Duke of Aumale, seeing our men withstand a charge of the enemies but faintly, and were ready to be overthrown: making a count he should be seconded by his troop, he falls upon a company of English, which went to charge our French upon the flank, & at the first approach stays them, but being strooken with a lance, betwixt the nose and the eye, it breaks in pieces, and left the truncheon half a foot within his head: without doubt, we may admire the generosity of this young Nobleman, who for so rough a charge, lost neither stirops, nor understanding, to free himself from those which had compassed him in, and his admirable patience in enduring the pain, when they came to draw forth the three square head, as constantly, as if they had pulled but a hair from his head. Winter approached, and the King considering that his enterprise upon Guines was ●r●strate: advertised moreover, that the English made a new levy in Germany of ten thousand Lansquenets, and four thousand horse, with this supply to come and raise the siege at Boullen, he fortified all the approaches in the country of Tierache, and abo●t Aubenton vervain and Guise, to stop their passage. He sent the Marshal of Biez to invade, ruin and burn, the land of Oye, (for that Calais, Guines and Hames, which the English held upon the main land, had no other relief but out of that County:) and to dispose of the affairs as occasion should serve, he marched towards la Fere upon Oize. The land of Oye contains about four leagues in length, and three in breadth: a marish very fertile in pastures, Description and ●ark of the land of Oye. having on the one side the sea, and at the one end towards the sea Calais: at the other end Gravelin, of the land of Flanders: towards the land, and alongst the banks of the Marish, is the Town of Guines, and the Castle of Hames, and at the end towards Arthois stands Ardres. For the safety of this land, the English had made great trenches towards the firm land, the which were commonly full of water, and fortified with Ramparts: and to flank them, forts and bastions well manned to defend the entry into the country. The affection which every one bare unto the King's service, made them to pass the channels which flowed into the country, directly against the forts. They assail them, force them, and put all to the sword they find. Two thousand English come to their succours, the French men at a●●es, charge and defeat them, and kill the most part: the rest cast themselves into the trenches, where the horsemen could not follow: four score or a hundred of our horse, with many men at arms, test f●ed by their deaths or wounds, the fury of this encounter. The English were strong, both in high and base Boullen, and in the Tower of Ordre (this Tower was built by julius Caesar, the second time he passed into England, to have a Lamp upon the top of it, to direct his ships, if they should be divided by any storm at Sea, as in his first voyage) and the retiring of our troops, made them to enterprise upon our ●orte, w●ich was made on the other side of the water, right against base Boullen. Seven or eight thousand choice men, come an hour before day; and mount suddenly to the top of the rampar, where they might easily enter in many places without any ladders. Thibault ●ouhault Lord of Riou, Lieutenant for the King within the fort, finding his succours far●e off, (says the original) watched in the night, and rested the day. If the enemy charged furiously, he repels him with no less assurance, kills all them that mounted, overthrows the rest, & puts them in rout, so as by this gallant repulse, he was afterwards freed from the attempts of the English. We must now plant strong bars against the Lansquenets, which come to secure the King of England. A levy of Lansqu●nets ●or the English m●de fruitless. They were lodged at Fleurines, a great village in the countr●e of Liege, 〈◊〉 leagues from Mezieres. Mezieres was of great importance, if the enemy had surprised it. And the Emperor fearing that this great swarm of men, finding his country's unfurnished of soldiers, would do some harm, had hindered their passage through his territories. This refusal might have made the Germans to have sought a passage by force through the realm. So the King to cross them, sent La●gey into Mezacres with a thousand foot, and the horsemen of Bourgongne, and part of Champagne he sent Longuevall his Lieutenant into Champagne, to muster the Legion of the country, & manne● the passages where he thought the enemy would attempt. He sent the Duke of Ang●ien into Guise with three hundred men at arms, and a number of foot. In the end the Lansquenets having stayed 3. weeks at Fleurines, doubtful where they should make their passage: the day of their pay being come, and the money yet in England, they turn their enseignes, & return home the same way, leading with them the King of England's Treasurers for assurance of their entertainment. Our Francis is now freed of a great care. By the death of the Duke of Orleans, the chief conditions of peace made with the Emperor were void: so (to enter into new treaties, his Majesty sent from Folambray near to Coussy, the Admiral Annebault, and the Chancellor Olivier. ●he Emperor was at Bruges, and determined to send an army against the Protestants and commonalties of Germany, who yielded him no such obedience as he required of his subjects, and with this desseine he went to Antwerp, to receive money by imposition and borrowing. This voyage is a cloak to delay our Ambassadors. 1546. But in effect he meant to know the minds of them of Antwerp, that according to the course of affairs, he might be more mild or sharp in his answers. And the said Ambassadors discovering his ordinary delays and dissimulations, in the end took their leave, returning with no other assurance, but if the King began no war against him, he was not resolved to make any. A word serves to a man of judgement. What might the King conceive of this cold entertainment? but that the Emperor sought an opportunity to begin a new war with advantage: and if he had forced them to obedience whom he threatened in Germany, he would bring all forces, both catholics & Protestants, jointly against the frontiers of this realm. To avoid a sudden surprise, he gives the government of Languedoc to the Duke of Anguien: that of Piedmont to the Prince of Melphe, lately created Marshal of France: he sent to fortify the weak places of Picardy, he made a fort above Maubert-Fontaine, seven leagues from vervain, and five from Mezieres, at the going out of the wood▪ and for that the frontier of Champagne, lay most open to the Germans, he fortified Meziers and Mouzon, built a fort upon Meuze on this side the river within the realm, betwixt Stenay and Dunle Chasteau, the which he called Villefranche. he fortified the Castle of Saint Menehoult, Saint Desire, Chaumont in Bassigny, Coiffy, and Ligny: and made Bourg in Bresse able to make head against a mighty army. Thus the King provided for his frontiers and places subject to the enemy's invasions. But the plague had so diminished the number of soldiers that were in the fort, right against Boullen, as of twenty enseigns not above eight or nine hundred men escaped this mortality. A great plague in the ●ort before Boullen. The soldiers notwithstanding are commended for their fidelity, constancy and patience in the guard thereof. The rain, snow, and other injuries of the air, the moistens of their lodgings (being but holes in the ground, coue●ed with a pentise of straw, and when a whole household was dead, the ruins served to bury their carcases,) had bred these diseases. But the spring time having tempered the season, and stayed the plague, the Lords of Essé and Riou, being refreshed and supplied with men, returned to their ordinary skirmishes, to the enemy's loss. The fort wanted victuals. Senerpont Lieutenant to the Marshal of Biez, was appointed for this execution. Three hundred English horse come to hinder this victualling. He meets them the day after Easter day near to the bridge of brick, beneath mount S. Stephen: the skirmish gins on either side: the Lord of Tais and the Conte Reingrave arrive either of them, with six or seven score gentlemen, the alarum comes to Boullen: & the English supply their men with seven hundred horse, and four hundred harquebusiers. Senerpont chargeth the horsemen before they had joined with their shot: the Reingrave is hurt at the first charge and overthrown, and on the other side the Marshal of Calais, being chief of the enterprise is slain with a hundred or sixscore English, about two hundred horse on either side, and threescore and fifteen English prisoners, all in cassaks of vellet garnished with gold and silver. A while after the Marshal of Biez parted from his camp, for the same effect accompanied with fifty men at arms, the Reingrave with his regiment of four thousand Lansquenets, and two hundred French shot. he encountered the Earl of Surrcy followed by six thousand English men, with an intent to take from our men the means to refresh the fort with victuals, and necessary munition. Here the combat was long and furious: in the end the English overthrown, retire to a little fort, where they force them. Seven or eight hundred of their men are slain. Surrey saves himself by flight, and leaue● seven or eight score prisoners. Boullen was but a Churchyard for the English, & a wasting for their treasure. The King o● England considering how obstinate the King was in the recovery of his Town▪ that moreover the Emperor (what league soever they had together) had his private desseins and regarded nothing but his own interest: he lets the King understand, That he is resolved to have hi● for his friend, and to end all controversies. So the Deputies for ●hei● masters meet betwixt Ardres and Guynes. For the King came, the admiral Annebault, and Raymond, the first Precedent of Ro●an: for the English, Dudely 〈◊〉 of England, (and afterwards Duke of Northumberland) and finally, after many c●●●●●tations, a peace was made with these conditions: That the King within eight days s●ould pay eight hundred thousand Crowns, to the King of England, as well for the arreriges of his pension, as for many other expenses made by the said King in the fortification of Boiled, & of the Country: And in regard of the said sum, the King of England should deliver unto the King, Boullen, and all the Country belonging unto it, with the ancient places, or newly 〈◊〉 by him, Mont-Lambert, the Tower of Ordre, Ambletueil, Blacquenay, and others, with all the artillery, victuals, and munition in the said places. This year is famous by the death of Anguien. In the month of February, the snow was very great, The death of the Duke of Anguien. and the Court being at Rocheguion, some young Noblemen attending the Dauphin, made a challenge, some to defend a house, others to assail it ●ith snow balls: But this pastime ended soon, with a pitiful, and fatal spectacle. As the Duke came out of this house, a coffer full of linen, cast out of the window, falls upon his head, and within few hours, sends him to rest in the grave, with his ancestors, leaving a suspicion of some great men, being envious, and jealous of his virtue, reputation, and favour, which he had gotten with the King, the people, and men of war, of whom he was more than any other of his age esteemed, beloved, and respected. The beginning is likewise remarkable, by the decease of Henry the eight King of England, The death of the King of England. leaving for his successor his son Edward, eight years of age. This death bred a great alteration and change, in the health of our Francis: they were almost of one age, conformable in complexions. And our King taking this for a presage, or foretelling, that his turn should soon follow after, grew then more melancholy, and silent then before. He falls sick of a fever, for the avoiding whereof, having passed many places fit for the pleasure of hunting, la Muette, S. german in Say, Villepreux, Dampierre, near unto Cheureuse, Limours, and Rochefort, he came to lodge at Rambovillet, and as the pleasure he took both in hunting, and hawking, stayed him there sometime, his fever increased, and grew to a Quotidian. So finding his hour come, he disposed of his conscience, and of his house: he greatly recommended his subjects and servants to the Dauphin his successor: and the last day of March, The death of Fran●is the ●. in the year 1547. being fifty and three years old, he changed the painful, and continual toils of this mortal life, with the eternal rest, which the happy enjoy for ever. A Prince wonderfully lamented, both of his subjects, and strangers, whose virtues, deserve to be placed among the most famous, valiant, Courteous, bountiful, judicious, of a great spirit, and an excellent memory. A lover of learning, and men of merit, to whom arts and sciences own the perfections they have gotten at this day, having by his bringing up of youth, founded Colleges in Paris, in the Hebrew, Greek, and Latin tongues, assembled from all parts of the world, learned men, and of good life, and by this mean cleared the darkness of Ignorance, wherewith the world had been so obscured, by the malice of time, and negligence of former ages. A Prince favoured with many good, yet crossed with as many bad, and sinister fortunes. Happy notwithstanding, that no adversity could ever make him degenerate from a noble and royal mind, nor from the true belief of a good and faithful Christian. Happy and blessed in his end, to have pacified all foreign confusions, which had so long troubled his estates, and his subjects quiet. But without doubt, he had been far more happy, if he could have left his realm free from those fatal divisions, which even in his reign had so miserably divided his subjects, and shall cause hereafter strange combustions: the first consideration whereof, makes my hair to stand upright, and my heart to tremble at that which is to come. HENRY the second, 59 King of France. HENRY .2. KING OF FRANCE .59: · portrait NAture, his age, and the good education he had received under his father, in the government of the Estate, 1547. did countenance him in this succession▪ the which he received on the same day that he was borne, and confirmed it in Saint German in Lay, by the restitution of the Constable of Montmorentie: by the publication of many goodly ordinances, for the reformation of apparel, ordering of the Treasure: providing for the poor, suppression of new erected offices: government of the rivers and forests: maintenance of justice, and relieving of his subjects: but above all that necessary law against blasphemers, as we may see in the Original. Doubtless this was a commendable beginning, and worthy the homage he did owe to the Sovereign Lord, as an acknowledgement of the fee, whereof he took possession, if he had not polluted it with the mournful spectacle of that bloody and fatal combat, betwixt jarnac and Chastaigneray, whereof he would be an eye witness: and behold the laters blood shed, contrary to all men's opinion, by jarnag, being the weaker, and newly recovered from sickness. So shall we see in the end of this reign, that God's divine justice doth suffer, That the man which did thirst after an others blood, shall find some one to drink his own. The restoring of the Constable, disappointed the Cardinal of Tournon, The Constable restored. and the Admiral of Annebault, touching the chief government of the State: and the Lords of Longueval, Es●ars, Boncour, Framezelles, Antibe, Grignan, the Baron of la guard, the General Bayard, and many others, accused some for theft, some for other disorders in their charges, did somewhat trouble the Court. It was an old saying: That he which ea●es the King's Goo●e, will cast up the feathers a hundred years after: but since they have turned this saying into a Proverb; He that steals a hundred thousand crowns from the King, 1548. is quit if he restore ten thousand. So some pre●a●●●d by 〈…〉, others escaped rigorous punishments through favour. In the mean time, the ceremonies of the King's Coronation were 〈…〉 Rheims▪ and having received it the 27. of july, by the hands of Charles of Lorraine▪ Archbishop of Rheims, Henry the 2. crowned. he made a voyage into Picardy, and did visit the 〈…〉 were made about Boullen: then did he prepare an army to succour Scotland, 〈◊〉 whom the English made war, for that the Lords of the country had refused to give their Princess Mary Steward in marriage to young Edward, hoping by this bond t● unite the two realms of England and Scotland, to the prejudice of the French, & of the common alliance betwixt France and Scotland. The Lord of Essé was chief of the army, Peter Strossy general of the Italian bands, d' Andelot Colonnell of the French ●oote, the Reingrave chief of the Lansquenets, An army in Scotland- marching by land against the English forces: and Leon Strossy Prior of Capova, by sea spoiled the English of the greatest part of their conquests: but the confirmation of the peace lately concluded betwixt the deceased Kings of France and England ended this war, and brought back our adventurers into France. 1548. Francis at the end of his days, had well foreseen the levaine, which should soon breed new combustions with the Emperor. Henry must be heir to his quarrel, a● well as to his crown, and knowing that the Pope had a fresh and just cause of indignation for the murder of Peter Lewis Duke of Parma and Plaisance, his son, and sort●● invasion of Plaisance, by Ferdinand of Gonsagne, Lieutenant for the Emperor in Italie● he sent Charles of Lorraine, lately honoured with a Cardinal's Hat (this is he that shall minister so much matter to talk of him, under the successors of Henry,) to draw the Pope from the emperors party, to the King's alliance: but death shall frustrate the Pope of his intended revenge. Commonly men fish best in a troubled stream: & many knowing this new King to be of a mild spirit, addicted to the delights of Court, & little practised in affairs, they kindled a desire in his mind to revenge the wrongs the Emperor ●ad done to France, whereof they urged for a testimony the death of Vogelsberg beheaded in Ausbourg, at his return from the Scottish wars for the King's service. O● the other side, the Emperor grew not a little jealous of the progress the King made into Bourgogne, Bresse, Savoy, and Piedmont, as if he had carried with him an alarm 〈◊〉 to s●●rre up the people to the following war. And it may be it had then been kindled, but an homebred mutiny stayed it for a time. During the King's voyage, the extorsio●s of the tol-gatherers and farmers of Salt, Sedition for the customs. caused the commons of Guienne, Xain●onge, and Angoulmois to rebel. In few weeks forty thousand men go to field armed with all kind of weapons, the Islanders join with them, and with a common consent fall upon the tol-gatherers. The people of Gasconie do presently follow this pernicious example. The commons of Bourdeaux rise, & finding la Vergne, Estonnac, Maquanan, and others, (Tribunes fit for their humours) they expel the customers, sack many good houses, under colour to seek for these exactors▪ the commons enter to the town, & massacre all that follow not their party. Moneins, lieutenant for the King within Bourdeaux, sends a number of shot out of the Castle of Ha, thinking to terrify this enraged multitude. But all this increased their popular fury. They forced the Councillors of the Parliament, Cruelties committed in Bourdeaux by the rebels. to lay aside their gowns, to put on Mariners caps, to carry pikes, & to follow their Ensigns, & the masters▪ of Saulx brethren, the one Captain of the town, the other of Castle Trumpet, to be their leaders, to assist at the sacking of many houses, and to see their friends & fellow citizens massacred before their eyes. They spoil the townhouse, a goodly storehouse for arms: & to increase their villainies, they murder Months, most cruelly, being come amongst them, thinking with courteous words to pacify the fu●ie of these mu●mes. Having wrought their wills, and being laden with boo●y, they disband some one way, some another: the parliament fortified with men of honour, and resuming their authority, punish by exemplary justice La Vergne, one of the chief Tribunes of this rebellion, La Vergne drawn with ●oure horses. and some other of the most apparent. The King was no less ready to revenge this outrageous and rash rebellion, than the commons were active in the execution. The Constable had the commission for Guienne. Francis of Lorraine Duke of Aumale (whom we shall afterwards see Duke of Guise, so famous under Francis the 2. and Charles the 9) that of Xaintonge with four thousand Lansquenets & many French horse. This man seeking to win the reputation of a mild & merciful Prince, pacified the Country without punishment of what had passed. The other marched after another manner, for joining both armies together, he entered into Bourdeaux, disarmed the people, took and burnt all the records, registers, rights & privileges of the Citizens', & of all the country of Bourdelois: he caused the Court of Parliament to cease: beats down their bells, forced 7. score of the chief to go unto the Carmes (they had three days after the mutiny, in the night taken up this poor dismemberd carcase, lying fil●●ly upon the ground, with a gentleman of his named Mont●lieu) to fetch the ●odie of M●neins, and to conduct it in mournful sort unto S. Andrews Church. & by the punishment of the two Saulx, Estonnac (an other Tribune who had seized upon the castle Trumpet) & many others, he purged their offence. Talemagne and Galaffie Colonnels of the commons, were afterwards broken upon the wheel, either of them carrying a Crown of burning iron for a mark of the sovereignty, which they had usurped. The end of this year was more comical. Anthony of Bourbon Duke of Vendosme married joane of Albre● daughter to Henry of Albret King of Navarre, and of Marguerit sister to King Franc●s the 1. and the Duke of Aumale the daughter of Hercules of Es●é Duke of Ferrare & of Ren●è of France Daughter to king Lewis the 12. And during these sports in Court, that extraordinary chamber, against them whom they call Lutherans, was erected, who persisting constantly in the profession of their faith, suffered their bodies to be consumed to ashes. The birth of Lewis the King's younger son, the 3. of February, at S. German in Say, his baptism the 19 of May: the coronation of Queen Katherine at S. Denis, the x. of I●ne, the stately entry of their Majesties at Paris the 6. of the same month, and the great ●ournoy at the Tournells, made in favour of the Ladies, continued the sports in Court: which finished, the King sitting in his seat of justice the 2. of july, would give sentence in his Court of Parliament at Paris, according to the ancient custom of his predecessors. The presence of the Prince gives authority to the Magistrate, and the eye of the king (saith the wise man) scatters ill counsels. Troubles in England. At that time the nobility of England we●e at jar with the Commons. The people required restitution of religion. The nobles who by their change of religion enjoyed the Clergy livings, would not yield. So the people rise, & the nobility takes arms. Thomas Semer Admiral of the realm, & Uncle to young King Edward the 6. by the mother, is accused to have supported their party which followed the Romish church, & by consequence to have conspired against the king: his own brother the D●ke of Somerset caused his head to be publicly cut off. Edward 〈◊〉 for those forces which he had prepared beyond the seas, against our Henry, Cle●e●s, Gueldrois, Bourgognons and Germans: a means to reconcile the Nobles with the Commons'. During these tumults in England, the King sent Paul Lord of Terms to continue the war in Scotland begun by Essé, who having lately defeated the English before Heding●on, and taken the Isle of horses, resigned his charge to his successor. In the month of june, james of Coucy Lord of Veruein was beheaded at Paris, & Oudard of ●●ez Marshal of ●rance degraded, after a long imprisonment, the one for that he had inco●sideratly committed the guard of Boullen to his son in Law: the other for that he had so lightly yielded up a strong and well fortified place unto the enemy. Yet in the year 1575. ●he heir & son of Veruein, shall restore the memory of his father, & grandfather by the mother side, to their former honour, dignity, and renown. There falls out an other su●e▪ since the year 1540 the Parliament of Provence, had for matter of religion condemned 17. persons of Merindol to be burnt, the village to be razed, and the trees to be cut down within 〈◊〉 hundred paces. The Clergy pursued it: but some gentlemen and others less bloody, stayed the execution of this decree, and King Francis five months after sent ● pardon to these Vaudois of Merindol, & other places, upon 〈…〉 within three months they should abjure their errors. They appear in 〈◊〉, & protest that 〈◊〉 ●●ue not maintained nor published any erroneus thing, of●●ag to 〈…〉 the word of God they can show them any sounder doctrine: they 〈…〉 of 〈…〉 in writing, with an answer to the reproaches wherewith 〈◊〉 were taxed, and require to be allowed, or judicially heard in their defences. Four years pass away, 1549. during the which, being only threatened with 〈…〉 subsist. But the Precedent Chassané being dead, john Menier his successor, a violent 〈◊〉 became a mortal enemy to those of Cabrieres, and Merindol, amongst whome● 〈◊〉 dwelled certain subjects of his Oppede, whose lands he possessed, to join them to ●is 〈◊〉▪ Through the persuasions of Menier, the Cardinal of Tournon, obteines letters pa●e its from King Francis, to the Court of Parliament, for the execution of the first sentence, according to the which, Menier terming himself Lieutenant of the Lord of Grignan, governor of Provence, accompanied with the Baron of la guard, and a great troop of others, in the month of April 1545. fired many villages near unto Merindol, p●t many of the Countrymen into the galleys, spoiled, razed, and burned Merindoll being unpeopled, took Cabrieres by composition, and against his faith, in cold blood, he cut in pieces five and twenty or thirty men, chosen at his pleasure, ravished ●iues, and young virgins, burnt about forty in a barn, whereof the most part were with child: put above eight hundred to the sword, and carried away many prisoners to Mars●●lles, Aix, and avignon. This did too far exceed a decree given against seventeen persons, abusing the King's authority, with too great violence: who in his latter age, touched with a remor●e of conscience, by reason of this horrible proceeding against his subjects, whom he had too lightly abandoned to these butchers, grieved that he could not before his death, punish the authors of these murders exemplarly: lying in the bed of death, he commanded Henry his son expressly, King Francis touched in conscience. not to make his memory hateful unto strangers, nor subject to the wrath of God, in not punishing of this guilt. Even so, that great King David, amongst other dispositions of his last will: Thou knowest (said he to him that should sit on the throne after him) what joab the son of Tseruia hath done unto me, and what he hath done to the two Commanders of the armies of Israel, Abner the son of Ne'er, and Amasa the son of jether, whom he hath slain, having shed blood, in time of peace: Thou shalt not suffer his white hairs to descend with peace into the grave. But Solomon performed his father's will more religiously. Yet one at the least must suffer for many: the chance fell upon one that was least guilty, named Guerin, an advocate by pro●ession, who was hanged at Paris. The Cardinal of Tournon, Grignan and la guard were in some trouble, but more feared then hurt. Menier escaped, but he died after, being tragically possessed with a fury, and a secret fire which consumed his bowels. God's just judgements vpo● murder. The people of Guienne reconciled to the King's favour. The year ended with the death of two famous personages: Pope Paul, the ninth of November, to whom succeeded Cardinal john Maria Bishop of Mantova: and the virtuous Princess Marguerite of Valois, sister to King Francis deceased, and wife to Henry of Albret King of Navarre, the fourteenth of December. They say commonly, that for all offences there needs but one satisfaction. Seeing then, that by the punishment of the chief authors of the sedition in Guienne, the King had pardoned the commons, he was not so inexorable, but for a small satisfaction they were easily admitted to favour: so as in October passed, they of Bourdeaux had obtained a remission, binding themselves perpetually to his Majesty: To entertain at sea for ever (as well they as their descendants) two ships furnished for the war: to victual the Castle of Trumpet, and du Ha, and to renew the victuals every year. By this means, their Parliament was restored in januarie, and all things settled in their former estate. By their example the three estates of Poictou, Xaintonge, Angoulmois, Perigort, Limosin and la March, in the beginning of this year, obtained abolition of the custom upon salt in Guienne, paying four hundred and fifty thousand franks, and five and twenty thousand for the satisfaction of the King's officers of the said custom. Then sprung there many and sundry firebrands of war. But before we quarrel with the Emperor, the English must yield us Boullen. The fort which the Lord of Chastillon had built, in the year 1548. annoyed them much, and the recovery of the forts of Selaque, Blaeonnet, and Bonlamberg, and so many men defeated by the surprise of them, gave the Duke of Summerset and the Earl of Warwick to understand, that there was no thing but blows to be gotten in maintaining the wars of Boullen: Moreover the divisions of England, 1550. and the war of Scotlan●, called home their troops. So as for the sum before specified, Peace with the English. payable at two terms, a peace was again concluded with the English, and Boullen restored to the King, into the which his Majesty made his entry, the 5. of May, and did his homage, whereunto the Kings of France are bound by the institution of Lewis the XI. as we ●aue elsewhere observed. Hereafter those small sparkles, which began to appear; after the murder of Peter Lewis, son to Pope Paul Farnese deceased: slain by his household servants, by the persuasion of Andrew Doria, and Ferdinand Gonzague, with the privity and consent of the Emperor, to seize upon the City of Plaisance, with the more facility, have kindled so great fires, as we shall see France, Germany, and Italy in combustion. Paul had given ●arma to Octavian Farn●se, son to the said Peter Lewis, whereof he had institution of Iul●o his successor. This Peter Lewis inclined much to the French party. He had given victuals and aid to Peter Strossy, when as he came into the Country of Plaisance with ●ome forces for the service of the most Christian King▪ and that which more incensed the imperials, he was suspected to have assisted the Cont of ●iesque in an enterease made upon Genes, for the king's service. the year 1547. in the which janeim Doria was slain, and Andrew Doria expelled. This caused the death of Peter Lewis Fa●nese. Octavian his son had married the emperors bastard daughter. But they say that charity gins by itself. The Emperor did labour him much: he would gladly join Parma to Plaisance, & that by lawful means, letting the Pope to understand▪ That Parma being of the patrimony of the Church, the which was in his protection, he ought to be preferred before Farnese, seeing that Farnese could not keep it, but wi●h the men and money of his holmes. The Pope, being of a base metal, and fearing the touch, tempted with the emperors practices: sends to Duke Octavian, That he could no more furnish the extraordinary charges, wherewith he had promised to assist him: and Farnese finding, that the Emperor laid this plot, to dispossess him off his inheritance: he seeks a strong support in France, against his father in-lawes practices. The king who had not renounced the ancient pretensions of the house of Orleans, to the Duchy of Milan, declares himself (but with the Pope's good liking) protector of the patrimony of the Church, and of the Farneses'. The Emperor is in a rage, who with his violent exclamations so terrifies the Pope, as he abandons his vassal Octavian. The Pope on the other side, (nothing well affected to the French) grew bitter against the King: he commands him to renounce this protection: and for not obeying, he threatens to curse bo●● him & his realm. Thus julio the 2. not able to satisfy his greedy desire, with the keys of S. Peter, he unsheaths the sword of S. Paul, kindling by his madness these deadly divisions throughout all Christendom, as if the Bishop carried the spiritual sword in his hand, to draw it for unlawful things, at the fi●st impression of his fantasy. To cross the Pope, the King forbids expressly, to carry or send any gold or silver to Rome, for any dispatches, Bulls, annates, Dispensations, or any other thing: commanding the Metropolitaines of the Realm to provide according to the ancient privileges and liberties of the French Church. And for that Gonzague besieged Parma, (to give both the Emperor, and the Court of Rome a blow) he commanded Charles of Coss▪ Martial and Lord of Brissac, his Lieutenant general in Piedmont by the death of the Prince of Melphe: to fortify and furnish Miran●o●e. Brissac sends some Soldiers: Gonzague surpriseth them, and puts them secretly to death, and suddenly doth belegar Mirandola. War in Italy. War is now begun on all sides, and for light occasions, he that seeks a quarrel, wants no apparent shows to colour it. Both these Princes expected some worthy occasion. But let us raise up our thoughts, and say, That GOD had not powered 〈◊〉 all his judgements against Christendom, being full of excess, and worthy of 〈◊〉 publishment. 1551. The King sends new forces into Piedmont, and commands the Marshal to 〈◊〉 Parma, and Mirandola. He effects it, and by the taking of Quires, S. Damain 〈…〉 places, he forceth Gonzague to abandon the country of Parmesan, to secure Mont●errat, and to defend the estate of Milan. On the other side, Mary Queen of Hongary, and Governess of the Low Countries, for the Emperor: armed in favour of her brother both by sea and land: And understanding that for a greater confirmation of love, the Marshal S. Andre, earned in the King's name the order of France, to young Edward King of England: she caused certain ships to lie betwixt Calais and Dover, to seize on him in his passage. Bu●●o prevent her policy, the Marshal caused some Flemish ships to be stayed, which lay at anchor in the road of deep, until they were assured of his arrival in England. And Mary likewise seized upon all the French ships, that were within her government. Thus hart burning grew on all sides, which burst out into open war: every one calls home his Ambassadors, and assures the places nearest to the enemy: the King especially of Lorraine, having some jealousy of Christienne the Dowager, and near allied to the Emperor: who to free herself from that imputation, did put herself with her S●n Charles into the King's protection: who caused him to be brought up, with the Dauphin Francis, and afterwards he married one of his majesties daughters. Before we proceed to open acts of hostility, the King excused himself unto the Pope by the Lord of Terms, for that which he did in savour of Octavian Farnes●, and by the Abbot of Bellosanne, he protested against the decrees of the Assembly which was held at Trent: the which (considering the Popes and the emperors spleen against France) he could not hold, to be a lawful and holy general Council: Not that I pretend (said he) to withdraw myself from the obedience of the Church but only, to avoid the surprises of such, as under colour of reformation seek to disgrace both my person and realm. And in truth he confirmed sufficiently this last clause, by the rigorous ordinances which he published against those which had their cause common with the Protestants of Germany, touching matters of religion, whereby fires were a new kindled against them, in many parts of the Realm: and yet the King treated privately with the Protestant Princes of Germany, and generally with all the Electors and free Cities of the Empire: Who saw their liberties and freedoms in a manner ruined, if they did not oppose some mighty adversary against the Emperor, who by main force might stay the course of his unmeasured covetousness. The Emperor (contrary to his oath) detained john Duke of Saxony and Philip Landgrave of Hesse in miserable captivity. A league betwixt the King and the Protestant's of Germany. He had vanquished most of the other Princes in war, and fearing least the French should in the end demand the right usurped in old time by the Saxons, over the heirs of Charlemaigne, when the Empire was hereditary: he pretended to transport the Imperial Crown into his house for ever: and now he thought to have a fit opportunity. He had suppressed his enemies in Germany: he had a Pope at his devotion▪ he was armed. The most part of the Cardinals who assisted at the Council, were either natural Spaniards, or of the Spanish faction: and by consequence, might easily, by a decree of this council, give authority to what he intended. With this disseine he had caused his son Prince Philip to come out off Spain, (who died King of Spain in the year, 1598.) to have him declared his successor, or at least his associate in the Empire: oppressing the people of Germany, by insolent and tyrannical exactions. The Electors, not accustomed to servitude, and less to the slavery of Spain: not able with their own forces to shake off the yoke, which they see ready to be laid upon them: they repair unto the King, show him the wrongs and outrages done unto them: they pretended the overthrow of the holy Empire, and the abolishment of the rights, and privileges of the Electors, Commonalties, and Lords of the same: they beseech him, that in regard of the ancient league, betwixt the Empire and the crown of France, he would take their just cause in hand, and maintain the common liberty of Germany. The King resolves to enter into League with them, 1552. and grants the succours which they demanded. They give him this honourable title: Defender of the Germans, The King makes a league with the 〈◊〉 of Germany against the Emperor. protector of the nation, and of the holy Empire. He arms thirty thousand men, and desirous to countenance his forces with his own presence, he appoints Queen Katherine his wife Regent in France: he makes many goodly Edicts for the government of the state, for the ordering of his men at arms, and for the observation of military discipline: he reforms the abuses of Commanders, suppresseth the insolency of soldiers, (a commendable institution, in comparison of that which hath been seen in the reigns of his children) and gives the Rendezuous ●or his army at Vitry. He was accompanied with anthony Duke of V, ndosme, (whom we shall shortly see King of Navarre, by the decease of Henry of Albret his father in Law) john Duke of Anguien, Lewis Prince of Conde, all brethren: Lewis Duke of Montpensier, Charles Prince of Roche-sur-yon, all of the royal family of Bourbon: the Dukes of Nevors, Nemours, Guise, Aumale, Elbeuf▪ The King's army. the Lords of Rohan, Rochefoucault, Chastillon, d' Andelot, and others in great numbers, in very good order. The C●nstable of Montmorencie was made general of the army (a house which s●a● hereafter be made a Duchy, and Peer of France) claud of Lo●r●ine Duke of 〈◊〉, a younger brother o● the house of Guise, was general of the horse, consisting of fi●teene hundred men at arms, every one having two archers, two thousand light h●rse, and as many argoletiers, besides an infinite number of voluntary French Nobility, marching under the favour of their Prince, and desi● us to ma●e their v●lor apparent, by good and faithful services. Gaspar Lord of ●hastillion, afterwards Admiral, was Colonnel of the foot, co●sisting (besides the n●w, and the ordinary companies, which were twenty enseignes of the o●d hand● of Piedmont, and five and thirty ensigns of Gascons and Provensals (they note the two company's of the Lord of Duras to be compounded for the most part of 〈◊〉, ●nd old soldiers, worthy of command) of ten thousand Lansquenets in 〈◊〉 Regiments, commanded by the Reingrave, and Reichroc. To these bands the Protestant Princes joined a battalion, of horse, under the command of the Colonnell Cartel. But let us now see their exploits. The City of Thoul at the fi●st aboard, puts itself into the King's protection, but this was not the chief point of his desseine. The Emperor p●●sing into France, had the passage of Metz at his devotion, and had victuals and other necessaries out of that Countr●e. The King now requires the like from them. They offer victuals for money, and consent to admit his Majesty in their City, with the Constable, The King's army enters into the country of M●●z. followed with some Princes and Noblemen. but as for any passage of the army, they excuse themselves, and pretend neutrality. The Constable departs, and protests, that he will have free passage, free entry, and ●●ee issue at discretion, without any limitation, and partly by promises, partly by threats, he wins the Inhabitants. The Citizens had not foreseen this storm, and less provided any remedy to avoid it. Thus being forced to bid their liberty adieu, they agree with Lord of Bourdillon afterwards marshal of France: That the Constable accompanied with some Princes and Noblemen, should enter with two companies of foot. the companies were six hundred men strong: they increase them with half as many more, all chosen men of account, the which being entered, repelled the people, become masters, and draw after them so long a train, as the M●●●ins had no means to resist. This was the tenth of April on Palm Sunday: nine days after the King made his entry in arms, being followed with all his forces put in battle: he received the o●h of the Citizens, and swore solemnly to them in the porch of S. Stephen's Church. He le●● Gonner brother to the Marshal of Brissac for Governor, and with him, the company of the Earl of Nantueil, two hundred light horse, two hundred harguebufiers on horseback, and twelve enseigns of foot. Thus the famous City of Metz was brought under the obedient of this Crown: a portion of the ancient patrimony of the King's o● France, and in former times usurped by the Emperors. The Constable would gladly have used the like stratagem to Strasbourg. but he ●ound more assurance and resolution then at Metz. Metz yields to French King. They put a strong garrison into their City, and prepared for defence against any that should seek to make them subject. so as seeing that neither reproaches, threats nor bitter words, could draw any thing from the Inhabitants, but victuals and necessaries for the Camp, the army took the way of Haguenau and Wisbourg. Here the deputies of the german Princes come to beseech the King to pass no no farther; to stay the spoil of the Country, to hearken to a peace with the Emperor, whereunto he seemed to be inclined: and not to press them to any private alliance, An alteration in the German Princes. considering their bond unto the Empire: and if it pleased him to be comprehended in this treaty, he should make it known with what conditions he meant to compound with the Emperor. The King held good pawns for the charges of his v●iage. By his forces he had drawn the Emperor to reason with the Princes his vassals: this virago of Hongarie had already taken Stenay upon Meuse: and to cross the King's attempts in Germany, with troubles in France: she threatened to enter the realm, b●rning, spoiling, and making the Country in her passage desolate. So the King leaving Germany, b●ought back his army into France. At whose approach this swarm of enemies was dispersed, like a flying cloud, and leaving the Duchy of Bourgongne unfurnished of men, they invited our French to the conquest of Roc de Mars, of Mont Saint jean, Solieure, Danuilliers, Yuoi, Montmedy, Lumes, Trelon and Glaion: all which places, might sufficiently speak of our French forces, having made proof thereof. But this last seizure was their ruin, when as the greatest part, through the fury of the war were reduced into heaps of stones and ashes. They could no longer retain the old bands without some prey. Cym●i (a town and castle belonging to the Duke of Arscot) was surprised, but this was in a manner the ruin of the army, for some laden with spoils, others seized on with sickness and wearied with continual toil, began to slip away in the end of july. The most healthful which remained, were by the King put into garrisons, attending the emperors desseins: having also given some troops to the Marshal of la Mark, with the which he recovered the Duchy of Boullen, with the dependences. The Emperor had been oppressed with a foreign and domestical enemy. To turn all this storm upon France, and to make profit of the Protestants forces and money: he made his peacewith them, and got a promise from the Princes and Commonalties, to succour him with men, money and artillery, for the recovery of Metz, Thoul and Verdun. Albert Marquis of Brandebourg had in the King's name, made sharp war against the Bishops and Towns in Germany, with two thousand horse and eight thousand foot▪ he now seeks to be reconciled to the Emperor as well as the rest, but hewill insinuate himself by some notable service. He had written often unto the King, holding him in hope to continue in his party: but having roded upon the marches of Luxembourg, Lorraine, and the Country of Messin, he spoils the Country after a strange manner: then having pressed Metz, for want of victuals, he carries arms for the Emperor. The Emperor marcheth against Metz, and sends the Duke of Alva, his Lieutenant general, Metz besieged by the Emperor. and the Marquis of Marignan from Sarbruch, with fourteen thousand foot, four thousand horse, and six field pieces, to view the City, and to choose a convenient place to lodge his army, attending his coming with the rest of his forces. The Duke of Guise Lieutenant general for the King, sends forth some troops to skirmish, where he looseth Marigni a gentlemen of Picardy, two Captains and five soldiers: and the enemy, above a hundred and fifty men. But the Marquis of Brandebourg revengeth this disgrace, The Duke of A●male defeated. upon the Duke of Aumale, and by a second stratagem, he gives the King an assured testimony of his defection, and to the Emperor, the effects of the service which he had vowed unto him. The Duke coasted the Marquis his retreat, and cuts the heaviest of his troops in pieces, when as the Marquis ●urning head) overthrows a great troop of servants mustered together to make a show and chargeth a squadron of light horse: who making but a weak resistance, leave the place. So all fall upon the men at arms: they were ill furnished to withstand the shock of the Reisters' pistols. The Duke seeing his men at arms broken, and seeking to save themselves, ●allies a small troop, and returns to the charge. The multitude environs him, and doth oppress his best men: some are wounded, and others taken: two hundred Gentlemen, by their death, and the taking of many others, made the Marquis valour famous. The Duke being overthrown, remained as a pawn of an assured victory, and shall not be delivered until the King hath paid fifty thousand Crowns for him. This chanced in the end of October: ●ut we shall see this loss recompensed with a happy success against the emperors attempts. The Earl of Reux▪ entered Picardy at the same time, with the desolation thereof, The imperials spoil Picardy. and the burning of Noyon, Nesle, Chauny, Roye, Folembray and above eight hundred Villages: a testimony of the emperors spleen. Then having besieged Hesdin, and filled up the trench, with the ruins of a wall, which they had undermined: the Town was very lightly yielded, by the Lord of Rasse, who was in danger to have been made a public spectacle upon a scaffold, if the Constable's favour had not protected him. This second brunt, made them to apprehend a third. The Emperor encamped before Metz. and the King desirous to understand in what estate the besieged were, as th● Duke of Guise, john and Lewis of Bourbon, the one was Duke of Anguien, the last was Prince of Conde, brethren to the Duke of Vendosme: Charles of Bourbon, Prince of Roche-s●r-yon, Francis and Renè of Lorraine, the first Grand Prior of France, the last Marquis of Elbeuf, brethren to the Duke of Guise: the Lords of Rochefoucault, and Randan brethren: Peter S●ro●●y, la Brosse, Brion, Gonnor, Parroy, with an infinite number of others, who had voluntarily thrust themselves within the walls, to eternise the memory of so generous a preservation of their new conquest, against the Imperial forces: They all with one consent & resolution, free the king of this suspense, and the effects second their promises. They toil the enemy with continual sallies both of horse & foot: they come up to the canon, overthrow their tents, force their quarters, put the whole camp in alarm, and perform more than hath been heard of in any former siege. The place did well deserve it, and their virtue was the more admirable, for that the time was so unseasonable both for the one and the other, being in the cold of winter: But the constancy of the besieged, and the obstinacy of the beseegers, encountered the rigour of rain, snow, cold, and ice. The 26. of November, they batter the wall, with forty Canons, without any intermission, but to cool them: and the besieged both Princes, Noblemen, and soldiers, carry earth indifferently to rampar up the breach, making the imperials admire their diligence and valour. The King resting assured, leaves the Duke of Nevers, to command his army in Lorraine, and gave commission to the Lord of Chastillon, than Admiral of France (Annebault being lately dead at la Fere) to go into Picardy, as Lieutenant to the Duke of Vendosme. The Duke of Nevers employs all his cares, to cut off the emperors victuals: and the admirals approach chaseth the Earl of Reux from about Hedin, leaving his son with a strong garrison in the castle. Hedin recovered- Having made four thousand and threescore cannon shot, he makes a breach the 16. of December, but yet not reasonable: notwithstanding the besieged being amazed, yield it, to have their lives and goods saved. This blow troubled the Emperor: the injuries of the air, molested his men before Mets: extreme hunger made them weak, the continual sallies of the besieged diminished them, his treasure grew short, his reputation decayed, his mines were blown up, and all his attempts were made fruitless: to conclude, all went against the hair. So the Emperor giving charge to the Duke of Alva, The Emperor retires from Mets. to order the retreat▪ he left the Empire deprived of the country of Messin, and the Crown of France assured of this new conquest▪ by the Constable's industry, and happily preserved by the valour of the besieged. 1553. But there followed rough encounters. Hedin and Therovenne had till now been the instruments of war. It is better (saith the Proverb, to stumble once, then to s●agger always: The Emperor, to be revenged of some part of his losses, sends the Lord of ●inecourt with a mighty army, to besiege Therovenne. The Lord of Essé and Francis of Montmorency defended it. The place is furiously battered, the besieged sustaire a most violent assault of three charges, and many die on either side. The chief among the French, were the Lords of Esse, of Vienne, of Beaudisne, of Rocheposay, of Blandy, Captain Ferrieres, with many gentlemen, and soldiers. They undermine, they ●●ne, and with the ruins of the wall, fill up the trenches, which caused the besieged to demand a composition. But whilst they are busy in parley, (an error which often chancing should make a Commander wise) the Germans and Bourguignons, enter at diverse places, Therovenne taken and ra●ed. and kill all they encounter. The Spaniards loving money at that time, more than blood, saved many. And the Emperor causing the Town to be razed, and spoiled, shall save many souls which should be lost in the defence and winning thereof. Hedin taken and lacked. Hedin assailed, battered, and undermined more than a fox's burrow, had like success under Emanuel Phillibert, son to the Duke of Savoy, and Lieutenant General for the Emperor, his uncle by the mother's side. The Duke of Bovillon, and Hora●io Farnese, newly married to Diana the emperors bastard daughter, had taken the ga●d thereof, and had prepared great store of wildfire at the breach, to defend the assault. A Priest, either through malice, or negligence, sets it on fire, and consumes many soldiers, ready for the defence. The Imperials on the other side, blow up their mines, and bury a great number of men in the ruins thereof: they enter pel mell, and so become masters of the place. Farnese, the Vicont of Martignes, the Seneshal of Castres', with many other gentlemen, were slain there. The Duke of Bovillon, with many others, The Duke of A●scot taken. had a long, and hard imprisonment. Let us take our revenge. The French army assembled about Amiens & Piquigny the Prince of Cande led the light horse, who in the midst of August encountered with some troops, led by the Duke of Arscot: he charged them, defeated them, and followed them above a League. he slew seven or eight hundred men, took about five hundred prisoners, and amongst the rest, the Duke himself with seven enseignes. The King's army consisted of about seven thousand horsemen, five and twenty thousand foot, with a hundred pieces of artillery, great and small, desiring nothing more, then to make his valour admirable, by the issue of some happy battle. The Emperor, on the other side, sought to temper this heat, and to waste this great power, at the siege of some place o● importance. The King, to sound the emperors resolution, advanceth near to Valentiennes: he wearieth his enemy with daily skirmishes, galls him to the quick, and gets the advantage. But the Emperor apprehends it not, & the King finding him loath to hazard any thing, sent the Marshal of Saint Andrew to spoil the Count●e of Saint Paul: then in the end of October, he puts part of his forces into garrison, the rest he dismisseth, and sendeth away. Now our arms are laid aside, until the ●ext spring. At the spring the King divided his forces into three armies. The first was commanded by the Prince of la Roche-sur-yon, being compounded of ten thousand foot, three hundred men at arms, and five or six hundred argoletiers. The Constable had the charge of the second, containing five and twenty enseigns of French, as many Suissee, two regiments of Lansquenets, two thousand horse, some of them light horse, and some argoletiers, with some English and Scotish horsemen. The third, led by the Duke of Nevers, had twenty enseignes of English and Scots, two regiments of Lansquenets, three hundred men at arms, eight hundred light horse, and shot on horseback, with two hundred Reisters', pistoliers: and all three breathed nothing but revenge, and desire to requited those confusions in Picardy. New exploits The Prince enters into Arthois: he spoils, burns, and defeats two Comets of horse, he kills two hundred upon the place, and sends their colours to the King. The Constable takes Mariembourg, fortifies Rocroy, ruins the forts of Trelon, Glaion, Simpy and others built within two years. The Duke batters and takes the castles of O●●mont and Beaurin by composition, ruins and burns a great number of villages: then having by the taking of some strong places seated upon the Meuze, opened the passage of the river, he enters Liege and takes Agimont and Bowines by assault, putting almost all the Inhabitants to death, either by t●e sword or by the ●and of justice, for that they presumed to stand against an army royal, & for their outrageous speeches: and to increase their punishment he burned the Town: he assured himself of Castelthiery and Valuin being abandoned: he took & spoiled Dinan, but he preserved the female sex from the violence of the Germans, being fled into a Church, Emanu●l Phil●bert Duke of Savoie by the death of his father Charles lately deceased, assembled his army with an intent (said he) to fight with the French, if they advanced. We must try this brave resolution. The King passeth the river of Sambre, the 25. of july, being followed by the Duke of Nevers he enters the Country of Hainalt, spoiling, burning and making all desolate, seeking to draw the enemy to fight. Some troops charge even unto the suburbs of Nivelle, the fi●st town of Brabant, and for a note of their passage, they fire the said suburbs and villages there abouts, so as many pleasant dwellings were consumed unto ashes. The Duke of Savoye flies the lists: and the army marching towards ●ains, (one of the chief Towns of Hainault) left no thing behind it but tears, sighs, desolation, fire, smoke and ashes, and to conclude, a mournful scaffold whereon two great Princes played a horrible tragedy, being cruelly incensed one against an other. The castles and pleasant dwellings of the gentlemen of the Country, yea Bains itself and Mariemont that stately house, and others belonging to Mary Queen of Hongarte sister to the Emperor, Tragny that goodly and proud Castle, Reux Bavets with an infinite number of others, were (in revenge of that goodly place of ●olembray) reduced to that estate, as they might well say, here was Bains, here was Mar●emont, here were Tragny, Reux, and Bavets. In the end the French (having spoiled the whole Country) drew the Emperor to fight: the two armies encounter about the midst of August, near unto Renty: The two armies m●ete. the Imperial forward chargeth the Duke of Guise his troops, but to their confusion: he defeats them with the help of those succours that came speedily unto him, he kills eight or nine hundred men, and strikes such a terror into the rest of the Imperial army, as they retire hastily into their camp, as having no more desire to fight. So the winter approaching, and want of forage troubling the men at arms, the King dismissed the swiss and his Nobility: then leaving the Duke of Vendosme general of the rest of the army, he took from the enemy all means to endamage the realm, but by sacking & b●rning of the Country about Hesdin. The 23. day of March, Pope julius the 3. died, Marcel Ceruin borne in Tuscan succeeded him: but soon after his election, death burie● bot● his name and memory. john Peter Caraffe a Neapolitaine, called Cardinal Thea●m, the cliefe author o● the jesuists sect, held the Roman sea, and called himself Paul the 4 We shall this year quench the fires of the year past, but it shall kindle new c●mb●stions, both on this side and beyond the Alpes. So as, no affection to the public good, but the only indisposition of the air, hath made us till now surceale o●r arms. Philip son to the Emperor Charles had the year passed married with Mary Queen of England, by the decease of Edward 6. and whilst that England did flame 〈…〉, by reason of the burning fires against such as had shaken off the yoke of ●●e Romish obedience, they did solicit our two warriors, to pacify their mutual 〈◊〉, by some firm and durable peace. Cardinal Poole an Englishman was employed the 〈◊〉, but without effect: for the soar not was yet ripe. The courses of the imperials made the French to attempt upon Castle Cambrose (yet making fa●re wars with the Spaniards, and to victual Mar●embourg at divers times, 1555. while on the other side Francis of Cleves Duke of Nevers, with the Admiral of Chastillon, governor in the absence of the Duke of Vendosme (who was gone to take possession of his new estates, fallen to him in the right of his wife, by the death of Henry of Albret, and shall here after be King of Navarre, and Sovereign of Bearne) gave order for the defence of the fronter. But behold one of the tricks of our ordinary confidence. Fifteen hundred of the Arrierban, and four hundred foot, with some garrisons of Picardy, returned home laden with spoil, The Ar●ier-ban of France defeated. Without Scouts (saith the Original) without order, without fear of the enemy, and without courage. Haulsimont Governor of Bapaulme, being more vigilant, encounters them betwixt a wood, a village, and a river: chargeth them, and in a moment takes from them, both their booty and their lives, at his discretion. The imperials seeing Mari●mbourg victualled, opposed a Fort called Givets, whence foraging all the neighbour Country, they did starve Mariembourg. Twenty thousand foot, some enseignes of the old Spanish bands, and five or six thousand Reistres, under the command of Count Farlemont, camped about this Fort, to hinder an other victualling, conducted by the Duke of Nevers, the Admiral Sansac, Bourdillon, and others, with eight hundred men at arms, eight hundred light horse, and some eight thousand foot. The 26. of july, the French horse charge the Reisters', and drive them into their fort: then seeing the Imperials loath to make any farther adventure, the time b●ing very tainie and unseasonable, want of forage, cold, hunger, and many other discommodities caused them to sound a retreat, and to leave the third victualling of Mariembourg, to Sansac and Bourdillon: after the which the rigour of the season, and the injuries of the air, forced both parties to live in rest. Whilst they remain quiet upon the fronter, let us visit them beyond the mountains. The Marshal of Brissac had the winter passed seized upon Yuree and vielle. War beyond the Alpes. in the spring he had fortified S. jaco, taken Crepacuore, surprised by the industry of Captain Saluoison governor of virtue) Cazal, the storehouse of victual and munition, prepared by the Imperials for the recovery of Piedmont, ruined Poman, S. Saluador, and other small places not to be held, and uneasily fortified in any short time. About the end of july, the Duke of Alva, successor to Gonsaque in the government of Lombardie, went to field with twenty thousand foot, four thousand ho●se, and forty Canons, who at the first besieged S. jaco: but he found good resistance, Birague & Vime●cat commanding in the place, forced him to retire, & to fortify at the bridge of Stir, hoping to vanquish those by famine, who had repulsed his attempts by force. The Marshal being fortified from the King, with four thousand horse, & fourteen thousand ●oote, lead by the Duke of Anguien, Prince of Conde, Dukes of Aumal●, & Nemours, Vidame of Chartres, Aubigni, Gonnor, Vantadour, d' Vrfé, la Chastre and L●de, with a great number of voluntary gentlemen, besieged Vulpian, defeated the succ●●s which the Duke of Alva sent, took the high and the low town by force, and the Castle by composition. Mont●aluo both Town and Castle (after the dismanteling o● Vulpian) followed the conquerors fortune: the French made these conquests in September and October, the remainder of the year was more quiet. But before we proceed, let us speak something of the wars of Siene, which beginning long before, were ended this year. The insupportable behaviour of Don Diego of Mendosa, governor of Siene forth Emperor, had driven the Citizens to put themselves into the King's protection, and to bring into their City four thousand men, under the command of the Earl of Pe●illano, who being entered, force the Spaniards, kill some, and expel the rest by composition. These men chased from Siene, seize upon Orbittello, & fortify it. After the siege of Metz, the Emperor sent Don Garsie of Toledo Viceroy of Naples, with fifteen hundred horse, and twelve thousand foot, to spoil the Country of Siene: and the King to cross him, sends the Lord of Terms, with twelve thousand foot, besides the Inhabitants of the Country, all having vowed to root out the government of the Spaniards. Terms being entered, he provided for the fortification of t●e City, and assured himself of Montselice, Montelie and Montal●in against the threats of the viceroy, and of Aseanius dela Corn, attending the arrival of Peter Strossy who came with the title of Lieutenant general for the King, with a good troop of men at arms. Strossy being arrived, he makes new levies in Italy. Cosme Duke of Florence gives intelligence to the Pope and Emperor, & all join together to send home the French, giving the charge of their common army to james of Medicis Marquis of Marignan. The Marquis beseegeth Siene, and at his first approach had almost surprised it by night, the fortifications being not yet finished. The Sienois withstand him, give him the repulse, Sienne besieged. and kill many of his men. He than encamps before the Town, spoils the Country, and had already reduced them to necessity, while that Strossy was busied to provide for the other places within the estate of Siene. Strossy comes into the Town, and goes presently to field again with six hundred men: he surpriseth Ralphe Baillon and Ascanius de la Cor●e, who had an enterprise upon Chiusi: he defeats their troops, kills Baillon, and sends Ascanius prisoner to the King. T●e King relieved him with new supplies in Tuscan, and likewise in the Isle of Cors●●, where the Lord of Terms had taken from the Genovois, partisans to the Emperor, the Towns of Saint Florent, and Saint Boniface a port of the sea. These last succours consisted of five thousand Swisses and Gascons, with some light horse. And whilst they take breath in Siene, Strossy makes a second sally, with five hundred good horse and six thousand choice foot, takes Montcalin and Montcarlo from the Duke of Florence, and by this stratagem he forceth the Marquis to leave Sienne, for to secure the Florentin: then seeing the Marquis fortified with new troops, he returns with his men to Sienna. Moreover Leo brother to Peter Strossy ran along the coast of Tuscan, and spoiled the ports belonging to the Duke of Florence. But as he approached too near to Scarlin, to discover the place, he was slain with a shot. Strossy to revenge this death, comes to continued the siege, attending the succours which the Lord of Montlue brought. Montlue being arrived, Strossy makes an army, compounded of 600. Italians, two thousand Gascons, two thousand Swisses, two thousand five hundred Lansquenets, and about a thousand horse, with which troops he resolved to sight with the enemy, if he presented himself: having left the guard of Sienna to Montlue, he went to batter Civitelle in the territory of Florence. The Marquis goes to secure it, and at his arrival chargeth Strossy, who makes head against him, and both the one and the other bathe the field with a great effusion of blood. Strossy leaves Civitelle, to set upon Foian, a strong and a rich place: he batters it, and the first day takes it by assault, cutting Charlot Vrsin in pieces with all those that kept it, spoils it, and abandons all to fire and sword. But see a troublesome Catastrophe. The Marquis approacheth better furnished with artillery, and Strossy marcheth towards Montpulcian, favouring the retreat of his men, with many and rough skirmishes, Then the Italians, being the chief strength of his army, slip from him and leave him much inferior to the Marquis: who following with speed, overtook him betwixt Martian, Lucignan and Foyan, gives him battle. Strossy entertains it, and with a bloody fight gives testimony of the valour of his courage. But Bighet an Italian, being ensign Colonnell of the army, turns his back cowardly: and the French saving their lives after him by the nimbleness of their legs, leave the horse, the Gascons and the Swisses to endure the charge, who had rather die with their arms in their hands, then turn their backs. Bighet and the Earl of Alte were afterwards beheaded, the first as being the principal cause of this defeat: the other for that he had cowardly yielded Lusignan, a place impregnable. They reckon two thousand five hundred slain (some say four thousand) besides a great number wounded to the death, and five or six hundred prisoners. Strossy saved himself in Montalein, & the Marquis recovered Foyan, Martian, Lucignan & some other places, which even then began to force the Sienois to obey the Conquerors command, who camped before their town with all his forces. Montluc comforts them, and confirms their resolutions: but the coming of Strossy with two enseigns of foot, and two companies of men at arms, saved in this ship wreck, revived them more: the which he did hazard in favour of the besieged upon a report of the death of Montluc. Montluc foreseeing, that bread would sooner fail the besieged, than courage, had already set an order for every man's diet. The Marquis repulsed by the loss of six hundred men, at a scalado given in the night to the Citadel, and the fort of Camollia: and finding that by skirmishes, batteries, assaults, intelligences, nor other stratagems, he should never be master of Siene: he resolves upon the longer, but the more easy expedient. so as the watches, the toils, the disease's, and worst of all, famine and despair of succours, forced Montluc the twenty one of April this year, to save the rest of his men by an honourable composition, which is read at large, in the history of the wars of Italy. Siene fell afterwards into the hands of the Duke of Florence· and the Marquis, for that he had prolonged the war of Siene, contrary to the emperors liking, and wasted a mighty army before it, died in disgrace, in the end of the same year. Now the Emperor (whose humour we have sufficiently learned by the discourse of the history) shrinking under the burden of the affairs of this world, wearied with the toils of war, touched with some remorse for the blood spilled, in those long and mournful wars of Christendom, being persuaded, that his discords with our Kings, had made the Turk to prevail much in divers parts of Europe, his coming of late in favour of the French, to the Isle of Corpse, to assist them at the siege of Calui, and Saint Boniface: to aid them to conquer the Island, then in their retreat to spoil the coast of Tuscan, to besiege Plombin, and the Isle of Elbe, of the territory of Florence: to afflict the estates of Naples, Sicily, and Calabria, with infinite miseries, and being laden with great spooles, to carry away without control, and to sell infinite numbers of Christian souls at Constaneinople and other places. These considerations caused him to call Philippe his son from England to Bruxelles, The Emperor resigns his Kingdom to his son. where by authentic letters, of the five and twentieth of October, he resigned all his realms unto him: commanding all his estates and subjects, to acknowledge him as their true and lawful King, advising him particularly, among other exhortations, To make a peace, and entertain love with the King of France, uniting their common forces, rathet for the defence, than oppression of Christendom. Philip was inclined to peace, and his wife Mary Queen of England more, who desired to hold him by her, to raise up an heir for the Realm, and by the confirmation of the old religion, to restore the Clergy to the possession of their lands, held by the Nobility. So as a truce was concluded for five years, but it was as soon broken as made. Paul the fourth was enemy to the Spaniards: and the Colonnes suspecting him to be of the French faction, (as in truth the house of Caraffes had of old time favoured the title of our Kings▪ to the realm of Naples) sought to assure their estates and persons. To this end they held some secret assemblies within Rome, in the houses of Marc Anthony Colonne, and the Cardinal of Saint Fior, enemies to the house of France. The Pope to cross them, imprisons this Cardinal in the Castle of Saint Angelo, with Camille Colonne, julian Cesarin, and the Abbot of Bres●gue: he summons Marc Anthony, and plants guards and sentinels throughout all the City. The Colonnes and their adherents, fly to the castilian. He commands the Duke of Alva to secure them. The Duke marcheth with that desseine, and takes from the Pope about Rome Anagne, Pilastine, Segne, Tivoli, and by the siege and taking of Ostia, cuts off the victuals f●om Rome: and the Colonnois fortifying themselves about Rome, kept the Pope mewed up within compass of his walls. The Pope appeals to the King for aid, and sends him by his nephew the Cardinal carafe, a triumphant hat with a stately sword. Our two Kings did not greatly love: their ancient hatred and discontents were yet fresh, and their household flatterers to whom common confusions did serve as a ladder to advance their estates and to enrich their houses, whereas peace sends the most of them home to line privately, 1557 ) were glad that Rome kindled the coals of new quarrels betwixt their masters. So the French (meaning to cross the castilian, in favour of the Pope) sent Strossy (Marshal of France in the place of the Lord of Sedan, lately deceased after his return from prison out of the Low Countries,) to oppose against the Spaniards, attending the succours led by the Duke of Guise. The Duke of Guise arrived at Turin, with about fifteen thousand foot, eight hundred men at arms, and twelve hundred light horse, being assured of supplies so soon as the wars should begin: having joined his fo●ces with those of the Marshal of Brissac, he marcheth directly to Valence, making this his colour, that the garrison had shot at the French going to secure the Pope: and for that it was secretly given out that the French had taken Pavia, he amazeth Spoluerin, who kept the Town with two thousand men: summons him to yield, threatening him to put all to fire and sword, if he enter by force. Thus Spoluerin being terr fied, departs with bag and baggage, Valen●e taken. and looseth his head at Pavia for a reward of his base cowardice. O● the other side Strossy, Montluc and others which were in Rome, With Ostia and other places. issue forth with six hundred horse and fi●e thousand foot, recover Os●ia by composition, and expel the Spaniards from Velitres, Tuscule, Marin, Groteferrate, Palesan, Saint Angelo, Saint Paul, Vico Valerio and other small places in the territories of Rome. The Duke of 〈◊〉 retreat had opened the way to Rome for the Duke of Guise, presuming upon the convention lately made betwixt the King, the Pope and the Duke of Ferrara: whereby the Pope should furnish twenty thousand foot, a thousand horse, and the charge of the army: the King the like number of foot, and two thousand horse: the Duke six thousand foot, two hundred men at arms, six hundred light horse, and twenty pieces of battery. But the Popes have commonly advanced their affairs at their costs that have believed them, and then have abandoned them very lightly that have assisted them at their need. The D●ke of Guise coming to Boullen, finds no men in field, neither were the Pope's coffers open· and it may be, if they had not touched this string, the expedition had been more successful. In the mean time the French army decreased for want of pay, the Spaniards increased, and the Ferrarois in steed of assisting, craved aid of the D●ke of Guise his son in Law. What could our men do, but study of their return into France? but the Pope had not yet firmly settled his affairs: and if he had long remained alone betwixt two stools, without doubt the Spaniard would have overruled him. And therefore, to stay the Duke of Guise, he swears, Not to treat any accord without the King's consent, and that for assurance thereof he would send his son the Duke of Palliane for ●ostage into France. But it was rather to attend the success of the affairs of Picara●e, where they prepared a Theatre to play a bloody Tragedy, then with any intent to discharge his oath. The Admiral having, by the taking and spoil of Le●s in Artois, begun the war in Picardy, the Duke of Savoye accompanied with Ernest and Henry Dukes of Brunswike, the Duke of A●scot newly come our of prison, the Earls of Mansfeld, Aiguemont Meigue and Barlemont, leading forty thousand foot and fifteen thousand horse▪ ten English ●oote and fifteen hundred horse, came soon after that to his succour, The Queen of England, having newly proclaimed war against the King, came & threatened Guise, but in effect it was to belegar Saint Quentin be●●● vn●urn●shed of men. The Admiral enters into it with such men as the present necess●●y could furnish: and the Constable desiring to save Saint Quentin, undertook to lead sufficient sources to withstand the enemy. As he returns the x. of August, being i●●eriour in number and therefore without any intent to fight, Philip's army follows 〈…〉 near, as he is forced to fight, The 〈…〉 the 〈◊〉 in the which the Constable is hurt and taken 〈◊〉, with the Dukes of Montpensier and Longueville, the Earl of Rochefoucault, Lodowick Prince of Mantona, the Marshal of Saint Andrew, the Lords of Aubigny, Vas●é Curton, Roche du main, Rochfort in Brie, Byron, Saint Heran, Neufuy, Movy, Molinont Monsalez and many other Noblemen and gentlem●n of account. There were slain, john of Bourbon Duke of Angu●en, the Viscount of Tura●e▪ 〈◊〉 Constables son in law, the elder brother of Roche du main, Pontdormi, Chan●●mer, the most part of the Captains on foot, and five thousand men (some say eight thousand) with many soldiers prisoners. This fatal battle caused the loss of S. Quentin: the besieged being but eight hundred, endured a general assault: S Quentin taken. but unable to defend eleven breaches, being forced at a tower, which was unfurnished of men, they remained the 27. of August a lamentable p●●y to the Conqueror. The sons of Fayete., the Captains Salevert, Oger, Vicques, la Bar, Estang, Gourds and almost all the soldiers were slain. The Admiral D' Andelot his brother (but he soon escaped) jarnac,, S. Remi, Humieres, and many others of mark were prisoners. The success of the Spanish army. Castelet was the Spaniards third Trophy. Han, Chauny, and all other places, that might annoy them, made their victory absolute. Thus the Spanish forces, had a happy season: and the Pope resolved to lean to the stronger. The●e losses make him easily forget the speedy succours he had found in France: so as at the first approach of the Duke of Alba, he sends him a blank, by the Cardinal carafe, and renouncing in September following the league made with the King, The Pope reconciles himself to the Spaniards. he made frustrate all his de●●eines against Italy. Doubtless the Council of the Constable, the Admiral and many others, advising to maintain the truce, was far more expedient, than this light and painful enterprise in favour of a Pope, who was content to have embarked us in a new Labyrinth of confusions, whereof we shall not be freed, without a mournful and exemplary spectacle. To teach Princes: That an accord confirmed by a reciprocal oath, aught to be holy and inviolable. So this reconciliation was made famous by a strange wonder. The same day, and the day after this peace was concluded, almost a third part of the buildings of Rome, A great inundation at Rome. and a great number of Christians perished, by a sudden and violent inundation of Tiber. There was some likelihood, that Philip would have entered further into the realm with his army: but understanding that the King expected a supply of fourteen thousand Swisses, and prepared his camp at Laon▪ he was content to fortify his last Conquests: and so gave the King means to stay in Bresse and Lionois, the troops which the Dukes of Guise and Aumale brought out off, Italy to chase the Baron of Polleville from Bourg in Bresse, the which he besieged in the Duke of Savois name, wit● twelve hundred horse, and twelve thousand foot. Should the King then suffer the courage of these forces newly arrived to qua●●e. with idleness, when as he might profitably employ them? The English had held Calais from us, two hundred and ten years: the Constable's imprisonment had hindered the execution of a desseine which he and the Admiral his Nephew had upon this town, by the means of Senarpont Governor of Boullen. But now they win that by force, which they could never get by policy or industry. His Majesty declares the Duke of Guise his Lieutenant General, in all his countries: he leau●es two armies, the one he gives to the Duke of Guise: the other, to the Duke of Nevers. The first advanceth under colour to hinder the victualling of S. Quentin. The other turning towards Luxembourg, draws the Spaniards and Walloons to the defence thereof: then suddenly he sends his forces to the Duke of Guise., who marcheth with all speed against Calais. In this army, among many others, were the Princes of Conde and Roche-sur-yon, the Duke of Aumale and the Marquis of Elbeuf brethren, the marshal Strossy, Montmorency, eldest son to the Constable, the Lords of A●delot, Termes, Grandmont, Crevecoeur, Piennes, Randan, Allegre, Sansa●, Tavanes, Senarpont, Estree master of the Ordinace, and Gourdan, who lost a leg in this action. The French army appeared the first day of january, and at the first arrival takes the fort of Ni●ullay: and the next day, that of Risban. Thus the way to the Town being opened, ●ala●s taken. and the besieged suddenly surprised, without hope of speedy succours, first the castle, and then the town returned to the obedience of this crown, as gladly, as we have seen her ancient Burgesses bid their poor & desolate country mournfully farewell, in the year 1347. The county of Oye, 1558. and all the forts the English held there, returned likewise to the subjection of their first and lawful Lord. Guines, and other places dismantled, spare the cost which should be consumed in the defence thereof. On the other side, the Duke of Nevers did take for the King, the Castle of Herbemont: the forts of jamoigne, Chigny, Rossignol and Villeneufue. The Dauphin married to Mary 〈◊〉 of Scotl●nd. Thus their sorrow was turned into joy, their hearts panting yet with that bloody battle of S. Laurence. The Court was partaker of this joy, celebrating the 28. of April, in the midst of these prosperities, the marriage of Francis Dauphin of Viennois, with Mary Steward Queen of Scotland, daughter to james the 5. and Mary of Lorraine, daughter of claud Duke of Guise. During these happy victories, and conjunctions of alliances: the Duchess Dowager of Lorraine, laboured to increase these solemn and public joys, by the conclusion of a peace betwixt the two kings. The Cardinal brother to the Duke of Guise, met with her at Peronne to that intent: but this par●e without effect, hastened the execution of an enterprise upon Theonu●lle, the which being battered from the 5, to the 21. of june with five and thirty Canons▪ and the mines ready to play, received an honourable composition. The project of this prize is given to the Duke of Nevers, the glory of the execution, to the Duke of Guise: and the Duke of Nemours, the Marshal of Strossy (who was slain there, with a shot under his left pap, the Duke of Guise leaning on his shoulder, as they caused a platform to be undermined.) the Lords of Montluc, Theon●●●le taken by the French. V●elleuill●, and Bourdillon, had the honour to have given good testimonies of their valours in this prize. Chigny taken afterwards from the Walloons, was fortified: Arlon, Villemont, and Rossignol, burnt and made unprofitable for the war. The English in the mean time, spoiled the coasts of Normandy and Picardy: and the King to stop their courses, prepares two small armies, one at la Fere under the Duke of Aumale: the other at Calais, under the Marshal of Terms, who succeeded Stro●●y. The marshal attempts Berghes (they feared not the French there, & the towns which the Spaniards held upon that coast were ill furnished:) he takes it, sacks it, and by that means opens the way to Dunkirk. Dunkerk● being taken and spoiled in four days, enriched both the soldiers, and boys of the army. But the Flemings force them to make restitution: the Marshal camped before Gravelines. and the Cont Aiguemont Lieutenant for the King of Spain, in the Low Countries, having speedily assembled out off the neighbour garrisons, and of other forces, about sixt●ene thousand foot, a thousand or twelve hundred Re●stres and two thousand horse, cuts off his way upon the River of A, which comes from S. Omer, and forceth him to fight. At the first charge, the French army overthrows some squadrons of horse: but at the second shock, The Marshal of ●ermes defeated. the Marshal is hurt and taken with Villehon, Senarpont, Moruilliers, and Chaune▪ a great number of Captains and soldiers are slain upon the place, and all the troops so discomfited, as of all the companies of men at arms, of three corners of light horse Scottishmen, fourteen enseigns of French foot, and eighteen of Lansquenets, few escaped death or imprisonment● a wound which revived the ●●ar of S. Laurence, and did frustrate the Duke of Guise his enterprise upon Luxembourg: but it was partly recompensed by the Lord of Kersimon, upon six or seven thousand English & Flemings which landed at the haven of Conquest, spoiling, and burning the weakest parts of the coast of Britain. This was in the end of july. The Duke of Guise failing of Luxembourg, came to lodge at Pierrepont in Tiras●●e, and there ●ortified with seven Cornets of Reistres, brought by William, younger son to john Frederick Elector of Saxony, and a new regiment of Lansquenets, led by jacob of Ausbourg, made the French army as strong, as the year before. Above all others, were most apparent the companies of the Duke of Guise, Lieutenant general of the Dukes of Montpensier, Nevers, Aumale, Bovillon, Nemours, Saxony, Lunembourg, of the Prince of Roche-sur-yon, of the Prince of Salerne, of the Cont Charny, the Marshal S. Andre, the Marquis of Elheuf, and of the Lords of Rochefoucault, Randan, Curton, Montmo●ency the Constable's elder son, Es●henets, Roche du-M●●●e, jenlis, La Veuguion, Mourdillon, Tavanes of Be●uuais. The light horse of the Earls of Eu and Roissy, of the Lords of valet, Bueil, Laigny, Rottigotty, Lombay, and others, whereof the Duke of Nemours was general, and so great a number of germans, Swisses, and Frenchmen, as this flourishing army of men (lodging near to Amiens, along the river of Somme) prevailed much for the treaty of peace, which followed soon after. Philip had his army likewise upon the river of Anthie, both entrenched and fortified with artillery, as if they meant to continue there, and in time to tyre one another. Some months pass without any other exploit than inroads and light skirmishes. In the end, the eternal God of arms, who from his heavenly throne beheld t●e seat of these two mighty armies, changed the bitterness of former war into a pleasing peace, confirmed by alliances the year following. The Abbey of Cercamp upon the limits of Arthois and Picardy, gave t●e first entry. And as the Constable (being freed from prison) the Marshal of S. Andrew, the Cardinal of Lorraine, Mo●uilliers Bishop of Orleans and A●besti●e Secretary of State, assembled for the King, treated with the Duke of Alva, the Prince of Orange, Regomes de Silues, Cupbearer to King Philip, Granduelle B●shop of Arras and Vigle, of Zuichem, Precedent of the Council of State of the Low Countries behold the death of Charles the 5. Emperor, chancing in September, and that of Mary Queen of England, a●out the midst of November, changed both the place and the time of this conclusion. Castle Cambresis had the honour to finish it at the second conference, the which was confirmed by the marriages▪ of Philip with Elizabeth, eldest daughter to King Henry: of Phillibert Emanuel Duke of Savoy, with Marguerite the King's only sister: and of Charles Duke of Lo●raine, with claud a younger daughter of France. The King yielded to the Castillan all that he had taken from him, as well on this side, as beyond the mountains. To the Savoyard, he restored Bresse, Savoy & Piedmont: to the Genouoi●▪ the Isle of Corpse, and about four hundred places more conquered, during these fatal and pernicious Wars, which had made so many Provinces desolate, ruined so many Cast●es, Villages, and Towns, drunk so much Christian blood, and slain so many millions of men of all qualities, retaining nothing but the territories of Boullen and Calais. Thus the wind doth suddenly drink up, all the toil, all the travels, all the swear of many ages. And the Lord saith unto man: Thou fool, this night will take thy soul from thee, and who shall have the things, which thou hast prepared? And, All men are vain, doubtless man labours for a shadow, he trouble●h himself for nothing. But must the quenching of foreign confusions, kindle new fires in the middestand four corners of the realm? without doubt there needed no violent but spiritual remedies, to redress those divisions which grew daily for a religious cause. Henry was of a mild and temperate spirit, but he gave ear too lightly to such as could not effect their desseines but by troubles. The prisons were full of such as they called Lutherans, Persecutions for religion. and even then many noble family's were touched with that cause. Moreover, many officers of the Parliament, w●shed a milder proceeding against those prisoners. This diversity caused an assemblee, which they called Mercuriale, to hear the opinion of Precedents & Councillors upon this controversy, the which the King was required to countenance with his presence. Councillors of the Parliament imprisoned. Anne du Bourg used a great liberty of speech▪ some others did second his opinion. This freedom transported the King into the choler: he commands the Constable to put them in prison, and vows to see them burnt within few days, if they persist. But oh Prince. The years of thy account are come, and thou entrust into a path from the which thou shalt no more return. The Constable delivers them to the Court Montgomery, Captain of his majesties guards, who leads bourg to the Bastille, and the rest to diverse ●ther prison's. Let us not judge hereby, but admire howsoever, the judgements of God: in that we shall see these three personages, every one in his rank, die an extraordinary and tragical death. The marriages of the King's Daughters and Sister, were sollemnized with all the pleasures and sports that might be devised. The Court exceeded in sumptuous feasts, plays, masks, dances, and bonfires: ordinary acclamations in such ceremonies, testified the people's public joy, by reason of the peace▪ but this pleasant Comedy was converted by a sad catastrophe, into a pitiful▪ and mournful Tragedy. The King would the tenth of june, 〈…〉 the challengers at the Tilt, in Saint Anthony's street, being seconded by the Duke of Guise and Ferrare: and to run his last course in favour of the Queen his wife, he sent a Lance to the Earl of Montgomery. The Earl excuseth himself to run against his Majesty▪ the day before he could not hit any one, and it may be now he feared a second shame. But having a second charge from the King to enter the Lists, he runs, and breaks his Lance upon the King's cuirasse, and with a splinter thereof, (his Beaver being somewhat open) strikes him so deep ●nto the eye, 〈◊〉 the ten●h of july his soul left his body, The death of King Henry. in his house of Tournelles, t●e 42. year of his age. He had by Katherine of Medicis his wife, five Sons and five Daughters. His children. Francis his successor, of the age o● sixteen or seventeen years, Lewis Duke of Orleans, who lived few months: Charles Maximi●lian, Edward Alexander, afterwards named Henr●e the 3. and Hercules afterwards named Francis. Elisabeth married to Philip King of Spain, claud to Charles Duke of Lorraine, Marguerite to Henry of Bourbon, than King of Navarre, jane and Victoire twins, who died soon after their birth. He was a religious Prince, goodly, of a mild disposition, peaceable, affable, His disposition not greatly subject to passions, generous, lo●ing his servants and men of merit: but voluptuous, and not able to discover in due ti●e the ambition and covetousness of such as possessing him, made ●ale of laws, justice, offices, and spiritual livings, emptied the subjects purses, and nourished the wars which we have before observed, namely since the breach of the truce: finding such sweetness, profit, and honour, in the managing of the Treasure, and commanding of the King's Armies in the voyage of Italy, and especially in this last lieutenancy general in Picardy: as hereafter we shall see a young Prince reign like a shadow, and they being seized of the government, both of his person and of his realm, shall dispossess the chief officers of the Crown, keep back the Princes of the blood, the true and lawful governors of the State, the King being in his minority: and to plot the means to raise their race to the royal throne. 1559 FRANCIS the second, the 60. King of France. FRANCES THE .2 KING OF FRANCE 60. portrait THis reign is short, but very memorable. We behold a Theatre, whereon is acted a horrible tragedy, a King young of years, and of judgement, governed by his mother, and his wives uncles: a a new form of Court. The Princes of the blood have no more credit: and seem to neglect both the public and private interest. The Courtiers stand at a gaze, and for the most part stoop to the stronger. The Clergy shield themselves under those that kindle these fires in France. The Nobility wearied with former toils, do yet wipe off the d●st, and sweat from their arms. The people divided for matter of religion, and oppressed with burden of former wars, desires to breath. The Constable holds his place: yet is he not so surely seated, but they will displace him. There are two factions in Court: the Constable holdeth the one, those of Guise the other. The first was firm and sincere, the last, cunning, Two factions in Cou●t. and pliable. The Queen mother joins with the last. The King of Navarre might cross them: and therefore to be the better informed of his desseins, she entertains servants, and pensioners about him. The Princes of the blood, the Constable, the Marshals, the Admiral, and many other Noblemen, prepared for the funerals of the deceased King, when as the Duke of Guise and the Cardinal of Lorraine, leading the King, Alterations in Court. his brethren and the Q●eenes to the Lou●re, begin a strange alteration, a true pattern of the inconstancy of this world. The Duchess of Valentinois had quietly governed the deceased King, and by her practices, had caused Francis Oliver, a man of a singular reputation, and Chancellor of France, to be dismissed. At the first entry, she is spoiled of her precious jewels, which testified the King's love unto her, to adorn the Queen that raigned● and by her disgrace, leaves the place to Catherine, to rule hereafter without Companion. They take the seal from Cardinal Bertrand, a servant to the said Duchess: and to have a Chancellor at their devotion, they restore Oliver. They give the Cardinal of Lorraine, the government of the Treasure, and of the affairs of State. and to the Duke of Guise his brother, the command in war. This was properly to give the Constable to understand, that without warrant he should take his leave: the which he did, after that he had conducted his good master to the grave. And to play their parts absolutely without control, they send the Prince of Conde into Flanders, under colour to confirm the peace: and him of Roche-sur-yon, to carry the order of France to the King of Spain: then at his return they depute him with the Cardinal of Bourbon, to conduct Elizabeth to Philip her husband. In the mean time, the Guisians call the Cardinal of Tournon from Rome: a man fit for their humours. They displace part of the ancient officers of the King's house, and place new at their devotion: they furnish Provinces, and fronter Towns with governors of their own choice: they obtain a declaration from the King sitting in parliament, whereby he made it known, that touching all affairs which concerned the estate of his Crown and house, his pleasure was, they should hereafter repair to his two Uncles. To conclude, they do and undo, place and displace, in Parliament and privy Council, like to a King of absolute power. And the Queen mother challengeth the gift of money growing of the confirmation of offices and privileges of Towns and commonalties, the which by right cannot be exacted, but when the realm falls into a collateral line. Now are they settled in this usurped government: they have officers at their pleasure. But there is yet a moat in their eye. Those of the religion, who then were called reform (let us hereafter call them Protestants, for their common cause with the Protestants of Germany) multiplied infinitely. Some Princes, and many Noblemen did countenance them, and were ready to take their protection. To weaken them, nay rather to ruin them quite▪ the Kings letters patents are granted, the 14. of july, with a Commission to certain judges, for the trial of Anne du Bourg, and four of his companions prisoners. It was to be feared, their proceeding against these five Counsellors, would prejudice the whole party. They beseech the Queen by their letters (who had made show to incline to their doctrine, when as she was barren) to use her authority in the restraint of these rigorous pursuits. She passeth her word to the Prince of Condé and Admiral, so as they will live secretly and without any scandal. Hereupon Anthony King of Navarre, greatly priest by some Princes and Noblemen (the Constable at the death of Henry, had persuaded him to seize first on the government) arrives in Court, being at S. German in Say, Anthony King of Navarre comes to Court, and is disgraced. having at Poitiers given good hope to some Ministers of the Protestant Churches, to make open profession of their religion. But what entertainment do they give to this first Prince of the blood of France? his harbingers find no lodging for him within the Castle. It shall cost me my life, and ten thousand more with me (said the Duke of Guise to his harbinger) before they take from me the place and lodging, which the King hath given me near unto his person. No man goes to meet him: those of Guise look that he should go to salute them: and which is worse, the next day he ha●h no place in Council. After some days, the King says unto him, that his uncles having the charge of affairs, he desired them that would have his favour, to obey them in all things. So having obtained confirmation of his offices and pensions, he approved by his silence the usurpation of the house of Guise, who lead the King to Rheims, where he was triumphantly anointed the eighteen of September, by the Cardinal of Lorraine, Archbishop of that place. Soon after the Coronation, The Prince's and chief● officers of the Crown disgraced. the Queen mother gets a resignation from the Constable, of the office of Lord Steward, in favour of the Duke of Guise, & in recompense, made his son Marshal of France. The Admiral foreseeing that they would dispossess him of the government of Picardy: he first gave the King to understand, that it belonged to the Prince of Condé, for that his predecessors had long enjoyed it. 〈◊〉 resignation was willingly accepted, but not the condition. It was better to purchase a good servant and partisan, which was the Marshal of Brissac. Thus the Princes and chief officers of the Crown were disgraced, but those that were 〈…〉 among the people, were not mute. They had a good share in the private discontent of these great personages, foreseeing the disorders that might ensue, and require a Parliament, as the So●et●●● cure for such diseases, whereby the Queen Mother might be excluded from the Regency, and those of Guise put from the King's person. To please the King, the● persuade him, that they sought to bridle him and to make him a ward, that he should hold them enemies to his authority, and guilty of high ●●eason that talk of a Parliament. The King of Spain crosseth them, and by letters written to the King his brother in Law (the which were read in Council in the presence of the King of Navarre, he declares himself, (saith he for the good affection he did bear) Tutor and Protector of him, his Realm and his affairs, against those that would change the government of the estate, as if the King were not capable of the government. Pleasant people, which reject so much the word of lawful Tutelage, and yet they usurp it against the Laws and orders of the Realm, holding it only by tyranny. This other affront sent the King of Navarre, home into Bearne whence he came. All this did but increase the hatred of great and small against the Guisians. Many treaties are published, written and printed, and all tend to prove, That it belongs to the Estates, to provide governors for Kings in their minorities: that these two brethren are incapable of the government, being both strangers: the one a priest▪ the other presuming to say in the life of the decreased King, that the Realm belonged to the house of Lorraine, as issued from Charlemain, from whom Hugh Capet had usurped it. A proposition which they have presumed to publish in these latter times: but so often confuted, as it needs no further discourse. The King began to grow, and even now he complained, that they kept him from hearing of his subjects complaints, but he was so sickly as there was no hope of long life. To get ●●re footing in the government of Estate, they resolve to purchase many servants in the Courts of Parliament, to win the affections of Courtiers and men of war, and by a burning zeal, to the rooting out of Protestants, to purchase the love of the Clergy and people. Anne du Bourg▪ executed. They publish sundry Edicts against them, they promise great recompenses to them that discover their assemblies: many Towns fill their prisons: they employ air, fire and water to ruin them, and yet it seems that the more they kill the more they increase. Amongst others, Anne of Bourg (persisting in the confession of his faith upon the points of religion in controversy,) was on the twentieth of December hanged at the grieve, and his body then burnt to ashes. The Counsellors▪ ●a Fort, Foix, Faur and Fumee imprisoned for the same causes, escaped with some sharp admonitions. Many could not bear this oppression. The Princes were kept back: the greatest of the Realm out of credit, threatened, and secretly pursued to the death: the convocation of the Estates refused: the Paliaments corrupted, the judges for the most part at the Guisians devotion: the public Treasure, offices, and benefices were given to whom they pleased. Some learned Lawyers and divines answered: That the Princes being in that case borne Lawful Magistrates, and called by the Estates of the Realm, or the ●ounder part thereof, they might with their favour, or of some one of them, lawfully oppose themselves against the usurped government and authority of the house of Guise, and take arms at need to withstand their force and violence. But with this consideration of the public, they had so many private passions, as the enterprise must needs be fatal to the undertakers. The enterprise required a stout and courageous leader▪ for the chief plot, was to seize at what price soever, on the Duke of Guise, and the Cardinal his brother and then to require a parliaments, to make them yield an account of their government, and to provide for the King and Realm. Lewis of Bourbon Prince of Conde, is instantly required to accept thereof. The Prince examines the consequence of the fact, and having imparted it to some persons, ●ouing the good of the realm, he gives commission to inform secretly of the crimes, wherewith the house of Guise was charged, to 〈…〉 the same, as conscience, & the common good should require. They find by informations, and certain personages well qualified, being privy to their secret desseins and ●●●nesse, that their intention was, the King being unable, by the judgement of the Physicians, to live long, nor to have any issue) first to root out all Lutherans in France, then to murder all the Princes of the blood, and to seize upon the realm. Moreover they were charged with many thefts, robing, and extortions, and by consequence, were in many things found guilty of high Treason. The difficulty was, how to seize upon these two persons▪ God●r●e of Barri, Lord of Renaudie, a Baron of Perigort, accepts the managing of this action, Tumult of An●o●se. and the Prince promiseth to assist him with his authority. So as nothing be said or done against God, the King, his brethren, the Princess, nor the Estate▪ protesting to oppose himself first against any one that should attempt the contrai●e. A●l that were in the action, bind themselves to the like oath, yea to advertise the King, if any thing were pretended against his Majesty▪ they appoint the tenth of March, hoping to fi●d the Court still at Blois. Five hundred French gentlemen, with other troops under the command of the Baron of Castelnau, should accompany Renaudie, followed by a thousand others, besides their troops on foot. But it is almost impossible to keep secret an enterprise imparted to so many diverse humours, but some one will discover it. Renaudie lodged at Paris in the suburbs of Saint German, in an advocates house, a Protestant by profession, who having discovered somewhat of this enterprise, under colour to employ himself for the advantage thereof, he learned all that passed. But hoping of some notable recompense, he suddenly went & discovered it to Alemand, master of requests, a favourite to the Cardinal, and to Milet Secretary to the Duke of Guise: And Lignieres one of the Captains of the enterprise, did afterwards bewray the names of the commanders, the rendezvous for their troops, with other circumstances, to the Queen mother, to save (said he) the honour and life of the Prince of Condé, whom they accused of high treason. To assure their persons, they transport the King to Am●o●se, they send letters from the King, and his mother, to call the Admiral and his brethren to Court, they dispatch many letters Patents to Bailiff, and Seneshalls, against all such as should be found carrying of arms upon the way to Amboise. The Admiral being arrived makes great admonitions to the Queen mother, in presence of the Chancellor, upon the extreme violences, and poursuits against the Protestants: and the Chancellor having freely propounded the Admiral's advice in council, there followed an edict for the abolishing of that was past, for matter of religion. But this pardon excluded all ministers, and such as should be found to have conspired against the King▪ his mother, his wife, or the Princess, his chief officers or the estate, and all other culpable of like crimes. Notwithstanding this Edict, Renaudie proceeds, and the Prince goes to Court, to present the informations to the King, against the hou●e of Guise, when as they should be seized on. The execution was put off to the sixteenth, by reason of the change of the place. In the mean time, the Guisiens' had assembled men from a●l parts, so as the troops arriving one after one, to the appointed places, were presently seized on. The B●ron of Castelnau. and the chee●e of the faction's, are at the Castle of Noisay: the Guisiens' aduerti●ed thereof, persuade the King, that there are rebel's assembled to murder him. The King sends the Duke of Nemours wi●h a troop, 1560. who at the first surpriseth Captain Ma●er●s and R●unay, walking without the Castle, and sends them prisoners to Amboise: he doth then belegar the Castle summons the Baron to lay aside arms, and to go speak with the King▪ binding himself by the faith of a Prince, that he should have no ham. The Baron trusted to his word. But being arrived, they speak with no man but with commissioners, appointed for their trials. Renaudie caused his troops to advance covertly through the woods but they had walled up the gate, by the which they should enter, and the horsemen sent by the Gu●siens compassing them in: many were led away, and presently hanged, and afterwards drawn to the river. And as he laboured to rally his dispersed troop, the Lord of Pardillon encounters him in the forest of Chasteau-regnard, Cruel executions at Amboise. and passing by, dischargeth his pistol, the which not taking fire, Renaudie, had his sword first drawn, and as he was about to kill him, one of the Pardillans' servants overthrew him with a hargueb●s: being slain, his body was straightway carried and hanged on the bridge at Amboise, with this inscription: Renaudie, called la Forest, chief of the rebels. Those of Guise being assured of their enemies, and their troop dispersed, they give commandment to the Prince of Condé, in the King's name, not to departed without leave. They begin to cut off heads, to hang and to drown their prisoners, tied to long poles, six, eight, ten, twelve, and fifteen in a company: and although there were herein more question of estate than religion, yet they give out, that the Lutherans would maintain themselves by the sword, and as such men, they caused many to be executed, who by their examinations, and impertinent answers touching matters of conscience, did witness that they were not yet seasoned with any other doctrine, then that of their fathers. This alarm had put the young King in fear: but more the impression of his Uncles, persuading him that they sought his person: And what have I done, said he often? what have I done, that my subjects▪ should attempt thus against me? I will hear their complaints, and do them right. And some times to those of Guise: I know not what it is, but I understand, it is you only that they seek: I would gladly you would absent yourselves for a time, to see if they would attempt against you, or me. Amongst all the prisoners, four are especially noted, Castelnau, Villemongis, Champagn●e, and le Picard, for that with an admirable constancy, and resolution,, they had blamed the Chancellor, who against his conscience, had signed the sentence of their deaths: the which so terrified him, The Chancellor dies desperately as he suddenly fell sick of grief, and melancholy, and soon after left this world, murmuring, sighing, and sorrowing for the Councillor du Bourg, and crying out some hours before his death, O Cardinal, thou hast damned us all. Michael Hospital then Chancellor to the Duchess of Savoie, was called from Nice, and substituted in his place. See here a furious storm dispersed, which partly concerned the State, partly religion: but hereafter religion shall be the only mark, The Protestants in the midst of these rigorous persecutions, increased in multitude, and in many places they could not contain, nor content themselves with secret assemblies. An undiscreet zeal transported them of Valence, An indiscreet zeal. Montlimart and Romans, to exercise their religion in ordinary Churches at noon day. The Lord of Clairmont, Lieutenant for the Duke of Guise in Daulphiné, was of too mild an humour: and Maugir●n more violent. The Duke gives him commission to suppress them, and to use his authority in the Parliament of Grenoble. Maugiron enters Valence with sixteen companies of the old bands of Piedmont, and some other troops of men at arms: he makes the streets flow with blood, Cause of the troubles. sacks the houses, and entreats the inhabitants as in a Town which is taken by assault. Montlimart also followed the like fortune. Moreover, the Precedent Truchon, and some Councillors of Grenoble, imprison 60. of the chief of Romans: they hang two, whip one, and then send him to the galleys: & at Valence, they behead two ministers, & hang three chief men in the Town: the rest escaped, some by abjuring, some by whipping, some by banishment, and some by a fine. At the same time Paulon of Richiend Lord of Mowans, one of the chief of the enterprise of Amboise, having failed to surprise Aix, roaded Provence with two thousand men armed at their own charge, and a great number of gentlemen, and other voluntaries. But their arms were no other wise employed but to convert the Images, reliks and ornaments of the Church into gold and silver, the which with some respect to warlike discipline, and more commendably then, in the following age, they left in the magistrates hands of the place. This was to summon the neighbour Provinces to like revolts: but the Earl of Tanned having stayed the fury of this flying army, The Protestants petition to the King. they sh their swords, and unsheath their pens, only by supplications, to the King's Majesty, and to his mother, protesting of their sincerity: they discovered the ground of their griefs against the Guisiens', and propounded remedies to avoid Civil wars. Their admonitions contained three chief heads: That it might be provided, for the government of the realm, offering the King a Council, according to the ancient constitutions of France. That to pacify controversies touching religion, a free and holy Council should be held. That those of the religion in the mean time might quietly, and with liberty of their consciences live in their houses, following that which is contained in the confession of their Churches. The two brethren seeing themselves directly charged by the Protestants, thunder out against them: they writ to the King of Spain, and to the Catholic Princes: That the Lutherans and Caluinists are the only authors of the troubles of France, and of the tumult of Amboise. And to the Protestants; That such as were executed in divers parts of the realm, are only certain sacramentaries, enemies to the confession of Ausbourg. A bare shift and weak remedy to quench the fire which began to consume a part of the world. Hereupon Philip adviseth them, to bring the inquisition of Spain into France. The privy Council yields to it, and the Parliaments allow thereof▪ but the Chancellor Hospital was too wise a politician: he would not see France disguised after the Spanish manner. Katherine was much troubled, not knowing how to sail in so many storms. The convocation of the Estates might eclipse her authority, the restoring of the Princes of France, incompatible with a Florentin humour: the restitution of the Constable, whom she hated to the death, accusing him to have said to King Henry, That no one of his Children, did resemble him, but his bastard, whom his Son Montmorency had married. These things did wonderfully afflict her soul. Yet would she govern and rule, foreseeing that she could not better maintain her greatness, then by the discord of the two houses of Bourbon and Lorraine: She relies upon the last: and arming them with her authority, she puts the King her Son, and herself into the protection of the Duke of Guise, and the Cardinal of Lorraine. This makes them swell both in hart and speech: but there must be a means found to pacify this quarrel which concerned the estate, that under the cloak of religion (a goodly and ordinary pretext for great personages) the people might forget the unlawful usurpation wherewith they were charged. They protest thereforeto employ all their means, and their friends to suppress those that sought any alteration in religion: hoping that when they had cut this sinew from the Princes of the blood, they should be more easily revenged, both of them and of the Constable's faction. But during these garboils, the principal piece of their chase slips out of their toils▪ the Prince of Conde escapes, The Prince of Conde escapes. and retires to the King of Navarre his brother, whilst the Duke of Guise in open Counsel opposeth in show (though in effect he omitted no means to seize on him) against his brother's advice, concluding directly to have the Prince apprehended. They forget not to proclaim this retreat, and as if he had doubted his cause, they publish throughout the Realm, that he had showed himself guilty. Presently new forces are levied and Commi●sions given to make war in Gascony. The Protestants fearing a near storm which threatened them, fly to Nerac to the King of Navarre and Prince of Condé, they present themselves and their means, showing them the wrongs done by them of Guise to the King and the Realm, and beseech them to undertake the delivery of his majesty and maintenance of the estate. These two Princes had already resolved to use all their means, to chase the t●o Lorrains' from the government of France. This request confirmed them, and even then they sought out all Noblemen, and gentlemen which by their arms and means might advance this work. The Constable, with the Vidame of Chartres and a great number of others, promise to maintain their just quarrel against all men, except the King, the Queens, and his brethren. Their letters fall into the hands of them of Guise: the Prince his Agent is imprisoned, and the Vidame of Chartres shut into the Bas●ill, and shall not be f●eed until the day before the King's death, and himself shall die within few days after. An Assembly of Princes & Noblemen. Thus all things tend to an open war. The Queen Mother desired to see these two parties fight, but not with the ruin of either side, for the fall of any one of them had set her beside the saddle. She therefore caused to be propounded in Council, by the advice of the Chancellor, and Admiral, whom as yet she did willingly hear: That it was expedient to assemble all the Princes, Noblemen of the Realm, and men of authority, to advise of the means to pacify the troubles, grown principally by reason of the persecutions for religion. Those of Guise approve this desseine: this was in show a pitfall to take the King of Navarre and Prince of Condé. Moreover they hoped to suborn so many witnesses, as all things should second their desires, and so for that time should dissolve the convocation of the Estates. So the King sends forth his letters into all parts, entreating them all to be at Fontainebleau the twentieth five of August, especially the King of Navarre: and to bring his brother and those Noblemen that were then with him. The Guisi●ns also by their letters give many good hopes and promises. But we have said, they had in the beginning lodged spies in the King of Navarres house. By their means they wo●ke so as the King of Navarre stirs not, and let's slip an opportunity that he had to sett●e a lawful government, within the realm. The Constable better resolved, thinking the Princes would assist, arrives with eight hundred horse, and by this troop makes the Lorrains' to show him a good countenance. At the opening of the assembly, the Admiral presents a petition to the King for the Protestants, who required to have Temples granted them and free exercise of religion, throughout the whole Realm. thereupon Charles of Marillac Archbishop of Vienne, showed with such liberty of speech, the necessity to assemble a national Council, to remedy these controversies grown for religion: and a Parliament to order the government of France, as he survived but few days after his oration. The admiral touched the cause of religion and state more vehemently, taxing by invective such as giving the King guards upon guards, entertained him in distrust of his subjects, and his subjects in hatred of their own King. As they had made show to like of this assembly, so they seemed to allow of a Parliament. They appoint it first at Meaux and afterward at Orleans the x. of December, and the Synod for the Clergy at Paris the twentieth of january following, to determine of what should be expedient to be treated of in a general council, whereof they gave them hope. But as they had underhand withdrawn the Princes from coming to this Assembly, so must they make them unwilling to be present at the Parliament. To this intent those of Guise, in the King's name, command the companies of ordinary soldiers to be ready the 20. of September: they lodge them in such sort as those whom they suspected, had them in front, in flank and behind them, and spies likewise to discover them: and they give charge to the commanders, to cut all them in pieces that they should find marching to join with the Princes. If their forces were not sufficient to divert the Prince of Condé, whom they knew to be more busy, and to endure less: they do also procure Letters from the King, to the King of Navarre, whereby he doth charge the Prince to have attempted against the estate of France, and to have sought to seize upon some of the good Towns of the realm. He desires him therefore, to send him his brother with a good and sure guard: if not, he himself will fetch him, well accompanied. The answer of Anthony and Lewis, encountering the Lorraines with their own arms, holding them guilty of the same crimes wherewith they charged them, made them to change their note. They send a second commandment, Policy to abuse the Princes. whereby the King gives his word to the Princes to come in safety: he promiseth to hear all men's admonitions and justifications, willingly: to receive them according to their estates and dignities: not to disturb any Prince in his religion, whereof he now made open profession: and that they should return when they pleased, free from injury and outrage. And to draw them on, the Cardinal of Bourbon, (a Prince not well able to discover the deceits of the enemies of his house) is expressly sent unto them. They march, and are no sooner come to Lymoges, but seven or eight hundred Gentlemen, well appointed, do visit them. The Deputies of Provinces offer them six thousand foot, Gascons and Poitevins: four thousand horse and foot out of Languedoc: as many or more out of Normandy, and the other Provinces promise to rise on all sides, to fortify them at this assembly of States: so as it will please the King of Navarre to declare himself Protector of the King and Realm, against them of Guise. But the Cardinal of Armagnac, Escars, ●arnac, and some other Councillors of the same mould, bad servants to their master, propounded so many dangers, so many inconveniences upon their coming to Court with force, (and why should they not resist their enemy's force) as he sent back all his company, and countermanded such as came▪ promising notwithstanding to employ himself courageously in the Parliament, for the good of all France. Hereupon they give the King to understand, that the Lutherans of Orleans practised something to subvert his estate, as they had of late attempted at Lions. The King c●mes to O●leans. To assure themselves of the Town, and to punish some which were noted in the book of death, whose confiscation was good, the Guisiens' first send Sipiere, Lieutenant to the Prince of Roche-sur-yon, governor of Orleans, to disarm the people, and to fill the houses suspected with men of war: they call together the nobility, & men at arms of France: then they conduct the King thither, to make his entry with the Queen the 17. of October. The Princes governed by their innocency, arrive the eeve of All Saints, and pass from the Portereau to the King's lodging upon the Estappe, The Prince's araque. betwixt two ranks of armed men. The Cardinal of Bourbon, and the Prince of Roche-sur-yon receive them. Not a Courtier nor a Bourgeios meets them: and for their first affront, when as they sought to enter on horseback according to the usual custom, they were answered with a Bravado: The great gates do not open. The King attended them: at the first, having done their duties to his Majesty, and no man advanced to bid them welcome. I am (said he to the Prince of Condé (advertised from divers places, that you have made many enterprises against me and the estate of my realm, and therefore I have sent for you, to know the truth ●rom your own mouth. Lewis justifies himself so plainly, and doth charge his enemies so directly, as the King himself could not impute these accusations, b●t to the wilfulness of his Uncles, against his own blood. But he was possessed by them, and suffered himself to be easi●●e abused. So he commands Chavigny, The Prince of Conde imprisoned. Captain of his guards (sent by them of Guise▪ to seize upon the Prince. Chavigny shuts him up in a house hard by, be●ore the which they make a fort of Brick, f●●nked with canoneers, and furnished with field pieces to defend the approaches. The Lady of Roye his mother in law, was likewise carried from Anici, a house of hers in Picardy, prisoner to S. German in Say, by Renouar● and Carrouges. jeroskie Groslot Bailiff of Orleans, (under colour that his father had been Chancellor to the deceased King of Navarre, and he an affectionate servant to the Princes, accused also to be the Protector of the Lutherans in Orleans,) was likewise imprisoned two days after the Prince's arrival. La Hay Councillor in the Court of Parliament at Paris, who did solicit the Prince's affairs, was also in trouble. Amaury Bouchart master of Requests unto the King, and Chancellor to the Navarrois, was sent prisoner to Melun, which others brought from Lions, to have proofs against the Prince, whose trial they did hasten with all speed. But they meant no harm to Bouchart, he had already retired himself, and blabbed by his Letters to the Cardinal of Lorraine, to the prejudice of his master. Neither the informations taken at Lions by the Marshal S. André, no● the prisoners at Melun, were sufficient to make the Prince a spectacle upon a scaffold. They send for the precedent of Thou, Commissioners to arraign the Prince. Bartholmewe Say, and james Viol, Councillors of the Parliament at Paris, to examine the Prince upon the point of high Treason: and if this piece of battery were not of force, then to touch him upon the point of religion, and to condemn him for heresy, The Prince propounds divers causes of recusation, and appeals from them to the King. The privy Council rejects his appeal, and decrees, That upon pain of high treason, the Prince should answer before these Commissioners. He answers: purgeth himself clearly of all crime, and advowes his religion freely. The Prince condemned. By this confession, judgement was given against him, & he condemned to die: a day appointed the x. of December, to countenance the beginning of the Parliament. They only note, the Earl of Sa●cerre, the Chancellor, and the Councillor Mor●ier, which did not pollute their souls with the approbation of this unjust sentence. This sentence should in the end cause the ruin of all that were accused or suspected, as well for matter of State, as religion. And for the execution of this desseine, the forces of the realm divided into four, marched already into divers Provinces, under the command of the Duke of Aumale, and the Marshals of S. André, of Brissac and of Terms. And with the same fury the King of Navarre should be confined into the Castle o● Loches: the Constable and his children to the great Tower at Bourges▪ the Admiral and some principals, into one at Orleans, the which was afterwards called the Admirale, near to that of S. Aignan. But behold, there are two more violent and more brutish councillors, Brissac and S. André, they hold opinion, that to avoid trouble, in giving the King of Navarre any guards, they should put him to death: they employ both poison and sword, but neither succeeds. God had otherwise decreed, reserving these princes for a more honourable death. But howsoever, let us confess, that the Lord hath strange means to punish the ambition of great men: we shall scarce see any one of those which act these furious parts upon the theatre of this History, end his days by an ordinary and natural death. The x. day of December approached, and the Deputies for the Estates arrive by degrees. They presently forbidden them in the King's name, upon pain of death, not to move any thing concerning religion, his Majesty having referred this controversy to the Council: which the Pope (being then Pius the 4. successor to Theatin lately deceased,) appointed to begin at Trent, at Easter following. Those of Languede● amongst the rest, came furnished with ample instructions, both for the State and religion: but they found means to stop their mouths, seizing both on their persons and instructions. The ix. day of the month, they give commandment to the King of Navarre, to be ready to go to horseback▪ their meaning was to carry him to Loches, whilst they should present the prince his Brother upon a mournful Scaffold, to the people of Orleans. But O God, we have heard with our ears, and our Fathers have declared, the work which thou hast done in their time, A miraculous delivery. and in the old time before them. Behold the King is taken during Evensong with a great fainting, continued with a pain in his head, at the left ear, accompanied with a Fever. The Guis●ens notwithstanding, send forth many Commissions to levy men, and command the Marshal of Terms to join with the Spaniard, who took the way of Bayonne to spoil the Country of Berne, and then to assail all those whom he should find to have favoured the King of Navarre, and the enterprise of Amboise. It may be they would have sold their lives dearly. Seven or eight hundred gentlemen go speedily to horse, followed with five or six thousand foot, resolute, when the Marshal should pass Lymoges, to ●emme him in betwixt two rivers. He hath some intelligence thereof, and retires to Poitiers. This desseine being made frustrate, the King's sickness increasing, those of Guise mean to proceed with violence, and to murder the King of Navarre. God raised up the Cardinal of Tournon (who thinking to do a greater act) prevents it. He adviseth to attend the Constables coming, with his Children and Nephews, to the end (said he) that kill one, we save not the rest, who afterwards may do more harm than the Princes. The despair of the King's health, made them of Guise to set a good countenance on a bad cause. And the Queen mother seeking to hold her authority by supporting them of Guise, calls the King of Navarre into her closet: As he was entering, a Lady of the Court said to him in his ear: My Lord, deny the Queen Mother nothing that she shall demand, else you are dead. So he signed what she desired: A grant of the right which he might pretend to the government of the King and Regency of the Realm, and his reconciliation with them of Guise. Upon this grant, she promiseth to make him the King's Lieutenant in France, both for peace and war, and nothing should pass but by his advice, and of the other Princes, who should be respected according to the degree they held in France. In the mean time death presseth the King: The death of Fancis the 2. and those of the house of Guise shut up in their lodging, and seized upon three or four score thousand franks which remained yet of the treasure, came not forth in two days, until they were assured of the King of Navarre, who having embraced one an other, all quarrels seemed to be laid under foot. In the end this Catarrh with a fever brought the King to his grave, the fourteenth of December, having given no time, by reason of his young age and the shortness of his ●aigne, to discover any thing in him, but only some shows of courtesy, continency and modesty: virtues which his Uncles had easily corrupted by the taste of cruelty which they began to make an impression of in his soul, as they did in his successors▪ little lamented for his person, but of such as possessing him in his ●o●age, grounded the greatness of their usurped estates upon his life, to overthrow the fundamental Laws of the Realm. whatsoever some wretched writers do babble, whose souls have been as vendible, as the Guisiens' arms were then new in our France. This death gave life to the Prince of Condé, opened the prisons for such as had been committed for his cause, revived an infinite number, whom the Prince's condemnation had drawn into danger, countermanded the troops of Spain, which advanced towards Bearn, disappointed Montlu● of the Earldom of Armagna●: the which he had devoured in hope, by the promises of the house of Guise, and brought many of their most secret servants to the King of Navarres devotion. CHARLES the 9 the 61. King of France. CHARLES THE .9. KING OF FRANCE 1560. portrait NOW we fall from a fever into a frenzy. We shall see vnd●● a●●ther pupil King, of eleven years of age, reigning in the wrath●● God, the heavens to power upon this Realm, all the curses 〈◊〉 promised against a nation, whose iniquities he will punish 〈…〉 displeasure. A reign cursed in the City, and cursed in the 〈◊〉, cursed in the beginning and cursed in the ending. Mortality▪ 〈◊〉 and ●amine have followed it even unto the end. The heavens above are of brass, and the earth under i● of iron: the carcases are a prey to the birds of the air & to the b●●sts of the field, and no man trouble them. They suffer no thing but wrongs and robberies, and no man rele●●es them. Men marry wives but others sleep with them. They 〈◊〉 and plant, but the nations whom they have not known, devour the fruit. To conclude, there is nothing but cursing, terror, and dissipation. The 23. of December the Parliament began, and that which the Queen mother most desired, the confirmation of he● Regency, allowed by the Chancellor, and afterwards by those that were the speakers. john Quintin of Autun a doctor of the Cannon Law at Paris, A Parliament ●●ld ●t Orleans. for the Clergy: the Lord of Rochefort Damoisel of Commer●y, for the Nobility. Angelo then Advocate of the Parliament at Bourdeaux, and afterwards Councillor there, for the people. The Chancellor propounded many articles touching the means to pacify the troubles, and the remedies for that which concerned the estate and religion, & to discharge the King's debts. Quintin, would have the ministers of the Church enforced to discharge their duties, not altering any thing in the reformation thereof, the which cannot err: not to suffer any other than the Catholic Apostolic and Romish religion. Against such as demanded Temples, and against the deliverer of their petition (meaning the Admiral) against whom (said he) they should proceed according to the Canon and Civil constitutions, for the prohibiting of such books as were not allowed by the Doctors of the S●rbonne, and for the rooting ou● of Lutherans and Caluinists. ●ochfort did speak against the jurisdictions usurped by the Clergy, against the disorders grown among the Nobles, against the wrong done to the true Nobility, against the confusions grown by confiscations, for matter of religion, against seditions▪ of the means to order the Clergy, & to contain them in their vocation: for the relief of the people, especially in matters of justice, the which should be reduced to a certain number of Officers. Ange insisted much upon the ignorance, covetousness, and dissolution of the Clergy, whence proceeded the greatest part of these present scandals. The next day, upon the Admiral's complaint to the Queen Mother, Quintin excused himself upon the instructions which were given him in writing, and in his second speech he did moderate his ple● to the Admiral's content. The Estates continued their conferences, and made the beginning of this year famous, by some provision for matters of religion, whereby it was forbidden upon pain of death, no● to reproach religion one to another, and commandment given to all judges and officers, to set at liberty all such as had been imprisoned for the said religion. Many other good & necessary laws were published, but with more confusion than profit. And in truth a number of laws ill observed, pervert justice, and gives the people occasion not to regard them. But when they come seriously to handle the discharge of the King's debts, and that the Navarrois submits himself to restitution. If it be found that he hath received any extraordinary gifts, those of Guise and others, which could not make the like offer, found means to frustrate this proposition, by the referring of the Estates to Pon●oise, hoping hereafter to find some devise to prevent their yielding up of any account. Put of to Pon●●oise. And in truth all these assemblies vanished away like smoke, without any other resolution, then to lay the payment of the King's debts upon the Clergy. The King of Navarre, the other Prince's of the blood, & the Constable, seeing themselves held to no end in Court, and that for matters of State, they had but the leavings of them of Guise, it made them truss up their baggage to retire, with an intent to cross the regency of the Queen Mother, and the Guisi●ns authority. To frustrate this desseine, she makes a new accord with the Navarrois, doth associate him in the government of the realm, and concludes with him, that leaving the title of Regent, he should be called Lieutenant general to his Majesty, in all his countries and territories. But this was but a government in paper: these strong partialities of two parties, shall briefly one assail another, making great wounds within this realm, from whence we have seen the blood run even to these latter days. This treaty did prejudice them of Guise, and in the end, peace must needs send them from Court, to live at home like private men. They had in their conceits, the argument of a new Tragedy, the which we shall shortly see played upon this Theatre. The Protestants multiplied, and the King of Navarre supported them openly. The Prince of Condé (who pursued the sentence of his justification in the Parliament) and the Admiral, had preaching in their chambers. This string is strained too high. They publish generally, that these preachings will be the overthrow of the ancient religion within this realm: and particularly among the Duke of Guise's partisans. That under colour of rendering accounts, and of extraordinary gifts, they would displace them, having managed the most important affairs of the realm, for the space of forty years. The Constable holding for a maxim, That the change of religion brings an alteration in the state, gins to applaud them: the Duke of Montpensier, and the Prince of Roche-sur-yon, Princes of the blood of Bourbon▪ upon this nice point of new religion, join willingly with them. The people conform themselves commonly after the pattern of great men. Great personages look awry one on another, so do the people: one bears the name of Huguenot impatiently: an other cannot endure that of papist: in truth turbulent and factions names. From hence sprung diverse mutinies, 〈◊〉 Beawais, Amiens, Pon●oise and elsewhere, where the weaker was forced to yee●d to the stronger. These new broils caused an Edict to be made at Fontainebleau (where the C●●urt remained, attending the renewing of the estates intermitted) prohibiting these ma●●a reproaches of Papist and Huguenot: to search no man in his house, nor to retain any one in prison for his religion. From thence the King made his voyage to heims, and was solemnly crowned by the Cardinal of Lorraine. The King's coronation. The Parliament at Faris (not able to digest this last Edict,) shows unto the King, That diversity of religion was incompatible in an estate: rejects this pretended liberty of conscience, and beseeched ●●s Majesty to force his subjects to make open profession of the Catholic, apostolic and Romish religion, upon such pains as should be advised on in Council. Now blows a contrary wind, the which assembles (in the Parliament at Paris) all the Princes, Noblemen, and others of the privy Council, with all the Chambers, to the end they might freely, Edicts of july. and withal purity of conscience deliberate, advise and conclude upon a matter so much importing the good and quiet of the Realm. This assembly brought forth the Edict, which they called of july, an edict confirming the decrees of former Kings, commanding his subjects upon pain of death, to live hereafter in peace, without injuries, without reproaches for any respect of religion, ●●nd belief. But see the firebrand of civil wars, which now we handle. All religion faith, or doctrine, other than that of the Church of Rome, was banished the realm: assemblies of Protestants forbidden, and they condemned to seek their abode elsewhere. Somewhat to temper this bitterness, they limit their exile, by the determination of a general Council, or next assembly of the Prelates of the Realm, at Pois●y. And at the same instant the sentence of the Prince of Condés innocency was pronounced in Pa●liament, by the Precedent Baillet, in their scarlet gowns, the doors open, and all the chambers assembled, the King of Navarre being present, with the Duke of Mō●pens●er, the Prince of Roche-sur-yon: the Dukes of Guise, Nevers and Montmorency, the Cardinals of Bourbon, Lorraine, Guise, Chastillon, and other noblemen: his remedy reserved against whom it should appertain, as the reputation and quality of his person and dignity should require. The King calling the Princes and Noblemen to S. german in Say, he caused the Prince of Condé, and the Duke of Guise to embrace each other, promising to continue good friends. The Parliament remitted to Pontoise, having produced no other effect but a new approbation of the Regency for the Queen mother (in whose favour the Admiral laboured to the Estates, relying upon the great assurances she had given him, to procure much good for them of his party. And the King of Navarre, by reason's of the refusals which the Deputies made to pass this article, declared unto them by mouth, that he had renounced his right, and some means to open the coffers of the Clergy, for the payment of the King's debts: they began to proceed to the conference of Poissy. For the catholics came, the Cardinals of Bourbon, Lorraine, Armagnac, Guis●e, Chastillen and Tournon, Conference of Pois●y. assisted by a great number of Prelates and Doctors of Divinity, and Canon Law. The Pope doubting lest they should make some conclusions prejudicial to his authority, sent the Cardinal of Ferrara his Legate into France, to oppose himself against any alteration in religion, and to have the cause referred to the Council of trent, the which he had published. Theodore Beze, Peter Martyr a Florentin, Augustin, Marlorat, Francis of Saint Paul, Raimond: john Virel, and other to the number of twelve ministers, and two and twenty Deputies of the Protestant Churches, offer a petition unto the King, at his first entry, beseeching him, that the Prelates might examine the confession of their faith, whereof they had had conference, since the month of june, to impugn it if they thought good at their first assembly, and upon their objections, to hear the defences of the said Churches, A Petition presented by the Protestants. by the mouths of their Deputies. That the King should be precedent in this conference, with his Council, and that the Clergy, (for that they are parties) should not take upon them, the authority of judges. That all controversies, 1561. might be determined by the word o● God. That two Secretaries chosen on either side, might examine the disputations that were daily written, and that they should not be received but signed by either party. Before they entered into open conference, the Cardinal of Lorraine would ●eate privately with Beza before the Queen Mother: and having heard him especially upon the Lord's supper. I am greatly contented (said he) with that I understand and hope assure●ly that the issue of this Conference will be happy, proceeding with mildness and reason. It began the 9 of September. The King did briefly touch the causes of this assembly, causing his Chancellor to deliver them more at large. The Cardinal of Tournon, in the behalf of the Prelates, demands the Chancellor's proposition in Writing, A 〈…〉 the Protestants. and leisure to consider thereof: the which is refused. Theodore with his companions brought in by the Duke of Guise, appointed to that charge with the Lord of la Ferté Vsseau Captain of the guard, makes an ample collection of all the articles of the Christian Doctrine, expounds those which are in controversy, toucheth by the way the discipline of the Church, protests, that both he, his Companions and all those that avow them, desire nothing but the reformation of the Church▪ that they will live and die in the King's protection, de●est those that seek to sequester themselves, and pray to God for the prosperity of his Majesty, of his mother, his Council and his Estate: then he presents unto the King, the Confession of the Protestant Churches, & desires the conference may be made concerning it. The King having received it by the said Captain of his guard, delivered it unto the Prelates. The point upon the real presence in the Sacrament had troubled them. They conclude, that the Cardinal of Lorraine assisted by claud Dispense and some other Doctors, not by way of disputation, but not to fail of a reply, should answer to two points only, of the Church, and the Lords supper. And the 16. of the said month he makes his oration, & discourseth at large of these two points, & then he entreats the king to continue constant in the religion of his Predecessors, & to summon the ministers to subscribe to that which he had delivered, before they passed to the other articles: otherwise to deny them audience, and to send them out of the realm, which could allow but of one faith, one law and one King. The four and twentieth day Theodore made answer to the Cardinal, disputed with the Doctor's Despense & Saints, and the 26. day, he treated with him again touching the Lord's supper the other ministers replied likewise to some objections of other doctors of the Sorbonne, & finally all was converted into private conferences, without any resolution or conclusion that might end these troubles. The Prelates sent back their doctors in Octob. & refer all reformation to the Council at Trent, whether the Cardinal of Lorraine & the doctor of Saints went: of whom we will speak a word by the way, seeing it fits with the matter. We find by a fragment original, drawn out of the writings of a Chanoine of Reims, and published in the year 1598. by the means of Perrequin Maior of Langres: That the King's Ambassadors at the Council of trent were amongst other instructions, signed Charles, Katherine, Alexander, which was Henry the 3. Anthony. and underneath it. Charles of Bourbon, Francis of Lorraine, Montmorency, M. Hospital, S. André & Francis of Montmorency, charged to demand, To have the ceremonies corrected & all other things whereby the people might be abused, under a sure piety. That the Cup might be restored in all communions, within his realm & all his dominions. That all administrations of Sacraments to the laity, might be done in the French tongue. That in the parish Churches, & not collegial, Cathedral or monacal, the use of the prosse should be instituted according to the first & most holy institution: that during the high Mass in the parish Churches, the word of God should be red and interpreted at the hour accustomed, with then catechising of youth, to the end that every one might be instructed & capable of that which he should believe, & how he should live according unto God, and that in steed of the Prosse public prayers should be made in the French tongue. That without changing of any thing of the accustomed service of the Church in the latin tongue some hours should be appointed, as well at Mass, as at Evensong, wherein it might be lawful to sing psalms in the open Church, perused first & corrected by the Bishops & ordinary superiors, & approved by famous universities or provincial councils. 1562. And also to complain of the unchaste life of Clergy men, which breed so many 〈◊〉 and corruptions among the people. These articles concluded, had without dou●● made the way to reduce many realms and Provinces to the Union of the Chu●●●, appeased the troubles of this realm, satisfied many troubled consciences, and prevented a greater schism. But hatred and human passions makes us yet to attend a stroke fro● heaven to draw us jointly into the fold of one universal Bishop. Thus the conference at Poissy having not yielded that remedy, which was expected, for the common ●●schiefe, now divers factions grow in France. The Protestants, which before had by many petitions required Temples for the exercise of their religion, they now tak● them by force in many places, and without further attending the approbation of 〈◊〉 demands, they assemble at divers times. The Catholics mutiny, especially at Paris, and pursue th●m with stones, swords, staves & fire in their return from Cerysa●● (a garden without the Temple gate) and in the suburbs of S. Marceau: they ring ●he 〈◊〉 bell at S. Medard, they wound, kill, take and hang many. Gabaston amongst others, Knight of the watch, to appease the people, lost his head. To make some Edict for the ordering of these broils, the QUEEN'S Mother assembles the chief of the Parliament, with the Prince's of the blood, Noblemen, Councillors of the privy Council, Masters of requests & other men of authority and to give some contentment to those that vehemently required places and Temples for their assemblies with liberty. The chief Catholics, especially those of Guise, dissallow of this course they accuse the Que. facility, & murmur openly against the King of Navarre, the Prince of Condé, the Admiral & his brethren. These cross them with an enterprise, made to carry the Duke of Orleans, the King's younger brother into Lorraine▪ so as they retire from Court: t●e Duke of Nemours, who had played the principal part in this tragedy, saves ●im●elfe, & returns not before the Ci●ill wars have fi●ed all France. This new change, seems to draw the Regent to the Protestants party: she desires to know their forces, and their means. T●ey give her a list of two thousand a hundred and fifty protestant churches, the deputies whereof offered their goods & persons to the K. to withstand the forces of them of Guise, who called the Spaniard into France. The Cuisians absence made easy the grant of that famous Edict, Edict of january. which bears unto this day the name of january: the which disannulling that of I●ly▪ gave liberty to the protestants the 17. of the said month, to assemble without the Towns, and provided that all men might live in peace one with an other. But alas, in steed of peace it shall breed horrible confusions. The d●fficultie was in the execution. The Parliaments publish it as slowly as may be, & that of Dijon, ●euer. T●ose of Guise & the c●●st●ble joined with them, diverted them by their authority. But they had an other string to their bow, which prevaled according to their desires. They employ the Ambassador of Spain, the Cardinal of Tournon, Escars, & some other household flatterers to the K. of Navarre, to persuade him, That carrying himself a Neuter, & causing the Prince his son to go on●e to the Mass, the K. of Spain would give him the realm of Sardigne, The King of Nauar●● ●orsak●s the Protestants. in recompense of that of Navarre. The Pope likewise confirms him in this hope. This was properly to conceive a mountain & to bring forth a mouse, & to take from him all means to recover his realm of Navarre, when he should attempt it. So as being drawn by those Spanish and Lorraine practices, he estrangeth himself by little and little from the protestants, solicits the Q. his wife to return into the bosom of the Romish Church, and so to instruct her children. Upon her refusal, there grows a breach betwixt them, and he falls in love with one of the Queen Mother's maids. In the mean time, she entertained the Prince of Condé & the Admiral, whom she knew to be yet strong within the realm, maintained the protestants in their peaceable exercise▪ & for that end commanded every governor to retire to his government. She would have sent the Prince of Condé into Guienne (whose presence without doubt had stayed that horrible and cruel shedding of blood) whereby Mouluc upon his refusal opened the veins of a body wonderfully afflicted. But so passeth the world, every one would govern the King in his turn, and the Regent by little and little did undermine the foundation of the Edict, to overthrow the whole body. Moreover those of Guise were desirous to return to their places, neither had they retired but to get better footing. They are now strong enough, having drawn the King of Navarre from the Protestant part. They march towards Paris, and passing from jainuille to V●ssy, they dispersed about twelve hundred persons, The massacre at Vassy. which were assembled for their exercise: murder two and forty, wound many to the death, lead a●ay prisoners, and sack the Town; this was the first firebrand of the civil wars, which were now a breeding. This act puts the Protestants in alarm, and makes them to leave the trowel and the hammer, which they employed in many places, to build their Temples, every one skowres his harness, every one provides him arms & horses. Their Churches and Nobility complain, and demand justice of the King. The Regent gives them good words: and the King of Navarre rebuks them, & chargeth them to be the first motives of this trouble. They have (saith he) cast stones against my brother the Duke of Guise. he could not retain the fury of his followers. And whosoever shall touch the end of my brothers fingar, shall touch my whole body. The arrival of the Duke of Guise, the Constable, the Marshal of Brissac, Montmorency, Termes, and afterwards of the King of Navarre to Paris, draws the Prince of Condé and the three brethren of Coligni likewise thither. But the stronger carries it. They were too weak to encounter the Counsels which were held daily, at the Constable's house. To understand what forces the Prince had within the City, they make a proclamation. That all men, of what quality soever, should come and show under what Captains they were enroled. upon refusal, they should departed within 24. hours. So the Prince retires to Meaux▪ and calls together such as might by their arms force his enemies to some agreement. The Queen mother (seeing the Guisiens' fortified within Paris, and seized upon the King's person, whom they caused to come from Fontainebleau to Paris) writes unto the Prince, and recommends unto him, both the mother, and the children. The Prince's intention was to come to Court, when as news is brought him, Orleans taken by the Protestants. That they possess the King, and bring him to Paris. He therefore leaves Meaux to go and seize upon Orleans, and at the same instant either faction assures himself by diverse surprises of places, exposed to their pleasure, The Constable causeth the houses of jerusalem upon S. james his di●ch, and of Pepincourt without S. Anthony's gate, to be beaten down, where the Protestants did assemble for their exercise, & in all other places, the people transported with the like humour, use extreme violence. The Protestants grow eager, & in all places where they had might, revenge themselves on the Churches, images, priests, and religious houses. To conclude every Town thus divided, prepares a wretched Theatre, to act a mournful and bloody Tragedy. Yet every one justifies his cause. Without the realm the Prince produceth the Regent's letters in open Parliament of the Princes of Germany. Within the realm, he exhorts them of his party to provid men & money, & by an association made with the Noblemen, & gentlemen of his party, he promiseth to employ himself. for the delivery of the King, and Queen, and for the maintenance of the Edicts, and the Estate of the realm. On the other side, the King declares by his letters patents: that both he, his mother, and his brethren, are at liberty, forbids all his subjects to arm under that pretext: commands them that are armed to surcease, and to retire home to their houses: and by an other Edict he commands the execution of the Edict of january, but within the City of Paris and suburbs thereof. But to quite abolish it, he calls the Nobility the 28. of April, and declares by proclamation, the Prince and his adherents to be seditious and bad Christians, and that the Prince made provision of foreign forces to disturb the quiet of France. It is an example of dangerous consequence, when a people arms under colour to set their Prince at liberty, for often times in stead of liberty, they make him captive. The Queen mother did easily arm that party which she meant to employ: but great men, who most commonly maintain their authority by arms, do more willingly take them▪ then lay them down. She cannot now cause them to surcease, whom she had armed for this deliverance: the confusion is too great, their courages are too much incensed, and their hearts puffed up with many hopes: they must come to blows, their fingers itched on either side. In the mean time the heads being gone, and persuaded to prefer the public before all private respects, they offer in show, to lay down their arms, and to retire home to their houses, so as their adversaries will submit themselves to the like. But to conclude, the companies of men at arms being for the most part arrived at Paris, The first civil troubles. with part of the old bands, the King of Navarre, the Duke of Guise, the Constable, and the Marshal of Saint André (the Protestants called the three last Triumuirs, and in truth they were but three heads in one hood) having by an Edict banished the Caluinists out of Paris, take the way of Chasteaudun with twelve thousand foot, and three thousand horse. The Prince was as strong, and even then would have joined with them: d' Andelot and Boucart above all others urged it. but the Regent abused them with frivolous hopes of an accord, whilst the King's army grew stronger, both with French and foreign forces. Having thus lost the opportunity of a battle, the Prince maintains his army about two months, with a commendable discipline, without blaspheming, whoring, robbing, or theft. In the end they lose all patience. Baugency taken by assault, opens the doors to disorders▪ for this first heat soon past with the French grows cold, money for their pay grows short, & the nobility could not frame themselves to this strict discipline of war, which the Admiral did practise, being a great enemy to robbings. In many Provinces, matters went indifferently betwixt the Catholics, and the Protestants▪ and to give two strokes with one stone, to stay the disputation of this army, and to relieve them that might in the end fall, the Prince sent the Earl of Rochefoucault, with some troops into Poitou: Xaintonge, and Angoulmois: Soubize to Lions: Yuoy brother to Genlis, to Bourges: Montgomery into Normandy: d' Andelot, to hasten the succours of Germany, and Briquemaut into England. These, troops from the month of April, until the midst of August, did possess Orleans, Baugency, Vendosme, Blois, Tours, Poitiers, Man's, Angers, Bourges, Angoulesme, Rovan, Chalon upon Soan, Mascon, Lion, & the most part of Daulphiné, with many others, not without effusion of blood, spoiling of Churches, and such insolencies, as the war doth cause in a Country of Conquest. Orleans and Bourges held by the Prince, did much help their affairs, but Bourges might be easily surprised before it were fortified. Bourges recovered. The King then (whom the commanders had drawn into the army) marcheth thither, and the composition which Yuoy made with his Majesty, put him for a time in disgrace with the Prince. This arm cut off (as the Gnissens said) from the Huguenots, invited the King's army to the siege of Orleans, where the Prince and the Admiral were. But the resolution of these two Commanders, and the fear to receive shame & loss, made them pass on to Roüen, where Montgomery commanded with seven or eight hundred soldiers of the old bands, and two companies of English. Death of the King of Na●a●●e. The end of September, was the beginning of this siege: a famous siege, by the hurting of the King of Navarre in the shoulder, as he surveyed the weakest part of the City: whereof he died the 17. of November, three weeks after it was taken by assault, and spoiled. Montgomery saved himself in a galley, but many of the chief passed through the executioners hands. On the other side, Lewis of Bourbon, Duke of Montpensier, Roven taken. reduced to the King's obedience, the Towns of Angers, Man's & Tours▪ the Marshal S. André took Poitiers from the Lord of S. Gem, and Henry of Montmorency, Lord of Damuille, encountered the Protestants forces in Languedoc, whilst the Earls of tend and Suze, The Protestants beaten in diverse places. by the defeat of Mombrun, took Cisteron for the King, & Montluc with Bury governors of Guienne, put to rout the troops of Gascons which Duras led to the Earl of Rochefoucault, besieging S. jean d' Angeli. The overthrow of Duras brought the Earl with 300. gentlemen, & the remainder of the defeated army, on this side Lo●re, to join the Prince with the Reistres whom d' Andelot brought. This supply made the Prince resolve to go to Paris, & by amnoying it, to increase the fear wherewith they were possessed. He marcheth, forceth Plwiers, takes Estampes, & beseegeth Corbeil▪ but finding it better furnished with men than he expected, he approacheth to Paris, makes a great skirmish, & beats back the troops that were come out off their trenches. So he camped at Gentilly, Arcueil, Mont-rouge, and other neighbour villages, The Queen mother busies him seven or eight days with divers parles, during the which four and twenty enseigns of Gascons, and Spaniards arriving, were lodged within the suburbs of Saint James. The Prince then seeing his enemy's forces to increase, resolves to fight with them, before they were fully assembled, so as all hope of peace converted into smoke▪ he riseth the tenth of December, takes the way to Chartres, and resolves to go into Normandy, to receive the men and money which came out of England, and by that means to divert the siege of Orleans. The Constable and Duke of Guise march after him. Dreams are lies, as we commonly say: A notable dream. yet have we often tried those which present themselves in the morning, (the spirit having taken sufficient rest,) to bring certain advertisements of that which is to come. The night before the eve of the battle, the Prince dreams that he had given three battles one after another, obtained the victory▪ overthrown his three principal enemies, and finally himself wounded to the death, having laid one upon another, and he above them all, yielding in that sort, his soul to God. And to say the truth, have we not seen this vision verified by the death of the Marshal of Saint André, which is at hand: by that of the Duke of Guise before Orleans the year following: and by that of the Constable at the battle of S. Denis, and of the Prince himself in that of Bassac. In the King's army, they numbered two thousand horse, The battle of Dr●ux. and nineteen thousand foot. In that of the Prince, four thousand horse, and twelve thousand foot. They join the nineteenth of December, and without any skirmishes, charge with all their forces. The Princes Swisses lose seventeen Captains, with three parts of their ●o●pes, which were above three thousand, and endure three charges before they could be broken. On the other side, the taking of the Constable, the death of the marshal Saint André, the defeat of their troops, caused a general confusion in the King's army, if the Duke of Guise charging the white cassaks, & the Reisters' with fury (whose pistols had made a great slaughter of his men) had not forced through the Prince's horse, who straying too much from the battle, fell prisoner into the hands of the Lord of Damuille, the which made the victory doubtful, seeming before to incline to his side. The conflict continued from ten of the clock in the morning, until night, with many charges: there were seven thousand men slain upon the place, on both sides, many hurt, and in a manner, all died, and a great number of prisoners. The King lost (besides his Swisses) the most part of his horse, and a great number of foot. There were slain of men of mark, the Duke of Nevers, killed by one of his household servants, either by hazard, or of purpose, the Lords of Montbrun (the Constable's son,) d' Annebault, Giury, la Brosse and his son: there were hurt, the Duke of Aumale, brother to the Duke of Guise, Rochefort and Beawais. Aussun a Nobleman of Gasconie, (whom fear made fly to Paris) and there he died of grief. The Prince lost about two thousand two hundred foot, and a hundred and fifty horse, French and Reisters'. This battle is famous, by the taking of two Generals, the one in the beginning, Both Generals taken. the other in the end of the battle, so as the field was left by both parties: but after the retreat, it was viewed, and taken again by the Duke of Guise, and the next day, as it were, recovered by the Admiral, who presented himself in battle. So the Prince had the advantage over the dead, & the honour to have made his retreat with order: but the Duke had the advantage of the victory, for that he lodged upon the place of battle, spoiled the dead, and won the Prince's artillery, who (a strange matter considering their hatred) supped, and lay all night with the Duke of Guise. doubtless, it was a courtesy in the one, and a resolution in the other. By the taking of the two Commanders, the Duke of Guise was declared the King's Lieutenant General in the army, and the Admiral took the command for the Protestants. Either had sundry desseins. The Duke to recover the places held from the King▪ the Admiral to preserve Orleans with more facility, by the conquest of some places about it: and then to finish his voyage into Normandy, whether the treasure of England called him. So having taken sells in Berry, Saint Aignan, Montrichard, and Su●●● upon Loire, he delivered the guard of Orleans to his brother d' Andelot, with fourteen enseigns of French and Lansquenets, four of the inhabitants of the Town, and a great number of the Nobility under the conduct of Duras, 1562. & 1563. Bouchavanes, Bussy, S. Cry, Auaret & other voluntaries: and took the way to Normandy, thinking by this means to divide the enemy's forces, who had Orleans for the chief object of their arms. The fift day of February, he camps before it, and the next day he wins the Portereau, with the slaughter of four hundred good French soldiers, being abandoned by the Lansquenets, who cowardly left the place they had in charge. The 18. of the month, he was ready to give an assault: The siege of Orleans by the Duke of Guise. and making his reckoning to win the Town, he writes to the Queen mother, that within 24. hours he would send her news of the taking thereof, and would make the day very memorable, sparing neither sex nor age: that after he had shroved there, he would extinguish the remembrance of the Town. But man knoweth not his destiny, nor what shall happen unto him. The same day as he returned towards night, upon a little moil, from the Camp to the Castle of Coru●y, his ordinary lodging, john Poltray Seigneur of Mercy, a gentleman of Angoulmois, mounted upon a Spanish horse, by his own proper and private motion, shoots him into the shouldar with a pistol charged with three bullets, and saves himself by flight: but having wandered all night, The Duke of Guise slain. he was taken the next day: soon after, he was pinched with hot irons, and so drawn in pieces with horses at Paris. The Duke of Guise died the 24. of the said month, and was interred at Paris, with pomp like unto a King▪ Henry his son being young of age, was preferred to the place of great Chamberlain, and Lord Steward of France. The Admiral in the mean time, runs over Normandy without opposition, and followed with four thousand horse, he cooped up them into their forts, who had had free scope, since the taking of Roüen. The Marquis of Elbeuf namely, and Renou●rt a new Knight of the order, molested by the Protestants of Caen, took some, and ●lue others. The money, artillery, powder, with five companies of English, and two of French, which he newly received, c●me very fitly to reduce the Town, and the strong Castle thereof, to his devotion, Movy conquered him Honesfleu: and the Lord of Colombi●r●s, B●yeux: and by this prize, he so amazed the garrison of Saint Lo, as they left the place. The Admiral sent Montgomery thither, who was received into Auranches without contradiction. Vire being taken by assault, endured the ordinary rigour of the war. The Earl went on with his forces, even as the packet of peace arrived, the which called the Admiral to Orleans. So the 14. of March, he marcheth thitherward: the 18. he entereth into Ber●ay by force, and causeth some Priests to be hanged being found in arms, and persuading the people to 〈…〉 paltry dog-hole. Two days after the Vic●nt of Dreux takes Aigle, and put 〈…〉 sword that he finds armed. Fala●se▪ ●ompounds: Argenton redeems itself fo● 〈…〉 francs. Mortagne a great village in Perch (seduced by some 〈…〉) makes resistance. They force it, and the most mutinous pay for their 〈◊〉 with the price of their lives. The m●●ks of S. Calais had received garrison, and 〈…〉 of the household servants of the L●●d of Coigne●: but now he takes a 〈…〉 and Ceruoy surprising the Castle of Mezieres near unto Dreux, makes 〈…〉 forever after unable to bear arms. So the Admiral reenters into 〈…〉 and twentieth day of March. At the beginning of the siege of Orleans, the 〈…〉, the privy Council, and certain deputies of the Court of 〈…〉 ●ome to Chartres, to arraign (said they) the Prince of Condé. The Duke of Guise had by this means given two strokes with one stone: for the loss of the Prince of Condes head, had str●ke of the Constables. But Damuille having the honour to have taken the Prince in battle, had likewise the honour to preserve his life, by the dispersing of this assembly. Now that the Queen mother stands no more in fea●● [the] Duk of Guise's authority, she revives the treaty of peace begun before his death. For the effecting whereof she holds an assembly in the Isle of Oxen, where the Prince and the Constable assist being prisoners yet. The Constable protests at the beginning, that he will not suffer any peace made with the conditions of the Edict of january. The Prince craves leave to confer with his Council in Orleans. His Council gives him to understand, that neither the Queen, nor he, can derogate from the Edict so solemnly made, confirmed, and sworn, at the instance of the Estates, and so notable an assembly of the Parliaments of the realm. But the Prince was grieved to see himself guarded by a company of horse, and three enseignes of foot: and many Gentlemen had not of long time seen their families. Moreover, they gave the Prince to understand, A peace concluded at Orleans. that the Articles of the Edict of january were not altered, but only to content the Catholics: that arms being laid aside, they should by little and little obtain free liberty. So the articles of peace drawn in form of an Edict, were concluded the xii. of March, and all confirmed in the King's Council at Amboise, the nineteen. following, verified in Parliament the xxvii. and the same day proclaimed throughout the Town by the sound of Trumpet. The executions qualified with the name of justice; the robberies general & private, massacres, committed in the persons of the Protestants at Paris, Senlis, Amiens, Abbeville, Meaux, chaalon's, Troyes, Bar upon Seine, Espernay, Ceant in Oath, Sens, Auxerre, Nevers, Corbigny, Aurillac, Moulins, Issoudun, Man's, Vendosme, Angers, Craon, Blois, Tours, Bourgueil, & places thereabout, Poitiers. Roven, Valongnes, Vire, S. Lo, Dourdeaux, Again, and generally in all parts of the realm, are read at large in the Originals, and would augment this volume beyond the just proportion. Time and leisure may hereafter give all this discourse specified more particularly. Let us only observe the most memorable exploits chanced during these first troubles, from the month of April, in the year 1562. unto the publication of the peace. The Protestants of Meaux exceeding the Catholics in number, had until the end of june, continued the exercise of their religion, without any disturbance: Particular troubles at Meaux. then transported with an indiscreet zeal, and ill advised presumption, grounded upon their numbers, they fly to the Churches, beat down images, and make the Priests retire. This insolency made the Court of Parliament at Paris to censure them, and to abandon them to any that could spoil or kill them without any form of process. Thereupon L●noux brother to Montluc, comes to Meaux, and with the consent of the Protestants, restores the exercise of the Catholic religion, and then gives commandment to the inhabitants, to bring their arms into the Town house. Some obey: others to the number of four hundred, march to join with the prince Portian: they charge them, and kill them all but forty, which recover Orleans with much ado, leaving their wives to the mercy of the stronger, whereof many were forced to go to the Mass with blows, many marriages solemnised anew, many children (but without order) baptised again. The 13. of February 1563. some fugitives tried to recover the place: but this caused a total ruin of their companions, who remained within the town, they were massacred, drowned, and hanged, their wives and children ravished, their goods spoiled, and their houses made inhabitable. At chaalon's des Boards the Lieutenant to the Duke of Nevers, governor of Champagne, slew many men and women, imprisoned handicrafts men, spoiled their houses, At chaalon's. caused marriages to be resolemnized, and children to be rebaptized. At Bar. Those of Bar upon Seine became the stronger, but rashly in a place easy to be forced. Some Cannons planted only against the Castle, scattered all within it like unto partridges. So the beseegers entering, finding few men to execute their revenge on, they fall upon the women, maidens and Children, open some of their stomachs, pull out their hearts, and with a fury (unworthy doubtless of one created after the same image and likeness,) tear them with their teeth. Ralet a young Advocate, son to the King's Proctor, was (a prodigious thing) hanged by his father's procurement. In the month of january following, some fifty horse of the garrison of Antrain, surprised the town at the break of day: and at the first tied this Ralet to the top of his house, then with their pistols caused him to expiate the death of his son. The other murderers were murdered, and their spoil spoiled by other spoilers. So the Lord requires the blood of man by the hand of man himself. 1562. Saint Estienne being returned from Orleans, with two of his brethren and 〈◊〉 uther's to refresh himself, Saint Estienne. in a house of his near unto Reims, was beset, be●eege●● battered with the Cannon, by a troop of fifteen or sixteen hundred men, who 〈◊〉 forth upon their word to speak with the Duke of Nevers, who (they said 〈…〉 him, was murdered by his own Cousin germane the Baron of Cerny, and 〈…〉 brethren with sixteen others stabbeth. At Sens. A hundred persons of all qualities were miserably slain at Sens, their body's 〈◊〉 naked into Seine, their houses spoiled, and (as if it had been no sufficient revenge) their vines were pulled up. At Nevers. The eleventh of May 1562. the Catholics of Nevers 〈◊〉 in many gentlemen of the Country, seized upon the gates, and three days after fell upon the Protestants. Fayete arrives, ransacks their houses, rebaptizeth the Children, expels whom he pleased, and so laden with booty, worth fifty ●hou ●●d Crowns, At Corbigny. he retires to his house in Auvergne. Noisat Martial of the company of Fayete, entreated them of Corbigny in the like sort. Captain Blany surprised the 〈◊〉 few days after, and restored the Protestants to the public exercise of thei● religion. At Antrain. Captain Blosse surprising the Town of Antrain, stayed the Catholics from committing the like excess, as they had done at Auxerre. Steven Blondelet a priest, and an other called the Dangerous were hanged and shot. Issertieux (called in by the Protestants of la Charité to take the charge of the Town) was set upon by Chevenon, At la charity. Achon, and other troops, and finally being besieged by Fayete) he yielded up the Town upon an honest composition for his party. This was the x. of june, but the Grand Prior entering, he pulled the Capitulation (being signed) out of Issertieux hand, and afterwards la Fayete abandons these poor protestants, to spoil and ransom, like to them of Nevers. The 3. of March following, the Captains du Bois, Blosset and Blany, re-enter by Scaladoe. Leaving it afterwards in guard to du Boise, who defended it with threescore and seven soldiers, and some Inhabitants, against an army of four thousand foot and horse, slew above four score of them, and forced them to ra●●e the siege. Chastillon upon Loire. Those of Chastillon upon Loire, standing amidest many difficulties, and in the end spoiled of all their commodities, fortified their little Town, and the 5. of january endure an assault against the Lord of pry, kill seven or eight of his men, and hurt many others, the men defending themselves with stones, and the women pouring boiling water upon the assailants. In the end, Monterud governor of Berry besieged it, battered it, and took it by force, killed men and women, young and old, spoiled the Town, even to the hingells of doors, glass and bars of windows. At Gyen. Gyen maintains itself long, the Protestants we●e the stronger, but the insolency of Captains and soldiers, whom the Prince of Condé sent thither from Orleans to refresh themselves one after an other, forced many of the Inhabitants to retire to Orleans. So the Town remaining at the devotion of the king's army, who camped before it, it was subject to the violence of the stronger, where the Italians among other insolences cut a young child being alive in two pieces, and with a horrible fury eat his liver. At Montargis. Montargiss was the Sanctuary of many Protestant families, under the countenance of Renèe of France daughter to King Lewis the XII. and Duchess dowager of Ferrara. The Duke of Guise son in law sends Malicorne thither with four companies of men at arms, but the prey he sought was safe within the Castle▪ his fury fell upon an old man met by chance, who was slain and cast into the river. Malicorne threatens the Duchess to bring the Cannon to force her to yield the Casteel and the Protestants that were in it. But the generous resolution of this Duchess, and the death of the Duke of Guise, stayed the execution of his threats. At Aurillac. Bresons, according to the Commission he had from the Duke of Guise to seize upon the forts of high Auvergne, enters into Aurillac, murders eight men, spoils the Town & that of Argentat, with some castles, ravisheth wives & maidens, making his 〈◊〉 to root out all the Protestants in the Country, if the Ed●ct of pacification had not forced to surcease. Montare comes to Moulins with like Commission: 1562. & 1563. expelled out of the Town whom he doubted, then giving a liberty to his troops, spoiled the houses and farms there abouts: he caused six men to be hanged, and five others to be drowned, returning from Orleans with three merchants of Dauphiné, At Moulins. and suffered the hangman to execute those without any form of process, whom the multitude delivered unto him to be put to death. Thirteen young men of Issoudun were beaten down in the water the 8. of May at S. Lisaine, a village two leagues from the Town, and the 9 of july following. Sarzay seized upon Issoudun, armed the Catholic Inhabitants, At Issoudun. drew malefactors out of prison, and filled it with Protestants, who for the most part died, being smothered under the ruins of a Tower of sixteen that escaped, ten saved themselves at Bourges. Until the Edict of Peace, he spoilt both the town and Country, ransomming ●ome, delivering others to the hangman, which had not means to redeem themselves: he ravished wives & maids: and to conclude, exposed these poor creatures to all the insolencies of soldiers. The 3. of April .1562. those of Man's became masters of the town. But violence never continued long, At Mans. and soldiers led by a Commander of small credit and little authority, did never see their arms prosper. These men are no sooner armed, but they employ themselves to the beating down of images, sacking of Churches: and from the town they run to the villages near. The commons assemble, kill such as they meet, and res cue the booty. In the end an apple of discord divides them of the Town & the Castle: the insolencies of the Captains and soldiers amaze the Protestants: the Duke of Montpensier prepares to assail them, & of three Captains which command within the Town, two have intelligence with him. This being discovered, the town being also ill furnished, La moth Tibergea● draws forth tumultuously eight hundred men carrying arms, leading them through many difficulties into Alançon, who then took sundry parties: some not practised in arms remained there: others put themselves into the troops of the Conte Montgomery, others of the Duke of Bovillon, and the other two Captains submitted to those to whom they had given their words. Thus the Catholics have their turn, they were driven out of the town, and now they re-enter, and full of spleen they spoil the protestants houses, both within the town and abroad, eight leagues compass: & without respect of kindred, kill, spoil, and ransom men, women, and children. Some women of state, some simple people, servants & chambermaids: some retired to their farms, or to their friends in the country, remain at the devotion of five hundred Harguebusiers, levied for the guard of the town and country there abouts, who forbear no kind of revenge & rigour. The prisons are filled, they forbidden by any means to solicit for them: the accused are not admitted to except against any witness, and for the last act of this Tragedy, above two hundred persons of all qualities & sexes, purge by their mournful deaths the insolencies of these first furies. The absent were executed in picture, their goods confiscate that were dead carrying arms: Cruelties committed in Mans. their children degraded from all offices, and declared incapable to succeed. In villages near & farther of, above six score persons yielded their throats to the revenging swords of them, whom the change of arms had now given the advantage. One Captain Champagne, to glut the pikerils in a pool, which he had, doth gorge them with above fifty persons: Bois-Iardin his Lieutenant fills two trenches near unto his house, with fifty or threescore carcases. La Ferté, Bernard, Sablé, main, Loire Castle, Memers, Belesme, and Martigue, had the fields there about white with the bones of the slain, whose flesh was devoured with birds and beasts. The Images overthrown at Vendosme, the altars beaten down, At Vendosme. yea the monuments of the house of Vendosme, too insolently broken, might not these stir up some revenge. You beat down (say the catholics) the images and destroy the reliks of the dead: but we will beat down as many living images as shall fall into our hands. The Monks of Saint Calais second them, and of many Protestants which held their Abbey they massacre five and twenty, or thirty. Some troops which kept the fields, kill the first that pass, stone them and cast them into wells. The Lord of Congnee joining with some gentlemen, comes to charge them, kills the murderers, and except a fe●e which fled betimes, puts them all to the sword: then he dischargeth the rest of his fury upon the Priests and Monks, 1562. and causeth two of the most 〈…〉 to be hanged in their Church, yea where the alarm had rung to assail the Protestant's. Those of Angers become the stronger, yet without any offence to their fe●lo● citizens', At Angers. and make an agreement with themselves: To live peaceably one with an o●her, ●nder the King's obedience, with observation of the Edict of january. This modesty continued from the 5. of April to the 22. Then they lose all patience, overthrowing the images and relics of S. Samson. The Catholics rest patiented, but they could well choo●e ●●e time of their advantage. It chanced that the Prince of Condê, required a supp●● of men and money from the Protestants of Angers. Many Gentlemen and soldiers march, and by this means make their party weak. Puygaillard a Gascon Captain, sent by the Duke of Montpensier, enters the Castles the 5. of May, and the next d●y wins a part of the Town: then to lull the Protestants asleep, and to have them in the end at his devotion, he grants them fee liberty of religion. But two days ●fter, under colour of disarming them, they enter their houses. A receiver of subsidies and some others bar up their gates. They sound the alarm, their houses are spoiled, and the prisons filled with men and women: and after the eleventh of the said month unto the end of the year, above four score men were executed after divers manners. Many women of all qualities, were put into sacks, drawn through the dirt, and their bodies cast into the river, their daughters ravished: and some making strong resistance were st●bbed with their daggers. And the Duke of Montpensier, having published the Edict of the Parliament of Paris, To pursue all them that should be any way suspected of the Protestant religion, many Gentlemen and others about Angers during these furies lost both life and goods. At Blois they were masters both of the Town and Castle, but being too weak to encounter the forces of the Duke of Guise, At Blois. all the men of war retired to Orleans. Those which remained in the Town, paid for their companions: for besides them that were beaten down in the streets at the Duke of Guise's entry, many tied to stakes, were cast into the river, wives and maids were ravished, houses spoiled, and as it often chanceth in these incivill tumults, many Catholics were slain in these confusions, as liberty gives every man means to revenge his private quarrels. They complain to the Duke. There is no remedy (saith he) we have too much people in France I will deal so, as victuals shall be good cheap. As if the disposition of seasons, were in thy power oh Duke: or if the earth should desire to be watered with man's blood, to become fertile. At Mer. The town of Mer was spoiled ten days together. Beaupas a minister of the 〈◊〉 hanged, some men slain, some women ravished died, some of them in the 〈…〉 them that ravished them, others of grief soon after. The foresaid decree was published every sunday in places depending on the Parliament. It was a means to 〈◊〉 thieves, vagabonds, villains, lewd and idle persons: it made the ploughman to 〈◊〉 the plough, and the craftsman to shut up his shop: to conclude, it did change the multitude into Tigers, and Lions, and fleshed them against their own countrymen. A troop of these rascals fall upon Ligneul, hang some men, pull out a ministers eyes, and then burn him. Another company runs upon the marches of Comeri, l'is●●-bouchart, Loches, Azè the burnt, and neighbour places, beating down, and murdering men, women, and children. Those of Tours were seized of the town, but having spared the images no more than the rest, the Duke of Montpensier comes in july, and summons them to yield. They had no means to keep the town, At Tours. nor the Prince of Condé to secure them. So they make three Enseignes of foot, and two Cornets ofhorse, and joined with them of Chinon, and Chastelleraud, making a troop of a thousand men of war. This was but a fire of straw: seven or eight companies of men at arms, and some Cornets of light horse of the Earl Villards, charge and overthrow them, kill some, and carry other prisoners to Chastelleraud: some recover Poitiers, others which had yielded themselves at the first in this defeat, being ●ent back to Tours with passports, 1562 & 1563. fell out of Scylla into Charybdis. The multitude receives them disarmed, & beats th●m down. About three hundred recover the gates of Tours with running, hoping to find a Sanctuary at their houses. But the people arm, and murder most of these amazed men, cast their b●●ies into Loi●e, massacre their companions remaining within the Tow●e, sack their 〈◊〉, and in thi● furious liberty, die the river with the blood of their fellow Citizens', men, women, and children. Chavigny arms, & by his presence doth countenance t●●s popular insolency. Bourgeau Precedent of Tours, no Protestant, but only suspected to ●auou● their party, had redeemed his life out of the hands of Cleruaux, A horrible cruelty. Lieutenant to C●auigny, for three hundred Crowns, and a Basin of silver▪ but in the end, being furthered with staves and swords, hanged by the feet, his head in the water unto the b●est, they open his be●ly, tear out his bowels, and cast them into the riue●, & placing ●is heart upon the top of a Lance, they carry it through the town, crying▪ Behold the Precedent of the Huguenots heart. The Duke Montpensier arrives, & by gibbets, ●hee●es, & other tortures, plays the last act of this incivil Tragedy. The Protestant's of Poitiers, being masters of the town, did not forget to bea● down the Images. The Earl of Villars, & the Marshal S. André besiege them. P●i●ie●s. S. Gem commanding there for the Prince of Condé, sustains a furious assault, making the assailants to determine of a retreat: when as Pineau Captain of the Castle, practised by the assailants, gives them a sign to ret●rne: he shoots against them that were at the gate, & forced t●em to leave the defence. The gate being thus won, they come to fight for the ma●ket places. The Protestants began now to yield to the v●ctors force, when as Mangot ● Ca●taine of Lodun b●ea●ing the locks of S. Cyprians gate, makes a way for the Citizens' & soldiers to save t●ēselues, leau●ng the Town and country about subject to all the insolencies incident to a country of conquest. Corneille a Scottish Captain, escapes from Poitiers w●th his troop, & to suppres●e the peasant's fury, greedy o● blood and spoil, he lays an Ambush, & then he cunningly joins with them, and by this stratagem, takes from them all desire to assemble together again for the like effect. The unrestrained liberty of arms, made the strongest of all sides to seize upon their Towns, thinking delays to breed danger▪ But alas, how many pitiful catastrophes grew by these incivill and fatal tumults? Roven was not the last to make trial thereof. The 15. of April 1562. the Protestants seize upon the Town, enter the Churches tumultuously, beat down and ruin relics, Roven. images and altars, in above fifty parishes, Abbeys, & religious house●: the exercise of the Catholic religion surceased, & the Court of Parliament retired to Lowiers. During these broils, the Duke of Aumale comes, as the King's Lieutenant general. Villebon Bailiff of Roven, seizeth v●ō Pont de Larche: the Baron of Clere, on Caudeb●e: The first siege of Roven. & so block up Roven both above & beneath the river: the Magistrate ceaseth to administer iust●ce, the merchant his traffic, & the handicrafts man shuts up his shop: heavy foretellings of a horrible confusion to come. Many difficulties did now press them of Roven, when as Moruilliers coming from the prince of Condé, & slipping cunningly by water into the town, provides for the soldiers disorders, & for the guard of S. Katherins Fort, prolonging the hope of the besieged. The Duke of Aumale assails the fort, and tires them with daily skirmishes, but most fatal for himself: he looseth at the first charge 100 men, & the besieged S. Agnan & Languetot brave Captains: at the second a great number of men, & two Ensigns carried into the town. The xi. of july, the Duke gives a general assault, and so furious, as three ensigns of the enemies planted upon the rampar▪ did so inflame the courage of the besieged, as they overthrew both enseignes and men, pursued them to their camp, & forced them to dislodge the night following, in confusion, with loss of their victuals, munition and baggage, to go and revenge the dishonour lately received at Roven, by the taking of Ponteau de Mer and Honfleur. Moruilliers content to have preserved Roven, at this time retires to his house, & leaves the charge to the Earl of Montgomery, called by them of Roven out of base N●rmandy. The 〈…〉 About the end of Septem. the King, the Queen, & the King of Navarre come to the army, consisting of sixteen thousand foot, & two thousand horse, besides Re●s●res & Lansquenets: five days are spent in skirmishes, but with most advantage to the besieged. 1562. The sixth day, most part of the soldiers go to refresh themselves within the 〈◊〉. A Captain named Lewis, who had intelligence with the enemy, gives them 〈…〉. They run hotly to the assault (during these skirmishes, they had made a breach in the wall with five or six hundred canon shot) they kill many good soldiers, many pioneers, The ●o●t taken. 28. women, and take the place: but with the loss of Lewis his life, slain b● 〈◊〉 of his soldiers, as he did help the assailants to mount. A worthy reward for s●●●●●ble a treachery. Three hundred Burgesses did run to the defence: but the fury of the assault, carried some to their grave, and others to prison, and made the way easi●●or the taking of the Bulwark of Martinuille, and the fort of Montgomery. The 13. of October a hot assault was given against the Town, from the morning until 〈◊〉, and many men on both sides slain. The next day, about eleven of the clock, they renew the assault, and plant three Enseignes upon the Rampar of S. Hilary. Montg●me●ie repels them, and drives them back beyond the trench, killing of his enemie●●bout eight hundred men, and losing of his party, four or five hundred men, women, and children. The next day was fatal to the King of Navarre. If I may (said he to a Nobleman) escape from this siege, The King of Navarre slain I will never carry arms more for this quarrel. A certain foretelling of the mischief that follows us, doth commonly touch our hearts. Having visited the trenches, and dined near unto the wall without the battery, he was shot in the shoulder as he made water: the bullet being drawn out too late by the Surgeons', and his wound inflamed by his voluptuousness, accompanied with a fever, he gave his soul to God, the 17. of November following, as we have said before. ●n the mean time, the battery continues, many thousands of shot beat down divers towers, many mines play without effect. The fourth assault, was more a●aileable, the 26. of October. Roven taken. Thereby the assailants win the breach at the port Hilary, they enter in troop, and kill all they encounter, force houses, ravish wives, and maids, and commit all acts ordinary in the like accidents, Montgomerie unable to withstand this last violence, saves himself in a galley with such as could get in, the rest remaining in prey were spoiled, slain, drowned and made prisoners. The Parliament returns three days after the taking of the town, and at thei● first sitting, Execution at Roven. the precedent of Mandreville lost his head: Soquence and Berthonuille Councillors and Marlorat a Minister were hanged, and the next day five Captains, and divers Burgesses of the town. Moreover envy and hatred amidst these popular furies brought in question the Seigneur of Anthot chief precedent, and ●ois●oger, the King's advocate, being catholics, but enemies to sedition and wise politicians. In civil tumults, the vulgar doth commonly take for essential marks of religion, the insolencies and excess, which fury, and the sufferance of the magistrate doth suggest: deep served for a retreat to many Protestant families, but the overthrow of some troops which Briquemault sent to Montgomery for a supply, deep yielded and the taking of Roven, terrified the most part of the inhabitants, who being pressed, by Aumale, and Villeb●n, were content to yield, and to cease the exercise of their religion. Ricaruille and Bacqueville had the government, and taken again. the former of the Castle, the other of the town. But how many Captains by indiscretion have lost both lives and places? Ricarui●le going out off the Castle to see his horses, is slain, and suddenly the Castle is seized on by Cateville and Captain Gascon, who going from thence into the Towns takes Bacqueville, and restore the exercise of the Protestants under the government of La Curee. Montgomery laboured with all his power to maintain the Protestants in base Normandy, but he had the Duke of Estampes and Matignon to encounter him. In May, he had taken Vire, Vi●e. beaten down the Images, and carried away the relics. The last of july, the Catholics awaked at this first rumour, surprise the Protestants coming from the preaching, revenge their losses, by the death of some, and hurting of others. About the end of August, la moth, Tibergeau, Auaines and Deschamps sent by Montgomery with ●ixe score horse, surprise the town, and spoil both it, and the country. The 4. of September, the Duke of Estampes comes with eleven Cornets of horse: 1562 & 1563. they force the town, kill Auaines, take the Castle, stab two hundred men that were f●ed into it, ravish and kill women, and children. Tibergeau, and many others ransomed their lives. So as generally, there was nothing, but taking and retaking of towns, with most cruel and incivill stratagems. The Vidame of Chartres, and Beawoir la Nocle, his brother in law, having assured themselves of New haven, the Vidame going into England, New haven delivered ●o the English. treated with the Queen to secure the Protestants: and for assurance of her men and money, delivered the said place into her hands, with protestation, as well by him, as by the Queen, no way to prejudice the King's sovereign authority, nor the estate of the Realm. Also she shall shortly yield it without any difficulty. According to the treaty, there arrives six thousand English in Normandy, under the command of the Earl of Warwick, and are dispersed to Roven, deep, and Newhaven. After the taking of Roven, the Reingrave brought his Reisters' before Newhaven. But his violence prevailed as little, as fifty thousand crowns did, with a collar of the Order, & a company of men at arms entertained, which the Queen Mother promised to Beawais, to corrupt him to yield up the town. Britain continued under the moderate government, of the Duke of Estampes, both for that the Queen mother lived in suspense, and entertained both parties, Britain. as also for that the factions of Normandy had drawn away the worst affected. Those of Guienne, Languedoc, and other places, made war against the Images and altars, ministering occasion to shed the blood of lively Images at Grenade, Castelnaudarry & Cahors, where above six score Protestants assembled to hear the preaching, were slain. On the other side, Bury and Montluc (scourges to the Protestants) revenged the beating down of Images, throughout all Guienne, with infinite murders, and lamentable spoils, Duras having abandoned the protection thereof, upon a commandment, which he had received from the Prince of Condé, to bring him forces to Orleans, which succeeded ill for him, as we shall see. Bur●e and Montluc did run up and down the country to cross the Protestants desseines: and those of Bourdeaux (having too slackly proceeded in an enterprise, made against the town and Castles,) caused the Parliament to search their houses, and to put them to death, who had not in time retired themselves under Duras Enseignes. Montluc, incensed especially against them of Again, tried all his wits, to bring them under his power and command. He had against him the Lord of Memy, General of the war for the Protestants in Guienne, and the neighbour country, a sickly man, and not greatly practised in such affairs: for if he had made benefit of the great forces, which he had at his command, and would have believed Arpaion and Marchastell, he might in show have cut Montluc in pieces, being much weaker of men, who knowing the carriage of his adversary, wearied him with daily courses and alarms, to the contempt of the Protestants, which fell into his hands, as he himself doth vaunt in his Commentaries, a true portrait and table where we may read at large the horrible desolations chanced in those countries, during the first troubles. In the end, those of Again seeing their Town unable to resist the Canon, make a troop of about six hundred men, and retire for the most part, to the Castle of Pen committed by Duras to Captain Liouran. The next day, the common people of Again, troop together, spoil and kill all they meet: Bury and Montluc, fly thither, they execute many prisoners, and such as were absent they hang in picture. Duras not able to divert this heavy accident, takes the way of Quercy, wins Lausette by force, kills five hundred threescore and seven men, amongst the which, nine score & fourteen Priests, were found slain, without any respect oftheir order, through this detestable warlike insolency. For a counterchange, Montluc comes to besiege the Castle of Pen, forceth the place, after the death of Liouran, puts man woman & child to the sword, and (continuing the course of his prosperity) takes and sacks Castel-ialoux, Marmande, Saint Macaire, Bazas, T●ncins, Port S. Mary, Villeneufue of Agenois, the castle of Duras, and Montsegur, leaving bloody trophies, of an uncivil and pitiful victory. Lectoure, the capital Town of Armagnac, was at the Prince of Condés deuoti●●. Bugole a Captain of Bearne and a Catholic, commanded there: who by the taking of Sawetat of Gaure, Lectoure. of Larromien, and of Tarraube, had assured the Protestants of his constant affection to their party. Monluc sends Captain Peirot his son to suppress Bugole. Peirot treats with Bugole, and reaps the fruits which follow by his pa●●e. Captain Mesmes lead two hundred soldiers to fortify Lectoure: Bugole causeth them to stay upon the way, under colour to send them a guard to make their passage easy. And to this intent he speedily sends to field three hundred men at arms, & fi●e and forty Argoleters, & himself leads other troops of foot to Tarraube, that by the weakening of Lectoure, Peirot might have means with his men at arms to hinder the return of the troops of Tarraube to Lectoure, and by the same stratagem cuts off the passage for Captain Mesme, leaving him in prey at Roquebrune a poor village, from whence he passed through his enemies, being 4. or 5. to one, and retired into ●ear●. Moreover, although Tarraube were unfurnished of meal and water, yet he kept his footmen therein, that being besieged, they might more easily be at Pet●ots mercy, as it afterwards fell out. And to fill up the measure of his treacheries, soon after the yielding up of Tarraube, he with a brother of his followed Peirots' enseignes, & against his plighted faith, he beheld him to cut in pieces 231. prisoners at Tarraube, hang some, and ransom many. Bearn. Monluc advertised hereof, assembles the commons, with six companies of foot, besiegeth Lectoure, makes a breach, gives an assault in four places. Brimont gives him the repulse, having not with him above 100 soldiers, a weak number, the which induced him in the end (together with the Queen of Navarres entreaty, to whom the Town belonged,) to departed by composition. Duras in Guyenne. Now we must perform our promise touching the exploits of Duras in Guyenne: with the first forces he had gathered together, he tried to assure Bourdeaux, but having failed of his desseine, he chose the country betwixt the river of Garonne & Dordonne, to review his troops. S. Macaire gave him bullets as he passed, in steed of victuals, & kills some of his men. His f●rst defeat. He is offended therewith, assaults the town, forceth it, & takes his revenge of the former outrage. Bury & Monluc pursue him, (they knew well that having slain him, all Guienne unfurnished of a commander, would be at their discretion): they overtake him near to Rozan, and charge him at their advantage, being abandoned by the most part of his company, which were unwarlike, and not capable of discipline. This first check was sufficient to make him abandon all: yet the cause whereof he had taken the defence, did summon him once more to try the hazard of arms. He gathers together what he can, assembles new forces, takes the way of Agenois and of Querry, helps them of Again, revengeth his injuries upon Lau●erte, as we have heard, marcheth towards S. Antonin, and there fortifies himself with two companies of foot, lead by Marchastel. His meaning was to go into Languedoc, and join with the Lord of Cr●sol: but the Earl of Rochefoucault invites him to the succour of Orleans, & for a guard, sends him Bordet, a valiant gentleman of Xaintonge, with 60. horse, 200. Argoletiers, & 〈◊〉 enseigns of foot. These troops consisting of about 5000. men, horse and foot, march to Montau●an, there they rece●ue men, munition & artillery, and so turn to Xaintonge: in the way they force the Castle of Marcues, take the Bishop of Cahors there, threaten to hang him, as the author of a massacre made of the Protestants within his diocese: five or six soldiers made satisfaction for this offence by their deaths. Bordet had a spleen against them of Sarlat: they had in his passage slain two of his gentlemen. A great error. So at his persuasion Duras encamps before it the 1. of Octob. Bury and Monluc ●●ie to secure it with a great number of horse, and some 8000. foot. Duras raiseth the siege, and to lodge at ease, divides his men into Heudreux, Ver, and other places near: the rainy wether gave them likewise some impression and confidence of the enemies temporizing. But they were vigilant, & fearing less the injury of the air than Duras, they came thundering upon him. Without doubt when 2. armies are near together, the first that makes his retreat, gives the other an advantage. Duras, who supposed they had been but the enemies scouts, determined to retire softly, & to put his men in safety: when as Bury and Montluc seeing him return back, charge him behind, and finding very small resistance, kill five or six hundred of his soldiers, charge home to the artillery, and baggage, kill fifteen hundred servants, hang some prisoners, especially ministers that followed the troops. But the booty qualifying the victor's heat, The battle of Ver, and the s●cond defeat of Duras. gave leisure to the first that fled, to set wings to their feet, and by a sudden flight to prolong their lives for some days: for the most part of them which escaped; were taken again, and led to Again, and there hanged on a gibbet set up expressly, which they called the Consistory. Battles are variable, and he is no merchant that wins always, saith the Proverb. Revenged upon Laumo●niere. Duras gathers together some remainders of this shipwreck: and advertised that Laumosinere a Captain sent by Sansac to overthrow him quite, did attend him at Embornet, with five hundred men, he marcheth directly against his enemy, surpriseth him at the break of day, cuts in pieces both the captain & his soldiers, reserving 3. only to carry news unto Sansac, and by this foul slaughter, revengeth the disgrace which he had lately received: then most of his troops being gone, some to Rochel, some elsewhere, and having no man of command remaining, but his eldest son, Bordet, Pu●h and his brother, with about forty Carbines, and eighteen hundred soldiers half disarmed (his horsemen being gone before, and joined with Rochefoucault) he recovered Orleans, and there died, upon the conclusion of the peace. Through the absence of Duras, the Protestants estate in Guyenne was very lamentable, their bodies and goods left to the discretion of their enemies. Piles a gentleman of Gasconie, hearing of the outrages which Bury and Montluc committed without control, Expl●●● Piles●. parts from Orleans (he came with the troops which Grandmont brought out of Gasconie) & surmounting a world of difficulties, in the end he recovers his house near unto Bergerac, and notwithstanding the garrison which the Duke of Montpensier had left there, he opens the prisons, and sets all them at liberty that were committed for matter of religion, and then retires to his house. This new and bold attempt puts the Country into arms: all rise against Piles, who forced to yield to violence, withdraws himself, being followed by fifteen horse, and fifteen hargubuziers on foot: at Montagnac he surpriseth a Cornet of six score light horse, commanded by Montcassin, he kills their leader, with fourteen others, and puts the rest in rout, and by means of the horse, which he recovered there, of good soldiers he made profitable men at arms. Riviere. Piles had left la Rivieré about Bergerac, a young gentleman, who (wedd●ng the practice of arms to the study of the laws, from which he was newly returned) became as soon a brave Captain, as a resolute soldier: for his first stratagem, having suddenly trouped together some twenty soldiers, and a good number of peasants with staves, he surpriseth S. Foy upon Dordonne by scalado, cuts the corpse de guard in pieces, that was set in the market place, and commanding in the streets many and sundry things, as if he had been followed by seven or eight hundred men, he slew Rezat one of Monlucs Captains, his Lieutenant, his Provost with four score of his soldiers, and became absolute master of the place. Bury and Montluc chase at this disgrace, received by an apprentice in war, lodge many troops betwixt Bergerac and S. Foy. But la Riviere having forced through the troop of Captain Sale, and a squadron ofhorse, made his retreat, passed the river of Dordonne in safety, and went with his troop to join with Captain Piles. Upon the way, behold a band of soldiers encounter him being far from his men, and as he inquired news of Piles, they overthrow, hurt, and take him. But passing over a bridge he casts himself into the water, recovers the contrary bank, and so saves himself at Hymet, a Town of Agenois, whereas Piles prepared for the surprise of Mucidan, the which Montluc thinking to take from him about the end of january .1563. by means of the Seneschal of Perigord, he left the undertaker confounded in his desseine, and his troops put to flight. This success gives courage to Piles: he attempts against Bergerac, Bergerac 〈◊〉. and at the second charge, enters it the 12. of March, putting 3. guards to the sword, & all such as could not in time recover the Castle. The next day a Tower being mined, having smothered them that were within it, the Castle unfurnished of munition, yields at the victor●●ncretion, who puts them all to the sword. A cruel and more than incivill war. Wh●t worse usage could we expect of strangers and barbarous people, whose inhumanity we willingly abhor: and do we not tremble at the effusion of our Countrimens' blood? In the quarters of Angoulmois and Coignac, the Seigneur of Martron, by mary murders, Angoulm●i●. ransoming, and robberies, ravishing of wives and maids, and other oppressions, which the war doth usually bring forth, revenged the excess the Protestants had committed, in beating down the images at Angoulesme. In Xanitonge, Conte Rochefoucault maintained their affairs, but the taking of Poitiers before described, Xaintonge. and the defeat of Duras, caused the Protestants to be spoiled at Xaintes by Captain Mogeret, and the exercise of their religion to be abolished at Rochel, and the neighbour Islands, Toulouse. by the Duke of Montpensier. But alas, all these disorders, and bloody confusions, do not countervail the horrible furies of Tholouse, and other places of the Parliament of Languedoc. Tholouse is one of the greatest and best peopled Cities of the Realm, and at that time the Protestants numbered above fi●e and twenty thousand persons of their religion, of all qualities, ages, and sexes. After the publication of the Edict of january, matters passed with great moderation until April. A little sparkle doth soon kindle a fire of sedition: and a small cause thrusts the seditious into fury, especially if the Magistrate (ordained rather to restrain the bloody minded) doth countenance their insolencies. The burial of a dead body was the Prologue to a horrible Tragedy, whereof the first act was played in the suburbs of S. Michael, S. S●eeuen, and S. Saluador: and so passed the walls, and put all the C●ttie into a mournful confusion. The Parliament did wink at it, but the Capitouls being more modest, employed their authority to quench these first flames, which must needs put all their state in combustion: four of the most seditious being hanged, & two whipped, did make some satisfaction for the blood and death of such as were wounded, slain, and cast into wells. This pursuit makes the people mad. The Protestants, to warrant their lives, and to save themselves by some good Capitulation, seize on a gate, & upon the Town house. The Parliament storms, calls in the Nobility, a●●embles the commons, gives authority to their furious arms, and by a general proclamation, both within the City, and abroad, commands them to arm, and to fall upon the Huguenots, with warrant from the Pope, the King, and the Court of Parliament. Then they kill, they fill the prisons, they massacre many. When they find no holes to hold them, the river is heaped up with carcases: they cast them alive out of the windows, and if they labout to recover the banks, they beat them down with stones, and staves. The Protestants shut up in the Town house, having no other help but to despair of health, resolve to sell their lives dearly. They had Canon, and with the thunder thereof do amaze their enemies, they make many sallies with great effusion of blood on either side. They treat an accord with them: They demand an assurance for their lives and goods, with the observation of the Edict. It is rejected: and so this uncivil & fatal combat continues many days. In the end the 16. of May, they grant them, To retire in safety, leaving their arms and harness in the Town house. They go forth towards night. But oh confusion, it is the best expedient to disarm an enemy with dispensation of conscience, with whom they will keep no faith. At their going forth, they imprison such as they can lay hand on, the rest scape by the gate which they held: some recover Montauban, or other places of their party, others are subject to the mercy of the peasants and soldiers, lying in the fields. So as above three thousand five hundred persons (saith the Original) lost their lives in this mutiny. The catholics are now absolute masters of the City they beat down the Protestants Temple, and four days together, they kill, imprison, and spoil. These bro●es and popular tumults have often times confounded the authors themselves, and the spoil of rich houses is a very dangerous and attractive bait. The Parliament knows it well, and gins now to fear, lest the insolency of such to whom they had given liberty should fall upon themselves. They therefore levy a sum of money to content the companies, and to void the Town of them. So Montluc and Terrides march against Montauban, Fourquenaux against Bezieres, Mirepoix the younger, against Limoux. The Court having the government without control, displace two & twenty Councillors that were least partial, and most suspect with some chief men● condemn prisoners, and from the end of May unto February following, they execute by divers manners, four hundred persons. This massacre of Toulouse, that of Gaillac in Albigeois against eight score persons, Montauban. and the approach of Bury, and Monluc had so amazed the Inhabitants of Montauban, as they abandon the Town: but the taking of Again, and the troubled estate of Bourdeaux (as we have heard) called away both of them for this time. In the mean time, Arpaion and Marchastell, putting two thousand men into Montauban, had put courage into them, when as news comes, that Monluc & Terrides comes to besiege them with a thousand horse, and five thousand foot: the which made the Captains take a new resolution to go to Orleans: The people are amazed, fear drives many out in confusion, the drum sounds, they issue forth tumultuously, forsake the Town, and abandon the gates. But which was the better expedient, either to die in defence of their houses, and families, or to fall into the hands of the enemy, from whom they might expect no mercy? The most part being surprised in the fields, were forced to yield their throats to their swords that pursued them, others brought to Toulouse ended their lives upon sundry gibbets: the Captains and some few others, recovered the Town. The 24. of May, Monlucs army arrives▪ but being content with some skirmishes, Three sieges of Montauban and to have wasted the corn, he retired to make a greater leap. He returns in September following, with nine companies of men at arms, a great number of voluntary gentlemen. 25. enseigns of foot, four companies of Argoletiers, and three of Spaniards, which made twelve hundred men, and thirteen pieces of artillery. The party was stronger on either side then at the first, for Duras and Marchastel were entered, under hope to lead both the companies, and Canon to Orleans. So as Monluc having lost some six hundred men in divers skirmishes, and refused to fight with Duras, who offered him battle, he retired the second time. Then Duras and Marchast●l leading away the troops, unfurnished the Town of two great Canons, and two field pieces, the which were afterwards lost in the battle of Ver. Monluc advertised of the estate of Montauban by Fontgrave, one of the Captains of the Town, hastens thither, offers the scalado, and gives the alarm in three parts. Two hundred recover the first courtyne, being followed by the two enseigns of Bazourdan. Laboria borne in the Town, and Captain there, beats them back, and with the slaughter of two hundred of their men, forceth them to leave their attempt to win it by force. The 13. of October, they batter it with nine pieces of artillery, and continuing until the two and twentieth of the month, he beats down a piece of the wall. Bazourdan will needs discover the breach: but being shot in above the left pap, he could not return with any news. The next day they give a furious assault: the more courageously the assailants press them, the more resolutely the assailed defend themselves, men, women, and children, every one in his place. Often times they obtain that under the fox's skin, which the Lions cannot effect. Lab●●ia might do much, to draw the Inhabitants to composition. Terrides promiseth him the government of the Town, under the King's authority, and three companies entertained. He accepts this offer But his new proceeding brings him presently into suspect, so as having no more credit, and the Citizens resolute not to give ear to any capitulation with men, who having (say they) no faith, cannot keep it with any men. Laboria followed by his sergeant, retires himself to Terrides camp: from that time, unto the 15. of April, the day of the publication of the peace, the siege passed in assaults, sallies, and skirmishes, wherein the besegers lost above two thousand men, with a great number of Captains and worthy gentlemen, without any profit. Carcassonne, Castelnaudarry, Revel and Limeux were partakers of these disorders. The Protestants of Carcassonne had their exercise in the suburbs. The 16. of March 1562. the catholics having taken view of four or five thousand men, give an ●larum to the Protestants assembled in the suburbs: Car●●ssonne and others. they made them to leave the place at the sound of their Canon, drums, and trumpets: they pursue them, kill, hurt, hang, and ransom them. Castelnau darry was subject to the like fortune: about fifty persons were murdered, with the like fury, and popular tumult. Those of Revel hearing of the confusion at Toulouse, saved themselves at Castres', and else where, leaving their fami●lies and goods, to the mercy of thieves and robbers. Some being apprehended 〈◊〉 virtue of a commission granted by the Parliament, were led to Toulouse, and conce●●ned, some to the galleys, others were fined, & some banished. At Limoux they had advantage over the catholics: but Pomas being entered with ten companies, and e●ght hundred bandoliers. Spaniards for the most part, and the Marshal of Mirepoix being sent by the Parliament, the Town was subject to the will of the stronger, and suffered the ordinary insolencies of conquerors, robbings, murders, and rapes. He that sees his neighbour's house on fire, should look to his own. So the Protestonts of Besiers advertised of the murder of Vassy, Besiers. draw some soldiers unto them, and ruin the images in all the Churches. Beaudiné chief of the Protestants troops assisted them, and by the taking of Magalas and Espignan, strong places which did much annoy Besiers, assured the town to their party. joyeuze followed by 5000. men, & 12. pieces of artillery, crossed their attempts, & having at the second assault forced Lezignan, & taking Montagnac by composition, he took the way to Pezenas. Beau●iné comes against him, and might easily have defeated him, but five hundred Crowns which the master of his camp had received of joyeuze, with promise of a thousand more, made him lose about six score soldiers, and by the rout of his companies opened the gates of Pezenas to joyeuze. Besiers was ready to receive a law from him: but the sack and murder of their neighbours, and the fear of the like usage, made them to shut their gates against him, and to go to field, to force and burn Lignan, with the defeat of two companies that kept it: and then to surprise Seruian, to force the garrison of C●souls, scale Villeneufue, near unto Besiers, and so to preserve themselves until the publication of the peace. Beaucaire. Beaucaire feared like usage to Limoux. They therefore obtain two companies from Nismes. S. Veran a Beawoisin, with Seruas and Bovillargues lead them, they assure the Town and Castle, ruin images and altars, and then retire, leaving a company for the safety of their companions. To encounter them, the catholics by twilight bring in a great number of soldiers attired like peasants, and in the night open the gates to fifteen or sixteen hundred men, who coming from Tarascon, separated only by the Rhone, made their coming famous by blood and sack. The Protestants recover the Castle, and speedily call back Seruas and Bovillargues, who returned to Nismes. They turn head: Seruas enters into the Castle, and so descending into the Town, surpriseth his enemies, kills a great number, and pardons such as laying down their arms crave mercy. Bovillargues coming from the rescue of the booty which they carried away, and weary with killing them that fled, he likewise enters into the Town, and puts all to the sword that he encounters. Thus Beaucaire remained in the Protestants hands, until the Edict of peace. The like fear troubled them of Montpellier. The proceed at Toulonse and other places amazed them: Montpellier. they fortify themselves, raze the suburbs, in a manner as great as the Town, beat down thirty Churches, and by these ruins, make themselves able to sustain a siege which threatened them. The enemy discharged his choler upon certain shot lodging in an old Town ill flanked, a League from the Town, who having yielded to have their lives saved, were notwithstanding slain as they came forth. The like chance fell upon the Captain, and twenty soldiers that were in Maguelonne, and deservedly, according to the divine justice, having treacherously sold the Castle. At that time, the Lords of Suze and Sommerive, the chief of the Catholics army in Languedoc, had passed the Ros●e, with about 3000. foot, four hundred Masters and three Cannons, with an intent to besiege S. Giles, a small town upon the Rosne. B●●u●iné, upon this advice, parts from Montpellier, Battle of S. Gyles. speedily assembles six hundred horse, and eight hundred foot, under the command of Bovillargues, Albenas, and ●r●lle he is advertised by some prisoners, of a disorder in the enemy's camp: he marcheth towards them, and chargeth presently. Suze, and Sommerive turn their backs, their Captains and soldiers are amazed, and run away: Bovillargues follows them that fly: not one makes resistance. Grille falls out likewise, & both jointly do kill, what by the sword, & water, 2000 men, and win all their baggage, being richly furnished, as to a certain victory, with two canons (the culverin being sunk in the river of Rhone,) 22. Enseigns, & the Colonel's guidon. This victory makes them proud, and Grille contemning the advice which was given him, suffered himself within few days after, to be surprised, & taken at Arena●ses, to lose a hundred or six score soldiers▪ his troops to be put to flight, towards Lunell, Mauguel & Sommieres, & had it not been for the arri●●ll of Beaudiné, who freed him, he had remained in trophy for his enemy. In the mean time, joyeuze (seeing the plague to waste his men daily) retires from the Camp before Montpellier▪ it was rathet to free the Inhabitants from jealousy. He had practised cert●in● intelligences within the Town, but the justice of God, brought two of the chief Merchants to be a spectacle upon a scaffold, for other crimes▪ who having confessed the treason, even as the sword hung over their heads, ended joyeuzes p●a●●i●es with their lives. His attempts upon Adge were as fruitless, and much more prejudicial unto him: aged. for being repulsed by Sanglas from a scaladoe, and two sundry assaults, Bovillargues cut off two hundred and seventy of his men, in his retreat, having divided them into three bands He drew three hundred Catholics, lodged within Aramon, into an ambuscado, slew the most part of them, and soon after seized on S. Laurent in the Comtat, he chased five and thirty Italian lancers, threescore Argoletiers, and a company of foot. But the course of his prosperity was somewhat stayed, by the death of Rays, guidon of his company, and of Captain Aisse, who kept the Tower of Carbonicre seated in the marshes of Aiguesmortes, & did wonderfully molest the said town, it being surprised in an ambuscado, & they slain, the 12. of November. The death of these men was recompensed with the slaughter of fourscore, surprised & slain by them of Montpellier, within Bourg, a small Town upon Rhone, besides a great number, that were drowned, seeking to save themselves by the said river. This happy success invites them to new attempts, A company of the enemies lodged in Agnane, and spoiled the country about. Rapine, governor of Montpellier, being followed by five hundred snot and Gremians troop of horse, awaked them in the night, about Christmas, surprised some asleep, others in their sh●ts, slew the greatest number, and brought the rest prisoners to Montpellier. The year ended with the taking of S. Paul & Damiatte, separated by the river of Agout, besieged, battered, & within three days taken from the Protestants by Peirot son to Montluc, with great slaughter. A Captain G●s●on having slain a Priest of purpose or otherwise, made them believe it was the minister: within few days after he went to Castres', where the Protestants had st●ll the better during these incivill troubles. Let us briefly looked into the provinces of Vivaretz, Rovergue, Givaudan and the county of Foix. Vivaretz and others. In April the Pro●testants of No●nay become masters of the town, beginning presently to beat down images they o●ened and public ●e burnt the relic which they call of holy virtues. Doubtless i● man could judge by the present what would after chance, he would restrain his passions. For the interchange of worldly things suffers most offences at length to find a revenge. The town was unfurnished of arms, and Sarras their Governor (threatened with a siege) goes forth, the 22. of October the next morning he comes at the break of day to S. Estienne in Forest (the abundance of arms & harness, that is forged there, makes the town famous) & sets fi●e to the gates, takes & packs up such arms as he needed. But O man, remember that thou shalt be measured with the same measure wherewith thou hast measured thy neighbour, and whilst thou dost loiter with thy Soldiers to search houses, for the goodliest arms, and the fairest women, thou givest thine enemy leisure to prepare thee a potion full of bitterness. S. Chaumont sent by the Duke of Nemours (who then made war in Lionois) encounters him, chargeth and takes him prisoner, hurts, and kills about six score men of his troop: and from that time, those of Nonnay lay open to many outrages. He gathers the commons together, besiegeth the town, wanting both men, arms, and a Commander: The fi●st taking of Nonnay he enters, sheds as much blood as he pleaseth, spoils it even to the locks, fires it, and burns two and twenty houses: then upon a brute of the Baron of Adrets approach with greater forces, he dislodgeth without Trumpet, and seems rather to fly, then retire. About the end of the year, S. Martin, by the commandment of the Lord of Crussol, and the Cardinal of Chastillon, than governors of Guyenne and Daulphiné, under the Prince of Condes authority, came to Nonnay, repaired the ruins, and provided for the defence thereof, leaving Captain Prost, le Mas and Mongrost there. S. Chaumont f●●es thither with four thousand men, but unfit to force places well furnished, he treats with the Citizens, offers an honest composition, as well for themselves, as for their strangers. They accept it, the strangers departed, and the same night S. Chaumont causeth or suffereth his men to enter, The second taking. who forgetting no kind of inhumanity, murder some, others they cast from an high Tower, some they burn in their houses, many they make to leap out at the windows, beat them down upon the pavement, stab them in the streets, sell prisoners by the Drum: and for want of buyers, they murder them in the place, burn the houses for want of present money to redeem them: there were six score by this means burnt to Ashes. And to fill up the measure of this horrible confusion, wives and maids were barbarously ravished, Come and other things which could not be carried, were scattered about: the heads of Wine vessels beaten out, the walls for the most part beaten down to the ground, the Towers dismantled, and the gates carried away. Bonlieu a small town near unto Nonnay, did accompany it in this lamentable desolation. Rovergue. In Rovergue, Valsergues one of Monlu●s Lieutenants, and Captain of the garrison of Villefranche, having wonderfully oppressed the Protestants of that place, and the Nobility of Rovergue, those of Villeneufue, Perrousse, Froissac, Savignac, la Guepte, Espaillon, S. afric, those of Breseul, Compeyre, Millau, S. Felix, Cornus, and of Pont Camates, resolved to defend themselves, and by their constant resolution, had made frustrate their enemy's attempts, if two of their Captains had not by their overthrow shaken their affairs. About thirty men lead by Peigre, going out of Millau to refresh Compeyre, besieged by Vesin and others, were cut in pieces, their leader lead to Toulouse, was at the instance of the Cardinal of Armagnac quartered alive. And Savignac having failed an enterprise he had upon Villefranche, was invested in the Castle of Grains, where for want of water, he was forced to accept his life saved, and theirs that followed him, being about a hundred Soldiers: notwithstanding, all but six or seven were put to the sword. These tempests fell likewise upon Givaudan, those of Cevennes entering into Quesat, burned the Image of our Lady, Givaudan. and made a booty of two hundred and four score Marks of silver, of the relics and ornaments of the Church being melted. But this prosperity was like a fire of Straw, wherein they often confound themselves in their overweening. Afterwards they camp before mends, and in the end of july, they enter by composition, but they suffer one Copier to change his profession of a Minister to a Captain, to order the Treasure, and to dispose of matters of war: who under this rash presumption, sends about six score men to an other enterprise, under the conduct of a Hosier of Alby called La Croix, as very a novice in matters of war, as his pretended Colonel. Treillans' the younger, sends part of his men, who surpriseth them in the field, and out of order, and kills the most part: and he with the rest of his troop, rides directly to mends: he enters without any difficulty, carries away the Governor, spoils what he pleaseth, and leaves the rest to the discretion of other bands, who laying hold upon Copier, make him yield an account of his usurped government: notwithstanding the troops of his party rescued him within few days after, and brought him back safe and sound with his companions. The Province of Giuand●n enjoyed then some rest, when as the Barons of Goise and Saint Vidal, Treillins and others came to molest it, They make a troop of two thousand men in the beginning of October, to join with ●oyeuze at the siege of Montpellier▪ but the defeat of their men at Saint Giles, made them to change their desseine, and to attempt Flora's. Eight men only commanded by Boissy a valiant soldier of Mo●●pellier, kept it. The beseegers use both battery, scaladoe, assault, mines, and parley, and get nothing but blows. In the end a report flying of the coming of Beaudiné to secure the besieged, they rai●e their camp with con●usion and disorder. Marchastel, a castle belonging to the Seigneur of Peyre a Protestant, had an other issue. Coffart governor of Recoles, besieged it in the beginning of February, and having taken it by treason, he kept his faith with the soldiers like unto Grains, which then was used as a proverb in the mouths of the Protestants. Peyre afterwards encountered Coffart, slew threescore and ten of his men, and recovered his house. These confusions continued still even after the publication of peace: for the Baron of la Far having tried by all means (saith the Original) to have a maid of excellent beauty at his pleasure, besieged Florac the fift of April. But Beaudiné making haste to secure it, preserved both the virgin's honesty and the citizens blood. The Lord of Pailles, Seneshal for the King of Navarre in the County of Foix, fed the Protestants with words. The desolation of Toulouse made him to change his copy. So the wolf (according to the Fable) having se●t away the dogs, doth then break into the fold, and devours the sheep at his pleasure. He adviseth such as he feared among the Protestant's (seeing they had been charged with the beating down of images and altars,) to retire themselves: else he should be forced to imprison them. This terror chaseth many. Pailles entering into the Town, puts some in prison, and so terrifies others, as they were glad to leave the Town. Of the prisoners, two were beheaded, two burnt, six hanged, twenty six condemned to death, ten to the galleys, and the goods of them that were fled abandoned in prey to the soldiers: the other towns of the County terrified with his stratagem, accepted such conditions as Pailles would prescribe them. Only Pamiers resisted. The town belonged to the Queen of Navarre, and the number of the Protestants was great. Man hath many means to preserve himself from humane forces, but what harbour, what shelter can protect him from the wrath of heaven? Men make war one against an other, and two parties seek one an others destruction: but God with the same arm strikes both the one and the other, and it falls upon whom he pleaseth. The Catholics of Pamiers seek all means to oppress the Protestants, Pamiers. and the Protestants to cross the practices of their enemies, when as a common scourge assures them both. The plague comes into the Town, and in few weeks takes away three thousand Citizens. But (a strange thing) of all this great number they did not account above fifty Protestants. So as subsisting in the midst of this mortality, and by this means protecte● from the injuries of their enemies abroad, they secure their neighbours of Castres', kill the Vicont of Seres and his brother, with the greatest part of three hundred men which he commanded, and so disperse the rest, as the way was open for them to recover their houses: where discovering a practice made by some begging Friars, to bring in Pailles and others, they made such a spoil in their Covents, as never after were they more seen or heard of. This bloody stratagem amazed the Priests & Canons. They save themselves in the Town of Foix, they spoil their houses & the Bishops. As one mischief follows another, the peace concluded, in the beginning of May a furious hail, continuing by fits for the space of 3. weeks, about ●oix, cuts the corn & all green things so as there was no hope of fruit. The commons mutiny, accuse the Clergy being fled, to be the motives of t●is tempest, and were ready to fall upon them. They 〈◊〉 popular fury and retire to Maugency. Let us change our C●mate, and turn into Gaul Lionnoyse. The last of April the Protestants were seized of Lions at two of the Clock after midnight, Lyon. without any slaughter but of two men. The Lord of Sault had the first government. Amongst many of the Prince's faction which posted thither, the Baron of Adrets (a valiant man but proud and cruel) seized on the government. The Prince sent afterwards Poncenal and Changy: Awergnacs defeated by Adretz. the first to command the horse, the last the foot. Hereupon the Baro● o● Saint Vidal and other Awergnacs advanced, with three or four thousand men, to waste the Country of Lionnois, whilst the Duke of Nemours assembled an army of Bourgognons, Awergnacs and Foresins for the siege of Lion. Poncenat with five hundred men goes to discover them, chargeth them at the first approach, makes such a slaughter, as by their rout he overthrows their desseine, and pursuing his victory, near unto Feurs in Forest, he encounters with some troops of horse, which made head against him: he chargeth them, puts them to flight, and presently forceth the town of Feurs, where most of them that fled had saved themselves. Des Adrets arrives, who having resisted the forces of Sommerive, Suze, Carres, Maugiron and others, brought some places under his subjection, and amongst others Montbrison the chief of the Province. But there he blemished the reputation which he had gotten in Daulphinè, and by his cruelty did violate the Laws of humanity, and made himself odious, the which plunged him in many miseries, as we shall see here after. One afternoon he took a delight to see many prisoners leap out of the high Tower of Montbrison, amongst the which there were some gentlemen of account. Soubize comes to Lions, being sent by the Prince of Condé, with the title of Lieutenant and governor: and did so politicly handle the violent disposition of Adrets, as he persuaded him to return into Daulphiné, where he did goodly exploits. But this decay of his authority did presently discontent the Baron: who on this first spleen laid the levaine of a speedy revolt. On the other side, Tavannes' approached with five thousand French, and three thousand Italians, led by the Earl of Anguesole, not with any intent to force the Town, but to hinder the harvest and the vintage. These Italians had many goats, so as in detestation of this horrible medley, the peasants cast all their goats among the Carrion where they passed. The Duke of Nemours arrives, with the title of the King's Lieutenant general, The siege of Lions. and for the first fruits of his armies, he receives Vienne upon Rosn● by composition, by the favour of the Catholics: he kills few, and spoils much. The taking of this town shortened their victuals at Lions. Soubize, to have means to keep the field, calls back Adrets and the Provensalls. He brings four or five thousand foot, and four hundred horse. The Duke conceiving an assured hope of victory by the weakness of their horse, encounters them, puts them twice in rout near to Beau-repaire, but with small loss: and if the conduct and resolution of Aretz, with the advantage of the place had not favoured him, he had then received a mate. Having speedily rallied his troops, he encamps within two leagues of Vienne, holding the Duke of Nemours occupied with continual skirmishes, whilst that Soubize gathered in victuals from all part●. Hereupon a packet coming from Orleans to Soubize, falls into the hands of the Marshal of Brissac. Amongst other letters one from the Admiral contained: That he must endure the violence of the Baren of Adretz as much as he could jest of an insolent man he should make him mad. The Baron of Adretz revolts. This was a fit expedient to put the Baron into fury. Brissac having presently sent Saint Sernin to Nemours and Adretz, causeth them to enter into strange practices one with an other. Soubize (who was always Vigilant both at home and abroad, and had (as the History commends him) spent largely upon spies, discovers presently their secret intelligences, causeth the Baron to be apprehended, & by the commandment of Crussol and the Cardinal of Chastillon sends him under sure guard to Nismes, whereas nothing but the benefit of a peace which presently followed, preserved him from the danger of death. Notwithstanding the Duke making his profit of the Baron's practices, draws near to Lions, and by sundry skirmishes cuts of● their victuals. But he that undertakes too much, speeds but ill. At one instant he attempts both Romance and Valence. The whole body of his army was necessary for this desseine: and whilst that he seeks to devour all at once, he looks all. He tries all his wits, and employs all his devices to vanquish Lions, and upon hope to be assisted by them of the Town that we●e of his faction, he attempts it by scaladoe in divers parts, but all in vain. He is ill served both within and without, and so rudely entertained by Soubize, as he must now put on another parsonage. He herpes himself with the news of the battle of Dreux, and proclaims this victory. But now he finds out a new practice, whereby he hopes to attain his desire. Marc Herlin, receiver of the subsidy at Lions had been taken in skirmish in the month of February 1563. To give two strokes with one stone, to save his life or his ransom, and to mock the D●ke, he gives him to understand, That ●e had means to do the King a notable service: that they ●ad accustomed to employ him in the guard of the Town, and to trust him with many matters of weight: that if he will grant him liberty, he will watch some convenient time, to give him entrance at Saint Ius●s gate, whereby he should bring in a sufficient number of men to make himself Lord of the town. We easily believe that which is plausible to our desires. The Duke accepts this offer▪ he frees Herlin, but as if he had escaped of himself. Herlin comes to Lions▪ imparts it to Soubize, then returns to Nemours, and appoints him the 7. of March following. The ●ue before this pretended execution, Soubize plants his artillery in the night, to scour the streets, lodgeth three or four thousand shot in the bulwarks, walls and houses of approach, and appoints Poncenat with his troop of horse to follow them. T●e day being come, Nemours approacheth▪ they give him a sign from a small Tower. Three thousand foot enter into the suburbs of Saint Just, and from thence advance unto the gate, Herlin goes to meet them and brings them in. A stratagem against 〈…〉 Nemours. But being entered by the wicket, he suddenly shuts it. The artillery plays upon them: two or three hundred muskets and all the other shot discharge upon them: Blacons, Poyet, Andefroy and Entragues pursue them with six hundred choice harquebusiers, who defeat them quite: and if the horsemen had made speed, scarce any one had carried news of this stratagem to his Companions. Four hundred were slain in the suburbs, many without, and a greater number ended their lives flying to the Camp, to Vienne, & other places. This disgrace did so trouble the Duke, as he continued two months sick in his bed, and in in the mean time a peace was concluded. The first civil tumult in Daulphinè, was at Romans. La Mothe-Gondrin, Lieutenant to the D●ke of Guise in that Province, would have beaten down a house, Daulphiné. where as the Protestant's had heard some sermons. The protestants troop suddenly to gither: and if ●e had not retired himself, they had put him in danger of his life. The second happened a● Valence, but fatal to the Author: the five & twentieth of April was the day of the e●ection of new Consuls and of Counseillers at Valence. La moth meaning his pistol should give the first voice, and then to have such named as he pleased, he sends some horse out of the Town, either to prevent that none should come to cross his desse●s, or to cut such in pieces as should seek to escape: he causeth the gates t● be s●ut, environs the place of the assembly with armed men: he enters it with a sauc●ion in one hand, and his pistol in the other, the which he dischargeth upon a secretary of his whom he finds there. The Protestants doubting that Gondrin would begin with them: a number of them retired into a house, and resolve to defend their ●iues. Bu● as they came to force them, they slip out at a back door, and recover Sa●n● ●elix g●te, where discovering Gondrins horse scouring the plains, they cover themselves within the gate. These horsemen encountering no man, fall upon some Countrymen that came to Valence, and kill some of them, who●e bodies are brought to the Town upon ladders: for with outrage the people require justice. The next day being Sunday, the Protestants stir not: they feared least by reason of others of their party which came from all parts at the report of the former days work, some new tumult should arise. Gondrin commends them, and with sweet words persuades t●em to go out of the Town for the exercise of their religion: that in doing so, they shal● show themselves obedient to the Edict. When they are abroad, they discover, o● at the least imagine, that they seek to surp rise them: some run to the gate, others enter the town, and seize upon the other gates. Monday morning, the whole party arms, they besiege Gondrins house and fire it, who being retired into the next, he was slain with six or seven of his household servants, his house sacked: and to appease the multitude, they hang his carcase at a window towards the street. These are the effects which the insolencies of an armed multitude brings forth. They proceed yet farther: the report of images beaten down in many other Provinces, transports them to the like insolencies: they chose the Baron of Adretz, chief by provision in Daulphiné, attending a confirmation, or some other certain nomination by the Prince of Condé. The Baron (to make the entrance of his authority famous) sends boldly to the Parliament of Grenoble: That they should thrust out of the town, the second precedent, the Attorney general, the Advocate of the town, the fourth consul, and some others, whom he termed seditious, and therefore he threatened to hang them. These men, without either commandment or compulsion, were glad by a voluntary exile to avoid the Baron's threats. The Protestants thus freed, seize upon the gates of Grenoble the first of May, enter into the Friars, Grenoble seized by the Protestants. overthrow altars and images, plant the exercise of their religion: and for the surety of the town, bring in a company of foot sent by Adretz, who to encounter Maugiron (that termed himself the King's Lieutenant general in Daulphiné,) came in the end to Grenoble with a troop of horse and foot. Their first war was against images and relics, afterwards they seize upon the castles of Bussiere and Mirebel, and burned the great house of the Carthusiens' three Leagues from Grenoble. Whilst these sail in full seas with a prosperous wind, behold others suffe● a most pitiful shipwreck. The massacre at Vassy, the Italian troops of Fabricio Serbellone, a Bolono●s in avignon, and those of Provence joined with Fabricio, terrified the Protestant's of Auranges' near unto avignon, who to cross the intelligences, which they said these troops 〈◊〉 in Auranges', protect themselves with six hundred men. Moreover Fabricio writes to Sommerive: That seeing he hath an army ready, he should perform a great work, to bring it speedily before Aura●ges, whether there resorted daily a great multitude of Huguenots. If they were not suppressed at their first beginning, not only avignon should be annoyed, but also all Provence receive great harm. So Sommerive and Suze march against Auranches, and at the first, find a good means to ruin the Town. Parpaille Precedent in the Parliament of Auranges', had been taken at Bourg upon R●one returing from Lions, where he had been to make provision of arms, for whose rescue the troops of Auranges', being of their neighbour's Towns run to Bourg. Sommerive and Suze fortified with many companies of Daulphiné and avignon, besiege ●uranges, Siege and destruction of Auranches. being without soldiers they batter, make a breach, force it, and forget no kind of cruelty that the victor's fury doth usually furnish. All are put to sword without distinction of age, sex, or quality: and by a new kind of death practised since in Civil wars, they cast some down upon the soldiers halberds, they burn others, tied to their hooks in Chimneys, they hang men, women, and children at their windows: they shoot some with their harguebuzes, murder others in their mother's arms: and to finish this disolation, they sack and burned t●e Town, castle, Palace and Bishop's houses▪ six weeks after, Parpaille at the instance of the Vicelegat of avignon lost his head. But alas this was (as they say) but to anger a hornet. The Baron of Adretz studies of nothing but revenge. He runs, he cries out, he storms, and n●●es with indignation and threats, beats Pierrelate, and forceth it in few hours, puts all that he finds armed to the sword, enters in fury into the Castle guarded by three hundred soldiers of the troops of Suze, some he kills, others he casts down, not one escapes: The revenge o● A●●●tz. with the like fury he takes the Town of Bourg. Pont S. ●sprit brings him their Keys. He forceth Boulene a fronter of the Contat, puts the company of Captain B●rtelasse to the sword, and threatened avignon: when as news came, that Maugi●on entered by intelligence into Grenoble, spoils, kills, & drowns. He posts thither, assures himself of Romans by the way, reduceth S. Marcelin to his devotion, and puts three hundred of Maugirons' men to the sword. Maugiron fearing the fury of this man, retires into Savoy, and from thence into Bourgongne to Tavannes', leading with him all those of his faction: and the 26. of june Adrets reenters into Grenoble, settles things in their former estate, and then he marcheth into Forest, as we have seen. Behold strange alterations: Suze and Fabricio beheld the Baron's actions being in safety: his passage into Forest, draws them now to field. Momb●un makes head against them, and by the taking of Mornas, doth partly revenge the spoils of Auranges'. Suze will have his revenge, and comes to besiege Boulene: but finding nothing but blows to be gotten, he goes and spoils Vaureas, in the County of V●nais●in: Suze defeated. and thinking to enlarge his limits, he meets with the Baron, who with a fury (without viewing or giving him leisure to arrange his troops) doth charge him, defeats him, cuts in pieces the most part of his foot, kills him, with many Gentlemen, and wins his Artillery: but he shall not keep it long. Then extending his victory, he undertakes the defence of Cisteron, threatened by Sommerive, forceth S. Laurent des Arbres, and Rocquemaure a strong place: taketh and burns the Castle of Pont Sorgues, kills all Fabricios' Soldiers that kept it, and the next day surpriseth Fabricio him●elfe, and chaseth him even unto the gates of avignon. As he continues his course along the river of Durance, and finds nothing to stay the violence of his victories, news comes of the Provensals arrival at Gavillon. He wades through the river the first of September, chargeth them at the first, kills the most part, and puts the rest to flight. But in steed of going directly to Cisteron, whether he had sent Mombrun with fi●e hundred men, and the Canon taken f●om Suze, (he had some spleen against Mowans, Captain of Cisteron,) he takes th● longer way by the plains: whereof followed the overthrow of Mombrun, the loss of his Artillery, and the taking of Cisteron, as we shall see. Adrets had left the Councillor Ponat for his Lieutenant at Grenoble: a man more capable of laws then fit for ames. Hereupon Vinay takes an occasion to attempt against the Town. S. Mauris and la Coche receive him so roughly, as the death of threescore of his best Spaniards and Italians, at the first skirmish, makes him to leave Grenoble, to go burn the peasants houses in the valee of Pragela. In the end, the course of the Baron's prosperities is stayed by the taking of Vienne, & of the Castle of Pipet, & by the two several overthrows he had at Beau-repaire, whereof followed this change of sides, and the loss of the reputation and credit which he had gotten among his followers, as we have heard. These losses caused the siege of Grenoble, whereof Ponat (being called away by Adretz) had left the defence to La Coche. The first sieg● of Grenobl●. Six thousand men camp before it. But a goodly design, and easy to be effected is often made frustrate by the discord of the Commanders. Many heads are the cause that Grenoble holds firm. They assail it, but slowly: their victuals now growing short, after three weeks siege, pressed La Coche to capitulate, when as Captain Furmeier, having assembled six or seven hundred foot, and four score horse, passeth the river of Isere, surmounteth the strait of the Mountain, forceth them that kept it, and advanceth unto the river of Dras near to Grenoble. Meaning to Ferry over, he sees the passage guarded by three or four hundred horse, with a great number of foot, & discovers an other troop in ambush within the next wood, to charge him behind. He retires, and with a counterfeit fear, makes show to turn back: the enemy pursues him, Raised by Furmei●●. he turns head against them, wades through the river of Drac, chargeth the fi●st he 〈…〉 breaks them, and by the resolution of his passage, in the face of so many enem●●●mazeth all the troop, scattereth them, chaseth them, killing on all sides: and this unexpected arrival, strikes such a terror in the Camp, as every one abandons the tre●c●es▪ The second ●eege. every man flies, and stays not until they have recovered the marches of Savoy▪ Crusol had recovered Serignon and Auranges' in base Daulphiné. la Coche surprised the Tower of Lemps, in the beginning of the year 1563. whilst those of Grenoble victualled their place, and prepared to endure a second siege. About the end of February, there comes against them eight thousand men, foot, and horse: two great Cannons, and three field pieces: la Coche had to make head against them, besides the Citizens, six hundred good soldiers, nine brave Captains, and some voluntary gentlemen, who having repulsed the assailants at the first assault, preserved, with the points of their swords, both the sack of their City, and the blood of their Citizens. Provence was betwixt the fat●er and the son. Let us pass into Provence. The Earl of Tanned was Governor, and of his two sons: Sommerive (issued of the first ventre) was Lieutenant for the King in his father's absence. Cipierre, being then very young, borne of the second wife, and the Lord of Cor●e● of the house of Salusses, son in Law to the said Earl, were (as many others did vaunt in those days) mastiffs which did defend the Protestants troop. Sommerive, a violent man and too bloody, did suddenly incense all Provence against them: and being a●med with force, he made his government famous by a horrible and general execution of men dismembered, hanged, burned, fled, cut in pieces being alive, drawn, through the streets, cast down headlong, stabbed, starved, and such like miseries. The Earl his father, abhorring this general desolation, and not able by his authority to divert his son from this wicked proceed, gathers together what force he can: gives the command of the horse to Cipierre, and of the foot to Cardet, who by their arms kept all the Towns beyond the river of Durance, (except Pertuis) under their command. On the other side, Sommerive, after the executions of Auranges' before described, Fir●● siege of 〈◊〉. having taken view of fifty enseigns of foot, and some Cornets of horse, fl●es fiercely to the siege of Cisteron, being full of many Protestant families, that were retired thither, and manned with eleven companies under the Lord of Beavieu, nephew to the Earl of Tanned, and three hundred men commanded by Furmeier. The eleventh of july, Sommerive gives three assaults, continued from three of the clock in the after noon until night. Most of the month was spent in skirmishes: The prisoners on either side finding no mercy, nor grace of the soldiers. In the end, Sommerive (fearing some new check by the hands of Addressed, who had lately won the battle of Vourdas,) he went and entrenched himself three Leagues from Cisteron. Cardet approacheth, but he cannot by any device draw his brother in law out of his trenches. So the Earl of Tanned, dist●●st for victuals, raiseth his Camp, puts some of his troops into Cisteron, and sends the rest to Adrets. Sommerive doubles his courage and force, and the 27. of August, followed by a hundred and two enseigns of foot, The second siege. and many horse, beseegeth Cisteron anew, on three parts, and upon an intelligence that was given him, that Mombrun approached to secure the besieged (as we have before specified) Suze marcheth against him, chargeth Mombrun, Mombrun defeated. kills about a hundred and fifty of his men, puts the other in rout, and wins two pieces of Canon, which he had lately lost. This victory was to Sommerive a foretelling of a good success. The 14. of September he overthrows a hundred and forty paces of the wall: he planted two small pieces, to batter the friars. Three and thirty enseignes of foot, supported by a troop of horse, go to the assault, and continue it with a wonderful fury, until seven of the clock at night: that powder failing them on either side, they fall to stones, swords, and handy blows: the greater number prevailing, the besieged abandon the breach, retiring themselves with great loss, and des Adrets returned into Daulphiné. Senas, Mowans, & other Captains, seeing themselves unfurnished of munition, without hope of succours, charged with a multitude of men, not trained up in warlike affairs, together with the enemies obstinate resolution, they prefer the safety of their lives and persons before the place: and in the night recover the straits, the deserts of the mountain, and so come safe to Grenoble, from thence they were conducted to Lions, and there lived until the Edict of pacification. Sommerive, at the break of day, sends some troops after them: but the difficulty of the ways, and fear to lose their part of the spoil, stayed the pursuit. So the victors enter into this abandoned Town, and put to the sword about four hundred women and children,, without distinction of age, or religion. Sommerive is now master of Provence, leaving in all places pitiful signs of a bloody victory, whereof the original notes (as principal instruments) Carcez, Mentin, Flassans, thrust forward especially by Bagarris, Chesne, S. Marguerite, and others of the most seditious of the Court of Parliament of Aix, who with all impunity gave liberty to all thefts, spoils, and murders: so as after the Edict of pacification, the King's privy Council gave commission to the Precedent Morsan and some Councillors of the Court of Parliament at Paris, to suppress such disorders: who by an examplary punishment of many, caused the following wars to be managed with far more moderation. But the quality of some, and the credit of others, saved many heads which were prepared to vomit up in open view the blood which their hands had too prodigally spilled. As for the Duchy of Bourgogne, Bourgongne Dyion. Tavannes' Lieutenant for the King in the Duke of Aumals absence, loved silver better than the blood of the Protestant's, and the Parliament of Dyion having by virtue of letters obtained the first of March 1562. forbidden the exercise of their religion, Tavannes' disarms them, puts the chief in prison, forceth some to departed with threats, others he expels violently. The Mayor and Sheriffs proceed farther: they thrust forth wives, maids, and children, commanding the peasants by proclamation the 7. of july, to set upon the rebels, not to receive, lodge, nor feed them that are expelled the Towns: (a rigour which humanity never used to the most barbarous) they condemn them, as guilty of high treason that had carried arms, or assisted them with aid or counsel: and they give liberty to kill them all with impunity, that should hereafter assemble in any other places, but in their ordinary Churches. This liberty bred many thefts and spoils, at Aussonne, Autun, and Beaune: yet the people are commended to have contained themselves within the bounds of modesty. Chalon upon Saone, Mascon and Belleville, seized on by the Protestants, served them for a time as a Sanctuary and refuge. Mombrun commanded at Chal●n with five hundred hargubusiers: but being suddenly belegard by Tavannes', and finding not the Town furnished or defensable, by a dangerous, and (as the Original saith) a detestable example, he left it in prey to Tavannes', and retired to Mascon. Tavannes' goes thither, with all speed, and presents himself at the gates, The first siege of Mas●on. hoping by kind offers to persuade the people to receive him, but he finds no admittance. So he gathers together all his forces, and the third of june beseegeth the Town. His army consisted for the most part of Bourgognons of the County, carrying openly red scarves. The besieged countenance themselves with this pretext, and make their profit thereof, to avoid this present storm that threatened them. They give the King to understand; That it was not reasonable, they being his natural subjects, and desiring to live in peace, under the obedience of his laws, should be forced to open their gates to Tavannes', armed with stranger's enemies to the Crown, who is suspected of them for many other great reasons. This admonition prevailed somewhat: for Tavannes' straightways retired by the King's commandment, but it was to prepare for a second siege. Those of Lions send Entragues to defend the siege. Tavannes' makes his trenches, wins the suburbs of Saint Laurence, and the fourth of july, beats down the defences, The siege. makes a breach, and ●ews it, but to their cost whom he sent. So (as if some important business had called him into Bourgoogne) he raiseth his Camp, and making his account that the besieged would follow him, he lays a strong ambush but Entragues had no men to lose. Mascon freed from this second siege, behold Belleville is assailed. Saint Point with other gentlemen of Daulphiné came from the spoiling of some boats laden with the value of forty thousand Frankes in relics of gold and piquer, 1563. which two Sheriffs of Mascon had sent of their own authority to Lions, to be converted to their private uses. So the robbers are often rob. This booty puts them in hope of an other. The 28. of july, he comes with two hundred horse, six or seven hundred Soldiers, and the common people thereabouts, to belegar this little Town: but the night before, two companies parting from Mascon, were entered into it, by whom the assailants being repulsed with loss, turned their revenge upon the●r neighbours cattle. The retreat of Saint Point, made Eutragues seek to extend the limits of his territory. He beseegeth the Castle of Pierrecloux, forceth Mon●osat, and five and twenty Soldiers which he commanded there, to yield at discretion: and causeth them to be lead prisoners to Mascon: but this was to feed the Fox, who in the end shall eat the pullen. During these broils, Poncenat comes to Mascon, with Swisses and French, draws forth the chief forces, beseegeth Tournus, and becomes master thereof. But what can the fury of incivill arms forbear? Clugny forced with the same rage, sees that exquisite and famous Library defaced: a most precious treasure, which made that Abbey to be greatly esteemed amongst others of France. The third siege and taking of Mascon. Tavannes', advertised that Mascon was unfurnished, and that Entrangues, to please Poncenat, followed his enseignes, parts from Chalons with four Cornets of horse, and eight hundred foot, being assured of a practice which he had within the Town, whilst that his enemies, transported with their private affections, employed their forces elsewhere. The 17. of August, many wanes drawn with Oxen, enter by his means that ●ept the keys of one gate, being of the intelligence: they pass the first and the second gate: at the third, the fi●st Carter overthrows his wain willingly, and by this policy stays the rest. Twenty men couched upon their bellies behind a wall in a garden near adjoining to the gate, run thither: they kill some, bring in their men, overthrow a corpse degarde, and become masters of the Town: the Soldiers of Pierrecloix are freed from prison, and cut off heads, arms, and legs of the Protestants: they cast many into the river, spoil their houses, and ransom the wealthiest. Thus Bourgongne returns to the Catholics devotion, and S. Poinct had the government of Mascon, a violent and bloody man, who often times glutted his eyes, after his meat, with the mournful spectacle of such as he caused to be cast into the river. These confusions did pitifully afflict all the provinces of this realm: when on the other side, the heads of 〈◊〉 parties, being prisoners, did solicit the conclusion of a peace. The Admiral, by a 〈◊〉 letters to the Queen, purged himself of the accusation laid against him, touching the death of the Duke of Guise: whereof Poltrot himself, in the midst of his most se●si●le torments at his execution, freed him. And the Queen mother (leaving this thor●e in the Admiral's foot, that she might reign among these combustions of the houses of Guise and Chastillon) did cunningly give two strokes with one stone: for she made the Prince of Condé believe, That the restraints propounded upon the Edict of january, tended only to content the Catholics in some sort, and to open the way for the Protestants to have greater liberty. She pleased the young Duke of Guise with the execution of Poltrot, and his advancement to his father's offices: & the Constable, by the moderation of the ed●ct: for he had protested never to yield to the edict of january. So the judicious reader may see, by the course of the history, which party did first break it. But that which did most import Katherine in disarming her enemies, she entertained a discord betwixt two mighty families, whereby she maintained her authority. 1563. In the end, a peace concluded the 13. of March, gave liberty of religion to Noblemen, The chief Articles of the peace. having all manner of justice for them, their families & subjects. To other Gentlemen that had inferior jurisdiction, for them and their families, with permission of the Lords of whom they held. In all Bailiwikes & jurisdictions depending on the Parliament, a place appointed for their assemblies, at the election of the province: besides all other places where the exercise had been since the 7. of March▪ The Vicounty of Paris only excepted. Every one restored to his former possession, of goods, honours, and offices. A general abolition of all things passed for matter of arms. All offences (except robbing) pardoned: and a forbidding to injury one another, either for war or religion. This treaty did please and displease many. It rejoiced such as made an account, that this sweet and plea●ant name of peace should make an end of all their calamities, and restore every man to his former estate. It grieved such, as of three mighty enemies, seeing two prevented by death, and the third a prisoner, esteemed that the government of the state was lawfully fallen to the Prince of Condé, who by consequence did derogate from his authority, subscribing to so weak and easy conditions of peace: foreseeing also, that the secret oppositions of the Parliaments, and the violences os the most mutinous, (who being armed slew daily some of their men with all impunity) would in few years give cause of new confusions. So by this peace, the german was sent home. Elizabeth Queen of England held Newhaven, whereof the Prince had put her in possession, as a pawn and security for the money, wherewith she had assisted his party. To make a breach betwixt her, and the Protestants, the English must be chased away by them that had called them in. Newhaven recovered. The King goes thither in person▪ they likewise urge the Prince to go with most of his party, and cause them to make the point. The place is strong, both by nature and art▪ but the fresh water being cut off, and the plague having wasted about three thousand men, the Earl of Warwick entered into Capitulation the 28. of july, and the next day yielded the place to the King. One of the chief motives, that induced the Prince to yield so easily to these conditions of peace, was the Lieutenant General, which he expected by the King of Navarres death, and the Queen mother's goodly promises. But to confirm her Regency, she puts the Prince from all his hopes. She causeth the King to be declared of full age, being yet but fourteen years old: carries his Majesty to the Parliament at Rovan, makes him protest, That he will not hereafter endure the disobedience that hath been used against him since the beginning of these troubles that his pleasure was to have the Edict of pacification duly observed, threatening such as should oppose or make any Leagues. And afterwards, by an admonition made in writing, by the Parliament of Paris, touching the Edict of his majority, confirming that of pacification, the Queen mother causeth her son to name her overseer and Precedent of his affairs: and for an answer to the Court, according to the instructions of his mother: I do not mean (said he) you should deal in any other thing, but with the administration of good and speedy justice to my subjects. Understand hereafter, that you are not confirmed in your offices by me, to be my tutors, nor Protectors of my realm nor Governors of my City of Paris, as hitherto you have persuaded yourselves. The King being returned to Paris, the Duke of Guise's widow, his children, and kinsfolk, came solemnly, and demanded justice, of the murder committed on the person of the deceased, taxing the Admiral, as the chief author thereof. But it was not yet time to suffer these two houses to encounter. That of Guise might receive as much, or more loss than the other, and Catherine pretended, to make her profit of the first. To avoid this brunt, she causeth the King, to command them to surcease this quarrel, & appoints them another time to advise thereon. In the mean time, she honours them with the chief charges, and gives them all access and countenance near his person. The rest of the year was spent in the confirmation of many Edicts, touching the Ecclesiastical and civil causes, and then was the jurisdiction of judges and Consuls among the merchants erected, and the notaries of consignations established. As these things passed in France, the Prelates assembled at the Council of Trent: provided for the support and maintenance of the Catholic religion, 1564. namely in this estate. The Cardinal of Lorraine, a man greatly practised in the affairs of the realm, A general Council at Trent. ●●th all he can to root out the Protestants. To that end, they find this expedient, That the Kings of France, and Spain should make a strict League, and he of Spain s●●uld give the French such forces as were requisite for the execution thereof, The holy League. and in t●e mean time, they should seek all means to abolish the Edict which allowed the exerci●e of the pretended reformed religion: that this treaty made for the preservation of the Catholic, 1564. apostolic, and Romish religion, should be called, The holy League. The Cardinal promiseth to employ all his endeavours and mea●es to this ●●fect, and assures the assembly of the willingness, and good affection of the Queen mother, and the Lords of the Council. The chief of this League were the Pope, the Kings of France, and Spain, the Princes of Italy, the Common weal of Ve●ice, and the Duke of Savoy. Of the Emperor, and the house of Austria they speak● diversly. So from the beginning of February, they labour to produce some effects. The●r Ambassadors come to Fontainbleau, demanded the observation of the dec●●es of the Council throughout all France, whereof the reading should be the five & 〈◊〉 of March at Nancy, in the presence of the Ambassadors of all Catholic Prince's, assembled to make a general League against those estates that were fal●e from the obedience of the Romish Church. They require also, that in favour of the Clergy, the King should cause the alienation of Ecclesiastical goods to cease, as against the law of G●d, and prejudicial to his Majesty and the Realm. That the Edict of pacification should be disannulled, and heretics rooted out, namely, such as had been partakers of the Duke of Guise's murder. Behold new firebrands to cast this monarchy into the flames of a second civil war. But the fires of the first did yet smoke. And things not being so soon prepared to enter into new homebred combustions, the King answers: That he hath granted the Edict, to free the Realm from strangers▪ and that he hopes henceforth to maintain his subjects in peace, according to the institution of the Church. In the mean time, such as were worst affected to the public peace, attempted many things contrary to the Edict. The Commissioners sent for the observation thereof, The Edict of peace ill observed. had small credit in many places. The Estates of some provinces said plainly, that they could no more endure two religions, than two Suns the execution thereof had small or no effect, in places where it was proclaimed: the Magistrates delayed to appoint the Protestants places for their exercises, and by their ●lacknes caused many to seek their dwelling elsewhere, to live in quiet and safety. The complaints and discontents which ●ounded in the King's ears from all parts, gave Catherine (under colour to lead the King in progress through the Provinces of his Realm, and by his presence to end many controversies, which even then seemed to threaten him with some eminent confusion) a goodly pretext of conference with the King of Spain. Charles gins his voyage by Champagne, and through Bourgongne comes at Lions, The voyage of Ba●o●ne. forbidding the Protestants, the exercise of their religion, following the Court, yea even in the Towns that were assigned them for their assemblies, whilst his Majesty should be resident there. The Protestants were here in great numbers, and might well fortify themselves again at need. To take from them all means, they build a Citadel, and the King sti●s not before it be in defence. By the example hereof many other Towns received the like restraint, whilst on the other side, they di●manteled Orleans, Montauban, and some others. The Edict of peace is greatly impugned by an other made at Roussillon. The King forbids all justices to allow the exercise of the pretended reformed religion, but in places specified by the Edict. For the first time, he banished such ministers as had exercised their charge, in places not comprehended in the Edict: and for the second time, punished them with death. He commanded all Priests, religious men, and Nuns that were marrie●, to make separation, and return to their Covents: if not, to departed the Realm, forbidding the Protestants all their Sinods, as making Monopoles under that pretext, and stirring up the greatest part of the Realm. From words they fall to deeds. Those of Crevan in Bourgongne murder many assembled for their exercise, Murder of Cr●●an. with all impunity. And the King's absence from those places where they were accustomed to see him, caused many seditions, and mutinies: amongst the which la Curee, Governor of Vendosme, a Protestant by profession, was murdered, by the command of Chavigni, 1565. Lieutenant to the Duke of Mo●tpe●sier, as he ●ought to suppress some, who under favour of the troubles, had purposedly murdered many men, women, and children, in the Country of main, and places thereabouts. As this insolency increased, a Licentious rage transporting them of Tours, Of Tours. to fall upon the protestāns of their town, coming from their exercise, they murder some, hu●t others, and with the same rage, bringing their weapons bloody into the to●ne, they kill, drown, and spoil, without distinction of age, sex▪ o● quali●ie. The Marshal of ●ielle ville was sent to suppress this mischief, before it spread farther. ●ee was ready to carry himself therein, according to the tenure of his charge: but Ch●uigni opposing by open force, caused all this premeditated punishnent ●o t●rne into smoke, as if the examination thereof should discontent both great and sm●●l, and make things tend to new troubles. In the end, at the importunate suit o● the Protestants, who complained of these horrible insolencies, and that they were forced in all places to furnish holy bread at the parish masses, to hang tapistry before th●ir lodging on Corpus Christi day, to contribute to brotherhoods, and such other things: and at their instant suit, not to be forced in their consciences against the con●●tions of the Edict, the King staying in Daulphiné, commands all governors 〈◊〉 Provinces by his letters patents, to entertain and to cause the Edict of pacification ●o be duly observed, and to have a care that no mutinies should grow within th●ir governments. This voyage of Bayonne is famous, by that notable suit of those which with a presumptuous and partial title, termed themselves of the society of jesus, decided in the Court of Parliament, Steven Pasquien pleading against them, for the University of Paris: a vehement and most grave Advocate of so rare a cause, and m●ster Pet●r Versoris for their company: their plead are read, and their beginnings, and fi●st entry into France, their advancement, and all that concerns their sect, is so learnedly expressed in an epistle of the fourth book of the said Pasquier, and in his pleading, as it is needless to insert here. This new year bread new troubles at Paris, and was likely to have stretched far. The Cardinal of Lorraine coming from the Council of trent▪ accompanied with his nephew, and a number of men with hargubuses, contrary to the Edict, & followed at hand, by the Duke of Aumale his brother, went to Paris. The conclusions of the Council, and t●is carrying of arms, did much disquiet the Protestants. It is given out, that their meaning is to offer them violence▪ Th● Ma●●h●ll of 〈◊〉 oppose●h 〈…〉 Cardinal of Lor●aine. they fly to the Marshal of Montmorency a● governor of the Isle of France, a wise man, & loving the public peace. He entreats the Cardinal not to enter in this manner. This request neglected, he resolves to v●e his 〈◊〉. The Cardinal grows obstinate, and offers to enter with all hi● force. But the Marshal (as the King's Lieutenant) opposeth himself, being followed by the Prince Portien, and about forty gentlemen of account. The Cardinal grows amazed, saves himself with his nephew in the next houses: and after some days of stay at Paris, he goes into Champagne to attend the King's return from Bayonne. Hereafter there is nothing but associations, Leagues, and conferences. They must be revenged of this affront. But they find too strong a party: for the two houses of Montmorency and Chastillon (most straightly allied by consanguinity, do likewise unite the●r wills in this defence. The Marshal assisted by the admiral his Cousin, contains the Paris●ens in peace, and makes the Parliament and the King's Council to approve this act. The Queen mother (fearing lest this mutiny should hinder the effects of the voyage of Bayonne, and by that means the fulfilling of her desseins would be made frustrate.) makes the King to command by his letters patents, such as were not yet entered into Paris, not to approach any nearer, and to such as were there, to departed until that his Majesty had ended this quartel, after his return out of Gasconie. Now the court was full of complaints. The protestāns accused the catholics of violence and breach of the Edict. To content them, the Queen assigns them deputies a● Tolouse: but they return without any satisfaction, but a discovery, that they 〈◊〉 no good unto them. A royal League. There it was concluded, that all Princes and ot●ers, of what quality soever, (whereof many were very far engaged by their promise in a certain League made in France without the King's privity) should renounce all confederat●ons, both within and without the realm, and should bind themselves by oath to the King only, upon pain of rebellion. This was the advice of Montluc. But the difficulty was to draw the Articles, for to make a Sovereign Prince to enter into association and company with his subjects. Was it not by a pernicious consequence to blemish his authority royal, and overthrow that which should serve as a fundamental law, for the quiet of the realm, the observation of the Edict? In the end, the King having visited all Aquitaine, he arrives at Bayonne in june, and thither comes his sister Elizabeth, wife to King Philip of Spain, to meet with him, accompanied with the Duke of Alba and others, to the end (said she) that the m●tter should be less suspected, and that their league might take sure hold. But the most clear● sighted did attribute it to ambition, lest the Spaniard should seem to use any submission. How soever it were, the holy League was confirmed betwixt the two Kings, by Elizabeth's means: For the establishing of the ancient religion, and extirpation of the new. And for that this Doctrine did extremely afflict France, the Spaniard did promise the French such aid and succours as he could, and the French to the Spaniard (for that he did see his estate of the Low Countries to hatch a great confusion, which the following ages did bring forth) the like assistance according to his power: but both do promise jointly; ●o maintain by all means the dignity of the Catholic religion, to cut off (as much as in them lay) all lets, and speedily to seek all occasions profitable for this design, beginning first with the heads. This business was not so secretly managed, but the Prince of Condé, the Admiral, and other Noblemen of that party had intelligence. They stand upon their guards, advertise their men, and for this time prevent surprises. The end of the year brought the King home, much satisfied with the joyful entertainment his subjects had made him, plunging himself with his young brethren, in masks & delights, whilst the Queen his Mother, with her Councillors, governed France at their pleasure, and laid plots, which shall soon breed as dangerous storms as the former. Whilst our Christian Princes study by their interview and League, to kindle horrible combustions in their estates, The Turks army at Mal●a they give the Turkish Army the better means to land in the Isle of Malta, to besiege and take the Fort of Saint Elm, lately built by the Prior of Capova, and by this victory to make the siege of Malta more easy. Let us observe three notable things, before we conclude the year. The first was that brave attempt of Peirot the eldest son of Montluc, who weary to live id●e, rigged out some ships, with a good number of Gentlemen, Soldiers and Mariners, The death of the Pope and Emperor. to make a voyage into Africa: he took and sacked the Isle of Madera, but with the loss of his life, leaving his troop excluded from all return into France, by the pursuit the King of Portugal made, demanding satisfaction of the outrages done to his subjects. The Earl of Sanzay was sent to pacify him: and ●uen then was treated (but without any effect,) the marriage of Marguerite S●ster to Charles, with the said King. The second was the death of Ferdinand the Emperor and King of Hongarie, deceased in September, leaving his Son Maximi●ian for his successor. The third was that of Pius the 4. in whose place was chosen to the Pontifical Chair, Michael Giseleo a jacobin, Cardinal of Alexandria, and took upon him the name of Pius the 5. The first fruits of this year were very commendable, and if they had given hope of the like proceeding, the harvest had been very happy: but such as trust ●ot but upon good cautions, take not all kinds of money for payment, growing very suspicions, by reason of the conclusions taken in this voyage. 1566. To make it more glorious and less suspect, the King calls an assembly at Moulins, of the greatest personages of his Realm, as well for the government of justice, as for other causes concerning the good and quiet of the state, whereof followed that great volume of statutes, of the which they rightly say: That they were as just and holy, as ill observed. A 〈…〉 Those of the houses of Guise and Chastillon were called. The quarrel of Paris invited the Marshal of Montmorency. And the Admiral having purged himself by oath of the crime whereof they pretended him to be principal motive, (the King h●d already pronounced him innocent by his letters patents) the King, the Queen Mother, the Duke of 〈◊〉 brother to the King, the Cardinals of Bourbon, Lorraine and Guise, the Constable ●he Mar●shall of Bourdillon and Vielle-uille, the Bishops of Valence, Orleans, Lymoges, Ihou and Seguier first and second Precedents of Paris Dasis the first of Tolouse, Lagebaston of Bourdeaux, Truchon of Grenoble, le Feurs of D●●on, Fourneau the second Precedent of Provence, and many other Noblemen assembled to that effect: besides the above named Statutes, made a reconciliation betwixt the two houses, whereof followed embracings, protestations & promises, not to attempt any thing whatsoever against an other. But the issue will verify the saying: That there is no trust in a reconciled enemy. In the mean time the resolutions of B●yonne appeared manifestly: the moderations they made of the Edict: the insolencies they committed in many places with all impunity, the threats they gave the protestants amazed them on all sides. The Prince and Admiral were vigilant, observing the countenances of their enemies. The preparations of Spain against the Low Countries, made them to foresee that this enterprise would in like sort prejudice their partisans in France. The Prince of Roche sur-Yon had before his death discovered many particularities: they complained, that above three thousand persons had perished of violent deaths, sense the Edict, without any justice, and thei● complaints had no other satisfaction, but goodly words and gracious letters. To conclude, the winds (said they) which did blow at Bayonne, must needs cause a strange tempest. So the causes of their discontent were manifest and secret, and consisted in the dismanteling of some towns, to take from them the means, in the building of Citadels in some places of their exercise▪ in the ordinary murdering of their men, Causes of the Protestant's discontents. in the massacring of men of account without punishment, in the ordinary threats: That shortly they should not lift their heads so high: but especially in the levy of six thousand Swisses made under a feigned pretence, so guard the frontier against the coming of Don Fernand Aluares of Toledo, Duke of Alba, (who marched against the Protestants of the lo●e Country with a mighty army) whom notwithstanding they caused to enter ●●r within the realm, & by some letters intercepted, being sent from Rone and Spain, they had discovered many practices made for their destruction. And the intelligences they had from one in Court well affected (yet secretly) to their party: The 〈…〉 to 〈◊〉 That it was decreed in a secret Council to seize upon the Prince & Admiral, to put the one to death, and keep the other prisoner, at the same instant to bring two thousand Swisses into Paris, two thousand into Orleans, & the rest into Poitiers: & then by the abolishing of the last Edict, to establish one quite contrary. All these considerations made the chief heads resolve to stand upon their defence, & to observe fourething in this new taking of arms. To seize on ●ew towns but of importance. To bring a gallant army to field. To cut the Swisses in pieces, by whose favour the Catholics should be always masters of the field: & to chase the Cardinal of Lorraine from Court if they might, as the chief firebrand of t●e confusions which would consume the whole estate. Man purposeth, and God disposeth: and of many resolutions few have their desired end. The pleasure of God doth often disappoint the desseins of them which are most practised in knowledge valour, discourse, & wisdom: & some enterprises little or not at all premeditated, do o●ten fall out ve●y successfully. For the execution of the first point, divers considerations had made them to name three towns, Lions, Tolouse and Troyes. 1567. But a great desseine, imparted after the French manner to many mean person● 〈◊〉 uncapable of such actions, turn them easily into smoke. Not one of them that undertook the charge could effect it. For the second, the Protestants being first arme●, were in the beginning masters of the field, but within six weeks the Catholics forced the Prince and the Admiral to fly to the Germans, which the Duke john C●s●●er brought them, as we shall see. Their project against the Swisses was likewise di●co●●red, and the forces which should have met at an appointed day, failed in their ●●●●●dition. The fourth succeeded, but it imported least of all: but this separation 〈…〉 in show, and not in authority, nor credit. The King is much incensed against them. He was at Meaux, and prepared to solemnize the feast of Saint Michael, according to the custom of the Kings of 〈◊〉. The Prince approacheth with five hundred horse, and by this attempt forceth the ●ing to retire with some amazement to Paris, in the midst of six thousand Swisses, and a good number of horse, The retreat of Meaux. the which had been in danger, if a hundred and fifty horse coming out of Picardy, and the harquebusiers on horse back which attended the Prince, had arrived betwixt Paris and Meaux, at the day appointed. At the same time the Protestants party arm on all sides: and this general taking of arms unlocked for, with that bold enterprise upon the Swisses, and the taking of Orleans, Soissons, Auxe●re and some other places, had wonderfully amazed the Catholics. But that which augmented this alarum, the Prince being too weak, loath to engage himself in this forest of halberds, pikes and shot, went to lodge with his troops in Saint Denis, where some others arriving, in few days made up the number of two thousand horse, and four thousand shot. The beginning of the second troubles. The King assembles his troops, and had already ten thousand men. But this sudden approach to Paris might persuade them, that the Prince expected speedy and great forces, and that he had good intelligences in Court and at Paris. Paris was the chief object of his arms. The Pari●ens were not accustomed to fast taking their victuals from them▪ he hoped of two things to effect the one, either to force them to fight, or to draw his enemies to a more assured pacification then the first. To this end he sends d' Andelot with five hundred horse, towards Poissy and Pontoise, to seize upon the passages of Seine beneath Paris: and other troops to seize upon such places as were above the Town. Some companies were sent to join with the forces that came out of Guienne, who should come to Orleans, being lately surprised by la Nove. He and the Admiral with about eight hundred horse, and twelve hundred harquebusiers keep Saint Denis, and entrench Saint Owin and Auberuilliers, to courbe Paris on that side. But how could so many excellent Captains undertake so painful and vnlike●● a desseine? May an Ant assail an Elephant? How many mighty armies have in former times lost their labours, thinking to effect such an enterprise? To remain idle, had impaired their reputation. They were suddenly drawn into it, and they must for their honour's sake attempt that which occasion seemed to present unto them. Thei● 〈◊〉 being fresh and full of resolution, made difficult things easy. One thing only sta●ed the course of their prosperities. Such places as the Prince hoped to surprise upon Marne and Seine, (whether if he should be forced to abandon Saint Denis, he meant to retire himself and attend his Germains) there were two only seized on, Laigny and Montereau On the other side, the Constable, Lieutenant general for the King in this army resolved (having increased his troops) to force the enemy to fight. The great advantages he had, invited him unto it. He had fifteen or sixteen thousand foot, and two thousand Lances: he was furnished with artillery: he had a commodious place for a battle, and fit to lodge his troops and Cannon. The Parisiens' felt famine, and were much grieved to see such tenants in their farms. And many cried already against the Constable, as a great temporiser, and as firm a partisan to his Nephews, as to the King his Master. They were to blame: for he was no sooner advertised of the error the Prince had committed in dismembering the body of his army, as we have heard, The ba tail of Saint Denis. but he presently embraceth the occasion, ●ends seven or eight hundred Lances, followed with some s●ot for their retreat, to discover the certainty of the Protestants forces: and the next day, the x. of November, he goes to fie●d, with all his army, and gives him battle. The Constable's footmen, for the most, did little good, and the Princes very much. The horsemen on either side showed great resolution and courage. In the end the Protestants are forced from the place, and followed above half a quarter of a League, and it may be, but for the Constable's hurt, (whereof he died within few days after) they had been chased more hotly: but the night favoured their retreat, The Constable hurt whereof he died. and parted the battles. To conclude, the Catholics were masters of the field, and had the spoil of the dead: and by consequence the honour of the battle, the which shallbe blemished the next day with a great disgrace. This advantage seemed to invite the Catholics to perfect their victory the next day▪ but the loss of the Constable kept them within their walls. The Prince attended a second charge, not thinking his enemies would have taken it for a repulse▪ he therefore sends speedily for d' Andelot, who comes to Saint Denis at midnight, sorry to have lost his part of the banquet. Having rested a while, the Commanders conclude, to make an attempt to abate some of their adversaries glory, gotten the day before. They bring their small army to field, present themselves before the suburbs of Paris: stand there some hours in battle, burned a village & many wi●d●●lls, to urge them. But no man comes forth. They bury their dead, dress their hurt men. The Captains view their Cornets and companies, and will hazard no more. What should the Prince then do, being encamped before Paris with a few men? The loss of one man did import him more than a hundred of his enemies: and to stay there, was his ruin. He dislodgeth, marcheth to Montereau, and there augments his army with the forces that came to him from Orleans and Estampes. The death of this incomparable old man (but far more happy in his age, The Prince retreat. if he had shed his blood against the stranger, enemies to this Crown, the which he had so freely employed, during all the course of his life, and not against his Countrymen, yea against his own blood) gave the command of the royal army to Henry Duke of A ●ou the King's brother, a Prince of 16. years of age, upon whose head shall we see the Crown after his brother's decease. He sought the opportunity to fight: his elder Captains priest him forward, taking the Prince's retreat for a kind of flight, and grounding their advantage upon the great forces newly arrived of twelve hundred hor●e and two thousand foot led by the Comte Aremberg, one of the famous Captains of the Low Countries. Moreover, if the Protestants did join with their Reist●es, the war was like to continue long, or else to make the chance of a battle doubtful. But they dissuaded him weighing the importance of their general, and the constant resolution of the Contrary party: who (said they) had then no other Councillor but despair, and no other wealth or riches, but their arms and ho●ses. To withstand the levy of the Protestants Reistres, the Duke of Aumale was sent into Lorraine, to receive the forces which were brought to the King, by Duke john William of Saxony, the Marquis of Bade and other Commanders, and young Lansac, into Germany, to divert those of Duke john Cas●mir which were levied in the Prince's favour. The Prince had joined with the troops of Guienne and Poictou, consisting of eight Cornets of horse, and three regiments of foot, under six and twenty enseignes: and advancing towards Lorraine, he forceth Bray & Nogent upon Seine to open their gates, and to give him passage, and seizeth on Esparnay upon Marne, where he assembles the b●die of his army. Experience teacheth us now, that all policies and devices are allowed in war. A speech of peace. To cool the heat of such as fly to the aid of strangers, to stay them, and (it may be● to surprise them. Under this pretext, they begin to speak of a peace, in the which the chief of their party are employed: 1568. and the better to confer (said they) of the 〈◊〉. propounded, The trace broken. they agree upon two suspensions of arms, either being of three days. B●t whilst the Prince thought to enjoy the benefit thereof, he had almost fallen into a pitfall. The Duke of Anjou approached, and the Prince remained near unto Cha●lons, in a bad lodging far from his troops, & had i● not been for the rout of the Captains Bois, Blosset and Clery, defeated by the Earl of Brissac during the truce, the Prince hi●selfe had been in apparent danger. Misfortune is good for some thing. This fury of Brissacs' teacheth the Prince not to trust his enemy, but upon good assurance. And not withstanding the injuries of the air and the difficulties of the ways, leaving the Duke twenty great leagues beh●nde, he makes him to lose all desire to follow him, and goes on into Lorraine, to learn some news of his Reistres, the which he received at Pont a Mousson. From hence Duke john Casimir, the younger Son of Frederic Comte Palatin of Rhin, Elector of the Sacred Empire, being chief of this army, protests by writing unto the King before he enters into France, That he comes not for any profit of his own, or private respect: but only to assist those who afflicted for the same religion, had required his help. That if it please his Majesty to assure them liberty of conscience, and free exercise of their religion, he is ready to retire himself. Hereupon they renew the treaty of peace pretended the year before. The Queen Mother comes to Boisde Vincennes, accompanied with the Cardinals of Bourbon, Lorraine and Guise. For the Prince there came the Cardinal of Chastillon. He lets her understand: That to settle a peace in France, the King must receive all his subjects into grace, impart his favours and the offices of the realm indifferently unto them, and g●ue them convenient liberty of their religion. Katherine answers, that such matches are not to be allowed that the Prince and those of his party should before all things countermand their Reistres, lay down arms, and come and yield the King a reason of the enterprise of Meaux. The Cardinal replies, that they only defend themselves, that they oppose the●e succours to all sorts of strangers called in by the Catholics, and cannot send them back, but they must presently subject their throats to their enemy's swords: that they are ready to disarm when they shall see the Realm freed from Swisses▪ Flemings, Italians and Germans, which were come to spoil them, and matters restored to t●●ir former estate. The treaty of Peace tenued, but in urine. As for the enterprise of Meaux, their intention was only to 〈◊〉 the King (from whose presence the violence of their enemies deprived them of all access, but by force) to revoke that cruel sentence, which some determined to exec●te against all their party, being ready to prove by arms against all those that would maintain the contrary, That they had never any other will against their Sovereign, but as his most faithful and obedient subjects. During this negotiation, the Duke of Anjou sought for the commodity which he had lost to fight with the Prince, & the Prince received his strangers with a wonderful contentment to the whole army, fearing lest the heaviness of the Germans should make them attend long in Lorraine. They expected a hundred thousand Crowns at their entry, but they which had so suddenly drawn them to horseback, must have leisure to make money. At need they make a virtue of necessity. And what might not two Commanders, (whereof the one by his natural plesantness, and the other by his gravity, tempered the excessive choler of some, and the exceeding suspicion of others,) obtain of their men, amongst whom they had so great credit. The Prince by their example summons both great and small: the Ministers in their sermons move men, and the Captains prepare their soldiers. Every one contributes, some for zeal, some for love, some for fear, and some for shame of reproach. They gather, what in money, plate, chains, gold and jewels, some four score thousand franks, and by ●his voluntary liberality satisfy the first and greatest hunger of their Reistres. Being joined, the general opinion was to make war about Parisian apparent means to have a peace. Orleans was their Nurse, neither could they from any place else recover artillery, munition, and money, so commodiously. They therefore take the way to Beausse, & for their first beginning, they defeat some troops of Italians and French, that came to charge them in the rearward upon their passage of the river of Seine. They force Irancy, and pass over the rivers of Yone, Loing, and la Cure: they draw divers commodities from all the small towns opposite to their passage, always assailing and always assailed, and still with the loss of the one party or the other. Whilst this company (having the mighty army of the Duke of Anjou opposite unto them) marched into Beausse, they fall to arms in other parts in favour of their party. A●sier, Sipierre, and others in Languedoc, Provence, Dau●phiné, and Gasconye, make divers assemblies, seize upon Nismes, Mon●pellier, and many other places. Poncenat and Verbelay, leau●e troops in Bourbonois and Auvergne, whereas the forces of Guyenne which marched towards the Duke of Anjou, encounters them, breaks them, and for that time make their attempts fruitless. Moreover the Duke of Nevers, with an army of fourteen thousand French, Swisses, and Italians, besieged Mascon, battered it, and took it by composition, but being encountered by four score horse, and some foot, issued out of Antrain, under the commands of Captains Beawais and Bourgoin, as he advanced with a hundred horse, to go see the Duchess his wife, he was shot in the knee with a Harguebuse, which made him lame all the remainder of his life. Montluc Pons, the Bishop of Tulles, and many other Catholics in Guyenne, being followed with four thousand and foot, and seven hundred horse, surprise and kill about four hundred men, spoil the Isle of Ré, attempt to besiege Rochel: but too long delays makes their design stuitlesse. In the mean time, the viscounts, Mowans, Rapine and other Protestants, advanced with seven or eight thousand men, of the bands of Gasconie, Provence, Daulphiné and Languedoc. S. Heran Governor of Auvergne, S. Chaumont, Gordes, Vrfé, the Bishop of Puy, Hautefeville, Bresie●x and others, assemble a troop to stop their passage, and run as to a certain victory, for bidding expressly all the neighbour Towns, Not to receive any one that flies, what liu●rie so ever he bears. The which shall cost them fall dear. The Vi●ountes charge these horsemen, kill a great number, and of the chief upon the place: put the rest in rout, and makes them seek their safety by flight. But the peasant's armed with the former prohibition, know no man, neither do they spare any man, and make of their countrymen as great a slaughter as the victor did, and by this indiscreet stratagem, open the way for the viscounts to recover Orleans. Being arrived, they stay the inroads which Martinenghe, Richelieu and others made, even to the gates of Orleans: they take Baugency, attempt Blois, and take it by composition. The Gascons do not easily forget their hands, and the soldiers of Richelieu, who was retired thither, could not free themselves from the sword. Hereupon the Prince's army comes into Beausse. Chartres besieged. Chartres is one of the chief storehouses of corn for Paris, and being taken, would much avail the Protestants. Liquieres was made governor for the King there, with two and twenty companies, fortified upon fear of a siege, with a regiment of foot. The Prince besiegeth and batters it, but to small purpose: five Canons, and four small Culverins prevailed little against so many men of war, being entrenched with great advantage. They found out a place of small strength, where a breach gave hope of victory: but the Lord of valet, a great Ca●taine, comes to secure the besieged, with eighteen Cornets of horse. The Admiral is advertised: and not to fail of his prey, he made choice of three thousand five hundred horse, marcheth towards them, chargeth valet, overthrows part of his troops, carries away four Cornets, and puts the rest to flight. The Duke of Anjou encamped beyond Seine, and loath to hazard a battle, left Chartres in apparent danger. But Katherine knew how (for so she did usually vaunt) with three sheets of paper, to effect more than her warriors with their arms. A good peace was no less necessary than desired. The Protestants did generally believe, that the Catholics would disarm with them, and the Nobility were particularly moved with a great desire to see their houses: it is a desire whereof we can hardly stay the effects, in them that are voluntaries) Many whole Cornets had 〈◊〉 die taken the way of Xaintonge and Pottou, they would not lose the ●eason o●●●eir Vines: many other pretend, the sacking of their houses, where their presence was necessary: the footmen of some countries lying farthest off, slipped away daily, their p●●s●s were empty, and no man paid. It was in March, when as armies are accustomed to go to field, and their French forces decreasing visibly, had dr●uen them in short time to stand upon their defence: their enemies were whole and strong. To divide their strangers into towns, were to dismember themselves. These considerations and others, made the heads of the Protestants to accept of a second 〈◊〉 of Pacification, concluded in Loniumeau, saying: That those of the pretended reform religion, A second peace. should purely and simply enjoy the first Edict, and that it should be execu●●● according to the tenor, notwithstanding all restrictions, modifications, interpretations, and declarations m●de since the day of the date thereof, until the publication of this second declaration made ●he 23. day of March. T●i● counter●●it peace carried john Casimir with all his forces home into Cermanie: the Prince, and the Admiral, with all those of his party, retire every man to his home. But divers breaches of this Edict, did suddenly open the gate to the third civil wars: and whilst that every one imputes the cause of this sudden ●eprisall of arms to his enemy, the effects fall both upon good and evil. The Catholics grounded their discontents, for that in any Towns refused the restraint made by this last Edict. Sancerre, Mantauban, and other Towns of Querry▪ Vi●arets, Dauphin, Languedoc, Discontentment's o● the Catholics. and e●se where, would not absolutely submit themselves to hi● Majesty's good pleasure. Rochel refused to receive the garrison sent by Iarn●c their ancient governor: they continued their fortifications before begun, neither did they restore the Catholics to their offices, goods, nor religion: they armed out ships to keep the s●as, without the King's allowance. They refused the aid and subvention, w●ich his Majesty required for the affairs of his realm. Many Captains (without the King's Commission) lead Soldiers to the Prince of Orange, against the D●ke of Alba, to draw afterwards (said they) the Protestants of ●landers into France, and jointly to oppress the Catholic religion. T●e Protestants on the other side complained▪ That in steed of enjoying the 〈◊〉 and liberty of their consciences, The complain s of the Protestant's. they gave them declarations under t●e King's authority, to hinder the exercise of their religion: That having dismissed thei● 〈◊〉 b●th strangers and French, with the least oppression of the people that might be; and ●●liue●ed into the King's hands the Towns and strong places which they held 〈◊〉 they rece●ued the Swisses, they entertained many companies of Italians, they did distribute their horse and ●oote into such Towns as did most import the Protestants, Tours▪ Orleans, Amiens, and others, to the end (said they) to take them l●ke partridges in a Net, being retired to their houses. ●hat they sued in the Court of Rome 〈◊〉 leave to sell the temporal lands of the French Clergy, to the value of a hundred and fifty thousand Frankes a year, the money to be ●mployed to the rooting out of their party. That this counterfeit peace ruined more of their men, than the rigours of war. That they guarded towns, bridges, and passages of rivers. These grudge were openly published, when as an other occasion makes them both speak alo●d, and to take arms. Practices to surprise the Prince and Admerall. In a manner all the Duke of Anious horse stayed about Paris, with fi●e or six thousand foot, under colour to fortify the guards of the King, the Queen mother, his brethren, & the capital City: and Tavannes' sent towards Bourgongne with many companies, made them suspect that it was to beset and surprise the prince at Noyers', a little & weak town of his own, & the Admiral at Tanlay, a Cast●e belonging to his brother d' Andelot. Some acquainted with this practice give them ad●ice▪ they complain to the King of the injustice is done them, beseeching his majesty to quench the fires kindled in his realm by the factions of the Guisiens', & to free themselves they take Rochel for their sanctuary. This brave prey being thus escaped, Katherine and the faction ●end forth comissions, and appoint the rendezvous for the troops in Guyenne and Poi●ou. The Duke of An●ou prepares: and for a revenge of Meaux, he chaseth away the Protestants. The Queen of Navarre, accompanied with three regiments of foot, and eight Cornets o● light horse, (notwithstanding the endeavours of Escars and Mon●luc,) retires to Rochel with the Prince her son, (at this day our most Christian King Hen●y the fourth,) and the Princess her Daughter. The Cardinal of Chasti●lon is forced to leave Bea●●oi●in, and to save himself in a small Bark in England. The Nobility of Poi●ou arm with the first, and repair to Rochel. The Earl of Rochefoucault was armed some days before. D'Andelot marched with a thousand good horse, and two thousand shot, gathered together in the confines of main and Britain. The ●rotes●a●t●●●me. The Duke of Martigues, governor of Britain, going with three hundred Lances, and five hundred brave shot, to Saumur, to the Duke M●ntpensier, he is aduerti●ed that many of the enemy's troops are lodged in his way. He ●ends to discover them, and finding them lodged at large, after the French manner, passeth bravely through them, with the loss but of twenty men, and with the gain of an Ensign, and the slaughter of above four score of his enemies: and recovers Saumur, whilst that D' Andelot, la None, and other Commanders, joined with the Prince. If the Dukes of Anjou, Montpensier and Martigues, who assembled men from all parts to oppose a mighty army against the Protestants, had in time foreseen, that those which dislodged in so great haste, went to seek their fortunes a far off, and had sought to cross their designs: the Prince & all his part had in all shows been cooped up in Rochel. But behold, of poor vagabonds, in two months they become masters of Niort, Fontenay, S. Maixent, Xaint●s, S. jead d' Angely, Pons, Cognac, Blay, Angoul●sme, and are strong enough for the continuance of a long war. While the Duke's arm, the King gins the war against the Protestants by the Pen. He declares by his proclamation, that the Edict of januarie had been but provisional, until he were of full age: The King makes a Proclamation against the Protestant's. that now he forbids all exercise of the pretended reformed religion, in all the territories of his obedience: forfeits both the bodies and goods of them that shall break it: commands all Ministers upon penalties, to departed the realm within fifteen days. And by another, he suspends all officers making profession thereof, from their offices and charges, commanding them to resign them into his hands within fifteen days. The Protestants make their profit of these Edicts, and send them into Germany, England, and to the Swisses of their religion, to prove, That they are not pursued as rebels affecting the Crown, (crimes by the which their enemies would make them odious.) And in truth these Edicts were spurs to hasten the League, which the Duke of Deuxponts shall bring the next year, and for the heads of Daulphiné, Provence and Languedoc, to go and oppose the forces of the said Provinces against the King's army, which was ready to fall upon the prince. To this end, Acier, Mowans, Pierre Gourd, and others, draw forth sixteen of seventeen thousand shot, but few horse: seeming with this multitude of men to have unpeopled all that climate. But as they did fortify the prince's affairs on the one side, they did weaken them on the other: for after their departure, the Catholics seized upon many places, the which they might well have held, lodging half their forces in them, then marching in troop close and speedily, they might have arrived safe, where their presence was most profitable and necessary. But the presumption of equality, doth commonly engender a pernicious jealousy among great men: and the opinion one conceives of his forces, and of his own valour, with an obstinacy not to yield unto another, is a dangerous plague in an army. Monuans and Pierre Gourd defeated and slain. Mou●ans & Pierre Gourd▪ finding themselves annoyed by strait lodging, as they had done till they came near to Perigueux, they mean to lie more at large at Mensignac, not discovering that the Duke of Montpensien approached, who at his arrival puts in rout two regiments, and kills a thousand soldiers at their Colonel's feet: who selling their lives dearly, so tire the Duke's troops, as they could not charge Acier▪ yet they were amazed by the fearful report of such as were escaped, who made the Duke's forces exceeding great, beyond all truth, who retiring to Chasteleraud▪ made the way ope● for Aciers troops, which remained of this sh●pwrack, to fortify the 〈◊〉 a●mie▪ and to make it able, not one●y to end●re t●e shock, but to attempt 〈◊〉 thing ●gainst the Catholics. The Prince did m●ster in h●s army above 〈◊〉 thousand Harquebusiers, and t●●●e t●ousand good horse. The D●ke had ten t●●●sand foot, beside Swisses, and ●oure thousand Lances: the Soldiers of both a●mi●s were well experienced in war●e. He that takes not the French 〈◊〉 their first heat, they are easily broken: the 〈◊〉 ●●news of war failing, might greatly cool this new vigour▪ and Winter approaching, withdraw the greatest pa●t of them. The Prince therefore seeks to fight t●e number and courage of his men inuit●● him. He comes within two League● o● C●●stelleraud, and by his approach annoys the Duke of Anjou. The Duke moved wit● t●e like desire, and grieved to see so many men at the Prince's devotion: knowing also that the forces of German●e would be ready to M●●che in their favour in the S●ring, seeks to divide his enemies power, and to overcome them by piecemeal. 〈…〉, motion's are sudden, but they do not always bring forth effects premeditated. To come to a battle, was properly to cut away the sinews of the realm, 〈…〉 mutual weakening, to invite t●e foreign enemy to the in●●sion of this estate. T●e sovereign commander of battles, did show at this tim● a sign of his 〈◊〉 favour to this Crown, taking f●om b●th the Generals the sharpness of thei●●●●gements, and to lose in one day a notable occasion for either of them to 〈◊〉 against his enemy, as ●e shall he●re. The Prince had intelligence ●hat the D●ke camped in a place of advantage; under the favour of a meadow, entrenched in diuer● places: so not able to 〈…〉 to ●ight, he dislodgeth, and goes towards Lusig●an. The Duke takes the same cou●se, ●●d one not acquainted with the others 〈◊〉, the Marshals of both Camps meet in a manner at ●ne instant, at Pamprou, five leagues f●om Poi●iers, a great vil●a●e, furnished with victuals, and in a very good country. T●ey ch●●e and rechase o●e an●ther, but loath to dispute this Rendezvous with more hazard, they both leave i● (ye● with an honourable retreat of either side) to p●t themselves in battle, a qu●●te● of a league from the place. They ●ncou●●er 〈…〉 ●l●ugh●er. T●e Admiral and d' Andelot his brother, supported their men with five 〈…〉 ●orse, set in order upon a small hill, to krepe the Catholics from viewing of t●e 〈◊〉, a●d to give them some apprehension o● greater forces lodged th●re. T●e Pr●nc●●as a League from thence, and advanced with great speed. On the Duke's part t●ere appeared seven or e●ght hundred Lances, commanded by the D●ke of Martigues. 〈◊〉, approached within Canon sho●t, the Admiral causeth a Captain of 〈◊〉 to advance alongst a hedge▪ who more vali●nt than discreet, falls presently to 〈◊〉, a●d 〈…〉 to second them. M●rtigues thinks that they mean to fight, and ●ends forth three or four squadron● of lancers: The Admiral and 〈◊〉 brother gri●●ed they had not prevented the indiscretion of their Captain, 〈◊〉 them to fight 〈◊〉, and contrary to their charge, calls b●ck the 〈◊〉, and with 〈…〉 countenance▪ covers the weakness of their tro●pe●. portuguese taking a troop of servants for a battailon of Harquebusiers which a●peere● behind a village, st●●es his Lancie●●, and for want of footmen, loseth the 〈◊〉 to fight. In the 〈◊〉 ti●e the en●●ignes of foot, and troops of horse arri●e 〈…〉 parts: A politic stratagem. the night approaching gave them leisure only to skirmish with the Duke 〈◊〉 An●ous Forward. The D●●es Fore●ard was too weak to endure the shock: the Commanders devise a policy, whereby they persuade the enemy, through favour of t●e night, that all their forces were present: their drums sound after the Swisses 〈◊〉, they double their gard●, m●ke great ●i●es, cast many matches amongst the 〈…〉 men close without any skirmish, lest some prisoner should discover the 〈◊〉, & ●●ter they had refreshed themselves, they dislodge without any noise, some marching to jasenneil, where the Duke lodged with the battle, the rest to the village of San●y. So ●●ding one another in suspense, they lose the opportunity of a great advantage, the 〈…〉 the Duke, the second in the Prince. Man's counsel without God prevails nothing, and The actions of great men, are in his power, as those of the meanest. So saith the Oracle. For, the next day many things chanced more by hazard then by counsel. This retreat gives them courage to fi●ht: to this end, the Admiral follows them at the heels, and the Prince marcheth after. There were two ways, one led to Sans●y, the other to jasenueil. At the break of day there riseth a great mist, which causeth the Prince to stray: after he had marched t●o leagues, he finds himself in the front of the Duke's army. Necessity gives him resolution: he puts his Harquebuziers before, which were above twelve thousand, and forced to make some show of fight: salutes the Duke with his Canon, skirmishes with civers vollees of shot, sends to learn news of his forward, and wills the Admiral to make haste. He had already turned head upon the discharge of the Canon; but the Sun setting at his arrival, preventing a general fight, caused all to pass in sharp skirmishes, with loss on either side: and after a days breathing, either part retired, the Duke to Poitiers, the Prince to Mirebeau. Few days after, they both return to their first resolution to fight. The Duke goes to field, & recovers Mir●beau. Few days after, they both return to their first resolution to fight. The Duke goes to field and recovers Mirebeau. But he doth not observe the composition, & gives d' Andelot cause for a revenge, to cut in pieces the garrison he finds in S. Florent, an Abbey near unto Saumur. The Prince held Loudun. It was in the Duke's way, and enjoying it, he held a fertile country from his enemies, which might feed his Army a month together: and there w●s no reason, the Prince should hazard his forces for the keeping of a weak place. The Duke approacheth: the next day he hath news that the Prince puts his Army in b●ttai●e alongst the suburbs: he likewise arangeth his: the Canon plays on both si●es, and passeth through their squadrons, doing some harm. Above forty thousand m●n, almost all French, beheld one another in the midst of a champion field: without any advantage, and with an equal courage and countenance, attend but the sign of battle. But the outward cold did quench much of this inward heat: the frosts were great, continual mists, and the ways so slippery, as no man could hold his footing. It ●as dangerous for the first that charged; the slippery ways stayed their horses, and the main ditches (made to divide their lands) served them as trenches. So as either of them being loath to hazard any thing, stands firm, beholding one another, expecting when the most rash should begin the charge. Such as go to the skirmish, either break or put some member out of joint: their falls hurt more than the shot. Three days pass in this sort▪ the fourth the Duke retires to warm his troops benumbed with cold, and for the most part lodged in the open air (of twenty years there had not been felt so sharp a winter) in his retreat three companies were cut o●● in a village, one of Swisses, and two of French, and the sickness fal●ing amongst the Soldiers, diminished both the armies of eight thousand men. This fruitless abode caused a general murmur, and both Nobility and Soldiers on either party did threaten, if t●ey were not lodged in safe and well fortified places, they would provide for themselves, not able to endure the extreme frosts and cold without any effects. The two Commanders agree. The Duke goes to winter beyond the river of Loire, about Saumur, and the Prince at Thovars, Monstrue●l-Bellay, and places thereabouts, either having some secret practice against his enemy, but with small effect. This retreat gave the Prince leisure to deui●e means for the maintenance of the war. Succours of money and munition from E●gland. The goods of the Clergy of Poitou were engaged, and sold to them that durst buy them: the R●chelois contribute four 〈◊〉 tho●●and Frankes, and the Queen of England se●t a hu●dred thousand Ange●s, six Canons, powder and shot, for the which she was 〈◊〉 in Sa●t, wol, and Bel●-mettall, for the most part at the catholics cost. The Abbey of S. Michael alone, amongst all the other places of base Poitou, bridled t●e protestant's. They besiege it, batter it, and take it at the third assault, Sancerre besieged. and cut four 〈◊〉 five ●undred men in pieces which defended it. Martinengues, Entragues and la 〈◊〉 governors of Gyen, Orleans, and Bourges, besiege Sancerre, give many assaults, lose many men, and finally tired with many sallies, leave this small Town in qu●●t, to be hereafter a mirror of singular patience, in the preservation of their lives and families. B●t those of Sancerre, seeking to in large themselves, & to build a fort upon Loire, su●fer themselves to be surprised, lose both fort and some fifty men, and are enforced to shut themselves within their walls. During the sharpness of winter, and this small surceasing of arms, the Vicomtes of Bourniquet, Montclar, Paulin, Gourdon and others, with seven thousand shot, and some horse, made war, especially against them of Tholouse. Montauban was the●r chief retreat, and experience had lately taught them: That it were better to defend this Province and their countrymen, against Montluc and their enemies, then transporting their arms into a strange country, to leave them again in prey. Piles was commanded, to persuade them to join with the Prince. At their refusal, he arms twe●ue hundred shot, and two hundred horse, takes Bergerac and S. Foy: passeth into Perigord, burning all the villages: and to purge the death of Mowans and Pierre Gourd, he kills all that were suspected of their overthrow: and so he marcheth towards the Prince. The Prince had now taken breath, and hearing that the Duke marched towards Angoulesme, fortified with three thousand foot, and some horse, which the Earl of tend brought him, and two thousand Reisters' led by the Reingrave and Bas●ompierre, he retires along the river of Charant, to view the Duke's countenance, and to fort●fie the places of his obedience: but with the prejudice of his army. The Duke comes likewise to Chasteauneuf, a town upon the river of Charente, and at the first takes a Cas●●e by composition, which was kept by a Scottishman. The Admiral likewise arrives, followed with seven or eight hundred horse, and as many harguebusiers: and to hinder the Duke's passage, he lodgeth two regiments of foot near unto the bridge, seconded by the horse: charging them, to vex the enemy's guards, with continual alarms: to make them thinks that all the Prince's vanguard was lodged there, and then he retires to Bassac, with the rest of the vanguard. But this commandment wrought no effect. They had forgotten the manner of camping, every one would lodge, live, and forage at his ease: so as the most part going to quarter elsewhere, and leaving the passage unfurnished of men, make the possession easy for the Duke. The Duke, through the care of the Lord of Byron, repairs the bridge: makes an other of boats, and in the night passeth the river of Charente. At the break of day, fi●tye horse being in guard, a quarter of a league off, discover the enemy's troops that passed, and advertise the Admiral: (the Prince being a league beyond at jarnac) the Admiral sends for his men dispersed in their lodgings, to come unto him, and to make their retreat together, & in the mean time, he attended them at Bassac. In a great action, all delays are dangerous. He spends three hours to attend them, and might easily have retired, if his troops had been joined. He had nine Cornets of horse, and some Enseignes of foot. Montgomerie, Acier and Puu●ault were Colonels, whom he was loath to lose. Being all joined with him (except Acier, who could not arrive in time with his six thousand shot) he finds all the Duke's army past, making show by their skirmishes, that that day, being the thirteenth of March, should not pass without a battle. The Prince was advanced half a league in his retreat, but he was too well bred, to see his fri●nds engaged, and to fight in his absence. He turns head towards the Admiral, with those few horse he could suddenly draw out off his battle: The ●attell of 〈◊〉. for he camped not, but his army dispersed into quarters. The Admiral making his retreat, encounters a small river, which could not be passed, but in two or three places. Then the Duke sends forth the flower of all his horse, being seven or eight hundred, who at the first overthrow four Cornets, take la Nouë and la Love, fight, vanquish Pu●iault, charge d'Andelot, but with the death of Monsalez, and fifteen or sixteen others of account. In the end, 1569. the Prince and the Admiral see themselves in a manner engaged betwixt all the Duke's forces and the river of Charente: they go to the charge, first the Admiral and then the Prince, and at the first make them turn their backs that were before them: and now they endured a second charge, more fierce and of longer continuance. But suddenly all the army falls upon them, their horsemen are in rout, the Prince's horse slain, he overcast under him, abandoned by his troops and prisoner to the Lord of Argence, to whom he had yielded, but he was shot in the head with a pistol by Montesquiou a Gascon and Captain of the Prince's guards. A lesson for great men▪ The P●i ce o Con●● 〈◊〉 and a maxim of war: That a general should not fight, but being forced, for that in the loss of his person consists the ruin of his army. This Prince hath le●t t●is memory of him, to have yielded to no man of his age, neither in courage nor courtesy, eloquent in speech, liberal, affable to all the world, and a most excellent commander in war. The Protestants lost in this battle near four hundred men, most horsemen, & 〈◊〉 foot: men of account, la Tour a poitevin Captain of Marine: young Ch●steliers, ●orta●t, Chandenier, Mesanchere, ●randaniere, the eldest of the Bessons, the ●o●●er of Taba●riere▪ Barrete, la Mesleraye and a great number of other gentlemen of 〈◊〉 Provinces, many wounded, and many prisoners: the amazement and disorder being so great, as they could not fly fast enough. Of Catholics there died about two hund●ed, amongst the which were Monsalez, the Barons of Ingrand, and Prun●y of the house of Billy, the Earl of Mirande, of Morete, Moncanure, Linieres, and some ot●er of ma●ke. Many Protestants would have gathered together again: but they pursued them too near, and the Reis●res arriving in the pursuit, so hastened them that fled, as night surprised them in the midst of their flight. The Admiral and d' Andelot not able to pacify the amazement, nor repair the disorder, took their way towards Saint jan d' Angely, and gave the rendezvous for them that escaped at Xaintes, whether t●e young Princes of Navarre and Condé were retired. The body of the army was entered into Cognac. The footmen with their Commanders, Acier, Beaudiné, Blacons, Chellar, Mirabell and many others, and of the horse Montgommery, Chaumont and others. To dislodge them from Cognac, the victorious Duke sends to besiege it: but his attempts against Cognac, his intelligences within Saint ●an d' Angely, and his fruitless threats that he used against Angoulesme, stayed the cour●e of his victory. In the mean time the Protestants gather together the pieces of this shipwreck: the Admiral led the Princes to Tonay-Charente, he took view of the horse: Henry Prince of Navarre was declared general, and Henry Prince of Condé an assistant, four thousand masters took the oath, d'Andelot gathers the footmen together, provided for money, and stayed the enemy's courses, when as a burning fever took him out of this world the seven and twentieth day of May, in Xaintes, d' Andelot dies. leaving for ever a surname purchased by him of a Knight without fear. Acier did succeed him in his charge, Be●uu●is la Nocle had his company of men at arms, but the Admiral the care and government of the whole army, with the managing of the chief affairs which concerned the protestants estate. The Duke's army did overrun Xaintonge, A●goulmois and Limosin, under the conduct of the Earl Brissac Colonnel of the Infantry of France, Having recovered Aubeterre and some other places from the protestants, he attempts Mucidan, being vigorously battered and valiantly defended. In the end it is burnt to ashes, the Castle endures some assaults, the most worthy men of the regiments of Brissac, Monluc and Escars lose their lives there, and finally Brissac himself approaching to view the breach and the defences, Count Briss●● slain at Mucidan. is shot into the head and slain upon the counterscarpe, leaving a wonderful grief to them that knew him, being now but five or six and twenty years old, and might in time have proved one of the valiantest and greatest Captains of his age. Yet necessity forced the besieged to a composition, to departed with bag and baggage. But the impatien● 〈◊〉 have lost their Colonnels, and so many brave soldiers, made most of them to be 〈◊〉, issuing out of their walls. ●iles recompensed this loss by the taking of 〈…〉 Medoc betwixt Bourdeaux and Rochel, the spoil whereof enriched all his troop. 〈◊〉 Vuolfgang Comte Palatin of Rhin and Duke of Deuxponts, The Duke of Deuxponts in F●ance. b●ought unto the Prince's, ●bout six thousand Reistres and five thousand Lansquenets. Civil wars al●ayes make the way open to a neighbour stranger, the which he durst not attempt without the support of one party. The difficulty was to join with the Princes being far of● and without a French convoie, it could hardly be done: but see what chanceth unlooked for. Movy, ●enlis, Moruilliers, Fequieres, Estrenay and others, had in the beginning off this third incivill war, assembled five or six hundred horse, and two thousand harquebusiers, whom the difficulty to pass into Guyenne had transported into Brab●nt ●o the Prince of Auranges': the Comte Lodowick his brother, and Comte Volrad of Mars●l●, who having for a time entertained the war with a va●iable success against the ●●●niard, passed the Meuze, and offered battle to the Duke of Alba: but he sought 〈◊〉 to consume them for want of victuals, whereof they were so scanted, as necessity ca●ting them back into France, they came to Vitry, and so struck up into Germany, and by their arrival gave vuolfgang the help he desired. We must now begin anew. The Duke of Anjou leaves Guyenne, and takes the way of Berry, to keep the Duke of Deuxponts from joining with the Princes: but it had been better to have prevented his entry into the Realm. To th●s end, the King commits two armies, the one to the Duke of Aumale, the other to the Duke of ●emour● (neither of them being very fortunate in war) both strong in footmen, but weaker in horse then the german. They advance unto Sauerne: coast the german Duke, who crossed through Bourgongne, press him on the flanks and behind with sundry skirmishes, and often times encounter goodly and favourable occasions, w●i●h they let slip for want of judgement, and good correspondency, the true bond of the bravest exploits that may be practised in war. But was it not a want of judgement in these two great Commanders, fortified with t●elue hundred horse and four thousand ●oote sent by the Pope, to leave la Charité unfurnished of men, knowing well that the Protestants could not pass the river of Loire, without getting by force or surprising some of the passages thereo●. Vuolfgang attempts la Charité, La 〈◊〉 tak●n by the German. presseth it, terrefies it and takes it, before that any succours can come, and thereby shortens his way above three score Leagues, where he must have passed at the head of Loire, and frees himself from a passage full of wood and mountains, where as the horsemen would have been but an encumbrance. The Admiral could by no means favour these succours (for he had the Duke of Anious army in front) and holding it as a matter impossible for the Rei●●res to get a passage upon the river of Loire, he attended hourly news of their ●●ute. But advertised of the success: Behold (said he) a good sign: let us make it absolute ●y our diligence and resolution. So the Princes advance towards the marches of Limosin, to keep the Duke's army occupied, whilst that their Reistres marching through t●e Country performed the funerals of the Duke of Deuxponts, The Duke of Deu●pon●s di●s. who being lately deceased of anague, left the command of the army to the Earl of Mansfield, and in the end of june both the Protestant armies joined, the which united together made above five and twenty thousand fight men: and in the Kings, they numbered above thirty thousand. The Country of Limosin is unfruitful, and the sterility of the soil forced the troops to lie dispersed, the which might easily cause some surp rise: but the Admiral desired rather to prevent, then be prevented. The Duke's army camped at Rocheabeille. To surprise him, they march resolute to give him battle, and are in view of the enemy before he hath taken any alarm of them. T●●ee ●●nd●ed harg●●busiers of Colonel S●rosses kept the principal approach to this 〈…〉 being strong both by si●●ation and nature▪ and happy were 〈◊〉 to b● 〈…〉 of defence. At the fi●st b●unt S●r●ssy relieves them with ●i●e 〈…〉 who the space of an hour held good ●gainst four tho●sand of the Prince's 〈…〉 D●kes army was put in battle. This passage being uneasy to ●orce▪ 〈…〉 ends forth four Cornets o● horse, which renew the char●e: they 〈◊〉 up certa●ne pa●●●●does whic● covered Strossys regiments, kill two a●d twe●ti● 〈◊〉, and five or six hundred men upon the place: take their Colo●ne●l (wi●●ou● wh●●e resist●nce t●e Princes forward had passed even unto the Canon without any let) put t●e rest ●o flight, and nothing but the rain that fell, hindered 〈…〉 great ●i●torie, ●he w●ich was continued the next day by a sk●rm●sh against 〈…〉 Italians, and some horsemen of the D●ke of Nemours, whereof 〈…〉, to 〈◊〉 others, and chased the rest▪ being mounted upon horses of advantage fit ●or 〈◊〉 a retreat. After this encounter, the Duke sent to refresh his troops until t●e beginning of October, in the garrisons near to Guyenne: gi●ing ●he Princes by t●i● 〈…〉 to seize v●on many places, both by force and composition. 〈…〉, Brantonne, Chasteau l' Eu●●que, la Chapelle, Confolant, Chabannes, S. 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉. Whilst the Duke rested, the Earl of Lude, governor of Poictou, 〈…〉 but more in word, then in effects. He had five thousand foot, and 〈…〉 h●rse, whereof he had sour overthrown by la Nou●, near unto Niort: the 〈◊〉 absence encouraged him to besiege Niort: where Pu●ia●lt entered in despite 〈◊〉 assailants: he sustained three assaults and some scaladoes, forcing Lu●e a●ter the 〈◊〉 o●●iue hundred men, to ●●ise the siege. In the mean time the Princes approached to Poictou, and at the first had taken Ch●s●l●raud by composis i●n, the 12. of Iu●y, and the 21. following, Luxigna● 〈…〉 ●iuonne, and other small places about Poitiers, to cut o●● victua●ls ●rom ●he to 〈◊〉. At the same time, the subjects of the Queen of Navarre, had their 〈…〉. Terride, Governor of Quercy, had accepted the Commission, to summ●● 〈…〉 Queen, and the Prince ●er ●onne, to leave the party of the pretended 〈…〉: if not to invade the Countries of Bearn, Foix, and Naua●re, So 〈…〉 with Negrepelisse, Saint Colombe and others, he had easily 〈…〉 to the King's obedience, and held Navarin besieged, the only strong place that remained to the Queen. ●●e Princes ●end the Earl of Montgommery to encounter him, who 〈…〉 army of five hundred horse, and ●oure thousand foot, forced 〈…〉 siege, and to retire himself into Orth●z. His men were dis●e●sed, and 〈…〉 from gathering them together, the ●arle pursues him, beseegeth him, 〈…〉, and forceth the town, makes a great slaughter: and to beat 〈…〉 arms, he suddenly plants the Canon he found in the town against 〈…〉 vanquished with these terrible stratagems, yields upon composition, to 〈◊〉 with their lives and goods: saint Colombe, the Baron of Pordiac, Goh●s, 〈◊〉, and som● other of the Queen's subjects, were excepted in the 〈…〉 guilty of treason, (having seized upon her places, ●nd st●rred her subjects to 〈◊〉) we●e put to death. This resolute repulse of Terride, and the execution 〈…〉, d●d suddenly reduce all the other places to the Queen's obedience, & 〈…〉 having manned the towns of his new conquests, came to Ner●c, made 〈…〉 garrisons▪ & so came to the Prince's army. Let us see the 〈…〉 la Charité gave the Protestants means to annoy the provinces 〈◊〉 side Loi●e, & taking this place from them, than the Duke of Aum●le should 〈…〉 commodity, to refresh his army. To this end, he appoint, 〈…〉 of such importance. Yet he gathers together out 〈…〉 Orleans, surges Chartrés, Nevers, Gi●n and other Towns, 〈…〉 six hu●dred horse, beseegeth la Chari●é, being yet b●t we●k●y 〈◊〉, changeth and rechangeth his battery, overthrows a great part of the wall, and 〈◊〉 to the assault, the which was so resolutely defended, that of a hundred of the 〈…〉 scarce five return to the Camp: and upon a false brute, that the Princes came to ●●ccour it, the beseegers display their enseignes, and without any farther inquiry, recover their garrisons, after a months siege, & the loss of above a hundred men. Wit●i● few days after, Blosset, Boys, and others disbanded from the Camp to visit their families, fortify the Town, spoil the Country, and by the taking of Douzy, Povilly, Antrain, S. Leonard, and other small Towns, they made the way open to Berry, Nivernoys, and the neighbour Countries. The siege of Poitiers was less fatal, and of as small success for the Protestants. The Admiral held opinion to force S. Maxent, Poitiers besieged. than Saumur, and to fortify it speedily, to have a passage upon the river of Loire near unto them, and to transport the wa● towards Paris in the time of harvest. Poitiers was then very well furnished: the Dukes of Guise and of main had put themselves into it: many Captains, and companies both of horse and foot showed a great resolution for the defence thereof, under the enseigns of the two young brethren: these great and spacious Towns being commonly the sepulchre of arms. Yet all these reasons were of no force. The Nobility thereabouts preferring profit before honour. urged the contrary: That Poitiers was indeed strong of men, but weak of defence, and to be forced: that this place taken, would be the conquest of all Poictou, a rich Province, the which would disappoint the Duke of Anjou of an assured retreat. But the hope of spoil was an enticing bait to draw them unto it: for the more men are within it (said the Nobility) the greater shall our booty be. Yet the respect of their private profits made them forget the constant resolution of such as had undertaken to guard it, the great means they had to defend themselves, and their small provision of artillery, munition, pioneers, and other thing necessary for the siege. In the end, plurality of voices carries it. The Princes lose some weeks before Poitiers. The Town is commanded by hills, which annoyed them much: but their slow battery gives them time to fortify the breach, and force the assailants to make new attempts elsewhere, and with the like success. Hunger oppressed the Citizens, having lost many Captains, with a great number of soldiers: and the plague afflicted the Prince's Camp▪ those within find a good means for their liberty: and the Princes an ho●est cause to dislodge. The Duke of Anjou understanding the extremity of the besieged, and that the Protestants army began todissolue▪ propounds two things to the commanders, either to free Poitiers, or to suffer a place of that importance to be lost, in the which were many of their confident friends. He besieged Chasteleraud, and makes a breach: the French will have the point: the Italians contend for it. Chamaeleon's besieged. In the end, the chance of the dice gives it them. They come bravely to the assault▪ the French disdain to follow them: and they within defend the breach. They overthrow the most resolute with a fierce volee of shot, and force the rest to retire in confusion, leaving five enseigns upon the breach, above two hundred and fifty slain, and a great number wounded, whereof many died. This was the 7. of September. They prepared for a second attempt, when as the Princes taking this second assault for a lawful occasion, raise their siege, wherewith they were no less troubled to departed with their honour, than the besieged were priest with extreme necessity. The Duke having no complete army, and seeing his desseine succeed, dislodgeth all night, retires to cell in Touraine, passeth Vienne and Creusa, lodgeth his troops and artillery in a place of advantage, gathers together all his dispersed bands: and now the way is prepared for a second battle, and a notable victory. The Princes being advertised of this sudden retreat, takes it for a kind of fl●●ht: march all night after them, pass the rivers, put themselves in battle, to force the Duke or to make him to retire to Tours, where the King then remainend. Both the armies are in battle. but betwixt them is a small river, which makes the Coun●●●e Moorish and very unfit for a General fight, so as they could not join their batta●●es, and no means to bring the Cannon without hazard to lose it. The D●ke who was lodged in Cell, a village well entrenched, flanked and gabio●d, covered on the one side by a river, & on the other with a wood, could not by any skirmishes be drawn to fight, until he had assembled all his forces. The Princes, for want of victuals repass Creusa and Vienne; lodge at Say la Vineuse, and from thence (the Country being spoiled, and ill to lodge in) pass to Montcontour, a lodging of advantage, both for the situation and commodity of victuals. The D●ke pursues him, and by his speed deceived the enemies. His forward led by B●ron meets them unlooked for at Saint Cere, chargeth Movy, who made the retreat with 300. horse and two hundred harquebusiers, kills about fifty men at arms, and almost al● of his footmen, so amazeth the Prince's army, as they all begin to waver, and had not a strait been, where only twenty men might march in front▪ the whole army had then been in rout. The Admiral makes haste to repair this disorder, and by his presence renews their daunted courages. They charge and recharge twice or thrice at this passage, and not able to be forced, the two armies camp within shot of musket: leaving it betwixt both. The Duke had eight or nine thousand horse, seventeen or eighteen thousand foot, French, Swisses and Italians, and fifteen pieces o● artillery. The Princes had six thousand horse, French and Reistres, ten thousand harquebusiers French and Lansquenets and eleven pieces of Cannon. As these armies beheld one an other, two gentlemen following the Duke's camp, An 〈◊〉 for accident. present themselves to the first they meet of the protestant party. Advertise the Admiral (said they) that he forbear to fight, for the succours newly arrived have g●eatley fortified our army: let him temporise a month only: it is the time the Nobility hath given unto the Duke, with protestation to serve him for that time, but not afterwards▪ than sh●ll he be forced to a peace, to your advantage. Of two councils those which hasten to their own r●ine do commonly follow the worst. They advertise the Admiral hereof he apprehends it, and desires to follow it, so do the most modest, and that at nine of the Clock at night they should take the way to Eruaux, putting the river that runs there, betwixt the two armies. Others of a more boiling humour, infer: That these nightly retreats terrify them that make them, prejudice their reputations, augments the enemy's courage, and that they must do it only at the point of day. Moreover, this might be a practice to amaze their troops, and that coming from suspected people, accustomed to deceive, it was also suspect, and to be rejected. This diversity of opinions troubled the Admiral, but see what afflicted him more nearly. The Reis●res did mutiny for want, of pay, the Lansquenets refused to march: three or four French regiments of the most remote Countries, had already asked leave to departed, many gentlemen were retired to their houses. And the Duke approached. The Admiral than beseecheth the Princes that were at Parthenay to come to the army, that by their presence they might contain them in obedience. They bring a hundred and fifty good horse. But whilst the Admiral labours to pacify the mutiny of the Germans, two hours are spent, so as the troops cannot recover a place of advantage near unto Eruaux, where they could hardly have charged them. These broils appeased, the army takes the way to Eruaux the third of October, and discovers the Dukes which advanced. They cause the Princes to retire, being yet too young, (but under colour to conduct them with more assurance, many retire with them), and arrange themselves in a vallee, being covered from the Cannon. And upon the approach of the Duke's forward, consisting of nineteen cornets of Reistres in two squadrons marching directly against the Admiral, the Admiral sends to Comte Lod●wike who led the battle, to send him three Cornets. The Earl obeys, but he leads them himself: who hath no sooner left his place, Error of Comte Lod●wike. but he remains engaged in the skirmish, the which continued three quarters of an ●oure: the Admiral was hurt in the face, his horsemen overthrown, leave the field. The battle makes a great resistance, but unfurnished of a head, it is for●e● to yield to the greater number: part of the footmen are cut in pieces, and part dispersed here and there, the artillery lost, and the enseignes carried away: all fly, every man saves himself. Battle of M●●●contour. Comte Lodowick retires with three thousand horse in one company, tu●ning head still against them that pursued, & recovers Parthenay, the refuge of the remai●ders of this shipwreck. Four thousand Lansquenets died in this battle, fifteen hundred French soldiers, about three hundred men at arms, many horses, servants and Lackeys of men of mark, Putgreffier, Byron brother to him that led the forward, and Saint Bonel Cornet of the Admiral's company. La Nouë was prisoner again with Acier and others: the Reistres baggage was spoiled, that of the French being more advanced towards N●ort and Parthen●y, was saved. The Duke lost few foot, but five or six hundred ho●se, & twice as many hurt, whereof the most part died, as the eldest Reingrave, the Marqu●s of Bade, Clermont of Dauphiné, and few others of quality. Notable Errors. Seldom do we reap the fruits of an absolute victory. The Protestants footmen were dispersed: and their horsemen (for the most part Reistres) were discontent for want of pay, and loss of their baggage. A hot pursuit had in show produced one of these two effects, either their defeat, or their retreat into Germany: two months pay had drawn them unto it. To leave the remainder of these forces at the Commanders devotion, was to give the Admiral means (being a wise Commander in the war,) to gather together the remnant of this shipwreck, to repair his broken vessel, and in ●he spring to go to field with new troops, to spoil diverse Provinces, and in the end ●o b●ing the war to the gates of Paris. Moreover these daunted spirits would be soon revived by the presence of their Princes, whereas upon this fresh defeat they might shut them into some place whereby the war should be soon ended. Victories after the battle Thus discoursed the most judicious: but others finding the recovery of those places easy in this amazement, which the Princes held in Poitou, Xanitonge and Argoulmois, the Duke follows their resolution, and for the fi●st fruits of his conquest marcheth to Parthenay: but there he finds nothing but the nest, the place empty, and the gates open. The Princes upon the first brunt had recovered Niort, and so to Saint ●ean d● Angely. The Baron of Mirebeau kept Lusignan, a place sufficient to win much re●utat●on, yea for a Captain of no great valour: yet the parlays of young Lansac prevailed more with the Baron, than five thousand Cannon shot which the Dukes of Martigues and Aumale spent against Piles, as we shall here after see. Niort being summoned, began to waver, and Movy who had the guard of it (being gone forth against some scouts that were approached to the gates, and traitorously shot with a pistol by Ma●reuel a gentleman of Brie, who had newly put himself under his Comet, and shall within few years make himself famous by an act equal to the fi●st in treachery, and detestable villainy) retiring himself by the advice of the Princes to Rochel, where soon after he died of his wound, the Town being abandoned returned into the Duke's power without any difficulty. Pwiault, also leaving Fontenay, the garrisons of Chasteleraud, Ch●uigny, Rochepose, the Castle of Angle, Pruilly, Cleru●nt and other small places, dislodged in company, and under the conduct of Briquemault came to make head in Sancerre and la Charité, being set upon in their way, by the Commons of Berry and la Chastre governor of the Country. Momb●un, Mirabel, Verbelay, and some six or seven hundred horse of Daulphiné, Vivaretz, Auvergne and Languedoc recover their houses, under colour to provide for some places of importance in their marches, and to make the way easy, which the Princes pretended to ●ollowe, for to winter in Limagne of Au●ergne, if they had not altered their desseine. Ni●me● taken by the Protestants. We shall see shortly what course they took after their defeat. Nismes returns into the Protestants power. An adventurous soldier, did with a secret file, in sundry nights, file asunder a grate of iron, which stopped up a hole at the foot of the Town wall, by the which did flow a fountain for the benefit of the inhabitants. The passage being made, Saint Cosme, Cha●ssy, Mingelle & other Captains enter, they cut in pieces a corpse de guard, towards the Carmes gate, force an other near to that of the Crown, open the gates, bring in their men that remained without the Town, and become masters thereof, to the prejudice of Saint André, being governor, who having no leisure to slip into the Castle, broke his neck leaping over the wall, and his Lieutenant his thigh. Astoul Captain of the Castle kept it almost three months against the town: in the end being unfurnished of men, some lost by sundry accidents, some dead or languishing of sickness, and a good number oppressed under a mine, he yielded, to departed with bag and baggage. On the other side Sansac, by virtue of a Commission granted him from the Duke, to take from the Protestants whatsoever they held on that side of Loire, had taken ●ouzi a place abandoned▪ than Noiers by composition, the which was ill observed: most part of the soldiers were led to Troy's in Champagne, and above threescore, passing through the streets were abandoned to the people's rage. Vezelay beseeg 〈◊〉 wa● shameful for Sansa●. But Vezelay is seated too high upon the top of a steep mountain, having but one approach. Tarot and some other gentlemen, Protestants his neighbours had lately seized thereon, and Blosset, Saracen, Besanson and Rib●mpierre Captains defended it. Sansac makes his approaches with three companies: but at the first the Captains cut off two companies, kill the captains and forty soldiers, the third being scattered in the vineyards retire in the night. He returns with greater forces, makes his battery, opens two breaches, gives an assault and scalado, but in vain▪ he looseth above three hundred men: and the besieged lost Saracen with some thirty soldiers: Sansac doth change and rechange his battery, he tries an other assault, & as (at the first) he is shamefully repulsed with loss, but not discouraged. Some of his confident friends within the Town give him advice, that most of the gentlemen are gone to field▪ he returns with new artillery, (his own being broken or cracked) new munition, and new forces. Twelve Cannons begin a long and furious battery, takes away the defences, enlarge the first breaches, and makes the ramparts even with the ground. They give a general assault, but the siege of la Charité, made the assailants attempts contemptible to the besieged: the more earnest he is, the more obstinate they grow. Three thousand Cannon shot doth nothing abate their courage: contrariwise fifteen hundred soldiers of the assailants being slain, in flame the Vez●lois, they ki●l the bravest of them upon the ramparts, at the breach and in the trench. Then Sans●c forced to retire, is contented to block them up in the end of the year. Briquemault and Guerchy governor of la Charité, do afterwards relieve them with some refresh. Civil wars are but a perpetual ebbing and flowing of losses and conquests. Poitiers had been the Theatre whereon the Princes had to their ruin played the first act of their tragedy, and now Saint I●an d' Angely must end the victories of the Duke of An●ou. The Duke puffed up with the happy success of his victories, comes the 16. of O●tober to besiege Saint jean: but he finds not so easy approaches as at the rest. piles commanded therein, who by sallies & divers skirmishes, shows that they must come well armed. At the first assault he kills many of their Captains, and of their best soldiers. Montesquiou (he that grew so famous by the murder of the Prince of Condé) died there, but too honourably for him. In the end Byron general of the artillery, (seeing the resolution of the besieged,) did mediate a truce, at the end whereof Piles should yield the Town, Saint ●ean d'Angely besieged. if within a certain t●me succours came not, or an answer from the Princes. The day comes, when as Saint Severin leading forty horse, doth pollitikly deceive both sentinels and guards, and under the name of a friend, slips into the Town. So the hostages delivered on both sides, they begin again to play and batter with their Cannon, and the Townsmen to carry earth, make ramparts, and to shoot with such a great and mighty fury, as Sebastian of Luxembourg, Duke of Mo●tigues and governor of Britain sound this Town fatal to lodge him in the monument of his Ancestors. During this battery, the Queen would honour the ●eege with the pre●e●ce 〈◊〉 the King her son, being then nineteen years of age. But this bred a iealo●sie betwixt the two brethren. Charles was quick, vehement, and somewhat froward: Henry more tractable and courteous: and Charles even then persuaded himself that his m●ther would make him receive a disgrace at Saint jean d' Angely, to favour the 〈…〉 younger son, whose advancement she made show to desire. The succeeding years will teach us, that this impression made Charles to love his brother best being farther off in the North, then by his presence to enjoy the Mother's affections, & to ha●e authority within the realm. Finally, the second of December, after two months siege, the King signed their capitulation: Saint jean yeeded. That they should departed with their goods, arms, horses and Enseignes displayed, and of four months should carry no arms for the pretended reformed religion. But as this siege is famous for that it was valiantly followed and defended. so is it likewise famous by the breach of faith given by his Majesty. At their going forth, they spoil them of their arms, apparel and money: the Duke of Aumale, and the Marsh●●l of Vielleville are notable to make good the King's promise: nay, the Duke of Axioms, presence can not restrain their insolencies. They rob their baggage, they take away their horses, they spoil their men. And to increase their villainies, the regiment of Sarricu being lodged at Saint julian hate a League off, comes overthwart, beats, kills, murders and casts them into the river: and happy is he that can escape in his shirt to recover Angoulesme, where Piles and some others holding themselves (by reason of this treacherous and unworthy usage contrary to the Law of arms) freed from the conditions whereunto they were bound by the capitulation, The composition ●ro●en. went to the Princes, to understand their pleasures. The history observes above ten thousand men of war lost before Saint jean, five tho●sand Cannon shot spent, five and twenty or thirty Commissaries of the artillery slain in their charge, many shrunk away, and in the end the Camp was diminished eighteen or twenty thousand men. The army tired with labour, and priest with want of victuals, and other discommodities, dislodging from Saint jean d' Angely, gave the Prince's leisure to determine of their voyage. and the King retiring to Angers, assigned the Prince's deputies t●●t●er, to begin the year following by the countinuance of a treaty of peace begun in the month of November. A treatee of Peace Beawais la Nocle and Teligny come thither in February, and return with no other answer to the Protestants, 1570. but a liberty to live within the Realm f●ee f●●m search in their houses, and for their safety two Towns which Byron should na●e unto them, in the which they might do what pleased them, without their impugning the King's authority, nor the quiet of the Realm: his Majesty offering to restore them to their charges, except such as had been dismissed by the 〈◊〉 of justice, and the money (growing by the sale thereof,) received by the K●ngs commandment: but forbibidding all exercise of religion, but the Catholic Apostolic and Romish: banishing all ministers out of the Realm, and 〈◊〉 them to disarm, to send back presently their foreign forces, and to yield 〈…〉 Towns possessed by the violence and force of arms. In the mean time postes fly into England and Germany, and to divert or stay the succours and strengths w●ich the Protestants might expect from thence, the brute flies, that a peace is made in France. The Princes and Admiral, thinking they were but devices to hinder their affairs, Enterprise upon ●●urges fatal to the undertakers. every one prepares again to put on harness: their forces were dispersed into divers Provinces: those about Bourges had an enterprise upon the Town, by the practice of a soldier, who by treachery makes them to lose thirty men at the entry, and as many prisoners. So he that thinks to take is often taken himself. The reduction of Poict●u, had likewise brought Marans and the Castle of Beauu●i● ●po● the sea to the King's obedience. 1570. Angoulesme and Rochel only remained to the Protestant's. They had lost Lusignan: but Blaye, Taillebourg, the Isles of Xaintonge, Marennes and ●rouage, were yet at their devotion. To try Rochel, the King threatens them by his letters, and by promises he seeks to win the Governors of Flay and Ta●llebourg, Pardail●an and Romegou. They answer (saith the History) the King wisely, and Lansac courageously: War in Poictou. You cannot be more grieved (said Pardillan) to attempt to force me in this plac● than I shall be, for the ●hame, loss, and confusion, which I shall cause you to receive, or an● other that shall attempt it. Rom●gou speaks in the same sense. The effect was more to be feared then words: yet Lansac attemped nothing against them. The Islands had m●ch annoyed the siege of S. jean d' Ang●ly, and the Lansquenets escaped from Montcontour, were dispersed there. The Earl of Lude Puigaillard, and la Riviere Puitaillé, governors, the one of Ange●s, the other of Marans, with eight Cornets of horse, and twe●tie enseigns of foot, force the said Islands, and make such a slaughter, as there remained not above three hundred fight men. La Nove the Prince's Lieutenant in Guienne, studied to recover Brovage, a place of grea● importance for the Rochelois, when as the Baron of la guard attempting upon Tonne-Charente, made both their enterprises to prove vain. Rochel is now blocked in on all sides. Ludeand Puigaillard had an army in Poictou: la Riviere-puitaillé the elder held Marans and other places there abouts: the younger commanded in Brou●ge. Land●reau Vice-admiral held Olone. The Britons and Bourdelois cut off the Rochelois victuals by sea. La guard than General of their galleys, did run often times, even into their haven: but to press them on all sides, he would gladly have been master of Tonne-Charente. La Nove had undertaken the defence thereof, who understanding the Baron's practice, so planted his shot, as at his enemies first landing, he slew their commanders, and many others, gave liberty to the slaves, and became master of the galley: and if heat had not too soon transported them, the rest coming to enter into Charente, and resolute to land, they could not have escaped death or prison. This galley did afterwards serve Rom●gou to beat the Catholics in many places. And if La guard prevailed nothing by force, his policies were of as small effect. So as he lost his time, men, and money, and did nothing of moment. Contrariwise, the defeat of some troops at Novaille by the hargubuziers of la Nove, under the leading of Scipio an Italian Engineer, In Guyenne, Xaintonge, Ang●ulmoi●. and the recovery of Marans by la Nove, upon Chaperon Governor of the place, after the death of the elder Puitaillé lately diceased, was the cause of the winning of ten or twelve other places thereabouts, and gave the Rochelois means to enlarge themselves. The spoil of Olone did enrich them, furnished them with forty good vessels, with some arms and Canon, and a good number of prisoners, and diminished their enemy's strength of about four hundred fight men. This reviving caused Puigaillard and Fernacques to make enterprises upon Langon and Gué of Nelugre, and by the recovery of Luson to molest Marans and Rochel again, if that la Nove had not speedily taken this Fort from them that came to seize on it, and slew Sforce a valiant Gentleman, the head of a company of Italians, who were come to charge him behind in his retreat. The tower of Moric, Castle of la Grave, Talmonde, and the Castle of Chise, being taken again by Puigaillard, recompensed the loss of Luson: and the conquests of Puigaillard, were at the same time crossed by Pwiault Governor of Marans▪ by the death of Captain Dante, who scoured all Poictou, by the rout of thei● company: and wounding in a manner, of all the members thereof, and by the overthrow of Chaumont and Goulenes, issued out off Angoulesme with two Cornets of horse: by the death also of Guitiniere Governor of Saint lean d'Angely: the overthrow of young Riviere Pu●taillé, the rout of his men, and the loss of two Enseignes. But the death of Captain Herbelete, commanding a company of French, and two of Italians, and the defeat of his troops by Coignees issued out of Angouls●●e, 〈…〉 held for the Princes, made the mid-may famous, a season when as the second 〈…〉 peace was revived. Time brings many changes, now it favours the Protestants revives 〈…〉, The Protestants fortified. fortifies their hopes, and the Catholics are new ●o begin the King 〈…〉 with this variable continuance of war, it drew his subjects from his 〈◊〉, ruined his Provinces, wasted his treasure, and consumed his forces. The Queen Mother, sense the battle of Meaux, did still nourish in her breast a fire of revenge. S●e was wonderfully discontented, that the Protestants in the beginning of the first 〈…〉 had so violently opposed against her desire to rule, by the mutual ruin 〈…〉 and the other. But there was pain and peril to suppress the heads of the 〈◊〉: many murderers and many poisoners, offered themselves, but the 〈…〉 drew back when it came to the effect. Moreover the Princes grew in age and judgement, they framed themselves to affairs, they began to know the friend's and enemies of the Commonweal. And on the other side many Noblemen of either parry, laboured to temper the humours, both of such as were best affected to the public quiet, and of those 〈…〉 these incivill confusions, made a way for their ambitious de●●emes 〈…〉 ●iron and Teligny chief deputies, the one for the King, the other for the Prince's ●●bour about a peace. Let us see what course the Princes took sense the 〈◊〉 ●f Montcontour until the peace. A small ball of snow rolled from a high 〈◊〉, grows great in a sho●t time, and becomes able to endure a great force. 〈…〉 Council whereby the Princes resolved to retire far from the Conquerors' army, did much avail them▪ for they assured their men, fortified themselves 〈…〉 troops, and consumed their enemies, in the taking and retaking of places which they had possessed. The Prince's vo●●ge a●ter the battle. But still the poor people suffer for great men's follies. Agenois and Querry serves now as a good retreat for the Protestants. They find there a fa● & a fruitful Country, where by the spoil of the contrary party, they refresh their persons, and make a new body. There is nothing but inroads, spoils and robbings of the enemy▪ but there was violent war about Tholouse, and horrible fires in their houses which belonged to the Court of Parliament. They have been (said the Protestants) very violent to burn them of our religion, beheaded Captain Rapine, who carrie● t●●m the Edict of peace from the King, and to commit many other insolencies, whereof opportunity now cries for vengeance. Doubtless the justice of God doth 〈◊〉, send a w●shed encounter to be revenged of an indignity received. The Marshal of danvil, la Valette, and some other Commanders of quality, made some 〈◊〉▪ with divers variable events, but not strrying far from their walls for fear of surprise. Carmain, Oria●, la Say, Lesbos, Montestruc, and generally all they besiege (except Saint Felix, from whence the Gas●ons were repulsed in the assault, with the loss of finny men, and the Viscount of Montclar hurt whereof he died at Chastres) is forced, and the garrisons cut in pieces. During the armies abode in Albigeois, the Prince, (notwithstand the crosses of Escars, Pompadour, la Vauguion and others commanding three thousand men) being fortified with five or six hundred horse, brought from Rochel●e by Beaudiné and Renty, send Piles into the County of Roussillon, where he did spoil and greatly annoy the Spaniard, whilst the King's deputies conferred near unto Carcassonne, with Teligny, Beawais and la Chassetiere, who going afterwards to his majesty, concluded what we shall see in brief. Langu●doe, Vivarez and Daulphiné, having fortified the army with about three thousand harguebuzies, most of them mounted at the Country men's charge, in steed of those which Moubrun had (through favour of the fort which he built upon Rosne right against Pusin) led away to refresh themselves in their Country: having surmounted the difficulties of the mountains: and the Admiral being freed f●om a grievous sickness, which had brought him to death's door, at S. Estienne in Forest, the army comes into Bourgongne, where being fortified with fifteen hundred light horse, come from la Charité and the neighbour garrisons, under the command of Briquemault, they encounter a good occasion to advance the peace. It seemed to the Protestants a matter of some difficulty, to obtain a peace, unless they approached near unto Paris: and to that end, the Admiral had suffered almost all his footmen to furnish themselves with horses, and advanced by great journeys into the heart of France, whilst his troops were fresh and lusty, and free from diseases. But he had before him, the Marshal of Cosse, the King's Lieutenant in the absence of the Duke of Anjou: who, to hinder the Prince's approach to Paris, seeks means to fight with them. They encamped at Renéle Duke, a place not very strong of situation, from whence they thought to dislodge them with their Canon, whereof the Princes were unfurnished, and by divers voll●es of shot, to make them leave certain passages which they held. The Marshal, la Valette, Strossy, and la Chastre, come with all speed, charge and recharge them, and at the first, they force them from a passage. Encounter at Renel● D●●. Briquemault Martial of the Camp, Montgomery and jenlis, endure the shock, they kill, hurt & take many: and by this firm resolution, make it known, that their lodgings are not to be forced. So the Marshal sounds a retreat, and the Princes to whom all stay was prejudicial, being strengthened with new companies drawn out off Sancerre, la Charité Antrain, Vezelai, and other places of their party, and furnished with some artillery: they turned head towards Paris. But a truce of ten days, stayed all exploits of war, betwixt them, Truce in the armies. and the Marshal. While the Baron of la guard, Puigaillard & Reniere Puitaille, chief enemies to the Protestants, laboured to become Masters in Guyenne, & the neighbour country. To that end, after they had overcome the troops of horse and foot, led by la Nove, Soubize, and Pwiault, and by a shameful chafe shut their companies into Rochel, War in Gu●●nne. they recover all the forts and places which had been taken from them since the suprise of Marans. And the more to restrain the Rochelois, they build a fort at Lucon, under the command of Captain Mascaron. They hoped this fort should be a bait to draw the Protestants to field, but having built it without contradiction, Puigaill●rd tries an other stratagem. He retires his forces into high Poictou, gives out, That the Princes had gotten a great victory, and that he must by the Duke's commandment, lead away his troops with all speed▪ That by a strong ambush and turning head suddenly, he might charge the Protestants, & defeat them at their first approach. Notwithstanding, La Nove & his companions keep themselves quiet, giving their troops (amazed by their last fight) time to take breath, the which causeth Mascaron to slack the guard of his fort. La Nove being advertised, that the fort was to be forced, The sort of L●son besieged. goes out off Rochel with four Cornets, eleven Enseignes of French and three hundred Lansquenets, which remained: Puigaillard gathers together speedily what troops he can, which now began to leave him: and to shut up la Nove betwixt Marans and Luson: makes them to march two days & a night to S. Gem, half a league from Luson, but with one light repulse. Here his second policy of war prevails as little as the fi●st. He feigns himself sick, & gives out, that a burning ague detained him in his bed: then under colour of the delivery of Roussiere a gentleman of Poictou, & others whom Pwiault had lately taken in an encounter: he sends a trumpet to assure them of this pretended sickness, & to discover the strength of the beseegers. But this spy was not cunning enough: he trips in his answers, and by his faintness discovers his masters practices. Pwiault extorts the truth by force: then showing them, that they had to do with men that were toiled & broken with their great march, they dislodge from S. Gem to join with la Nove. Puigaillard is advertised that the enemy flies, and retires in disorder to Marans. He approacheth, enters the Bourg, and finding nothing but the nest, some run to the victuals, others to the spoil. But they have a contrary advice. That the enemy is near and in battle. La Nove had 〈◊〉 his men by the favour of the ditches, hedges, and bushes, which compass in the 〈◊〉 of that Country, where as Puigaillards horse could not pass but by small companies. La Nove commanded the charge. S. Es●ienne and Bruneliere begin it, against a hundred and fifty masters, of the chief troops of Puigaillard, and makes them to stagger. Pwiault forceth through them, The battle o● Luson. kills some, and amazeth the rest. Puigaillard and those that were best mounted, fly unto Fontenay, four leagues from thence: the footmen hemmed in on all sides, and broken by the horse, presently give way, and remain at their mercy, without mercy, namely of the Lansquenets, who revenge upon them the blood of their countrymen, shed near to Montcontour: Sixteen Enseignes, and two Cornets were taken, five hundred old soldiers slain upon the place, and thirty men at arms, with many Commanders and Officers of Regiments and Companies. S●uen or eight hundred prisoners were sent away with white wands in their hands. The Fort being valiantly assailed, and yielded by Mascaron, added four companies to the victory, The ●orte taken. and this victory caused the conquest of Fontenay la Comte, from whence the besieged retired to Niort: La Nove having lost his left arm in the siege. Oleron, Marennes, Soubize and Brovage, yielded to the victors, where as the death of Riviere Puitaillé, recompensed La Noves hurt. So as by the recovery of all that which the King held about Rochel, the Protestants cooped up the Catholics within the walls of Saint jean d' Angely. The Prince Dauphin came into Poictou, to repay●e Puigaillards losses, and to strengthen the forces of the Earl of Lude, for the making of some new attempt, when as a peace concluded betwixt the King and the Prince, stayed the course of their triumphs, The third Edict of peace. the eleventh of August, and caused a suspension of arms, to renew it again two years after, with a more unworthy and horrible proceeding. By this third Edict of peace, they had four Towns of safety, Roche●le, Montauban, Cognac and La Charité, to be held two years in the Prince's names, and the Princes, with the chief Commanders of the Protestants, attending the full execution thereof, retired to Rochel: the armies were dismissed, and the strangers conducted into Lorraine. Soon after, the Emperor Maximilian the second, gave his eldest daughter in marriage to Philip King of Spain, (so the Uncle married his Niece, but the house of Austria hath oft times obtained such dispensation) and so our Charles in the Town of Meziers in the end of November, King Charles ma●●ies the emperors' Daughter. took to wife Elizabeth the younger sister, a wise and virtuous Princess. There was a peace concluded, but no full observation of the Edict: whereupon the princes sent Briquemault, Teligny, Beawais, la Nocle and Cavannes' to Court. The King at their instance, sent commissioners throughout all the provinces of his realm. But there were some amongst them, who (not many years before) had condemned the Admiral to be hanged. Amongst others, the Marshal of Cossé, and Proutiere ma●ster of Requests, were at Rochel, to consult with the Queen of Navarre: and the Admiral about the means in general, to maintain the realm in peace: & particularly to treat of a marriage betwixt Henry of Bourbon Prince of Navarre, A Trea●●● of 〈…〉 and 〈◊〉 of Va●e●s. and Marguer●te o● Valois the King's sister, and then to confer with the Admiral touching the war which his Majesty seemed to pretend against the Spaniard in the Low countries, to the protection whereof, he was greatly solicited. The King's good countenance, and the gifts he gave to the Deputies (namely to Telygny, who seemed to be greatly in his majesties favour (& likewise might do much to persuade ●is father in Law to come to Court, makes them at their return to Rochel, to extol the King's singular love and affection to the Queen of Navarre, the Princes, the Admiral, and to all the rest of their party, and to assure them by his commandment, that he will not only maintain the peace, but also confirm it by the alliance of his own sister; and that he desires to confer by mouth with the Admiral, touching this new expedition of the Low countries, and therefore they should make haste to go unto him. And the better to confirm them in this belief, 1571. the King sends Byron after them with the same charge, The King's dis●ymulation with the Princes and Admiral. and that he would procure the Queen his mother and the Duke of Anjou his brother, to moderate their spleens and discontents, and would work a reconciliation betwixt the Duke of Guise and the Admiral. This apparent means to confirm a public concord did please the Admiral, believing this marriage should be the ground of a most happy peace, and the Queen of Navarre fears least delay should alter the King's good meaning. But the accomplishment of the marriage was hindered by some le●●s: The Pope made some difficulty to dispense therewith, as well byreason of the consanguinity of the parties, (the one being petty Nephew, the other grandchild of Francis the 1. King of France) as also for the difference of their religions. The Queen of Navarre likewise made some scruple of this disparity of religion, of the ceremonies, and of the place of the solemnity. She would not have the marriage celebrated after the manner of the Catholic Church, and feared the City of Paris, as most affected to their religion, and of long time an enemy to the house of Navarre. Contrariwise, the King would have Paris to be the Theatre, Pretexts for the low Country wars. where this notable act should be solemnly celebrated in the view of the Capital City of his Realm, without changing any thing in form of royal marriages. In the end the respect of civil reason prevailed. As ●or the motives of this war pretended in the Low Country: (they were goodly in sh●w) for besides this hereditary hatred of the French against the Spaniard, being revived by the outrages and wars made in France by Charles and Ph●●ip his son, the remembrance whereof was yet fresh, they renewed the ancient quarrels of many possessions in the Low Countries, depending of this Crown. Moreover they pretended new causes, which seemed lawful to break the alliance betwixt the two Kings. That his Majesty had most certain intelligence of poison given by Philip to his wife, the Sister of our Charles, upon some discontents and filthy jealousies. These reasons had a show of truth, and the Admiral to the end the French, (who cannot live long together in mutual concord, and that by a long use of war breathed nothing but war) should not seek some new seeds of civil division, held it good to divert this vehement heat against some stranger and nation a fa●●e off. Many necessary considerations fortified this civil Council. The forces of the Prince of Orange, and his brethren, who spoilt by the Spaniard of many rich possessions both in the Low Countries, and in the Country of Bourgongne, had long time sought to recover it by arms. The credit and favour of the Low Country men in Germany, by reason of the exceeding cruelty of the Duke of Alba▪ Lod●wike of Nassau▪ brother to the said Prince, a man of great courage and resolution, priest it forward, and his presence was a spur to the Admiral. Moreover, to the end it should seem this war was managed with the King's consent, his Majesty did suffer the Prince of Auranges' fleet to ride about Rochel, annoying the Spaniards and portugals, which sailed upon that coast the traffic of the Low Countries: and for the Comte Lodowick, to sell the booty he had taken from the enemy freely and publicly at Rochel. So the Admiral, a widower by reason of Charlotte of Laval deceased in the second troubles, after he had espoused the Contesse of Antremont in Savoye at Rochel, The Admiral comes to Court. and given his daughter Lovyse to the Lord of Teligny to wife, he comes to Court, relying upon the King's assurances, so often confirmed by messengers: and especially by the Marshal of Cossé, whom the King had sent to accompany him, presuming the Admiral would give more credit to the Marshals words, by reason of their familiarity. The King received him with all demonstrations of love (those of Guise leave him the place, not to yield any thing unto him, but to return soon after with greater authority) and to take from him all jealousies & distrusts which were given him from all parts: the King at the first doth recompense the losses which the Admiral had sustained during the former wars, by the gift of a hundred thousand franks, and grants him for one whole year, the revenues which his brother the Cardinal of Chas●●●ha enjoyed (being lately deceased in England). He gives him a place in the privy Council. doth oft times confer with him touching the wars of Flanders, and m●kes sh●we to be governed therein by his advice and Council: he honours him with that plausible name of father, and treats with him so familiarly, as the Countries took this familiarity for a seal of his Master's affection to the Admiral, and the people beg●n now to murmur, that Charles not only favoured the Huguenots, but would shortly himself become a Huguenot. A Cunning bait to free the Admiral from suspicion by the advertisements which had been given him to the Contrary. He could now taste no admonitions, his spirit was so transported with the King's Countenance and words. Doubtless the wisdom of man fails even in the wisest, when it pleaseth him that gives it, to weaken the strongest spirits, and (by a judgement incomprehensible to man) to cast a veil before his eyes, and to make him unable to conceive the justice and horror of the judgement which he means to display. For the better advancing the enterprise of the Low Countries, the Admiral thought it fit the King should make a peace with Elizabeth Queen of England. They might treat it with a very honest colour, to the prejudice of the Spaniards. Elizabeth was not married, and Henry Duke of Anjou had no wife, the dignity of so high an alliance was honourable for the Duke, and the quality of a King's Brother was not to be contemned by the Queen: having also in his young age purchased great glory and reputation. Peace ●●th the English. This charge is given to the Marshal of Montmorency. B●t the issue did show, that besides this negotiation of peace, their meaning was to abuse both the Admiral and all others whom it was expedient to abuse for the execution of the Council of Saint Cloud, and by the same practice to send the marshal far●e from Court, least by his ordinary conversing with the King, having a good judgement, and smelling out the complots of this pitiful Tragedy, he should discover them to the Admiral his Cousin: and by means of this new peace, the English in the midst o● this indignity, should be restrained from attempting of any thing in favour of the Protestants, as it chanced. During this time the Admiral retires to Chastillon: and in the mean season they prepare a fleet at Bourdeaux and Brovage, under the Command of Strossy, Landereau and the B●ron of la guard. The pretext was the war of Flanders▪ yet had they express Commission to attempt upon Rochel, and by open or secret practices to get it in their own power. The Admiral having sounded the fourd, upon his assurance to the Queen of N●uarre of the King's singular affection to her and to all her house, The Queen of Navarre com●s to Court. in the end she goes to Blois, where as the Court remained. Hereupon falls out an accident, which made the advancement of the said marriaged more easy: The death of Pope Pius the 5. Gregory the 13. succeeded him, where upon the King sent the Cardinal of Lorraine to Rome, to assist at the new election, and to Procure of his successor a necessary dispense, for the accomplishing of the solemnity. Letters intercepted. Some letters of the Cardinal of Pelué (sometimes a scullen in the College of Montaigu, and then servant to the Cardinal of Lorraine during his study, and afterwards grown to be a Cardinal) written unto his master, being intercepted by the way, containing among other things: That the Court of Rome did wonder greatly at the familiarity the King used to the Admiral, during his abode near his Majesty: that it was fit to use such policy, attending the execution of the privy Council, the which discovered sufficiently that which was generally spoken of throughout all France. This had been concluded at Saint Cloud near unto Paris, amongst few persons, but it was common in many men's mouths: and Lignerolles', governor of Bourbonois, one of the Duke of Anious mignons, for that he had blabbed out something which he had learned in secret of his master, he did expiate the rashness of his licentious tongue, with the price of his blood. 1572. ●ut we shall see in our da●es a more strange effect of God's justice, for that the last of our Kings of the race of Valois, shall end his life miserably in the same chamber where the fatal Council had been he●d in his presence. Neither could the advice of Pelue, nor any other, The Admiral comes to Pa●ts. stay the Admiral from coming to Parts as soon as the K●ng: being solicited by his Majesty, by many and 〈◊〉 lette●s, to conclude fully of the marriage (besides they treated the marriage of the Prince of Condé with the Marquis of Lisle, the youngest d●ughter of the hou●e of N●uers● and of the voyage of Flanders. The Queen of N●uarre, to whom thi● long delay was very troublesome, prepared all things necessary for so famous an act. but ●hee falls sick of a quotidian fever, the forth of I●ne, The death of the Queen of Nau●●●e. e●g●teene days after her arri●all, and dies the fift day after her sickness, growing (said the Ph●sitions) of an extreordinary hardness of the lungs, with a great impost●me, augmented by the great heat of the season, and her continual travel in the time of her health. Her virtues. A Princess of a notable courage, invincible in adversity, of a read●e wit, judicious, absolute in her actions, capable of Council, comprehending things with a great 〈◊〉 city of spirit, and delivering her mind with an admirable grace, either by word or by writing: of a jovial complexion, and very pleasant in conversation. B●t happy chief in this, that she hath left to us a lawful heir for to inherit this Crown, to redeem it out off the hands of the stranger, and to preserve it w●th happiness and prosperity. Many are amazed at this sudden death, as an assured foretelling of some future m●●●hiefe. The King, the Queen mother, and all the King's house show a wonderful sorrow: and to take away all suspicion of poison, Charles commands the body to be opened, and to search the causes o● her death. The physicians report, there is no show of poison, but her brain was not opened. Some hold opinion, that an Italian, the King's perfumer, presented her with a pair of gloves, Suspected to be poisoned. which prevented her from beholding of that pitiful and bloody Tragedy, which shall be shortly acted. The continual messages sent from Charles, had likewise drawn the Princes to Court: and this death did seem to advance: the marriage, for she gave unto her son the kingdom of Navarre, and now he began to enjoy the title of King, and all his mother's succession. The Pope's dispensation was necessary, without the which the Cardinal of Bourbon uncle to Henry, who was appointed to marry them, refused to proceed therein. In the end it comes, and the day of the consummation is appointed to be kept the eighteenth day of August. Such were the actions of the Court, whilst that Count Lodowick, la Nove, S●ucourt and jenlis, Beginning of the wars in Flanders. to whom the King had given chief Commissions for the Belgi●e war, had by the taking of Monts in Hainault, drawn all the Duke of Albaes' forces against them. Flussingue had slain their Governor▪ with the most part of the Spanish garrison, and repulsed those the Duke had sent to recover the ●owne. Many other Towns of the low Countries followed the like example. Holland and Zel●nd hunted af●●r their liberty. Beginnings which seemed to draw after them a long continuance of great consequence: and the authority the King gave to the above named to provide for the succour of Monts, and for the continuing of other like exploits, induced the Admiral to believe firmly, that the King embraced this business without dissembling. According to this authority, I●nlis led five hundred horse, and four thousand foot, jenlis defeat. whereof the Duke of Alba being advertised, he surprised him suddenly, defeated his troops, took him prisoner with many others, and slew many of his men. The King seemed displeased with these news, Meres to ret●ine the Admiral. he sends to Monducet his Ambassador in the low Countries, to procure the liberty of the●e prisoners. and suffers the Admiral to send such succours as he could, to join with the army of Reistres which the Prince of Orange had levied: he caused money to be made ●eadie for the entertainment of the foot, which they esteemed four regiments, and t●irtie companies of men at arms. The Ambassador of Spain was gone out of France. The Queen Mother likewise playing her part, seemed to be ignorant of the K●●gs designs, and being informed thereof, she seemed ready to retire from Court. These reasons did still confirm the Admiral, Teligny and the rest in that belief: That the King concurred with the Admiral in one will▪ to send the wars far off into the King of Spain's countries, the which he had before kindled in the four corners, and in the midst of this realm, pretending to entertain it there, and to maintain himself with the shipwreck of this Crown, and to seize thereon in time, as the attempt of his designs in our days have testified. The Marshal of Montmorency returned from his embassage, bringing a mutual league offensive and defensive, with and against all men, not naming any one: but the marriage, whereof he had charge remained fruitless: which made many believe that it was but a mere fiction, fit for the season, where they prepared a scaffold, on the which they should soon present a horrible spectacle. The Marshal either not to be a spectator nor councillor, or doubting to be engaged in these public and private furies, retires himself to his house. Ro●hell was in the mean time belegard, so●ldiars arrived hourly, giving terrible threats against the Town, who began to cry t● the Admiral for succours. In other Towns they heard secret murmurings, ●hich terrified the most clear sighted among the Protestants. These advertisements sound continually in the Admiral's ears. But he continues always like unto himself, constant in the midst of all motions, and grew resolute against all such as laboured to call him from Court, either by mouth or writing. As for the house of Gui●e (said he) whereof they will put me in fear, the King hath taken order, making us to swear before him to continue friends▪ and as for them of the religion, the marriage of Madam Marguerit, whom his Majesty gives not to the King of Navarre alone, but as it were to all those of the party, to join himself unto them by an indissoluble union, is the finishing of their quiet and safety. To conclude, he will be no more troubled touching the King's ill meaning, nor the Queen Mothers, the Duke of Anious, the Guisiens', nor any others. And that which settles the Admiral the more in his conceit, he finds the King, (after the death of Sigismond King of Poland) to affect the pursuit of that Crown in favour of his brother. Negotiation of Poland. Charles was clear sighted in affairs of State; he was young, yet of a quick and ready wit, and (if bloody and furious counsels had not perverted him,) without doubt he might have brought forth better fruits, and this Monarchy ●ad been freed from the miseries which have since ruined it. His brother had great credit generally in France: his mildness made him pleasing to his Mother, and his liberality, to the people. He desired rather to see him command far off then near. And the Admiral, who knew the Duke of Anjou to be an irreconcilable enemy to t●e Protestants, supposed that the King would by his absence settle a firm peace. that Henry being confined in Poland, his adherents would grow more mild: that the house of Guise disappointed of this support, would fear the King's looks, the which sometimes appeared terrible: and that Charles would soon discharge the Queen ●is Mother from the government of affairs, and take it wholly unto himself, as already he made some shows of his intent. The Admiral seeing john of Monluc Bishop of Valence, a man of judgement, and practised in negotiations, departed for this embassage, he fed himself with new hopes. And contrariwise, Monluc (foreseeing the imminent storm,) was very glad to be neither a councillor nor a witness of the miseries that were like to fall upon the Protestants. And indeed he had before counseled many of the principals amongst them, not to meddle in this imaginary war of Flanders, but to retire in time to their houses, and not to trust overmuch in the goodly shows of Court, considering the envy of the great, and the ill will of the people of Paris. But thus God confounds the judgement, and blinds the understanding of such as he reserves for an example to their posterity. O France, my hair stands upright, and I tremble, 1972. to en●er into the relation of so inhuman a tragedy. And shall we never be satisfied to hear the lamentable and continual slaughter of our countrymen? what man would not be troubled? what mind would not be oppressed with heaviness and grief, to see so much blood unprofitably spilled in our Cities, which should be carefully preserved for the defence of our country against strangers and common enemies? yet let us pass this dangerous passage: the course of times invites us to proceed. A great number of Noblemen, both Catholics and Protestants, repaired from all parts, to the solemnising of this marriage. Those of Guise come, bringing with them a large train of persons, of all qualities faithful unto them. The water which moves by little and little, the birds which hover above it, and the air colder than of custom, foretell a storm to come. So the common murmurings, the stirring of the quarter masters, and other Captains of Paris, the Kings guards dispersed through the City, the ordinary threats against the Protestants, were certain testimonies, That this marriage should be seasoned more with blood than water. The day appointed comes: the Cardinal of Bourbon marries the parties upon a hi●h scaffold, The marriage solemnized. built before the door of our ladies Church at Paris. Four days are spent in plays, feasts, dancing and masks: which finished, the King protests to the Admiral, that he ●●ll answer and satisfy the Protestants requests. Every one of their Churches had their Deputies in Court, for many affairs, wherein the Adm●rals authority was very necessary. They ought a great sum of money to the Germans, due for their entertainment in former wars: for the payment whereof, the King had suffered them to tax themselves to the fift part of their estates. The Commissioners and Receivers priest the collection, being desirous to make an end of that business, the day of payment being past. Hereon the Admiral treated with the Privy Council, on F●iday the two & twentieth of August, where the Duke of Anjou in the King's absence was precedent. At the rising of the Council, the Admiral having attended on the King, who went to play at Tennis, he retired himself to his lodging at dinner time, being accompanied with fifteen or sixteen Gentlemen: and reading a petition, when as being about a hundred paces from the Lowre, a Harguebuse shot from the window of a lodging near by, belonging to Villemur, sometimes Schoolmaster to the Duke of Guise, The Admiral hu●t. carries away the forefinger of the right hand, and wounds him in the left arm. They break down the door of the lodging: they find the Harguebuse, but not him that discharged it. This was Maurevel (under a counterfeit name of Bolland of the King's guards) a fit man for such murders: who mounting upon a Jennet of Spain which was provided ready for him, fled by Saint Anthony's gate, to a place of safety. The King played, and upon the first report of this hurt: Shall I never have quiet (said he) shall I daily see new troubles. And casting his Racket to the ground, he retired to the Lowre, and swears with an execration to the King of Navarre, and the Prince of Condé, (who were come unto him to complain of this outrage) to take such exemplary justice of the offendor, his fautors and adherents, as the Admiral and his friends should have cause to rest satisfied. He presently commands to pur●ue him that shot, (but they go slowly after him) he appoints three of the Parliament to make info●mations against the culpable, Thran, Morsan and Viol: he leaves only two gates open with grea● guards, under colour to search for such as were privy with this outrage, putting the whole City into arms. The Queen Mother seems to ●ee discontented. They do great wrong unto the King, (cries she): if he should suffer this crime unpunished, they would in the end attempt against his own house. These counterfeit speeches retain the King of Navarre and the Prince of Condé, who had desired leave to retire themselves, but then they made no more mention of leaving the Court. Charles himself & Katherine his mother, come in the afternoons to visit the Admiral. The Admiral shows unto them the miseries which the breach of the peace would bring unto France: 1572. beseecheth him to chase away these mutinies, and to maintain his promised faith, whereupon he was come to Court, and to provide for the preservation of the realm. But the Queen Mother knew well how to prevent him, lest he should acquaint the King with some secrets, touching the preservation of his Estate. The King protests again to be exceeding sorry: Treachery in ● King. that this act toucheth his honour, and that he will be revenged, so as the memory thereof shall remain for ever. He persuades the Admiral to suffer himself to be carried to the Lowre, for the safety of his person: that it was to be feared, lest the multitude stirred up by the authors of his hurt, should fall into some greater mutiny. He also adviseth the Gentlemen Protestants, to lodge about the Admiral's lodging, lest (said he) that being dispersed through the City, they should receive some wrong. But to show that he would not forget any thing that might concern the Admiral's safety, seeing the grief of his wound would not suffer him to be transported, he commands Cosseins Captain of his guards, to give the Admiral as many of his guard as he pleased, and to suffer no Catholic to enter. And lest any man should grow amazed hereat, the King writes to the Governors of the Provinces, to the chief Towns, and Magistrates: That he would take such order, as the authors of so wicked an act should be known and punished. And to his Ambassadors with foreign Princes: That they should make it known to all the world, that this outrage doth displease him. The Queen mother writes in like manner, but this was only to keep every bird within his nest. In the mean time the Dukes of Anjou and Guise, took counsel of that which they had to do the ●ight following. Saturday in the morning, it is bruited through out the City, that the Protestants did threaten the house of Guise. Hereupon the Dukes of Guise and Aumale go unto the King, and say unto him: That of late they have found their service to be little agreeable to his Majesty: that if he were pleased to see them retired to their ●ouses, they were ready to departed. Go (saith Charles unto them with a frowning countenance) where you please, I will have you at all times, if you be found guilty of the Admiral's hurt. So making show to be discontented, they go to horse, and many with them, yet meaning to lie in Paris. Paris was a pitfall to entrap the chief of all the Protestants: they being dead, the base sort of that party, would in all likelihood remain quiet. The time now offered a fit opportunity of revenge, the which should not be lost. This counsel was taken after dinner at the Tuilleries, by the King, the Queen Mother, the Dukes of Anjou, Neners, The King resolves ●o massacre the Protestant's. Rests and Tavannes'. The King of Navarres life, with the Prince of Condes, were put in balance, the wars had been managed in their names: If they live (said one) they will serve as an Ensign, to revive those Huguenots which shall remain in divers Provinces, and shall every day minister new motives of confusions. Contrariwise, the Admiral and the principals being taken away, it shall be easy to restrain these young Princes, not only not to attempt any innovation, but also in time to win the King's good favour by their services: also the indignity of the fact would purchase an insupportable hatred among strangers. God disposed the hearts of the Council to this second advice, so as they will embrace the Catholics religion, and live under the obedience of his Majesty. As for the rest (whom the fury of their arms should touch,) they might with a goodly pretext, leave to the ancient quarrel of the Guisiens' against the Admiral, and take for an excuse, the fear they had least the Huguenots should seek a revenge for his hurt. To lay all the hatred upon the Guisiens', they give the charge of this business to the Duke of Guise: they appoint him the means, the time, and the ministers of the execution. The night being come, the Duke calls unto him the Captains of the Swisses, and other companies, (whom to that end they had drawn into the City, and delivers his charge unto them, The Duke of Guis● gives order for the massacre. which was, to root out the Admiral and all his Partisans. He exhorts them to blood and spoil, and disposeth his troops in some special places. Then he gives advise unto the Provost of the Merchants, the Sheriffs and quarter masters: ●hat throughout all France, the like should be done to the Huguenots as at Paris. ●hat the Palace Bell ringing at the break of day, shall give the signal: and the mark of these executioners should be a handkerchefe tied about the●r arms, with a white cross in their hats, That they should put their men in arms, and be at midnight in the townhouse, to receive order what they had to do. They assemble at midnight, and place many guards in the streets. Some Gentlemen lodged near unto the Admiral, rise at the noise of their arms, and the light of their Lamps, and going into the streeres, they inquire of the fi●st they meet, what this assembly of armed men meant at so unseasonable a time. A doubtful answer being given them, makes them to repair to the Lowre, to discover more. Here the guards go from words to blows, and fall upon them. The Duke of Guise parts from the Lowre, accompanied with the Knight of Angoulesme, The chief murderers. bastard to Henry the second, the Duke of Aumale, Cosseins, Sarlaboux, Goas, Attin a Piccard, Haufort an Auue●gnac, and Besmes a german, with some Harquebusiers of the Ki●gs, and all the Duke of Anious guard. The Alarm Bell ●ings at Saint German Auxerrois, and they publish throughout the City: That the Huguenots had conspired against the King, the Queen Mother, and all the chief in Court. Cosseins' knocks at the Admiral's gate: he enters at two of the Clock in the morning, the 24. of the month, stabs him that comes to open it, forceth the doors of the lodging, enters with seven or eight armed men. Besmes a household servant to the Duke of Guise, offers the Admiral the point of his sword. Hereupon the Admiral being risen upon his fe●te, and covered with his night gown, said: Young man, thou shouldest have respect unto my old age, Th● Admiral mu●thered. and infirmity, but thou shalt no way shorten my days: he thrusts him through the breast, and then doubles it on his head. Attin shoots him through with a Pistol: and when as these three wounds were not able to overthrow him, Besmes wounds him on the leg; every one of the rest gives his blow, and thus they cast that body miserably to ●he ground, whom living and in health they durst not look in the face. The Duke of Guise hearing the noise of their arms in the base Court, inquires if it be done, and commands them to cast him out at the window: who yet breathing, lays hold on the pillar: but these butcherly murderers hurl him down headlong, where the Duke wiping his face with a handkerchefe. I know him (sayeth he) it is the very same: and so spurns him with his foot, then going into the street▪ Courage companions, we have begun happily, let us proceed to the rest, the King commands it. An Italian of the household of the Duke of Nevers, cuts off his head, and carries it to the King and Queen Mother, which causing it to be imbaulmed, sent it to the Pope and the Cardinal of Lorraine, for an assurance of the death of his most capital enemy. The Palace clock strikes, and the people fly to the admirals lodging like mad men, one cuts off his hands, another his privy members: The Protestants massacred. and for the space of three days, they drag this poor carcase with all indignity through the streets, and then they carry and hang it by the feet at Montfaucon. His lodging is spoiled, his household servants murdered. Those which attended on the King of Navarre and Prince of Condé, are driven out of their chambers: (they were in the Lowre, where the King had lodged them, to the end, (said he) that those of Guise, having the people at their devotion, they should not in like manner feel the effects of their violence) and murdered in the base court, the noblemans and Gentlemen lodged in the admirals quarter, undergo the like fortune. The like fury oppresseth the other Protestants throughout the City and Suburbs, of all ages, conditions and sexes, men, women, and children, rich and poor. There is nothing to be heard in Paris, but a horrible noise of arms, horses, and Harguebuses: a lamentable cry of people going unto death, a pitiful complaint of such as cried for mercy, and the pitiless shouts of murderers. The streets are strewed with carcases, the pavements, market places, and river died with blood. One day alone (by the murderers saying) hath ended the quarrel, which neither Pen, Paper, decrees of justice, nor open war, could see determined in twelve years. About ten thousand ●oules makes this Sunday famous for ever, polluted with the spoiling of goods, and the effusion of their blood that were asleep, disarmed, and at such a season as they thought themselves most safe. And doubtless the horrible catastrophes happened since to our Charles, to his brother and successors, and to the brethren of the house of Guise, in the last acts of their lives, and generally to all this realm, even unto our days, forceth us to confess: That man's blood violently spilled, when as the manner of it may not lawfully be qualified with the name of justice, cannot please his sight, who hath created them to his own image and likeness, and sells them dearly to the authors of this effusion. The fame of this massacre, had already passed from the City to the Suburbs, when as the Earl of Montgomery, john of F●rrieres Vidame of Chartres, Beau●a●● 〈◊〉 Nocle, Fontenay, and many Gentlemen, lodged in the suburbs of Saint Germ●ine, perceiving a number of men to cross the river, to make them equal with their companions: they abandon their baggage, go suddenly to ho●se and save themselves ●ith speed, being pursued half a days journey by the Duke of Guise. But he that should have brought the Keys of S. Germains gate, having mistaken them, gave them s●me leisure to get the advantage. The King sends for the King of Navarre and the Prince of Condé, and gives the● to understand: The King advowes the murder. That having been crossed many years with a continuance of war, he had in the end found an assured means to cut off all motives of confusions to come. that by his commandment they had slain the Admiral (the pernicious author of passed troubles:) that now they did the like to others in the City, that were infected wit● the poison of heresy, and the ministers of his wickedness. That he remembered well the discommodities he had received by their two means, making themselves the heads of a troop of desperate men. That now the cause and opportunity gives him means to be revenged of such outrages: but notwithstanding he doth pardon their offence, by reason of consanguinity and their young age, believing that all had been committed, not by their fault and council, but by the Admiral and other wicke● subjects, who now have suffered and do suffer a just punishment due to th●i● deserts, so as hereafter they repair their faults pasts, by fidelity and obedience, and renouncing the doctrine of their profane superstition, they cleave to the Catholic religion, and return into the communion of the Church. That hereafter he will have but one religion within his realm, even that which he hath received from his Ancestors: That they should advise whether they would obey him in this point, if not, let them resolve to yield their heads to the like punishments of their companions. The King of Navarre beseecheth his Majesty to remember his promise, a●d the alliance lately contracted, and not to force him in the religion which he hath learned from his infancy. The Prince of Condé answers: That the King hath given his faith, to all them of the religion, and that he cannot persuade himself he will bre●●e ●o solemn an oath. As for the obedience (saith he) you require of me, I have faithfully performed it unto this day, neither will I hereafter stray in any thing from my duty. But as for my religion, A noble resolu●ion of a young Prince. my Liege, I am resolved to continue constant, (and with the hazard of my life) maintain it to be true: you have granted me the exercise thereof, and God hath given me the knowledge, to whom I must yield an account, le●u●●g my body and goods to the disposition of your will. This resolute answer puts Char●es into choler, who full of threats, gives the Prince but three days liberty to adui●e, whether he would soon lose his head upon a scaffold. In the end, both abjure the doctrine they had followed, and by the intercession of the Cardinal of Bourbon their Uncle, they obtained pardon of the Pope, and were received into the bosom of the Church. After the massacre, those of Guise, according to the conclusion of the Council, should retire themselves into some one of their houses out of Paris, and Charles should expressly charge and command the Governors of Provinces and Towns, to observe the Edict of peace, and to punish the breach thereof severely, to the end the people of France, and their neighbours, should impute all the fury of this massacre, to the ancient quarrel of those of Guise, with the house of Chastillon. But the foulness of the fact might heap upon them and their posterity, the hatred of all men, The Guisians deny to take the massacre upon th●m. with whom human society and virtue is in recommendation. For they had not spared an infinite number of learned men, of reverent old men, honest virgins, honourable matrons, women with child, chaste maidens, young Scholars, and little infants hanging at the breasts of their mother. Arming themselves therefore with the people's love, they refuse to go out of Paris, handling the matter so politicly, as they cause the King to avouch all that had been done. So Charles writes other letters to his Ambassadors and Governors, advertising them. That the tumult which had happened concerned not religion, but the preservation of his estate, his house and person, against the practices of the Admiral, and some other seditious persons; who had jointly conspired his death, his Mothers, The Admiral accused o● conspiracy. and his brothers, and therefore he would have his Edict of pacification religiously observed. Yet if any Huguenots (moved with these news o● Paris,) should assemble in arms, they should root them out, as perturbers of the public peace, referring the surplusage of his will, to the credit of the bearer. And the better to authorize this approbation, the 26. of August, Charles with his brethren assists in Parliament, all the chambers being assembled, where sitting in his seat of justice, he declares openly, that those things which had chanced in Paris, were done by his own proper motion and commandment, yet making no mention of the cause. Christopher of Thou the chief Precedent, commended his zeal in the name of all the company. But to what end did he write the contrary the next day, to his officers and the Magistrates of Towns; That to his great grief, the Admiral his Cousin, and some others of his party, had been slain at Paris: commanding them to prevent all mutinies and murders, and to proclaim, that every man should remain quiet in his house, without taking of arms, or giving any offence: and to give order that his Edict of pacification be exactly observed: and yet the same day to publish a declaration of the former tenor, containing, that by his express commandment, the Admiral and other his complices had been slain, not for matter of religion, but to prevent the execution of a wicked practice made by them, against the King's person, the Queen Mother, his brethren, the King of Navarre, (this was for a colour of excuse, to such as would object, why then was this Prince saved from shipwreck, and it may be for the love of him, the Prince of Condé his cousin,) and generally against their houses, and the houses of France? Doubtless there was small likelihood, that a little troup of men, dispersed some ●n the suburbs, others within the City in small numbers, should presume to attempt any thing against the Estate. Charles had both night and day his ordinary guards, Fr●●ch, Swisses, and Scott●shmen: the most of the Princes, Noblemen and Gentlemen of the realm were in Court to honour the marriage. Those which had accompanied the King of Navarre and the Prince of Condé, had no other arms but their swords: and for a gage of their innocency, had brought for the most part their wives, children, sisters, and kinsfolk, studying only to show themselves at the Tilt and ●ourney. The accusation made no mention of time, place, or adherents, neither of the means, or any witnesses of this conspiracy. If it had been plotted since the Admiral's hurt, three hundred Gentlemen unarmed, which had accompanied him, could they have effected any thing, under a Commander, tied by both the arms, and ready to see the one cut off by the advise of the Physicians and Chirurgeons, in a mighty City, and against above three score thousand men, ready to be opposed at the first alarm? Moreover, the King of Navarre and Prince of Condé, who had been still present at all councils, would they have blemished their honours and houses with so great an infamy? And if their innocency had freed them from the common danger, the consultations of the Admiral and his followers, had they not been very childish at such a time, in such a place, among so many natural Frenchmen come with him, who had neither goods, kinsfolk, pleasure, nor content without the Realm? Besides, if the Admiral were suspected of this attempt: might they not have committed him presently to a safe prison, inform of his practices, and take such conclusions as the crime might deserve according to the Laws? To conclude: admit the Admiral after his hurt, or else his friends had given forth some bad speeches, must the same punishment devour so many persons, who conversed only with their books and papers, with their traffic, and with their work, so many women, who dreamt but of their huswiferie, so many virgins and infants, whose age and condition kept them from the conference of any council? As for the attempt against the King of Navarre: that accusation is frivolous. Had not the Admiral him in his power, for the space of three years? what benefit s●ould he reap by his death? Have they not conversed long together with an humble & sincere respect of the Admiral towards him, and a perfect love of the said King to the Admiral: ●ut omit all other reasons that might refute this slander: let us only observe the testimony which Monluc gives in the 7. book of his remembrances, upon this subject. The Queen mother (saith he) did me the honour to write unto me, that they had discovered a great conspiracy against the King and his Estate, the which was the cause of what had happened. I know what my belief was, it is not good to offend one's master. The King did never forget, how the Admiral made him retire in haste from Meaux to Paris: we lose ●ur judgements suddenly, and do not dream that Kings have greater hearts than we have, and do sooner forget services than offences. And a little above: My Lord the Admiral was ●●l advised, to thrust himself into Paris, to show that he governed all. I wonder, that so advised and wise a man, should commit so gross an error. He paid dearly for it: it cost him his life, and many more. The particularities of such as, during this horrible butchery, have shed their bloods for religions sake, at Meaux, Troyes, Orleans, Bourges, la Charité, Lions, Tholouse, Fourdeaux, Rovan, and other Towns, in villages, and in the open fields, as they sought to save themselves without the realm, have been observed in other works that are extant, and the blood of these murdered persons, which amount to above thirty thousand, having died the earth, and made the waters red, have cried so loud, that the heaven's have continued their vengeance, over great and small, for so many years, as t●ere remains scarce any one of the authors of this violent fact. Brittany and Picardy remained reasonably quiet: Champagne and Bourgongne shed little blood, through the policy of them of Guise, that all the blame might light upon the King, (as also they had saved many of the chie● Protestants in the midst of the fury of this Parisien evensong.) In Auu●rne Saint Heran put more money into his coffers, than he shed blaud in his government. In Daulphiné there were some murders committed. In Provence, the humanity of the Earl of tend restrained the hands and swords of the blo●●e minded. In the end, the people (glutted with the blood, and cloyed with the spoils of the mu●thered protestants,) grow quiet, and the King appoints an extraordinary jubilee wit● general processions, where his Majesty assisted with the Queen his mother, his bre●h●en, and the Court, of purpose to give thanks to God, for that which had so happily succeeded. There were yet some thorns stuck in Charles his feet: Rochel, Sanc●rre, Montauban, Nismes, Aubenas, Milliaud, Privas, Mirebel, Endure and other small Towns of Vivarets and Sevennes, served as a Sanctuary for the Protestants that ●ere escaped, to keep them from danger. Rochel was not to be dealt with all, and it seemed that industry and secret practices should prevail more than open force. Strossy ●●d la guard will relieve the inhabitants with men to keep it, and unfurnish them of victuals, requiring a quantity to refresh their army. But they had men enough: a great number were fled thither, and many Protestant soldiers, whom the hope of the voyage of Flanders entertained in the King's army, slipped hourly into their Town. Their privileges likewise did free them from garrisons, and as for victuals, they had for their provision, but could not spare any. Strossy and la guard, spent both time and money in vain about Rochel: they therefore send Byron unto them for their Governor, with express commandment to receive a garrison. They answer: That they cannot believe that that charge comes from the King, who commanded the strict observation of the Edict, and grants them the use of their ancient privileges under his obedience. And for a testimony, they produce the King's letters of the 22. and 24. of August, whereby his Majesty lays the motives of the sedition upon them of Guise, saying; That he had much ado to maintain himself in the midst of his guards, in his Castle of Lowre. As for the reasons which made them to avoid all the surprises and baits, of such as Byron sent to treat with them, they used the means which politic wisdom doth usually furnish in such encounters: offering notwithstanding to accept Byron, so as the troops may be retired from thence; the exercise of their religion to remain free, and that he bring no forces into the Town. Byron summons them by virtue of his authority, and upon refusal, War against the Rochellois. proclaims war against them: and even then, under colour to give the army at Sea means to disperse itself, he labours by all means to cut off their victuals and provisions, and to weaken them of their men. The King by his Letters Patents of the 8. of October, calls home all that were fled out of divers Towns, saying, that as a good father of a family, he had pity of his poor subjects, being out of their houses: and for not coming, did seize and declare their goods forfeit. Yet the excuses which the King made unto the Pope, to the Duke of Alba, and to the Ambassador of Spain: That the brutes of the Belgike war, and all the former Counsels had tended to no other end but to the ruin of the Huguenots: that his intent was to live in peace and good correspondency with the Catholic King: and the Commissions he had sent to the Governors of Provinces, to degrade all Protestants from their offices and public charges, although they were ready to renounce their religion, except such as advanced to mean offices, were continued by the King, abjuring according to a form set down by the College of Sorbonne, and to search for all Protestants, that during the troubles had had the command of arms, or Towns of war, made this repeal of Charles to be wonderfully suspect. Hereafter they use all acts of hostility against the Rochelois: such as they know to be of the Town, are kept prisoners, and put to their ransom: ships that sailed towards their Port were stayed, all merchandise belonging to the Rochelois seized and confiscated. They therefore hasten the succours which the Count Montgomery, the Vidame of Chartres and others, prepared for them in England. The 25. of October they set sail, but not able to approach, they returned back. Those of Sancerre having refused to receive a governor and garrison from the hands of La Chastre governor of Berry, were belegard in the beginning of October. Cadaillet Groom of the Chamber and the King's Huntsman, very well known in the Town as an ancient servant to the Earl of Sancerre, was sent to confer with them: he brought the inhabitants to that point, as some desiring, and others refusing: the Lord of Fontaines being a Catholic, his brother surpriseth the Castle, by the means of some inhabitants, who shut themselves into it with him: but the resolution, and the greater number of the Protestants displaced them within four and twenty hours, as Fontaines came to their succours. So as La Chastre prepares now for open force, whereof we shall s●e the progress in the beginning of the following year. This unworthy and strange proceeding against the Protestants, had made the French name hateful to strangers, especially in Poland, and did much trouble the negotiation, in favour of the Duke of Anjou. Moreover the Protestants both within & without the realm, laid plots which in short time might produce dangerous effects. To make the Bishop's negotiation more ●●sie, and to cross the projects of others, they observe hereafter some form of justice against any one that were found after the fury of the massacre. Briquemault and Cavaignes executed. Briquemault a Gentleman of three score & ten years old, and Cavaignes' master of Requests unto the King, both inward friends unto the Admiral, and of great reputation) were of the nu●be●. They threaten them with an extraordinary torture, if they set not down under the r hands, to have conspired with the Admiral, the death of the King, his brethren, the Queen mother, and of the King of Navarre, promising them pardon if they demand it, in advowing that wherewith they are charged. We will never (said they) accuse innocents, nor ourselves of so execrable a crime. The Commissioners not able to extort from them any such confession: they were both by sentence of the Court, as guilty of high Treason, unworthily hanged the 27. of October, in the presence of the King, Queen mother, her two other sons, and the King of Navarre. To the same execution was added the like decree against the Admiral. His body had been taken from Montfaucon, A decree against ●he Admiral. and secretly buried: the which the greatest ●earc● of his enemies could never discover. They therefore make the form of a man, drag it through the City, and then cause it to be hanged. Moreover the King commands by his letter's patents, That those of the pretended religion should be maintained in safety in their houses, bodies▪ goods, and liberty of consciences. And to excuse what was past, they cast abroad many libels, defaming the memory of the Admiral and his followers. They give new charges to the Ambassadors being in Germany, Polan●, England, Suisserland, and other foreign Countries, to justify the actions of the King, and of the Catholics, to the confusion and shame of the Admiral and his pa●tie. But all these proceed were means to discover the iniquity of their perditious Counsels. For, the intent of this declaration in favour of the Protestants was presently discovered by the tenor of the letters which the Duke of Guise did write unto his wife, the day that Briquemault was executed. The King (said he) hath decreed in Council, utterly to root out this seditious vermin. But few would be taken, and the practices against the Prince of Auranges' and others being discovered by this letter, vanished into smo●ke. In the meantime they continued their attempts against Rochel: and Essars being chosen chief of the war for the Rochelois, having taken one of the Baron o● la Guards galleys, who had approached too near under colour of bringing a letter to the whole body of the Town, caused Byron to publish the King's letters patents, given the sixth of the month, and to make open war to the Rochelois. B●t Charles wa● not willingly drawn to a●mes: he sees well that he had kindled a fire which he ●hould not que●ch when he would. He now tries the last stratagem. La Nove sent home by the Duke of Alba, after the taking of Monts in Hainault, had great credit am●●g the Protestants, as one of the chiefest Captains which remained. The King solicits him to be a means to bring the Rochelois to composition. The impossibility of the thing (answers he) and my conscience will not suffer me to advise the Rochelois, to offer their throats to them that will cut them. Yet the King's authority makes him t● accept of t●is charge: but r●ther with an intent to serve the Rochellois, and to retire himself from Court, then to hurt them of his religion. After he had given an account of his embassage to Byron, who was then at Saint jean d' Ang●li, he returns to Roch●ll, where he performed his duty so well and carefully, as they acknowledge him for one of the chief Instruments of the preservation thereof during the siege. Then appeared there a new star in heaven, having the form of a Lozenge of four points, A Comet. and continued (beginning the ninth of November,) the espace of nine months, immovable (by the saying of the Astronomers) the first three weeke●, resembling that which served as a guide to the wise men that came out of the East, to worship jesus Christ in Bethlem. another repeal● of the 〈◊〉 Protestants. The nineteenth of the said month, the King by an other Edict, called home all his subjects to their houses, upon pain of loss of their goods, and solicited the Protestant Swisses, to chase away such as were fled to them for succour. But the Ambassador's instance was of no force, & the taking of Sommiers by the Marshal of d' Anvil from the Protestants, the persuasions of Gourds to draw into the b●s●me of the Catholic Church Monbrun, Mirabel, and Les Diguieres (who even then made show of a most valiant, most wise, and most happy Captain for their party, and shall hereafter have a good share in our History) the assurance he gave them. T●at the King was resolved to suffer but one religion within his realm, with all the preparations for the dest●●ction of them in divers Provinces, took from them all desire to return. Seeing then, that no Edicts can draw them home to their houses, and that Rochel, sancerre, and other places (being threatened) prepare for defence, they must at the least take from the Protestants such refuges as they have within the realm. To shut up Rochel, Byron enters into the Country of Onis in the beginning of December, with ●euen Cornets of horse, and eighteen Enseignes of foot. Those of Sancerre run yet ●t liberty: but the opinion of their chief Commanders, that they would attempt some other thing, and the vain presumption they had of the situation of their hilly place, made them the more negligent, both to furnish it with victuals, and to repair the necessary fortifications to endure a siege, against the which they should have foreseen the small hope of succours, and the constant resolution of the assailants. Let us consider of these circumstances, and prepare ourselves to see the greatest re●o●u●ion of men, lead by Captains to whom the necessity of the time gave more credit, than their beginning, gave them authority. Martignon, Pilard, Mar●inat, La ●eur, Chaillou, Montaub●n, Buisson, Paquelon, La Minee and Dorival commanded there ●uer six hundred and fifty men, and for Colennel they had Andrew jonneau Bailiff of the Town. A hundred and fifty strong labourers in the Vines, wrought great effects ●ith their slings (which were called the Pistols of Sancerre,) for services upon the wall in assaults, scalladoes, and ●allies. In january, La Chastre Lieutenant for the King in the government of Berry, and general of this army, came before it with about five hundred horse, 1573. and five thousand 〈◊〉, sixteen enseignes of pioneers, Siege of Sancerre. and a great number of peasants gathered together: at the first he offers a reasonable composition to the besieged, if they will accept it. As the beginning of the General was courteous, so was the proceeding of the besieged incivill, disdainful, and contrary to the law of nations. They retain the ●●rum, and make no answer. To make his approaches, La Chastre builds a fort with●●●●ure hundred paces of the Town towards Pontenay, another upon the way of ●. ●●●●●ult, a palissadoe in the field of S. Ladre: entrenched the approaches and ways ●b●ut the Town) planted ten pieces of Artillery in the field of Saint Ladre: and six others at Orme au Loup: (it is a ●igh mountain upon the South side of Sancerre, which commands the Town) he shoots against the walls and houses at random; and spends in two months above six thousand Canon shot (and yet the besieged lost not above five and twenty men) gives an assault, but with the loss of many that were slain, and a great number hurt. The 18. of March, La Chastre, by a second battery in three divers places, beats down the defences both of Towers and wall, makes a breach of about three hundred paces, g●ues a general assault, presents a scalado on an other side, mines and sappes on the third, that the Sancerrois (wearied with so many difficulties,) might shriek under th●ir burden. But well assailed, and well defended, the besieged with the loss of seventeen Soldiers, not only repulse the enemy, but also make them leave about three score of their most resolute men slain in the ditches, above two hu●d●ed wounded to the death, and as many maimed for ever, then cool their heat ca●sing them to change this hasty fury of Canons and assaults, into a more long, but a more violent war. They make many forts nearer unto the Town, & notwithstanding t●e ●allies and ordinary skirmishes of the Sancerrois, they furnish them with artillery & men, sufficient to cut off all relief: so as being shut up on all side●, they begin to want ordinary victuals in the beginning of April they eat their Asses & Moi●es, Sancerre in gre●● extremity for victuals. then fall they t● horses, dogs, cats, mice, moles &, leather & in the end to parchmin, horns, trappings o● horses, girdles, and wild roots. And in the end of june, three parts of them had ●o bread to eat, some make it of flax seed, others of all kinds of herbs ●●xt 〈◊〉 bran, beaten and ground in mortars, and others of straw, of nut shells, and of s●●tes▪ grease and tallow served for pottage, and frying, yea some (a strange thing and neue● heard of,) laboured to encounter the cruelty of their hunger, by the excrements of horses, and men. But a horrible thing to see, the nineteenth of june, a labourer i● t●e vines and his wife,, satisfied their hunger with the head and entrails of their young daughter about three years old, being dead in languishing, giving no other grave to the members of this poor carcase, but their bellies. But the magistrate advertised of this inhumanity, did for examples sake shorten their days, finding them guilty of other crimes▪ neither were they forced hereunto by any extremity, seeing the ●ame day they had been relieved with pottage made of herbs and wine, whereof there was store in the Town. To conclude, four score men died by the sword at Sancerre (saith the History) but of hunger both within and without, above five hundred. And even now the King began to see his threats to take effect: An admirable means for the deli●erie of Sancerre. I will make them, (said he) eat one an other. They were hopeless of all huma●ne help: such as they sent out for succours, either fell into their enemy's hands, or died by the sword, or returned no more, or could not re-enter. So as they could not hope for any help, but in despairing of help, when as the providence of God brings them a strange and far-bred nation, to give them the liberty ●f the fields, and the use of bread. The Estates of Poland had chosen Henry Duke of Anjou brother to our Charles for their King, (as we shall see in the end of the siege of Rochel) but with a promise and oath taken by the Bishop of Velence and Lansa● in the name of the King their master: That all the Towns and persons in France molested for the cause of religion should be set at liberty. At the request thereof, the Ambassadors of Poland, th●s poor people languishing for hunger (yet resolute to die one after another, rather than to fall into their enemy's hands, who threatened them with a general massacre) the nineteenth of August they obtained of la Chastre in the King's name: To departed with their arms, and baggage: impunity for such as would remain still, permission to dispose of their goods, Sanc●rre yielded by composition. promise to preserve the honour of women and maidens, and to pay la Chastre forty thousand francs, by the inhabitants that were absent. So la Chastre entering the last of the said month, d●smanteled Sancerre, beat down some houses, took away the Clock, Bells, and other marks of a Town: but the other points of the capitulation, were reasonably well observed: the Bailiff jonneau was massacred the 12. of September near unto la Chastres' lodging. Siege of Rochel. Now follows one of the most memorable sieges that hath been in many ages. A siege where many of the Commanders, and most part of those, which were noted to have forced the admirals lodging, began the butchery, and committed so many murders at Paris and else where, came to seek their graves. The King's army ●as held to be fifty thousand men, by land and sea, and threescore pieces of artillery. The besieged had a good number of gentlemen and horsemen, eight companies of Inhabitants, nine of strangers, one of the Mayor, one of voluntaries, consisting of twenty M●squetiers, five and twenty armed with corselets of proof, and thirty hargue busiers: the two thirds thereof, were Gentlemen, and such as had the charge in the former wars. Yet the mildest way is the best. And therefore B●ron in the beginning seeks some means of an accord▪ but the Rochelois discovering every day some new practice, believed that their preservation consisted in distrust. And a gentleman being in Rochel, revealed the intelligences which Byron had with him for the surprising of the Town, having already drawn into the Town some soldiers of Puigaillards and Saint Martin's companies, and was ready to draw in the most resolute Captains, if the Mayor and Council had not held it more fit by a small exemplary execution, to break off a great and dangerous enterprise. To encounter the enemy, la Nove is chosen chief of the forces within the Town, without any diminution of the majors rights and authority in other things. Montgo●●●●●● succours could not pass. la Nove sends new deputies into England to the same 〈◊〉 but the league confirmed of late years, betwixt our Charles and Queen Elisa●●●● ●owe ag●ine renewed by the baptism of the King's daughter (whereof Elisabeth 〈◊〉 ●o●mother with the Empress,) seemed to withdraw the affection which was wo●t to come from beyond the seas, for the relief of the Protestants, whilst the sal●e● and daily skirmishes, at Rochel, inflame both the one and the other: where o● the reason of the nearness of their retreat, they do greatly waste the number of the 〈◊〉. The eleventh of February the Duke of Anjou arrives at his army, accompanied with 〈◊〉 brother the Duke of Alan●on, the King of Navarre, The Duke of Anjou comes ●o camp. the Princes of Condé and Daul●●●né, the Dukes of Longueville, Bouil●on, Neue●s, Aumale and Guise, the young Earl of Rochefoveault, the Grand Prior, and many other Noble men, bringing with them a great train of men, who for the most part would have been grieved, they should 〈◊〉 taken this Sanctuary, and succour from the Protestants. This siege was great, and 〈◊〉 seem to be of long continuance. Every man runs thither, every one will have 〈◊〉 share. They prepare things necessary for the battery, and in the mean time make many skirmishes. Before they come to their greatest force, the Duke solicits t●e gentlemen and Inhabitants by letters, containing both promises and threats. They h●mbly show unto him the necessity of their defence, knowing no fit means to preserve their lives against the enemies of the peace, then to oppose force against violence, and to retire themselves into well fortified places, until it should please the 〈◊〉 t● provide for a lawful assembly of the Estates, and a free Council. The King on the other side, protesting of his sincerity in matters lately passed, and 〈◊〉 the fault of the outrage happened upon the pretended conspiracy of the Admir●●● and his partisans, he summons the Rochelois to open their gates to Byron, or to any ot●er having charge to enter into the Town, as they ought to maintain his royal ●●●●oritie, and so to order it as the place may be no more at the disposition of mutins. Which doing, he grants them exercise of their religion, with the like liberty as he 〈◊〉 granted by his Edict of pacification, and withal he takes from them all hope of succours from England. Byron, Strossy, Villequier and the Abbot of Gadaigne, carry the King's promise to the Rochelois: which now neglected, he would never be persuaded by any entreaties or requests, considering how much the King abased himself unto his subjects. They ●●●●ing the equity of their defence, and the tyrannous injustice of the Baron of la guard and others, accept the articles offered by the King: but they request that the E●ict may not only be maintained for their private respect, but also generally for all of ●●eir religion in France. But these were words without effect on either side. The ●●c●elois are advertised, how the enemy approacheth with two and thirty pieces of bat●●●●, and that after dinner they should keep them in skirmish. They prevent them, 〈◊〉 ●allie ●orth at noon, kill and hurt in one skirmish of six hours, a hundred and 〈◊〉 men, amongst the which were many Captains: la Nove had two horses 〈◊〉 under him, three Captains, five soldiers, and twenty hurt. Thus their 〈◊〉 are set on fire, and the battery gins: the one prepares to assault, The Duke of Aumale slain. and the ot●er to defend. The chance ●ell upon claud of Lorraine Duke of Aumale, Uncle to 〈…〉 of Guise, slain behind a gabion, with a piece planted upon the bulwark of 〈◊〉 ●uangile: and the Townsmen issuing forth at the end of the battery, kill many, and 〈◊〉 the enemy's heat. I● the beginning of March they try again, whither they may win the Rochelois 〈…〉 combat. They offer them the exercise of their religion within their Town, 〈…〉 in all other places of the Realm. Those of the party might have 〈…〉 for double dealers. One day of parley was more hurtful unto them then 〈…〉 of war. They resolve therefore to prefer a just war before a 〈…〉 doubtful peace. T●e battery is renewed▪ about thirteen thousand Cannon shot spent in that month, shakes both the fortifications and walls: many skirmishes are made: every one st●●●es to surprise his enemy, and la Nove (seeing his presence of no import to the besieged, where he must yield all, or in a manner all, to the popular government, comes to the Duke's army, where he effected more in favour of the Rochelois being absent then present, as they afterwards confessed. The ordinary sallies of the besieged, wasted the Duke's troops daily, losing in few weeks above 20. good Captains. The battery continues in Ap●ill, & with such violence, as a long wall from the old fountain unto the end of the bulwark d' Euangile, was beat down to the ground the bulwark unarmed, and the Tower of Cognees beaten down. In the evening the enemy casts a bridge of wood into the trench, advancing even unto the bulwark: they come to the assault, and win two casemats. But they dislodge them, from the one with the Can●non, from the other with a furious charge▪ some of them remain for a gage, the rest save themselves by flight. Two hundred rondaches and coselets pass by their bridge of wood, The Rochelois endure nine assa●l●●. and the Cannon playing without intermission, seemed to keep the besieged from their defence. But the women and maids, running with an incredible resolution to cast wild fire and stones, inflamed the courage of the soldiers. They kill and wound, and in the end force them to abandon the trench, but they lose about threescore men and some Captains. Hereafter there is nothing but thundering of the Cannon both by land and sea, furious assaults, showers of shot, planting of ladders, ruins of bulwarks, sappes and mines, most fatal to their authors: and until the end of May, all the attempts that might be devised in a mighty and obstinate siege. On the other side, men, women, and Children, without fear, endure the rough charges of the enemy, fill up their breaches overthrow the first that mount, beat back their enemies into their tre●ches, follow after them▪ and fight with variable success▪ but most commonly to the advantage of the Townsmen, having endured nine assaults no less courageously, then valiantly given. Victuals began to grow short in the Town, the Cannons continued the battery daily, the number of the soldiers decayed, they had no means to refresh them, and many retiring themselves, bred an amazement in the Town. Some of the chief win many men to their wills, and already there were three hundred men, who weary of the war, will have a peace at what price soever. Others devise to seize upon a gate, to departed when they please. These murmurings and divisions cause new pa●●●●, the Duke of Anjou being desirous to retire with honour. The last charge given to Rochel●. But before the Ambassadors of Poland arrive, they must try their last force. The 12. of june the assailants give a fierce scaladoe, at the little breach near to the old fountain. About a hundred or six score gentlemen mount with targetts and courtelas: some get to the top of the mount, and view the trench and the counterscarpe gabioned within the trench. A vollee of shot, overthrows fifteen or twenty upon the place, and makes the rest retire. The Duke himself is in danger, but the providence of God reserved him for a more exemplary end. As he beheld the breach made at the old fountain, a soldier shoots at him from the Town: but de Vin the master of his horse, seeing the fire in the cock, steps before him, and with the willing loss of his life saved his masters. In the end the Ambassadors of Poland come the 17. of june, Peace of Roch●●le. to carry away their new chosen King. God useth this means to deliver Rochel, being unfurnished of victuals, of munition for the war, and of many hundreds of their men. The King, by his articles of peace made in form of an edict, grants to them of Rochel, Montauban, Nismes, and other Towns which had maintained themselves, free exercise of their religion, and to others permission to live in their houses without search, to solemnize Christen and marriages after their manner, without any greater assembly than ten persons besides the parents▪ but the said exercise was forbidden in Court, and ten Leagues round about. another means did greatly ease the besieged, the division in the Duke's camp, and the advertisements they received from their friends following the army. So the end of this siege, being of exceeding charge, and the grave of above twenty thousand men, slain in skirmishes, encounters, surprises, assaults, and dead of hurts, hunger and disease's, caused the King to make great desseins for the repairing of many errors, into the which the private ambition of some, abusing the youth and the violent passions of this Prince, had drawn him: But too late for him, for he sees his Realm inflamed with the same fire, which they persuaded him should have been wholly quenched with the blood that▪ was shed at Saint Bartlemewes'▪ and the wars of civil division utterally extinct. So the feeling he had in himself of these actions whereinto they had drawn him, shall soon lodge him in the sepulchre of his Predecessors. The other exploits of war done else where in divers Provinces of the Realm, War in divers Provinces. require some place in our history. The Baron of Serignac, a wiseman, virtuous and loving martial discipline, with some others of Quercy, Foix and the neighbour Provinces, having caused Montauban to resolve to arms, go to field with their troops, put garrison into Terride whereof Serignac named himself Baron, took Buzet upon Tar three Leagues from Tholouse, by scaldo, assure themselves of Villemur, seize upon many other places, fortify those they had held during all the former troubles, warrant the passages: then at an assembly held at Realmont in Albig●●is, they made a division of their charges and governments. The viscount of Go●rdon had a part of Quercy towards Cadenac; and Serignac the other towards Montauban and Gasconie, the viscount of Paulin Lauragais, the viscount of Panas and his brother Rovergue, the viscount of Caumont the County of Foix, and the mountain Country. They were equal in their Commands: but to avoid jealousy, they decreed that one of them wanting succour, the other commanders should secure him with all their forces, and be commanded by him. So they all retire to their governments, In Languedo●. every one gives order for the preservation of their estates. Serignac occupies some neighbour places, than he camps with two thousand shot, and some horse before Monricou, makes a breach, gives three assaults and one scaldoe, & is repulsed with loss. Viou●e and Realuille make him receive the like disgrace, and kill many of his men. But h● is revenged to the benefit of one of his Captains, besieged in a village with four score men: he slew above two hundred men, and put the rest to flight. The Earl of Villars, In Quercy. Admiral of France and Lieutenant for the King against the Protestants, in Quercy and the Countries there abouts, gathers together his troops, dispersed into garrisons, beseegeth and takes Saint Geniez in high Quercy▪ carries away the Lord of the place, notwithstanding the composition made to departed with their lives and goods: who was sent prisoner to Cahors. It is better to hunt a far off, then near at home. The pursuit of many, against whom he had made cruel war, brought him to a scaffold, as a spectacle and triumph to his enemies. Brifenell in high Rovergue had a capitulation better observed: but the Admiral lost in counterchange, in the month of May, Soreze Montesquiou, two Leagues from Tholouse, Lodeve a Bishopric and rich in the mountains of Languedoc, and Master saints Puelles, near to Castelnaudarry. The Marshal d' Anvil did likewise arm against the Protestants, six Cornets of horse and ten thousand foot, with fourteen pieces of battery, pretending to besee●e Nismes, and then Vzez, but the surprise of Sommieres near to Bezieres and Montpellier, called him from his enterprise. He beseegeth it, makes a breach and gives two assaults, which were defended to the loss of the beseegers. The Earl of Candale brother in Law to the Marshal, arrives with a hundred horse and twelve companies of Gascons, who desire to have the forward at the third assault: but with the loss of three hundred of the most resolute. This check amazeth the Earl. What fools are we, The siege of Sommecres. (saith he to the Marshal his brother in Law) to cause ourselves to be thus beaten, murdered and slain, for their pleasure, who have murdered our kinsmen, friends and allies, and will one day pay us with the same money? He had reason, and the issue will teach us soon the effect of this true divination 〈◊〉 if the Marshal of Montmorency had been present, this fatal 24. day o● 〈◊〉, the same fury had interred him with all his house under this common ruin, as ●anie others, yea Catholics suffered the like violence by the practices of their priu●●●●nemies, to whom the time and force gave means to revenge their private 〈◊〉 under an other pretext. There were four months already spent at this siege, above five thousand Cannon shot had beaten the walls of Sommiers to powder, victuals failed, and the besieged demanded nothing but composition. But the Marshal would have it by force. He exhorts his brother in Law to revenge the death of his Captains and soldiers, who suffers himself to be persuaded: but as he goes resolutely to the breach, performing the duty of a brave Commander and a resolute soldier, he sees the place covered with a great number of his men, and himself in the end overthowne dead upon the carcases. This hen's roost might have been the sepulchre of many more, but Gre●●●n (to whom the honour of the taking, and keeping of Sommiers is chiefly due) after they had performed the duties of valiant men, accepted the composition was offered by the Marshal: To departed, their drums sounding▪ Enseignes displayed, their marches light in their cocks, with seven days liberty to carry away their baggage, and to retire where they pleased. So the Marshal seeing the resolution of them of Nismes, and having lost two thousand five hundred of his best men, dismissed his troops, and proceeded afterwards against the Protestants, by seizures and sale of their goods within his government. The admirals army had an other success. Terride, Flaignac and generally all which the Protestants held beyond the river of Garonne, In Gasconic. recompensed the losses he had received. But Caussade stayed the course of his victories, and made him unable to do any thing worthy of fame. La Motte-Puiols kept the Town with six hundred harquebusiers, and the repulse the Admiral received after a long wasting of his forces, caused in the end the ruin of his army, the which the Viconte of Gourdon shortened of a company at the passage of Dordonne, chase the rest which marched to the siege of Rochel. The King of Navarre had lately invited his subjects of Berne to return into the bosom of the Catholic Church. They answered their Prince with excuses, thinking it proceeded from an other motion, than his own: and protest to other Churches of that party, to persever and maintain themselves with them in the same religion. See now the effects of their protestations. The Baron of Grandmont, marcheth into Bearne to plant the ancient religion. They troop together within the Country, retain him prisoner, In Viva ●z & Dauphin. and cut the most of his men in pieces. Saint Romain was chief of the Protestants in Vivarez, Mombrun in Daulphiné. The first held Villeneufe, the last seized upon Orpierre, Serres, Meuse, and by divers courses he became terrible in the Diocese of Die and the neighbour mountains. Th●se new broils thrust their neighbours into like revolts: and the King who thought by the abolition of the Edict, of the year 1570. at the least by the departure of his brother into Poland, and a peace granted before Rochel, to enjoy an assured rest, finds himself encumbered with new and general combustions. Those of Quercy, Languedoc & their neighbours, Protestations against the peace of Roche●le. planting an order and rule for the war, and the administration of justice, protest against this Edict, terming it captious, and a forerunner of of new massacres. Our Capital enemies (said they) the authors of forepast disorders, remain the only counsellors and governors of the King and his estate: all the Churches of France, are deprived of the public exercise of religion solemnly granted, and now by this Edict abolished: all the contents of this last pacification, and whatsoever else is promised us, are but words without effects: it is a general abolition of what is past, the murderers are absolved, and no mention made of any iust●ce to be done to them: All Ecclesiastical discipline being forbidden us, they will plunge us in Atheism. This treaty is but coloured by some private persons without any general advow: whose approbation cannot prejudice the universal bo●ie, neither aught they to yield to any thing without the common con●ent of our Churches. T●ese complaints and Protestations cause them to assemble at M●lla●d, and after at Montauban, and there dividing Languedoc into two goverments, th●● make Montauban chief of the one, & the Vicont of Paulin governor in that part▪ &. Nismes of the other, The 〈◊〉 in Lang●e●oc. for the nearness of Sevennes and Vivarais, under the command o● Saint Roman▪ but b●th subject to the authority of the Estates of the Country▪ who gave them council, and furnished them with money, being chosen in either government of the worthiest men of the Country, yet in such sort, as the particular estates of every Diocese, did in matters of importance, confer by their Deputies with the estates of the whole government, and according to their conclusions, the governor should carry himself, and receive money from their hands. To fortify this order, they dec●●e; That the soldiers should be content with his entertainment. without▪ spoiling of the Country: that the Towns and villages of the contrary party, should be taxed and forced to contribute for the entertainment of garrisons, to the end, their labour & reaping of their fruits might be free. The revenues of benefices was appointed to make a stock of money, to be employed in their greatest affairs, the which they had leisure to effect: for the election of the King of Poland busied the Court and Council in feasts, dancing, & pleasure. So they man many places, from whence they might at need draw forth almost twenty thousand men, and by seizing on the Clergy lands, and the contribution which came from all parts, they weaken their enemies. Many Catholics otherwise discontented, growing familiar with them, and beginning to join their forces together, lay great desseins, which shall soon break out in all parts. Matters thus handled, gave a beginning to the fift troubles in France: but before it br●ke forth, the Protestants of Languedoc sent their Deputies to the King. They humbly thank him for the affection he had seemed to have to the maintenance of peace within his Realm, and necessary means to restore an estate threatened with eminent r●ine they protest of their obedience, but they beseech his Majesty, not to find it strange, if they assemble to prevent the pernicious attempts of wicked Councillors, who by their fraudulent, and violent practices, had induced him to declare himself, both by mouth, and his letters patents, to the great blemish of his reputation among strangers, the Author of the massacre committed at Paris, the which he had few days before disavowed, That they cannot believe he should willingly condescend to so bloody effects: and the fear they had to fall into the like, forced them to seek all means they could to warran● themselves, with the loss of their companions blood so unjustly shed. They request therefore: That for the effect of the peace, those of the religion should i● those Towns they held, & in two others of every Province, chosen by ●oure Deputies, have garrisons entertained at the King's charge, the 〈◊〉 of their 〈◊〉 free and public, to all such as would demand it, the 〈…〉 Ecclesiastical discipline, the burial of their dead, without distinction 〈…〉 churchyard: the exemption of contributions for the Ceremonies of the Romish Church: Reception of their children into Colleges, under tutors of their own religion: Legitimation for such as should be borne of the marriage of Priests converted to their doctrine. E●ection of a new Parliament in every Province, composed of judges of the same religion. The tithes which they paid to the Priests, to be reserved for the maintenance of their ministers. Punishment of the authors, Councillors, and executioners of massacres, as thieves, and disturbers of the public quiet. Moreover, they demand, that the Admiral, with all those that had been murdered, and that were then living, should be reputed to have been, and to be faithful servants and subjects to the King, and his estate, innocent of rebellion, and guiltless of conspiracy. A nullity of all acts made against them as calumnious. Restitution of goods, honours, and offices, to the heirs of them that were murdered. Abolition of all infamous monuments, and general passions instituted in memory of so execrable a day. ●he●e were the principal points of their propositions, amongst other articles concerning the government. But they treated partly, as humble servants, partly as armed subjects, like unto such as beg for alms with their swords in their hands. And as a new alteration flies easily and suddenly from one Province to another, so those of Provence, Daulphiné, Lionnois, and others, join with the first: and by the mouth of a Deputy, present their petition and admonitions to the King. The King sends h●m to certain Commissioners, to confer thereof; and promiseth, that after he had conducted his Brother out off the realm, he would do all things necessary for the contentment of his subjects. The apprehension of Charles. This hardy resolution taken in Languedoc and the neighbour Countries, made out Charles to change both his countenance and his speech. He sees well, the more he hasted, the more impatiently they did bear his Brother's departure: namely the Queen mother, the Duke of Guise, and the Clergy. Henry himself desired rather to bear the title of Duke of Anjou in France, than the King of Poland: neither was he greatly pleased, to make so long and so cross a pilgrimage. His most confi●ent servants would willingly have discontented the Polonois in their answer, either to have sent them away ill satisfied, or to win time until the spring. But there was no remedy. Charles could no more contain himself amidest the complaints which came from so many parts of his realm, but sometimes gives out threats against them which had abused him, making him believe, that after the execution of the 24. of August last passed, he should reign free from confusions. Stranger's reproach him openly with the irreparable wrongs he had done to himself, and to his subjects: & accuse him, that in steed of a father, he had been a butcher, and a hangman of his people, or at the least taxed his honour with this title, by the induction of the principal authors of this horrible disorder. The delays of his Brother displeased him. Henry by his affability won the people's hear●s. The affection which Charles noted of long time in the mother, to his advancement as her best son, the credit which the house of Guise had in him, or at the least seemed to have, & the hope which the Clergy grounded upon his authority (they had already recompensed these agreeable services which he had done them, with a present of three hundred thousand Crowns, and had much augmented it, if Roch●lle had been taken) made him to be suspected and fearful to the King his Brother, who even then would willingly have found the means to chastise such, as under the shadow of his name, had opened the way to so great injustice, & such enraged furies. But during these garboils and confusions of affairs, he found not any one of his Councillors of State, that did teach him to dissemble, and to contain himself, until that opportunity should give him means of revenge. So his complaints and threats were carefully observed, and bitterly digested by such as it concerned. The Queen Mother, not able any longer to differ the departure of her son Henry. King Charles falls dangerously sick. Go (saith she) my son, you shall not continue long there. And as Charles goes before unto the fronter, pressing hi● brother to follow him, he is suddenly stayed by a great sickness, at Vitry in Champagne, giving occasion to his most confident servants to think, that above two attended the issue of his infirmity▪ and to speak disgracefully of the Queen Mother, the new King, and their trustiest servants, whereof some retired from C●urt, & went to shroud themselves in Britain, seeing that the vigour of the King's youth, had expelled the venom of his disease, by his head, neck, and visage. The King of Poland building upon his mother's promises, departed in the end of October, being assured of the love she bore him above the other two. She feared the humours and threats of Charles: and Francis Duke of Alencon did not greatly affect the house o● Guise, neither had he approved the massacre. New practices in Court. The malcontents, who with a less odious name called themselves politics, find credit with him, think him fit to reduce the affairs to a better course, & make him to repined at the small account is held of him: they let him understand how small a proportion was allotted him for his maintenance: the distrust they have of his faith, the opposition of the QUEEN'S Mother, to keep him from the Lieutenancy of the Realm (who gave the King to understand, that by means of his malcontents, he might stir up some factious mutiny having the forces at his command) the search was made of him, and the means which were offered unto him to restore the Realm. Catherine was well acquainted with these practices, but she cunningly makes her profit of them all, during the King's sickness, to avoid the danger when she pleased, and to ruin one by an other at need, as hereafter we shall see they will do their best. During these alterations, those of Languedoc fortified themselves. To keep them at a s●ay, under hope of some content, they appoint a general Parliament at Compiegne: the Provinces prepare their remembrances, some Deputies were on the way with instructions and Commissions, to speak boldly, namely against the Authors and Councillors of murders. The Queen mother and her followers fearing the touch, obtain a revocation of the States, and labouring at the first to pacify these deputies by promises and words, in the end they change their countenances, they use threats, and do so terrify them, as they return home only with a vain hope, to receive satisfaction shortly to their demands, and permission (especially to them of Languedoc) to assemble again for the drawing of new articles, concerning the preservation of themselves and their associates: the which they did afterwards at Millaud in Rovergue, and those of Rochel entered into association with them, forced unto it by the practices and devices of Puigaillard, Landereau, the Baron of la guard, and others attending to surprise them: but ended with the year, and the lives of some, that undertook it, being publicly executed. The fourth troubles begun with the massacres, Beginning of the forth troubles. had some respite by the peace of Rochel: but now this last conspiracy discovered, and the practices to surprise them of Languedoc, the secret levies of men, to assail them suddenly, gives an entrance to the 〈◊〉. The Protestants allege for the ground of their arming, the infinite outrages which have been done them within few months, and send advertisements, and admonitions to the Princes, Nobility, the Parliaments, and the Estates. The Malcontents, and such as were most inward with the Duke of Alencon, foreseeing the shortness of the King's life, yet not daring to complain of it, but in shaking of the shoulders, and holding down the head, solicit him to get the lieutenancy general, to represent the King's person, or if they will employ him against them of Languedoc, that he should seek to save the Realm, from the violence of such as by the death of Charles, and the absence of Henry, would seek to seize thereon. He makes request unto the King, being at Saint german in Say, and the King doth acquaint the Queen mother, and the Marshal of Montmorency with the Duke's desire. To deny the Duke his request (saith the Marshal) were to do him wrong, and to call his sufficiency into question, seeing the same place had been given to the Duke of Anjou without demanding it. But the Queen mother, and those of Guise, desired it rather for the Duke of Lorraine, whom soon after she expressly called to Court: and in the mean time seems to believe, that they be practices of the Marshals of Montmorency and Coss, at the persuasions of the King of Navarre, and Prince of Condé, to the end the King's fury might bring to ruin both the one and the other. She therefore takes Council to assure herself, and to destroy such as would follow any other party but her own: and even then did she trouble the King's head with an exceeding fear, and distrust of his household servants. The Duke of Guise would gladly have undertaken the house of Montmorency: but it was to no purpose, if all the four brethren were not taken in one net. The Marshal of d' Anvil was in Languedoc, and determined to join with the Protestants: yet the death of the eldest might make the rest easy. So the Duke of Guise one day picks a quarrel in the base Court of Saint german, with Ventabran his household servant, and for a slight cause, being resolved to kill him, he draws his sword. Ventabran flies directly to the Marshal of Montmorencies chamber, which he finding shut, he mounts higher to that of the Constable's Lady and widow: where finding Thoré, he stays, and there receives some blows, but it was flatlings with his sword. This Tragic act (turned to a jest) sent the Marshal out off Court▪ 1574. but he shall soon return▪ to receive a 〈◊〉 disgrace. The Duke of Alencon resolves likewise to leave it, and to lead the 〈◊〉 Navarre with him▪ but the execution was of great dissicultie. To ask leave, 〈◊〉 breed too many scruples, and jealousies in the King's head: to go without leave, was to accuse himself of some plot, and to be pursued as a fugitive. He therefore stires 〈◊〉, but let's pass a troop of two or three hundred horse, assembled in Normandee, to ●auour (as the common bruit was) the Duke of Alensons' retreat, or as others would have it, (but without any likelihood) to murder the King, his mother, and his Council. This levy terrified the Court, and brought it to Paris: they presently charge the Duke of Alenson, and the King of Navarre. To purge themselves, they publish a declaration the four and twentieth of March, touching the fact of Saint german▪ they protest of their good affection to the King, and they offer their services against all rebels. Hereupon the Marshal of Montmorency is persuaded to come to Court. He is no sooner arrived, The marshal Montmorencie put in the Bastille. but they appoint him the Bastille for his lodging, and for companions in prison, the Marshal of Cosse, la Mole, Coconnas, and Tourtay, servant, to the Duke of Alenson, whereof the three last lost their heads at Paris, culpable onel● to have been acquainted with some of their master's Counsels to abandon the Court. During these broils in Court, the Protestants and their associates make their profit in Vivarez, Daulphiné, Languedoc and Poictou. And the Marshal d' Anvil, having by letters surprised, divers exploirs o● war. discovered the practice against him, conferred now with Saint Roman Governor of Nismes: But seizing on Montpellier, Beaucaire, Lunel and Pezenas, he gives the Protestants some cause to suspect his desseins. The Politics of Poictou having joined with La Nove, seize upon S. Maixant, Melle, Fontenay, Lusignan and other places. The check fell upon the Normans. Montgomery, Lorges, and Galardon his children. Colombieres, Say, and others with troops of horse and foot, had secretly taken Saint Lo, Carentan and Valongnes▪ but Matignon and Feruaques joined with the forces of the Conte Th●rigni, (who already camped before Saint Lo) shut him into Danf●one, a weak place, and ill furnished, with threescoore horse, and four score hargubuziers. They batter the Castle, make a breach of five and forty paces, and having been vigorously repulsed from a sharp assault, the Earl abandoned by his people, (whereof the most part were gone to his enemies, and the rest wavering, being unfurnished of munition, water and succours, persuaded by the Lord of Vassey (for he held it far more honourable to die upon the breach, with a pike in his hand, then to fall into the Queen mother's power, to end his days ignominniously on a scaffold:) he did capitulate, but not without a grievous apprehension of Colombieroes, desiring rather to die upon the breach▪ then to serve as a spectacle at the grieve at Paris, Co●te Montgomery taken. ) to departed with their lives, and to carry away some furniture, with their swords and daggers: upon condition notwithstanding, to remain some time in the hands of Matignon, and Vessey kinsman to the Earl, with surety of his life. A captious and fraudulent composition: the observation whereof must needs be broken. The Earl goes forth, and was led away by Matignon and Feruaques at midnight: but his company remain at the enemy's devotion, who force the Castle, kill some, spoil the rest, and put them all to ransom. Then Vassey appointed by the two commanders, lead the Earl to Paris: where since we did see him gore a mournful scaffold, & expiate by his death (to the Queen's content) that of King Henry her husband. In the mean time, the Duke of Montpensier made war in Poictou, but slowly: and except the Castle of Talmont which he took from the Protestants by composition, he did not any thing worthy of memory. The taking hereof was encountered with two great disgraces, the one near to Saint Hermine, in the defeat of his company by Saint Estienne, Captain of Fontenay, (who slew many gentlemen: led away fifteen or sixteen prisoners, got great store of baggage, and the Duke's plate:) The other at the siege of Fontenay. Some thinking to revenge a disgrace, do oftentimes increase it. He got nothing but blows, with the los●e of the most resolute of his troops: and then an ●●nest colour, the King's sickness called him from this siege, to attend new Commissions and forces. At that time, the Prince of Condé did recreate himself in Picardy, The Prince of 〈◊〉 retreat into Ge●ma●y. wearied with the turmoils of the Court. Being advertised of divers▪ practices laid to seize upon his person, he flies into Germany, with Thoré, il beloved by reason of the Marshals of Montmoren●● and d' Anvil his brethren, and the Counsels given to the Duke of Alenson. Being at Strasbourg, he exhorts the Protestant Churches, to rely upon his love and zeal for their relief, and Thoré persuades his brother d' Anvil, to open his eyes, and to embrace the occasion that was offered. This Marshal held the wolf by the ears: for on the one side, the Protestants of Languedoc might greatly cross him▪ if he had banded his forces directly against them and on the other side, he ●eared the King, and the Queen his mother, who to keep him in awe, caused his eldest brother to be ●a●ely guarded, as a sure pledge for his youngers' actions. He must therefore assure himself on all sides, and according to the course of the market, entertain both the one, and the other, expecting a Catastrophe of this strange and horrible Tragedy, which was acted in Court. The King declined in the mean time, & decayed visibly in the prime of his age: & since the King of Poland's departure, he seemed more changed in mind, then in body, being incensed especially against the authors and Councillors of the massacre, (as he made known by his speeches, to some of his Court▪ being enemies to injustice, and by letters written out of the Realm) for whom he prepared a strange potion, if the providence of God had not reserved them as scourges and ministers of that punishment he meant to inflict upon this Realm, to the end that seeing him afterwards to cast the●e rods into the fire, we should confess: That it is not now alone that he showeth himself the gardien and Protector of this Monarchy. At that time Charles lay taken both hand and foot, his chief servants were dead, disgraced, and absent. The motives of new troubles did much disquiet him. He did foresee infallible seeds of combustion in the coloured captivity of his brother, and brother in Law: in the imprisonment of the two Marshals: in the exile of the Prince of Condé, in whose favour the Germans began to arm. He sees his subjects cruelly armed one against another, and the fire of division ready to waste the Realm. His infirmity had some intermission during winter, but in the end, after he had languished the months of February, March, and April, tormented with many pangs, he kept his bed: Charles dies. and the thirtieth day of May, he slept his last sleep, in the Castle of Bois de Vincennes, after great effusion of blood, which issued out by all the passages of his body, the last two weeks of his sickness, during the which he endured all the violent assaults and combats which the vigour of youth might suffer in the extremest pangs of death. His successor could not come so soon from Poland▪ Catherine therefore to assure his authority during his absence, had obtained on the nine and twentieth day, letters of Regency from the King, directed to the Governors of Provinces: and the better to fortify this nomination, to restrain the Princes of the blood, and to maintain herself in the midst of confusion, she causeth letters Patents to be sealed by the Councillor of Birague, her servant, and by this means doth abolish the fundamentalllawes, the order of the Realm, the privileges of Princes, the authority of the general Estates, and the prerogative of the Parliaments. Charles was borne the seven and twentieth of june 1550. and began to reign the fifth of December 1560. A Prince of a very active disposition, His disposition. inconstant in his thoughts, violent in his enterprises, impatient, ready of conceit, the which he did express in good terms, a diligent observer of other men's natures, choleric, secret, a dissembler, cruel, and a blasphemer. But let us impute these vices and others, not to his natural inclination, but to his governors and schoolmasters, amongst the which the history doth especially note Martigues and Losses, who with the consent of the mother corrupted this young Prince, and made him take the habit of Vices and infections, wherein they daily plunged him. They might have pruned this young plant better, to have brought forth better fruits. At the beginning he was open, courteous 〈◊〉, sober, and little given to women. His speech was pleasing: he loved 〈◊〉 and poetry: we read yet good verses compiled by him in French. But the 〈◊〉 of hunting transported him wonderfully, and the blood of wild beasts, which 〈…〉 with singular delight, made him with long continuance, as it were greedy of 〈◊〉 blood. But let us tremble in this death, under the justice of God's judgements, 〈◊〉 suffered (after so horrible a butchery committed and commanded 〈…〉 reign) him to be surprised with a great debility in his latter days, to 〈…〉 his own blood, vomiting it out pitifully by all the conduits of his body, as a 〈◊〉 judgement for him that barbarously shed it, throughout all the Provinces of the realm. Doubtless God loves not the Prince, that thirsts after his subjects blood, for the subjects blood is the very blood of their Prince. HENRY the third, 62. King of France. HENRY THE .3. KING OF FRANCE AND POLE. portrait IT is a great comfort unto me (said Charles, some few hours b●fore his death) that I leave no heirs males lawfully begotten, 1574. for leaving him young, he must endure many crosses, and France hath need of a man. But alas, we shall now see one advanced to the crown, where●●to the fundamental law of State and honour doth call him, installed with a confused beginning, and afterwards, by an Edict of pacification, to reduce and re●ei●e his subjects happily in their obedience, under a reign as lascivious and vo●upt●●us as the other had been cruel and bloody: until that the house of Guise (seeing the King barren, and his successor confined in show, beyond the river of Loire) shall discover their ambition, and cause (but in the end with the loss of the lives of two of the chief motives of confusion) the people to break out into a blind, vain and treacherous rebellion, being too ready to second the ambitious desseins of great men, and to run at random under the liberty of a turbulent reign, and for the last scene of this tragedy, they st●rre up a monstruous monk, traitorously to murder him, and by his death to extinguish the name of Valois, and unwittingly to let the Crown of France upon the head of this Henry, the first of the branch of Bour●ons, whom we shall see happily called from beyond the river of Loire, miraculously to take the helm of this estate, and valiantly to encounter the dangerous attempts of his enemies, who had already proclaimed a triumph before the victory gotten, ●isely to quench the fires of division kindled in his Realm: and now to reign m●st happily, and by the admirable favour and blessing of heaven, to govern his people in concord, peace and love. This is the man whom France had need of, to pacify the divisions both of great and small, to restore their general and private ruins: and under so gentle and mild a command, to preserve them fr●m the proud Empery of Strangers. Doubtless France cannot be governed but by a Frenchman, as we shall see, having learned the beginning, progress and pitiful end of this Prince, upon whom depended the estate of this great and mighty monarchy. Posts fly with speed to carry news to the King of Poland, of the death of his elder brother, whilst the Queen mother attending his coming, made a truce with them of Poitou, to the end she might with less opposition furnish the wars of Normandy: and to stay them of Languedoc and other neighbour Provinces, she persuaded the Duke of Alencon and the King of Navarre, to give them advertisement of the death of Charles, and solicited the governors to write unto the new King, touching their zeal to his service, and desire (under her regency) to observe the like fidelity to him, as they had done to his Predecessors. Matignon laboured in the mean time to take Saint Lo and Carentan from certain gentlemen Protestants, whom the breach of faith to the Earl of Montgomery, had made resolute in the defence of such places as they held. Colombiers' escaped from Danfron●, puts himself into Saint Lo with a small troop of men, where having encured three assaults, and slain nine or ten of their enemy's Captains, with three hundred of their men, in the end he is struck dead with a shot: the which daunted his soldiers hearts, who unfurnished of a Commander, that might encourage them with the like authority, toiled with long fight, they leave the breach, and their retreat abandon both the place and the lives of two hundred men, to the mercy of Matignons' men, to make satisfaction for the death of their companions. Carentan might likewise have interred many Catholics under the ruins of her wa●les: but Guitri and the chief of his company, seeing themselves alone in Normandy without any hope of succours, went out by composition on horseback, with their swords, and the soldiers upon condition to serve the King where he should employ them. Hereupon letters patents come from Henry, intituling himself King of France and of Poland, dated the five and twentieth of june, bearing confirmation and amplification of the Queen mother's Regency and government of the Realm. Confirmation of the Queen regency. Having therefore taken the oath of all the Governors, and published the King's letters patents, to make the way for her sons return out of Poland, she calls for the N●bility, assembles the foot, makes levies of Reisires and Swisses: sends to the Prince Dauphin son to the Duke of Montpensier, and to Gordes, who made war in Daulphiné: That they should do their best endeavour to ruin the Country which the Huguenots held: and chargeth the Duke of Vzez, and the Lord of joyezue, to be watchful 〈◊〉 the Marshal D' Anvil, with whom s●e had small credit in Languedoc. The imp●l●ning of his elder brother, the exile of the two younger, Meru and Thoré, and the Regent's letters being intercepted, had moved him: yet did he swim betwixt two stream●, and maintaining himself betwixt both, he did nothing trust the Catholics: and not loving the Protestants, he applied himself unto them as he had need of their help, These proceed bred some jealousy in them of Tholouse: D' Anvil suspected at Tholouse. but especially the truce he made with the Protestants, the assignation he gave for the assembly of the Estates of the Province at Montpellier the second of july, and the ordinary residence he made in that Town. So this Parliament by two decrees of the 19 of june, disallow, the truce, forbidding all persons within their jurisdiction, to go or send to these pretended Estates, appointed without the King's permission, upon pain to be declared rebels, and breakers of the Laws. Moreover, the Protestants persuaded by this truce, which gave them some hope of peace, D' Anvil associates himself with the Protestants. began to allow of their governors actions: and (notwithstanding 〈◊〉 advice of some who condemned this association, as threatening the ruin of their party by this conjunction) they unite their forces with the politics, offensive and defensive against all that would assail them. These enjoyed some rest, whilst that 〈◊〉 cuts in pieces a regiment of the Prince Daulphins Forward, War in Dauphin. and covers the 〈◊〉 of Royans with four hundred of the bravest of his army, slain upon the place. For a revenge, he besiegeth Alais a small Town, batters it, makes a breach, g●ues an 〈◊〉 and is repulsed: but the besieged being unable to maintain it, retire into the Castle: the Prince surpriseth them, cast some down headlong, and burns the rest within it. Host was the second of his triumphs: but Liuron stayed his course. The successful sallies of the Townsmen, and the ordinary courses of Montbrun, who descending from Loriol, did still keep the Prince in alarm, makes him to raise his siege, and to put his men into safety. The Protestants being freed on this side, they were fortified on the other, by the taking of Vessaux, In Vivaraiz a small Town in Vivarais by Bochegude. Perigourde takes Chalen●ccedil; on, and S. Roman Nonnay for their part. La Nove (not to approve Katherins regency, but rather to second the Prince of Condes forces which were prepared in Germany, In Poictou. ) was at truce with the Regent, for the months of july and August, in the Provinces of of Angoulmois, Poictou, and Xaintonge. But the Regent hoped to subdue the Protestants of the said Provinces, before her son should arrive. For the effecting whereof, ●he assembles men from all parts, to surprise them suddenly: that they being rooted out, the King should have nothing to do but with them of Daulphiné and Languedoc. So the D●ke of Montpensier, Chavigny, Puigaillard, Richelieu, Bussy of Amboise, and other Commanders, meet at Saumur with ten thousand men, and eighteen pieces of Artillery. The Protestants fly speedily to arms: those of Lusignan in the beginning of july overthrow the Gentlemen of Poictou: and those of ●ontenay near unto Nantes, overthrow five hundred Hargubusiers, almost all younger brothers of the Gentlemen of Bri●tanie. These two checks thrust the Duke to the siege of Fontenay le Conte. S. Es●ienne commanded therein, with about twenty Gentlemen, and four hundred Soldiers, and after some favourable sallies, having valiantly maintained two sharp assaults, and one scalado, the 16. of September, after fifteen days siege, beginning to treat of the composition before in question: behold Captain Masserousse, either through fear, or desire to provide for himself, or being too confident, for that they were upon terms of capitulation, gives entrance to some of his acquaintance: the rest runs thither by heaps, Fontenay surprised. they force the breach being ill guarded, and become masters of the Town: they kill some soldiers, ransom others, strip the rest, and chase them away with a white wand in their hands: but they use the Town with less rigour than a place taken by assault. The Baron of Serignac, otherwise called Terride, recompensed this lo●●e at the ●ame time by the surprise of Castres' in Albigeois, and the slaughter of two hundred Italians being in garrison: and Langoyran governor of Perigueux for the Protestants▪ by the absolute defeat of two hundred harquebusiers, whereof six one●y escaped, to carry ●ewe● to the rest of the●r party. Then Henry escaping secretly out of Poland, approached the Realm, The new King's arrival. where 〈◊〉 new Crown attended him, devising a far off, to ruin the Huguenots and to plant the only religion of his Fathers throughout the whole Realm. There is no sin ●o great (s●ied the Emperor Maximilian unto him) as to force men's consciences: and such as think to command them, supposing to win heaven, do often lose that which they possess on earth: The like admonitions were given him in all places, in Austria, Venice and Fiedmont: they exhort him in all places to pacifi●● the troubles of his Realm. But coming to Lions, for the first fruits of his entry, they cause him to commit a great error: for (as Monluc ●oats in his commentaries) in steed of pacifying all things past, (as he might easily have done, and have given us peace) they cause him to resolve unto war, making him believe, that entering into Daulphiné all would yield unto him, where as the least dog-hoole made head against him, & the best of his conquests could neither recompense the blood of his men, nor the treasure he should spend in this war. The Queen mother, the Dukes of Guise and Nevers, the Marshal of Retz, the Chancellor Birague, and some other new bread Frenchmen, disposed of the affairs at their pleasure in the secret councils of the Cabinet. Bad Councel●lo●●. The King did willingly give them authority (and what might be expected of men who gladly would people France with new Colonies of Italians, Lorrains' and Piedmonto●s) carrying only to Court Ladies, from the which he had been sequestered almost a year, with this nation which is less lascivious than ours. These pernicious councillors cause him to protest by sundry proclamations of his love to the good of his subjects, and to abolish what was past, Ill Council. so as they lay aside ar●es, deliver him all his Towns, and live quietly in their houses, without any search, constraint or molestation for matter of conscience. A policy practised by them, to entertain the fire of civil divisions, to rule in this confusion, and to fortify a third party, which in the end we shall see will oppress the King, and bring the Realm to a very miserable estate. The Protestants stood then the more upon their guards: they are full of jealousy, distrust▪ doubt and fear. All those patents made no mention of liberty for their religion, neither of a Parliament, for the politic government, nor of a national Council, for matte●s of conscience. And what was it, to grant unto the Rochel●o●s liberty of conscience, and to forbid the exercise of their religion for a certain season, but to keep their party at a gaze, whilst by their great preparations which were made in all parts, they should be able to put a mighty army to field, to r●ine them without hope of rising? So they arm on all sides, espeally in Poictou. The Baron of Frontenay, (afterwards Lord of Rohan in Brittanye,) being followed by threescore gentlemen and six hundred good soldiers, puts himself into Lusignan, which the Duke Montpen●●er threatened, and according to the leisure he gave him, he provided for the fortifications and all things necessary to maintain a memorable siege, which might by the means of some succours consume an arm●e before the Castle. Siege of Lusignan. About the beginning of October, the Duke encamps before it, and with a battery of about two thousand three hundred Cannon shot, thinks to draw the besieged to a composition. Their importune● them, but they answer, they will attend a general peace for all them of their religion. He salutes them with twelve hundred and fifty Cannon shot more, makes a breach, gives an assault upon them, and is repulsed and beaten back with great loss. Five days after the besieged sally forth, and to revenge the blood of seven young gentlemen, sixteen soldiers, and twenty that were hurt: at this first assault, they cloy five Cannons, fire their powder, kill nine Captains and many soldiers, bring away many Enseigns, and return laden with spoils, arms and prisoners. This disgrace dispersed a part of his camp, and made him to spend all the month of November without any attempt against the besieged. In December the Duke fortified with twelve hundred Reistres, and six hundred French foot, presseth Lusignan again, and the more to hinder them, he batters down a mill which did furnish them with meal. So (their hand-mills not able to suffice) they began to want bread. To ease them of some superfluous mouths, they crave a passport for some gentlewomen and other persons unfit for the war, to return to their houses, or some other places of safety. But the hatred this Prince did bear to the Protestants had more force in him, than the ordinary courtesy which Frenchmen bear unto Ladies. He supposed the wives & Children should be an urgent sting to draw their husbands and Fathers, to yield speedily. Now their horses served them for food, the soldiers almost starved, took away the bread violently as they carried it from the Oven: they broke into many houses in the night, to seek for victuals, they had no wood but movables and the ruins of houses, ill clothed, ill shod, ill lodged, & no clean linen, toiled with continual travel, to defend themselves both above and under ground, to frustrate the mines which the Duke caused to be made, two of the which in their ruins buried many of the assailants, and gave the besieged courage to continue firm in their resolution. The 23. of the month they begin to thunder with eighteen Cannons and four Culverins, and the next day they continue the same fury with five and twenty pieces. After dinner they come to the assault▪ the showers of musket shot coming from sundry flanks, makes the enemy retire, and to leave the breach full of dead bodies. The greatest force was against the ravelin of la Vacherie, which being won by the assailants, makes them retire to the Castle that had it in guard. At the first port of the Castle every man did show his resolution: all fight in the midst of the thunder, fire and smoke, and five hours together dispute it with a doubtful and bloody fight. In the end both the one and the other (being tired with so furious an assault) take breath, the besieged remaining masters both of the Town and Castle, being reduced to four score cuirasses, and four hundred and fifty harquebusiers, resolute to live and die both in the defence of the place and of their quarrel, hoping that la Nove would find means to send them some relief. Lasignan yielded. Not courage, but force failed them. So as Frontenay, the 25. of january, accepted the articles of composition which the Duke offered unto him by the Colonel Sarrieu: Himself and his gentlemen to departed with their arms, horses and baggage, the Captains and other Commanders, every one with a curtal, if they had any, their arms and baggage: the soldiers with their harguebuzes, their matches out, and their Enseignes wrapped up, the gentlewomen, and all others that would departed, safely to be conducted to their houses, or else to Rochel. Thus it was concluded. This siege caused above twelve hundred men to be slain, a great number to be maimed, and ruined a mighty army. They endured ten thousand Cannon shot, with many assaults, and lost 25. gentlemen, and about two hundred soldiers. And the Duke, for a memory of his losses, caused the castle of Lusignan to be razed, being in former times one of the goodliest fortresses in Europe. Such conquests were of more difficulty in Daulphiné: the Protestants had more places, and more Captains at their devotion. Pousin, Liuron, Privas and others did greatly hinder thetrafficke of Marseilles and Lions: and some running into Piedmont had charged the King's baggage returning from Poland. To revenge these insolencies, the king sends the Prince Dauphin to besiege Poussin: eighteen thousand men besiege it on either side of the river of Rhone, P●ust● besieged. in the beginning of October: fourteen great Cannons batter it, and make a breach: Rochegude and Pierregourde defend it with a wonderful slaughter of the enemy, and so terrified the rest of the army, as all were 〈◊〉 to 〈◊〉 up their baggage: but suddenly the wall shaken with t●e 〈◊〉, and o●ercharged with earth cast up for the trenches within the Town, falls down to the 〈◊〉. So the Town lying open, and the ruins no● to be repaired during the siege, the place being too strait, Saint Romain, after many inroads and sharp skirmishes, 〈◊〉 into it: and judging that in the end it would be forced, he drew out off it men, women and children, and putting them into Privas in safety, he abandoned, and left 〈◊〉 to the beseegers mercy, who entering by heaps, spoil, sack, burn and make the place desolate: and by the taking thereof, they recover a part of Vivarais, Grane, koziol and Roinac (being unable to endure the Cannon,) made easy the approaches of L●ron. But let us view the estate of Languedoc. The Queen Mother, and those of Guise, 〈◊〉 of Langu●doc. desired infinitely to dispossess the marshal d● An●il●e of his government, for he crossed their advancement with all his power, and stayed them from proceeding (as gladly they would) against his elder brother being a prisoner. But yet if he ●ad not fortified his estate with the Protestants party, who were then strong in Languedoc, hardly could he subsist amongst so many and so mighty enemies. He therefore in open assembly of the estates at Montpelier, joins himself with them, & according to the declarations lately published by the Prince of Condé▪ and the people of Languedoc, he sets down the causes of this his new and forced taking of arms. The Vicont of Turene his sister's son, doth likewise publish his, of the same substance. Thoré and Meru brethren and the Earl of Ventadour (brother in Law to the said Marshal) join with him. The Duke of Alenson seems to savour it: but the event will show, whether it were fraudulent, or with a sincere inte●●. This revolt amazed the Court▪ and to stop the course thereof, the Queen mother doth presently, by gracious letters, invite the Marshal to some agreement. But gi●ing the Protestants but a simple liberty of conscience, she debars them of the public exercise of their religion. The Marshal protests of his affection to the common good of this Realm, and assures the like desire to be in his associates: but with all he shows, that the Councillors, who by that horrible and infamous massacre the 24. of August, had caused the deceased King to break the last Edict of pacification, governing at this day the helm of the affairs, it was very difficult to establish a firm peace, the which may no way subsist, unless the exercise of both religions may be indifferently allowed within the realm. So this treaty of peace remaining fruitless, the Queen mother changeth ●er countenance, and labours by divers practices (but in vain, the alliance being yet too f●esh) to sow division betwixt the Marshal and his associates, and yet by sundry massacres continues this pretended parley of a general peace in France. But it could not be concluded with such conditions, as the King required: That all his Towns should fi●st be yielded unto him without exceptions, and then would he grant his subjects peace. The Prince Dauphin, having le●t the command of the King's army to the Marshal of Bel●egarde, Liuron honoured with a second siege. he comes in the midst of December to camp before Liuron, Roesses a gentleman of Daulphiné commanded there, with about four hund●ed men, but full of resolution and great valour, in a hilly place, strong of situation, but then of no fame amongst the other Towns of Daulphiné. Fourteen companies of the King's guards; eleven Enseignes of Swisses, twelve Ens●ignes of Harquebusiers and Daulphinois, nine Enseignes of Piedmont, three hundred men of the old bands, four companies of men at arms, and eight Corners o● Reistres besiege it on all parts. Two and twenty great pieces of battery, planted in t●ree parts, do batter it, and a●ter eleven hundred Cannon shot, make a breach of six h●ndred paces. The Marshal was not satisfied with this ruin: he will have all battered down, and with a general overthrow fi●l up the trench. They make a greater breach with a new battery, of fourteen hundred Canon shot. He recovers the trench, and ma●●, defences for his men. All this doth nothing amaze the besieged: but contrariwise, to show that they have force to defend themselves, and that they m●st have great dexterity and resolution to take them: they tie to the end of a Pike, a horse shoe, a pair of mittens and a cat; they lift up the pike, as if they would say: Marshal, this cat is not taken without mittens. Such was the estate of Liuron, when as the King so iourning at avignon, being in penury for money to supply his excessive charge and prodigality, Charles Cardinal of Lorraine, (labouring the marriage of Henry with Lowyse of Lorraine, daughter to the Earl of Vaudemont his kinswoman; Cardinal of Lorraine dies. ) and to furnish this excessive and st●tely pomp, advising the King to sell for a hundred thousand crowns in benefices, wa● surprised with a fever, and falling from a fever into a frenzy, he died the 23. of December, in the midst of a cruel tempest, and violent whirlwind, which uncovered the houses, and loosened the bars of iron in the Carthusiens' Covent, in the suburbs of avignon. Some impute this death, to the smelling of a certain precious purse, which was given him full of rare pieces of gold, with the Queen Mother's privity: whom the foresaid treaty of marriage, which the Cardinal did practise, made remember the crosses she had suffered after the marriage of Francis the ●, her eldest son, foreseeing that this new alliance tended but to restore the house of Guise to the same authority they had enjoyed under the reign of the said Francis. Others did attribute it to the blows the Cardinal had given himself under colour of devotion, in the company of them 〈◊〉 beat themselves in the sharpest time of winter. Others applied ●t to ●●e just judgement of God upon this Prelate, who drawing all his greatness, and all 〈◊〉 means from the Clergy of France, would yet persuade the King to so 〈…〉 alienation of goods appointed for the use of the Church, whatsoever it were. Notwithstanding the strict familiarity which the Queen mother had with the 〈◊〉, yet did she give this testimony of him after his death: That the 23. of 〈◊〉 most wicked man was dead. And the people both far and near said 〈…〉 storm in the air, noted that this man, having by cu●sed 〈…〉 his house with exceeding wealth, sacked, and torn France in piece 〈…〉 wars, did then feel the l●st reward of his actions. Doubtless such 〈…〉 the end. Whilst the King becomes a new brother of these tormentors of 〈…〉 wise called Penitents, War in Languedoc and Daulphiné. and the court was occupied some time in 〈…〉 ceremonies of this new brotherhood, the Estates of Langued●c 〈…〉 of peace, battered S. Giles near to avignon, and became, 〈…〉 making no show to secure it. Monibrun on the other 〈…〉 his horsemen, did still catch up some that were farthest 〈…〉 was a Churchyard for the most hardy of the assailants: 〈…〉 and his life: men, women, and children, all labour in the 〈…〉 enemy's, and under the command of la Hay, (a young gentleman about 〈…〉 twenty years of age, valiant and pleasing to the soldiers.) loesses having been 〈◊〉 at the breach with Fiancey and Bowyer Captains, to strew the ruins of th● 〈◊〉 with carcases, to cast many into the trenches, dead, wounded and languishing: and finally (after many assaults, and infinite Canonadoes, fortified with fifty 〈…〉 they force the enemy to sound the retreat, and to cover themselves from the shot, pikes, swords, stones, and such arms as necessity could yield to the besieged. Thus those of Liuron withstood the fierce assaults of their enemies: the army diminished, and a certain disease having wasted most part of the Piemontois, crept in among the other nations: when as the King judging of the rest by this small Town, found that he must seek out some other means to reduce his subjects to obedienc●▪ Who were so resolute to arms, as a simple offer of liberty of conscience, might soon make them fall away. Many Conquests cause but slight triumphs. A more stately Crown attended him: his Coronation called him, 1475 and the taking of Aiguesmortes, a sea Town and of great importance for the Protestants, invited him to stay the course of their prosperity by some negotiation of peace. Henry therefore packing up his baggage, the thirteenth of januarie, and approaching near to Liuron, stayed some hours in the Campe. Here the soldiers cries and exclamations against him, and especially against his mother, gave him to understand: T●at the horrible disorders and unworthy government of the latter years, had withdrawn that love and reverence to their Kings, for the which the French nation had been so much commended: and so altered the minds of the greatest part, as their just grief transported them beyond the bounds of reason and modesty. Ah murderers (cried they with open throat) you shall not stab us in our beds, as you have done the Admiral and the rest. Bring us those Mignons, with their ruffs and perfumes: let them come to look on our wives, they shall teach them whether it be a prey easy to carry away. A leasson for a Sovereign Prince, that if any diversity of religion divide his subjects, yet is he a Common Father to them all. No reason doth allow of the sons ingratitude to the ●ather: so all Laws do abhor●e the inhumanity and impiety of a Father to his Children. The Camp being dislodged, the rest of the Piemontois repassed the mountains. The siege of Liu●on raised. The Daulphinois ashamed of the disgrace they had received at Liuron, disperse themselves here and there: some Cornets of Re●stres follow the Marshal of Rez into Provence, the rest with the Swisses are given to the Du●e of Vzez, to make wa●●e i● Languedoc: a government wherewith the King had lately honoured him. Strange alterations. The D●ke of Vzez is now armed against them, for whose protection he had often fought during the former warns: and the Marshal d' Anvil lately their capital enemy, now supports them. Thus great men play with religion, fitting themselves to that party which they think may most avail them, whatsoever it be: and the people is still the anvil, whereon all sorts of hammers strike. But the Marshal did little remember the observation of the articles sworn in the association. And dissolutions creeping in among the Protestants, War betwixt the Marshal d' Anvil & the Duke of Vzez. could not but presage a speedy ruin of one of the parties, or of both together. Yet he entertained himself with them. So likewise did the Duke of Vzez, and protesting that he would make no war but against the Marshals faction, he promised to reconcile all the Protestants to the King, if they would sequester themselves from the politics their associates. ●ut he would have been glad, that in ruining the one party, they should ha●e ruined themselves. During these contentions betwixt the Marshal and the Duke, The King's coronation. the King was crowned at Rheims, the fifteenth of February: and soon after he sent home Elisabeth of Austria (widow to Charles the ninth) to the Emperor Maximilian her father, but with a less train than her quality required. Then he married Lovyse the daughter to Nichola● Earl of Vaudemont in Lorraine, who they supposed should have been the wife of Thoré the Constable's youngest son. Practices of the Queen Mother, His marriage. to maintain the authority she had gotten in ●rance, above a daughter in Law of meaner quality than herself: and to fortify herself with them of Guise, against the houses of Bourbon and Montmorency. This marriage should have caused as chaste and as virtuous a bed on the King's behalf, as she was chaste and virtuous whom he had now espoused. And it seemed, the dissolutions and excess of Court were come to their height in the reign of Charles the ninth. But hereafter both King and Court (for the subjects do frame themselves to the Prince's humour) plunge themselves into more horrible dissoluteness, than the best schoolmaster of corruption & filthiness could invent. The Court is drowned in delights, and excess: but they are at blows in Languedoc, Vivaraiz Daulphiné, Perigueux, Auvergne, Xa●ntonge, and else where. D' Anvil hath an enterprise upon Besiers: but having nailed, he employed his forces 〈◊〉 fourscore and ten villages thereabouts. He takes Alais, a Town and Castel●: and the D●ke of Vzez, Saint Ferreol, a small Town near unto Vzez, to annoy ●is ●●biects, and to force them to acknowledge their Lord. The forces on either si●e encounter often, fight, and by their common defeats weaken one an other, ●●●lest the Protestants keep the stakes and view the sport. Those of Vivaraiz surp●●●e the Town of Beys and the Castle of Pousin, and kill the Captain and his garrison. Montbrun runs through Daulphiné, and becomes master of many places. The V●cont of Turene adds to the victories of his party, Perigueux, Brioude, la Gaillarde, Vzer●●e and some other places. The Xaintonge●is and those that lay near unto Rochel, began to hold v● their heads, and go to arms. The Prince of Condé filled all his party with great and speedy hopes. All rise, all dream of new forces. They must therefore deui●●●y some practice to quench this great flame which was like to set the whole Real●e on fire. Katherine amazed with this prosperous success, hastens the deputies of the Prince of Condè, Negotiation of pea●e. of Xaintonge, of Daulphiné and Languedoc▪ they come to Paris the t●nth of April, they present letters to the King from the Prince and Marshal, and demand free exercise of their religion throughout all France: new Chambers in the Pa●liament for the administration of justice, punishment of the murderers, e●se of impost●s: a free assembly of the General Estates, and an assurance for the entertainment of the pretended peace. Fifteen days are spent in disputes, words and discourses. The King promiseth to content them all: but he will have them refer these demands to his will. Finally he grants unto the Protestants, To remain where they pleased within the Realm: safety for their persons without any search for matters of any conscience, living in peace and modestly under the obedience of his Edicts: Exercise of their religion in those places they held, except at Montpellier Castres', Aiguesmortes and Beaucaire. The like privileges for Lords of fee, for themselves their household servants and all other in their houses. And as for other gentlemen that have no such fees, exercise for them and their family's, but without the Towns and suburbs, ten Leagues from Paris and two Leagues ●●om Court. Too weak articles to content them, who see their affairs so successful, or to stay such as seeking innovations, were transported with future hopes. The Council ●e●red it▪ neither were they other then words without effects. And upon refusal made, to ●iue unto the deputies a copy of the King's answers to the petition and artic●e●, pre●ented by them, to the end they might show them to the assembly of the Confederates, the treaty vanished into smoke, and served only to bring forth motives of new confusions. Rochegude begins in Vivaraiz. Those of Lions had recovered Andance a small Town upon the Rhone, and fearing least Nonnay would li●e●i●e be lost, he marcheth to supply it with men. Upon the way he incountreth the enemy, chargeth them, and puts them in rout, but he gets a great and a deadly wound. Thi● death, and the approach of the Duke of Vzez to the siege of Beys, troubles the● of Vivarais more than before. Pierregourde succours them, and with the a●de of a hundred and fifty men gives means to the governor of Beys to defend the Town against the Duke that besieged it, until the beginning of May. The D●ke having left it, they within the Town issue forth: they kill above three hundred, and nothing stays them but the resistance made of the Swisses, from carrying away or cloying of his artillery. If the Duke's forces and threats prevailed little against these men, his money and promises did less. He ships his artillery upon the river of Rhone, ●a●●eth his Camp, and by the houses which he burned to ashes, he gets the ill will and curse of the people both far and near, for that he grow so bitter against them, ●hom lately he maintained so courageously. These parties thus divided, bred new seditions. At marseilles the people being risen against the Customers and Tollegatherers, run to the Custom house, take their books of accounts, registers, weights and measures, and cast them into the sea. Some other Towns of Provence followed this example. Some, called the shaven (being a troop of malcontents, shaven after a certain manner to be known) arm against Treasorers and receivers. The Baron of Alemagne, Orezon, Establon, and other heads of the Protestants, held Lourmarin, Riez, Sei●e and some other small Towns in the Province. To conclude, there are so many factions, so many parties, as one destroys an other. The Lord of Vins goes to field, and reduceth to the King's obedience all these last conquest●, except Seine, and some other places there abouts. Montbrun, on the other side, made his forces fearful in Daulphiné, but his too great le●itie to his soldiers, made him to purchase much ill will and many enemies. Chastillon, a village near unto Die, strong by reason of the Castle, did annoy it. Francis of Bonne, Lord of Diguieres (who commanded in those part,) resolves to pull this thorn out of their foot. Gordes' governor of Daulphiné for the King, makes haste to cross his attempt. Montbrun posts thither through the mountains, and descending into the plain, he chargeth Gordes thrice. The night comes and ends the conflict, Montbrun having lost eight men, and Gordes six and twenty. Les Diguieres approacheth in haste, but the next day, the thirteenth of june, Montbrun not satisfied with this advantage, forceth his enemies to fight, and puts them to rout: Gordes saves himself within Die. Two and twenty Enseignes of Swisses which he had drawn from the Duke of Vzez after the siege of Beys, perform wondrous feats of arms: they make it good, and rather die then give back: but they are encountered by a generous resolution, who no less covetous of glory, than they were enemies of a shameful flight, strews the place with nine hundred carcases, carry away eighteen Enseignes, 〈◊〉 defeats Go●des. and by the death of Freulich their Colonel, and of sixteen brave Captains, Montbrun wins an absolute and famous victory. Du Bar and Gowernet his Lieutenants, second him by the defeat of the whole company of the Earl of Beine. Such is the daily change of human things, which makes him by a pitiful Catastrophe to fall suddenly, who lately seemed to be raised up to the highest degree of honour. Gordes being priest within Die●, calls for all the forces of the Country. Montbrun charged the first that showed themselves in a strait: whereof part being slain and part flying, they give the alarm to the whole army. But whilst the Argoletiers of Montbrun are busy at the spoil, a huge troop of horse environ him, where (virtue yielding to the multitude) after a long conflict, they force through his troops. His men being dispersed fly, some here, some there. Himself thinking to leap a ditch, his horse falls and breaks his thigh. So being forced to yield, Rochefort his Cousin, and Vrche, who commanded the troops, swear to save his life, and cause him to be carried to Cr●st. He lost in this hot skirmish two and twenty men: Du Bar among the rest, Montbrun overthrown. a brave and gallant young Gentleman: the others lost two hundred, whereof, some of them, by their most famous valour, left a wonderful grief to them that survived. Two and thirty prisoners were taken with Montbrun, the which were freed for their ransom: but he being tried by the Parliament of Grenoble, Taken and unjustly put to death. (but after a double charge from the King and Queen Mother) not according to the Law of arms, but as one guilty of high Treason, ended the remainder of his life upon a scaffold, whom already the grief of his hurt had half mortified. The history commends this gentleman to have been valiant, modest, just, no● covetous, no exactor, but (as ●ee have noted) too mild to his soldiers, who for an undiscreet revenge of his dea●●, did afterwards commit wonderful spoils about Grenoble. The wisdom, valour, age and happiness of the Lord of Diguieres, hath sense given good testimony, Les Diguieres ●●iefe in Daulphiné. that they had ●eason to choose him to succeed Montbrun, and to be Lieutenant to the Prince of Condé. For the first fruits of his government, he restored martial discipline, as much as the time would suffer him, provided for the garrisons, and by composition, surprises, and force, brought many new Conquests to the party. Xaintonge was likewise dismembered by the enterprises and ordinary courses of two parties. Amongst others, Landereau had gotten the Isle of Ré: but losing it the same day, he gave the Roch●●ois means to enlarge their limits. Such were the confusions which divided both the Provinces and the affections of this Realm. But the time now calls us to a strange consideration, happened either by policy and of purpose, or else accidentally, as it chanceth often in worldly affairs, whereof the wise of this world can make their provident commodity, to draw forth all such fruits as man's wisdom gives them hope to produce at all event. But he that ●owndes the bottom of man's heart, laughs from above, and when he pleaseth, (even when as man dreams not of it,) he confounds the wisdom of the wise, the fools in their ●ollie, and the malicious in their own malice. The Duke of Alencon seemed to live in great familiarity with the King, sense his return from Poland into France. Katherine said, that this reconciliation of the two brethren was the means to maintain the Realm in peace. But the councils practices and negotiations, took an other course than was expected. The Prince of Condes affairs prospered on the other si●e the Rhin. Those of Languedoc preferred the defence of their liberties with the hazard of their lives, before the yoke of a doubtful and disloyal peace. Therefore, to destroy at once the general forces of the Protestants, which threatened most dangerous effects to come: the Court (a good schoolemisters of dissimulations) must take an other unaccustomed habit. Doubtless Katherine gave many of these instructions to her Children: and the issue will show us, that th●re were many of her devices in the managing of the following affairs. Suddenly the Duke of Alenson seems discontented. The Duke of Alenson 〈…〉. He cannot (sayeth he) have justice of the outrages were done him in keeping him prisoner: they disdain him: those of Guise are preferred by reason of the Queen their Cousin the King's wife: his presence seems o●●ensiue to the King, who can endure no companion, nor any great man nee●e him. Thus it is bruited in all parts: That the Duke of Alencon is in very bad terms with the King. These horseleeches of the Court, who by public troubles advanced their private affairs, buzzed in his ears: he believes them, and many of the Nobles join with him: the King and Queen mother, and the Counceil seem to be amazed thereat. In the end he leaves the Court the sixeteenth of September, and meeting many Gentlemen half a League from Paris▪ he retires to Dreux: thither repaired daily unto him new troops of the Nobility of both religions, and amongst many, some inward servants to the Queen mother, namely Bussy of Amboyse, a bloody, wicked, and a furious man. This departure causeth new broils and murmuring in Court. Every man thinks, every man speaks according to his own imagination or desire. Some believe verily, the two brethren are at discord: that the D●ke not able to endure the bravadoes of them of Guise (whom he abhors and loves not, as the authors of public confusions,) goes to join with the Protestants and 〈◊〉, to augment his portion, and by their common forces to plant a peace in France. Most of the Protestants were filled with pleasing hopes, promising themselves a golden world under this pretended reformer. But the clear sighted remember what ●as passed, and by the present estate judge of the future. They know well the strange 〈◊〉 variable humour of the Mother: and say, that she useth the dissembling of her Children as a last for all feet: that having prevailed little with the Lion's skin, she 〈◊〉 now put on the foxes: that she finds the Duke fit to entrap them, seeing that bot● Protestants and politics seek him jointly, to undertake their quarrels, and to make him their head: that being young, and of small judgement, neither greatly careful of religion, or the reformation of the state▪ there w●s no likelihood he should run this course without their instruction, who had kept him so long in their power. Thus men discoursed: but we commonly believe that for certain, which we most desire: All other advice is rejected. They hope from the Duke of Alencon both the safety and the protection of the Realm. He, The Duke's declaration. to maintain so commendable a reputation, gives an account of his actions by a public declaration, protests to employ his forces, means and life, to banish the troublers of the public quiet, to pursue justice for all robberies, thefts, murders and massacres, to restore Noblemen, gentlemen and others, being prisoners or wrongfully banished, to their goods, offices and honours, to abolish all taxes, imposts and extraordinary subsidies, to maintain the ancient laws of the Realm, to defend the Nobility and Clergy in their privileges, freed ●●es and liberties, and by a general and free assembly of the three Estates, to co●fi●me a good, firm and sure peace in France: he takes all natural Frenchmen of both religions into his protection, and, until that a holy Council may decide the controversies which divided their souls, he exhorts them to live in brotherly love, and to suffer every man to enjoy the exercise thereof. This declaration is followed by letters to the Prince of Condé, the Marshal d' Anvil, to the Earl of Ventadour, Viconte of Ture●ne, and to the chief among the Protestants▪ the most part of them receive leaves of paper for an undoubted oracle. Whereof ●ome said, they should shortly have all things at their will: but it was without effect, and con●●ary to promises. The Prince of Condé, laboured then for great succours in Germany. G●rmanie succours promised to the Prince of Conde. This publication comes happily to dispose Frederic Elector and Conte Palatin to make a league with ●im: That they should not lay aside arms until the King had given the government of Metz, Thoul, and Verdun to Duke john Cas●mir his son, the places and revenues depending on the said bishoprics for the entertainment of the necessary garrisons under the King's authority, and free exercise of the reformed religion. That the King ●●ould give him an honourable entertainment, and to the Protestants of Languedo● an annual pension of six thousand Crowns: And a mutual protestation both by 〈◊〉 heads of Germany and France▪ to do their best endeavour for the good of France. All this must needs feed the people with hope, to prevent all future trouble's. But the Prince had some horseleeches about him, who emptying their Companions purses, filled their own Coffers with golden Crowns: and the Protestants imp●o●ed many persons in the affairs of their religion, that had neither faith, piety, nor re●●●ion. The Court was wonderfully disquieted. The King sends many posts to the governors of Provinces, conjures them to keep their faith, Troubles at Court. accuseth the Protestants & Po●●●ikes, to have withdrawn his brother from him. forbids his subjects to give any a●de, favour or support to the Duke of Alenson: calls the gentlemen together, and besides his bands of Ordinary, he makes new Cornets of horses, and for their entertainment he imposeth new taxes. And to move the people, and retain them in obedience under the show of devotion and piety, he ordains processions, 〈◊〉 and prayers, celebrates vows and pilgrimages. But being returned to the Lowre, the Ladies, and his little dogs (which he kep● very daintily,) made him to forget the care of affairs, and to leave the managing thereof to his mother and some councillors. The Queen Mo●her go●s to ●he Duke of Al●●●on. She makes a journey to the Duke her son, to reconcile him (said she) unto the King. But the suspicious held, that her g●in● was to furnish him with new instructions: that being declared General of these band●, both foreign and French, and of divers religions, and having ratified (as he did soon a●ter,) an accord made with Casimir, she might agree at her pleasure with him, and so disappoint the great designs of the army. After this parley, the Duke marcheth into Poictou, the Earl of Ventadour comes unto him with three hundred horse, and twelve hundred Harguebusiers: many great Noblemen and Gentlemen repair unto him. During these confusions, the Duke of Guise and his house, devise to build a third party, the which we shall soon see break ●o●th. The projects of the house of 〈◊〉, ●or a third pa●ty. For the present, he assembles twelve hundred masters in Champagne, under the King's authority, and Strossy twelve thousand foot: the Duke of Vzez ●ends unto them the rest of his horse, and the Duke of Montpensier sends his troops of Poictou. The marshal D'Anuille had required some Cornets of Reistres from the Prince of Condé, to fortify him in Languedoc. But seeing these last designs had cal●ed away the King's forces, to keep the german Army from entering: the Council 〈◊〉, that attending Casimirs coming, these Reistres appointed for Languedoc, 〈…〉 to the Duke of Alenson, being already chosen to be their chief and 〈◊〉. This did weaken their party: and this first check brought the most part of 〈◊〉 Councillors into a bad re●utation, and confirmed the Protestants in the jealousies they had conceived of the Duke of Alenson. Thoré lead these troops, being about fifteen hundred: some French Gentlemen joined with him, with five hundred shot. The Dukes of Guise and Mayenne, 〈◊〉 defeated. Byron, Feruaques and others, compass them in. Some r●●●re and cry for money: some fight, imitating the French, but the greater number prevails. Ha●●ting the Colonnel, with his Lieutenant and some Reistres, and French, are slain upon the place: the rest fly. Cleruant and many others being taken, with some Cornets, serve as a triumph for the Duke of Guise: five hundred Reistres join with his troops, he himself following them that fled) received a shot with a Pistol in the cheek, and by his fall gave means to many to escape the fury of his victorious arms. Thoré lead the remainder of this shipwreck to the Duke of Alencon, being blamed as a bad man of war, and not capable of council. This wound is a Ladder for the Duke of Guise to climb to wonderful credit with the Catholics: Murmuring against the King. the King's actions both public and private, begin to displease them. The King (say they) takes his ease, and drowns himself in delights and pleasures: his Brother troubles all France, and the house of Guise bears the burden of the affairs of the whole commonwealth. And upon these favourable repine, the Duke hereafter grounds most terrible designs. Hi● forces were not able to encounter the power of Casimir. The King therefore calls for Mansfield, Schomberg, Bassompierre, and other Colonnels, who promise to bring him eight thousand Reistres within six weeks, giving them three hundred thousand Frankes down, and fourteen hundred thousand when they were entered. The King was wonderful needy: all was spent in unprofitable sumptuousness, and unworthy dissoluteness: and part of this money could nowhere be so easily found, as in the Parisiens' purses. To induce them thereunto, they obtain Bulls from Pope Gregory the thirteenth, and four Churches appointed within Paris to obtain pardons for many years, upon condition to aid the King, to root out heresies. And to draw the Parisiens' by others example, they gave it out, that Piennes sold his inheritance, to lend the King four hundred thousand Frankes: that the Italians of Paris did furnish the like sum: and the Duke of Nevers, the Cardinal of Ferrara, Go●di, and Birague, nine hundred thousand franks. Neither the first, nor the second bait could make the Parisians to bite. They say, that within fifteen years their City hath contributed twelve millions of gold, not comprehending the loans and extraordinary imposts levied at Paris, and throughout the realm: that the●e civil dissensions, wast both their men, and money: they beseech him that (according to the notable advertisements of Saint Lewis, to his son and successor, he would maintain his subjects in peace and concord, by the bonds of piety and justice. He must have money, and not words: and that by force, seeing love cannot prevail. Paris therefore is suddenly beset with garrisons● the King of Navarre at Saint Cloud, the Duke of Guise at Saint Denis, the Duke of Nevers in the suburbs of Saint german. Byron at Montmartre, the Marshal of Rez at Pont Charenton and Ecis de Vincennes. Thus the Parisiens' are restrained of their victuals, and force extorts from them the money, which kindness could not win. In the mean time, the pretended Reistres were far off, and Duke Casimir marched with the Prince of Condé. To divide the Duke of Alenson from these two heads, and frustrate the desseins of the Prince of Condé, the Queen mother comes again to the Duke: The Queen mothers second voyage to the Duke. she treats a surceassing of arms for six months, and during the same, she gives him for hostages, the Towns of Angoulesme, Niort, Saumur, Bourges, and la Charité: and for the Prince, Mezieres. The King doth ratify t●is truce: but the governors of these places, for the most part refuse to yield them: neither will the Prince allow of it: for already there marched ten thousand horse, six thousand Swisses, two thousand Lansquenets, three thousand French hargubuesiers, with four great pieces of battery, and sixteen less: the which threatened to make their passage easy. This army made chiefest account of the money which Languedoc should furnish, A german army ●or th● Prince of Condé and the Marshal d' Anvil had promised the Prince to meetthem with good troops, and to bring the pay unto the army: but no man appears, neither is there any news of money. An affront which then had made them yield to any possible condi●ions of peace: if they had been offered it in the beginning of these first confusions: and might have transported the men of war beyond the bounds of modest●e and reason, if by a good and commendable discipline the Prince had not restrained and soldiers insolencies. At their entry, those of Langres (seeking to cross their passage through their territories) did presently see the Reistres to spoil all, to load their ca●tes, and to burn the neighbour villages to ashes. Those of Diion made some sallies, but they were fatal to some: others were content to salute them with their Cannon, shot into the air. Cisteaux, Gilly a Castle depending on the said abbey, and Nuis a small Town in Bourgongne, were the first conquests of the Reistres, the Prince, and Lansquenets: where they learned by the slaughter and spoil which was made at Nuis, how troublesome a thing it is; for a Prince (enemy to blood and spoil) to be mastered by the greater number, being strangers in his army. At Lourdon the Reistres threaten the Prince to take an other party, if he give them not ready money. Having contented them with hopes of good words, The Reistres begin to m●tyne. the army passeth Loire, marcheth directly to the river of Allier, and takes Vichy by composition, a small Town upon the passage. Thus these strangers did forage, whilst the King by a proposition of truce gave hope of a future peace: and to prevent surprises, he studied to fortify the places about Paris, whether the whole army threatened to come: for the effecting whereof, he finds his ordinary let, which was the want of money. The Parisiens' remembered with what violence the King had lately forced them to yield to his demands: they now promise for their contribution ●ourteene hundred thousand franks. 1576. The Queen mother pursues this surceasing of arms, she furnisheth the Duke o● Alencon with very exquisite meats, sends him his great horses, and causeth them to be proclaimed traitors, that would not yield to the Duke her son: amongst others the inhabitants of Bourges and la Charité, offering Tours and Blois in exchange of the ●●yd Towns. Those of Guise have their desseine apart. He speaks boldly, that France hat● no need of a truce: that they will fight with the foreign foe: & upon this hope published, they build the projects, which we shall see them shortly to undertake. Amidst these common divisions, The King of Nauarre ●scap●s from Court. a new confusion troubles the Court. The King of Navarre, under colour of hunting, escapes from Paris with a sma●l train: and w●ites to the King from la Fere in Picardy, a Town belonging unto him. That the apprehension of a new Captivity: and the ordinary slanders of his enemies, are the causes of his absence. The King excuseth himself, and would have him return: but he had the fields at liberty. And seeing this project will not prevail, he must try an other. Some bad Councillors, which governed t●e Prince of Condé, advised him to pass the river of Allier, and speedily to join with the Duke of Alenson, leaving Duke Casimir on the other side the river, who should follow his ordinary march. In the mean time the Duke of Maienne, attends them at the passage with the King's army. This trick left the Reistres to the slaughter▪ but Casimir an advised and courageous Captain, lodgeth his men with advantage, and attends the enemy. The Prince discovering their desseine, turns towards them, and makes the King's troops retire to their lodging. The Awergnats fearing lest this army should pas●e the rest of the winter upon their marches, make them to take the way of Bourbonnois, giving them a hundred and fifty thousand franks. Here began the first pa●●e of peace: and to this effect, letters and instructions were sent into Guienne, Languedoc and Daulphiné. Char●ux a little Town in Bou●bonnois, besides money lent paid the charges of some days that the army stayed there, whilst they made question to yield. The Duke of Alenson chief of the Protestants army. The eleventh of March, the D●ke of Alenson comes to the plain of Soze, where, in a general muster, they numbered thirty Cornets of german horse, ten of French▪ seventeen ensigns of Swisses, seven of Lansquenets, eight of French, and the Prince of Condé, delivering the white Cornet into the Duke's hands, according to the articles of their capitulation, he was solemnly proclaimed General of this Noble and mighty army. The King in the mean time, with the Queen mother and their Councillors, omitted no practices to corrupt Duke Casimir, and to b●eake the treaty betwixt the Prince and the Duke. On the other side, the French, Reistres, Swisses and Lansquenets, demanded nothing but battle, or to march towards Paris▪ but the Duke of Alenson was already assured of the best part of his demands▪ and the armies without any memorable exploits of war, did only spoil and destroy France. At length the Queen mother seeing matters almost brought to a desired end, The fift Ed ct of peace. she comes to the army the seven and twentieth of April, where after diverse Ambassages and contestations, she granted in the end, to the Duke Casimir a company entertained of a hundred men at arms, forty thousand franks yearly pension, and two thousand Crowns for the entertainment of a certain number of horses. In consideration whereof, he did renounce the article concerning Metz, Thoul and Verdun▪ That of eleven millions of franks that were due unto him, he should receive two millions within six weeks, and a sufficient pawn of jewels for the rest, and the revenues of Chasteau Thierry. The Duke of Alenson should have for his part, Anjou, Touraine and Be●ry, for an increase of his portion. The Prince of Condé should have the government of Picardy, the Town of Peronne for his abode, and two hundred soldiers in garrison: free exercise of the pretended reformed religion throughout the realm, attending a free and general Council: Chambers in the Parliaments of both religions, for the administration of justice: and at Montpellier for Languedo●, leaving them eight Towns in guard, for the assurance of these articles, and of their persons: A●gues-m●rtes and Beauca●re in Languedoc, Perigueux and le Mas of Verdun in Guyenne, Nyons and Serres in Daulphiné, Issoire in Auvergne, Seine, with the great Tower in Provence. Restitution to the King of Navarre, Prince of Condé, marshal D'Anuille, and divers othe●s, of their goods, offices, and honours, which they enjoyed before the four and twentieth of August 1572. Moreover the King did enough by a solemn declaration: That the massacres of the said year, had been committed against all right and law of arms. He ordained, that the children of such Gentlemen as had been murdered, should be freed from all charges of war: and such as were no Gentlemen, should be eased of Subsidies for six years. He disannulled all judgements given since the decease of Henry the second, in hatred of religion: and lately against the politics. He freed the Admiral, and all others murdered, from infamy: restoring their children to all the●r goods. He restored La Molle, Coconnas, and others, executed, or condemned, for contempt to their honours. He advowed the taking of Arms by the Duke of Alenson and his associates, as taken for his service, giving him the Town of La Charité for two years. He appointed a Parliament at Blois in November following. He cleared the Marshals of Montmorency and Cossé of all accusations, held them for innocents, restored them to their former liberty, and acknowledged them for faithful servants to the King, and officers of the Crown. The Edict contained many other articles depending upon the former, and was allowed by the Parliament of Paris, the 14. of May. So the Queen Mother granted much to many, to give nothing to any, but to the Duke her son, who alone got more, than all the rest together. Also Duke Casimir had no sooner turned his back from France, but they began to find this peace to be counterfeit, being made only to disarm them, and to divide the Commanders. The Prince of Condè did first feel the breach of these promises. They deny him his government of Picardy: some seize upon Peronne, Breach of the peace. and put in practise a strange piece of work. diverse enterprises upon the Prince's person, make him to leave the Duke of Alencon, and to retire into Guyenne, to the King of Navarre, whom those of Rochel received into their Town, with much honour and great triumphing, the eight and twentieth of june. All such of his train as they suspected were excluded. Upon denial of Peronne, the King granted to the Prince the Town of Saint jean d' Angely: but the inhabitants had a watchword, and a mutual oath (after the example of a private league made by three score Gentlemen of Poitou, Preparatives of new troubles. who would have no exercise but of the Catholic religion) to maintain one another, and not to give access to any one, of what religion soever, to the end their quiet might no ways at all be disturbed or molested. The Prince seeing himself to have this repulse, he caused some Captains to enter secretly, and then assured himself of the place. It was then found very weak for the assurance of his person, against so many enemies that sought his death. He therefore discovers a certain practice against him, but fatal to the Author alone. In the end of October he takes Brovage, a strong place near unto Rochel. The Catholics murmur against him, and accuse him as a disturber and breaker of the peace. Contrariwise, he demanded justice against them that had seized on Peronne, as troublers of the public quiet, and guilty of treason. The Protestants likewise complain unto the King. That in divers places they are disquieted in the exercise of their religion, granted by the Edict. That many Preachers move the people to sedition. That the Chambers of both religions are not erected. That justice is denied them. That both great and sma●l bandy against them. And they produce ample and certain proofs of these complaints and griefs. 1567. Then those of the house of Guise studied to discover those terrible projects w●ich they had long hatched. The cloak of religion was a plausible and favourable pretext, to advance the desseines of their pretensions. Th● pr●ct says of the house of Guise. They had of many years, (especially under Francis the 2.) disputed of their beginning, and of the rights which falsely they pretended to have unto this Crown. Charles and Henry were become odious: t●e first by his violences, the last by his dissolutions. Francis Duke of Anjou (for hereafter he shall carry that title,) had lately troubled France, and was taken for a turbulent Prince: a title unpleasing to the people. The division for matters of conscience, seemed sufficient to keep back the chief Princes of the blood: the rest were weak both of age and power. Those of Guise in the mean time, had neither forgotten liberality▪ courtesy, nor show of zeal in piety, to win the Catholics hearts. The Queen Mother used them for a purpose, that by the mutual ruin of the one and the other, she might maintain her authority. But their favours within the realm were not available. The Protestants crossed them infinitely: At Rome and in S●aine. they must seek a foreign support. They find it fitly at Rome, and in Spain. The Pope governs Catholics consciences, and great men do still find in religion a well coloured pretext to trouble the State. The King of Spain feared, lest the peace of this realm should breed him wars. The Prince of Auranges', and many Towns of the Low Countries, cast themselves already into the King's protection, against the Spanish tyranny. They solicit the D●ke of Anjou instantly, and propound conditions unto him, which make him to open both ears and mouth: and already many Gentlemen and Captains, armed for this quarrel. So both the Consistory at ●ome, and the King of Spain might well countenance these designs, grounded especially upon the defence of the Catholic religion: the one for the zeal he carries to the rooting out of heresy: the other, for the profit he reaps by our common divisions. And therefore those of Guise send their Agents to Rome, with instructions, and she●▪ That by the negligence of Kings issued from the house of Valois▪ descending from the line of Hugh Capet, (in the which there appeared none, but were dull or heretics,) the Catholic religion decayed in this realm: whilst that the race of Charlemaigne honoured with the blessing of the Roman seat, the which subsists not but by that race (from the which they will make the world believe, that they are descended in the direct masculine and lawful line) remains despised, although it be ready to serve the Church faithfully, and that there live at this day Princes of that race, commendable for their virtues, ready to spend their blood and means, to augment the dignity of the Church, and for the destruction of heretics. And therefore they beseech the Consistory to approve and favour their designs. Their chief designs were, to overthrow the succession brought in by Hugh Capet, Their designs. in the full assembly of the Estates, and to make the naming of a successor subject unto the said Estates: to cause the Princes of the blood, that should oppose against the decrees of the Estates, to be declared incapable to succeed unto the Crown. And the residue, of what qualities soever, Noblemen, Gentlemen, and others, degraded of their dignities: the money growing of their confiscations, to be employed for the war, and their bodies to be executed. A reward to be appointed for them that should root out such as could not be apprehended. To make the Estates protest to live and die in the faith, set down by the Council of Trent. to cause it to be signed in the open Parliament: To revoke and disannul all public Edicts, in favour of the Protestants and their associates, and to pursue them to the death that should hinder the extirpation of heresies. To cause the King to revoke the promises made unto the Protestants: and to prescribe a certain time unto their associates, in the which they should present themselves before the Ecclesiastical judges to be absolved: and then to be sent unto the King, to purchase pardon of the crimes committed against his Majesty. To cause the King to name a Lieutenant general, a Prince capable of experience, and fit to encounter the rebellion of Princes, that should seek to hinder the effect of the precedent articles: and who never had had part, society nor communication with heretics, 1476 to whom both he and his Ancestors had ever been professed enemies: And to require his Majesty to honour the Duke of Guise with that charge, being endued with all the perfections requisite in a great Captain, and worthy of that Commission. To cause judges to be appointed to examine the crime committed by the Duke of Alenso●, declaring himself chief of the Heretics, authorising the exercise of heresy: and forcing his Lord and brother to augment his portion. To cause the said D●ke to come to Court, with the King of Navarre, and the Prince of Condé: and by ordinary and extraordinary forces, to seize upon the said Duke, King, Prince, and all other that had accompanied them, and followed them in their enterprises. To cause such Captains, as the parrishes should give to the Duke of Guise, to put all Protestants their adherents and complices to the sword, both in the Country, and in walled Towns. To subdue by force or intelligence, the revolted Provinces: to be masters of the field, to block up the Towns that were opposite, and to put all to fi●e and sword, that would make head against them. And after this goodly and infallible victory, having won the love of the Clergy, Nobility, and people, to take exemplary punishment of the Duke of Anjou, and his complices▪ then by the Pope's consent and permission, to put the King and Queen into a monastery, as Pepin his Ancestor did in former time to Childeric: and for an acknowledgement, and in favour of the Roman Sea to abolish the liberties and privileges of the French Church. These high● and great projects were hearkened unto, received and favoured in the Court of Rome, & from that time those of Guise did not cease to dream of the means to advance the effects. But this was to reckon without their host. They have compassed some of their conclusions, but the end proved quite contrary to their meanings: wherein we admire a most singular providence of the King of Kings, whereby he hath unto this day miraculously balanced: and in the end by his singular grace settled the estate of this Realm. The articles of this association were fi●st drawn at Peronne in Picardy: but disguised with goodly shows, The first League at P●●ronne. to blind them that would examine them more exactly: which were to maintain the Law of God, ●o restore the holy service thereof: To preserve the King and his Successors in the Estate, dignity, service, and obedience due unto him by his subjects: To restore unto the Estates of the Realm, their rights, pre-eminences, and ancient liberties. And for the execution of these articles, a certain form of oath was propounded, inflicting pains of eternal damnation to the associates, that for any pretext whatsoever should withdraw themselves from this League, and a bond for such as should be enroled, to employ their goods, persons, and lives, to punish, & by all means to ruin the enemies and perturbe●s thereof, and to punish them that should fail, or make any delays by the authority of the head, as he should think good. This done, there were nothing but posts carrying the first news of these dess●ines. They cast many libels throughout the streets, in many good Towns: they murmur that they ar● too much supported by the Edict: they practise some to serve as firebrands, to kindle a new war▪ and under this plausible, and commendable title of the name of the Church and divine service, the people (a fit matter to nourish civil divisions) gives ear to such as seek to thrust them into mutiny. The King was daily advertised of new complots. He found that this match did kindle a fi●e of perpetual combustions within his Realm. On the other side, he hated the Protestant's, and would ruin them by degrees, but not by such instruments as wrought without his authority. His mother likewise hated them to the death, and greatly desired the ruin of the heads, being well content that these confusions should still divide the French, so as holding the staff in her hand, she might terrify her children, and maintain her authority, make war, and give peace whensoever she pleased. 1576. Thus she causeth the Duke of Alenson to come to the Court, and the King to entertain his subects of both religions, The Duke of A●er●●n reconciled to the King. in hope of better concord, by means of 〈◊〉 reconciliation: and to cut off all new factions, he deferred the general assembly of the Estates unto the fifteenth of December following. He presumed likewise, that all h●s subjects abhorring the ruin of Towns, the desolation of Countries, and the spoil of Strangers, would gladly prefer the entertainment of a peace solemnly sworn, before the continuance of war: and by this means, he should prevent all turbulent persons, and bridle the Protestants, whom he meant to consume otherwise then by open war: whereby neither his predecessor, nor he himself had gotten any honourable triumphs. The day (appointed for the Estates) comes, the King himself gins it. He laments the calamities of his realm, The beginning of the Parliament. whereof the tender age in the ●hich ●is brothe● and himself were in the beginning of these civil wars, may well just fi● them, that they were not the authors and motives. He protests, to have no desseine nor desire, but for the safety and quiet of his people, whose miseries he would redeem ●ith the price of his life. He conjures the assembly, to assist him in his ho●y res lution. To devise some means to redeem the lands of the Crown, engaged for above a hundred millions of gold: to unite themselves firmly together, to root out all ●ee●s of partiali●ies, to reform abuses, establish justice, and to restore the Realm to the ancient dignity. Birague the Chancellor, adds the rest: but the two main points of 〈◊〉 speech, were to ●ust●fie the Queen mother's government, and to demand mo●ey. ●eter d' Espinac Archbishop of Lion, and the Baron of Senecey, are speakers: the 〈…〉 the Clergy, the other for the Nobil●tie: and both conclude a public exercise of one only religion in France. Peter Versoris, Advocate in the Cou●t of Parliament at Par●s, Orator for the third estate, The third Estate more in different and moderat●. i●sists especially for the union of all the king's subjects in one religion, but by mild mean, and without war▪ he beseecheth the King to mainta●ne his people in peace, to reconcile his Princes, and exactly to examine the bad government of his treasure. The King seemed to incline only, to alter some articles in t●e last Ed ct of pacification, and not to abolish it quite: but he was needy, and feared that wherewith they threatened him: That no man would assist him, but upon condition to make ●a●re against the Huguenots. Thus the persuasions and promises of the Clergy, & Nobility, prevailed more than those that preferred p●acable proceed before violent, making him resolve to arms, war concluded. to root out all other exercise of religion but the Catholic, to banish all ministers, deacons, and overseers of the pretended reformed religion: and yet to take all his other subjects of the said religion into his protection, attending, that by better instructions they might be reclaimed to the bosom of the Church. But the King of Navarre, the Prince of Conde, the Marshal of Montmorencie, d' An●●lle and other Noblemen, Protestation against the the Parliament. both of the one, and the other religion, had well foreseen these conclusions, and refusing to assist at this pretended Parliament, conclude a Nullity of all that should be decreed to prejudice the Edict of pacification, protesting that they were resolved to maintain themselves in the rights, liberties, and freedoms, which the last Edict had granted them: That the troublers of the public quiet, and the 〈◊〉 enemies of France, should find them in a just defence, and they should answer before God and men, for all the miseries that should ensue thereby. For answer, it was ordained, that men should be sent to win some to the Catholic Church, and all to the obedience of the King's new Edict, tending to maintain the Roman religion, to root out all other exercise, to defend the King, and to preserve his people. The King thought by this opposition to stay this new faction which fortified itself daily. It was a great indiscretion to countenance an association and League, The King of 〈…〉 ●o the estates. which under the ashes of the last war being yet hot, covered the coals of a general flame. The King of Navarre beseecheth the Estates, by the Duke of Montpe●sier (who was sent unto him) not to infringe the Edict of peace, and to suffer them of the religion to enjoy that which had been so solemnly granted. He offers to submit himself, if they show him how he errs: but he entreats them, 1●●7 that in a matter of ●o great importance, they will give him time to think seriously thereon, and to attend the opinion of an assembly of those of his religion, and of the Catholics associates, which shortly shall be made at Mont●uban. The Prince of Condé answers more sharply: That he doth not acknowledge them that are assembled at Blois, for the Estates of the Realm: but a conventicle of ●ersons corrupted by the sworn enemies of the Crown, who have solicited the abolition of the Edict, to the ruin and subversion of the realm. That, if they had been lawfully called, he would have assisted, for the sincere affection he bears to the King's service, and the quiet of his country. That he will never give his consent to the counsels of the Authors of so many confusions which he foresees, whereunto he hath always known the King's disposition to be repugnant, and a friend to union: being the sure and principal means to preserve his Crown. That he hath always honoured the Clergy and Nobility, and will maintain them with all his power: but he pities the people, whom these pretended Estates of Blo●s seek to ruin. The chief of the Politics protest: The declaration o● the politics. That they do not cleave to any other religion, then that of their Fathers: but as touching a general peace, they cannot allow of this resolution, To take from the Protestants the public exercise which had been so solemnly granted them. The Duke of Montpensier (being returned) persuaded to have the Edict confirmed. The third estate presented a new petition unto the King, beseeching him to unite all his subjects in one religion, but without violence. Doubtless a King may well destroy every private man: but not all mankind in general. One succeeds another, and the children (whose age and innocency doth naturally free from the rigour and violence of arms) do inherit the humours, passions, and quarrels of their fathers. The Protestants jointly beseech the King, The Protesta 'tis supplication. not to suffer this assembly (which they cannot allow for a general Parliament) to consult upon the point of religion due unto a free Council. The Estates (said the King) should neither be free, nor general, if I should make this prohibition. And as they may demand what they ple●se, so may you do the like: and I promise you in the word of a King, and of an honest man, that whatsoever I ordain, shall be for the contentment of all my subjects, and the quiet and peace of my realm. In the mean time, they consult how to leu●e m●ney for the war. The King gives notice to his Governors, and publisheth by ●is Letters Patents: That he is resolved to grant the Estates their requests, touching the exercise of one only religion. And Villequier is sent to the Princes of the Empire, to divert some from their affection to the Prince of Condé and his adherents: and to obtain from others a levy of Reistres. The six● civil war. Thus the war gins in Guyenne. The King of Navarre attempts upon Marmande, a Town of his government, but without effect. The Duke of Mayenne comes for the King: and whilst he is the strongest in field, he batters, takes and sacks, Thone-Charante, Marans, and other places thereabouts. During the Parliament, By the Duke of Anjou, and the Deputies of the Low Countries came to demand succours of the King, and the Duke of Anjou for Protector of their liberties and privileges, against the tyrannous government of the Spaniards. He is now declared the King's Lieutenant general. They deliver him a mighty army: with the which (contrary to the oath taken by him in the observation of the accord and promise past, with the Prince of Condé and the Duke Cassimir,) he besiegeth and takes La Charité by composition, and Yssoire in Auvergne by force, where the blood of the inhabitants shed without pity by the Duke of Anjou, confirmed the Protestants in the bad opinion they had conceived off him. Rochel crossed the practices of the contrary party: of Mayenne. whose happy exploits caused the Duke of Mayenne to send forth a Navy to Sea, under the command of Lans●c▪ which presenting itself Before the Isle of Ré, retired, seeing the Islanders resolved to fight if they approached: The Rochellois, to encounter them, arm seven ships, those of the Islands fi●e, and entreat the Estates o● Holland and 〈…〉 good assurance to aid them with some great vessels, to withstand the force 〈…〉 Fleet. The Nobility, by their example, invites all others, and of all qualities, to charge themselves willingly for the maintenance of this army. The Duke of Mayennes fi●st conquests make him proceed. And to make hi● enterprises upon Rochel more easy, Siege of Bro●age. he comes before Brovage the 22. of june. It is a 〈◊〉 square Town, built in a Marish recovered out of the Sea, fortified d●ring 〈…〉 peace: and at that time ill furnished with men, victuals, and munition, and b●si●e, ●ll beloved of the Islanders about it. Those of Rochel, whom it doth greatly 〈◊〉 the preservation of their Estate, did greatly indomage the assailants, and 〈…〉 six hundred of their men in a short time. But a division happened, & was 〈◊〉 maintained betwixt the Nobility & the Rochelois: the Prince of Condé having (vn●e● the conduct of Clermont Admiral for the Rochelois) lost some vessels, being 〈◊〉 on ground, the rest being dispersed, and thereby the Isle of Oleron lost. The King's approach to Poitiers: the supply of Swisses in the Camp: Lansacs' coming into the road of Chef de Bay near unto Rochel (where he burned one of their principal ships, and took another, but without the loss of a man) the death of Seré chie●e of the besieged, slain with ten or twelve others in a sally by night, the number of sick and hurt which they had to feed, the ruin of their Forts, the enemies approach, the wants of victuals, and the threats of the Duke of Anious coming, who would entreat them as he had done the inhabitants of Issoire: all these considerations made them enter into capitulation, by the which they departed the 28. of August with their arms and baggage, Brovage yielded. leaving the place at the victor's devotion. This happy success should have made the Duke of Mayenne advance with his armie· but the progress was dangerous for the King's Estate: who to maint●ine himself, must proceed after an other sort. His manner of life was contrary to the violence of arms: he was of a soft and delicate nature, impatient of labour, a friend to rest, feasts, dancing, and other pleasures, which peace brings to them that are given to delights. So the peace which had been plotted during the siege of Brovage, was concluded at Po●tiers, and was received in the end of September with so great joy of either party, The peace of Po●ti●rs. as the Prince of Condé caused it to be proclaimed by Torchlight in Rochel, the same night it came: although it were not so beneficial for his party as the first. This last Edict cut off some articles of the former, made no mention of Strangers: left their consciences free, yet without exercise, but 〈◊〉 Towns and places where as then it was publicly used, in gentlemen's house● that had high justice and ●ees, in what assemblies they pleased: for others of meaner quality, a certain number: and in every Baylywike a fit and commodious place for the public exercise of the pretended reformed religion. So the proud designs of the Duke of Guise, were made frustrate for this time, and stayed ●or ●ome years, until that by the death of the Duke of Anjou, we shall see them reu●ued, but in the end to the Author's confusion. Articles of hard execution. The partialities and leagues mad●●ithin the realm, in the which many, both great and ●●all, had far engaged their goods and re●●tations, were the cause of great difficulties, in the execution of the Edict. Thos● of Langu●doc especially, (from whom the marshal D'Anuille had estranged himself) did jointly with the other Provinces, solicit the King of Navarre, to obtain an explanation of many ambiguous and doubtful articles. So a whole year was spent in instances, pursuits, and declarations. Explained by the conference of Ne●●c. The conference at Nerac betwixt the Queen Mother and the King of Navarre e▪ decided many difficulties▪ but their spleens could not be so easily tempered: and sometimes in one Province, sometime in another, the Edict was diversely and many wa●es broken. The most factious were very loath to lay aside Arms: the politics 〈◊〉 daily divide themselves from the Protestants: the Protestants sought to keep themselves from surprises, and full of distrust, 1579. maintained themselves quietly in the midst of many storms which threatened them. As for the King, experience hath now taught him, The King's 〈…〉 the peace that the power of man cannot force men's consciences: that spiritual diseases must have spiritual cures: that ●aith is not planted in the heart by violence: that we must attend from heaven the conversion of them are strayed, and that the Prince is a pattern whereto his subjects willingly conform themselves. He therefore shows himself in public, ●or a mirror of reformation and piety, and as a testimony, that his greatest desire is to conform the divisions in his realm: he builds many Monasteries, Chapels, and Oratory's, undertakes many pilgrimages on foot, confirms the Brotherhood of Peritents, erects the order of jeronomites, is daily conversant with the Capuchins and Fuetllans, called ●esuits: and by their instructions erects many congregations▪ he carries a Crucifix and Beads i● procession, with a whip at his gi●de●: he causeth many Books of devotion to be printed. And to conclude, he leads a life more befitting a Cloister then a royal Court: The order of the Holy ghost erected. and following the example of Lewis t●e xi. his predecessor, he institutes the order of the Knights of the Holy ghost, binding them to conditions, which carry a strict bond to the Church o● Rome. He pretended to give divers blows with one stone: To unite great men by an inviolable concord and amity, for the good of themselves, the State, and their Country: To please the Clergy men, and to lead all the Clergy in a leash: to win the people's hearts, who are ●edde with shows: To suppress the grudging and the ill will which the intolerable oppression of his subjects breeds to remedy the extraordinary expenses of his Court, in usual excess, and for the entertainment of a number of mignous and Horseleeches, to whom they must rather weigh▪ then tell money: But chiefly, to pull down the Protestants, to undermine them, and b● this lure of worldly greatness, to withdraw the chief heads, who cou●d not attain to this high and stately degree of Knighthood, but in renouncing of their religion. Henry (for trumpets of his devotion) had the Fathers of the Capuchins, 1580. Fevillans, and Jesuits. Dom Bernard Fevillant, and Emond A●ger a jesuit, gave him publicly in their Sermons, and privately in confessions and companies, the testimony of the most religious Prince, the most courteous, and the most careful to unite his 〈◊〉▪ fi●st in their obedience to God, and then to him, that ever France hath known in many ages. But we shall see in the end most of their tongues ●olde for money, and others, who making profession to come into the Pulpit to instruct the people, shall ba●ely control these goodly Orators, and by a contrary language▪ suborn the people's affections, subvert their senses, and as it were with little ●inkes of gold, draw them after them, tied by the nose, tongue and ears. The feasts, masks, stately marriages, sumptuous pastimes, and the new impositions to maintain them, lead the first dance of rebellion. The Q e'en Mother, Motives of 〈…〉 against the King. and those of Guise, seeing the King drowned in these delights of Court, did willingly entertain him in that humour, that either busying himself to number his Beads, or to tread the measures of a dance, they might hold the reins of government, and dispose of affairs without control. But he knew well the ambition of these men. He was jealous of his royal authority: and in the midst of his delights and pleasures, their presence was suspect unto him. He was more pleased with the familiarity of mean men, whom he had advanced to exceeding greatness: and 〈◊〉 he set some minion in Sentinel, to watch if they should attempt any thing 〈◊〉 ●is royal dignity. Those of Guise are not idle, they watch for occasions, the● receive such as are malcontents, they practise men of their own humours and dispositions, and fit for the●r designs: and can cunningly promise cure and help for those ulcers and sores, which the people of France show them on all sides. These first discontents of subjects, oppressed with insupportable charges, 1581. and the impatiency of the Clergy, who see their enemies to enjoy a firm and solid peace, which did newly strengthen and close up that old wound, which had lately imbrued all France, made them easily to revive the league of Peronne, and under two goodlee pretexts, (religion, and the ease of the people) to discover the designs which they had long before conceived. All encounters made the way easy, both within and without: within, their hearts disposed to revolt: without, the Spaniards greatness, who had now invaded the realm of Portugal, and by this usurpation, had a great means to disperse his Indian gold in France. And the Duke of Anjou made war for the Estates of Flanders and other united Provinces, which had called him to free them from the tyranny and domination of the Spaniards. But these discourses belong to the Spanish, Portugal, 1582. & 1583. and Flemish Histories, and may not enter into this volume, which invites us to an end. The last Edict had, as the former, accorded some Towns unto the Protestants, for hostages and sureties of his word, Prolongation of Towns granted to the Protestants. during the term of six years. Now the King summons them to deliver them, seeing the time prefixed was almost expired. But the peace had been so often broken, as so short a time could not quench the firebrands of war, nor give a full execution to the Edict. To content them, the King grants a prolongation for the retaining of these Towns for some years. New motives of rebellion. This grant serves the Princes of the League for a new motive of troubles and disobedience. They give it out generally: That the King favours heretics: that he will bring in heresy. They consider not, that he could not but by force (the event whereof was doubtful) recover the said places, being strong, and peopled with numbers of Protestants. The King of Navarre sees a far off, that the heavens are overcast, and foresees that this storm doth threaten his Estate with a horrible tempest: The King of Navarre solicited to join with the league. they solicit him to join with this party: they make him goodly offers in show, but all was but to lull him a sleep, or to cast upon him all the causes of the future miseries, and to make him more odious and detestable. He gives the King intelligence thereof, and puts him in mind of the advertisements he gave him in the year 1576. upon the treaties of the League in Spain, 1584. and at Rome. He sees this mine is ready to break, and that it is now time to think of his affairs. He assures himself of the amities of England, Denmark and Germany. The Duke of Anjou dies. But suddenly there falls a new accident, which breaks up all the banks that restrained the overflowing of the League. The Duke of Anjou, whether his riot in the Low Countries, or grief to see his designs overthrown, or the wicked practices of Salcedo, (drawn in pieces since by four horses) or some other secret attempt against his life, had shortened his days: he dies at Chasteau-Thyerry. Whatsoever it were, such as were employed to see this man tortured, and to discover the secret intentions of his masters, were afterwards unworthily entreated, and ransomed by the chief of the League. This death advanced the King of Navarre one degree. The King suffers the Court of Parliament to receive the Roses in May, that were presented unto him, (according to the custom of the Princes and Peers of France) in quality of the first Prince of the blood, and first Peer of France. Most part of the realm cast their eyes upon him, as the Sun rising. This on the one side doth amaze the Authors of the League, and on the other side, it presseth them to try their fortunes now, whilst the King remains alone of his line, without hope of issue, and the King of Navarre far off, as it were exiled, and in show excluded from ever passing the Loire. They assemble the heads of their house at S. Denis, and presently make the seeds of their counsels to appear in Picardy, The proceed of the league. Champagne, & Bourgongne. They make the towns to abhor the Huguenots yoke, which (say they) the King of Navarre prepares for them. They talk not of the King but with contempt: they cast forth libels and shameless Pasquil's: they disgrace him in companies as a Sardanapalus, and idle▪ Chilperie, dr●●ke with prodigalities and dissolu●●es, and for a third Crown (his devise showing, that he attended the last in heaven) they were ready to shave his crown, like unto a M●nke into a Cloister. The people being corrupted, and drawn from their obedience, by the disorders of the Court, suffer the poison of audacious mutinies to creep into their hearts. But let us in few words see the conception, the delivery, and the growing of t●is league in Paris, which shall cast forth store of branches into all the quarters of the Realm. Rocheblond a Citizen of Paris, a turbulent and factious man, the first Tribune of this league, encouraged by some great men, and supported by the chief ministers thereof, joins with Prevost the Curate of S. Severin, Bucher Curate of S Benoist, and Laun●y a Cannon of So●ssons, sometimes a Minister, but fled from Sedan for adultery. These four Archeleaguers, having banded all their wits to ruin the house of Bourb●n, and to advance that of Guise, sow a pernicious seed of rebellion throughout the City, and frame a petty Council of the chief Citizens, who take the charge of the sixteen quarters of the City and Suburbs, to practise all they could▪ a●d to entertain them with discourses, grounded upon the malice of the time, full of schism, heresy, and tyranny. This petty Council, compounded of Roche●lond, Compans a Merchant, Cruse a Proctor, La Chapelle, Louchart a commissary, a●d Bussy le Cl●●● a Proctor, brought their deliberations and projects to the grand Council, ●hich consisted of Doctors, Curates, Preachers, and other men of mark. I● short time they make a great brotherhood, and finding themselves strong▪ they advertise the Duke of Guise, of the affection of the good Catholics of Paris, (that is the name which the Leaguers challenged to themselves) and their zeal to the preservation of religion, and the rooting out of the contrary, and the ruin of tyranny▪ He confers with his brethren, and sends both to give and to take an oath in an assembly held in Reims, a place at Paris. Then the most factious are sent to the Towns and Provinces of the realm, with good instructions, to join new confederates to their body, under a pretext to fight against heresy and tyranny. Trumpets of rebellion. Then might we have seen the chief pillars overthrown that support a Prince: love and authority, and hatred and contempt to supply their places. The Preachers publicly in all places, di● term the King a tyrant, and favourer of heretics. The people did applaud them: and from this deadly hatred which they had conceived against the King, his Council a●d favourites, sprung that fury which was soon after dispersed over all the body of France. The better to countenance this League, they present it to Pope Gregory the 13. that he might bless it, and declare himself the Godfather, The League presented ●o the Pope. as made for the ornament and support of the Catholic and apostolic Roman Church. Gregory was well pleased they should attempt any thing against the Huguenots: but he did not approve those popular rebellions which were made against a most Christian and Catholic King, neither would he be the firebrand of a war which he could not quench. And ●o he sent the Deputies back without a●y answer. But not approved. The League impatient to attend the resolution of Rome, lays open his designs, and makes them plausible, causing one of the chief Princes of the blood, to be an actor and carry the babble. They publish, that the King dying without children, he hath no heir nor successor but the Cardinal of Bourbon, a Prince broken in years, without hope of issue, or to survive the King, who was sound, lusty, and young. But they secretly season the simple people's minde●, wi●h that unjust usurpation of the Capets, upon the ●eires of Charlemain: they Print Books▪ they cast forth diu●rs Libels, yea some Preachers make it the text of their Sermons. Two principal firebrands inflame the League. Assembly at Montauba●. The assembly made by the King of Navarre, and the Deputies of that party at Montauban, to resolve of the mean●● to maintain themselves, if the League (abusing the King's name and authority) should seek to offend them. And the voyage of the Duke of Espern●n to the K●ng of Navarre, to confer privately with him in the King's name. 1585. The chief of the League presume, that the King means to arm, and to employ the King of Navarres forces against them. D Espernons voyage into Gasconi●. They seek to prevent him, and to that intent they send forth many Commissions: but least any should control them, they cloak them with the King's name, wherewith they maintain themselves to be well allowed, as a thing done for his majesties service. The King in the end of March desavowes them, and forbids all levies of men of war. Motives of the League. To justify themselves and their rising, they publish the motives of the Cardinal of Bourbon (who notwithstanding served them but as a Cipher) with the Princes, Noblemen, Towns and Catholic Commonalties to oppose themselves against heretics. That they had contemned the resolution of the Estates, to make war against heretics, and to disannul all Edicts made in their favour. That the succession of the King of Navarre (whereof he hath conceived a great hope sense the death of the Duke of Anjou,) would cause great confusions within this realm. That preparations were already made, both within and without. That by an accord made at Magdebourg the fifteenth of December last passed, the troops of the King of Navarre, the Prince of Condé, the Queen of England, the King of Scots, the Count Palatin, the Dukes of Saxony, Pomerania, and Wirtemberg, of the Landgrave of Hessen, the Swisses and other Protestants should jointly enter into France before the fifteenth of April next following. That the Huguenots would not yield up the Towns, which they held for the assurance of the last Edict of peace. That there is great abuse in the provision of offices, in the levies of money, in the invention of excessive imposts. Then they complain of the mignons in Court, who abusing the King's name and bounty, keep the Princes and Noblemen that were truly Catholic, from all access to his Majesty, persuading him, that it is necessary for the preservation of his Estate, to diminish their authority: they brave the Nobility, dispose of governments in favour of their followers, wast the treasure, oppress the people, restrain the liberty of justice, ruin the Clergy with tenths and extraordinary charges. And then they declare: That these just motions, and the suddenness of the mischief, had thrust them into arms: the small credit they had with the King, having no other means to let him understand their complaints: and in the end they protest, that their taking arms, was only to restore the Church of God to her true and ancient dignity, under the exercise of one religion throughout the realm: To restore the Nobility to their honour and freedom: to ease the people of extraordinary charges invented since the reign of Charles the ninth, and not to employ the money levied thereby but for the King's service. To require the King to provide for his succession against the public and private calamities, which the pretensions and contentions for the same might cause: and to chase from the Court such as abused his favour and authority. In the end they protest and vow, not to lay down arms, until their proposition be fully executed: and that his Majesty had prevented the danger, the fear whereof hath made them to take arms. These false impressions had wonderfully incensed the people: but when as they talk to them of a synod held at Montauban, and of a Diet in Germany, where they complotted to invade France, and to chase away both mass and Priests: they take the words of these passionate men for Oracles of truth. They press to enter into the League, such as demanded nothing but change, bankrupts, men indebted, malefactors, and wicked persons. To conclude, such as had need of civil war to live upon the Common, follow the Guisi●ns Enseignes. The double pistoletes of Spain begin to shine, the captains arm and go to field. But the Huguenotes are at Rochel, in Languedoc, Guyenne and Daulphiné: and they go to seek them in Picardy, Champagne, Bourgongne and Provence. Marseilles is surprised the ninth of April, by the practices of Daries the second Consul: but suddenly recovered, and Daries hanged. Mandelot seized on the Citadel of Lions the second of May. Orleans shuts her gates against the Duke of Montpensier, sent by the King, to assure himself of the Town. The other towns ri●e: the factious work, and the army of the League grows towards Paris: every day they are fortified with some new troop, and every day some Town declares itself enemy. The King in the mean time, made no war but by writing, The King's declaration. thinking by mild and gentle means, to pacify them that spoke too proudly. He shows by his declaration, the zeal he hath always borne to the Catholic Religion, and the necessity that forced him to a peace, finding all the Estates of his Realm tired with the calamities past: that peace was the only means to unite his subjects in one religion, to establish justice, to reform abuses, and manners, to ease the Clergy, honour the Nobility, and to free the people from oppression. That he gives no benefices but to Prelates endued with learning and piety. The Nobility should be reconciled, leaving their spleen and distrusts. The people freed from devouring war, should eat their bread in peace: and yet many both impudent and rash, more hypocrites, then religious, gather by this peace, that he secretly favours heretics: the which never entered into his thoughts. That he never favoured the succession of a King, who may prejudice the Catholic religion. But to undertake a quarrel for the royal succession, whilst he is yet alive, and in hope to have issue: that were to distrust of God's bounty, and (as it were) degrade him from the estate, whereunto God had called him. That he hath honoured (with the greatest, and worthiest offices of the Crown) those Princes that complain● to be debarred his favour. (And in deed, the Duke of Guise was Lord Steward of France, Governor of Brie and Champagne, and every one of the same house advanced to a government.) Then having promised to restore the Church to her beauty, to give content to the Nobility, and to ease the people, he entreats, conjures, exhorts, and commands, all Clergiemen, gentlemen, Parliaments, and Towns corporate, to separate themselves from that which may hinder so holy an intention, to abandon all Leagues, and associations, and to unite themselves under his obedience. Moreover, the King writes to the King of Navarre, That he should contain him●elfe with patience▪ to the end the people may know whom to blame, as the motives of these new combustions: assuring him of his love, and that he will never forget his interest no more than his own▪ against them who (under goodly shows) attempt against his person, and Crown, to make them great with his loss, and the whole ruin of his estate. The King of Navarre obeys, The King of Navars' declaration. and letting pass all occasions to arm, he protests notwithstanding, That (seeing the sword ready to strike his Lord and brother,) he will prevent the danger. And whereas he is accused of heresy, he answers. That he was borne under the toleration of two religions in France: that he will leave that wherein he was bred, when by a lawful Council they shall show him an other truth then that which he believes: and therefore he is no heretic. nor yet relapse, seeing he was not fallen from his first opinion. That he is no enemy to the Catholics, for that when the Edicts had granted liberty of conscience, he presently laid down arms: that in all places he maintains his subjects in the same liberty, as he found them after the decease of hismother. That at the pretended accord of Magdebourg, which the preachers of the League publish in their pulpits, as an imaginary assembly, and fit to be spoken by a Montbanke, the deceit appears plainly, in that they name (in the extract published by them,) the Ambassadors of the Elector Palatin, and of the Prince of Auranges', whereof the Electtor was deceased above a year before the term they specified, & the Prince slain at Delfe, four months before. That he hath requested of the King a prolongation of the Towns which he holds for assurance of the last Edict: and will deliver them before the time, so as the League lay aside arms, an● yield unto the King the places they had seized. That whereas they declare him incapable of the Crown, it 〈…〉 him very near: yet doth he think least of it, hoping that God by his bounty 〈…〉 preserve the King, for the good of his realm, and will give him issue, to the gree●e 〈◊〉 his enemies. That those which by their declaration term him desirous of the 〈◊〉 death, a troubler of the State, and an enemy to the catholics, have falsely, and 〈◊〉 lied, beseeching the King to give him leave to end this quarrel with the 〈…〉 Guise, one to one, two to two, or ten to ten: without any troubling him 〈…〉 afflicting any of his people: but no man undertakes this lie, no man accepts o● 〈◊〉 challenge. Against this first insolency of the League, he should oppose other arms then a pen: A great error of State. an other cuirasse, than a penitents weeds: an other countenance, than doub●●●● a●d trembling. The authority of an assured brow, the constancy of a manly ●●●rage, a resolution fit for a royal Majesty, should have dispersed this war of G●ants, and suppressed these mutinous Legions. But the Queen mother (accustomed to 〈◊〉 in a troubled stream) winked at the Duke of Guise. She was well pleased with the●● 〈…〉 she was contented the Duke should terrify the King, to make him abandon t●e protestants, and to force him to banish his new minions from Court, ●ho had 〈…〉 in disgrace with the King her son: (he had now sequestered her from a great p●rt o● the affairs, and held her as it were confined in her houses without the Lowre, 〈…〉 end she might be sought unto, to avoid t●e blows of him that was ready to 〈◊〉. Her ambition moved her thereunto, rat●er than any desire she had to advance the Duke: to cross both the King and Duke, and to bring disorder, and confusion ●●to the State: and to stand alon●, in the midst of these furious tempest●. The League might easily have been overthrown. In the beginning they ●ad but a thousand horse, The League weak. and four thousand foot in field, and the greatest part knowing tha● these troubles concern the King, and his estate, retired themselves in time. M●st o● the Towns wavered betwixt obedience, and rebellion: some remained i● their fidelity, the rest might have been assured wi●h small force. But Ca●herine terrefies 〈◊〉 most of all. You have (saith she) to do with t●e Pope, the Emperor, t●e King of Spain, the Duke of Savoie, with some Prince's o● Germany, with the Catholic Cottons of the Swisses, who renounce your alliance: and with all the house of Lorrai●e. The● number five and twenty Provinces, and great commanders in this p●rt●●: y●●r ●est Towns are engaged, all are resolute to hazard goods, persons, and lives, to save religion from shipwreck. Thus this poor Prince is terrified: he thinks t●e D●ke 〈◊〉 Guise is at his heels, & holds the Capuchins Cloister to be more safe for him, 〈…〉 Lowre. He is not the same m●n that vanquished his enemies at jarnac, & Montcontour▪ he wants courage, he desires nothing more, then to purchase the Duke's favour▪ 〈◊〉 promiseth, that for a peace he will give him a good part of his Kingdom. The Duke of Guise, a Prince of great experience, discreet, valiant, and worthy to be numbered amongst the bravest Captains, knows the King is seized with fright, and sees that the lustre of his arms shines over all. His courage swells through the King's childish fear: he continues his course, and gins to hope for more than he had p●●tended. He therefore demands much, and his request joins his own private interest with the public: The Duke of Gu●s● fortified by a peace. he beseecheth the King to make an irrevocable Ed●ct, for the extirpation of heresies, to take away the Towns held by the Huguenots by force, to renounce the Protection of Geneva: to allow of their arms, & to join his v●to the●rs. Which was as much to say, of a King to make himself a partisan. The King makes a counterfeit peace with them: and by his Edict of the 18. of july, revokes all other made in favour of the Protestants: The peace revoked by the Edict of july. he commands their ministers to departed the realm, and to all his subjects within six months, to make profession of the Catholic religion, or to avoid the country. He approves the Leaguars' arms, as levied for his service, allows of their pretexts, and by secret articles concluded at Nemours, contents them in all matters, only with this condition: To leave the League, and instantly to lay down arms: a trap whereby they should in the end be taken. As for their security, they left it to the King's good pleasure: yet would they have in their powers, the town of Chalon, Thoul, Verdun, S. Disier, Reims, Soissons, the Castle of Dijon, Beaune, Rue in Picardy, Dinan, and Concq in Britain: they caused the King to pay two hundred one thousand six Crowns, and two third parts, for the strangers which they had levied: they had a discharge for a hundred six thousand three hundred and forty Crowns eight sols and three deniers which they had taken upon the general receipt. They obtained a hundred thousand Crowns to build a Citadel at Verdun: and entertainment for guards on horseback for all the Princes of the League. To conclude, the extortions, robberies, burnings, profanations, and other insolencies which such arms draw after them, devoured more flesh in three months that this war continued, wasted more fat, and sucked more blood from the poor people, (for whose ease they had so often protested to have taken arms,) then the ordinary charges could have consumed in many years. This outrage was the cause of seven and twenty Edicts, to discharge those millions of gold, which this fury had wasted, to the perverting of justice, policy and the treasure. A rash enterprise ruins itself, when it finds resistance▪ but if the attempters find that they are feared, their impunity grows confident. This peace had made a great breach in the King's authority: but they had extorted it by force, not three days before he had proclaimed them rebels and guilty of treason: they might then easily judge, that he would hatch an egg whereof should spring some notable revenge. Doubtless Henry determined it: but the three brethren, who were the chief architects of this conspiracy kept themselves apart, and could not be catched in one net: and to maintain themselves, they had no better expedient then by arms. They make the King resolve to war against the Protestants: they show him the facility thereof, three mornings (say they) will end it: We have the assistance of all Christian Princes, the german forces will march no more for the King of Navarre, a poor Prince, without money and without credit. The Queen of England shall have work enough to resist the Spaniards attempts (the Spaniarde prepared then that great army against England, which we shall see dispersed with small resistance, like a puff of wind) and their strongest places will parley at our first approaches. Let us make war (saith the King) against them in God's name. War against the Protestants. I will entertain three armies: one in Guyenne, an other about mine own person, and the third upon the fronter, against the strangers whom the Huguenotes expect out of Germany: there wants nothing but money: the charge amounts to four hundred thousand Crowns a month. I have by your advise broken the peace, (saith he to the best of the Clergy, of the Parliament and of the Citizens of Paris being assembled at the Lowre) assure me now of means to make war. And afterwards he said to the Cardinal of Guise. The heads of the Clergy are they which have most importuned me to war: it is no reason I alone should bear the charge of that which redounds to the public. I assure myself, you will not fail to assist me. And to the first precedent, (notwithstanding the Parliament had lately verified the letters patents, whereby the King condemned the authors of this rebellion as traitors) I have found so much zeal and affection in you, to cause me to revoake the last Edict of peace, as I assure myself you will find reasons sufficient to persuade them of your faculty, to forbear their entertainments, so long as the wars shall continue. And then to the Prevost of merchants, he said. The City hath showed itself most affectionate tooth breach of the Edict: they must be as willing to contribute the charges of the war. Go presently, and assemble the body of your City, and make me an imposition of two hundred thousands Crowns. Without doubt every one of these was very willing to have war, but loath to feal the discommodities it brought. They begin to find that the most prejudicial peace is better than the most triumphant and victorious war. Yet the League 〈◊〉 have war: and even they, whose forefathers were wont to carry it beyond the 〈◊〉, into Asia, Africa, and to the end of the world, do now nourish it in their own Country. But the authors thereof could not stand but in the midst of a general confusion. The King of Navarre seeing t●is cloud ready to break upon his party, complains, that the King, without consideration of the private interest he hath in this 〈◊〉 revolt, hath made a peace with his enemies, and hath armed them with his own forces, and authority, against his estate, his blood and himself. He lays open, by a public declaration, the causes which moved the League to take arms, the vanity o● 〈◊〉 pretexts▪ the flirt's which all France may expect by the treaty of Nemours, and the● with the Prince of Condé his Cousin, the Marshal d' Anvil, (hereafter D●ke of Montmo●●ncy▪ by the death of his eldest brother, and in the following reign Constable of France) and other Noblemen, gentlemen, Provinces, Towns and Commonalties of both religions▪ he protests, by a lawful and necessary defence, to maintain the fundamental laws of families, and the Estate and liberty of the King and the Queen his mother. Sixtus th● 〈◊〉 exco●mun●●cates the king o● Nua●re a●d Prince o● Condé. Was it not sufficient for these Princes, to have the King and League against them, but they must be charged ●ith a ●ewe assault from beyond the mountains? Sixtus the 〈◊〉, a more violent man then his Predecessor, casts or this lightning against the●e two Henry's, King of Navarre and 〈…〉 Condé▪ he excomunicates them, degrade● them and their successors, from all 〈◊〉, namely their pretensions to the Crown of France, exposeth their Countries and persons in prey, to the first that should 〈◊〉 on them. The Pope's Bull declared void and of no force. The Court of Parliament finds this act to be rash, insolent, 〈◊〉, and far from the modesty of former Popes, and says ●nto the King: That 〈…〉 find nothing like to the Apostles successor. The Re●isters of the 〈…〉 did not teach them. That the Princes of France were 〈◊〉 to seek 〈◊〉 at Rome or 〈◊〉 subjects did ever take knowledge of than Prince's religion. Seeing the● 〈◊〉 ●ew Pope, in steed of instruction studies nothing but destruction, and that he changes 〈…〉 into a fearful firebrand, to ruin those utterly whom he should 〈◊〉 vn●o the Church, the Court could not admit this Bull, so pernicious for al● Christendom, and derogating from the sovereignty of the Crown of France. The Princes likewise pr●test against the said Bull, and appeal from it, as abusive and scandalous, ●nto the next free and lawful Council: where they will prove (said they) that Sixtus the 〈◊〉, calling himself Pope, terming them heretics, hath falsely and wickedly ●●ed. This opposition was set up in Rome the sixth of November. Open war●e. Thus the Parliament grew resolute against this Bull▪ but it yielded easily in other matters, which did but impair the affairs. For the fifteenth of October they allowed of the King's declaration, which imposed confiscation of body and goods, against such as without the warrant of the Catholic Princes had opposed their forces against the League: and revoked the ten of six months granted by the Edict of july, to fifteen days after the said declaration. To cross this Edict, the King of Navarre, by a declaration of the last of November, d●th seize, and gives commissions, to sell all the f●uites, rents, reuen●es, movables, debts, and all other profits whatsoever, of the Inhabitants of Towns, where the Edict of july, touching the six months, and of October, touching the abbreviation to fifteen days, had been received, published and executed: and likewise of gentlemen and others carrying arms, with the Leaguers and their adherents: as also of the Clergy resident in the said Towns, or 〈◊〉 for their party: and to let out their Lands to them that would give most. His words and deeds were all one: for presently his people lay their hands to work. Saint Mesmes keeps the Marshal Matignon in breath. Laval chargeth him in Xaintonge, and raiseth the siege of Taillebourg, where the Ladies of Tremo●●lle (the mother, and daughter) were besieged. The Vicont of Turrenne overruns Li●●si●, and for a gage of his inroads takes the Bishopric of Thules. The Duke of Mercoeur, on the other side▪ thinks with two thousand men to do wonders in Poictou: but there must be a proportion betwixt him that forceth, and him that he means to force. Else he that furiously or rashly thinketh to daunt another, and insult over his possessions, may soon lose both his courage, and what he possessed. The Prince of Condé makes head against him, and not only drives him from ●ontenay, but also makes him, for his better safety, retire far into Brittany with loss and disgrace. Being freed from this encumbrance, he beseegeth Brovage, and had already brought it to that necessity, as the most resolute were ready to yield▪ when as news came unto him, that three Captains, du-Halot servant to the King, le Fresne enemy to the Earl of Brissa●, Governor of Angers, and Ro●hemorte, The voyage of Angers. a partisan to the King of Navarre, had seized on the Castle of Angers, one of the strongest places of the Realm, guarded by a Captain, and twelve soldiers. The enterprise was well made, well executed, but not so well poursued: for du Hallot came too soon into the Town, protesting that he had taken the Castle for the King's service. They detain him prisoner, and belegat the Castle, whether the whole Country comes. At night they demand to parley with Fresné. He as ill advised as the first, comes forth upon a little bridge. A hargubusier makes an offer to shoot at him: whereupon he offers to return: but Rochemorte with his company, fearing to be forced by the multitude that came running, draws up the bridge. Le Fresné hangs by the chains to pull it down: but the Townsmen cut off his hands, and he falls into the ditch, where he was slain by a stag they kept there. du Halot was presently executed within the Town. These two being dead, they demand of Rochemorte, for whom he holds? For the King of Navarre, said he. hereupon they cast up a trench against the Castle, attending the Duke of joyeuse the King's brother in law. During these broils and troubles Rochemorte (slumbering one day in one of the windows of the Castle,) was there slain with a harguebuse shot. The Prince advertised of the surprise of the Castle, and of Rochemorts answer: but not of that which happened since, leaves Brovage: and to oppose sufficient forces against the League, he marcheth with about eight hundred masters, and twelve hundred harguebusiers on horseback, passeth Loire at Roisiers betwixt Saumur and Angers, chargeth home to the suburbs, forceth some barricadoes, and spends a whole day in skirmishes: but he hears no news from the Castle, neither for the alarum in the Town, nor the noise of his troops. No man appears: no answer, no sign is made: the Actors were buried in their enterprise, and sixteen soldiers remaining had already capitulated. The castle of Angers yielded Doubtless too much courage and too little consideration (a dangerous oversight in any great commander in the war: where too much headstrongness, is no less perilous than faint-heartedness) had engaged the Prince on this side the river of Loire, amongst many ●●myes of enemies, having no bridge at his devotion, without boats to repass, or any hope of succour. Then that cheerful hope which had brought that little army, turns into con●●sion and disorder: for the Duke of Mayenne had passed the Loire at Orleans, with ●●●teene hundred horse, Reistres, and French, to cut off the Prince's way, if he repassed the water. The Duke of Espernon, and the Marshal Byron kept Beausse towards ●●●●eualle, to meet with him. La Chastre had drawn up the mylls, and boats, and kept the passages of Loire. The Duke of joyeuse marched at his back. Entragues Governor of Orleans came to cross him, and all the Commons did rise. On the other side, the Prince's troops were tired. He fails of two or three passages upon 〈◊〉 river, whereof he made account, betwixt Blois and Amboise. The amazement increaseth, and his number decreaseth: such as had friends in Beausse, Dunois, perch, Ve●●osmois, or main, steal a●ay. The Lord of Rohan (advising hi● not to thrust himself into an apparent ruin▪) had turned head towards Britain. All the foresaid enemies forces would within few days charge him. Being near to Vend●sme, he leaves the chief charge of the retreat to Clermont, and Saint Gelas, ordereth the companies, provides for his household servants, The Prince of Conde in rout. and at eleven of the clock at night, he parts, accompanied with the Lords of Tremoville, Auentigni, and few others. Finally after infinite toil and dangers past, he recovered the Isle of Greneze, lying in the English seas: and so London, being received by the Queen, with all the honour, and favour he could desire: and then by her commandment accompanied with a good number of the Nobility, and men of war, in ships well appointed, he repassed the seas, obtaining a sufficient conquest to have saved himself, and a rich spoil to have returned with his head to ●ochell, rather than to the grieve or the Hales at Paris. Saint Gelais, Bois-D●lie, Aubigni, la Tifardiere, and some others are commended to have wi●ely preserved these broken troops n●ere to the forest of Marchenoir, divided into small companies, of twelve, and fifteen, whereof (notwithstanding the Towns of Orleans, Blois, Amboise, Tours, and others thereabouts, were straightly guarded) ma●y repassed the Loire. Saint Gelais and others taking the high way to Paris, crossed many companies dispersed in Beausse, and having wandered long in the forest o● Orleans▪ in the end they passed the river near to eye, and at last recovered Rochel, where the Prince, the chief of the army, and the most part of the troops were already in safety. The lightnings of Sixtus, 1586. and the second Ed●ct of October had wonderfully moved the King of Navarre. another complaint of the King of Nauar●e. Now he complains to the Clergy, to the Nobility, to the t●ird estate, and to the Parliament of Paris, of the breach of the last Edict of peace, and that they had caused the question of succession to a King yet living, to be decided at Rome: that they would make a Prince of the blood of France subject to the Pope, that they suffer the Consistory to give that which belongs not unto it: and that the Pope disposeth of realms, and principalities at his pleasure. Then he showeth the miseries which these uncivil wars will breed: he exhorts them, not to serve as instruments to the Leaguers, to ruin the King and his Realm. And finally, seeing they are so ill ad●ui●●d, he protests as before: That both he and his, will use all lawful means to resist the violence of their enemies, and casts all the miseries that shall ensue upon the authors thereof. Strangers deal earnestly in the cause. The Princes of Germany make intercession to the King, Intercession of ●orraine 〈◊〉. at the King of Navars' instance, that he would be persuaded, at the humble petitions of his neighbour's, and that opening his eyes at the tears, and his ears at the complaints of his subjects, he would maintain his own good, quiet, honour, and ●aith, his Crown and reputation, and preserve a body wounded unto death. But those of Guise kept him in awe. He speaks not but by the mouth of the League. I make and change (said he unto the Ambassadors) my ordinances as, necessity doth require, for the good & quiet of my subjects: and leave the care to all Sovereign Princes, to govern their people as they shall think fi●. I have the fear of God lively graven in my heart: neither will I do any thing against the honour of my conscience, and the fatherly ●are I have of my people. This ●●ea●ed the League: they are now on horseback. The Duke of Mayenne marcheth with about two thousand horse, The Du●e of 〈◊〉 arm●e. French, and Reistres, twelve regiments of foot, and six thousand Swisses. He must bring the Princes of the blood prisoners to Paris in triumph, their Captains chained, and cover the fields of Xaintonge, Poictou, and Guyenne, with their slaughtered soldiers, return victorious, and bring to the King the conquest of all the places, that made resistance. But what exploits, what triumphs? The wrath of God ruins his men in those Countries. He beseegeth, batters, and takes some silly places, which are scarce noted in the French map, as Montignae, Beaulieu, Gaignac, Castles, and saint Bazille upon Garonne: Montsegur, Castillon, Fuynorma●d in Perigueux, 1586 and the most part by composition (but badly observed) leaving behind him Figeac, Cadaillac, Caior, the houses of the Viscount of Gourdon, Montfort, Bergerac, and Saint Foy, places of importance, all held by the Protestants. The difficulty of passages, the overflowing of rivers, the vehement cold, the continual rain, want of money, munition, victuals, and supplies of men, withdraw him from this war, to go winter at Bourdeaux, there (in the midst of his loves) to make some enterprises upon the Castles, to the prejudice of the Marshal of Matignan. So the most of his Soldiers detained long, without either honour or profit, disband of themselves: and the Duke brings from this voyage a more famous spoil, the heir of Caumont, being but twelve years old, to give her to one of his sons. He had before time done better in Daulphiné, where keeping his faith inviolable, he had happily preserved his reputation and credit. Indeed he then lived only under the King's laws and obedience, and now he spends much time, labour and money, to effect little in Guyenne. In the mean time the Prince of Condé renewed the war, assisted notably by the Earl of Laval, and Saint Gelais, who commanded about four hundred and fifty men, and by the new conquests of Dompierre, (a Castle near unto Saint jean, belonging to the Marshal of Rez, where the booty repaired the losses late suffered by the soldiers) of Royen, a strong place near unto Brovage: of Soubize, Mornac in Alleu●rt, Mondevis, and others, defaced the grief of the former crosses. In the midst of these prosperities, he took to his second wife in Taillebourg the 16. of March, The Prince of Condes second mar●age. Charlotte Katherine of Tremoville, sister to claud of Tremoville Duke of Thovars, etc. by whom he had Henry of Bourbon Prince of Condé, the first Prince of the blood at this present, and first Peer of France. Within few days after, Tiercelin with his regiment of about six hundred and fifty men, returned from an enterprise, which Saint Luc the Governor of Brovage had made (but in vain) against the Isle of Oleron. The Prince advertised of his passage, follows him, with La Tremoville his brother in law, La Boulay, Auantigny, and some thirty others: he chargeth them in the tail near unto the suburbs of Xaintes, and kills thirty or forty of his men: the rest put themselves in battle through the favour of the hedges and the high way. The Earl of Laval comes galloping, with about five and thirty horse of his company, which had been lodged a little from thence: and seeing the Prince & the rest of his company engaged in the combat, he goes directly to the Colonel's ensign, covered with a battalion of picks: he breaks them, fights with him that carried it, pulls it from him, puts him to flight, Tiercelins' regiment defeated. kills threescore soldiers upon the place, and chaseth the whole regiment. Tiercelin saved himself, carrying to Xaintes a hurt in the arm, and many others being maimed. Tremoville had a horse slain under him: and some were hurt, but the Earl lost Sailli and Rieux his brethren. Tanlay was lately deceased of sickness at Saint jean, and himself surprised with a fever: The death of four brethren of Lavall. and wonderfully grieved for the loss of his three brethren, followed them to the grave within a few days after, and all four were interred within the Castle of Taillebourg. But what did the King of Nauarr● in the mean time? he hath until now maintaned himself under the obedience of the King's commandments: hitherto hath been nothing but mutual writings, Edicts, declarations, commandments, directions to the officers of the Crown, for the execution thereof. Hereafter he displays other arms than paper & ink. The marshal of Matignon had besieged Castles in February: the king flies thither with about three hundred masters, and eighteen hundred harguebusiers on horseback: he raiseth the siege, disposeth of his affairs in Berne: comes to Nerac, and assures the Town▪ passeth the Garonne at Saint Bazeille, (notwithstanding the Duke of Mayenne who lay within two Leagues of his passage): crosseth Perigord and Angoulm●is, and so comes into Poictou, where the Marshal of Byron, with about twelve hundred horse, and four thousand foot, molested and troubled the Country near unto Rochel, besieged Marans. The arrival of the said King, and the, resolution of the besieged, commanded by la jarrie, made the Marshal to pa●●e the river of Charente, and to leave Marans to the free exercise of both religions. The King of Navarre went to Rochel to visit the army at sea, and by a palissado, to keep in them of Brovage. The Cardinal of Lenoncourt, and the Precedent Brulart, were sent the year before from the King▪ to assure the King of Navarre of his majesties love: and to exhort h●m again to unite himself to the Catholic Church, as well for the good of his conscience, as also to make his way to the succession of the Crown more easy: to show unto him the causes that had moved him to break the peace, and to entreat him to yield the Tow●es of surety. The time would not suffer these propositions to take effect▪ b●t contrariwise, after the example of the League, (said the King of Navarre) we should demand better Towns. So the Ambassadors ended their charge, beseeching the 〈◊〉 King▪ to enter into some treaty, wherein the Queen mother should deal to his c●nte●t, so as he would stay the levy of Reistres, Lansquenets and Swisses, which Cler●aut, S●g●r and Guitri had procured. He accepted of this conference, the which breeds a truce in the end of the year, but w●th protestation, not to stay the good will of such as in so important an occasion▪ and extreme necessity, had gone to field: that (rasing the King's authority tro●●● under f●●te, by the breach of his Edict,) they might preserve him from the 〈◊〉 invasion of the League. He was better affected to a good peace, then to a bad 〈…〉 the Queen mother telling him, that the King would make no peace, n●r truce with him, The Queen mot●●●s 〈…〉. unless ●ee would become a Catholic, she made this conference 〈…〉 fruitless. She lets him understand, that this change would make his 〈◊〉 more free, more assured, and more fit for his calling: that his conversion would b●●ng him in grace with the King, leaving to cou●t a Mayor of Rochel, whom he did not commmaund absolutely. But this Prince had his ears too much beaten with 〈◊〉 p●●posi●ion, and could not yield thereunto, but by due form, which was by a ho●● 〈◊〉 lawful Council. And the Duke of Nevers, thinking to add some more perswas●●● reasons then the rest of the assembly: you cannot (saith he) levy any impost there. A Prince doth what he will, when as he wills nothing but what he ought.) 〈…〉 reason (answered this Prince, being free and of a quick conceit) for we have no 〈◊〉 amongst us. 158●. This conference bred a jealousy among the Parisiens'. They were more inclined to 〈…〉 ever. The Duke of Mayenne advertised that the Queen mother 〈…〉 the Kingof Navarre, to mediate an accord, he makes haste to Paris, to 〈…〉 K●ng, that this negotiation was contrary to his Edict: that such a peace could not be good, breeding effects in religion, contrary to the tranquillity of Catholic Consciences. Being arrived there, the six Arch▪ leaguers impart unto him their secret articles: To suppress heresy, reform the Court and the 〈◊〉 of Mig●●●ts: and for a fatal wound to the Estate, To seize upon the King's 〈◊〉. He allows of these counsels, and sounds their desseins, but finds the execution difficult. So t●e rats in the Fable found this expedient to be very good, to be● 〈…〉 of the Cat's approach: and to save themselves, to hang a bell at his 〈…〉 durst undertake to do it. The Queen mother advertised of this 〈…〉, took her way to Court. Her arrival, with the irresolution of the 〈…〉 the Parisians wavering, in the midst of so dangerous an enterprise. T●e Q●eene● departure kindled the war in Poictou. The King of Navarre g●es to 〈…〉 by composition, Sasay by assault: forceth Saint Maixant to yee●●, 〈…〉 to his obedience: beseegeth Mauleon, and during the battery take● 〈…〉. Whilst the King of Navarres arms prosper in Poictou▪ & the Duke of Mayenne treats with the leaguers at Paris, & the mouth of his mutinous preachers, disgraceth the ki●●s authority with the people: the Duke of Guise, 1587. continues to make war against them of jamets', the which he had begun against the Duke of Bovillon, from the first beginning of the League. Sedan and all that Principality served as a retreat for the neighbour protestants, and as a Port for strangers to enter into France. These are the Pretexts ●herewith he covers his desseins, but he had another principal motive: from Se●an the King had intelligence of all that was practised in Champagne and Lorraine, in t●e ●●a●e 1585. When he sees himself master of Douzy, Rocroy, and Raucourt, Duke of Bovillon chie●e o● the german army. he passeth the Meuze, & enters into the sovereignty of Sedan▪ afflicts the countrymen with all the cru●●ties that war could imagine, whilst that famine presseth them within the Town. To divert this storm which threatened Sedan, the Duke of Bovillon causeth Schelandre G●●ernour of jamets', to set upon Verdun, a Town on the side of Champagne, which had tumu●teously run into the League. The Duke of Guise runs to secure it, and by 〈◊〉 absence's gives the Duke of Bovillon means to secure Sedan. Thereupon the Queen mother, at the request of the D●ke of Montpensier, uncle by the mother's side to the Lords of Sedan, procures a truce for fifteen days, betwixt the two Dukes, 〈◊〉 the which, the enterprise upon the Cast●e of jametz, for the Duke of Guise 〈◊〉 fatal for the undertakers, disposed their wills to a second truce of a mo●eth. This fell out happily: for the german army, whereof he was named Lieunant general under the Duke john Casimir (who substituted in his place the Baron de Onaw▪ the minority of the Elector Palatin nephew and pupil to the said Duke, hindering him from marching in person) prepared to make their musters in the plain of Strashourg. So the D●ke of Bovillon goeth into Als●tia with four hundred horse, and eight hundred harguebusiers to make them advance: and the Duke of Guise comes to the King to Meaux, to receive (said he) his majesties commandments in ●o great and so important a cause: but in effect, to complain, That sin●e the revocation of the Edict of peace, The Duke of Guise complains of the King. he had followed the war against heretics with so small favour, as the King had suffered them in their houses to enjoy their goods and estates peaceably. That in steed of selling and employing them to their ruin, he caused the revenues of the Cardinal of Pelleué to be seized on (a man borne in France, but Espan●olised at Rome) for that in open consistory, he had virtuously maintained the just motives of the taking of arms by the Catholic Princes against t● Huguenots. That t●is war had more advanced the Mignons, then ruined the Heretics, and that the money raised by the subvention of the Clergy, served to entertain the said Minion's, That neither the King's Council, the Parliament of Paris, the inferior judges, nor the Provost of Paris had sworn this last Edict. That the Towns which had demanded the extirpation of heresy, and the revocation of the last Edict ●f peace, were treated like enemies. That he had caused the Citadels of Lions and Mascon to be beaten down, surprised that of Valence, disgraced Brissac, Crus●lles, Gess●●, Entr●gues and others, and, perverted the assignations which he had given him, to be repaid the money the which he had disbursed in this last levy of men of war. But the King knew well how to counterbalance these complaints of the League, with their own breach of the articles of Nemours. He had well observed, The King complains of the Duke. that their insolent passions aspired to some greater desseins than the articles made 〈…〉. Those of Guise had demanded Towns of assurance against the Protestant's in those Provinces where they were not at all to be feared. The Duke of ●uma●e had newly surprised dourlan's and Pontdormy, but he had failed of Boul●●n through the fidelity of Saint Mar●a. They had lodged in their Citadel of Vitri le Fra●sc●is an Italian at their devotion, and took an oath of many Governors to hold their places for the D●ke of Guise. B●t the King's meaning was to live and reign: yea though he did buy a good peace to the contentment of both parties. But the contrary desseines of the King 〈…〉 and the Duke of Guise, could not be reconciled: and he had no means to 〈…〉 betwixt both, but must lean to the one, or the other side, nor oppress the one ●●t●out raising of the other. To conclude, not daring to show himself a King, he 〈◊〉 all the chief of the League, The King desires peace. to become counterfeit Kings. He exhort▪ 〈◊〉 Duke of Guise, not to expose the Estate in prey, to procure the contentment 〈…〉 King, the liberty of the Clergy, the dignity of the Nobility, and the people's ●a●e by other means then that which destroys the honour of the Sovereign, 〈◊〉 the Churches, sacks the gentleman's blood, and drives the people into despa●●e▪ and invites him unto peace, by promises of advancement for his house and party. But a warlike mind will have nothing but war. The Duke could neither endure the sea●●● nor the cure thereof. Thus peace is banished. The Duke seeks all means to assault the Huguenots▪ The Duke will have war and beseecheth the King to stop the army of strangers, whic● were even now upon the fronter▪ that they might not return into Germany, with a victory over France, and a triumph over the Catholic Church. Still must this venerable pretext of religion serve to colour the wicked passions of men. He procures many commissions▪ War concluded. especially for his brother the Duke of Mayenne in Dauphin, for the Duke of joyeuze in Poitou, and for himself against the Protestants army. If the King had not showed the like care on his part, the people would have said, that as long rest doth dull the courage of a horse: so since the Duke of Ioyeuzes ●arriage, the pleasures and delights of Court, and the solitariness of Vincennes, had much de●aied his accustomed generosity. He therefore divides his forces into three armies. The first at Chaumont in Bassigni, consisting of five and twenty company's of men at arms, The King's force's. twelve enseignes of foot, in the regiment of ●s●luseaux, six of joannes, six of Gie, with many other blanks signed for other commissions, at the will of the Duke of Guise, who increased this army with four hundred Lances, and two thousand Italian foot, sent by the Duke of Parma, & the Duke of Lorraine (suffering himself as the eldest of the house, to be ca●●ied away with the vain hopes that were given him, of a good portion in the pretended succession of Charlemain) held also goodly and great forces upon the fronter, at the Duke of Guise's devotion. The Duke of Montpens●r commanded the second at Saint Florentin, near unto Troy's, The King with his presence honoured the third at Gyen, stretching along the river of Loire, to keep the King of Navarre from joining with his st●angers on this side the river. The Duke of Ioye●ze presuming of an assured victory, lead an other army into Guyenne against the King of Navarre, and the other heads of the League, armed every one of them by ●●●selfe. The army that came for the Protestants, consisted of five thousand Reisires, fi●e thousand Lansquenets, The Protestants arm●e. twelve thousand five hundred Swisses in three regiments, eleven Cornets of French, ten companies of Harquebusiers on horseback, the which in all ●ere about thirty thousand men. The King of Navarre assembled his forces in Gasconie. The Prince of Condé, the Conte Soissons, the Vicont of Turenne, the Cont of Roch●foucault, the Lord of Tremoville, and others, made great preparations. T●e Lord of Chastillon gathered an army in Languedoc: les Digui●res held himself realie to pass at need. Thus this poor and miserable realm, is ready to serve as a prey to people differing in tongue and manners. Without doubt, men judge of the offence, by the punishment. The witchcraft and divination (whereof some make open profession) blasphemy unpunished, lust, dissolution, prodigality, ambition, discord, and cruelties: but above all, The cause of the ●●●●ctions of Franc●. impiety, licentiousness, Atheism, superstition, & injustice, the root of miseries which are crept into France, have filled up the measures of her iniquities: and now she is ready to drink even unto the lees. In former ages the Court was a school of virtue for the French Nobility: now it abounds in dissoluteness, disorder and excess. The most modest grow insolent, the excess of great men breeds it in the meanest. And do we wonder, if the same scourges, whereby the fearful wrath of God justly kindled, have ruined more flourishing Estates then this, do now waste our fields. The army of Strangers now enters into Lorraine, whose errors at their entry will cost them dear that commit them. The Duke of Bovillon is young, little respected, Entry of the strangers. and ill obeyed. Cleruaut, Guitri, Beawais La Nocle, Digoines, Montlovet, Vezines and others assist him: but most of them are more fit to carry an embassage, then to undertake a charge. The chief of Germany is but a mean gentleman, valiant out of doubt, but to● weak for so great a charge, having no reputation but what he hath gotten under Duke Casimirs authority. In the beginning of August, discord (a dangerous plague, Errors of this army. ) bred a great confusion in their proceedings. The Duke of Bovillon would have employed this army to victual the places of his sovereignty. The General of the Germans desired to have a Prince of the blood to march before him. The Reistres and Swisses lose a goodly occasion at Pont Saint Vincent, to fight with the League, who made a show to join with them. The Lansquenets are commended to have resolutely cast themselves into the water, to pass and come to battle. Some would spoil Lorraine, others would carry their revenge into the heart of France. The Germans chose the way along the river of Seine, and so to pass into Picardy. The French had more reason: That they must aim at a passage over Loire, and favour the King of Navarrs approach. In the end the way of Loire was resolved. They fire some villages in Lorraine: the Countries lying upon the passage are wasted, the army finds neither mills, nor ovens standing, which bred a general discontent among the Reistres and Swisses. The Lord of Ch●stillon arrives. As the army passed through the country of Bar, and Ginuillois, news comes that the Lord of Chastillon is beset in Gresille in Lorraine, with four hundred horse, and fifteen hundred harquebusiers. The Duke of Bovillon makes haste to ungage him. The Earl of la Mark his brother so tormenteth himself in this action, that he falls sick, and dying, leaves the conduct of the forward to the Lord of Chastillon. The Earl of la Mark dies. The army is turmoiled with continual ra●●e: they want victuals, and the grapes & other fruit being not ripe, breed many fluxes: yet did they surmount all these difficulties, and having passed the rivers of Marne, Aube, Seine, la Cure, and Yonne, they approached near unto Loire. Here the Reistres & Swisses make a second complaint. The strangers second complaint. The King of Navarre appears not the water is low, but the King's forces are lodged upon the rivers side, and threaten to fight with the first that shall approach. The ruin of the stranger's army was to kee●e the King of Navarre from joining with them: and therefore, the Duke of joyeuze st●●ed the said King with an army, strong with men, munition, artillery, and other means. For their first exploits, the King of Navarre had defeated some Companies which had advanced too far into the Country. And Charbonieres and Bori remaining with their regiments, at la moth Saint Eloy (being beaten by the favour of the Captain of the Castle, who lent some pieces, to break their barricadoes: against the oath which he had given, not to commit any act of hostility) were defeated by joyeuses troops. The taking of Saint Maixant, was the second of his triumphs, Thonne-Charente the third, both by composition. The exploits of the Duke of joyenze in Poictou. But the defeat of the companies of ●u●●lhes: where some being taken after the fury of the fight, others yielding upon their enemy's faith, were in a manner all insolently slain in cold blood, together with the foul war at Saint Eloy, shall be dearly sold unto the victors, who having added the Abbay of Maillezay to his first conquests, he left Laverdin to command the army, and returns to Court, to demand the palm of his victories, and a supply of greater forces, the plague having much wasted his army. The King of Navars' exploits. In his absence the King of Navarre defeated three of his companies of men at arms, took their Cornets and ma●y gentlemen prisoners, poursued Laverdin unto la hay in Tourraine, chased the Duke 〈◊〉, & by the conduct of the Vicont of Turenne, took all his rich baggage: then at h●s return he received the troops which the Conte Soissons brought, and those of No●mandie led by Colombieres. This respite gave the said King means (as we have noted before) to gather together his forces in Gasconie, and so to join with his army in Xaintonge. On the other side, the Duke of joyeuze, supplied with horse and foot, repasseth the Loire, and with twelve thousand fight men, comes to encounter the King of Navarre. The King of Navarre had two rivers to pass, to come into Xaintonge, Drougne and S. ● Isle. The Duke of joyeuse, drunk with prosperity of a hasty advancement, who of a private gentleman was made a Duke, and of a Duke brother in law to the King of France, and charged (but not so much by the King, as by the League, whereof he was a partisan, having married the Queen's sister) to give battle at all events, would cut off these passages, presuming that he which passed first, should have an advantage over his enemy. The King of Navarre knew it well: yet, did he not lose any time in curling of his hair. The battle of Contras. The nine teenth of October, accompanied with the Prince of Condé, the Conte Soissons his brother, the Viconte of Turenne, and other good commanders, he takes his lodging at Coutras, to pass the river of Drougne at a ford. The Duke supposing to have him at his devotion betwixt two ri●ers, gives the rendezvous to all his forces the next day, betwixt Roche-Chalais and Coutras, and there made choice of his place of battle to his best advantage, half a League from Coutras. The King of Navarre and his soldiers, had sweat more in skirmishes, then in tenis-Courts, and did take more pleasure in the dust of their enemy's chase, then in feasts. The inequality of the number doth not amaze them. He marcheth before: resolves his men to fight, makes them to fall on their knees and pray to God, puts his horsemen into four squadrons, his own, that of the Prince, the Earls, and the Viconts. The soldiers inflame their courages by mutual skirmishes, and reproachful speeches: from words they go to blows. The King of Navarres artillery thunders fi●st, at eight of the clock, and at the first volley sweeps away seven Captains of the regiment of Picardy. The Duke's answers him, but without effect. The ignorance or malice of the Can●oniers having planted it so low, as it fell upon a little ●ill betwixt both armies. The Duke's horsemen led by Laverdin, and Captain Mercoeur give the charge, and at the first encounter force through the King of Navarres squadron, and passing on, the Vicont stays him, and beats him back. The Duke presuming by this first good hap, to obtain a total victory over th●ee chief heads of the house of Bourbon, advanceth resolutely, flanked with two hedges of armed men to charge with the Lance. The four commanders march every one in the head of his troop, first easily the pace, than the trot, and after in their full carrier. They charge and break them. This conflict, which consisted for the most part of Leaguers, Defeat & was almost as soon dissolved, as it was resolved on: it began at nine of the clock, and at ten not any of the Duke's men had any offensive arms: some a●e overthrown, some taken, and some seek their safety in flight. The victors poursue them th●ee Leagues, and strew the fields with men, horses, and arms. The Duke is compassed in, by a squadron of men at arms. A voice revives the memory of the slaughter made at Saint Eloy, and of the Company of Pueilhes: at the brute whereof he is slain presently, Death of the Duke o● joyeuse. without any respect of his quality. His brother Saint Saweur, Bresay who carried the white Cornet, Roussay the younger brother of P●ennes guidon to the Duke, the Earls of Suze, Ganuelo, d' Aubi●oux, the Lords of Fumel, Neufui the elder brother of Perigord, young Rochefefort, Croisete, Gurat, Saint Fort, guidon to Saint Luc, du Bordet his ensign, de Vaux Lieutenant to Bellegarde, governor of Xaintonge, Montigni ensign, Tiercelin master of the Camp, Plwiault, la Brangerie, Campelis the younger, la Vallade, Bacullard, with many other Captains, and a great number of men of account and quality, with about half of the army, made the battle of Coutras' famous by their deaths, as the most memorable of all that have been given for religions cause in France. Many rich prisoners, and a very rich spoil. All his Cornets taken, his cannon carried away, and his baggage seized on. At their return from the pursuit, thanks were given to God upon the place of battle died with blood, and covered with carcases. But that which honoured the King most: in the midst of this so commendable a moderation of his victory, he showed himself no less mild and courteous to the prisoners and the wounded, then wise and valiant in heat of the fight. He caused the dead to be buried, cured the wounded: sent home almost all the prisoners without ransom, gratified most of the Commanders, caused the enseignes to be delivered to Montigny above the rest, commended him to have behaved himself valiantly in the battle: whereby he began to purchase favour with the King of Navarre, and afterwards got great reputation with him for his valour and fidelity, when as he united both Crowns into one. The Prince of Condé, at the first charge had a blow with a Lance on the side, and being engaged under his horse, it did so prejudice his health, as the grief thereof did soon hasten him to his end. This is the greatest loss of the Protestants army in this combat, in the which there was a very small number slain, and not one of account. The King of Navarre is now freed from the snares that were laid for him: now he advanceth towards the spring of the river of Loire: and gives advice of his desseine to the army of strangers, which then was in Hurepois about the Lands of the Lord of Chastillon. The King camped upon Loire betwixt Cosne and Neufui, and by advice of the Duke of Nevers he cloys the passages with trees, stones and other hindrances where the horses should pass. The second cause next to God of the ruin of this army, to whom they thought the King at his entry would have presented a blank to prescribe what they pleased. The Duke of Guise followed them at the heels, and the Duke of Mayenne on the one side: and yet both of them could not keep them from surprising of some small Towns to refresh their army. But when as they see themselves frustrate of all hope to join with the King of Navarre, or to pass the river of Loire, that they must either retire, or march forward to meet with the King of Navarre, or engage themselves farther within the realm, to seek bread for themselves and forage for their horses, or else march on the left hand and wander into unknown Countries, they grow amazed, they mutiny, they faint. Some Frenchmen attempt la Charité: but their enterprise succeeds not. The german a●my in Beausse. In the end they lead the army into Beausse, where they should find meat both for man and hor●e. The seven and twentieth of October they lodged at Vimorry, and places there abouts, near to Montargis. To take from them this lodging, the Dukes of Guise and Mayenne, (taking advantage of the passages of the river of Loing,) come at supper time with fifteen hundred horse, and five thousand foot, and charge the Baron Donneau, being lodged in Vimorry with seven or eight Cornets of Reistres: Charged at Vimorry. but they had almost verified the saying of the King of the Epirots, vanquisher of the Roman army. We are undone if we get such an other victory▪ for three hundred horses of baggage, the Barons two Camels, and the death of fifty soldiers with a hundred servants, was not sufficient to recompense the blood of forty brave and gallant Gentlemen, and two hundred good soldiers slain upon the place by the Reis●res, who speedily repaired to their Cornets, whilst the Duke's men were busy at the spoil. The Duke of Mayenne received two pistol shot on his cask, by the Baron, and in exchange, the Duke gave the Baron a wipe on the forehead, with his co●rtelas, but with small hurt. This loss of horses and baggage, makes the Reistres to mutiny again, growing impatient, neither seeing their pay, nor the King of Navarre: for a bait, they force Ch●steaulandon, and spoil it. The Prince of Contys' arrival near unto Chartres, The Prince of Conty arrives at the army. (where the Duke of Bovillon resigned him the charge and the white cornet,) pacified this mutiny. Then the Swisses treated with the King, by the Duke of Nevers means: his Majesty having now conjured them by their alliance with this crown, to serve him, or to retire themselves: Defection of the Swiss. some of the Captains follow the King's party, others rece●●ing four hundred thousand crowns, return to their country: but some of them, at their arrival lost their heads. By this defection, the army is half decreased: the toils of the war tyre them: the discommodities prove at length insupportable▪ many of the troops disband▪ they foresee an apparent danger, if they give battle. They take Council the 24. of November, to turn head, and to draw this languishing army up to the springs of Loire. But the Duke of Guise had well observed from the beginning, that striking the shepherd, he shall disperse the flock. The Baron lodged at Auneau near to Chartres, with seven Cornets of Reistres▪ but he trusted too indiscreetly to a promise made by the garrison of the said Castle, not to commit any act of hostility, and to furnish him with victuals for his money. The Duke manned it with good store of harguebusiers: and and at the fi●st sound of the Trumpet, to horse, he enters the Town with all his forces, even as their Carts stopped up the streets and gates in the morning. Being thus surprised, R●istres defeated at Auneau and having no means to recover the fields, they are forced to return into their lodgings, and to remain at the Conqueror's mercy, either slain or taken. The spoil was great, eight hundred Wagons, great store of arms, jewels, and chains of gold. Two thousand horse of combat, and of carriage. So as in one night, all the Duke's footmen were in a manner horsed, rich in spoils, and rich in prisoners. The Baron, with some few other, leapt over the walls, and saved themselves, through the favour of the night, and in a marish. He makes a stand half a league from Anneau, and rallies them together that escape. The Swisses that remained, come unto him▪ all determine to break. The Prince of Conty, the Duke of Bovillon, Chastillon, Cleruaut, and the rest, become answerable for what is due: so as they will march on. They might easily have forced through the Duke of Guise's army, but they were surprised with fear, a passion which doth easily vanquish the quickness of man's judgement, The army hath now but one wing to fly withal: it is a body without arms or legs: yet the hope of payment makes them continue their course up against the river. But the disorder was great: fear accompanies them, many Gentlemen slipped away daily to their houses: and most of them which remained, could not easily resolve to fight. They must make long marches to avoid the enemy: they had no guides, no smiths for their horses, who were spoiled for want of shoes, no bread for the soldiers, no forage for their horses, their troops wasted, most of them were without powder, without bullets, and without means to recover any: the Lansquenets are reduced to two thousand, and most unarmed, and the Swisses have changed party. The Reistres think of nothing but of their return into Germany: the French slip away hourly. The Duke of Espernon coasts them with the King's army, and wishes they would accept of a capitulation, to disappoint the Duke of Guise of an absolute victory, which he did expect. The Duke of Guise pursues them, yet is it not fit for the King's estate, he should wholly vanquish these maimed troops: the servant would then presently attempt against the master. Moreover this army still holding the field, the Realm should be much impoverished: and joined with the King of Navarre, they might effect great matters. The King offers them a safe conduct, to return, upon condition that the French should deliver up their colours: Capitulation given to the Rei●●●es. that the Reistres truss up their Cornets, and that all swear, not to bear arms in France, without the Kings express command. The eight of December they accept of this capitulation, at Lency in Masconois, and so disband. The Lord of Chastillon protests never to deliver up his Ensigns, but to the King of Navarre. C●a●●illons retreat. He understands, the Reistres threaten to carry him away as a pledge: but he frees himself from their mutiny, like a gallant Gentleman: he assembles a troop of a hundred horse, and some shot on horseback, and takes the ●ay of R●uanne towards the head of Loire. Mandelot Governor of Lionois, Cheurieres, the Earl of Tournon, and others, se●ke to stop his passage: he is beset on all sides by his enemies, he makes his way with his sword, and passeth through them like a lightning, and forcing his enemies to fly: he causeth the children of that Country, to call it the battle of Turnetaile. The Strangers think to refresh themselves at Geneva, but the most part were not able to get thither: and many of the C●mmanders, either with languishing and grief, or as the common saying was, ●i●h the sweet Wines they drunk with the Duke of Espernon, gave up the ghost. The Duke of Bovillon died the xi. of january, in the 25. year of his age, Death of the Duke of Bovillon. leaving Charlotte his sister for his heir, married since to the Viscount of Turenne, now Duke 〈◊〉 Bovillon, and Marshal of France. another troop of Reistres marched towards the French Conté: the Marquis of ●o●t, eldest son to the Duke of Lorraine, and the Duke of Guise, pursuing them (against the public faith) unto the Mountains of Saint claud, enter the territories of Montbeliard and Hericourt, where by a lamentable revenge upon a poor innocent people, by the burning of two hundred Villages, by the forcing of many wines and maiden, and by the mu●ther of a great number of all ages, all sexes, and all qualities, they leave the marks of the inhumanity, and the brutish fury of the League, and car●y the spoils of their triumph into Lorraine. All the chief of the League assemble at Nancy, where they resolve to make the last trial of their ambition. The season invites them, men's humours are well affected. The Catholics consciences, freed from the fury of strangers, confess themselves wonderfully bound to the Duke of Guise: the people extol the victory of Auneau, and the dispersing of this great army: the Nobility of the League looks big, the Clergy rejoiceth, the Preachers tongues are firebrands of sedition, they speak in der●sion of the King in their Pulpits, (before time the Pulpits of truth,) are now be●●●me the Chairs of jugglers: they make the King a Saul, and the Duke of Guise a ●auid, Saul slew his thousand, but David his ten thousand. They publish generally in their Sermons, that the King had levied the Riestres, to oppose them against the Duke's holy enterprises, and to expose Paris as a prey: but by the D●kes valour and constancy, religion had now triumphed over heresy. The 〈◊〉 sends unto the Duke a Sword graven with flames. The King of Spain, and th● D●ke of Savoye, conceive great hopes. The Duke of Parma salutes him, and Amongst all the Princes of Europe (saith he) Henry of Lorraine alone deserves to command in war. ●hey make bonfires in all places, and sing the wondrous works of the Duke of Guise, to the King's disgrace. The people of Paris especially (possessed with the praises of the house of Guise, & the disorders of the King, the dissoluteness, lechery an●●y●ocrisie of the Court, under a show of penance) lean to the party which they hold most certain: they disdain the present estate, apprehend what is to come, and think to lose nothing by the change. Henry of Lorraine discovers all this, and thinks to make his profit of so goodly an 〈◊〉. He knows moreover, that joubert and Miron have given their opini●● 〈◊〉 the King's disability to have children. He makes himself more pleasing to the people, who fear the succession of a Huguenot Prince: he entertains them 〈◊〉 great familiarity, but with an humour aspiring unto tyranny. He sees the m●iest●e of his Sovereign disgraced, his enemies retired to Rochel: England read●e to be invaded by a proud Army from Spain: he gives ear to the counsel of the Arch leaguers, increased to the number of sixteen, by reason of the s●●teene quarters of Paris. He is crafty, advised, foreseeing, The disposition of the Duke of Guise. generous and vali●●t▪ but variable, corrupt, a dissembler, secret and patiented. He will by no means use his own name in any thing, yet will he effect that by another which he attempts or takes in hand. He advertiseth the Cardinal of Bourbon (who goes but as he as led) that this goodly opportunity must not be lost. 1588. But the secrets of his 〈◊〉 contrary to his outward shows. This assembly at Nancy tended only to force the King to make his will, and to 〈◊〉 the regency to them. It was therefore conculded, That the King should be 〈◊〉 to join his forces effectually with the League. To displace such from their offices a● should be named. To bring in the inquisition of Spain, and to publish the Council of Trent, but with a moderation of such things as derogate from the privileges of the French Church. To consent to the restitution of the goods sold by the Clergy for the charges of the war. To give them Towns to be manned and fortified as the time and necessity required. To for●●it the Huguenots bodies & goods, and to entertain an army upon the frontiers of L●rra●ne, against the Germans, who threatened revenge for the insolencies committed in the County of Montbelliard. But to subject the King's authority to the desseins & practices of the league, what ●as it, but by this means to aspire to the Crown? To have him ruin them he loved, and that were allied unto him in blood, what was it, but to make a bush of a forest, and a desert of a goodly kingdom? And this word of Inquisition, is it not hateful vnt● 〈◊〉 men? It was necessary for the Spaniards, who had no better means to plant and maintain Christianity. But the tediousness and manner of their proceeding is horrible▪ the malice and Calumniation of their spies and informers abominable, their p●isons under ground fearful: their racks and tortures intolerable, the yellow gown without sleeves painted all over with devils, the Mitre, and Cord: and for the last act of this pitiful Tragedy, the fire, have made it detestable to the Flemings, and execrable to the French. As for the reception of the Council of Trent, the sovereign Courts of this realm have never so advised our King, for the prejudice they should do unto the Crown, and the pruileges of the French Church. To require redemption of the Clergy goods, and to have the King force them that were beneficed to redeem them, was it not to have him make war for the Church, and the Clergy should give the alarm, and shadow themselves under the temporality, whilst that the Nobility should go to fight, and the people languish. The League had obtained some towns of assurance, and the Parliaments laboured to put down the Huguenots. To conclude, the King had not refused the chief of the League any demand that he might lawfully grant, and had yielded them many things which he might by his authority refuse. Besides the motions of the King's apprehensions, the first beginning of his mis●●● i●, that almost all his councillors of state are corrupted, The King's Council corrupted. they conceal the truth, they fit themselves to his humours, they are fearful, weak and inconstant. 〈…〉 that Prince is miserable (said an● Emperor) from whom they 〈…〉. They persuade him, the Duke of Guise's party is strong, that the towns an● Provinces look only after him: if he enters not into it, he must be subject both to League and Huguenot. Yet he means to be master over both, but he takes n●t the safest course. He becomes the head of the Guisards' party, and talking of nothing but of the voyage of Poitou, thinks to win the people's love, and to stop the murmuring of the League. Death of the ●rince of Conde. The Prince of Condes death made the enterprise easy. A great debility of the stomach, a difficulty of breathing, a great costiveness, a continual vomiting, with an alteration and extreme pain, surprised him the third of May, half an hour after supper, and the second day of his sickness, a suffocation of all his vital spirits, sent him from the bed unto the grave. He was a Prince indeed with a●l the qualities fit for a great Captain, under whose magnanimity the Protestants conceived great hopes. The body was opened, and the judgement of Physicians was divers. The bottom of his belly was pale and burnt: his bowels overflowed with a reddish water: the stomach above the orifice pierced through with a round ho●e, & the vital parts being ulcered, made some suspect poison, others held that it was the remainder of the potion he swallowed in the year 1572. which making an impression in the bowels, had by little and little weakened the stomach: of the pain whereof, as al●o of his side, by reason of the blow he received at the battle of Coutras with a Lance, he had complained many weeks before his death. The school of Montpellier did subscribe to this last opinion. I● the mean time the King doth not greatly affect this enterprise against the Huguenots: he desires to divert the war which the League would make immortal. But the Commander under whom he assembles his forces, makes him fall from a fever to a frenzy. They had long before made the Duke of Espernons' advancement odious to the people. The League made him the only author of all disorder: but the succession to the office of Admiral, and the government of Normandy, wherein the King had installed him sense the death of the Duke of joyeuze, and their disdain for that he had crossed the Duke of Aumale in his enterprises upon Boulougne, and other places in Picardy, shall soon discover the violences of an ambitious spirit, who thinks that the very heavens should give him place. The Duke of Guise finds, that the war which he made against the Princess of Sedan, by Ros●e his Lieutenant, did but blemish his new trophies. She had already cha●ed him from Douzy: she had by the Lord of Nueil slain seven score of the most resolute of his troops, almost as many hurt and drowned in flying, The Duke of Guise 〈◊〉 the war of Sedan. and two hundred led prisoners to Sedan. The consideration of an innocent pupil, makes this war execrable, and makes them odious that attempt to take from an other without any just cause. The Parisiens' faint, if he come not to confirm them. They call him: and he leaving Sedan and jamets', thinks it is now high time that the King either yield or break, and that now they must show the effect of the Conclusion of Nancy. He comes to Soissons. The King is very jealous of this approach: and knowing the Parisiens' humour and devotion to the Duke, he sends him word by the Lord of Belieure (a man of great and sound judgement, who for his great employments both within and without the realm, was then one of the chief of the King's Council, and now the most worthy Chancellor of France) that he should do him a pleasure, not to come to Paris in a time so full of troubles and factions. If he come against his will, he will lay upon him the cause of all the miseries, which his presence shall breed. He comes 〈◊〉 Paris. But to lose all, there is but one hazard: Pompee thinks, that striking the ground with his foot, he shall raise up a hundred Legions. He comes to Paris at noon the ninth of May, followed only with eight gentlemen, not to amaze the King. He lights at the Queen mother's lodging, and goes with her to do his duty unto the King. The people follow him by troops with great joy: every one blesseth his coming, every one makes new wishes. The Parisiens' had long forgotten that ancient and cheerful salutation of, God save the King. When they see him pass, they change it into, God save the Guise, God save the pillar of the Church. A doting gentlewoman sitting upon a stall, pulls down her mask. Good Prince (saith she) seeing thou art here, we are all slued. He makes his reverence unto the King: but not so assured as he was accustomed the la●es open the causes of his coming, and justifies his actions as well as he could. Then seeing the King ready to dine, he retires to his lodging, & not one Courtie accompanied him. At dinner he grows more resolute. They meet both after dinner at the Queen mot●●●●●●dging. The King full of jealousy & fear. The Duke with a brave and resolute countenance. The people attend the issue of this conference. The next day the Arch-Bi●ho●pe of Lion (the chief pillar of the League) arrives: the Duke's friends and ser●●●ts enter the sixteen bring and carry away sundry intelligences. To conclude, all 〈◊〉 pre●●re to execute that whereof they failed the last year. 〈◊〉 error of state: for destroying the principal, the accessary perisheth of 〈…〉, The King had sufficient forces to suppress these fi●st insolencies. An error i● state. He had the 〈…〉 of his enemies: most of them were daunted with fear, with these long 〈…〉 one to an other: others did hide themselves▪ & some dreamt of nothing but of flight. The multitude is apt for tumults. A cheerful and re●olute countenance of the King might easily have dispersed this tempest. But in steed of confirming him, they make him more irresolute: they talk of nothing to him, but of the Duke's practices with the Parisiens', and that by his long delay he will be prevented. He means to anticipate the hour, and thinks it sufficient to terrify them: for the effecting whereof, he commands the Marshal of Byron, to draw his guards of Swisses and French out off the Suburbs into the City, Barricades at Paris. and lodgeth them in divers quarters, to fear the people, if they stir. Le Gast with his company, held the little bridge near to our Lady's Church. Grillon, Saint Michel's bridge: the Marshal d' Aumount man's our Lady's bridge with harguebusiers: the Swisses are divided into divers places, before the Town house, in the new market place, & at S. Innocents Church. But either through want of judgement, or for want of men, they had forgotten the place Maubert. The people grow amazed: the chief of the League terrify them with the apprehension of a spoil: they shut up their shops. Their traffic, tools, pens and paper, are converted in halberds, pert●isans, harguebusses, & swords. The scholars come from the university, and joining with some multitudes of the people, they seize upon place Maubert: the neighbours arm, all the City is in combustion: some cry out for Barricades, there is nothing but stopping of the ways: they flank them, and man them, they make them from thirty paces to thirty, even to the fentinells of the Lowre, they draw the chains. no man passeth without the word, or a passport, from the Colonels or quarter masters. The Earl of Brissac, Boisdaulphin, Chamois, and other heads of the League, charge the Swisses, and kill some: the rest being terrified with this unexpected fury of the people, without Commanders, without conduct, and without assurance of the King's intention, choose rather to yield their pikes, then to charge them in this violent occasion. Without doubt a more manly courage and constant resolution, had forced the Parisiens' to fortify themselves in the bottom of their cellars. cities begin a mutiny boldly, but they execute it faintly, if they see any resistance, using still more words than deeds. The consideration of wife, children and shop, do easily quail their first heat. Saint Paul, (a simple gentleman, but a chief man in this party) causeth the King's guards to retire with their hats in their hands, and their arms down. They cry out generally against the Tyrant, against the Hueguenot, against the politics. It fares with them in a manner as it did in former times with the English and Bourguignons. The Queen mother had always made her profit of the variety of factions: she is now deceived, the Duke of Guise will not employ her in that he hath desseined: she takes her Coach and comes amazed, to entreat the Duke to pacify this tumult. Bellieure follows to the same end. But the Duke answered▪ These are wild bulls broke lose, whom I cannot stay. So great a desseine was not attempted to faint in the midst thereof. It was no longer time now to dissemble: the mask uncovered, and the ford sounded, they must go on, and seize upon his person, without whose ruin their victory should be imperfect▪ for the effecting whereof ten or twelve thousand men were ready to enter by night at the new gate, to beset the Lowre, and to shut up all the passages. Four gentlemen familiar with the Duke, advertise the King hereof: yet can he hardly believe it, but that the people will always willingly yield to the King's clemency. Yet his Council desired to be out of Paris. They lay open before his Majesty the general revolt, in the which Philip the fair was forced to save himself among the Temples: The particoloured hood of red and sky colour, wherewith Charles Duke of Normandy, and afterwards King of France, the fift of that name, and surnamed the wise, was hooded, to save himself from the people's insolency, during the captivity of King john his father in England: The revolt of the Mailotins: The mutiny of the Caboches: the crosses of S. Andrew: the deposition of Salcedo: the advertisements of the King of Navarre, and the conspiracies of the last year, which now hath broken the banks, and overflowed all. H●s fear increaseth, yet he settles his countenance. It is reason (saith he) to proui●e for these disorders, to assemble the Council, and to give all men contentment. And the better to disguise his intent, he sends back the Queen Mother unto the Duke, to persuade him to come unto the Lowre, and to assure him, that he shall return with such satisfaction as he can desire. She entreats him in this urgent necessity, to make known unto the King, that he hath more will to preserve, then to ruin his Crown, and to settle the Estate which this mutiny hath wonderfully shaken. To entreat an enemy, is to show that he fears him. The Duke seems cold: he lays the motives of these tumults upon the people, to whose assistance he is drawn, more by the violence of necessity, then by his own desire. It were a great indiscretion (said he) for me, to cast myself naked into a suspected place, at the mercy of my enemies. The K●ng understanding by his Mother, the Duke's obstinacy in his design, The King retires from Paris. resolves for the safety of his person. He goes from the Lowre with a small train, with a show to walk in the Tuilleries, and from thence he goes to lodge at Trapes. I give thee my curse (said he, turning at Chaliot towards Paris) disloyal and ingrateful City: a City w●ich I have always honoured with my continual abode: a City which I have more enriched than any of my predecessors. I will never enter within the compass of thy walls, but b● the ruin of a great and memorable breach. Cursed likewise be you all, for whose content I have purchased the hatred of so many. O Duke, thou hast drawn thy sword against thy Sovereign: but God hath stayed thine arm from striking. It is a folly, only to terrify him, who may find means of revenge. Many of his faction blame him to have erred in the main point, wherein consisted the perfection of his victory, By this attempt he hath blemished his reputation with all Princes. All Kings are brethren, one royal blood summons an other: they have an interest in this cause, they affect troublers of another's Estate, but they cannot endure them in their own. Without doubt the providence of God had prepared a strange Catastrophe for the Duke, for the King, and for his realm: who at this time, by his singular love to this Crown, did divert the success which they expected of this shameful and reproachful mutiny. O Paris, King Charles the eight had in former times made the 12. day of May famous, by the absolute conquest of the realm of Naples: and now thou devisest to h●ue this twelfth day noted with red letters, and hereafter to be celebrated, for that in the same day, thou hast presented upon the Theatre of thy rebellions, a King dispossessed of the capital City of his realm. Nay rather what coal can sufficiently note to our posterity, this mournful and unfortunate day? What law of forgetfulness, may wipe out the remembrance of thy shame, ingratitude and treachery? what lotion can wash away the spots of thy pollution, filthiness and villainies? what fire shall ever consume the memory of the rebellions, tyrannies and seditions, of this fatal and abominable League? O Barricadoes, you are the spring of those floods, which shall for a time drown this Estate: and the instrument wherewith that inscrutable wisdom would chastise, both the King and the realm. The sixteen did presently qualify this cursed conspiracy, with the title of a just defence against the King. They advertised other Towns, that God had preserved that holy & religious City from a great massacre, and a fearful spoil. That the Duke of ●uise had subverted the Council of the politics, namely of the Duke of Espernon▪ by whose counsel the King had resolved the ruin of the chief and most Catholic families in Paris: as if the people's suppression were the chief means to keep th●m in obedience. And the Duke of Guise at the beginning of this bold and insolent attempt, writes presently to his most trusty friends, to repair speedily unto him with arms and horses: but no baggage. I have overthrown the Swisses (●aid he to Entr●gu●s Governor 〈◊〉 leans) cut in pieces some part of the King's guards, and hold the Lowre so straightly beset, 〈…〉 give a good account of what is within it. This victory is so great, as it will be 〈◊〉 for ever. But oh Duke▪ is it presumption that bandies thee against the rules of rea●●●, 〈◊〉 weakness which abates thy courage and resolution in suffering him to escape, 〈◊〉 within few months shall heap this thy victory upon thy head, and by t●y utter ●●●fusion shall make it memorable for ever? Both the one and the other 〈…〉 sudden repentance unto man, and makes him wise too late. Thou seekest oh 〈…〉 touch the heavens with thy forehead, and hell with thy foot: but learn, that out ●●stories are full of the violent deaths of those proud spirits, who seek their glory 〈◊〉 profit with the ruin of their Country, the prejudice of States, and the subuersi●● of common peace. That great God which revengeth the injuries of Kings and people, la●es public ruins upon them that do them. The slaughter at Vassy kindled 〈◊〉 fire of the first civil wars. So thy Father died, soon after the new troubles which followed. Even so the like storm threatens thy ruin in the midst 〈◊〉 t●y violent passions. Entragues had assembled the Nobility of the League at Baugency: but the 14. of the month, he writes unto them. Our great, could not execute his desseine, the King having saved himself within Chartres: I wish you to retire to your houses, as quietly as you may, ●aking no show to have seen any thing. And in the end: I am so amazed, as I know not what to do. I believe him. King's have long hands, they catch a far off, and their blows are dangerous. So hereafter the King shall free himself from the leaguers party, but he shall be little the better. The Duke is no less troubled in mind, seeing the Sun of the royal Majesty eclipsed: he seems grieved, rebukes the people, causeth outrages to cease, delivers the French companies their arms, and puts them out off the City, but at Saint Anthony's gate, quite contrary to the way which their Master took. In such mutinies, no mind, (be it never so resolute) continues st●ll constant in one Estate. The Duke of Guise sees now, that the greatest of the Clergy approve not these new insolencies: their callings have more grace under the beauty of a King, then in the confusion of a Democra●ie. The French Nobility (at the least of ten parts, nine) cannot fit themselves to the humours of the Princes of the League: their proper and essential form i●, to oppose themselves against the subversion of this Estate. The Gentlemen hold their honours, dignities, charges, fees, and jurisdictions, by homage of the King: and foresee, that a royalty cannot be suppressed, but the Nob lity must likewise perish: there is the like reason (but without proportion) of the obedience, and tax due unto a King, as of a rent due unto the Lord of a Manor. he that hath withdrawn himself from the first, will likewise free himself from the last. He sees that the learned & men of honour abhor t●is disgrace lately done unto the King. The Court of Parliament resolves to abandon Paris. All France is offended with the King's departure: and without the King's person, the Tragedy of Chilperic cannot well be played, nor the instructions of the Advocate David perfectly effected. It is therefore better to play the dutiful servant, and making unto the King some show of respect, service and obedience, to labour to return into Grace, and at the fi●st opportunity to effect their purpose. The Duke seeks ●o returns into ●auour. So the Duke of Guise, not able to support himself in these high attempts, falls flat down. He protests of his innocency to the King, and of his endeavours to check the people's fury: he offers to prostrate himself at the King's feet, to justify his honour, the which he says is strangely wounded by his enemies that are about his Majesty. But on the other side, the gloss doth ill agree with the text: he chooseth a Provost of Merchants, and Sheriffs at his pleasure, receives the Arsenal, the Bastille, and other places of strength: deposeth many quarter masters and Captains, takes an oath from such as he installs: seizeth upon the King's treasure, as he had done at chaalon's, Rheims, Soissons: and through all the towns of his obedience. And if this mischief continues (said he) I protest to preserve both the Religion and the Catholics. Then by other letters written to Bassompierre a Lorraine. The King levies forces, and so do we. He is at Chartres, and we at Paris. Espernon is chased out off Normandy: the king's servants are imprisoned in many great towns: the lesser send to submit themselves to Paris and us. Whilst the Duke prepares a salve for the so are which he had made, and the Parisiens' persuade their associates, to maintain themselves jointly against the King of Navarres with whom (they said) the King had made himself a partisan, to the prejudice of religion, and the Catholic Church, his Majesty exhorts his Lieutenants and Governors of his Provinces, to retain the Nobility, and people within those limits of duty and respect, which tie them to their Sovereign: and the chief cities, not to frame their affections after the model of Paris. But he speaks no more like a King: his stile is the stile of a man that flies, that fears, that entreats. And to repair this disorder, he employs the Queen Mother. The Queen Mother employed ●or a peace. But how could this turbulent spirit cure the infirmities of the Estate, being irreconcilable in her hatred to the princes of the blood, and transported in her affection to the children of her daughter, the Duchess of Lorraine? She adviseth the King, to pass over quietly the insolencies of the league: but there is no likelihood, she should more regard the profit of her son, than the advancement of the Marquis of Pont her grandchild. She brings to this new common weal (for the royalty seemed now to be changed into a Democraty) complaints and tears, against the brave and force of a courageous Prince, and a furious multitude. And promising effects of greater zeal to Religion, more respect in the distribution of offices, and more moderation in the exaction of subsidies, she presumed to give contentment to those, who made show to employ themselves for a general ●eformation, and to reduce the most violent to their obedience. But this serves but to breed a second treaty like to that of Nemours. Paris without the King, is a body without form: the most judicious find it, and lament his departure. The late orders of religious men have great credit with him. They send the Capuchins in procession unto Chartres, to mitigate the heat of his choler▪ and then the chief of the City, went to excuse the motives which had forced the people to defend themselves, and to beseech him to return to Paris, (where he should be ●eceiued with as great joy, as his subjects were grieved, to understand of his departure▪ and should find better servants, than those which had counseled him to ruin, and then to leave them: and to grant them seven principal points of their petition: The extirpation of heresy, by the forces of his majesty, and the holy union: Seven demands of th● league, The banishment of the Duke of Espernon, and of his brother la Valette: War in Guyenne, by the King in person, and by the Duke of Mayenne in Daulphiné: Abolition of the tumults of Paris: Confirmation of officers chosen for the managing of civil causes since the Barricadoes: A restoring of the goodly and ancient ordinances of the Realm: And an abolition of parties, gifts and abuses brought in by Espernon and ●a Valette. The Queen mother presents these Deputies▪ and the King urged by the league to grant their request, let's the Card●nall of Bourbon, and the other Princes understand: The King's answer. That the peace and war, the battles wherein he hath so willingly exposed his person, and the last overthrow of the Protestant Reistres, have always been sufficient testimonies of his zeal to the mainteynance of the only Catholic religion within 〈◊〉 realm: to the extirpation of heresy, and false doctrine: but iealousyes and distrust had prevented him from reaping the fruits of the advantage which he had over the said heretics. That for a present reformation of affairs, and to prevent the fear the Catholics had to fall under the command of heretics, he would call a Parliament of the three Estates of France: and resolves presently to revoke many impositions which oppress the people. As for the private complaints against the Duke of Espernon, and his brother: I will (saith he) always make it known in all occasions, that I am a just Prince, and will prefer the common profit of my Realm, before any other consideration. The duke of Espernons' justification. But the two brethren, Espernon, and la Valette say: To what end should they make an enterprise at Paris, to take the Duke of Espernon, who was then in Normandy? and why made they barricadoes, even to the gates of the Lowre: armed the people, and seized upon all the chief places of the City: to chase la Vallete from Valence, and other parts of Daulphiné where he remained? And if the confusions of former ages have kept other Kings from acknowledging our father's services: and he hath rewarded his merits in his children; what be those jealous and malicious heads, that envy our favours with his majesty? What censure, what rigour, what law may keep a King of France, from advancing to authority some favourites, who revive in them the virtues of their ancestors. Moreover the League makes mention▪ in what places our favour hath been employed: the treaties of the Duke of Espernon in Guienne: his being acquainted with Cleruauts negotiation for the Huguenots of Metz: the enterprises he hath made upon Cambray: his late favour to the Reistres in their return: his secret conference with Chastillon: the consultations of that tumult, which hath lately happened in Paris: the taking of Balance, Tallard, Guilestre, and other places, from the Catholics of Daulphiné, and his practices to stay the yielding of Aussone. But we say, would to God we had in like sort taken, Chaalon, Dijon, Montrueil, Cambray, and all that are subject unto his Majesty within the heart of France. They term us favourers of Heretics. And yet we have in six months taken from them by the sword, all their conquests in Provence (the King, since the death of Henry the bastard, and Grand●Prior of France, had given this government to the Duke of Espernon) which former Governors could not do in twenty years. The taking of Sorgues in Daulphiné by us two, during the frozen time of winter: and the overthrow of the Huguenots Swisses, by la Valette: but especially the last disunion of the Swisses from the Reistres, which made the way for the Duke of Guise, to defeat them at Auneau:, and the discontent, wherein the Duke of Espernon left the King of Navarre, at his departure out off Guienne: are not these sufficient testimonies, that their accusations are as frivolous and malicious, as the sale of offices wherewith fo●ke cha●ge them: for justification whereof, the Duke of Espernon offers to present his head at his majesties feet, if it be proved that he had ever any such thought in his soul. Contrariwise, who hath during the reigns of Henry the second, and Francis the second, managed the treasure without control: but the house of Guise, whereof the latter ●ollow the steps of their Predecessors? Who have forced the King to exact upon his subjects, but the war which they have kindled and drawn his Majesty into? what house did ever from so small a beginning grow to so fearful a greatness? To conclude: no man shall blame us for being Pensionars to the King of Spain, to have hindered our King from the recovery of the Seigneuries of the Low Countries, nor to have stolen away the revenues of his general receipts. We will no ways hinder this goodly reformation: we are not in Court, nor in the King's presence. Let us see the first fruits of this so commendable a government. Have you left Paris? have you yielded it to the King your Lord, and natural Prince? Nothing less: you have revolted C●rbeil, Melun, and Pontoise: you have (with false persuasions) withdrawn the best Cities of the realm. But we will (in protesting to be ready to deliver into his majesties hands, with our lives and honour, all the offices, charges governments and places which it hath pleased him to commit unto us) invite our accusers to do the like. And if they will pretend in quality of persons: let them understand, that whatsoever either party holds, it appertains unto the King, neither can they keep it, but at his pleasure. Thus the two brethren justified themselves, whilst the Court of Parliament makes known unto the King by their Deputies, their grief for this insolency, which had forced him to abandon Paris. They appeal unto his clemency and bounty. Deputies of the Parliament with the King. They present for an humble excuse of his officers, the weakness and fear which had forced them yield to so violent a revolt: beseeching him to return into his City, and to give rest and content to his Majesty, order to his affairs, grace to their purple robes, and authority to their offices: and by his presence, to disperse the mutinies which divisions had bred. For answer. The King's answer. I doubt not (said the King) but you would willingly have reform this disorder, if it had been in your power: neither of your persisting in the same affection and fidelity which you have testified to my forefathers. I am not the first that hath been touched with such afflictions, neither will I leave to be a good father to such as shall be good children. I will always entreat the Parisiens' with the quality of a father, as children that have strayed from their duty, not as servants that have conspired against their master. Continue in your offices▪ and receive from the Queen my mother the commandments and intentions of my will. This answer was soft and cold: but after dinner, he adds a sharper part, and calling back the Deputies. I know (saith he) wherefore garrisons are set, either to ruin a Town, or for distrust of the inhabitants. But what cause had the Parisiens' to presume, that I would destroy a Town, whereunto I have brought so many commodities by my presence, as ten or twelve towns would think themselves greatly benefited thereby? and what distrust could I have of a people whom I loved? of a people in whom I trusted? Have they lost a loaf, or any thing whatsoever by means of these pretended garrisons? I sought the preservation of my good City of Paris, and the safety of my subjects, meaning by a strict search, to put out a great number of strangers, whom I knew to be secretly crept in. They have offended me, yet am I not irreconcilable, neither have I any humour to ruin them. But I will have them confess their faults, and know that I am their King and master. If not, I will make the marks of their offence remain for ever. I will revoke my Court of Parliament, my Chamber of accompts, Aides, and other Courts of justice. I will take from them the University, their honours, freedoms, and Privileges. I will omit no means to be revenged. Not that I am revengeful, or accustomed to use severity: but I will have them know, that I have as much resolution and courage, as any my Predecessors. I am no Usurper, but a lawful King by succession, and of a race that hath always commanded mildly. Let them not take religion any more for a pretext. There lives not a more Catholic Prince, nor that desires more the extirpation of heresies, than myself. I would willingly lose an arm, that the last Heretic were painted in this Chamber. Return to your charges, and be of good cheer, I will be for you: and let them understand what I have said unto you. Now the most desperate Leaguers found, that the absence of the Court made their fare but simple, made their shops without Chapmen▪ and their traffic cold: the shame to be without a King, made the most audacious mutines to hang down their heads: the violence of rebellion quailed▪ many found the dealing of Paris too audacious. And now Paris studied to return to the King's obedience: when as the Duke of Guise fearing the loss of many of his friends and servants, resolves to make his peace. He now speaks of nothing but the King's service, The Duke seeks to make his peace. the obedience of his Majesty, the preservation of the Estate, the reformation of disorders, and the subjects ease, and (by the intercession of the Queen Mother) seeks his favour which he had lost. The Queen Mother te●tifies the King. Those of his Council, (who for the most pandar servants to the League,) keeps him in this humour, and propounds unto him a general 〈◊〉 of his subjects, with the intelligence and favour the League had within Chartres▪ the which causeth him, for his greater safety, to go to Rouen. Finally, they cry out against the Huguenots. My Liege (say they) will you lose the name of most Christian, in winking at these heresies which undermine the truth? will you alone among threescore and one Kings, your Predecessors, suffer so detestable a medley of truth and falsehood? This Council carries him away against them in whom he should most trust, who lamenting the decay of his authority, and the weakening of his forces, see that his intentions inclined to his own ruin. He seems to be in choler with the King of Navarres party, to have the League on his side, (but he telleth no man, that he pretends to use his forces against themselves) and draws certain articles of the reunion of july, Edict of reunion. whereby he frames his Edict, not so much against the King of Navarres religion, as to exclude him, in favour of the League, from that, which none but God could take from him. But whilst they finish these accords, he suddenly surpriseth the Isles of Charon and of Marans. The King by this Edict admits no religion, but the Catholic: he promiseth never to make a peace nor truce with the heretics, nor any Edict in their favour. He will have all his subjects to join with him, that by their common forces they might root out the said heretics: He binds his subjects to swear, never to yield obedience after him, to any Prince that shall be an heretic, or a favourer of heresy, degrades from all public charges, either in peace, or war, those of the pretended reformed religion: promiseth all favour to the Catholics, so as they show themselves obedient and faithful, and departed from all unions, practices, intelligences, associations and Leagues, contrary to the union which he made by this Edict: he declares them guilty of treason, that shall refuse to sign this new union, or shall afterwards departed from it: and finally he abolished all that was done and passed, but (signing this forced Edict) he wept. Two things trouble the League. The Leaguers are now wonderfully puffed up with hope: yet this reverence of the royal majesty is so naturally graven in the hearts of men, as the only remembrance of the twelfth of May makes their hearts to tremble. They fear the Scorpion's tail, & that the King by his great facility, should determine against them some mournful Catastrophe in the last act of the Tragedy. The defeat of the Spanish army at sea. And thereupon two things amaze them suddenly: news comes, that the fearful and huge Spanish army, wherein were a hundred and thirty great ships, and twenty thousand fight men, under the command of the Duke of Medina Sidonia, had by fortune of sea, after their departure from the Grongne in Gallicia, lost three galleys of Portugal, many were scattered, and many bruised and made unprofitable for the voyage, and were afterwards so encountered by the Admiral, and Drake the vice-admiral, thwart of Portland, upon the English coast, as they forced them to turn head, and to retire in disorder towards the Town of Calais, (hoping there to join with the Prince of Parma) with the loss of one gallion, which carried some part of their treasure, and also the instructions for the order which the General should follow, having conquered England. A bad beginning, for so brave and proud an ostentation, where they promised themselves an absolute victory. But the progress and end was yet more fatal. The English fleet presseth them so near, as they force them to leave the Rendezvous in confusion: their general Galleass pestered with other ships, was cast by the current upon the sands, near to the Port of Calais, and remained with the artillery in the governors power. The rest were scattered by the English artillery. The Spanish army lost twelve ships, and above five thousand men, who had no other sepulchers, but the vast Ocean, and the bellies of sea monsters. Finally, taking their course to the North, bending towards Scotland, and Ireland, those seas were no less fatal to the Spaniards, for seventeen of their great ships were sunk, and many others cast upon the sands and rocks, and the rest of this army was so miserably shaken, as of a hundred and thirty ships, hardly thirty recovered Spain. The excuses of the Duke of Medina. Where the Duke of Medina had no other excuse unto his master, but the ignorance and treachery of his mariners, with the small experience they had of those Northern seas: the want of succours from the Prince of Parma, the tempests, shipwracks▪ finally ill fortune, but not one word of the judgements of God upon this giantlike attempt, to bring all England slaves to the mountains of Grenade, or to the mines of Peru. The second terror for the Leaguers, is that the King will not returns to Paris, Th● King refuseth to go to Paris. howsoever they importune him. I will prepare myself (saith he) for the war against the heretics: and for the Parliament which I intent to call, and to give all Princes, that are united, contentment and satisfaction. They doubt the barricadoes have left much spleen in the King's heart: and to prevent all contrary events, they think it not yet time to satisfy the oath which they had made, to renounce all intelligences & Leagues which they had made both within and without the realm. They take new councils and resolutions at Paris, New resolutions of the League. to maintine this authority and credit gotten with so many crosses and disgraces unto the King, and so to press him, and to subject his will unto theirs, as he shall not see, speak nor move, but by the eyes, tongue and sinews of the League: to have the Deputies of the Parliament house of their faction, with instructions drawn out of the articles of Peronne, Nancy, Nemours and Ginuille: To urge the King against the Huguenots, and to solicit him to ease the people by the discharge of taxes, thereby to make him odious, if he refuseth these first fruits of their union: To make them strong at the Parliament, and to that end to send for all the Nobility of their own faction, and their adherents, to assist with their arms. To hold good correspondency with the Duke of Parma: and to advertise the King of Spain, that this accord made with the King, tended only to effect their common desseins. To retain Pfiffer Colonel of the Swisses, and Bal●gny governor of Cambray, with the private conventions passed betwixt them. To prevent, lest the Duke of Neu●rs, whom the King resolved to send into Picardy to suppress the violences of the League, should win away their most trusty friends. To bind the City of Paris unto the Lord of Villars, governor of Newe-haven, for the sum of thirty thousand Crowns yearly, to have him favourable to their party. These new councils bred new tears. The King cannot contain from subscribing of these new articles: but his misfortune forceth him to hazard his Estate, to preserve his person. He knows well, that these are but imaginations: that his Edict of reunion willbe observed by none, but by himself: or so far as it toucheth the subversion of his Crown. And yet too much bounty, or too great an apprehension makes him scrupulous to prevent it. The Protestants offer to try this great quarrel at their own perils, so as he will remain a neuter, and suffer them to oppose against the mutinies of the League. He rejects this advice. For there is less danger (sayeth he) to remain with those which persis● in the unity of our religion, then with them which are divided and become heads of new opinions. So, whether it were of a good meaning, or of purpose, he returns to Chartres. He sees, embraceth and maketh much of the Duke of Guise, and there all his favours and bounties are liberally bestowed on the chief pillars of the League▪ He gives the Duke of Guise the general command over all the m●n at arms of the Realm. This was not the name and title, but in effect the office and charge of Constable. He makes the Cardinal of Goise Legate of avignon, the which he promiseth to obtain for him of his holiness. To the Duke of Mayenne, a goodly army for the war of Dauphin. To the Duke of Nemours, the government of Lions, as his father had enjoyed it: and he determined to give the seal to Peter of Espinac Archbishop of Lion, to win him unto him by this great bounty, promising to procure him a cardinals hat of Pope Sixtus, by the means of the Cardinal of Gondy, whom he had sent to Rome. Without doubt he had received more honour by being Chancellor of France, then in being Chancellor of the union. (The Chancellor Hurault Earl of Chyverny, and the Lord of Belieure, and Villeroye, had then leave to attend the King's pleasure at their houses) He declares the Cardinal of Bourbon the first Prince of the blood, deciding (by a doubtful speech,) that great question of prerogative, betwixt the Uncle and the Nephew, whereon there hath been so much written, and so much disputed: perverting the ancient order of succession, and making the Cardinal to serve the passions of the League. They present unto the King (being but six and thirty years of age) a successor, who had even then passed the Climacterical year of threescore and three. Was it not the League's meaning, under the Cardinal of Bourbons image to raise up a stranger, and violently to advance his tyranny, to usurp the royalty? To conclude: the King continues, renews and amplifies his favours to all such as have any credit with the League: he doth nothing without them, he opens the very secrets of his heart unto them, and (for their sakes) causeth every one of their partisans to taste some portion of his bounty, and makes show to believe whatsoever they say unto him. His Council blind his eyes, so as he cannot discern what is the duty of a good King: they disguise the truth from him, and study only to satisfy their ambition and covetousness. The King's Councillors dismissed the Court. So as to please them, even in this, he himself pulls out those eyes, whereby he did see most clear, & gives them leave to retire to their houses, there to shroud themselves from these confusions of state. The Duke of Espernon was out of Court: but he had authority from the King, to command in the Provinces of Anjou, Troubles against the Duke of Espernay in Angoul●sme. Touraine, Poictou, Angoulmois, and Xaintonge. Being at Loches, he is advertised that the League practised with some inhabitants to deliver them Angoulesme. He posts thither, and the people receive him with great honour as the King's Lieutenant. He publisheth the Edict of reunion▪ his words and deeds testify nothing but a courage resolved to preserve the Catholic religion. But behold suddenly a strange Catastrophe. Some Leaguers had persuaded the people, that he meant to draw the Huguenots troops into the Castle, and so subdue the Town. The Mayor (being the head of the conspiracy) enters into the Castle on Saint Laurence day, under colour to present unto the Duke certain posts that were come from Court: he mounts up to his Chamber, at his entry he dischargeth two pistols, and seeks to force the house. The Duke was then in his Cabinet, attending the hour of mass: whe●e he read the history of Pierce Gaveston, in old time dearly favoured by Edward the second King of England, preferred before all others in Court, enriched with the King's treasure, and the people's wealth, but after banished the rea●me, and in the end beheaded at the suit of the Parliament. This slanderous libel being printed at Paris, not so much against the Duke's honour as the Kings, compared the Duke with Gaveston, and concluded, that under Henry the third, he should end his days by the like tragedy. Upon the first tumult the Duke's gentlemen fly to arms, and repulse this armed multitude▪ the Mayor being hurt with the shot of a pistol through a door, died within seven hours after. The alarum ●l●es into the town. The people arm, storm, and make barricadoes. But the D●ke kept the Castle: the Citadel was at his devotion, & might by either of them draw innecessary succours to ungage him. The Seigneur of Tagens, the Duke's Cousin, advanced with succours▪ Boards Captain of the Citadel being prisoner among the conspirators, loved the liberty of his place, more than his own life. Mere, Messeliere, Macquerole and Bouchaux, summoning the besieged, found nothing in them but a constant resolution to die rather than to yield▪ and the people were willing to capitulate, when as Tagens by his arrival pacified the sedition▪ arms were laid aside, and the prisoners of both parts delivered. The Duke of Guise having made his peace with the King, and disappointed his most faithful Councillors: yet one thorn troubled his foot, The Huguenots Estate. He therefore ceaseth not, until he sees them assailed in Poito● and Daulphiné: and whilst the Duke of Nevers prepared his army for Poictou, he sends the regiment of Saint Paul to the D●ke of Mercoeur, to annoy the Protestants, and not to suffer them to reap any commodity in the Country. The Duke of Mercoeur goes into base Poictou, beseegeth Montagu, repaired by Colomb●ers, whom they of Nantes had hourly at their gates. But at the first bruit that the King of Navarre was come out of Rochel to succour Montague, he retires strait to Nantes, and left the regiment of Gersey, to make the retreat, Gersey defeated. the which ●as overtaken, beaten and defeated two leagues from the suburbs of Nantes. On the other side, the Duke of Mayenne marched towards Daulphiné but he planted the limits of his voyage in Lions. Now are two mighty armies in field, the one under the King's authority, the other all of Leaguers. But this is not enough. The King by a solemn oath, in the Cathedral Church at Rovan, had sworn the execution of the Ed●ct of union: he hath sent it unto the Bishops, and commands them to press the Huguenots in their dioceses, to make profession of their faith, and to abjure their errors in open Parliaments, royal jurisdictions, and comonalties. This Edict than must be confirmed as a fundamental law of State, and the King priest, to assemble the three Estates of the Realm, as he had promised by t●e articles of the peace. Henry grants a convocation, the first day of September at Blois: Convocation of the Estates. there (in the presence of the notablest persons of every Province, Seneshal●y and Baylewike,) to propound freely the complaints and griefs of every man, but not meddling with any practices, or favouring the private passions of any. But amidest these Commissions from the King, the League wanted no policy to send secretly (to them that were most affectionate to the advancement of their desseins, and to the most passionate Leaguers of the Realm) articles and remembrances which they should put into their instructions, and labour to be chosen of the Parliament. So as in a manner all the Deputies carried the badge of the League, and their instructions were conformable to those which had been sent unto them. The King comes first to Blois: he gives order for the place, and for the Deputies lodgings. The Duke of Guise follows: but it was a great indiscretion for the Duke to go to Blois, seeing the King would not come to Paris. The Deputies come one after another but the King finding not the number sufficient to begin so solemn an act, he defers it until October. In the mean time, the King studies, by the credit which his authority gives him o●er the three estates of his Realm, to bring the Duke of Guise into open view, and to receive punishment for all his offences past. And the Duke ass●●es himself, that the most part of the Deputies would countenance his cause, and would serve him as instruments to control the King's power. So every one labours to advance his desseine, and to deceive one another: but he which shall be deceived, will verify, that there is danger in delays. The sixteenth of October all the Deputies were ready, for the Clergy a hundred thirty and four Deputies, amongst others four Arche-Bishops, one and twenty Bishops, and two Generals of Orders: for the Nobility, a hundred and fourscore gentlemen: for the third estate, a hundred fourscore and eleven Deputies, all lawyers, or merchants. The seventeenth day, being the fi●st sitting of the best wits of all France, ravished every man with hope to hear rare propositions, The Kin●● speech. and resolutions of great affairs for the reformation of the State. The King's oration being full of lively affection, true magnanimity, and pertinent reasons, delivered with an admirable eloquence and grace, without any stay, will testify for ever, that he exceeded all the Princes of his age in speaking well, and that he could gravely, pertinently, and very suddenly make answer to the most important occasions that were offered. Montelon keeper of the seal, continued his proposition, commended the zeal and integrity of his majesties intentions, promised the Estates, Mantelon ke●per of the seal. that under his happy command, they should reap in this convocation, the same effects which had been tried in divers reigns: he exhorteth the Clergy to restore the beauty and dignity of the Church: The Nobility, to frame themselves after the mould of piety, bounty, justice, and other virtues of the French nation, so much honoured in all histories: The people to reverence justice, and to observe good orders, to fly wrangling suits, swearing, blasphemies, play, lust, usury, unjust, getting, corrupt trading, and other vices, which be 〈◊〉 seeds of troubles, and seditions, and the ruin of flourishing Estates. He lays open the King's great debts, his charge and care to root out heresies, his religion, piety, and devotion, ending his speech with a commendation, under the King's obedience, of the union and concord, necessary for the maintenance of religion. The Clergy. Renauld of Beaulne Arche-Bishop of Bourges, Patriarch and Primate of Aquitania, thanked the King for his love to his subjects: and God, to have installed on the throne of this Crown, a King endued from his youth, with the spirit of wisdom, to govern his people, who had cast the lightning of the high God, even upon the face of the enemies of his divine Maiest●e, having by divers and dangerous voyages, through divers nations gotten the knowledge of affairs, who by his only wisdom and virtue, had lately dispersed a great and mighty army of strangers, and given us hope, that under so good and great a King, we shall see heresy suppressed, peace confirmed, the service of God established, Churches and Temples restored, justice and peace embraced, charity abound among men, & by unity of religion begin here on earth to reign with Christ, the Idea and pattern of that heavenly kingdom, whereunto we aspire. The Baron of Senesei testified the Nobilities affection to the King's service, confessing, that to him alone belongs to work those good effects, The Nobility for the establishment of the honour of God, the Catholic religion, things profitable for the Estate, and necessary for his people, offering in the name of them of his order, the zeal, faith, and duty which the gentlemen of France have always borne unto their Kings, their arms, means, lives, & persons, to maintain the obedience, honour, fear▪ & respect, whereunto the laws both of God and man tie the subjects to their Sovereign. Michael Mart●au Provost of the merchants at Paris, Precedent for the third estate, first thanked God, The third Estate. who had cast his eyes of pity upon this realm, in the extremity of their afflictions, than the King to have yielded to the humble petitions of his subjects, heard their griefs and complaints, and showed a great desire to restore his people to their former Estate, religion to her former dignity, to rule and settle all orders in their ancient form, being disordered by this injury of times, protesting that in so doing their most humble and faithful service should not fail unto the last breath. And so the first sitting ended. In the second, the twesday following▪ the King at the instance of the Arche-bishop of Ambrun, The o●h of the union renewed. the Earl of Brissac, and the Advocate Bernard, speakers for the three Estates, to content the importunity of the League, did again swear the oath of the union, lately made at Rovan, and making his Edict of I●ly last a fundamental law of the Realm, to bind him, them, and all their posterity (yet not derogating from the liberties and privileges of the Nobility) he caused it to be publicly read by Ruze Seignieur of Beaulieu his chief Secretary of State. And to make the memory of so sollenne an oath more authentic to posterity, he commanded the said Secretary to make an act, that all the orders of the realm had sworn in the body of the state, all with one voice, the Clergy laying their hands upon their breasts, and the rest lifting them up to heaven. An oath performed with great joy, and general reviving of that happy acclamation of, God save the King▪ so many years forgotten among the French nation: and followed with a singular testimony of the King's clemency, remitting the Parisiens' offence, for the common good of the Catholics of France, and the ease of his people, whose miseries made him tread under foot, his just displeasure. Hold (saith he to the Provost of merchants of Paris) this word assured, as from the mouth of your King, and take heed that Paris fall not into a relapse, which will be fatal and not recoverable. B●t there was a brute spread over all France, that under colour of this assembly, they practised an exemplary revenge against the chief of the Estates. Advertisements came from all parts: this fear went from Chamber to chamber: the most apprehensive desired to be satified. The Archbishop of Ambrun makes report unto the King. I know (said the King) the liberties and prerogative of the Parliament: they ought to 〈◊〉 in my word. It is a sin to grow in jealousy of your King ● and th●se reports come not but from such as have no love to their King, but seek to make him odious to his people. There 〈◊〉 never any cause grow from me to disturb this assembly. In the end, the familiarity 〈◊〉 shows of love from the King to the Duke and Cardinal of Guise, and (for their sa●es) to the chief of the League, made them lay aside all suspicion of a bloody ●ct, whereof they were advertised from all parts. And without doubt, if the League had not stirred up the coals of forepast indignities, the fi●e of ●is wrath had not perchance devoured them. This blast passed over, there are other attempts no less dangerous. The League sets them on wo●ke that bears their badge, to hit the mark whereat they aimed. To put the King in disgrace, and to install the D●ke of Guise in his thorn, (for the King o● Navarre is now by this new fundamental law, excluded from the royal succession.) But what mean they to do? The Colosse they seek to build, shall be their 〈◊〉: the fire they kindle, shall burn them: the knife they forge, shallbe sher●ed in their own bowels, and finally shall leave of this League a shameful and reproachful memory. To hit this pretended mark, Practices to make the king odious. they must make the King's actions odious to all the world, reproach to him his unreasonable prodigality, his dissembling, the oppression of his people, the erecting of new offices, thereby to bandy against him the most apparent families of the third Estate, wronged in the suppression of them▪ or else (neglecting to redress it,) they should declare him an enemy to the people, and a tyrant over his realm, and so the people should presently resolve to confine him into a monastery. They still lay before him the wonderful coldness of the greatest part of the Catholics to his love and obedience, seeing themselves forced to live amongst them that had burnt their Churches, profaned their altars, massacred the priests & spoiled their goods. They beseech him to defend the Church, and to prefer the injuries done to religion, before the violences committed against the state. They propound unto him, the excessive impositions and subsidies, which had already withdrawn most part of his subjects: and the filthy avarice of strangers, who by continual inventions did cruelly impoverish France. They represent unto him the abuses of the government, the bestowing of benefices to all men indifferently, either married, or soldiers, the lechery, dissoluteness and ignorance▪ of Prelates: the sale of Offices and places of judgement. They exhort him not to deal in spiritual causes, or at the least to proceed holily, as it belongs to holy things. To degrade a great number, as well of Prelates, as of civil magistrates in sovereign Courts and inferior jurisdictions, and to punish with death those ministers which by corruption have crept into the Church, justice and government, else he cannot preserve the Estate. In the end, they press him to reform the excess and disorders of his Court, the which are odious to so many Noble spirits, fraught with holiness, magnanimity and courage▪ to so many great and rich minds as be among the Nobility, which being employed, would in few months repair the ruins of this Estate. S●ch as find themselves interessed in the cutting off the superfluous number of offices, and in the buying of their places, dissuade the King from this resolution, but to ma●●taine them in the honours which they enjoy under the countenance of his Majesty. The third Estate exhibit their complaints, of the excess of taxes, and subsidies, wherewith they are oppressed, of the customs, foreign impositions, rents upon salt, entries, ●oans, gifts, increase & decrease of the prizes of money, with many other exactions and surcharges, whereof the King received not any benefit, but what was dipped in the blo●d of his poor people. The Nobility complains of services done without recompense, & indiscreet distribution of the King's liberality. The Clergy exclaim, that money which hath been drawn from them, had nothing advanced the cause of religion. From complaints of the languishing people, grew the suppression of officers of the new creation, and an intent to ease their subsidies. B●t oh politic 〈…〉 King yielding to have them reduced to the year 1576. sees himself de●ri●ed 〈…〉 means to levy his armies, and to entertain the greatness of his Majesties' 〈…〉 he refuseth it, an occasion is given to mutiny the Estates, to chase away such as are near his person, and to give him a governor. The Duke of Guise on the one side, dissuades the King to subject his authority so much: but on the otherside he pricks them forward to be vehement in their pursuits. In the end the King passeth this grant of reduction: but he hopes to make it known unto the Estates, that with so small means he cannot maintain his royal dignity, nor the war against the heretics, which they had so solemnly sworn. They deu●se of means to make up the stock, and demand an account of such as had governed the treasure, and abused the King's bounty. Effects of the Du●e o● Nevers army. But whilst they turn over their papers at the Parliament, let us see the progress of the two armies which we had left in field. That of the Duke of Nevers consisted of French, Swisses and Italians, with many voluntary gentlemen. Sagonne was Mar●hall of the light horse, la Chastre Martial of the field, Chastaigneray, Laverdin and many others commanded the troops. Mauleon was the first object of their arms. It is a rashness to be obstinate in the defence of a place, which is not to be held: but it is a treachery to ill entreat them whom we have received to composition. So this fi●st victory was bathed with their bloods, who trusting in the force o● their courage●, neglected the weakness of their walls. Montag● was defended some days by Co●ombiers, who at the first saluting the Duke with a furious skirmish, puts him to some loss. But the Cannon having both shaken their walls and their constancies, ●●ey entered into capitulation, the which was honourably granted the last day of November. La Ganache, situated upon the marches of Britain and Poictou, annoyed both the one and the other Province. The Duke of 〈◊〉 st●● at ●ion suspect to Mandelo●. Let us leave the army there, to see how the D●ke of Mayenne spends his time at Lion. The desseins too lightly grounded upon a people's mutiny, are always ruinous. The Duke of Mayenne knows it well: and moreover there is nothing but blows to be gotten in Daulphiné. He desires rather to attend the issue of the Parliaments in a pleasing and delightful abode: but this stay is a great scourge to Mandelot. He fears to be dispossessed of his government. It is given to the Duke of Nemours, and therefore he wonderfully suspects the Duke of Mayennes presence. Finally he grew so jealous, as seized with apprehension, with the cho●i●e, a fever, the goutte, and the flux, he carried (the four and twentieth of November) this testimony into the other world, by the mouth of father Edmond Anger a jesuite, in his funeral sermon. That he had never signed the League, & that he died firm in his religion and the King's service. Whilst the King laboured at the Parliament, to cut off all difficulties which prolongued the war, and the Duke of Mayenne being at Lion suffered the heat of of his passage into Daulphiné to grow cold: Charles Duke of Sa●oye foreseeing the dissipation of this Estate, he thought that as a son and husband of two daughters issued from the blood of France, he should be the first which should set his hand to the division. The marquisate of Salusses is in the midst of his territories, he thinks, that for such a prize he may well break friendship and alliance with the King his near kinsman, who of mere courtesy had newly delivered unto him Savignan and Pignerol. The 〈…〉 by the Duke of 〈◊〉. With this desseine (seeing the King's thoughts otherwise engaged then beyond the Alpes,) he makes a levy of men, threatens Geneva, makes a show to besiege Montferrat, causeth the Marquis of Saint Sorlin to go to horse, and on all Saint's night surpriseth the Town of Carmagnole, and then the Citadel, being vnfu●nished o● victuals, which Saint Siluie successor to la cost had drawn forth, with hope (said he) to refresh them: so as in less than three weeks he possessed all the Marquisate, leaving a reproachful suspicion against the Captains of the Citadel, to have treacherously exchanged the double Canons of that ancient arsenal of the wars of France, beyond the Alpes, with the double pistolets of Spain. This conquest made the Duke proud, and already in conceit he had devoured both Provence and Daulphiné. For a colour he writes both to the Pope and King. That the general respect of the Church had made him seize upon these places, lest Les Diguieres should make it a retreat and refuge for Huguenots: and the private interest of his Estates, which he desires to maintain in the purity of the ancient religion, under the obedience of the holy Sea: and by his Ambassador he disguiseth this wrong with the goodliest colours that may be. He makes a show, not to hold these places, but under the King's authority▪ but in time he usurps all acts of Sovereignty: he displaceth his majesties officers, beats down the arms of France, sets up the cross of Sa●oy, and in a bravery he causeth pieces of silver to be coined with a centaur treading a Crown overwhelmed under his foot, and carrying this devise; Oportuné. The King's design upon this surprise. The King justly moved with this usurpation, applies this branch to the body of the conspiracies of the League: he resolves now to pacify the civil wars, to attend after foreign: and even then he determines to give the Protestants a peace, and to use their assistance against such as make a benefit of the discords of the realm. Such as respected truly the glory of the French, gave him to understand, that he must appease both Huguenot and Liguer, and seek revenge of this new indignity: and hunt the Wolf which breaks into the fold, whilst the Shepherds are at variance. Shall a petty Prince take from a King of France, the pawn which remains to recover Naples and Milan? four hundred pieces of Canon, which might beat the proudest Forts of the Spaniards to p●●der? that ancient fee of Daulphiné, comprehended in the gifts which Prince Hubert made to the Crown of France, whereof our Kings have so often received homage and fealty of the Marquises, and have often seized thereon for forfeiture and treachery? All the King's servants, all the Courts of Parliament, all the assembly of Estates, judge that these be the effects of the League, Duke of Guise's dissembling. and that this invasion is not without the ●●telligence of the Duke of Guise: even those which favour his part, cannot digest it. But to avoid this common hatred which was ready to fall upon him, he beseecheth h●s Majesty, only to assure his people, and make them to taste the fruits of content●ment, which he had promised in the oath of the holy union, that he would quench t●e fi●e which the Huguenots did nourish in this realm, and give him this commission against the Stranger, he will be the first that shall pass the Alpes, to make the Sauoy●●● cast up his gorge. But could they hope for any remedy from him, who by his continual practices wi●h strangers, had given life and motion to the mischief? So the King, considering that neither his Edict of reunion, nor the oath to departed from all as●ociations, produced the effects were promised: and that the League (consenting to the pernicious designs of the Stranger,) had made the way for the breach of the said union, he thinks himself no more bound to the oath of this union, and even then 〈◊〉 to be revenged of all the offences past. In the mean time he dissembles his discontent. As these news troubled the assembly at Blois, Assembly and petition of the Protestants. the King of Navarre (seeing the practices of the League had excluded him, whereas he should hold the first place) 〈◊〉 another in the Town house at Rochel, and by their advise he sent (in the 〈◊〉 of the French exiled for religion, a common petition to the Estates, beseeching the King, To restore them the liberty of the first Edict, which they call of Ianuar●e. To appoint a Nationall Council, where controversies of religion may be mildly disputed, and holily resolved, To grant them restitution, and free enjoying of their goods, To suffer their petition to be inrowled, and the contents thereof granted by his clemency, to the end that nothing may be done to their prejudice. Nothing less. This petition was directly against the principal intentions of the Estates, affected to advance the League. And therefore, not satisfied with t●e 〈◊〉 which the King had made unto them by the Edict of Union they w●est from t●e 〈◊〉 own mouth a more particular declaration, touching the perpetual insufficiently 〈◊〉 the King of Navarre, and other Princes of the blood his Cousins, adherents (say 〈◊〉▪ and fautors of heretics, to the succession of this Crown. The conclusion of this Parliament should have been for the good quiet of the Commonweal. And doubtless some small number (whose wills were not tied to the passions of the Leaguers,) wished that remedy which had been practised in former times against most pernicious heresies: which was a free and lawful Council, universals o● national▪ but the greater part overruled both the King and the Estates. The League, to ruin the state, will overthrow the pillars, which be the Princes of the bloud· and if the branches of Valois and Bourbon, that is to say, if all the race of Saint Lewis be not degraded, they cannot pass over the Crown to the family of Lorraine. The K ●g by his Edict promiseth to dispose of the succession: but he and the Queen his wi●e are yet in the vigour of their age, they hope that God will bless them with heirs mas●es. He takes no pleasure they should harp upon this string: it is a blemish to his authority, and disrobes him before he is ready to sleep: when as a Prince hath named his successor, his testament is made. Yet he is content to satisfy the violent appetits of the League. He suffers them to dispute of the succession, and (in the assembly of all his subjects) to exclude the lawful successor: he is content they should propound that which most part of the deputies had already resolved. The Clergy had the 4. of November condemned the K●ng of Navarre for an heretic, the chief of them, relapse, excomunicate, deprived of the government of Guienne, and of all his dignities, unworthy of all successions, Crowns and realms. The Archbishop of Ambrum, the Bishop of Bazas, the Abbot of Citeaux and other Clergy men impart it to the deputies of the Nobility and third Estate: all consent to the first conclusion, and appoint twelve of every chamber to acquaint the King with their resolutions. But the King of Navarre had often given them to understand, that he was borne during the permission of both religions, instructed and bred up in one from the which he canno●●n conscience departed, without better instruction: neither hope nor despair of a Crown can draw h●m to so violent and rash a change: he should thereby incur the blame of inconstancy, infidelity and hypocrisy: He is, and always will be read●e to receive instruction from a free and lawful Council. These subm●ssions are full of justice and consideration: he defends nothing obstinately, it is the honour and zeal of his conscience that binds him. There is no reason then (said the King) to condemn him without hearing. Let us consider with judgement & foresight, whether it be expedient to summon him again, to swear the Edict of union, and to declare himself a Catholic. The Parliament is not of this advice. The Cardinal of Bourbon his Uncle (say the deputies) hath once obtained absolution for him: the Queen Mother hath laboured to win him. The King hath sent Doctors to reclaim him: he is bred up from his Cradle in this ●ewe opinion, condemned by the Council of Trent and ma●y others. The Consistory hath received him into grace, he is fallen into the error which he had abjured: he is therefore an heretic: he is relapse, and unworthy of obedience, unworthy of respect, and unworthy to be prayed for. The holy sea of Rome hath declared him a Schismatic, excommunicate, incapable of the succession of the Crown: the Estates therefore must ratify this sentence. To conclude, an Heretic cannot reign in France, it is an incompatible thing with the Coronation and oath which he ought to take, hurtful to the honour of God, and prejudicial to the good of this Realm. Soft and fair: nature and the Common consent of nations will, that the accused should be heard. God himself, who hath no need to be satisfied by human witnesses, and is not bound to any jurisdiction, would not condemn our 〈…〉 before he called him into judgement, examined him, checked him, and 〈◊〉 his excuses. Hear then the King of Navarre: he may say unto you, that the Pope by 〈◊〉 hath noted him of heresy: he knoweth not yet any other truth, than 〈◊〉 ●herein the Queen of Navarre his mother hath bred him. If he hath at any time yielded unto the force and violence of the time, he had not then his will free, and as soon as opportunity gave him means to re●●r● from Court into his Countiye o● 〈◊〉, he framed his belief to the model of that which had been prescribed him: b●t protesting always to the Estates and Parlements of France; that he hath no greater desire in his soul, then to see the service of G●d united under one religion, by the 〈◊〉 of a free and lawful assembly of the universal Church, or a national Counce●●●f the French Churches. The Deputies notwithstanding (especially the Clergy,) will allow of no reason. T●ey are for the most part transported with passion, and apprehend nothing but 〈◊〉 ma● advance the League. I● the King refuseth this article, the Duke of G●ise 〈◊〉 dissolve the Estates, and lay all the blame upon his Majesty. He hath so well prou●●●d for his affairs, as he holds himself master of the Castle of Blois, and of the K●ngs person. There is neither gate, hall, chamber, nor Cabinet, but the keys are at his pleasure: He hath great forces ready. He checks them that speaks not to his liking: their voices and consents are forced in the Parliament house: he puts in, and puts out, and doth what he pleaseth. Those whom the King and Parlements hold insupportable, find access and support with him. To conclude, see the first Prince o● t●e blood, the first of the most ancient, and most famous house that doth at this da● wear a Crown, the first of that royal branch of Bourbon, which only remains aft●r so many sisters and cousins of Anjou, Alencon, Eureux, Berry, Bourgongne, Ang●ulesme, and Orleans, and which only succeeded that of Valois, deprived of the right which nature hath given him, without calling him, or hearing his justifications. The Clergy says, he ought to be no more cited, his heresy, his incapacity to the Crown is apparent. The Bishop of chaalon's in Champagne, delivers this conclusion to the N●b●lity. The Bishop of Coming, to the third Estate: and the Archbishop of Ambrun, to the King, to make a law thereof: and then followed the last act of the Tragedy of a dispossessed King. But oh men! the Eternal looks on you, and laughs at your Counsels▪ he now 〈◊〉 upon the stage to act his part, and to bring forth effects far from his thoughts. The King is advertised from all pa●ts, of a great conspiracy against his Maiest●e. The Duke o● Espernon assures him by letters. The Duke of Mayenne (jealous it may be of hi● brothers' greatness) advertiseth his Majesty from Lion, by a Knight of worship: and the Duke of Aumale; from Blois itself by his own wife, that the Duke of Guise h●d very pernicious desseines: that the hour of the execution did approach: that they 〈◊〉 to seize on him, and to lead him to Paris. These advertisements kindle a new courage in the King, he means to prevent ●im, and discovers his mind to four, whom he knows as faithful to his Majesty, as ●nemie●●o the damnable pro●ects of the League: He must suppress this new star 〈◊〉 t●e East, whom the people worshipped already. The present necessity will not suffer 〈◊〉 to bring him forth in view: the Pope's respect retains him▪ his oath to protect 〈◊〉 Est●●e●, makes him irresolute: the troubles; which this execution will cause in 〈◊〉 disposed to the League, makes him doubtful: yet he must die. He hath no 〈…〉 France but of a simple subject: and yet without the King's authority, 〈…〉, he hat● built a League, had intelligence with the stranger, leau●ed 〈◊〉 wa●re, attempted upon towns, and broken the public peace. He continueth 〈…〉 against the oath of the Edict of union, with the Cardinal Morosine, Legate 〈…〉 and Don ●●igo of Mendosa Ambassador of Spain. He confirms his 〈…〉 ●ederations with the Govetnors of revolted towns. He published by 〈…〉, that he hath not taken arms, but for Gods and the King's service: a●d yet by the surprise of so many towns, he hath hindered the advancement of the King's army in Guienne against the Huguenots. The object of his a●m●● is the safety and religion of the Catholics, and to deprive the King of Navarre o● all hope of succession to the Crown: and in the mean time it appears, that he hath sought the love of the King of Navarre: he hath promised to give him his son in hostage, and to meet him with seventeen Princes of his house, at the river of Lo●re, to serve him, and make him King of France. Many letters intercepted discover, that after his majesties pardon of many capital crimes, he renews his disseynes, against the King and against his estate. Objections against the Duke of Guise The surprise of the Marquisate of Salusses is by his intelligence▪ He disgraceth the King's actions, he blames him to have unwillingly made war against the Huguenots: to have sold the said Marquisate, that under colour of recovering it, he might divert the war against the Heretics. In steed of reducing the Towns held by the Huguenots, he keeps his Captains and men of war at Blois, upon assurance of a profitable change. He hath caused books to be Printed in favour of the lawful succession of the house of Lorraine to the Crown. At the Barricadoes this voice was heard: It is no longer time to dally, let us lead my Lord to Rheims. He hath suffered himself to be saluted by the people, with cries and acclamations which belong only to the Sovereign Prince. He hath vaunted that he was able to take the King prisoner, or to do worse, although he entered but with eight horses into Paris, being assured of the force and wills of the Citizens: He hath seized on the places of strength within Paris: made Governors, Magistrates and officers at his pleasure: He hath so corrupted the Estates, as the Deputies speak not, but by his mouth: they produce nothing but what hath been first examined in his Council. Many cry out, that he stays too long be●ore he strikes. He speaks no more but in terms of a Sovereign, with pride, disdain and threats: He hath refused to subscribe the Edict which the King would publish, in cases of treason: He doth already seal Letters patents with his great seal: He forbids the Commons to give victuals or munition to such companies as the King had sent unto them. There remains no more, but to confirm in his person that ancient greatness sometimes usurped by the Ma●ors of the palace: and to deal with the King, as Charles Martel had done with Childeric. In the end, they represent unto the King, the Process of Salcedo, a party in this conspiracy, the counsels of Nancy, and of Paris in Lent last, whereof the chief point was: To seize upon the King's person: the instructions of the Advocate David: the letters of the Queen Doüager of Denmark, to the Duke of Lorraine her son: the attempt of the Barricadoes, and (to heap up the measure) the practices, corruptions, and violences done by the Duke of Guise to the Estates. The like and less crimes have in former ages brought more famous heads than the Duke of Guises to the block. The Leagues and practices of an Earl of Harcourt, of a Constable of Saint Paul, of a Duke of Nemours, have brought them to shameful ends. Pope Sixtus now living, hath of late put to death the Earl of P●poli of the noblest families of Italy, only for that he had concealed some banished men in his house. The Duke of Guise himself did of late pursue with all violence the disobedience of the Duke of Anjou. His holiness hath believed, that religion was the only motive of the Duke of Guise's arms. The Barricadoes, with the usurpation of the B●stille, and Bois de Vincennes, have made him to change his belief. He himself hath said unto the bishop of Paris, that the fact was too bold, that the estate is interressed, and that the offence is irreconcilable. He hath written unto the King, advising him to assure himself of the Estates at what price soever: that in such imminent dangers, ●ee must seek out all extraordinary remedies: and upon this consideration he granted the King a confessor to absolve him of all, reserving the matter to the holy sea. Objection. Yea, but the Estates are under the king's oath & protection. Without doubt an oath was never broken without repentance. But how is the sovereign bound to his subject who by rebellion hath violated his oath to his Prince. Necessity forceth the law: great punishments of rebels have been often done in great assemblies. The Kings of England and Poland do practise it well, and our Charles hath died his sister's nuptials with more b●o●d than wine. Moreover, the Duke of Guise hath great credit with the people of France. It is true▪ but his party hath no credit but with the multitude: An other. the which is a very movable and inconstant foundation. Men of account, Towns, governors, and t●e Kings officers, mutiny not but by means of the multitude, and seeing him fallen that gave moving to their rebellion, they will contain themselves. Liege (say they who fear least this violent counsel which they gave him in so urgent a necessity, should be discovered) the Duke of Guise will surprise you. They have already published in Paris, that this is your climacterical year▪ they show forth the razor that shall shave you: they demand how long they shall suffer you to live in a Cloister. The lightning goes before the thunder: the guilt of treason, is extraordinary in the head: ●o the punishment goes before the instructions and forms of justice. One must punish the offendor, and then inform of the offence. The mildest commonweals, most politic, and greatest enemies to rigour, have always held, That whereas the estate is in danger, they may begin with the execution. In the end the King is sa●●●fied, The King's last re●olution having remained long in suspense, betwixt the rigour of his revenge, and the mildness of his own disposition. By the King's countenance, or some words let slip by some one of the four, they find it dangerous to continued long at the Estates. But the more the Duke of Guise enters into discourse, the more the King's good countenance dissuades him. And the Archbishop of Lion attending a Cardinal's hat within a few days from Rome: Retiring yourself from the Estates (said he unto him) you shall bear the blame to have abandoned France in so important an occasion, and your enemies making their profit of ●our absence, will soon overthrow all that which you have with so much pain effected for the assurance of religion. Man doth often lose his judgement upon the point of his fall. Advertisements were come to him from all parts, both within & without the realm, from Rome, Spain, Lorraine and Savoye, that a bloody Catastrophe would dissolve the assembly. The Almanaches had well observed it: it was generally bruited in the Estates, that the execution should be on Saint Thomas day. The eve before his death, the Duke himself sitting ●o●ne to dinner, found a scroll under his napkin, advertising him of this secret ambush. ●ut (as ambition blinds those whom she hath raised up to the pies nest, and 〈…〉 of God's judgements confounds such as trust in their authority) he writ underneath, with his own hand, They dare not: and threw it under the table. The Duke of Guise following the council of the Cardinal Morosin, had the one 〈◊〉 ●●entith of December incensed the King a new, by some bold and presumptuous ●eeches. Liege ●said he) ●●ing I find that the affairs decline from bad to worse, and that those things which seemed curable, are grown desperate: I beseech your Ma●est●e to receive again the charge you have committed unto me, and give me leave ●o ●●tire myself. He spoke this, to the end that by this discontent he might take an ●c●●sion to dissolve the estates, and bringing the King into extreme hatred with 〈◊〉 ●●biects, he might play the last act of his long foreplotted Tragedy. The 〈◊〉 had the two and twentieth day following, prepared seven of his five and 〈◊〉 they were gentlemen wh●me he had appointed to be near his person, besides 〈◊〉 Archers of his guard) to execute his will, and by many dispatches had 〈◊〉 those Towns which he held to be most mutinous. The three and twentieth, 〈◊〉 his Council somewhat more early in the morning than was usual, 〈…〉 devotion to go after di●ner, and to spend the holidays at our Lady of 〈◊〉. The Cardinals of Vendosme, Guise, and Gondy, the Arche-Bishop of Lion, 〈◊〉 M●●shall● of A●mont and Retz, the Lords of d'O, Rambovillet, Maintenon, Marcell and ●●●remolle overseers of the treasure, were assembled. The Duke of Guise comes, 〈◊〉 attending the beginning of the Council, sends for a handkerchief: (the groom of his chamber had forgotten to put one into his hose.) Pericart his Secretary, not daring to commit this new advertisement to any man's report, ties a note to one of the corners thereof, saying, Come forth and save yourself, else you are but a dead man. B●t they st●y the page that carried it. Larchant Captain of the King's guard causeth a● other to be given unto him with all speed by Saint Prix the chief groom of the K●ngs chamber. The Castle gates are shut, and the Council sits about eight of the clock. The spirit of man doth often prophecy of the mischief that doth pur●ue him. So whilst they dispute of a matter propounded by Petremolle, the Duke feels strange alterations, and extraordinary distemperatures, and amidest his distr●st, a great fainting of his heart. Saint Prix presents unto him some prunes of Brignolles, and raisins of the sun. He eats, and thereupon the King calls him into his Cabinet by Revoll one of the secretaries of his Estate, as it were to confer with him about some secret of importance. The Duke leaves the Council to pass unto the Cabinet: and as he did ●ift up the tapistry with one hand to enter, The Duke o● Guise slain. they charge him with their swords, dagger's, and pertuisans: yet not with so great violence, but he showed the murderers the last endeavours of an invincible valour and courage. Thus lived, and thus died Henry of Lorraine Duke of Guise: a Prince worthy to be in t●e first ranks of Princes, goodly, great, tall of proportion, amiable of countenance▪ great of courage, ready in the execution of his enterprises, popular, dissembling, but covering the secrets of his mind, with his outward bahaviour, embracing all times and occasions, politic in stratagems, making much of his soldiers, and honouring his Captains. But a Prince who hath blemished the greatest beauty of his practi●es by extreme ambition, factions, a great bragger, vain in believing of Soothsayers, who assured him of his greatness, and of the change of his family into a royalty, proud, not able to submit his hopes, even to those from whom he should hope for his advancement, giving men to understand by his inclination, that he was not borne to obey, but to command, and with this dessein, he framed the minds of the French, by his first actions, to believe that he had parts fit to make a strange alteration in a Realm. But let us apply that great divine Oracle, and tremble at the apprehension o● the horror of God's judgements, For this cause God will destroy thee in the end: ●ee will pull thee out of thy tabernacle, and thy root out of the land of the living. The just shall see it and fear, and shall laugh at him, saying: behold the man that hath not taken God for his aid and succour, but hath trusted to the multitude of his riches, and hath fortified himself in vanity. At the noise hereof, the Cardinal of Guise (being amazed) recovers the door to go a●ay. La●chant sta●es him with the Arche-bishop of Lion, and lodgeth them in a little chamber above the Kings, lately built for Capuchins and Fueillans. The Cardinal in the heat of this tumult casts forth some words, which he would never have del●uered being well advised. They report it unto the King. The King commands La bastide and Valansay, being both of the five and forty to kill him. The first excuseth hi●selfe, the other accepts the charge, and accompanied with six others, goes to the cardinals chamber, to make him a companion of his brother's death: but being ready to do the execution, I know not what cold apprehension quenched this heat, which had moved him to bathe his hands in the blood of so great a Prelate without resp ect of his order. The Cardinal of bourbon, the Duchess of Nemours (mother to the Duke of Guise,) the Duke of Nemours her son by the second marriage, the Prince Ginuille now Duke of Guise▪ and the Duke of Elboeuf had at the same instant gard● appointed them, to be assured of their persons. Pericard being kept prisoner, discovered all the practices of the League, and by the instructions he had in his keeping, he informed the King at large of all his masters desseins. The Earl of Brissac, B●is Dauphin and some other gentlemen (fa●thfull to the Duke of Guise) the Precedent Neully, the Provost of merchants at Paris, Compan & Cotteblanche, sheriffs of the said Town, and Le Roy Lieutenant of Amiens, were put in prison: the rest stayed neither for boots nor spurs to dislodge. Rossieux Secretary to the Duke of Mayenne, and son in Law to Armonuille Maior of Orleans, had already by special posts, advertised his master of what had past● & so practiseth them of Orleans, as Entragues coming from Blois to be assured of the Town found a general revolt. Doubtless the Inhabitants were inclined to the king's obedience, if before he would have granted them, at their humble suit, an other governor at his majesties choice then him, who at the first had engaged them, and afterwards by his wilfulness suffered them to run into the labyrinth of rebellion. It is good to yield something to a mutinous multitude, not to thrust them into despair. The execution done, the King carries news thereof to the Queen mother. Madame (saith he) I will hereafter reign alone, I have no more companions. She answered him, God grant my son it fall out well for you: but have you given order to assure the Towns where the name and memory of the Duke of Guise hath credit and authority. This unexpected speech did wonderfully move the Queen Mother, but that of the Cardinal of Bourbon gave her a deadly wound. Ah Madame (said he, she coming to visit him being a prisoner and sick) you have brought us to slaughter. Death of the Queen M●ther. She excusing herself that she had neither consented nor given Council in this action, left the Cardinal doubling his complaints, and transported with grief she died the fift of january following. At night they draw the Cardinal and the Archbishop from their Chamber, to lodge them in a straighter and more obscure place, and there to pass the night, whilst that the King, withheld the considerations of the quality of a Prelate, a Peer of France, Archbishop of Reims, Cardinal of Rome, and Precedent of his order at the Estates), consulted either of his execution, or freedom from prison. B●t justice hath no respect of persons: The Cardinal slain. and treason is a wor●e precedent in a Cardinal then in a simple Priest. Moreover the Cardinal might succeed in his brother's credit, and his threats seemed dangerous if he lived longer. So the King gives Captain Gast commission to kill him. He craves pardon: but four hundred Crowns do easily find four ministers for the execution. The Arche-bishop had his life saved, at the humble s●te of the Baron of Lux his uncle. The King loved this gentleman an● pretended to draw from the Prelate all the Quintessence of the League. The punishment of these two, freed the King of Navarre from being the cause of the miser● of these civil wars, seeing the King had thereby noted the first author of these trouble's. But this Prince was never seen without a singular constancy in his greatest crosses, nor an admirable modesty in his highest prosperities. He understands of the death of two of his mightiest enemies, and would gladly have seen the King's wrath and forces turned against the house of Lorraine, whereby he might make his profit in Fra●ce by the fall thereof, and appl●e it to his advantage. But Noble minds never lo●ke on their enemy's head, but with a heavy countenance. He laments not so much the death but the misery of them of Guise: and yet continues his enterprise ●hich he had upon Niort, and the four and twentieth of December, under the Conduct of Saint Gelais, Parabieres, Harambure, Ranques, Preau, Valieres, and others, he forced and s●aled the Town being amazed, and spoilt it, without any slaughter but of twenty five, or thirty men, no ravishing of women, no● injury to the Clerge. The same day he received the Castle by composition from Malicorne, Nior● taken by the King of Navarre. furnished with five great Cannons, and two very long Culverins, with the wh●ch the Lieutenant of the Town a wicked and a turbulent man, vaunted (when they were cast) to salute the King when he approached the walls of Noirt. B●t the great fury of the victor's arms, having slain him in the beginning of the fi●ht, was the cause he made not an exemplary compensation, for the outrages and the unworthy speeches he had used against the said King and the Princes of the broud. 1589. The Duke of Nevers, on the other side battered Ganache, & the fourth of Februa●●●●uing spent eight hundred Cannon shot), he made two breaches, and gave a● 〈◊〉, with the loss of above three hundred men, and growing resolute in this 〈◊〉, where his honour was engaged, he lets Plessisgecte, Captain of the place understand that he had won reputation enough in the defence of so weak a place: that his obstinacy did prejudice the King of Navarres affairs: That the King by the execution done at Blois, had sufficiently declared war against the League, and that he m●●t to employ the said King's forces against them. Plessis advertiseth the King his mast●●▪ he marcheth to succour him, but his violent tramell on foot to get him a heat in an extreme cold season, Ganac●e yielded to the Duke of Neu●rs. made him stay so dangerously sick of a fever at Saint Pere, as the news of his death was carried to Court. So Plessis yielded up the Town, his arms and baggage saved. But this royal army came to nothing. The Duke went to refresh himself at his house, wavering some months doubtful of his party: and the King of Navarre (whom God would use in so confused a time, to bring him upon the Theatre, not as a disinherited Child, according to the intent of the Estates, but to teach men that their s●●●uing is in vain against the decrees of his divine providence,) having recovered his pe●●e●t health, assured himself of the places near unto Niort, Saint Maixant, Mall●zaye, Chastelleraut, Loudun, Lisle Bouchard, Mirebeau, Vivonne and others, pretending to do the King some great and notable service. The King by this blow had amazed, but not suppressed the League. He had begun well for the waranty of his Estate, but he must not do things by halves. In steed of going to horse, making his arms to glister, showing himself betwixt Orleans and Paris, calling back his army out off Poictou, to oppose it against the attempts of the Duke of Mayenne, Error in state. and (being armed, and the Towns amazed at this great effect) to divert the mischief which oppressed him within few months, he returns to his first remedies, being soft and fearful, against a mad multitude: he is content to send words to retain his subjects already entered into sedition: he releaseth some prisoners whom he held least dangerous, continues the Estates, renews the Edict of union, and by a general forgetting of what was past, thinks they will lay down their arms against him, to employ them against the King of Navarre. But a multitude grows mad with mildness, and is retained by severity. The King finds, that in less than six weeks, ●ours and Baugency are the fronters of those provinces that were under his obedience. And whereas he thought to begin, he now ceaseth to reign. So God, who had laughed at the vain attempts of the one, will likewise he●pe upon the other, remedies no less violent than those he had practised. Now many awaked from their amazement, and began to stir▪ the people studied of new mutinies and new arms. Orleans shut up their gates▪ the Town made barricadoes against the Citadel: Paris showed the fury of their mutiny against the Louur●, they beat down the King's arms, imprison his servants, and aswell by their ransoms and spoil, as by a voluntary contribution, they levy a great sum of money for the war. Marteau, Cotteblanche, Compan, Roland and others (delivered upon promises to reclaim the Parisiens') had contrariwise seduced the people. The sixteen (let us know them by their names, even as they are set down in an oration made by the Bourgeses of Paris to the Cardinal Caietan) la Bruyere, Crucé, ●ussyle Clere, the Commissary Louchard, Morlier, Senault, the Commissary de Bart, Drovart an Advocate, Aluequin, Emonn●t, ●ablier, Messier, Passart, Oudineau, Tellier & Morin a proctor of the Chastelet (every one of which had many Agents & followers) like sixteen furies' coming out offhel, sharpened their weapons, & kindled the coals of murder & dissoluteness, first at Paris, & then in a manner in all the good towns of the realm, being seasoned with the levaine of these furious tribune's. The Preachers (fire brands of these furies) came not into the pulpit, Pa●isiens insolencies. but to pour forth reproaches, and injuries against the King, and by an Iliad of Curses to kindle the people's minds to rebellion. The people came never from their sermons, but having fire in their heads, readiness in their feet to run, and disposition in the●r hands, to fall tumultuously upon such as were not branded with the mark of the League. He was neither a good nor a zealous Catholic that had not a beadroule of outrages to detest and abhor that execution of Blois. The porters at the Palace babbled nothing, but a cursing of the King's life: an elegy to lament the calamity of these two brethren: an oration in memory of the commendable exploits of the Duke of Guise, in Hongary against the Turk, at jarnac against the Protestants, at Poitiers, at Montcontour against the Reistres of Thoré, at Vimorry and at Auneau. They cried aloud at Paris: That France was now sick, and could not be cured but by giving her a drink of French blood. And because they have not the body at their devotion, those things he possesseth must suffer for it: his furniture at the Lowre, his pictures are broken, his arms beaten down, his images dragged up and down, his great s●ale defaced: they call him impious, unjust, villain, profane, tyrant, damned. The College of Sorbonne concludes by a public act of the 7. of january, That the people of France are freed from the oath of obedience and fealty which they ought to Henry of Valois, and that lawfully, and with a good conscience, they may arm against him, receive his revenues, and employ it to make war against him. On the other side, Charles of Lorraine Duke of Mayenne, dreaming on his brother's death, provided for the assurance of his own life, The Duke of Ma●ennes cour●●●●. and consulted with the Arche-bishops Official, the Lord of Botheon Seneschal of Lionnois, and some others of the chief, whether there were any safety for him within their Town. We are (said they) bond unto the King before all others. Make no trial (we pray you) of your servants, in that which shall be contrary to the Kings will. Arm not yourself against him: without doubt he will seek your service, when you shall submit the passion of revenge unto reason, and will advance your house to the good of all France, the which trembles with apprehension of the calamities which this war shall cause. If the people call you, to set them at liberty, you shall abandon them to the spoil: and to defend the Monarchy against the King, you shall make yourself the head of a confused and monstrous Anarchy. God did never forget the protection of Kings against their mutinous subjects. They be the image of God, the children of heaven: and whosoever arms against them, arms against heaven. Moreover the wind of the people's favour, may for a time fill your sails, and carry your designs violently to Sea, but they are inconstant, light, and disloyal. And if they have shaken off the yoke of dutiful obedience and love to their King, what shall they do to a Prince, to whom they shall not be bound, but as to the Protector of their mutiny? They spoke truly, for after the trial of all sorts of governments, France must in the end return to a royalty: and the Duke (by a commendable resolution,) might have united the minds which his brother had divided. But when as others represent unto him the advantage he should have to succeed in the favour, credit, and authority of his brother, and by consequence his own hopes: he rejects the integri●●e of the first council▪ conjures all the friends of his house to revenge: parts from Lion on Christmas day: in his passage he assures himself of Mascon, Chaalon and dijon. The Court of Parliament there, refused to consent to this rebellion, and therefore the chief were driven away, and some imprisoned, others (apprehending the loss of their commodities, Letters from the King to the Du●e of May●nn●● ) did easily submit their necks to the yoke of a new Democrati●. At Dijon he received Letters from the King, promising to surcease the punishment of forepast faults, with the death of his brethren, whom (said he,) I have caused to die, to save my life from the danger whereof you did advertise me. The Du●e (attributing the King's clemency to some weak & abject affection, proceeding frō●eare, either to have him his enemy, or to lose his friendship) grows obstinate in ●is resolution, rejects the King's officers, gives commission to Rosne, S. Paul, and others, to command in Champagne & Brie, and to seize upon the best places: he comes to Troy's, where the Town (long before corrupted by the infected humours of the 〈…〉 received him with as great honour as they could have done their King▪ 1588. and in 〈◊〉 where he passed, they were easily drawn into rebellion, every Town 〈◊〉 themselves after the model of Paris and Orleans. Three thousand men sent from Paris, to secure the Chenalier d' Aumale 〈◊〉 in Orleans by the Marshal of Aumont, with the nobility of the Court, 〈…〉 of foot and horse, and the King's guards,) had been defeated near unto Est●m●●s▪ by Fargis and Montigni: but the marshal understanding of the Duke of Mayennes ●●proch, raiseth the siege, and retires to ●oisgency. In the mean time, the King ●●mselfe in person did view and examine the conclusions of the Estates: but this 〈◊〉 enterprise of the Dukes, made him to leave the work imperfect, & to provide 〈◊〉 the safety of his person: and for a conclusion, the fi●teenth and sixteenth of january, ●ee heard the Deputies griefs and complaints upon the disorders which 〈◊〉 France. The Estates dissolved. The Archbishop of Bourg●● speech. The Archbishop of Bourges, Precedent for the Clergy after the Cardinal's death, imputed the cause of our miseries to contempt of religion, which breaking the b●●ds that tie us unto God, had in like sort divided the hearts and wills of families and Comonalties. He greatly commended the King's zeal to religion: insisted long upon the abuses of the Church, which the corruption of the time had bred: the unworthy promotion of Prelates: the nomination (to abbeys, and other spiritual dignities) of all sorts of persons, soldiers, ignorant men, suborned men, gardiens, simoniaks, ●omen, & children: touching the alienation of the Clergy lands, plurality of benefi●e●, usurpation of the revenues of hospitals, depravation of that goodly ancient order, whereby none might come unto Commanderies of the o●der of the Knights of Saint john of jerusalem, unless he were a gentleman of three descents: disorders of universities and monasteries, in former times the nurseries of holy fathers. Then he tu●ned his discourse to the disorders noted in the Nobility of France, who were in former ages the terror of all nations, and from whom neighbour nations confess to ●●ue learned the exercise and profession of chivalry: upon the excess of men of wa● 〈◊〉 the ●ast●ng of the treasure, & other disorders which spring from these first head●●●●ally he beseecheth the King, to make a good reformation, whereby his people 〈◊〉 multiply, I●stice should daily flourish, and peace should be settled i● the ●●●lme. C●arl●s of Coss Earl of Briss●c, chief Pantler & chief falconer of France, newly resto●●● 〈◊〉 favour & Precedent for the Nobility, The E●●le of 〈◊〉. shows that they be not the hands of ●ortune, ●hich ●●ui●oned his Majesty's forehead with this double diadem. It is God who hath 〈◊〉 him our King, who had before chosen him King of a more remate 〈◊〉, for the piety, faith, clemency, and magnanimity wherewith he hath bee●e endued from his tender age. That heresy, schism, and discord, which are crept into the people's hearts, have not taken their beginning under his reign, whom God hath r●●sed 〈◊〉 amidest the furies and afflictions of France, to be revenged by him, and advanced above all the nations of Christendom, who draw their firmestsupport from the stability of his Crown. That ●he wished victories in France over heresy, shall be unto the King but a continuance of the rout and defeat of that fearful army of R●is●res, Lansquenets, Swisses, and French Huguenots, which (like so many trumpets) proclaim to all places, the honours, praises, and victories of his Majesty. That now those vows, fastings, tears▪ and toils of the ancient French, are heard, who seemed to demand vengeance against the fire, fury, and rage of those, who (after so many religious ages) have violated the sepulchers of their fathers and ours, and would take from amongst ●s that only religion which the holy fathers have planted in old time throughout the world. Then having represented the zeal and affection of the Nobility to assist the King, to restore religion, and the State to their former beauty, following the example and the hereditary virtue of their Ancestors, who had chased and vanquished the Goths, Vandals, Arriens, Albigeois, Lombard's, Sarrazins, Turks, and Pagans: 1589. and continuing the defence of the faith, and the victories of the Kings of France▪ have le●t no other limits to the reputation of their valour, than those which the Sun takes in making of his course about the earth. He beseecheth his Majesty, to favour the ancient privileges of the Nobility, to recompense in them the services of their Predecessors: to confirm the military discipline of Kings his forerunners, not to suffer any by ●auour or purchase, to challenge the title of Gentlemen: to maintain the privileges of the Knights of S. john of jerusalem: to cut off the superfluities in justice: to moderate the subsidies: order the treasure, establish the Magistrate, plant discipline among soldiers: reform the Church, and to punish the enemies thereof. Finally he wished a thousand happiness to the King, and peace to his people. But this brave and commendable humour shall not hold him long, but he shall return to his first party, by a new defection. Bernard Advocate of the Parliament of Dijon, The Advocate Bernard. began his oration with a solemn tha●kes for the King's promise, fully to execute the Edict of the union: he exhorted all the towns and subjects of the Realm, to unite themselves not only in Religion, but also in good correspondency for the King's service, continuation of his dignity, and defence of the Estate. He discovered all the other infirmities of this politic body, the which (besides the ulcer of partialities) have strangely corrupted it: as Blasphemies, adulteries, witchcraft, Simony, outrage in soldiers, inventors of subsidies, and new Edicts, executors of extraordinary Commissions, Brokers, and buyers of Offices, who wast the treasure, and bring the people to beggary. An invective against so many Edicts registered with this Apostill: By commandments many times reiterated: seeing that in good and just Edicts, the Sovereign Prince's command is not necessary: against the treasure ill employed, and the strange oppressions of France. Then requiring a conclusion of the Estates, he beseeched his Majesty to open the eyes of his wisdom, for the ease of his poor people: not to change his godly resolutions: and to dismiss the Deputies, considering the mutinies that were in their Provinces: to go and make proof (said he) of the effects of their good wills. But these wills were for the most part subject unto those that (under a goodly show of war for religion and the public good) studied of nothing but rebellion, cruelty, treachery, trouble, and confusion. Thus the Estates ended, and the King foreseeing the extreme oppression of his subjects, in so great a levy of arms, abates the fourth part of their subsidies, and sent to all the Provinces, to assure them of his good intent. But his subjects were too much affected to mutinies, too capable of disobedience, too ready to spoil the wise and the rich. The mourning of the Duchess' of Guise, Nemours, and Montpensier, being set at liberty by the King, to bind them to be intercessors to his mutinous people: the furious cries of Boucher, Guarin, Cueilli, Roze, Pelletier, Guinc●s●●e, Hamilton, Christin, Lucain, Mau●ler●, Comm●let, Feu●rdent and other such Preachers: (very firebrands of sedition) The persuasions of the Provost of Merchants, of the Sheriffs of Paris, and other Magistrates of Towns, freely released by the King: ●ad too wickedly seduced them. But the Duke of Mayennes arrival at P●ris, confirmed the inhabitants more in the execution of the foresaid 〈◊〉 of Sorbonne. This decree (quite contrary to those by the which this College hath so often commendably withstood the unfit and violent proceed of the Court of Rome, The Court of 〈…〉 Paris imprisoned. against the estate of this realm) could not take effect, whilst that majestical and reverent Parliament, the true gardien of this Crown, had either force or authority. So one of the sixteen, Bussyle Cler● a poor petty fogger, (lately much honoured, being admitted to present himself bore headed upon his knee before this reverent assembly,) followed by some of his acquaintance and companions, and a band of armed rascals, enters the sixeteenth of january, armed with a Cuirasse, and a pistol in his hand, into the great chamber, with an intent to carry away the fi●●t Precedent de Harlay, and the other Precedents and Councillors, who persisting in the fidelity of their charge, might cross the mad and fatal desseins of the League. The whole body ashamed to see themselves dismembered by this insolent and presumptuous attempt, followed their head. Bussy then leads them away all, in triumph, two 〈◊〉 two prisoners to the Bas●ille and Lowre. Such as were Royalists were kept there, t●e rest (which leaned to this popular fury) preserved their houses from the spoil whic● this Tribune had pretended, and were sent home. Some advertised of this new Commission, saved their persons, but not the confiscation of their goods and reue●●●es. That man was happy that found a friend where to hide himself, or that could get away disguised in his servants weeds, and so march many days on foot to recover Tours, or some other place of the King's obedience. All divine and human Laws were subverted, respect of equity abolished, and the reverence of public authority defaced. The officers of the Parliament being 〈◊〉, give the place of the first Precedent to Barnabé Brisson: then they make a 〈◊〉 in manner of another, for the entertainment of the union. The Princes of Lorraine and many gentlemen swear unto it, the sixteen subscribe it, one amongst them pricked himself in the arm, to sign it with his own blood: but remaining lame thereby, he was mocked by his Companions. The people made a general Council of the union, consisting of forty choice men of the three Estates, the which was confirmed by the Parliament, to dispose of the public affairs, A general Council of the union. and to confer with the Provinces and towns of the League. For the Church, Brezè Bishop of Meaux, Rozè Bishop of Senlis, Villars Bishop of Again, Prevost Curate of Saint Severin, Boucher Curate of S. Bennet, Aubry Curate of S. Andrews, Pelletier Curate of S. james, Pigenat Curate of Saint Nicholas, Launoy Chanoine of Scissons, and sometime minister at Sedan: for the Nobility the Marquis of Canillac, the Seigneur of Menneville, Saint Pol, Rosne, Montberault, Hautefort, Saussay▪ for the third Estate, Massaparault, Nevilly, Coqueley, Midorge, Machault, Baston, Marillac, Achanie, de bray▪ Beau-cler, Bruy●re Lieutenant Civil, Anroux, Fontanon, Drovart, Crucè, Bourdeaux, Hal●equin, Soly, Bellanger, Poncher, Senault, & Charpentier, 〈◊〉 Lawyers or men oftrafficke. The great men enter presently into jealousy of this number, whereas the people commanded: so as (by the Duke's importunity and the above named Princess') they add unto them Henn●quin Bishop of Rennes, the Abbot of Lenoncourt, the Precedents ●ani●, Vetus, l● Maistre, Dormesson, Videville, d' Amours a Councillor, Villeroy, both father and son, Sermoise, Dampierre, la Bou●d●isi●re, le Faith, and many others, who to carry it away by plurality of voices, called unto them the Precedent le Sueur, Bragelonne Treasurer, Roland a sheriff, and others, who assisting one another with thei● voices, overthrew many things which those that were deputed for the people were ready to decree, for the confirmation of their tyranny. Exceeding insolencies. The Duke of Mayenne (to settle his affairs) suffers these base Companions to play the petty Kings. Those of the Clergy, exceeding the authority of the Church, do in their sermons excommunicate the father that knoweth his son to be the King's servant, and reveals him not to the Council of the union: the son that discovers not his father, the wife and the husband that accuse not one an other, the kinsmen and friends that discover not the goods of their kindred and friends being absent, to be employed in the wars. The Nobility reaps some profit of the ransoms and spoils of the Royalists and politics. The people condemn, imprison, spoil and ransom, of thei● absolute power, and sell the goods of any that bears not the mark of their enraged faction. This furious combustion of Paris, sets all the realm on fire. Strange revolts. Towns and Provinces frame themselves after the mould of the Capital City. Chartres gins the dance, expels Sourdis their governor, and receives Reclaimu●lle a gentleman of Because, a partisan of the League. This Town imports much for the estate of Paris, as one of their chief graniers for corn. The Duke of Mayenne posts thither, to be assured thereof, and the people receive him as their redeemer. Being arrived there, Rovan sends for him. He goes: and in all places as he passeth, they meet him, present him their keys, and swear to obey him. Those of Man's murder many of the King's officers and servants, spoil others, seize upon Fargis their Governor, and send him prisoner to Paris. Angers was assured for the King: but the Duke of Mercoeur Governor of Britain, subdued in a manner all the Province to his party. Thoulouse murders Duranti their first Precedent (a man who in all the fires he had formerly kindled, did never show that he had any taste of a Huguenot in him) and Daf●s the King's Advocate. Aix, Arles and Marseilles pla●t up suddenly the enseigns of the League, and follow the dance with the rest. Lion jumps with them, and growing ●uspitious of the passage of Colonnel Alphonso Corpse (now marshal of France, under the title of Ornano) to command the army in Daulphinè which the Duke of Mayenne had abandoned, they declare the occasion why they take arms, swear to maintain good correspondency with the Princes, gentlemen and Inhabitants of Paris, & other Towns united, and to put in execution all the Duke of N●mours commandments, who was now escaped out of the Castle of Blois. But we shall see this people as easy to mutiny against him, as they were now ready to allow him for their Governor. chaalon's retained almost all champaign in their duty and obedience. Rosne was Governor there. But the whole body of the City, advertised of this great execution at Blois, let him understand: That seeing the Duke of Guise his master was dead, his authority was extinct, and that acknowledging no other Sovereign but the King, they would preserve their City from all strange enterprises. Langres deserves an honourable tes●●monie, to have less than all other fostered rebels, and to have constantly opposed themselves against all the attempts of the League. In other Provinces the Towns bandy directly one against another, and the most modest affecting neither party, keep themselves from the storm. The King beholds this pitiful Tragedy, acted upon the Theatre of his Estate, and thinks yet to reclaim his subiect● by mildness. He pardoneth, he abol●sheth, The King's facility turned into ●ury. he forgets all, so as every one will perform the duty of a subject, and again promiseth the observation of his Edicts of union, in favour of the Catholics, and for the extirpation of heresies. But in the end, patience provoked, turns into fury. He sees that these Princesses, the Provost of merchants, and the Sheriffs of Paris which were dismissed, do like unto noah's raven, they cast oil in stead of water upon the fires that are kindled. Seeing therefore, the more he seeks by mildness to reduce these strangers to the right way, the more violent they grow in their furious passions: he now useth his authority, he makes sundry proclamations, aswell against the Duke of Mayenne, the Duke and Chevalier of Aumale, as against the Cities of Paris, Orleans, Chartres, Rovan, Amiens, Abbeville and other adherents, pronounceth both heads and members, disloyal, rebels, guilty & convicted of the crimes of rebellion, treachery and treason in the highest degree: degrades them and their posterity of all honour, if by the beginning of March they submit not themselves to his obedience. And to join arms to his declarations, he makes a speedy levy of twelve thousand Swisses, by the Lord of Sansy, who molested the Duke of Savoye under the King's authority, about Geneva: where having taken the Towns of Bonne, Gex, Thonnou and their Castles, he besieged the fort of Ripaille, where the Duke's succours led by Cont Martinengues, were defeated, Martinengues slain in battle, with about 2000 men, and the place yielded: in the end he calls the Nobility unto him, sends forth many Commissions to levy soldiers, transports the execution of justice to Tours, which was wont to be in his Parliament at Paris: he commands his chamber of accounts, and all his officers of the marble table, to repair presently to Tours, to attend their charges, and deprives from all honours, charges, dignities, and privileges, all Towns adhering to these new revolts. This did but kindle more the fires of rebellion. The Duke of Mayenne arms both horse and foot, practiseth without the Realm, seeks to the King of Spain, The Duke's attempts. sends out patents and Commissions under a new seal, usurps all the parts of royal Majesty, striking stroke. His Majesty advised to give his enemy a free passage to return. It were a folly (said he with a pleasant Countenance) to hazard a double Henry against one Carolus, the which is the Duke of Mayennes name. A double Hen●y is a do●bl● ducat, and a Ca●olus is but a p●nny. Insolency of the soldier's. It is a horror to think of the insolencies, spoils, murders, ravish, sacrilege, blasphemies, irreligions, which these brave Champions (armed for the defence of the Catholic religion) did practise in these suburbs, even in the Church of Saint Symphorian. The vicar and the Chapplaine beaten and bound all night, did see the coffers broken, the goods carried away, women and maids, (that were fled thither as into a sanctuary) ravished▪ & which is worse, them steal away holy things, as Copes & Ornaments of the Altar, the Robes and Vestments of Priests, and many Chalices of divers metals, carrying away those of silver, as belonging to heretics and royalists (as they termed them) and therefore good prize: and the others that were not silver they left behind, being (say they) of the union. The Chevalier d' Aumale and his people showed themselves brave artisans in these exploits. Doubtless the union hath more disunited the Church, and more ruined the Catholic religion in few years, than the Protestants had done in many. We have seen their soldiers (and amongst them many Priests and Monks that had cast away their frockes,) force the vicar's and curates of Parishes in lent, (with a dagger at their throats,) to give them calves, sheep, lambs, pigs, kids, hens, Capons, and other f●esh, under names of Pikes, Carp, Barbles, soles, turbotts, & herrring, whi●est the College of Sorbonne, and their Preachers, thunder out against their lawful Prince and Sovereign. The essential form of a zealous Catholic was then, to rob Churches, to ravish wives and virgins, to murder men against the Altars, and to spoil the Clergy, not to be the King's servants, which that age held for a crime, but to vomit out against him all the indignities, and all the wickedness, which irreligion and impiety could invent in mad soldiers. We know the Lion by his paws. The town of Arquenay (three Leagues from Laval,) had a Church guilt and enriched by the Lords of Rambouille●, and at that time filled with all the goods of the Inhabitants. Commeronde, with a regiment of seven or eight hundred men, (having overrun and spoiled the Country of Anjou, and the County of Laval,) comes thither with his men to lodge, in the end of April, who burned the doors of the Church, sacked it quite, having no respect of the feminine sex: they slew a poor man at the foot of the Crucifix, complaining that in the same place they had ravished his wife: they did their excrements in the holy water stock; perfumed all the Church with their filthiness, applied to their own uses the ornaments of our Lady▪ sold the Copes, the Banner and reliks to the Monks of Eurons: the Chalices and Crosses of silver to them of Vague· and to heap up the measure of their villainies, (having taken the pixe of silver and some four and twenty of their holy cakes in it) one of them attired himself like a priest, causing some twenty of the soldiers to kneel down, and with his hands embrued with blood and sacrilege, distributed them unto them, and trod the rest under his feet. The like they did within few days after at Thorigny. It sufficeth among so many to have noted this horrible impiety in particular, that posterity may learn, that arms do not edify but destroy the Altars: and that piety dwells not much among such as follow the camp. The renuion of the two Kings had greatly troubled the Leaguers of Paris. Now they cease not to draw articles, instructions and advertisements, both within, and without the realm: The Parisie●● courses. they forget nothing that may confirm the building of their confusion. They send their deputies to Rome, the Commander de Diou, the Councillor Coquelay, the Abbot of Orbais, and the Dean of Reims: who justify their actions to the Pope. demand a Legate; promise the publication of the Council of Trent, Their petition vn●o the Pope. beseech his hol●nesse, to be gracious and favourable to their desseins, and to the Towns of their alliance, and to contribute to the charge of this common war, whereof they must bear the chief burden. In deed they had need of much money, t●●●●nish the expenses of so many petty Kings: but some filled their coffers, others pa●ed their debts, and some bought lands and Lordships. Thus the people are the instruments of great men, and the she●fe whereon all kind of storms and tempests do beat. liberty exceeded in all places, and rage against the King's authority seemed desperate. The ●ire of this revolt had kindled the heart and all the corners of the Realm▪ and generally there was nothing but inroads, spoils, surprising and sacking: wh●n as suddenly many che●ks amaze the League▪ and give hope of a speedy reviving o● the King's affairs. The Duke of Montpens●er, assisted by the Lords of Hallot, Cre●●●aur, Bacqueville and Larchant, diverse defeats o● the League. was in Normandy, with forces for his majesties ser●i●e: and for the first fruits, having defeated the garrison of malaise, taken three Captain, cut● most of their companies in pieces, and dispersed the rest, they besieged the To●ne, and had brought it ready to yield, when as the Earl of Brissae (who of late 〈◊〉 ●onders in speaking well at the Estates in the King's favour) advanced w●th about ●●ree hundred gentlemen, and five or six thousand ●oote, whom they ca●●ed Gaul●i●rs, and made the Duke abandon the siege, Of the Gaulti●●●. to meet with them. They lodged in three 〈◊〉: the Duke forceth two, kills such as m●ke resistance, and chase the rest with small difficulty. The Ea●le flies with all his horse▪ leaving a thousand or twelve hund●ed prisoner's, and about three thousand slain upon the place, amongst the which were ●o●nd many gentlemen. After this attempt of the Duke of Mayenne, in the suburbs of Tours, the King sends the Lord of Lorges to discover the enemy: the Duke of Aumale hath intelligence thereof, and sends some troops to charge him. The Lord of Chastillon passeth at Boisgency with two hundred horse, and as many harquebusiers, to second Largesse, and causeth ●ouquerolles to advance with twenty gentlemen towards Bonnevall. Of Re●lainuill●. They meet with Reclainuille (who commanded in Chartres.) He offers to discover them, they charge him, and kill five or six of his men: he retires in haste, and gives the alarm to the troops 〈◊〉 Picardy, led by Saveuse, and les Brosses, who commanded about 300. masters, and a good number of harguebusiers on horseback, and on foot. The two commanders, Chastillon and Saveuse are in front one of an other. No man makes show to recoil, and both resolve to fight. Saveuse puts his harguebusiers before, and placeth his lancers in hay, approaching softly without does banding. Chastillon disposeth of his foot, Of Saveuse. makes two battalions of his horse, and sets Charboniere and Harambure on his left hand, with their companies of light horses, and then he advanceth to the charge. Saveuse chargeth resolutely. His harguebusiers on horseback discharge very near. Chas●●llons footmen receive them in the like sort, and with one breathe enter among the horse that were come to the charge: they kill many horses with their swords, and lose but three soldiers. Saveuse chargeth the light horsemen upon his right hand, and breaking the first ranks, had unhorsed Chastillon, and some eight or ten gentlemen, b●t with the loss of five and twenty horse, as these rise and fight on foot, Harambure and Fouquerolles comes in: they charge Saveuse▪ and his men, ●ill above sixscore gentlemen, overthrow the rest, and force through them. Thus broken, without means to make a new head, every man f●●es, every one placeth his safety in the heels of his horse. Chastillon goes to horseback, and poursues, chase, beating, and killing above threescore more in the flight, with all their ha●guebusiers. Two Cornets were gotten, and forty gentlemen taken, most being hurt in the conflict. Saveuse carried to Boisgency, died there of his wounds, not able to be persuaded by any means to acknowledge the King, or scarce to ask God forgiveness. Sen●is had of late days, by the means of some good inhabitants, shaken off the yoke of the League. It was a troublesome thorn in the Parisiens' feet, being distant but one small days journey to come from their City towards Picardy. To pull it out, the Duke of Aumale goes from Paris, with some troops of Balagny, Chamois, Tremont, Congis, Menneville, and an army of the inhabitants chosen out of every quarter: he besiegeth, batters it, and makes a breach, but is repulsed from the assault. Now they advise the besieged to provide for their safeties: when as the Duke of Longueville appeared, being followed by the Lords of Humieres, Bonnivet, la Nove, Giury, and other Commanders, the Duke of Aumale turns head, and prepares to fight: but la Nove (whom the King had especially commanded to assist the Duke of Longu●uille with Council in matters of war) did so wisely make choice of the hour and opportunity to charge, as the Duke of Aumale, Balagni Governor of Cambray, Of the Duke of Aumale and Balagni at Senli●. and the rest (putting in practise the use of their long spur rowels, lately invented as a mournful prediction to the League) saved their persons by the swiftness of their horses, and left the field died with the blood of fifteen hundred slain upon the place: in the ●light and poursuit, verifying the saying: He that flies betimes, may fight again. Chamois, Menneville and divers others could not run fast enough. The artillery, baggage, and many prisoners remained at the victor's discretion, who by the King's commandment went to receive the army of strangers which were come to the fronters. The King's meaning was to subdue Paris. The greatest of the Hidra's heads being cut off, did weaken the whole body, and gave hope to his Majesty by that means to find what he had lost, the love and obedience of his subjects. To this end he sends the Duke of Espernon, to take from the Paris●ens the commodities above the river, and assembles his forces to compass them in beneath. Thus the war grows hot. The Nobility goes to horse on all sides, to revenge the wrong done unto the King: but the more his troops increased, the more bitter his subjects grew against him. No prosperity is so great, but it hath some crosses. As the King attends the forces which the Prince of Dômbes (now Duke of Montpensier) brings him from Tours, Losses for the King. news comes that the Earl of Soissons (whom he had sent to command in Brittany) had been defeated at Chasteaugiron three Leagues from Rennes, and led prisoner with the Earl of Auaugour, and many other Lords to Nantes: That the Duke of Mayenne had taken Alenson. That the Lord of Albigni (a younger brother to the house of Gordes, and a partisan of the League,) had chased the Colonnel Alphonso out of Grenoble, and seized on the Town. The taking of these Earls caused the King to send the Prince Dombes thither, who more happily reduced many places to his majesties obedience. The happy success of the King's affairs made men to judge, Towne● taken. that the League would soon be ruined, the King's army increasing hourly. Three hundred horse of la Chastre (who presently after the Tragedy of Blois had made show to justify himself unto the King for the strict familiarity he had with the Duke of Guise) were defeated by the Duke of Mont●ason, and the Marquis of Nes●e his Lieutenant, and fifty of his company slain: the taking of jargeau, Plwiers, januille, and Estampes, terrified the Parisiens'. They call back the Duke of Mayenne: and he finding the Duke of Longueville far off, goes into Brie, assures some places, and takes Montreau-faut-yonne, by composition from the Duke of Espernon: but the Kings approach carried him suddenly to Paris, where (suffering his troops to live at discretion, in the suburbs) he caused an ill impression to grow in some which could not well digest this confusion in the State. An army of about twenty thousand men, gathered to gither by the Duke of Longueville, joining with the Swisses & Lansquenets of Sansy, & Pontoise returned to the King's obedience: soon after the King's arrival, all the King's forces joined in one body being about forty thousand men, lodged about Paris: and the taking of Saint Cloud, made the Paristans ready to yield: when as a devilish monk, an excrement of hell, a jacobin by profession, james Clement, of the age of two or three and twenty years, Paris besieged. vows (said he) to kill the Tyrant, and to deliver the holy City besieged by Sennacherib. Thus resolved, he imparts his damnable project to Doctor Bourgoing Prior of his Covent, to father Comolet and other jesuits, and to the heads of the League, to the chief of the sixteen, and to the forty of Paris, All encorrage him to this 〈◊〉 desseine: they promise him abbeys and bishoprics: and if he chance to be made a Martyr, no less than a place in heaven, above the Apostles. They caused the P●eachers to persuade the people to patience seven or eight days: for before the ●nde of the week, they should see a notable accident▪ which should set all the people at liberty. The Preachers of Orleans, Rovan and Amiens, clatter out the like at the same time, and in the same terms. The first of August, the Monk goes out of Paris, and marcheth toward Saint Cloud: upon his departure, they take above two hundred of the chief Citizens and others prisoners, whom they knew to have goods, friends and credit with the King's party, as a precaution to redeem that cursed murderer, in case he were taken before or after the deed. Being arrived at Gondyes' house, where the King lodged, he goes to la Guesle the King's Proctor general in his Court of Parliament at Paris, and says, that he had brought some matter of importance, which might not be imparted to other but to his Majesty, and had letters of credit from the first Precedent. The King (who for the reverence he bore unto Church men, gave free access unto such, as under the habit of religion made show to be devoted unto the service of God,) commands he should be brought into his Chamber, willing the Lord of Bellegarde, and the said Proctor general to retire, who were then alone near the King: hoping, both by the quality of the person whom he did counterfeit, (whose long imprisonment in the Bastille had given sufficient testimony of his faith, and integrity to his Majesty) and the simple demonstration of the Wolf disguised into a Lamb, to learn some secret matter of importance; and receives this counterfeit letter from him. The King did no sooner begin to read it, but this wretch seeing himself alone, grows resolute, and drawing a Knife out of his sleeve, made of purpose, thrusts his Majesty into the bottom of the belly, and there leaves the knife in the wound. The King draws it forth, and with some striving of the Monk, strikes him above the eye. Many ran in at this noise, and in the heat of choler killing this monster of men, prevented the true discovery of this enterprise, and the authors thereof, worthy to be noted with a perpetual blot of disloyalty and treason. The Physicians held the wound curable: and the same day the King did write of this attempt, The death of Henry the ●. being murdered. and of his hope of recovery, to the governors o● Provinces, to foreign Princes, and to his friends and confederates. But feeling that the King of Kings had otherwise determined of his life, he did first comfort himself, in foreseeing that the last hour of his crosses should be the first of his felicities: then lamenting his good and faithful servants, who surviving should find no respect with those whose minds had been so abandoned to mischief, as neither the fear of God, nor the dignity of his person could dissuade them from this horrible sacrilege. Onethi●g (said he) doth comfort me, that I read, in your faces, with the grief of your hearts and the sorrow of your souls, a goodly and commendable resolution, to continue united for the preservation of that which remains whole of my Estate, The King's last speeches. and the revenge which you own unto the memory of him who hath loved you so dearly. I seek not the last curiously, leaving the punishment of my enemies unto God. I have learned in his school to forgive them, as I do with all m heart. But as I am chiefly bound to procure peace, and rest unto this realm, I conjure you all, by that inviolable faith which you own unto your Country, that you continue fi●me and constant defenders of the common liberty, and that you never lay down arms, until you have purged the Realm of the troublers of the public quiet. And, forasmuch as division alone, undermines the foundations of this Monarchy, resolve to be united in one will. I know, and I dare assure you, that the King of Navarre my Brother in Law, and lawful successor to this Crown, is sufficiently instructed in the Laws, to know how to reign well, and to command reasonable things: and I hope, you are not ignorant of the just obedience you own unto him. Refer the difference of religion to the Convocation of the Estates of the Realm: and learn of me, that piety is a duty of man unto God, over which worldly force hath no power. Thus spoke Henry, even as the last pangs of death carried him within few hours after from this unto an other world: but (a notable circumstance) in the same chamber where the Council was held on that fatal day of Saint Bartlemewe, in the year 1572. By his death he extinguished the second parcel of the third race of Capets, in the branch of Valois, leaving the Crown to the third royal branch of the Bourbons, whereunto the order of the fundamental Law did lawfully call him. A mild and tractable Prince, courteous, witty, eloquent, and grave, His manners. but of easy access, devout, loving learning, advancing good wits, a bountiful rewarder of men of merit, desirous to reform the abuses of his officers, a friend to peace, and capable of counsel, but weak and yielding in adversities, and by that mean making his enemies overbold in their ambitious desseins. Finally a Prince who deserved to be placed amongst the worthiest of this Monarchy, if voluptuousness, luxury, & excessive prodigality to some of his favourites (the which might without envy have been divided amongst many men of honour,) had not made him negligent and careless of the politic government of his estate, and so blemished the goodliest graces which nature had planted in his soul. THE THIRD PARCEL OF THE THIRD RACE OF CAPETS, IN THE ROYAL BRANCH OF the Bourbons, beginning at Henry now King of Navarre, and the fourth of that name, of France and of Navarre. Our King shall judge us, and go before us, and shall conduct our battles for us. And: God hath anointed thee over his inheritance for Prince, and thou shalt deliver his people from the hands of their enemies, that are about them. And: The Lord his God is with him, and a cry of the King's victory in him. HENRY the fourth, before King of Navarre, the first of the third royal branch of the Bourbons. 63. King of France. HENRY. four KING OF FRANCE AND NAVARRE: ·: · portrait BEhold the Theatre of man's life: divers passions appear in divers acts. But sorrow yields to joy, and happiness chaseth away heaviness. God governs the being of this world by seasons. Men reap not before they have sowed, neither do they sow before they have laboured. Thus he governs the society of mankind by certain degrees; that man may know, that he deserves not the sweet, that hath not tasted of the sour: and that the force of his wit can no way advance the happy success of his Estate, without the help and grace of that great Gardien, who by miraculous means preserves Estates from apparent ruin. This reign hath two parcels. The beginning is painful, full of crosses, and confused: until that our Henry (solemnly installed) be acknowledged lawful King, by al● his subjects: for till then, the most impudent and passionate, called him the Bearnois 〈◊〉 disdain. others more modest, left him his first title of King of Navarre, or at the least, of Prince of Bearne. But the success will teach us, that even now the Lord would suo●our this Monarchy, and in despite of all the violent oppositions of man, make our King to triumph over all domestical and foreign insolencies, which had ●●●allowed him for the lawful successor, and almost dispossessed him of his Realm. Doubtless, we must confess without flattery, that France had need of this Prince to root out (like an other French Hercules) those hideous monsters which made it horrible and fearful to her own children: to restore the French to the greatness of their reputation, and this crown to her former beauty. It is of him that the Princes of our age, and of future ages shall learn to be Captains. He himself alone hath made more war, than all they have seen together. Let us also observe a great conformity of his reign, with that of David, in afflictions and blessings: and 〈◊〉 that God would make him equal in the zeal of piety and justice, (the chief and firmest pillars of a royalty) let us hope, that with a holy ambition, (being borne a King) he will show himself so: and that he may long reign happily, to the glory of God, the good of his subjects, and the health of his own soul. But let us see, by what degrees the fundamental law of this Estate calls him to this monarchy. The Genealogy of the King. Sa●●t Lewis. Lewis surnamed Saint .44. King of France, had many sons. Philip his successor surnamed the hardy, Peter Earl of Alançon, Robert also Earl of Alançon by the death of Peter, and Robert Earl of Clermont in Beawaism: the first and the last have left issue: the two others died without heirs, and before their father. Philip hath left by order successive in direct line masculine and lawful, or collateral from the ne●rest to the nearest kin, all our Kings which have continued in the t●ird royal race, even unto Henry the 3. King of France and of Poland: by who●e death (the name and family of Valois being extinct) the law seeks to the line of Robert Earl of Clermont in Beawasm, and finds not any one nearer than the house of Vendesme, whereof our Henry is the sole and lawful heir Male, as descending in the direct masculine and lawful line from the said Robert. Robert. For Robert had by Beatrix the only daughter and heir of Archibauld Earl of Bourbon, L●wis the first Duke of Bourbon. Lewis, whose lands were erected to a Duchy in the year 1329. Lewis Duke of Bourbon and Mary the daughter of john the 18. Earl of Hainault, had Peter Duke of Bourbon, and james Earl of Ponthieu, Constable of France. Peter had by Isabella the daughter of Charles Earl of Valois, Peter. Lewis. Lewis and James. Lewis surnamed the good Duke of Bourbon, had by Anne Countess of Auvergne, Lewis Earl of Clermont, who died without children. john & James. john Duke of Bourbon, had by Bonne Duchess of Auvergne and Countess of Montpensur Charles, john. and Lewis Earl of Montpensier, father to Gilbert, of whom issued Charles, the last Duke of Bourbon. C●●●les. Charles Duke of Bourbon had of Agnes the daughter of john Duke of Bourgongne, john and Peter. john the second of that name, married joane of France, daughter to Charles the 7. and dying without lawful heirs of his body, the name and arms of Duke, went to Peter his younger brother. Peter the second of that name, Peter. Duke of Bourbon, had of Anne of France the daughter of Lewis the eleventh, one only daughter Susanne the general heir of Bourbon, Ch●●les the last Duke of Bourbon. who was wife to the above named Charles, the youngest son of Gilbert, who likewise was the youngest son of Lewis above named Earl of Montpersur, and brother to Charles Duke of Bourbon. But no children growing from this marriage, the branch of the eldest son of Lewis created Duke of Bourbon, ended in this Charles Duke of Bourbon, and Constable of France, who died at the siege of Rome, and the Duchy of Bourbono●s being incorporate to the crown, james the youngest son of Lew●s duke of Bourbon. john. we must seek the line of james of Pontieu (they also give him the titles of Earl of Charolois and la March (Constable of France, the youngest son of Lewis the first, Duke of Bourbon. james had by jove the daughter of the Earl of S. Paul, john his successor Earl of la March. john had of Katherine the only daughter and heir of john Earl of Vendosme, issued from the Dukes of Normandy, and Earls of Anjou, james King of Naples, who leaving none but daughters, Lewis Earl of Vendosme. transported his right of inheritance to Lewis his youngest brother. Lewis had no children by jane of Roussy his first wife, the daughter of Ralph Earl of Montfort, and of Anne of Montmorency, but of jane the daughter of Guy Lord of Guare, and of Anne, heir of Lavall and Vitry in Britain (or of Mary the daughter of Engerard, Lord of Coucy and of Isabel his wife, the daughter of Edward King of England, according to some opinions. By his second marriage, he had john his successor, and Earl of Vend●sme, john. the second of that name. john the second, had of jane of Beavieu (or of Isabel of Beawais, Fr●nci●▪ daughter to the Lord of Pressigni) Francis his successor, and Earl chief of the Nobility: let's them understand the deceased Kings will, touching 〈◊〉, by a general or national Council, whereof he protests to follow the instruction. I give leave▪ said he, to all such as would leave me, so to do. Yet I am sorry they are no better Frenchmen, for their own good and safety. I have friends enough 〈◊〉 out them, to maintain my authority. God hath never left me, and will not now abandon me. He hath not begun this so miraculous a work, to leave it unperfect▪ 〈◊〉 for my sake alone, but for his own names sake: and for so many souls afflicted in this Realm, whom I desire, and promise by the faith of a King, to relieve, so 〈◊〉 as God shall give me the means. But how grievous is this to me, that am your lawful King, and who leave you in the liberty of your religion, to see you go about to force me to yours, by unlawful means, and without former instruction. This declaration retained them that were least scrupulous in their duties: and his promise not to alter any thing in religion, might have shaken many of the League. To cross him, the Duke of Mayenne, publisheth an Edict of the 5. of August, i●●is name and the councils, of the holy union established at Paris, attending a general Assembly of the Estates of the Realm, to unite (said he) all Frenchmen that were good Christians, for the defence and preservation of the Catholic, apostolic, & Romish Church, and the mainteynance of the royal Estate, in the absence of their lawful King Charles the 10. of that name. For whose liberty, he invited them all to arms. But he desired no more the liberty of his pretended King, than our Henry did to force religion, the support whereof serves them for a goodly cloak. Some Parlements grow jealous of these sudden changes in the State, and seem to entertain the people in doubt and fear of the subversion of their religion. Violent decrees. That of Bourdeaux commands all men under their jurisdiction, by a decree of the 19 of August, to observe inviolably the Edict of union to the Catholic, apostolic, and Romish Church: and declarations were thereupon made. That of Tholouse is more violent. They decree, that yearly the first day of August, they should make processions and public prayers, for the benefits they had received that day, in the miraculous and fearful death of Henry the third, whereby Paris was delivered, and other towns o● the Realm: forbidding all persons to acknowledge Henry of Bourbon, the pretended King of Navarre, for King: declaring him incapable ever to succeed to the Crown of France, by reason (said the decree) of the notorious and manifest crimes contained at large in the bull of excommunication of Pope Sxtus the 5. Without doubt the authority of the Sovereign court, is much blemished in pronouncing a decree which they must revoake by a contrary sentence. Thus the League kindled anew the fires which the siege of Paris had somewhat quenched: The King raiseth hi●●e●ge from Paris. the King's troops decreased hourly, sickness diminished their numbers and the Duke of Mayennes increased. The King therefore divides his army into three: one under the command of the Duke of Longueville, into Picardy: the other into Champagne under the Marshal d' Aumont: and he is advised to pass himself into Norma●dy, with twelve hundred horse, three thousand French foot, and two regiments of Swisses, as well to receive succours out off England, as to assure some places & passages fit for his desseines, but with direction to join at need. In his passage, he causeth the King's body to be conducted and left at Compiegne, and reduceth to his obedience, His conquests Meulan, guysor's, and Clermont: he receives from Captain Roulet both the place and the hearts of the inhabitants of Pont de l' Arch, four leagues from Rovan, a passage very commodious for the traffic betwixt Rovan and Paris. He visits Deep, confirms the town of Caen, forceth Neuf●hastel to yield, having by Hallot and Guitry his Lieutenants) overcome the succours that were sent thither, and slain seven or eight hundred men upon the place. All these surprises could not draw the Duke of Mayenne out off the walls of Paris. The Duke of Mayenne follows. But when as he sees the King lodged at Dernetal, a league from Rovan, and the Town of Eu upon Bethune brought to his obedience: at the instant request of the Duke of Aumale, and the Earl of ●rissac commanding within Rovan: he goes to field, with above three thousand horse and fifteen thousand foot, French, Germains, Italians, Flemings and Spaniards. He promiseth the Parisi●ns to pursue, besiege, take and bring the Bearnois prisoner, and makes them all ready by supposition to hire shops and windows in Saint Anthony's street, to see him pass in chains unto the Bastille. He passeth the river of Seine with this mighty army, and recovers Cournay (being lately taken by the Duke of Longueville) Neufchastell and Eu, and then he advanceth to stay the course of the King's prosperity, who triumphed in Normandy. This proceeding made the King imagine, they should not part without blows, and full of that generosity, constancy, and ready resolution which he did always carry in accidents which did seem dangerous, sends for his Lieutenants, the Duke of Longueville and the Marshal d' Aumont, to approach, for that he foresees a dangerous fit in the estate which was very sick. The King parts from deep, and marcheth towards the Duke: he lodgeth at Arques, three miles from thence, The King marcheth towards him. betwixt two hills divided by the river of Bethune: at the foot of the one is the village, and the Castle which commandeth it. He views the situation, and finds it fit to receive the enemy. And not to lose the advantage which time or industry might give him, he casts up a trench of seven or eight foot deep, on the top of one of the hills: raiseth the defences, furnisheth it with artillery, and four companies of Swisses: provides for the safety of the village, casts up trenches upon the weakest places of approach: and a thousand paces off near to the river side, where the enemies should pass, he lodgeth eight hundred French Harguebusiers in an hospital, to cut off the enemy's passage. The Duke (whose army was now thirty thousand men▪) chooseth rather to leave the shortest way, then to fight for this passage: and passing the river above, he encamps on the other hill right against Arques, and three days after, the 16. of September, marcheth against the Pollet, a suburb of deep, where the Lord of Chastillon did fortify, leaving some number of horse, and troops of foot, to guard his hill, and lodging of Martinglise. There is no such policy as to strike first, and to charge the enemy while he consults, being irresolute whether he shall fight or retire. The King knows it well: his own experience hath often tried it. He therefore sends to view this army, to discover their forces, and to observe their countenance. He leaves the Marshal of Byron to command at Arques, & lodgeth in a mill, which they had entrenched upon the approach to this suburb. There they make a furious skirmish. Notable exploits at Arques against the League. But the Leaguers having lost nine or ten Captains, and a great number of their most resolute soldiers, they had no will to proceed. They leave the place, & lodge at the nearest village to the suburbs of deep: an open place, without defence, or houses. So many discommodities were scarce tolerable. Chastillon also dislodged them soon, and made them to seek an other quater. On the other side, the Corpse de guard lodged in the guesthouse, would not suffer the enemy which kept both the hill & the lodging, to approach near the river side. Being impatient then to have such vigilant neighbours, they resolve to charge this Corpse de guard, and to become masters of either bank, that they might approach more freely to the trenches of Arques. The Marshal sees them come, & drawing them on by light skirmishes, makes them believe they shall have the better▪ but suddenly with a furious charge he scatters them, some here, some there: The first charge in three place●. & many s●eking to save themselves from the fight drown in the river. So this army is charged in three places at one instant: at the mil, by the King: at Martinglise by Byron, and at the Pollet by Chastillon. These first amazements whe● their courages. They are not daunted for this first check. Battles are variable, & it may be, a second attempt will give them a more happy success. Being thus resolved, the Duke leaves that great desseine he had upon deep, and propounds to set upon the guesthouse. Three or four vollees of our Canon (said he) will beat it down. They shot, but pre●aile nothing: and seeing their attempts vain, they leave force to fly to surprises. The 21. of September they pass the water in the night, without drum, 〈◊〉 trumpet and without light, they put themselves in battle, and mean at the bre●●● of day to work some great effect. But they have a vigilant enemy, who will see all, know all, and do all: the Ki●● causeth a long trench to be drawn from the top of his hill unto the guesthouse, and man's it with four companies of Swisses and Lansquenets, and some French, supported by the Earl of Auvergne, (who in this war gave brave and singular 〈◊〉 of his valour) commanding three companies of light horse, and three other Co●●●nies of men at arms, sec onded also by the companies of the Prince's o● Cond●, and Con●y, and on the top of the trench he placeth the Marshal of Byron with the ●●●panies of Chastillon, and of Maligny, (afterwards Vidame of Chartrs,) and a good number of the Nobility. All these companies march by the favours of the Cannon, (which played from the Castle to their advantage) and charge the Duke of Mayennes cornet, A second charge. overthrows begun with some horsemen dead upon the place, and disperse the rest. But a new supply fo●ceth them to retire. The Swisses of Colonnel Galatti stay their violence. The Lansquenets of the League (degenerating from the ancient constancy of the Germans,) approach near the trench, but seeing themselves weak, and engaged with the hazard o● their lives, they make offer to yield unto the King. Those within the trench give them their hands to receive them. The King seeing them joined with his men, runs to charge them, not knowing they had called upon his name. But seeing his Majesty, they yield themselves, and lay down their weapons. He receives them, and assures them of the pay they had gotten in fight against him. Seeing themselves freed from danger, Treachery of the Lan●quene●s of the League. and the King, Byron and the other troops of horse, fight here and there, and that the body of the Duke's horse advanced to charge the Swisses, they turn their arms against them which had newly given them life▪ charge the Marshal of Birons' troop, make them aba●don the trench: become masters thereof, spoil all the King's soldiers, take the Enseignes of his Majesties Swisses & Lansquen●ts, and deliver this trench unto the Leaguers: but they shall not long enjoy it. For the King seeing that the treachery of these villains had made the issue of the combat doubtful, (seconded by the Duke of Montpensier and his Cornet, and relieved with fi●e hundred shot led by the Lord of Chastillon) he comes furiously to charge, A third charge. imbr●ues his sword with the blood of many of them, takes many prisoner's, drives them out of the trench, and presently plants two Cannons there, which shot into the battayllon of the enemies Swisses that made the retreat, and strikes such a terror among them, as in short time all leave him the place of battle, being covered with the carcases of his rebels. Doubtless this spittle-house should be honoured with an eternal triumph. It is the place where they thought to have driven the King into an extremity, either to suffer himself to be taken at deep, or to seek his safety beyond the seas. It is the place where the veins of the League being opened, they poured forth streams of that broud and vigour which maintained their first ioylity. It is the place where five hundred horse, ●welue hundred French foot, and t●o thousand Suissets'▪ had as it were prodigiously triumphed over thirty thousand men, who with a giantlike bravery, boasted to bring either dead▪ or bound hands and fee●e, the greatest King, the greatest Captain of the world, who like a lightning finding nothing that might withstand the ●urie of his victorious arms, dispersed and suppressed with the point of his sword, the presumptuous and rash attempts of his mutinous subjects. The Earl of Blain (one of their Marshals of the field) was taken prisoner: many soldiers, but a greater n●mber of men at arms: many Gentlemen, and mo●● Commanders served as a prey to the birds of the air, and the beasts of the fi●●ds. The King lost the Earl of Roussy, six or seven Gentlemen, and some souldi●rs. Some few days after, the King doubting his troops (being but small) might be beaten from their lodging at Arques, he abandoned that quarter, and lodged them near unto Deep under the favour of the Castle. The Duke of Mayenne finding that lodging abandoned, passeth with his whole army unto the other side of the Town, within half a mile: he plants six Canons, and about midnight shoots into the port of the Town, to keep them from issuing forth. The King upon this alarm, cast up a travers before the port, to blind their sight, and sends speedily into England, to hasten the forces which he expected from the Queen, the which were 4000 men, under the command of the Lord Willoughby. But some few days after (these troops being ready to land) the Duke of Mayenne (seeing all his attempts prove vain) dislodgeth, and thinks he hath done much for his reputation, if (by some volee of Canon, ●here the King was, and then against Argues) he publisheth throughout all France, that he is master of those Towns, without entering. In the end, toiled with the King's continual skirmishes, and touched with apprehension at the first news, he hearing of the Earl of Soissons approach, (who had cunningly escaped out of prison) of the Duke of Longuevills, and the Marshal D' Aumonts' with their troops, he went to seek his safety beyond the river of Somme. To assure (said he) those places which by the treaty of Arras he was to deliver unto the Spaniard, and then returning to Paris, did nothing memorable, but established his Council of sixteen, and forty, the which afterwards he revoked and disannulled all he could, as we shall see in the course of the History. In the mean time (to busy the Parisiens',) those three Enseignes which the treacherous Lansquenets had by a traitorous stratagem stolen in the Trenches, brought forth twenty other counterfeit, which the Dowager of Montpensier sister to the Duke of Mayenne, caused to be made at Paris in the Lombard's street. This was a pattern of the subtle devices of that woman, who every morning suborning some new post made him to go forth at one gate, and to enter at an other, as bringing still some advertisement of happy success, which she sent unto the Curates to deliver in their S●rmons. And by these politic stratagems, entertained the people in their disorder, and fleeced the purses of the most credulous. The Duke's retreat made the King suspect, that he retired for an advantage, and t●at marching to defeat the supplies that came unto him, he would return, puffed up with greater courage, and new hopes. His Majesty therefore leaves the Marshal of Byron at deep with the army, and resolves to go mee●e the Earl and the rest with four hundred horse. Being joined, he takes the Town and Ca●tell o● gamache, and recovers the Town of Eu. This bait might have drawn the Duke; but he found his abode in Picardy more safe, and La Fere which he delivered into the Strangers and enemies hands, made him continue the intelligences he had with the Duke of Parma, whereof we shall shortly see strange effects. So the King returning to deep, provided for the affairs of Normandy, leaving the Duke of Montpensier there, with the forces he had brought) for his Lieutenant general: he received from the Queen of England four thousand men, money, and munition belonging unto war. With this supply his Majesty parts the 21. of October, and always coasting the enemy, comes to pass the river of Seine at Meulan, and marcheth directly to Paris, The King approacheth to Paris. with a double design, either to fight, or at the least to draw the Duke out of Picardy. The last of October he arrives about Paris, and divides his troops into three b●t●aillons. The first had four thousand English, two regiments of French, and one 〈◊〉 ●he Swisses, under the command of the Marshal of Byron, for the suburbs of Saint 〈◊〉, and Saint Mar●ell. The second was of ten regiments of French, and 〈◊〉 committed to the Marshal D' Aumont, for Saint james and Saint Michael. The 〈◊〉, ten Regiments of French, one of Lansquenets, and one of Swisses, commanded 〈◊〉 Chas●illon and La Nove, for Saint German, Bussy, and Nes●e. He gives to ey●●er o● these troops a good number of Gentlemen on foot well armed, to support the footmen, in case of resistance: and behind either of them two Cano● 〈◊〉 two Culverins. The King commanded the one, the Count S●issons, and the 〈◊〉 of Longueville the other. He causeth the Trenches and Ramparts without 〈◊〉 Town to be viewed, and the next day by the Sun rising, he sets upon them, and forceth them in less than an hour: The Suburbs taken. seven or eight hundred soldiers slain in the streets, thirteen pieces of Cannon carried away, fourteen Enseignes taken, and much spoil gotten, did verify the saying: That all comes to one end to him that can attend. Here Chastillon did not forget to invite his friends to revenge the blood so unworthily spilled at those bloody Parisien matins, but by the effusion of his own blood, who now suffers for others. At this new and sudden terror of the Parisiens', the Duke of Mayenne posts to the City with the greatest part of the army. His Majesty (to see if he would 〈◊〉 forth) presents himself the second and third day following, in the suburbs, and without the suburbs, in view of the City, and then afterwards towards Linas under Montlehery: but all was in vain. Thus being content to have taught the Parisiens', that he wanted no means to punish them, but desired rather to reduce them to obedience by mildness, the King went and took the Town and Castle of Estampes, where Clermont of Lodesue, with about three score Gentlemen or more, had shut up himself upon the Duke of Mayennes word, to ungage him with all the rest of his army. Here the Queen Dowager sent a petition to his Majesty, beseeching him to do justice of that cruel and execrable murder committed on the person of the deceased King her husband. The King sent this petition to the Court of Parliament, removed to Tours, to the end that his majesties Proctor general requiring it, they should frame indi●ements against such as were held culpable, protesting neither to spare care nor force, to take that just revenge which reason and his duty required. Doubtless the horror of this sacrilege had so wonderfully moved some of the officers of the Court, as, if they had been believed, the order of the jacobins had by dec●●e been rooted out of France, their covent at Paris pulled down, and a pi●●er set up as a perpetual monument, and the hangmen of France should have been afterwards attired like jacobins. The Queen Dowager hath long pursued the rooting out of them. But the memory of Ancestors is venerable, and their Sepulchers religious. Seventeen Princes and Princesses of the house of Bourbon, buried in the monastery of the jacobins at Paris, have chiefly preserved and kept the order and their covents. The King's new conque●ts. The King seeing that by no means he could draw forth his enemies, he sends back the Duke of Longueville and La Nouë, to refresh themselves with their forces in Picardy, Giury, into Bri●, and passing farther into Beausse, takes ●anuille by composition, then from Chasteaudun he sends to invest Vendosme, his ancient patrimony. Maille Benehard commanded about four hundred men of garrison, and eight hundred Townsmen armed against their Sovereign and lawful Lord. The Artillery had no sooner made a hole o● four paces wide, but the Soldiers impatient flies to the assault, takes the Castle, and so enters the Town pel mel with the garrison, so as his Majesty seeing himself in less than half an hour in possession both of Town and Castle, gave the inhabitants their lives, but the Soldiers the spoil. The treacherous part of Benchard to the great Council, (as we have said,) with the treachery of a vassal and subject, and the seditious preachings of jessé the Friar, were the cause that these two principal motives of rebellion suffered for the people: the one beheaded upon the pavement, and the other hanged. Laverdin, Montoire, Montrichard, and Chasteau du Loir, became wise by the example of Vendosme, and opened their gates to the Marshal of Byron, who entered into the Town with all his company very peaceably. The King seeing himself near unto Tours, goes thither: the people receive him, the 21. of the month with an admirable show of joy, he giving the same day audience to the Ambassador of Venice, who in the name of the Seigneury, congratulates his majesties happy coming to the crown; with offer of service and love to the King, and crown of France▪ Beaulse, Dunois and Vendosme, being subdued, the King's army marcheth into main▪ the Earl of Brissac▪ undertook to secure Man's, which the King threatened: to that intent he advanceth with two regiments, & some horse to la ●ert● Bernard: but terrified with the noise of the Canon, he returns, and contenting himself with a pillage of forty horse, & some baggage of his majesties Reistres which he met by chance, he proclaims his victories at Paris. Boisdaulphin commanded in Man's, accompanied with a hundred Gentlemen, and twen●y Enseignes on foot, who in show would die with their arms in their hands, rather than suffer the King to enter. But must they cause the people to spend a hundred and fifty thousand Crowns to fortify the Town and suburbs? burn so many houses without the town, to yield it at the third vole of the cannon? Learn oh ye people, that great men play with you, as with a tenise b●ll: and be not wedded to any other party, but that of your Sovereign and lawful Prince. You run rashly into a bad action: they fortify you at your own charge, and you are the means to undermine yourselves. The taking hereof▪ caused the Castles of Beaumond and Toutevoyes to yield, with the Towns of Sablé▪ Loua●, Chasteaugonthier, Mayenne, Alencon, malaise and many others in the Provinces of Touraine, Anjou, maine, perch, and Normandy. So as in less than two months, his majesty marched with his army (furnished with ma●y cannons, and a great number of Strangers, English, Swisses, and Germans) above eight score leagues, having achieved many memorable sieges, taken fourteen or fifeteene good towns, assured many Provinces: and in all places as he passed, He came, he saw, and overcame. Thus our Conqueror made the round of a third part of his Realm, not finding any let to stay the course of his prosperities: An unjust & treacherous decree. when as the Court of Parliament at Rovan, no less violent and presumptuous then that of Thoulouse, pronounceth them guilty of treason both against God and man, & the Estate and crown of France, that had opposed themselves against the holy union: and all Royalists and their succes●●●● deprived of all prerogatives of Nobility, their offices to be void, and not to be recovered: them as unworthy to possess any offices, benefices, or dignities, and all their goods forfeited. These arms were too weak to terrify his majesties servants: this decree did little advance the League. And the Duke of Mayenne (seeing the King far off, partly through shame, partly through despair, and importuned by the Parisiens') was constrained to pacify their exclamations by some great exploit. But the taking of Bois de Vincennes and Pontoise ended all his Conquests. So many new triumphs did wonderfully amaze the Leaguers: the people grew weary with the burden of imposts, the spoil of soldiers, and a thousand calamities that did oppress them. To maintain them in the gulf of this confusion, the mutinous and corrupt tongues of the Preachers charmed the blind with an impression of many intelligences both within and without the Realm, by the hope of a 〈◊〉 and g●e●t succour from Spain, by the publication of many libels, which 〈…〉 used as firebrands to feed this combustion, and by 〈…〉 they made the King's name and his actions very hateful unto the 〈…〉▪ 〈…〉 the mean time, continued the course of his victories in base 〈…〉, having taken Honsteur a Port Town, he came and raised the 〈…〉, where the Duke of Mayenne had lain fifteen days, being 〈…〉 above thirty leagues, where he offered him battle. The 〈…〉 twi●e as many in number as the King) could not draw him to it. the memory of Arques was yet too fresh, 1590. and the supply of fifteen hundred Lances, and five hundred Harguebusiers which the Duke of Parma sent him, under the command of the Count Egmont, made him forbear. Whilst the Duke goes to join with his Strangers, the King takes Nonancourt, and then besiegeth Dreux. Siege of Dreux. In the beginning of March, the Duke turns head towards Nantes, to pass the river eight Leagues from Dreux. His Majesty hath intelligence thereof, and gives him leave to approach within two Leagues. To give and winue a battle is indifferent unto him. He causeth his Army to march towards Nonancourt, to view the ford of the river of Ewer, which runs there: he himself treads out the place of battle: he imparts it to the Duke Montpensier, the Marshals of Byron and Aumont, to the Baron of Byron Martial of the field, and to the chief Captains of his army: he makes choice of the Lord of Vieq for Sergeant Maior of the field: he appointed the Rendezvous for his troops, at the village of Saint Andrew, four Leagues from Nonancourt, upon the way to Yury, and the place of battle in a great plain near unto it. All these old Soldiers found the place chosen with so great judgement and military wisdom, as they altered not any thing. The King having delivered it unto the Baron, to appoint every man his place; said: It is no desire of glory, nor motion of ambition, nor appetite of revenge, that makes me resolve to this combat, but the extreme necessity of my just and natural defence, the pity of my people's calamity, and the preservation of my Crown. Let us all refer the event of this enterprise, to the eternal providence. Then afterwards, lifting up his eyes to heaven: Thou knowest O God (said he) the sincerity of my thoughts▪ I beseech thee put me not in the number of those Princes, whom thou hast forsaken in thy wrath, but of those whom thou hast chosen to repair the ruins of a desolate Estate, and to relieve my miserable people oppressed with the violence of war. O Lord I yield myself to the disposition of thy holy and infallible will, and desire not to live, not to reign, but so far forth as my life may be to the advancement and glory of thy name, and may authority the reign of virtues, and the banishment of vices. These and such like religious words, moved all the Camp to prayers and works of piety, every one according to his devotion. This done, the King disposeth his army according to the plot which he had laid. He divides it into seven esquadrons, and in every one three hundred horse, flanked on either side with footmen: the first he gives to the Marshal D' Aumont, with two regiments of French: The second to the Duke Montpensier, with fi●e hundred Lansquenets, and a Regiment of Swisses. The third to the Earl of Auvergne and Ciury, either of them commanding a troop of light horse, and on their left hand four Canons and two Culverins: The disposition of the King's army. The fourth to the Baron of Byron. In the fift were five ranks of horse, and six score in a front, Princes, Earls, Barons, Officers of the Crown, Knights of the Order, Noblemen and Gentlemen of the chief families of France, besides those which the Prince of Contie and La Guische, great Master of the Artillery brought that day. His Majesty was in the head of this troop, shining in his arms, like the Sun amidest the seven Planets: having on the side of him two battles of Swisses, with the regiments of his guards of Brigneux, of Vignoles and Saint john. The sixth to the Marshal of Byron, with two regiments of French: The seventh were about two hundred and fifty Reistres. These squadrons were all in a front, but somewhat bending at the ends, in form of a Crescent. There was nothing more terrible, then to see two thousand French Gentlemen armed from the head to the foot. The Duke of Mayenne appeared a far off, and had taken a Village betwixt both armie●▪ but his Majesty forceth them to dislodge, and wearies them with skirmishes, to draw them to fight: and the approaching night leaves our warriors burning with desire, to have the day call them to the field, to make proof of their service and duties to their King and Country. At the break of day, the men at arms were in their Squadrons, the Soldiers in their Battaillons, and by nine of the clock every man did fight in his gesture, in his threats and words. At the same instant the enemy shows a body of about four thousand horse, and twelve thousand foot, and almost in the same form, but most glistering, with more feathers, more men, and less courage, almost like a Crescent. The Duke's Comet was about two hundred and fifty horse, augmented with the like number by the Duke of Nemours, who joined with him: and was almost in the midst of his esquadrons as that of the Kings, but flanked with two Squadrons of lancers that came out of the Low Countries, who were about eighteen hundred horse, marching all together. On the side were two regiments of Swisses covered with French foot, than two less squadrons of Lances, seven hundred on the right hand, and five hundred on the left, two Culverins, and two bastards. The sun and the wind might have greatly amazed the King's army. To prevent this inconvenience, his Majesty advanceth above a hundred and fifty paces, gets both the sun and the wind, and finds the enemy's number greater than he esteemed. But this multitude serves as a spur to every Captain to encourage both himself and his men. The King goes to the head of his squadron, begins his first work by prayer, exhorts all the rest to do the like, passeth from squadron to squadron, animates, exhorts and encourages them with a Countenance full of Majesty, joy and constancy. Marivault arrives and gives him intelligence, that the Lords of Humieres, and Movy, are within two thousand paces of the field. The first charge. But the King had well observed the point of his happiness, and will not give his enemy that honour▪ to strike the first stroke. He that begins well, hath half ended▪ saith the proverb. He commandeth la Guische to discharge his Cannon. It pierceth through the thickest squadrons of the enemies, and shoots nine volleys before theirs could begin: five or six hundred light horse, French, Italians and Walloons, advance with a full carrier, to charge the Marshal d' Aumone on the one side, on the other side their Reistres charge the King's light horse. The Mareshall joins with them, and makes them turn their tails presently: their grove of Reistres is so violently repulsed and driven back, as they turn suddenly to rally themselves behind the other troops. another squadron of lancers, Walloons and Flemings, (seeing his majesties troop separated somewhat from the rest which the Reistres had charged) come hotly upon them. The Baron of Byron makes it good, A second charge. and not able to charge them in the front, takes them behind, pierceth a part of them: the rest breaketh away like a billow against a rock, The Baron had two wounds, one in the arm and the other in the face. Now comes the Duke of Mayenne with his body of horsemen, in the which were the Dukes of Nemours and Aumale, having upon their wings four hundred Carabins, (which were Harquebusiers on horseback, armed with murrions and plaistrons) who make a furious sally five and twenty paces off upon his Majesty troop. This done, the King parts like a violent lightning from the head of his squadron, being six hundred horse, he chargeth two thousand of the enemies: he breaks them, scatters them, and is so engaged among the thickest of them, A blo●die charge. as (notwithstanding the great plume in his Cask, and that in his horse head which made him apparent) he remained a good quarter of an hour unknown even to his own people, in this great forest of Lances, amidest a great shower of strokes, giving a good testimony, that if before he could do the office of a great King and Captain in ordering, so could he now perform the duty of a brave soldier, and resolute man at arms in fight. But above all, of a most mild and merciful Conqueror: who in this bloody fight, did sound forth that gracious speech. Save the French, and down with the stranger. Doubtless he is well kept, whom God keeps. Some were greatly astonished and amazed: others trembled and quaked, having lost the sight of the King's Majesty. This great body, whose foundation was so much shaken, began to waver: those who even now presented their faces so furiously with the points of their Lances and swords, 1589. do now show their heels, cast away their arms, and trust to their horses. His Majesty being freed from this press, having with twelve or fifteen in his company, A general overthrow. taken three Cornets, and slain the Walloons that did accompany them, and returning to his squadron a triumphing Conqueror, he filled the army with exceeding joy, and the army the air, with that loving cry of, God save the King. The Swisses remained yet whole, but abandoned of all their horse, and laid open. They propound to send the French foot on the right hand, who had not yet fought, to break them. But the respect of the ancient alliance of that nation with this Crown, made the King to grant them life, and receive them unto mercy. Laying down their arms, they passed to his majesties side and those French that were with them, enjoyed the like clemency. But the time his Majesty lost in pardoning the Swisses, did greatly favour their retreat that fled, gave the Duke of Mayenne leisure to pass the river of Eu●é, to break the bridge after him, and to recover Mante in safety. The Marshal of Byron stood firm without striking, yet did he more terrify the enemy than any other: for seeing this troop of rescue whole, they supposed that this old soldier having been practised in so many battles in his life time, would easily break them, and make the victory absolute. Hereupon the Marshal d' Aumont, the Earl of Ciermont, the Baron of Byron, and other Commanders, return from the chase, gather together their troops, and join with the King. And the King having received his forces that came out of Normandy, makes a body, leaves the Marshal of Byron with the army to follow him, sends the Earl of Auvergne before, takes the Baron of Byron on his right hand, and an other troop on his left: and accompanied with the Prince of Conty, Duke Montpensur, Earl Saint Paul, Martial d' Aumont, the Lord of Tremoville, and many others, poursued the point of his victory, chase, beating, and killing, until that the broken bridge (diverting them a League and a half out off the way, to pass at the ford of Anet, and the horses (whose logs the Reistres had cut to stop the way) hindering the ponrsute, and the approaching night, ended the victory. The disorder was great in the retreat of the vanquished, and the slaughter great in the fury of the fight: Loss of the Leaguers. above five hundred horse were slain or drowned, and above four hundred prisoners. The Cont Egmont, the young Earl of Brunswike, Chastaigneray, and a great number of other Noblemen slain, Boisdaulphin, Mesdavit, Cigongne (who carried the white Cornet to the Duke of Mayenne) Fontaine Martel, Lonchamp, Lodonan, Falendre, H●nguessan: the Marshals of the field, Trenz●y, Casteliere, D●●imeux, and many other French, Germans, Spaniards, Itolians, and Flemings were prisoners, whereof the most part being graciously released, did afterwards abuse the King's bounty by a revolt, who never could practise that uncivil maxim of State, a dead man never makes war. There were twenty Cornets taken, the white Cornet, the great standard of the General of the Spaniards and Flemings, the Cornets of the Colonnel of the Reistres, threescore ensieignes of foot of divers nations, and the four and twenty of Swisses which yielded All the footmen which yielded not, or were not drowned, were cut in pieces. All their artillery, all their baggage carried away. Such as fled into the woods found less mercy in the peasants, then in the men of war. The Duke of Mayenne saved himself in Mante, and gave the Townsmen this flout for their comfort, that the Bea●nois w●s slain, or little better. The Duke of Nemours, Bassompiert, the Vicont of Ta●ennes, Rosne and some others took the way of Chartres. To conclude, his Majesty poursues them almost to the gates of Mante, finding the ways (notwithstanding his lets) full of runners away which remained at his discretion. And if those of Mante persisting in their first resolution, to keep their gates shut, had not yielded to the Duke's earnest request, both he and all his followers had fallen into the victor's hands. Thus God poured out his wrath upon this army: thus a handful of men defeated many Leagions: thus the French spoiled Perou even in France. On the King's side were slain Clermont of Entragnes Captain of his majesties guards, Tieb, Schemberg Colonnell of the Reistres, Lost on the King's side. fight then under the white Cornet, Loneaulnay of Normandy, being three score and twelve years old (an honourable grave for that brave old man) Crenay Cornet to the Duke of Montpensier, Fesquiers, 1590. and at the most twenty Gentlemen more. The Marquis of Nesle being hurt, died within e●gh● days after. The Earl of Choesy, the Earl of Luden d' O, Monlovet, Lavergne, Rosny and some others were lightly hurt. In this battle they observe three chief things. The first the King's firm resolution to give battle, with an assured confidence, that the sinceriity of his intent, and the equity of his cause should be favoured with the assistance of heaven. The second, that at the very instant of the fight it seemed that the earth did bring forth armed men for his service: for on the eve and the day of battle, there came above six hundred horses unto him unexpected. The third, that of two thousand French Gentlemen, only twelve hundred did fight: twelve hundred put to rout an army of four thousand horse, fresh, well mounted, & well armed, and twelve thousand foot. Without doubt the Eternal God of arms doth never forget the right of Princes, Conquests after the victory. against their rebellious subjects: and a brave resolution, with a wi●e command gives a happy end to battles. This victory purchased Vernon and Mante unto the King, two principal bridges upon the river of Seixe. And the heavens seemed to pour more blessings upon our Henry, and to make his way easy to an absolute Royalty: An other 〈…〉 of the League. for the Earl of Rendan (chief of the League in Auvergne,) was the same day of the battle of Yury, shamefully chased from the siege of josstre, slain in battle, his troops cut in pieces and his artillery taken, by the Lords of Curton, Rostignat and Chasseron. As they had abused the Mantois with a vain assurance of his death, whom they durst not look upon nor encounter. so with the like practices they must delude the Paristans. The Duke of Mayenne, his sister of Montpensier, and the other heads of the League, deceived of hopes, published by printed books, That at the first assault at Dreux, the Bearnois had lost above five hundred men, that their wounds had made a greater number unfit for their arms: That the Marshal of Byron was wounded unto death. That in an other encounter near unto Pois●y the Union had gotten a great victory. That in the battle of Yury, the combat had been long, and the loss almost equal. That if the Bearnois be not dead, he is little better. But such as (glad to have sa●ed themselves,) came to Paris, marred all, in verifying the Contrary: making the people to hang down their heads, and to wish for peace by a still and mournful muttering. The fire brands of hell in their pulpits made the loss far less than it was, giving them an assured hoped of speedy and new succours from Spain, for the restoring of their Estate and the destruction of the Maheustres. so they then called such as did fight under the King's Enseigns. To that end the Duke of Mayenne went into Flanders, to the Duke of Parma: that is to say, he went to ruin his honour and reputation, for being a master at home among his own countrymen, he went to make himself a servant and slave to an ambitious proud man, who hath often made him attend at his gate, and lackey after him, before he could receive an answer of any matter of small importance: to the great grief an disdain of the French Gentlemen, that did accompany him. Doubtless it was necessary the Duke should try the insolency of strangers, the better to know the courtesy of the French, and submit his arms and person to the King his soveragine and lawful Lord: the means whereby hereafter he shall abolish the memory of things past. Adversity makes the wilful more obstinate. The Court of Parliament at Roven, for execution of the former decree, puts to death the seventh of April, some prisoners the King's servants: and three days after they declare all those persons guilty of high treason to God and man, that followed the King of Navarre, (so speak the decree,) and would not yield to King Charles the tenth of that name, 1590. join with the Union, and carry arms under the ●uke of Mayenne. ●●●lest these threaten by their decree, and the Duke goes to beg relief, the King being at Manta laboured to reduce the Parisiens' to reason by mildness. But these trumpe●● of sedition, imputing this delay to want of courage, persuaded the people, that shortly their sworn enemy should have work enough, and that at length he should beemined, that a little patience would give them a great victory: that they must not yield any article whatsoever: making impudent allusions to the name of his family, who is now seated in the throne of this monarchy. These insolent exclamations brought the King about Paris. Paris is accustomed to live from hand to mouth: Siege of Paris. the benefit of the Hales, the Place Maubert, and other market places, is the cause that the most part of households do not know what provision means. And the chief of the League had so settled this former belief in the Citizen's minds, as of a hundred, fourscore and nineteen had neglected to provide for things necessary to endure the toil of a siege. So as the taking of Mante, Poissy, Pont-charenton, Corbeil, Melun, Montreau upon Seine, and Logny upon Marne, brought Parts in few months to extreme necessity. Compiegne, Creil, and Beaumond stopped the 〈◊〉 of Oise. Erroneous decision of Sorbonne. But the ordinary cries of the Preachers: the practices of the chief, and the Ladies of the League, and the erroneous decision of the faculty of Sorbonne, given the seventh of May in the th●rd general congregation, held to that end in the great hall of the said College, prohibiting all Catholics according to the law of God, said they, to receive for King an heretic or favourer of heretics, relapse & excommunicate, although he do afterwards obtain by an outward judgement absolution of his crimes and Censures, if there remain any doubt of dissembling, treachery, or subversion of the Catholic religion. Condemning all them for heretics, forsakers of religion, and pernicious to the church, that should suffer any such to come to the crown. All these made the multitude more obstinate against the extremest miseries which the rigour of a long and painful ●eege may cause. Besides this decision, they had yet stronger restraints to bridle men's tongues & actions that favoured the flower de Liz in their hearts. The sixteen set spies to observe the speeches and countenances of such as they suspect: that is to say, of such as wish for peace, and have not lost the remembrance of the true Princes of France. And if any one chance to say. It were good to ●reate of a peace. He is a politic: he is a Roialist, that is to say, an heretic, and enemy to the Church. They spoil, imprison, yea put to death, such as do not applaud this horrible tyranny. 〈◊〉 of the Pa●●si●ns. The Duke of Nemours, in the Duke his brother's absence commanded at Paris, and for his chief Councillors he had, the Pope's Legate, the Ambassador of Spain, the Archbishop of Lion, the Bishops of Paris, Rennes, Plaisance, Senlis and others. ●anigarole, Bishop of Ast, Bellarmin and Tyceus jesuits, who with diverse passions, fastings, vows and supplications, bewitched the people in their greatest famine: many zealous doctors, Curates, Priests, and Monks took arms, and ●he friars with their breviares in open musters were admitted by some, and laughed at by others. The Chevalier d'Aumale, with some others, laboured by ●allies to annoy the king's troops, who content to repulse them, hoped their bellies would shortly make their tongues to sing a new note. The Duke of Mayenne on the other side courted the Parmesan: and the King of Spain proceeded so slowly in his succours, as the best judgements did perceive, he rather ●ought to entertain, then to quench their thirst. The Parisiens' in the ●eane time had leisure to sharpen, but not to satisfy their appetite. The Corn and other provision of the public, was wasted the first month. Such as had any provision in their houses, kept it very secret, and others that trusted too confidently to the words of the chief Commanders and Preachers, perished of hunger, or at the least endured much, striving against the cruelty of famine. All passages by water were cut off, the taking of Saint Denis deprived them of the plenly of France, & but for the passports (which a little favour or money obtained easily of the Captains and guards) the Citizens had in few weeks been brought to the King's discretion, who yielded good for evil, suffered them to carry victuals for the Duke of Nemours, and others who practised his ruin. Their misery grew extreme in the third month of the siege. The misery 〈…〉 Pa●●sio●s. There were a hundred thousand people dead of hunger, grief, and poverty, in the streets and hospitals, with out releese, and without pity. The suburbs ruined, beaten down, and waste. The City needy and solitary. The rents of the townhouse (being the chief livings of many families) were extinguished: their lands about the City wasted and desolate, the university forsaken, or serving to lodge peasants, and the schools for stables for their cattle. The Palace not frequented, but by some idle persons, the grass growing whereas before they could hardly go for press. The shops either without workmen, or without traffic. No corn, no wine, no wood, no ha●e upon the river. Nothing passed but were subject to the garrisons of Saint Denis, the sort of Gournay, Cheuruze and Corbeil. The Halls were empty, no merchants in market places, no means to make money, nor to get meat. To conclude, see this Queen of Cities, this little world, this Paris without peer, waist, desolate, and at the last gasp, and (to augment the disorder) many reliks were eaten, the jewels and the Crown of ancient Kings melted, and for a piece of bread, many wives and virgins do willingly abandon their bodies, and their honours to the soldiers. But all these miseries and horrors cannot move these hard hearted Pharaoes'. The sixteen, the forty, and the chief of the faction, bewitch the people, as it were with a sleeping potion which benumbs the members, to cut them off by piecemeal when they be asleep, that having sucked the blood, the heat, and the hearts out of their bodies, (as they have done the silver out off their purses) they might confirm their insolent tyranny, without control. A forced decree of the Parl●ment at Paris. They force the Parliament (being-subiected to the houses of Spain and Lorraine,) to publish a decree the fifteenth of june, forbidding all men to speak of any composition with Henry of Bourbon, but to oppose themselves by all means, yea with the effusion of their blood. And the Preachers did still feed them with hope of a speedy delivery. But the belly hath no ears: the people are not fed with paper, or with the Duke of Mayennes promises, nor with his trumpets. They have already eaten dogs, cats, horses, asses, moils, herbs, roots, and any thing that might quench the rage of famine in such extreme despair. They come tumultuously to the Council assembled in the palace, to require a peace. They provide for this mutiny by a silly relief of eight or ten days. A mutiny of the people. At the end whereof a great number appear armed in the same place, and demand peace or bread. Le Gois, a Captain in the Town, steps forth to feed these famished people with words, but no bread, and for his reward he was wounded in the shoulder with a sword, whereof he died within few days after. The Chavalier d' Aumale flies thither, and followed by a troop of men at his devotion, shuts the Palace gates, imprisons them that were armed, and hangs two out of the whole multitude, to suppress the like fits of this despairing people. These popular mutinies had confounded the chief Leaguars, if they had not prevented it. To this end, they assemble with the chief of the City, and notwithstanding the decision of the Sorbonne, and the decree of the Court, they resolve to send the Archbishop of Lion, and the Bishop of Paris to the King's Majesty, Deputies sent to the King. to seek some means of pacification. Before they part, they will have leave from the Legate, lest they incur some Ecclesisticall censure. The Legate consults with Panigarole, Bellarmine, and Tyceus, whether the Parisiens' did fall into excommunication, being forced by the famine to 〈◊〉 unto an heretic Prince. If the Deputy; going to such a Prince, to convert him, 〈◊〉 to better the Estate of the Catholic Church, were comprehended in the excommunication of the Bull of Pope Sixtus the fift. The Doctor's answer no. Thus the Deputies come to the king, to Saint Anthony's in the field. The King hears their speech, tending to a general peace for the Realm, or a particular for Paris, if the Duke of Mayenne will not seek a General. But what can they hope to obtein● o● a King of France and of Navarre, treating with him but with the simple quality of King of Navarre? Your Council (said his Majesty) contradicts itself, demanding peace of him, whom they will acknowledge but for a King of Navarre. I will, and desire peace, to ●ase my people: but not according to your propositions. I love the City of Paris as my eldest daughter, and will do her more good than she requires, The King's answer to the Deputies. so as she be thankful unto me, and not to the Duke of Mayenne, nor to the King of Spain. The brute of the Spanish succours for Paris do not amaze me. I know the practices of Spain, and with the help of heaven will convert them into smoke. Paris and the Realm of France are not fit for King Philip's mouth. I will give the Parisiens' eighs days to consider of their yielding, and of the articles of peace for the whole realm. Upon their refusal, I know well how to use a Conquerors right against the chief motives & favourers of rebellion. The constancy of them of Sancerre: the despair and victory of the Gantois, whereby you magnify them of Paris, is impertinent: for those of Sancerre were priest to these extremities by the violences of such as would take from them their goods and liberties, their religion & lives. Contrariwise I will give the Parisiens' life, which Mendosa the Ambassador of Spain takes from them by famine. As for religion, inform yourselves of these Princes and Noblemen Catholics, if I do force their consciences in the exercise of their religion, or otherwise. The comparison with them of Gant is not good. The Parisiens' have sufficiently showed their courage, in suffering their suburbs to be taken. I have five thousand Gentlemen with me, who will not be entreated after the Gantois manner. I have likewise God, and the equity of my cause. Make a faithful report of my words to them that have sent you. With this answer, & other speeches testifying the King's good meaning, & the small fear he had of the League, these Deputies go to the Duke of Mayenne: and he sends them back to the King, and gives great hope to incline to a peace. But, Be not amazed at this treaty (said he to the Parisiens', by a Secretary of his, going after the Deputies) I will rather die then make a peace. And being advertised, that Paris would shortly be forced through want to yield unto the King. The taking thereof (answered he) shallbe prejudicial unto him: this conquest shall disperse his army, and then we shall prevail easily. But his Majesty would neither see, nor suffer the ruin of his capital City▪ and his meaning was not to seize upon Paris in such sort as his enemies supposed. It grieved him to see so many ill advised people. And if the Dukes of Mayenne and Parma, coming to secure them, would hazard a battle, he hoped by their overthrow to bring the Parisiens' unto reason. Thus the Duke thought to abuse the King with devices, and under a colour of treaty win time, in favour of the besieged. But the King being advertised, that the Duke of Mayenne was parted from Bruxelles, The King goes against his enemies. and took the way to Paris, followed by Balagny, Captain Saint Paul and other troops, his Majesty advanceth with a troop of horse, and marcheth seventeen Leagues, to encounter him: and missing them but one hour, he forceth them to fly into Laon. The Duke fortifies himself there with his forces, and approaching unto Meaux, he gives a general hope of a battle. The King goes again towards him: but he finds the Duke fortified betwixt two rivers, attending the Duke of Parmaes coming, who being come, renews this first hope, and with this desseme he goes to lodge at Clay and Fresnes, six Leagues from Paris. The King raiseth the siege, comes to meet him, appoints the Rendezvous for his army. The next day, the t●irtith of August, on the plain of Bondy in the way to his enemies, he chaseth their quarter masters from Chelles, The siege of Paris ●a●sed. who began to mark out their lodging, and forceth a troop of eight hundred horse to retire into the body of their army. The first of September, the King's army is in battle above the village of Chelles, about six thousand horse, in the which were six Princes, two Marshals of France, many Noblemen, The King offers battle more commaundets, more great Captains than are in all the rest of the wo●ld, four thousand French Gentlemen (whom the bare show of a combat doth draw more cheerfully to the place of battle, then to a gallant wedding) & eighteen thousand foot French and strangers. The Duke of Parma standing upon a hill to view them. Be these (said he to the Duke of Mayenne) the ten thousand men, which you assured me would be so easily overcome? there appears above five and twenty thousand in the best order that I have seen. This Duke made more account to save one of his men, then to kill ten of his enemies. So resolving not to hazard any thing, they change their Swords and Lances, into shovels and P●keaxes, and entrenching themselves in the Fen, avoided the danger, and preserved his army: and neither could skirmishes nor alarms make him abandon his trenches. On the eight day of the month, the mist was great, and the wind being contrary, carried away the noise of the enemy's Canon. The Duke's laying hold of this occasion, make a bridge of Boats, besiege Lagny upon Marne, a weak Town, lying behind their backs, and half a mile from their Camp: they batter it, and take it by force, but not without an honourable and virtuous resistance of three hundred men that kept it, but holding it not gardable they razed it. To draw them out of their Fort, his Majesty makes show of a great enterprise against Parts: Lagny taken by the Dukes. he makes his design known, that he will attempt it by scaladoe: and the tenth day at night goes from the Camp with a good troop. But they keep themselves within their Fens, yet could they not long subsist in this strait, where they endured all wants: and hunger in the end would drive the Wolf out of the wood. The King offered them battle in vain: he attended the trial of the Duke's forces in 〈◊〉. (He therefore man's those places he held about Paris, sends back some of his troops into Touraine, Normandy, Champagne and Bourgongne, and retains a sufficient army to annoy his enemies. This proceeding draws the Dukes to field, to free Paris. Parma calls himself a redeemer: and to make his profit of this advantage, and corbel. he besiegeth and taketh Corbeil by force, and kills all that he finds in arms. Rigaude (a brave and valiant Captain) commanded there, and having not time to fortify against so great a power, he found there his honourable Sepulchre. For dying at the breach, he performed the duty of a faithful and valiant servant to the King. But the Parmesan lost the Marquis of Renty, with a great number of men, blemished his reputation, and weakened his army▪ for whilst that he wastes time, the King makes new designs, which shall bring the League into greater difficulties. Even than the Agents of Philip would have filled his good City of Paris (for so the Spaniard called it) with numbers of Spaniards and Walons. But on the one side the plague was great, and v●ctualls very scant: and on the other side, the forces of Maurice Earl of Nassau prevailed in the Low Countries: the Queen of England sending great succours thither. And the sixteen of Paris seeing themselves at some more liberty, thanked the Duke of Parma, giving him to understand, that his abo●d at Bruxelles, would be more pleasing and more safe for him. His army decayed visibly: he sees himself in the midst of an inconstant multitude, Th● Duke of Parmas' retreat. and to dismember his forces, to leave any with the Parisiens', were to lose them, to draw the King upon him, and to be in danger of an overthrow. So in the end of November he gathers together his troops, and makes his retreat, being pursued, tired, and beaten with daily loss, even to the fronters of Arthois, by the King, the Dukes of Nevers and Longueville, by the Baron of Byron, Giury, Parabell, and others. To teach Strangers, that France cannot be taken nor ruined, but by itself. He had no sooner turned his back, but Corbeil and other small places held by them, returned to the King's obedience: the garrisons placed there by them, repaid the French blood lately shed at the taking thereof: and Paris fell again into new confusions and like necessity. The Duke of Mayenne was greatly troubled to assist the Parnies●n in his retreat. During the which, the Marshal of Byron took Clermo●● in 〈◊〉 ●uoisin for his Majesty, fi●e or six other Towns, and twenty Forts or 〈◊〉, possessed by the enemy. The Duke of Parma being out of the Realm, the King made his entry into Saint Quentin, being received with an honourable entertainment, and exceeding joy of the Inhabitants: and the tenth of December, he was advertised, that Humieres, Boissiere his brother in law, and Parabell, had forced Corbie, Corby taken for the King. s●aled the walls, fought with the garrison, slain all men of defence, and conquered the Town for his Majesty. We have conducted a mighty enemy out off the realm: let us now observe some particular exploits, for which we would not interrupt the continuance of our History. The Leaguers forces consisted of men, divers exploits. who sought their private profit in the confusion of the Estate, and by consequence, wished for nothing but increase of disorders: so all their designs tended only to spoil and desolation: to the prejudice of the King's subjects, but to no advancement of their party. In Dauphin those of Vienne sought in the month of March, to show some effects in favour of the crosses of Lorraine. Those which had the Flower de Luze printed in their hearts, assure the Town for the King. The Colonel Alphonso, and Les▪ Diguieres go to secure them: and from thence go and take Pont of Beawoisin, and Saint Laurence du Pont▪ possessed by the League. In the mean time, the Marquis of S. Sorlin, brother to the Duke of Nemours, hath an enterprise upon Vienne. These two Commanders fly thither with speed, and repulse the enemy. Alphonso desires to see how he carries himself in his retreat, he falls into an ambush laid by the Baron of Senecey, is taken prisoner, and pays afterwards forty thousand Crowns for his ransom. Lesdiguieres took the Towns and Castles of Brianson and Dexilles, and entered upon the territories of the Duke of Savoy. Then in November he besieged and forced Grenoble a Parliament Town, to set up the arms of France, and to change their affections, which inclined to the factions of Strangers. So we may say, that Daulphiné was the first Province of the realm, wholly subdued to the King from the League: the which was chiefly performed by the valour and diligence of the Lord of Lesdiguieres. In Normandy the Duke of Montpensier took Honfleur, and forced the Leaguers to leave the field. Thus the League decreased in divers Countries: and to give them a mare, the King did solicit a levy of Reistres in Germany, by the Viconte of Turenne. On the other side, Gregory Sfondrate, lately installed in the Pontifical Chair, and a Partisan of Spain, Gregory the 14. a partisan of Spain. revived the hopes of the League, promising a succour of fifteen hundred horse, and eight thousand foot, under the command of Francis Sfondrate his Nephew. During these preparations, the Chevalier D' Aumale attempts upon Saint Denis, s●ales the wall by night, enters the Town without loss, and held himself for master thereof, when as the Lord of Vi●q, a valiant, wise, and resolute Gentleman, comes into the street, chargeth the Knight, lays him dead upon the place, kills most of his followers, and puts the rest to flight. This Knight was one of the chief of the League, violent, hardy, and valiant, but▪ of a strange disposition, in supportable and dissolute. The King tired the Parisiens' with continual alarms, and new enterprises, but rather to terrify them then to ruin them, and to give them occasion to open their eyes, and to consider of their estate. They grow so amazed, as they wall up Saint Honories gate, upon an advertisement that the King's troops would make some great attempt the 20. of januarie. The Parisiens' fear serves the Agents of Spain for a pretext to draw in some regiments of Spaniards and Neapolitaines, attending some greater succours from the Duke of Parma. The hope of these new succours from Spain and Italy, served the chief of that faction, as a bridle to restrain the Parisiens'. But the more to encourage and content the whole body, Gregory the 14. of that name, assisted by many Cardinals, doth again excommunicate the King and his adherents: he sends a monitory to the Cardinal of Plaisance his Legate at Paris, by Marcellin Landriano his Nuncio: and for the effect of his purposes and promises, he gins to arm●▪ to nourish (in steed of quenching, as the common father) the combustions of 〈◊〉 Realm. On the other side (the castilian having private intelligence with the Duke of Mertoeur) the Spaniards land in Brittany, and fortify Blavet a port of the sea: and thereby in a manner dismember the whole Province, 1591. united to the Crown under Charles the eight. The King sent la Nove to make head against them: and retiring to Senlis, he took the way to Brie, accompanied by the Duke of Nevers, (who hereafter shall be of the King's party, upon the assurance the Cardinal of Bourbon gave him, that he might without scruple of conscience carry arms for his King, although of a contrary religion,) he makes a show to besiege Provins, Sens, or Troy's: then with a sudden change he gives out, that his meaning was to go to Tours, to redress some disorders: but he● commands the Marshal of Byron (who returned from the conquest of Caudebee, Harfleur, Fescamp and almost all Normandy, for his Majesty, except Newe-haven, Rovan▪ Pontoise and two or three other places) to make a show to pass through Beaulse, to join with him, and that suddenly he should turn and beset Charters, before that any greater forces should enter. Chartres was environed the tenth of February, besieged, battered, and assaulted, but valiantly defended almost two months and a half. Chartres besieged, and taken. La Bourdaisiere commanded there, who having endured some assaults, it was propounded in the King's Council to raise the siege▪ but the Earl of Cheverny, lately restored to the office of Chancellor, by his Majesty,) did vehemently impugn it, having an especial interest in the reduction of this town, by reason of some lands he possessed there about: he adviseth the King to give a general assault▪ insistes upon the dishonour & prejudice it would bring to the King's affairs, and the commodities he should receive by the taking thereof, being one of the keys of Paris, which might greatly settle his Estate, and annoy his rebels. The Lord of Chastillon, (coming from raising of the siege of Aubigny, which la Chastre, chief of the League in Berry had besieged) promiseth the King that if he will make him his Lieutenant on this side the ●iner, he will deliver it into his power within eight days. His Majesty gives him this Command. He makes a bridge of wood, the point whereof reached unto the breach, that they might come covered to hand●e strokes with the enemy. This new engine amazeth them, and draws them to composition▪ the which they obtained on good-friday, upon condition to yield within eight days, if they were not relieved. The Duke of Mayenne would not lose the certain, to run after the uncertain. He held Chasteau-Thierry so straightly begirt, as the Vicont Pinard was forced to capitulate with him before the King could come to his succour. So the King lost Chasteau-Thierry, and in exchange took Chartres, a goodly and strong place. There came forth about six hundred men with their arms, horse, and baggage, and the 19 of April the King made a triumphant entry in arms, appointed a garrison, restored Sourdis to his government, reduced Aulneau and Dourdan, to his obedience, and then went to refresh himself at Senlis. Let us now see so●● other sinister accidents, Charsteau Thierry lost. A defeat in Provence. which in time shall help to ruin the League. A thousand horse, and eighteen hundred Harquebusiers, Provensals, Savoyards' and Spaniards, seek to subdue that Province for the Duke of Savoy. la Vallette invites le-Diguteres to do the King herein a notable service: he goes, and both jointly charge these troops of strangers▪ and bastard French, they kill four hundred masters and fifteen hundred 〈◊〉, take many prisoners, and carry away fifteen Enseigns, win many horses and much baggage, and lose but one Gentleman and some twenty soldiers. This done Les Diguieres returns into Daulphinè. Being gone, the League recovers new forces in Provence by the favour and credit of the Countess of Sault: but she had neither force nor vigour able to countenance the factions of Spain and Savoye. The Duke of Savoye, lately returned from Spain, grows jealous of 〈◊〉 intelligences preiudicall to his Estate, and sets guards both over her and the Lord 〈◊〉 her son. She is cunning, counterfeits herself si●ke, conceals her discontent, In Poito●. 〈◊〉 in the end finds means to escape with her son disguised to Marseilles. In Poitou the governor of Loches, having taken the Castle of la Guierche, the Viconte of the said place presseth his friends, inmeats the Duke of Mercoeur, assembles all he can, to recover his house. The Baron of Rocheposé joined with some other Commanders of the Country for his majesties service, comes and chargeth the Vicont, kills above three hundred gentlemen, his best footmen, & above seven hundred natural Spaniards that were come out of Britain, to succour the Viconte. The Vicont after he had maintained a little fight, flies to a river by, where thinking to pass in the ferry-boat, the press grew presently so great, as boat and passengers ●unke. La Guierche with many other gentlemen slain or drowned, did almost equal the number of the Nobility which died at Coutras. Then the Princes, and Noblemen, catholics, following the King, did solicit his Majesty to turn to the Catholic religion, and had by the Duke of Luxembourg sought to appease the bitterness of the Court of Rome, against the estate of this realm. The Duke's return with small hope: the petitions made unto the King, to provide for his dutiful subjects of both religions: to prevent the new attempts of Gregory the 14. and his adherents, to the prejudice of this Crown, were the cause of two Edicts made at Mante in the beginning of july: the one confirmed the Edicts of pacification made by the deceased King, upon the troubles of the realm, and disannulled all that passed in july: 1585. & 1588. in favour of the League. T●e other showed the King's intent to maintain the Catholic, apostolic and Romish religion in France, with the ancient rights & privileges of the French-church. The Court of Parliament at Paris, resident at Tours & chaalon's in Champagne, having verified these Edicts, did presently disannul all the Bulls of Cardinal Caietans' Legation, The Pope's Bull disannulled. and other Bulls come from Rome the first of March, proceed, excommunications and fulminations, made by Marcellin Landriano, terming himself the Pope's Nuncio, as abusive, scandulous, seditious, full of impostures, made against the holy decrees, Canonical Constitutions, approved councils, and against the rights and liberties of the French Church. They decree, that if any had been excomunicate by virtue of the said proceed, they should be absolved: the said Bulls and all proceed by virtue thereof burnt in the market place by the hangman. Landriano the pretended Nuntio (come privily into the realm without the king's leave or liking) should be aprehended and put into the King's prison, and so to proceed extraordinarylie against him. And in case he could not be taken, he should be summoned at three short days, according to the accustomed manner, and ten thousand franks given in reward to him that should deliver him to the Magistrate. Prohibitions being made to all men to receive, retain, conceal or lodge the said pretended Nuntio, upon pain of death. And to all Clergy men, not to receive publish or cause to be published any sentences, or proceed coming from him, upon pa●ne to be punished as Traitors. They declared the Cardinals (being at Rome), the Archbishops, Bishops and other Clergy men, which had signed, and ratified the said Bull of excommunication, and approved the most barbarous, abominable and detestable Parricide traitorously committed on the person of t●e said deceased King, most Christian and most Catholic, deprived of such spiritual livings as they held within the realm, causing the King's Proctor general to seize thereon, and to put them into his majesties hand: forbidding all persons either to carry or send gold to Rome, and to provide for the disposition of benefices, until the King should otherwise decree. That of Tours added this clause to their decree: they declared Gregory calling himself Pope the fourteenth of that name, an enemy to peace, to the union of the Catholic apostolic and Roman Church, to the King and to his Estate, adhering to the conspiracy of Spain, and a favourer of rebels, culpable of the most cruel, most inhuman, and most detestable Parricide, committed on the person of Henry the 3. of famous memory, most Christian and most Catholic. The Parliament of the League, did afterwards condemn and cause those decrees to 〈◊〉 burnt at Paris, which were made against the Bulls, and ministers of the 〈…〉 So one pulled down what an other built up. During this contrariety of Parliaments, there falls out a cross to divide the intentions of the Spaniard, and Lorraine without the realm, and of the Dukes of Mayenne and Nemours at Paris. Every one by divers practices affected this Crown, and every one tried all his wits to set it upon his own head. But these men had divided it amongst them, giving the rest to understand, that they fed themselves with vain hopes. To cast more wood and oil into the flames of their division, and to ruin one by another, matters were so handled, as the 15. of August, The Duke of Guise escapes. the young Duke of Guise escaped out of prison from Tours, and not far from the river, found a troop of horse appointed by the Lord of La Chastre, to conduct him. This escape caused many bonfires, and greatly revived their hearts, who held this Prince fit to make a King of the Union. But the clear sighted thought with reason, that his arrival at Paris would rather ruin then advance their party, and the devices and practices of other pretendants, must needs soon kindle an extreme and common jealousy amongst them. Whilst these consult with their most trusty friends and servants, Noyon taken by the King. what effects might grow by this new accident: the King in the same month besieged Noyon in Picardy, defeated the succours sent by the League, four times, killed their most resolute men at arms, took many prisoners, put the rest to flight, and at the Duke of Mayennes nose (who to avoid this check, which the League was like to receive, attempted upon Mante, sought to force his Majesties Swisses lodged at Houdan, and approached near to Noyon, but would not fight) heaping shame upon his enemies: he forced the besieged to yield to his obedience: and moreover went and dared him to fight before Han. Let us return into Daulphiné, to behold the most memorable, and most fatal defeat for the enemies of this Crown, the most virtuous expedition of arms, which for these many years hath most broken their designs upon Provence and Daulphiné, The 〈◊〉 of Savoy defeated. and most weakened the League in those Provinces, which the Savoisien affected: Don Amedeo, bastard brother to the Duke of Savoy, Don Olivares chief of the Spaniards, (whom the Duke had lately obtained of King Philip his father in law,) the Marquis of Treui● and others, conducted twelve or thirteen thousand men, by the plain of Pontcharra, near to the Castle of Bayard, in the vallee of Graisi●odan. Doubtless the place should revive the memory of that incomparable Knight, who by the valour of his arms, hath in former times wonderfully tied the realm to recommend his merits: the Lord Les Diguieres meets them, chargeth and overcomes them, leaving two thousand five hundred slain upon the place, carries away many prisoners, and most of the Commanders, takes eighteen Enseignes with Red Crosses, and makes booty of all their baggage, which amounts to above two hundred thousand Crowns, in Chains, jewels, plate, money, both gold and silver, horse and arms. Two thousand Romans' and Milanois, which had saved themselves with Conte Galeas of Bel▪ joyeuse their Commander, in the Castle of Aualon, were the next day at the Victor's discretion: six or seven hundred were cut in pieces, the rest were sent to a place of safety, with white wands in their hands: and then sent home into Italy, with an oath never to carry arms against France. The King seeing, that neither by the taking of Noyon, nor by any other bait, he could draw his enemies to fight, doth press them yet more nearly. To this end he commands▪ that Paris should be restrained on all sides, both by water and land, and should enjoy no commodities, but by the mercy of the neighbour garrisons (the which he entertained, upon the tributes and customs imposed upon victuals, which they suffered to pass to Paris: and by this means emptied the inhabitants purses, stripped them, and drew out of the City necessary commodities for his troops,) then with one part of his army, he marcheth into Normandy, surpriseth Lowiers, approacheth to Rovan, to tyre the inhabitants, Rovan besieged. who seemed no less obstinate than the Parisiens'. He is no sooner arrived, but they cry out for succours▪ and his Majesty sees them near their ruin, or at the least ready to yield to some reason. So the King of Spain solicited from many parts, Succoured by the Duke of Parma. and thrust on by the consideration of his own private interest, and satisfaction, sends to the Duke of Parma, commands him to leave the government of the Low Countries in his absence, 1591. to the Cont▪ Mansfield, to go and free Rovan, and to embrace such occasions as should be offered. The King's happy success, and his enemy's miseries, draws the Prince of Parma the second time into France: he parts from Bruxelles with four thousand foot, and three thousand horse: and fortified with the succours of Italy, and three thousand Swisses, he marcheth by small journeys, for he wisely conceived that his Master sent him into France for the same considerations, that he would have given him the conduct of his army by sea into England, and under this show of arms he practised an other design: To cause the Estates of the League (whereof they purposed a convocation the next year) to give the Crown of France to the Infanta of Spain, whom the father promised to marry with one of the heads of the party, whom the Estates should name. This tended greatly to the prejudice of the Duke of Mayenne, for he was married: Division betwixt the Duke of Mayenne and the sixteen. and the eldest son of Lorraine, the Dukes of Guise and Nemours were to marry. He is therefore now resolutely determined to cross the sixteen Tribunes of Paris, who with their Champions carried away the people's voices, and above all others, did feed the Spaniards hopes in this realm, to whom (enticed by the gold of Peru, and his prodigal promises) they had already sold the Capital City. The sixteen grown hateful through their tyrannous authority, fear to be soon suppressed▪ they resolve to prevent it, and rather to unhorsed the Duke, the better to advance their affairs according to King Phillip's intentions. One thing seemed to advance their design: they held prisoner one named Brigard a Proctor of the townhouse, accused to have had intelligence with the King, and of letters written to his Majesty. Brigard escapes out of prison: They suspect the Precedent Brisson, and the Councillors Larcher and Tardife, to have favoured his escape. In this fury the 15. of November, they seize upon these three venerable persons, hale them to the Chastelet, cause them to be strangled in the close prison, and the next day, hang up their bodies at the grieve, with infamous writings on their breasts. This execrable fact might have extended farther, and made the like spectacle of any one that should in any thing have controlled the actions of these homicides. The Duke of Mayenne (who treated with Parma,) posts to appease this tumult: he caused Louchart, Auroux, Hameline, and Emonnot, the chief authors of this cursed attempt, to be apprehended and executed in the open view of all the people, who bowed their backs mournfully, at the damnable commands of these Tribunes: he shortened their number, weakened their authority, and maintained his own as well as he could▪ and to paeifie the people guilty of this mutiny, he published the 10. of December, an abolition of things passed in this disorder. The King in the mean time made his necessary provisions for the siege of Rovan, and appointed his storehouses at Caen, Pont Larche, Ponteau de Mer, and other places. On the other side, the hope of speedy succours from the Stranger, the presence of Henry of Lorraine, eldest son to the Duke of Mayenne, and the arrival of the Signior of Villars▪ with six hundred horse and twelve hundred Musketeers, A treacherous decree of the Court of Parliament of Rovan. made the Citizens to persist in their rebellion▪ and the Parliament, to forbid all men by a decree, in any sort to favour the part of Henry of Bourbon, upon pain of death: ordaining that the oath of the union made the 20. of january, in the year 1589. should be monthly renewed in the general assembly made to that effect, in the Abbay of Saint Owen, with commandment by the said Court to the inhabitants, to obey the Lord of Villars, Lieutenant to the said Henry, in all he should command for the preservation of the Town. Moreover, Bauquemare than first Precedent, procured that all the Inhabitants should swear before La Land Mayor of Rovan, to reveal all such as by word or deed should favour the King of Navarre, to be exemplarily punished. Villars having got footing within Rovan, he presently displaced his superior▪ 1592. settles his authority, expels all such as he suspected, fortified Saint Catherins' mount, and did all acts of hostility against the King, annoying his army what he could, the which besides the obstinacy of the besieged, was to encounter with the extreme rigour of the winter, sickness, and want of victuals. But they surpassed all these difficulties cheerfully, and the besieged were ready to yield: when as news comes that the Dukes of Mayenne and Parma had taken Neufchastell, (abandoned by the King's garrison) and were lodged at Franque-V●●le half a days, journey from Rovan. The Duke of Guise, la Chasire and Vitry his Nephew led the forward. The Dukes of Mayenne, of Parma and Sfondrate Nephew to Gregory the 14. the battle. The Duke of Aumale, the Earl of Chaligny▪ brother to the Queen Dovager, Boisdaulphin, Balagny and Saint Paul the rearward: Bassompierre and la Motte, Lorrains', led the Swisses and the artillery. Whilst that the King made a necessary voyage to deep, to frustrate some intelligences of his enemies, the Marshal of Byron draws forth seven pieces of artillery to Bans, a village above Darnetall, plants them in three places, and puts himself in battle, to receive the Duke of Parma, who should come to lodge in the valley on that ●ide, and by his countenance, made them think that he had a desire to fight. The King arrives, continues in battle almost thirty hours, and provoakes his enemy by continual skirmishes. But he was encountered by a cunning temporizer, who passing with his troops wide of Darnetall, made the King to devise a new stratagem, to draw him on more, and to engage him, as it happened soon after. The King dismisseth his Nobility, but with charge to be ready at the first command, and by continual skirmishes kept Rovan from any relief, from the twentieth of March to the 21. of April. In the end the Dukes of Mayenne, Guis● and Parma, seize upon Caudebec, Rovan succoured but not victualled. from whence the garrison was dislodged, and the same day they come to Rovan, but stay not many hours, neither had they means to victual it. His Majesty seeing that Rovan was not supplied with victuals, passeth at Pontlarche, causeth his army to advance towards Fontaine le Bourg, and sends for all his garrisons of Lowiers, Mante Meulau, Vernon, and other places near, so as fortified with above three thousand horse and six thousand foot in less than six days, he turns head towards the village of juetot, where the Dukes of Mayenne and Guise were lodged, chargeth their forward and de●eates it quite, The enemy defeated of juetot. chaseth the Dukes above two leagues from Parmaes' quarter, leaving their baggage and plate in the possession of la Guisch. The first of May he takes from them an other lodging, leaves above six hundred Leaguers dead upon the place, and looseth but five soldiers and eighteen or twenty hurt. All these checks should draw the Dukes to fight: but Parma seeks only to free himself from the King, and the rest had no desire to make trial of their sufficiency. They held themselves very close entrenched and fortified within their Camp, issuing forth no more than they had lately done near unto Lagny. The King presseth them, and takes from them all passages both for victuals and retreat. They likewise entrench a great wood: and to stop the King's approach, lodge there two thousand Spaniards and Walloons. In sight of their whole army his Majesty forceth this intrenchement, and (had it not been for a small number who by great speed recovered the army,) had defeated the whole troop. For ten days space the King tired them with continual skirmishes and inroads, during the which he views the situation of their Camp: the tenth of May he made choice of such forces as he held necessary, and by five of clock in the morning chargeth a quarter which the Leaguers held to be most safe, and without resistance, kills about two thousand five hundred men upon the place, carries away above two thousand horse, and wins all the baggage. To conclude, this war brought forth nothing so memorable as that which was done at Caudebec, at juetot and at Aumale. But for a proof of the perpetual assistance and favour of heaven to our King, amidest this thundering of artillery, and so many showers of shot, his Majesty was hurt with a Harguebus in the reins: but yet so miraculously, The King miraculously. hurt. as the force of the bullet was spent in the emptiness of the air, and lay betwixt his armour and his back, giving the King this lesson by a divine advertisement, My Lord, husband your life more sparingly: it is necessary for your subjects. The Duke of Parma ●scaped not all these encounters without a musket shot in the arm: the wound did accompany him to his grave. The Duke's ●etrea●. In the end blows, hunger and extreme thirst, forced these Dukes to take their way to Paris in confusion, from whence Parma (carrying no tokens of victory) passed through Br●e, recovered Arthois, and so went to refresh himself at Bruxelles: then in the end of the year he died in Arras, as he returned from the Spawe. His reputation began to decay. Death of the Du●e of Pa●●a. He had prevailed little in France, and Conte Maurice did daily take some thing from him in the Low Countries. He had been advertised, as by a prognostication, that having taken the Town of Antwerp (against the opinion of all the world) in the year 1585. he should shake hands with war. Doubtless this Prince should have ended his labours by this great service done to King Philip his master, as the most glorious triumph, which Spain had of long time seen. Thus the Duke of Parmaes' troops by land were weakened, and those he had embarked were fought withal, some taken, and the rest sunk by the Hollanders. So Sfondrate came to consume his troops in France. Thus France escaped at this time the proud threats of her ancient enemies. Rovan pressed with as great necessity as before, brought corn out of Villars stoorehouses, at his own price, whereby he got an infinite treasure. The King weighing well the toil his Nobility had endured, dismissed some, and retained the most resolute, and to hinder the Parmesan from attempting any thing, Death of the Marshal of 〈◊〉. he sent the Marshal of Byron to follow him at the heels. Who loathe to remain idle, beseegeth, battereth and takes Espernay. But Espernay must be the fatal place to end his labours, and by his death break off some other desseins which his Majesty had, who to stop the entry of another army of Strangers (which King Philip at the entreaty of the chief of the League, nothing sorry for the Duke of Parmaes' disgrace, whose pride they could not bear) determined to send▪ under the conduct o● the young Duke of Parma, assisted by the Duke of Feria, until the coming of the Archduke Ernest, brother to the Emperor Rodolphus, gave order for the most urgent affairs of his realm: The King● proceeding. he divided his forces into the most convenient places, to set upon the League, where they had greatest strength, and laboured to effect some intelligences he had within Paris. But the period of his happiness was not yet come. During these practices, the Duke of Mayenne surpriseth Ponteau de mer. and to get more bags of double pistolets, The Duke of Mayennes. he treats again with the Agents of Spain, touching the assembly of their Estates, to make the Crown elective, against the fundamental Law of the realm. But he had his desseine a part, and the greatest part of the Parliament was tired with this hideous confusion, under the which their scarlet robes could not appear so beautiful, as under a stately Royalty▪ and the chief of the third Estate inclining unto peace, The Duke of Nemours. abhorred these tedious furies of the League. The Duke of Nemours, for his part, laid the foundation of a petrie Monarchy at Lions, but he built it upon the sand. He was now inst●lled in the Town which Maug●ron had sold him treacherously (considering the show he had made of faithful service to the King, and the town and castles of Vienne in Daulphinè, the which he had received to the prejudice of the truce which was then betwixt them of Lions and Daulphiné▪ Being assured of these good places, he goes to field, but with more brute than fruit▪ for he did not fortify his party, but by the taking of Saint Marcellin and Eschelles, places of weak resistance: 1552. and doubtless Belliere won more honour in the defence, than the Duke did in the conquest of the last. The Colonnel Alphonso and Les Diguieres upon assurance of the truce were far off, the one in Provence, the other in Languedoc, where both opposed themselves against the forces of the League. This breach recalled them soon into Daulphiné, where with their joint forces they recover that which the Duke had taken, not daring to oppose himself. In the end Les Diguieres having thrust the Duke of Nemours out of Daulphiné, Les Diguieres. (who by favour of the forces of Savoye, thought to settle himself there) enters into Piedmont, in the month of September, fortifies Briqueras, batters and takes the Town and Castle of Cavours, chargeth the Duke's men at Vigon, forceth and defeats them. The Duke of Savoye posts to Turin, a●d seeks to take the fort begun at Briqueras by scalado. He is repulsed with dishonour and loss. They charge him in his retreat, but some fear of an ambush made them retire. And Les Diguieres (having left the Lord of Poet to command in Piedmont,) returns to Grenoble, whether the affairs of the Province did call him. On the other side, seeing the arms of Spain had prevailed so little on the land, they must try if some enterprise by sea would repair their former losses. The Governor of Fontarabye had long practised upon Bayonne with a Physician named Blancpignon, Bayonne attempted by the Spaniards who had intelligence with a Spaniard that had lived long in the Town, and under borrowed terms of art, did by letters negotiate the surprise of Bayonne, and the rooting out of all the King's officers and servants. Their treason was so well advanced, as a f●eet of ships with an army at land, was ready for the execution, when as by God's permission La Hilliere▪ Governor of Bayonne surprised the Lackey coming from Fontarabie▪ with letters of credit to the Traitors, who being taken and beheaded afterwards, discovered soon the whole practice: but the Spaniard chose rather to die then to write those letters he was required, to give direction to the attempters, and to lay a plot for his companions. In October the Duke of Bovillon followed with four hundred horse, & two hundred harguebusiers, before the Town of Beaumond, defeated Amblise great Marshal of Lorraine▪ and Lieutenant general to the Duke, Defeat of Ambl●se. accompanied with eight hundred horse, aod two thousand foot: he ●lue the Commander, and above seven hundred others, took their artillery, their enseignes, and their Cornets, sent home four hundred Lansquenets, with white wands, and lost not one man of mark. A small fish called Remora stays a great ship: so a paltry hens roost ruins the League in Languodoc and Quercy. Duke of Ioy●uze. The Duke of joyeuze (brother to him who died at Coutras,) having spoiled the Country about Montauban with six hundred masters, and four thousand foot, French, and Lansquenets, in the end became master of Monbequin, Mombartier, Monbeton, and took Barte by composition: but in revenge of four score soldiers he had lost before it, (contrary to his faith) he put most of them that yielded, to the sword. A treachery which caused his brother's death, and for the which, the vengeance of God shall soon confound this man. The fort of Saint Maurice came in like ●ort into his power, and then he besieged Villemur. The Lord of the place called Reniers, commanded about two hundred and fifty soldiers, whom the Lord of Themines Seneschal of Quercy (a wise and valiant gentleman) relieved suddenly with six and ●ortie men, as well cuirasses, as harguebusiers, led by the Seigneur of Pedove: and then (being joined with the Duke of Espernon) he caused joyeuze to raise the siege, recovered Mauzac, and some other small places thereabouts. But whilst his troops sleep at their ease, after the order and manner of the French, with too great confidence and contempt of the enemy: the Duke of joyeuze, sets upon them with all speed in the night, kills four hundred, hurts a great number of them, and but for the wisdom and advise of Themines had slain all the rest, and gotten two Cannons of Montauban. This done the Duke of Espernon retires into Provence. 1592. His brother La Valette died in February, are the Estate of Provence required the Duke's presence being Governor. The mines surprised and defeated. joyeuze lays hold of this occasion, and the tenth of September returns and camps before Villemur▪ Reiners commits the place to the Baron of Mauzac, to Chambert and la Chaize, 〈◊〉 and valiant Commanders in war: and goes himself to gather together some ●●●cors at Montauban. The seigneur of Desme, is happily there with some forces, & without any stay puts himself into Villemur. joyeuze made his battery of eight Cann●●● and two Culverins, when as Themines accompanied with six score masters, and t●o hundred harguebusiers marcheth courageously to secure them, causeth his horsemen to light, and sends their horses safely back to Montauban, and so with great dexterity, thrusts himself into Villemur. And in good time, for the next day, the twentieth of September, joyeuze gave a sharp assault: but it was valiantly defended, with great loss to the enemy. At the same instant Themines gives an alarm with four Trumpets, which he had brought with him, chargeth joyeuze fiercely, and defeats a regiment newly come from Tholouse, with a supply of powder, bullets, pikes, and iron forks. Hereupon the Marshal of Montmorencie Governor of Languedoe supplies the besieged with some troops led by Lecques and Chambault, who advertised of new forces, come to joyeuze, attend some days for Missillac Governor of Auvergne, to join with him. joyeuze means to prevent them, & before they join with the Auergnac, to set upon them. He chargeth them at Bellegard, and finds the beginning successful and pleasing, but the end foul and mournful: for he left the field, and returned with great loss. Notwithstanding he means to amaze the besieged, and by the Council of Onoux and Momberault politic Captains, he makes many fires in his Camp, as sign of victory and joy: but Themines, Le●ques and Chambault did but laugh at this policy. Missillac arrives at Montauban with a hundred masters, and a good number of harguebusiers. joyeuze having his troops then dispersed, some before Villemur, others in field against the King's servants, all the Commanders resolve to fight with him. Missillac leads the forward, Chambault the battle, Lecques the rearward: and the 19 of October they resolutely set upon the Duke's first trench, by the regiment of Clouzel and Montoison, guarded by two hundred soldiers, and presently succoured by four hundred others, they force them, and chase them to their second trench, after an hour and a halfs fight under their Commander. The rest of the King's army comes violently upon them. Themines issueth out of Villemur and chargeth them behind. He leaves the place, and retires farther off to Condommes, where his camp and artillery remained. His men seeing themselves poursued, take this retreat for a slight: they grow amazed, all disband, all fly in disorder, fear makes them to lose their judgement, and the most part casting themselves into the river of Tar, (the bridge of boats which Ioye●ze had made being uncapable of so great a press) desired rather to try the fortune of the water, then of the victor's sword. They cut the bridge, which was in a manner the death of all them that had trusted in this violent Element. joyeuze disappointed of the use of the bridge, leaps amongst the rest into Tar, being full of them that fled, and the Tar swallowing up his body, as the rest, leaves his soul to seek the place of his destiny. The victors pass the ford, and charge them that did swim in the water, poursue them that fly, The Duke of joyeuze drowned. cut all in pieces they encounter, and of so great a number bring but forty three prisoners. The death of about three thousand men ruined the League in Languedoc and Quercy. Three Cannons, two Culverins, two and twenty enseignes, and all the baggage, were the spoils of this so memorable a day. And to make it the more memorable, the victors lost but ten men, whereof four, being not well known, did by mistaking run l●●e fortune with the vanquished. Thus Villemur having endured above two thousand Cannon shot, was fully delivered, with the loss of seventeen soldiers only. The Duke's body was drawn out of the water, and buried in Villemur: and the King's army, consisting of five hundred masters, and two thousand and five hundred shot, besides those which remained in the place besieged, retired, (having purchased great honour) to their garrisons. Thus the League's affairs began to languish: the impatiency and lightness of people (who promise unto themselves much, and suffer little) did quench this great heat which was lately seen in good Towns, & the whole party runs headlong to their ruin. They did no more take for payment the assurance which was given them, to provide shortly for this common disorder: and by an assemly of the Estates, proceed to the Election of a King, The League declines. who should raise the pillars of their Estate, and restore the good order and harmony that should be betwixt them. The zeal of the new Pope, Clement the eight, moved them very little▪ The forces and pistolets of Spain grow hateful unto them. The actions of the Duke of Mayenne are detested, they abhor the tyrannies which other petty Kings would practise in their Provinces, and did well foresee, that the ambition of great men would soon thrust the people into the gulf of utter ruin▪ finally ●ue●y one gins to lif● up his head, and to desire peace. They speak of it in the open Parliament of the League. The chief of the City join with them that are most desirous of quiet, and in the end procure an assembly of the City of Paris, in the midst of November. They speak very plainly, to end these troubles, and to send to treat with the King to that end and purpose: besides (by the death of the Cardinal of Bourbon lately deceased,) the preferring and advancing of the uncle before the nephew, which they pretended, was no more of force. The Duke of Mayenne seeing himself ready to be disappointed, goes to the townhouse, entreats the assembly to refer the decision of that point to the Estates, and to forbear to deal therein. Otherwise (said he) I shall have reason to think that the authors thereof are ill affected to our party, and will deal with them as with the enemies of our religion. Notwithstanding all his threats, it was decreed, that attending a convocation of the Estates, they should send ●●to the King to obtain a free traffic betwixt them and the Towns of this Realm. The Duke not able to impugn this conclusion, seems to allow thereof. This was to recover some life after a long numbness and fainting, and to return to the way of obedience: But the Legate of Rome (a pensioner of Spain, and the chee●e of the League,) hoping to draw the affairs to another course, calling from all parts the Deputies of Towns confederate to assist at the Estates at Paris, they sought all means to mortify these motives of charity to their country, which revived in the most modest. And the better to advance their desseins, they publish a certain writing in form of a Bull, commanding and giving authority to the Cardinal of Plaisance to assist and to confirm the future election of a new King. This doth sufficiently discover that which hitherto they have concealed and kept secret, covering (with the pretext of religion) their wicked and damnable conspiracy: which opened the gate to the overthrow and ruin of all order and humane society, instituted by God, especially of this most famous and flourishing monarchy, whereof the fundamental law consists chiefly in the order of the lawful succession of our Kings. The Court of Parliament (being removed from Paris to chaalon's, A sentence against Clement the 8. Bull. ) by a decree of the eighteenth of November, (confirming the request of the King's Proctor general,) allowed of his appeal from the grant of the said Bull, and authority contained therein, the publication and execution thereof, and whatsoever was therein contained. They decreed, that Philip of the title of Saint Onuphre, Cardinal of Plaisance, should be cited to plead against the said appeal. They exhorted all men not to suffer themselves to be infected with the poison and witchcraft of such rebels and seditious persons: but to continue in their duties like good and natural Frenchmen, and to ret●ine still the obedience and love they own unto their King and Country, not adhering to the practices of such as (under the colour of religion) would invade and trouble the State, and bring in the barbarous Spaniards, and other usurpers. They did expressly inhibit and forbid the keeping of the said Bull, to publish it, to aid or favour the said rebels, or to transport themselves into any towns or places that might be assigned for the said pretended election: upon pain for the Nobles to be degraded of their Nobility, and they and their posterity to be declared infamous and base, and for the Clergy to lose the possession of their benefices, and to be punished, as all other offenders, guilty of treason, troublers of the public peace, traitors to their Country, without hope to obtain pardon, remission or abolition. And all towns not to receive the said rebels and seditious, to make the said assembly, to lodge, entertain or harbour them. Moreover they decreed, that the place where that resolution had been taken, together with the town of the said assembly, should be quite razed, without hope to be re-edified: for a perpetual memory of their treachery and treason. Commanding all persons to set upon such as should transport themselves to the said town, to assist at this assembly: And to the Proctor general to inform against the Authors, and procurers of such monopoles and conspracies made against the Estate. This decree was but laughed at by the heads of the League, and did nothing daunt their private hopes. Every one makes his faction apart. Every one desired to set in his master's chair: and not one would be a servant or Companion. The Dukes of Guise, Mayenne, Nemours, and Savoy, the Marquis of Pont, sought by sundry practices to get the voices of the pretended Estares. The instructions found in the coffers of the Baron of Tenissey, after his defeat by Vaugrenan, who commanded for the King in Saint john de Laune in Bourgongne, did sufficiently discover the high projects which certain bad Councillors made this young Prince to conceive. But above all, the Duke of Mayenne, The Pope's ●ulls disanuled. supposing that after the death of the Duke of Parma, (whom he feared as very opposite to his authority,) this occurrent would give him means to recover his credit, began to play the King within Paris, hoping the Estates would prefer him before the younger: or at the least, the title of Lieutenant general to the King of Spain, could not escape him in the Conquest of the realm. For the first fruits of his absolute power, he forceth the Precedents and Councillors remaining at Paris, to receive Rosne, one of his most trusty friends, with the title of Marshal of the Crown & governor of the Isle of France, dignities fit for a Nobleman of a better house & quality. And to bridle the Parisiens' who demanded peace, he caused on Christmas Eve, going up to the palace (the City being in arms,) the foresaid decree against the Pope's Bull to be openly burnt, then by a public declaration he invited all the Catholics of the realm to unite themselves, & to forsake the obedience which they showed to a Prince, whose procession & perseverance made him incapable, & appointed the convocation of the Estates on the 17. of january following at Paris. There jointly to seek (without passion sa●ed he or respect of any man's interest) the remedies which they should think in their conscience to be most profitable for the preservation of religion and the Estate. But what Estates? Like unto those of Troy's, where they disinherited Charles the 7. the true and lawful heir of the Crown, as excommunicate. Estates chosen almost of all the scum of the people, of the most matinous and seditious▪ corrupted by money, and all pretending some private profit in change and innovation. A parliament compounded of men, which either enjoyed the benefice, the office, or the house of their neighbour, or that had stolen his goods or detained his revenues, or (to conclude) that feared by a peace to be touched for some committed Crimes, bankrupts, infamous, and wicked. Estates where there appears not one Prince of the blood, no Chancellor, no Marshals of France, no Precedents of Sovereign Courts, none of the King's Proctors general in his Parliaments: few men of reputation, known to have loved the people's good and their own honours. No men of mark and account▪ without whom they could not assemble, nor hold any just and lawful Estates. Finally a Parliament, where they see none but passionate strangers, gaping after France, geeedie of the blood and wealth thereof, ambitious and revenging women: corrupt Preestes, licentious and full of vain hopes. No Noblemen of worth, 1593. but three or four, who already had resolved to abandon that faction: all the rest were beggarly, loving war and trouble, during the which they eat the good man's bread, not able to maintain their own trains in time of peace. An Italian Legate, and vassal to a strange Prince, (who in this quality neither can nor aught to have any place) sent to hinder the liberty of voices, and to authorize such as had promised him to do wonders for the affairs of Rome and Spain. A Cardinal of Peluè a Frenchman by nation, but pleading the cause of the King of Spain and the rights of Lorraine. The Duke of Feria, and Mendosa Ambassador of Spain had their Agents and advocates, by whom they gave them to understand, that the King of Spain's intention was only, to have a King chosen that might pacify the troubles of the realm, deliver them from their enemies, defend them against all assailants, and restore the Crown to her first beauty. And representing the voluntary bounty of the Catholic King, and the great effects of the succours given by him unto France▪ wherein he had employed above six millions of gold, he would infer, that now but he was capable of this election: or else in regard of him, the Infant Donna Isabella, to whom the said Ambassador durst maintain, that by the Laws of nature, of God and of the realm, it did belong. The dessein● of Spain. Doubtless from the insolent proceed and proud desseins of strangers, the sovereign author and gardien of Estates caused the preservation of this monarchy to grow. They commended this embassage, and received it with honour. But the pretensions of this Infanta were rejected at the first, as a proposition contrary to the fundamental laws of the realm. His Agents seeing themselves frustrate of this first demand, they frame a second, upon the election of the Archduke Ernest, Cross by som● men of honour. fi●st brother to the Emperor, to whom the King of Spain promised to give his daughter to wife, when as the assembly had declared her Queen of France. But what should become of so many Competitors grown up in France? So this proposition finding no man willing to entertain it, remained fruitless. Now some thinking to give the last mate to the King's good fortune, 〈◊〉 a third expedient: Tha● if they give this Crown unto the Noble Infanta, and to him of the Princes of France, comprehending the house of Lorraine, whom the King of Spain should choose, they would cause this election to be seconded with an army of eight thousand foot and two thousand horse, and within few months to be fortified with the like numbers, which soon should reduce ●rance wholly and peaceably to these new Kings: that they would give a hundred thousand Crowns monthly, so long as the war should last, to entertain ten thousand foot, & three thousand horse within the realm. Was not this to ●eed men's minds with fancies, dreams and imaginations? But no man gives his voice to this last proposition. Doubtless there was no proportion, to recompense the succours sent by Philip to the revolted towns, with the Crown of France. Contrariwise many having their minds merely French, knew well that this proposition was to make matters irreconcilable, and to bring an immortal war into France, and therefore with a fervent zeal, and great affection they opposed themselves against the reception thereof: hoping the eternal providence, who had so often raised France from most grievous falls of war, and from greater infirmities, would now prevent these latter dangers, otherwise then by the subversion of the laws which were made to support it. The declaration which his Majesty opposed to that of the Duke of Mayenne, The King's declaration against the Leaguers. did much prevail to fortify those good minds in their commendable resolution, and prepared their hearts generally to conceive a great hope of a speedy peace. For the King discovering the practices of his rebellious subjects, namely of their heads, & the Duke's treachery, presuming to assemble the Estates of the realm, which may not be called but by royal authority, and for matter of religion, he protesteth that besides the Covocation of a Council, if there may be round any better or more speedy means to come to the instruction which they pretend to give him, 1553. to divert him from the exercise of his religion, to that of the Catholic and Romish, he will willingly embrace it with all his heart, giving leave to the Princes, Officers of the Crown, and other Noblemen that did assist him, to ●end their Deputies to the Pope to deal in this instruction, and to be pleased therewith, and blaming the Leaguars who had hindered the effects, he laid a good foundation of the obedience which his subjects prepared for him. Declaring moreover this pretended assembly at Paris, to be attempted against the Laws, against the good and quiet of the realm: and all that should be treated or concluded therein, abusive, and of no force. Terming the Duke and his adherents in that case, guilty of high treason showing that he could maintain his authority against all usurpers. But offering pardon to all Towns, Comonalties and persons seduced by the chief of the League, and exhorting them to remember themselves, he made his subjects begin to taste that great and admirable clemency, whereby he hath won the hearts, and brought the affections of the French to a perfect and most voluntary obedience. To this declaration of his Majesty, the Princes, and Noblemen Catholics that were about him, added an other, which they sent to these pretended Estates, and required that some should be deputed on either part, to resolve of the fittest expedients to pacify these troubles for the preservation of the Catholic religion and the Estate. The Duke of Mayenne and his party accept of this conference, so as it may be done by Catholics only, The conference at Surene. and it began the 29. of April at Surene near Paris. Whilst the good Cardinal of Bourbon lived, he was an instrument for the League: now he is dead, religion is their only pretext. And the more the King gives them hope of his conversion to the Romish Church, the more violent they are to draw the people from this belief. Crossed by the court of Rome. The Legate seeks to cross it, and by a public exhortation full of injuries against his Majesty, he labours to persuade the French, that the King long since dismembered from the body of the Church, was most justly pronounced incapable of the Crown. Then opposing himself against the decrees of the Parliaments of Tours, and absalons, made against the monitories of Landriano, he extols his master's praises, condemns the Parliament which had condemned his Bulls, magnifies the Estates of the League, who rejected an obstinate heretic and relapse, with a resolution never to yield unto him, for (said he) such is the Pope's will and pleasure. But why a relapse and obstinate, considering the due submission which our Henry makes to yield to better instruction? The Pope himself will hearken soon unto him, and all the Consistory will bless his resolution. Both the Duke and Legat prevail little in their devices. Those which held the first place in this assembly, & had no other care but to preserve this Monarchy, found this expedient: The answer of the estates to the 〈◊〉 o● Spa ne. That to frustrate the former propositions, they should say to the Duke of Feria and other ministers of Spain, that it would be now out of season, and dangerous to make this election: and that the assembly reserved the conclusion thereof▪ until they might see an army ready, by means whereof their resolutions might be supported and put in execution. Courage: this calm promiseth that we shall soon anchor in a safe harbour. And that which advanceth the ship of our Estate with a more prosperous gale, that great Senate of France remaining at Paris, resumes their credit, and the beauty of their scarlet robes: they exhort the Duke of Mayenne to employ his authority of Lieutenant, that under colour of religion, the Crown fall not into stranger's hands, against the laws of the Realm, and to provide speedily for the people's quiet: A decree of the Parliament at Paris. and by a decree of the eight and twentieth of july, they declare all treaties made, or to be made to that end, void, and of no validity, as being made to the hurt and prejudice of the Salic Law, and other fundamental Laws of State. This decree did wonderfully move the Duke of Mayenne and the agents of Spain, especially against the Precedent le Maistre who delivered the speech: who encountering all their chollers, left them to bite upon the bridle. But see now the fatal blow, which ruins that third party, 1593. by the which many Catholics were ready to thrust the realm into new combustions, and cuts off all dfficulties, as well in them which made a scruple to fight under the Enseignes of a King of any other religion than their own, as in others which had so long time shadowed their mutinies and rebellions with this goodly pretext. The King, after the taking of Dreux, satisfied in his conscience, by the instruction of the Archbishop of Bourges, of Renè Benoist Curate of Saint Eustache of Paris, and of some other doctors, desires to be admitted into the bosom of the Catholic, apostolic, and Romish Church, The King's Conversion. and the 25. of july made a public and solemn profession at S. Denis to the said Archbishop, assisted by Charles Cardinal of Bourbon, Archbishop of Rovan, and Nephew to the deceased, nine Bishops with many other prelate's and religious men: he protested to live and die in the said Catholic religion, swearing to defend it against all men: he made profession of his faith, and performed all ceremonies requisite in so solemn an act: and then he received absolution and blessing, with an admirable joy and acclamation of the people. Presently after this solemn act, his Majesty sent the Duke of Nevers, the Marquis of Pisani, and Henry of Gondy, Bishop of Paris to the Pope, to yield obedience by them to the holy sea, and to testify that he desired no less to imitate the example of Kings his Predecessors, and to deserve the title and rank of the first son of the Church by his actions, than they had been careful to get it and preserve it, and to beseech him to allow of his conversion, and to countenance it with his own blessing. This is that great action of state which the chief of the League most feared: for what could they now object against the King, to contradict his right, and to term him incapable of his inheritance? See now by what subtlety they seek to cross his majesties affairs, and to support the strangers. They complain first of his sudden change, & say they may not trust him. That his Holiness must begin & end this work. That the King should make all submissions to the sea of Rome, and attend if the Consistory would declare him capable to govern the realm of France. That having commandment from the Conclave they would advise to do what should be reason. Until the which were effected they could not treat any more with the King's deputies, and till that this change of religion which the King had made, were approved by the Pope, whereof afterwards they would take advise, for assurance of the preservation of the only Catholic religion in this realm, The Duke of Mayenne having (to his great prejudice) so often tried the proud insolencies of the Spaniards, and since known that their practices tended only to feed a perpetual fire of division among the French, by means of the election of a new King, whom they promised to marry to the Infanta, had often protested, that when he should see the King return into the bosom of the Church, from the which his religion had excluded him, he would presently yield him obedience as his most humble servant. The King's conversion doth now free him of this imaginary scruple. The King himse fe offering him offices, and honourable advancements, seeks to draw him out off those snares from the which he would willingly be freed. But he is so far engaged as he can hardly retire himself: and some hope that the decisions of Rome, the resolution of the Estates, the conclusions of the College of Sorboane, and the practices of Spain, would yet work some good effects in his favour, do withhold him from accepting of his majesties offers. But on the otherside he cannot digest the advancement of the Duke of Guise, The Duke of Mayenne seeks to cross his N●phe●●. whose marriage with the Infanta the Partisans of Spain did solicit, as being heir to his Fa● er pretensions. And to overthrow it, he seems in general terms to approve so great an honour done unto his Nephew: but requiring for his own particular so high and difficult things, he gives them easily to understand, that he will not subject his will, to the appetites of Pope Clement, nor of Philip King of Spain, neither yet to the decision of Estates in that: whilst that he crosseth the propounded election of the Duke of Guise. The Conference at Surene gives the subject means to ta●t the liberty of the fields and the sweetness of peace, concluding the last of july a general suspension of arms on either side for three months: a means which shall soon reduce whole provinces withdrawn from their ancient obedience. A general truce. In the mean time, the more the Agents of Spain see their practices disappointed, the more vehement they are that the Court of Rome should give no audience to the King's submission. They oppose themselves by the means of the Ambassador of Spain, at Rome, against the negotiation of the King's Ambassadors with the Pope. They speak of his majesties conversion, as of a counterfeit thing, to deceive the Church, and after his confirmation to ruin the Catholic religion. To conclude, they do their best to quench these coals of charity, which were kindled in the people's hearts, and cause the Pope to reject this faithful and willing obedience, whereby the King will show himself a successor of the piety of Clovis, Charlemain, and Saint Lewis, as well as heir of their sceptre. But see one of the most violent attempts of the league, which had almost dissolved this harmony, which was prepared by a general reconciliation of the French among themselves, and of them to their lawful and sovereign Lord. The 26. of August Peter Barriere borne at Orleans, was taken prisoner at Mel●n, where his majesty was then, by the discovery of a jacobin a Florentine, Execution of Peter Barriere. to whom he had confessed himself in Lions: (the Priest revealing this crime incurs no Ecclesiastical Censure) He confessed, That seduced and persuaded by a Capuchin of Lions, and afterwards confessed by Aubry Curate of Saint Andrew des Acts at Paris, by his vicar, and by father Varade a jesuite, he was come thither expressly to murder the King. And in truth the wretch was found seized of a sharp knife with two edges: and for this cause he was pinched with hot pincers, his righthand burnt off, holding the said knife: his arms, legs, and thighs broken, and his body burnt to ashes and cast into the river. Revolt at Lions against the Duke of Nemours. Whilst the Agents of Spain labour for this election, and their partisans doting do as the frogs, who weary of their quiet King, made choice of the Stork, who in the end devoured them all: the Duke of Nemours made his faction apart, and seeing that by the nomination of these goodly Estates he should be excluded from his pretensions: knowing moreover that his brother on the Mother's side, did cross all his desseines, and bore him no good affection, he resolved to canton himself in his government, and by many and sundry forts both on the water and on the land, to plant his fortunes there. Already the Citadels and forts he held a Toissay, Vienne, Montbrison, Chastillon in Dombes, Belleville, Tisy, Charlieu and else where, threatened all Lionois with servitude, if the Lord of Saint julian would have sold him Quirieu for ready money: whom in the end, (thrust on by the persuasions and presence of their Archbishop, sent by the Duke of Mayenne with this Comisson among others) they force in his house, and the 18. of September put him with a guard into a strait prison in the Castle of Pierreancise, from whence in the end disguised, (playing the part of a groom of the Chambe, which carried forth the excrements of his master,) he passed through the guards turning away his face more for fear of being known, then for the ill smell: and escaping from them the three and twentieth of March following, being dispossessed of all his means, and expelled from his places, he went and died in Anecy, a house of his own, in the County of Geneve in Savoye, not without suspicion of being poisoned at a feast that was made him. This general surceasing of arms prolonged unto the end of the year, and religiously observed on either side, Assembly at Mante. brought a great quiet to France, & gave the king le●sure to assemble some of the chief of the realm at Mante, to consult upon sundry affairs, and particularly to hear the complaints of such as stood in doubt of the King's change in religion▪ and were grieved at divers contraventions of his majesties Edicts, 1553. whereby they suffered many wrongs in all Provinces: for the partisans of Spain, for their last refuge, continually exclaimed of the incompatibility of two religions in France, and many inclined to this opinion: That the King ought not be admitted, but he should promise expressly to banish all such as made profession of any other religion then that which he did embrace: or at the least to abolish all public profession. But the King employed all his care to unite his people in concord: and this new change did nothing alter the affection which he did bear indifferently to all, as a common father of his subjects. Thus arms were laid aside, whilst the Lord of Les-degiveres having beaten the Savoyard in divers encounters, in Provence, in Daulphinè, upon the fronters, and in Savoye upon his own land, conquered many places in Piedmont, and lately succoured Cavours which the Duke had besieged two months, gave great hope to force this neighbour enemy soon to yield what he had lately usurped of this Crown, if he had been supplied with men, munition and money, and if some private seeds of new combustions had not drawn him away, to quench those fires which threatened to consume Provence. By what means and degrees, the towns subject unto the League, returned to the obedience of this Crown: and the Spaniard chased out of the Realm. BUT courage oh my Countrymen. After a long and sharp winter, we begin to feel a pleasant spring. Preparati●s of obedience to the King. As the sun rising on his horizon increaseth in heat and brightness: so the people are ready to embrace the French liberty: their natural affection to their lawful Prince revives: now we shall see them which made the wound give the remedy: the French strive now to submit themselves unto their King, and the King to receive his subjects with an admirable clemency and fatherly affection. The Lord of Vitry gives the first check to the Spaniards. The sundry conferences he had had with his Majesty before Paris and else where, do now work a great effect: Meaux gins. Orleans and Bourges second it. for delivering the town of Meaux to the King as a New-yeares-gift, he gave a plausible beginning to this year, and made the way for the Lord of la Chastre, his Uncle, to bring unto his Majesty two goodly Duchies at once, of Orleans and of Berry. Some towns practised by the heads of the League demand a continuance of the truce, but it was only to prolong the miseries of France. The King therefore doth publish a declaration, showing the wicked and damnable practices of the Leaguers, who under the continuance of a truce, would confirm their tyranny. He prescribes to all in general one month of respite to acknowledge their lawful King, and to perform all necessary submissions, to be restored to their charges, benefices, goods and liberties. He condemns the rebels, and revoakes his pardon the time being expired. The brute of this declaration, and the King's preparatives to punish the obstinate, terrified the heads and the most part of the towns and Comonalties, yet he was content to hold the staff, but not to strike: and the providence of God conducted the work of this restoration, by other then violent means. The Duke of Mayenne sought all means to avoid this blow, but he had no forces able to prevent it. So this union, c●●ented together with so many shifts, oaths and conjurations, is dismembered on all sides: the most obstinate apprehend their total ruin, if they persist in their rebellion. 1554. The King's Coronation. THere was one thing very necessary to seal the general approbation of the King's lawful authority. He was not yet anointed, nor Crowned, and the want hereof, (as if his Coronation were the essential form of a royalty) served yet as a mask to many to withhold their obedience. It is good in some things to please the people's humour: and doubtless the end will show, that this solemn action did serve as a bright Lantern, to guide them to the port of obedience, which had resolved to yield. And, for that the rebellion of Reims had shut the gates against him, Chartrez was the Rendezvous of this solemn ceremony, and the Abbey of Marmons●ier furnished the Oil, which they keep religiously in the holy vial, with the like use and virtue, as in former times Raoul was anointed at Soissons, Lewis the fourth at Lion, Hugue at Compiegne, and Lewis the young likewise at Chartres. Thus was our Henry anointed in Chartres by the Bishop of the same place, the 27. of February, in the presence of such Princes of the blood, and officers of the crown, as the time would suffer to honour the ceremonies. The fruits of his Coronation. Let us now see the fruits of this solemnity. The Towns and commonalties of the League begin to tremble, and the most part determine to send their deputies to his Majesty, being resolved to receive his commandments. Misfortune is good for some thing. The Marquis of S. S●rlin, brother to the Duke of Nemours, Attempts of the Marq●●s o● Saint Sorlin against Lions, ●nd of th● Spa●ia●ds. being yet a prisoner, afflicted the inhabitants of Lions with all acts of hostility. The King of Spain, on the other side confirmed his intelligences more strictly with them of his faction's: and gave them assurance by the Duke of Terra-nova, governor of Milan, of a levy of twelve hundred Swisses, the which with other forces he would thrust into the town, under pretext to secure it against the violences of the Marquis, but having drawn them in among the Inhabitants, he should through the favour of the partisans of Spain▪ make himself master of the town. Lions was now ready to fall under the rule and tyranny of a stranger: but God stirs up means beyond man's reason. Some good men always well affected to France in their hearts, with the consent of four sheriffs, resolve to seek the means to draw the town to his majesties obedience. Lions reduced. They acquaint Colonel Alphonso with their enterprise, who gives them assurance of his favour and succour in so good an occasion. The 7. of january he comes to the suburbs of Guilloti●re with goodly troops. And t●e same day betwixt three and four of clock in the morning jaquet one of the S●●ri●fes, assisted by the Segni●urs of Liergues and the Seve (followed by a good number of armed men,) force a guard placed at the foo●e of the bridge upon Saone, and constrain them to leave the place. The town is in a●mes, they make barricadoes in their streets. Such as were of this enterprise, repair to the quarters that were assigned them: every man desireth the liberty of France. They seize upon the Arsenal, and on the most factious officers and Captains of the town. All the people wear white-scarfes and feathers. That happy cry of, God save the King, sounds in the air. They make bonfires in all places, they burn the arms and livery of Spain, Savoy and Nemours, and the picture of the League in form of a witch, and set up the Kings in all places. Hereupon Alphonso entered the town, accompanied with d' Andelot, Cheu●ieres, S. ●orieul, Botheon▪ la Li●gue, Baume, de Mures, with many other gentlemen of the County: and for the finishing of so good a work, he deposed the suspected Captains of the town, ●eceiued the oath of fealty to the king of such as he did substitute in their places: and afterwards the Council of the Town did resolve and swear never to admit any Italians or Savoyfiens to public charges: 1594. nations which had most nourished the fire of uncivil rebellion within thei● City. The like broil in a manner recovered the obedience of the Town, and Parliament of Aix in Provence to his Majesty. The Duke of Espernon built a Citadel there, to keep them in awe, with whose humours they could not well agree. Moreover he was not in good terms with the King, and seemed to pretend some innovation to the prejudice of the King's affairs. They therefore call unto them Les Diguieres, and the King commands him to go with speed, and to oppose his forces against the Dukes in Provence. He wanted men, money, and necessary provisions, to entertain that which he had exploited in Piedmont. He therefore furnisheth the places he held, as the time would suffer him, and goes to cross Espernon, razed the fort he built against the Town of Aix, and reduced the Inhabitants to their ancient obedience. The miraculous reduction of Paris to his majesties obedience. AMidest so many happy Catastrophes for the restoring of this monarchy, some notable inhabitants of Paris, M●ser b●● Enstate of Paris. which loved the Flower de Lussurioso in their souls, made the way to free it from the rule of strangers: but many difficulties crossed the means they gave unto the King, who employed all his designs to recover the ancient throne of his Predecessors. Paris was never without some Prince of the house of Lorraine▪ and above four thousand French, Spaniards, Italians, Lansquenets, and Wallows, kept the City in subjection. Seeing then that of many enterprises not any one could succeed happily, neither might they attempt it by open force, without a horrible effusion of blood, and bringing the City in danger of extreme disolation, a surprise was therefore necessary. It was now almost ready to be effected, by the means especially of the Lord of Belin Governor of Paris, of Martin Langlois, Seigneur of Beaurepaire one of the Sheriffs of Paris for that year, and some others, of whom they had assurance for the execution of their project, as well of the City, as of the soldiers practised long before. But the Duke of Mayenne being advertised that the said Belin had intelligence with the king▪ puts him from his government, and doth substitute in his place, the Earl of Brissac: and to fortify the garrison with strangers, he causeth fourteen hundred natural Spaniards to approach. By this displacing of the Lord of Belin, all their first desseins are made frustrate: but the Earl's humour was found apt to unite them. He sought the means to bring to light the effects which he had resolved, to purge the ill opinion of times past. As Langlois attended some favourable opportunity to discover himself to the said Earl, his Majesty sends him word that he is agreed with him, that he should not fear to open himself unto him, touching the means he had plotted with Belin. He confers with the Earl, lets him understand such as be of the intelligence, and they resolve together, That to bring the King in without effusion of blood, (as he desired,) the eve before the execution, they should carry some stuff to the new gate, that under colour ●o wall it up, they should draw away the gabions that stopped the gate▪ that in the night they should cut away the earth which stopped that of Saint Denis, and so seize on the one and the other. That the Shrieve Nerat with his children should take Saint Honories gate, whereof he had the keys, and draw in a good number of men of war, to favour the enterprise, and that by Saint Denis gate should enter an other troop, of sufficient armed men, as well to seize on the gate, as of the rampar on either side, to make a bar betwixt the Spaniards and the Walloons, and keep them from joining. They keep two guards near Saint Denis gate, one at Saint Eustace Cross: and the other at the Temple. At the same instant the garrisons of Melun and Corbei● should enter by boat at the Bulwark by the Celestins, and should be received by john Grossier, and by the Seigneur of Chevallerie, the first being Captain of the said Bulwark, and the other Lieutenant General of the artillery remaining in the Arsenal. And to avoid a popular tumult, a brute should be spread abroad of a peace betwixt the King, and the Duke of Mayenne, whom under colour of the people's jealousy of the Spaniards, which he had caused to approach unto Beawois, they had found means to send him out off Paris, with promise to cause them to retire. That over night they should give tickets to the chief whom they knew desirous of a peace, (as for the multitude of factious, and the partisans of Spain, they durst not speak openly unto them to bring in the King, & some that were desirous of peace, could not rest assured of his clemency and bounty) by the which they should be advertised of the accord, and entreated to arm with their friends for the bringing in of the Deputies of either part, which should come in the morning to make the publication, and resist the Spaniards that would oppose themselves. So it was decreed, and so executed. This order being resolved on, it was imparted to those with whom the enterprise had been long before concluded, by the means of the Lord of Vicques than Governor of Saint Denis, to whom the greatest honour is due, both for that all the associates did rely upon him, and daily were advertised and encouraged by him, and also for that he did carry himself so wisely in Saint Denis, as he was more Governor of Paris, then of S. Denis. The nineteenth of March▪ the Secretaries of the Lords of Brissac and S. Luc carry it to Senlis to the king, with a portrait of the City, setting down the places of the Strangers guards, & of their partisans. They are searched going out of the Town, but they remember not to look into their gloves, where their instructions were written by the hand of the said Langlois the Sheriff. The King gives them advice for the execution, the night before the 22. day of the month▪ A bold and 〈◊〉 execution. about four of the clock he finds all things ready, and the new gate, and S. Denis gate at his devotion. He enters with his troops, led by the Lords of H●mieres, ●elin, Vicques, & Favas, at the same gate by the which the deceased king parted mournfully out of Paris. At the same instant the Lord of Vitri comes with a troop of men at arms to Saint Denis gate, beats back the strangers who made resistance upon the rampar, enters the Town, sets guards at the gate, and on the ramparts, then passing through Saint Denis street, he encounters his Majesty, whose troops were come to Saint Michel's bridge, and before the Palace. Thus according to the oath which his Majesty had taken of the Captains of every company, Paris o●ey the King. Not to do or suffer any insolency or outrage to any Citizen, but to such as should obstinately make resistance, all his troops enter without disorder, without murder, without spoil, and by their perfect obedience testify how great his authority is that commands over them. The King being seized of the Loture, the palace, both Chastellets, and other chief places of the City, and assured of the Duke of Feri● and his Strangers, he went armed with his cask on his head, with an incredible concourse and joy of the people, to our Lady's Church, and there gave solemn thanks to the Sovereign Protector of this monarchy: who having as it were, led him by the hand, by such extraordinary and miraculous means, into the Capital City of the realm, gave him hope that he should soon chase the stranger ou● off his inheritance, and peaceably enjoy the throne of his predecessors. In the mean time the Earl of Brissac, john L'huillier master of the accounts, and provost of the Merchants, with the Sheriff Langlois, accompanied with the Heralds, ●ent through the City, proclaiming the King's general pardon: causing them to take white scarves, and gave tickets printed at Saint Denis, containing an abolition of all offences past. So as in less than two hours, all the City was quiet, every man went to his ordinari● exercise, the shops were o●ened, as if there had been no alteration, and the Townsmen grew familiar with the men of war. There was nothing but signs of wonderful joy and love: the bitterness of the proud and insolent command of the Spaniard, made the Parisiens' to taste the sweetness of the fatherly rule of their Kings, and those detest him as an enemy, who lately feared and respected him as a master. A happy and famous day, wherein the people (lately so contrary and full of cruelty,) reduced to that misery, as they durst not sigh in their misery, exceeding glad to see a means to enjoy their ancient liberty, know not with what acclamations to receive their peaceful and gracious King, who by his wonderful clemency, washing away the blemishes wherewith Paris had been unworthily polluted, made the Inhabitants, of slaves Citizens, restores them, their wives, children, goods, honours, Magistrates, and liberties, and gives peace to them who lately held it a crime to demand bread only, and capital to demand bread and peace together. His Majesty suffered the Duke of Feria, Dom Diego with other Commanders and men of war, to departed with their baggage, thei● matches out, and their arms down. The Bastille made some show of resistance: but as all was prepared to force it, & that their victuals (which were purposely kept back) began to fail them, De Bourg having the command thereof, yielded it three days after▪ and his Majesty to recompense such as had served him in this enterprise, gave them great gifts with many offices and advancements. He confirmed all the companies of the City, and disannulled the declarations which had been published in the month of March. 1589. he restored the Lord d'O to his government, from the which the general revolt had expelled him: he appointed him to go to the Town house, to take an oath of the officers in the presence of Mons●eur Francis Miron, one of the King's privy Council, master of Requests, and Precedent of the great Council, overseer of the government of the King's armies, and appointed to assist him. And the Earl of Chiverny Chancellor of France, assisted with the Seigne●rs of Ris, Pontcarre, Miron and other Councillors of the privy Council, and masters of Requests of the King's house, to the number of twelve, went to the Palace, and caused the letters of re-establishment of the Court of Parliament to be read, and at the instance of Loi●el, appointed in the absence of the King's officers▪ they took the oath of all the Precedents, Counselors and officers of the said Court, before the return of the Parliament removed to Tours, in the year 1589. And so in like sort to other companies, the chamber of accounts, Court of Aides & chamber of the money, to whom Councillors were sent to do the like as to the Parliament▪ and to continue their places and dignities, with the other officers resident at Tours, whom this happy reduction brought within few weeks after to their ancient seat of iusti●e▪ Paris being freed from the command of strangers, A decree against the League and the Du●e of Mayenne. and reduced under the obedience of their natural and lawful King, it was needful to repair that, which the liberty of war had changed, touching the Laws and grounds of the Estate, and the rights and honours of the Crown. To this end, the Court of Parliament lately establishes, revoakes, and disannuls by a decree of the 30. of March, all other decrees, orders, or oaths given or made since he 29. of December. 1588. to the prejudice of the King's authority, and the laws of the realm, decreeing that as things forced by violence, they should remain suppressed for ever. And especially they disannulled all that had been done against the honour of the deceased King▪ as well during his life, as after his decease: forbidding all persons to speak of his memory but with honour & respect: commanding to inform o● the detestable parricide committed on his person, and to proceed extraordinarily against such as should be found culpable. They revoked the authority given to the Duke of Mayenne under the title of Lieutenant general of the Estate and Crown of France, forbidding all men to acknowledge him with that quality, to yield him any obedience, favour, comfort, aid, upon pain of high treason. They likewise enjoined the Duke of Mayenne, upon the like pains, & other Princes of the house of Lorraine, to acknowledge King Henry the 4. of that name, for King of France & Navarre, for their king, to yield him the obedience of faithful servants and subjects. And to all other Princes▪ Prelates, Noblemen, gentlemen, Towns, Commonalties & private men. To 〈◊〉 that pretended faction of the League, whereof the Duke of Mayenne had made 〈◊〉 the head, and to yield unto the King obedience, service, and fealty, upon pain to 〈◊〉 said Princes, Prelates, Noblemen, and gentlemen, to be degraded of their 〈◊〉 and gentry, and they and their posterity declared base, with confiscation of 〈…〉 goods: and the razing of their Towns, Castles, and places, that should infringe 〈◊〉 Kings ordinances and commandments. They revoked and dissanulled all t●●t had been done or decreed by the pretended Deputies of the assemby held at Paris, under the names of the general Estates of the Realm, as void, done by private person's, chosen and suborned for the most part by the factious of this Realm and partisans to the Spaniard, having no lawful power: forbidding▪ the said pretended Deputies to take upon them this quality, and to assemble any more in the said City, or else where, upon pain to be punished as troublers of the public quiet, and guilty of high Treason. They enjoined such of the pretended Deputies as were yet resident at Paris, to retire home to their houses, to live there under the King's obedience, and to take the oath of fealty before the judges of those places. Moreover they decreed, that all processions and solemnities instituted during the troubles thereof, should cease, and instead thereof, the two and twentieth day of March should be for ever celebrated, and the same day a general procession should be made after the accustomed manner, where the said Court should assist in their scarlet robes, as a remembrance, to give God thanks for the happy reduction of this said City to the King's obedience. As the university by their treacherous decision had before countenanced and supported the Parisiens' insolencies and mutinies, The voluntary submission of the university. so now by their humble and due submission, of their own proper motion, they seek to repair the crime they had committed. james of Amboise Doctor in Physic, chief Rector, chosen since the reduction of Paris, the Dean and the Doctors of Sorbonne, the deans and doctors of other faculties, all the members and Officers of the university, come to the King to yield him a testimony of their love, and finding him in the chapel of Bourbon, prostrate before his Majesty, they acknowledge him their true and only natural Prince, swear to be obedient and faithful servants to him for ever, and beseech him (as to his other people which submit themselves like good and loyal subjects,) to extend his favour unto them. The Kings own disposition did move him, but the place did invite him to this pardon. He protests before God, to be as ready to remit the offences of others, as he desired Gods divine Majesty to be merciful unto his. So he received them, and sent them home graciously. Paris gave example to all the rest of the Realm. And the first fruits of this happy reunion began to ripen in the hearts of other Towns and Comonalties. So the months of April and May, were spent to receive the subm●ssions of divers Provinces, and dr●wing to the King's obedience, many Captains, gentlemen, Noblemen, and other ch●●e pillars of the League. So as every bird having his feather, the Crow in the Fable remained in the end naked. divers reductions in N●r●andie. The Lord of Villars submits himself to his sovereign Lord, and yielding him the towns of Rovan, Newhaven, Harfleu, Montivillier, Ponteau de ●er, and Vernueil: he obtains in exchange the office of Admiral of France, In Picardy. and hereafter resolves a most obstinate war against the Spaniard. But a sad accident shall ●oone frustrate the desseins he made with his Majesty. Abbeville hath been always ca●led the Citadel of Picardy, lying at the mouth of the sea. Maupin the Mayor, and some inhabitants, had resolved to give a great check unto the League: but the fear of the Duke of Aumales factions restrained them, and the seditious impressions of Preachers, (who throughout the Realm, have been the greatest motives of these last mutinies) made this their good will fruitless. The King being advertised hereof, did hazard Franc, one of the Secretaries of his Chamber, who was borne at Abbeville, to ●ound and discover the end of their intentions. He parts in April, and under colour to visit his friends, he behaves himself so discreetly in his negotiation, that in less than eight days they resolved in open assembly to send their deputies to yield themselves at his majesties feet, who in token of so good a service, ennobled France and his posterity, and augmented the privileges of the Town. In the same month, the inhabitants of Troy's expelled the Prince of joinuille, and recalled the Lord of Inteville, their ancient governor for the King. In Champagne. In Po●ctou & Gasconi●. The Towns and Provinces contend, who shall have the honour to return first to their due obedience, from the which these popular furies had withdrawn them. Sens, Poitiers, Again, Villeneufue, Marmande, and other Towns of Gasconie, and in a manner all that had followed the dance of Orleans and Paris, do now frame themselves to their tune. And all this is done in few weeks. The m●st factious of the party, did still feed the fire of rebellion in some Towns of Picardy: Amiens and Beawois wavered: the Spaniard possessed Laon and La Fere, places of importance in that Province: and the Con● Cha●les of Mansfield had even now besieged and taken Capelle, a small Town, but strong in the Duchy of Thierasche. The King being advertised thereof, went home to their Trenches, to draw them forth to fight: but making no show to come forth, to get that by force, which he could not obtain by reason, he besiegeth Laon, defeats the succours at sundry times that come to the besieged, kills above fifteen hundred of their men in sundry encounters, and taking the Town by composition in the end of August, he ends (by this act) the furies of civil wars without hope of reviving, and then returns triumphing to Paris. Chasteau Thierry, before the siege, and after the siege of Laon, Amiens, Beawois, and all the Towns in Picardy (except Soissons and La Fere, which the Duke of Mayenne and the Spaniard held) did shake off the Stranger's yoke, and took the oath of fealty to the King. Cambray did likewise acknowledge him, and gave his M●i●stie such advantage, as his enemies remained without means to maintain the war, and without hope to obtain their peace. The Duke of Mayenne in the mean time entertained all his friends and intelligences at Bruxelles: but the supplies of men and money which he drew ●rom thence, were not able to stay the course of the King's prosperities. He therefore retired himself into Bourgongne, to assure such places as were yet at his devotion. Contrariwise, his nearest kinsmen retiring themselves, left him almost alone to treat with the Spaniard. The Duke of Nemours made his accord at the Castle of Pierre-a●cise, but being escaped the 26. of july, as we have said, death deprived ●im of the use of his liberty, as we shall see hereafter. The Duke of Guise did first testify, The Duke of Guise reconciled to the King. that he desired nothing more than the King's service, and drawing in the month of November to his majesties service his brethren with himself, many Noblemen, the City of Reims, and many other places, it did greatly shake this monstrous building, which was now ready to fall to ruin. The sect of jesuits had as chief pillars of the League, mightily supported it unto this day, and by all means laboured to advance the Spaniard in France: Process against the jesuits renewed. they had spread throughout the whole realm, the furious effects of the fire which they had kindled, and continued in private confessions (as lately in their Sermons) to disgrace the memory of the deceased King, and the Majesty of the King now reigning: and to increase it, the principal of their College, and some others, had lately approved, countenanced, and persuaded that execrable attempt of Peter Barriere. The University of Paris grounding the renewing of thei● ancient Process against the Jesuits, upon these considerations and motives, demand the rooting out of them. Some great men, and of the chief men of justice, sue for them: the Cardinal of Bourbon supports them: The Duke of Nevers makes their cause his own. The respect of their learning, and care and diligence to instruct and teach youth, did move them: and a very urgent cause must draw the Court of Parliament (whose authority notwithstanding they did contemn and reject) to pronounce and declare this great decree, the which an accursed and detestable attempt, by one of their own disciples, did in the end extort. 1554. They procured that the cause might be pleaded secretly, for 〈◊〉 (said their Advocate) to defend my Clients, I shall be forced to speak some things offensive to many which have lately turned to the King's service. But their pleading are to be read in Arnault against them, and Versoris for them, both grave and learned advocates. By the reduction of so many Provinces, Towns, Comonalties, and private Noblemen, the League shall be now confined into some corners of Bourgongne, Picardy, and Brittany, where the Spaniards (to have always footing within the Realm) entertained the hopes of the Duke of Mayenne and Mercoeur. The first began to fall from them: but the other grounded upon some vain pretensions of the Duchy, where he governed by reason of his wife, hoped to prevail, if not of all, yet at the least of a good part. The Queen Dowager his Sister, laboured to make his peace▪ but he delayed the time, knowing that in his greatest extremity he should find grace with the King. The Spaniard being brought into Blavet by his means (a fort which the situation of the country had made almost impregnable, if as they had built a fort near unto Croisae, to shut up the entry of the port at Breast, they had also made an other right against it on the other bank) hoped that being chased out of the other Provinces, he should yet hold this as a pawn for the money he had disbursed. His Majesty sent the Marshal D'Aumont, War in Brittany. and General Norrice an English man, to encounter him, who fortified with a Fleet, under the command of Captain Frobisher, they became masters of Quimpercorentin and Morlay, and then they forced the new fort at Croisae, and slew (but with the loss of men, and of the said Frobisher,) four hundred Soldiers, to whom the guard was committed. France grew quiet, yet must they employ the Soldiers, and carry the war into the Spaniards country. It seemed this would free the realm, but seldom doth it bring forth the effects that are expected. In Luxembou●g. Yet for a trial, the King agrees with the Estates of Holland and their confederates, to invade the Duchy of Luxembourg with their common forces. The Duke of Bovillon, now marshal of France, and the Cont Nassau, seek to enter in October, but they find the passages stopped, and the Cont Charles Mansfield before them, who by the defeat of the Hollanders troops, made this attempt fruitless. On the other side, the King seeks to keep the frontiers of Picardy safe from the Spanish forces, and threatened Arthois and Henault: That if they favoured the forces of Spain, which molested Cambray and the Countries there about, he would make violent water against them. The Estates of those Provinces make no answer to these threats, framing their excuse that they could draw no direct answer from the Archduke Ernest, Lieutenant general for the King of Spain in the Low Countries, who soon after persuaded the subjects of the said Countries to arm, and to invade France. The better to know Picardy, and to judge of what should be necessary against the attempts of this new enemy, the King makes a voyage to the fronter, and then returns to Paris, to celebrate the solemnity of the knights of the order of the holy Ghost, and to receive the Ambassadors of Venise, Vincent, Gradenico and john Delphino being sent to congratulate the happy success of his affairs, and Peter Duodo to succeed john Mocenigo. At his arrival he receives three good advertisements: That the Marshal d' Aumont had taken from the Spaniard one of the places he had fortified in Britain: That the Spaniards thinking to enter into Montrueil, having given fifty thousand Crowns to the governor, had been repulsed with the loss of five or six hundred men: And that the Marshal of Bovillon had joined with the army of Cont Maurice in despite of Cont Charles. But oh monstrous attempt, the only remembrance should make our hair to stare, and our hearts to tremble. The 27. of December, the King being booted in one of the Chambers of the Lowre, The King● hurt in the ●●ce. having about him his Cousins the Prince of Conty, the Cont Soissons and the Earl of S Paul, and a great number of the chief Noble men of his Court, bending down to receive the Lords of Ragny, and Montigny, who kissed his knee, a youngman called john Chastel, of ●he age of eighteen or nineteen years, the son of a woollen draper in Paris, a Novice of the jesuits, 5594 encouraged by their instructions, & thrust on by a devilish fury, creeps into the chamber with the press, & surprising his Majesty as he was stooping to take up these gentlemen, in steed of thrusting him into the belly with a knife, as he had determined, he struck him on the uper lip, and broke a tooth. This wretch was taken, and confessed it without torture. The King understanding that he was a disciple of that school. Must the Jesuits then (said he) be judged by my mouth? Thus God (meaning by this cursed and detestable atttempt) to countenance the pursuit of the university of Paris against that sect, john Chastel having declared the circumstances of his wicked intent, was found guilty of treason, against God and man in the higest degree, and by false and damnable instructions (holding that it was lawful to murder Kings, A decree against the murderer. and that the King now reigning was not in the Church until he were allowed by the Pope) was by a decree of the Court condemned to do penance before the great door of our Lady's Church, naked in his shirt upon his knees, holding a burning torch of two pound weight, to have his arms and legs pinched at the grieve with burning pincers, and his right hand holding the knife wherewith he sought to commit this parricide to be cut off, his body to be torn in pieces by four horses, burnt to ashes, and cast into the wind, and all his goods forfeit to the King. The said Cou●t decreed by the same sentence, That the Priests, scholars and all others terming themselves of that society, (as corrupters of youth, troublers of public quiet, and enemies to the King's state,) should departed within three days after the publication of this decree, out of Paris, and other places where they had colleges: and within fifteen, out of the Realm, upon pain after the said time to be punished as guilty of high treason, all their movable and immovable goods to be forfeited, to be employed in godly uses, forbidding all the King's subjects to send any Scholars to the College of the said society without the Realm, there to be instructed or taught, under like pains as before. The Decree was executed the nine and twentieth of the said month. Peter Chastel the father, and john Gueret schoolmaster to this murderer, were banished, the first for a certain time out off Paris, and fined at two thousand Crowns, the last for ever out off the Realm, upon pain of death. The father's house standing before the palace, razed, and a pillar erected containing (for a perpetual monument) the causes of that ruin. Amongst the writings of one named john Guignard of Chartres, were found certain outrageous and scandalous libels against his Majesty, made since the general pardon granted by him at the reduction of Paris, for the which he was executed the seventh of january following. Experience hath often taught, War proclaimed against the Spaniard. that arms produce greater effects abroad in the enemy's Country then at home, and that the goodliest triumph is sought farthest off. Our uncivil confusions were forged chiefly in Spain: and the jesuits had been the cheerest workmen. One Francis jacob a scholar of the jesuits of Bourges, had lately vaunted to kill the King, but that he held him for dead, and that an other had done the deed. And this horrible attempt of late upon the sacred face of his Majesty, (wherein he was miraculously preserved) doth witness, that they were the chief firebrands. So the King grounding the necessity of his arms upon these considerations, after he had rooted out this sect of Schools, which they held within the jurisdiction of the Parliament of Paris, he published a declaration for the making of war against the King of Spain. Without doubt the reaso●s were very apparent and manifest, and the beginning more favourable than the end. The Marshal of Bovillon gins this new war: he enters the Duchy of Luxem●ourg with an army of a thousand horse, and four thousand foot, and at the first puttoo rout eleven Cornets of horse of Cont Charles near to Wirton, kills two hundred and fifty upon the place, makes the rest to leave arms, horse and baggage, and to save themselves in the next forest. 1595. Philip likewise for his part pro●●●i●es 〈◊〉 against our Henry. The Duke of Lorraine on the other side, having taken a truce 〈◊〉 his Majesty, Some Lorrains' serve the King. the Baron of Aussonuille, with the Seignieurs of Tremblecourt and 〈◊〉 George (who before made war under him) now take the white scarf, they enter the County of Bourgongne with a thousand horse, and fi●e thousand foot, and at the first they seize upon Vezou de jonuille, and other places. Behold the fire which threatens two Provinces: but the Spaniard suffers them not to be consumed, as men presumed, that being busy to quench it, he would leave Picardy in quiet. He commands the Archduke earnest, that with the hazard of the Low Countries he should transport all his forces into Picardy, and moreover causeth the Constable of Castille governor of Milan, to pass the Alpes with a great army of Spaniards and Neapolitans, who recovered the places, and forced the Lorraines to disperse themselves. The Artesiens' and Hannuyers, foreseeing the desolation which the continuance of this war would cause, solicited the Archduke to seek some means to quench 〈◊〉 but death cuts off the course of his enterprise. The Earl of Fuentes (that is to say Fontaines) advanced them courageously, Spania●ds in Picardy. causing the governor of Arthois to enter into Picardy with a thousand horse, and six thousand foot. Behold rough seas and great storms, which violently beat upon our great Pilot: but in despite of their attempts, he shall guide his ship to a safe port, and bring his enterprises to an end. Vienne, Nuiz, Antun, Beaune and Dijon, did happily assist him: let us see the success. The Duke of Nemours escaped from prison, The Duke of Nemou●s makes war against Lionois assembled a good troop of Soldiers, horse and foot, and drawing to him three thousand Swisses which wintered in Savoy for the defence of the Country, with these forces he pretended to subdue the Provinces of Lionois, Forest and Beavieulois, and to revenge the disgrace he had received in Lions. For a beginning, he had reduced to his devotion, Thisi a strong Castle in Lionois, Vienne in Daulphiré, Feur, Montbrison, Saint German, and Saint Bonnet, To●nes in Forest: and by this restraining them both above and beneath the river, he made an account either ●o bring Lions to some extremity of victuals, or to cause some tumult among the people, Great service done by the Constable. who should give him entry into the City. Being ready to effect his designs, the Constable parted from Languedoc, to join with the King, he resolves in this encounter to do him a notable service. He comes into Lionois, followed with a thou●and horse, and four thousand choice Harquebusiers, happily for the preservation of the Country: for he presently stayed the course of the Duke of Nemours prosperity, who posting to oppose himself against the Constable (having made a voyage to the Constable of Castille, with hope to have authority over these foreign forces, and to dispose of them for the execution of his designs) fortifies Saint Colombe, a small village at the foot of the bridge of Vienne towards Lionnois, lodgeth some troops there, and the rest he puts in garrison into the Town. This great multitude of men shut up in Vienne, makes their victuals grow s●ant: they likewise want other necessaries and munition for war. The Constable cuts off all means from them. The Swisses mutiny for want of pay, and being called home by their Colonels, go to join with the forces of Savoy, which the Marquis of Treffort commanded, being Lieutenant general for the Duke of Savoy, on this side the Alpes. To curb Lions more straightly, the Marquis came to winter his men at Mountluel, a small Town of Savoye, three Leagues from Lions. The Constable prevents him, and surprising the Town, disapoints the Marquis, lodgeth his men dry, and leaves the Savoysien subject to the injuries of the air, and keeps him from attempting any thing against Lions. The Constable advertised of some discontent betwixt the Captains of the Strangers that were in Vienne, and the Seigneur of Disimieu a Gentleman of Daulphiné, who commanded in the Castle of Pipet, the chief Fort of the said Town, he practiseth Disimieu, lets him understand of his duty to the King's service, his natural Prince, his duty to his Country, and the profit he shall bring by the reduction of this Town, to so many people threatened with foreign oppression. Disimie● gives ear, and without any great difficulty, having passed his word to the Constable, suffers the Seigneur of Montoison to enter the Castle with a troop of Harquebusiers. The Constable parts the 24. of April, with eight hundred Harquebusiers, three hundred horse, and many Gentlemen, as well of the Country, as his own followers: and marcheth towards Vienne. The Marshal of Ornano doth likewise meet him, with five hundred Harquebusiers, and two hundred masters. All show themselves about Vienne at noonday. Then Disimieu gives the Seigneur of Cheylart, and Dom Vincentio Colonnell of the Italian foot (that were there in garrison) to understand, That being well informed of the sinister practice and charge they had to seize upon his person, he had resolved to yield the Town and Castle unto the King: yet would he not put it in execution, before he had obt●yned a safe conduct for them and their troops. Montoison shows himself with his troop, and makes Cheylart and Vincentio to accept the condition that was offered them. They go forth, and take the way to Savoye, guarded by a company of light-horse. Disimieu brings them unto Saint Blandine, where the Constable attended him, and there takes the oath of obedience and fealty to the King. Towards night the Constable entered Vienne, and received the Town and Castles of Pippet and La dirty in his majesties name. So Vienne, the only Sanctuary of the Duke of Nemours, the Rendezvous of Strangers, and the port of Daulphiné to neighbour Provinces, caused the quiet of all the Country, and neighbours about. Since the which the Duke always drooped, being contemned, hated, and frustrate of all his attempts: and finally he ended all his griefs by a mournful and pitiful end. As all things succeeded happily for the King, the Marshal of Byron having taken Beaune in view of this great army of the Constable of Castille, Autun & Nuys in Bourgongne, he puts himself into Dijon, being called by the Inhabitants, he chased away the Viscount of Tavannes' troop es, (who held the Inhabitants shut up in a corner of the Town,) fortified their Barricadoes against the Castle, and did beleguar it, attending his Army, which made haste to return out of the Franche Conté. His Majesty foreseeing, that the Constable of Castille being free, after the recovery of Vezou, should be employed by the Duke of Mayenne, to secure the Castle of Dijon, wherein consisted the chief hope of his rising, makes haste to Troy's, makes a solemn giving of thanks for so happy a victory, and takes his way to Dijon, arrives there the fourth of june, carrying with him the execution of a design, more miraculous than all the rest. Without doubt our posterity may put this History with the fabulous tales of the four sons of Aymond, of Rowland, Oliver, and others, if we set not down the truth, with the chief circumstances: for is it not a dream, an enchantment, and a fabulous tale, that four score Cavaliers, but true French Gentlemen, generous, and well lead, have amazed and put to flight, two thousand horse? But what durst not this brave Nobility do, having in the head of them so incomparable and valiant a Captain, and a King so well beloved and respected of all? The castilian had already passed his troops and Artillery, upon bridges of boats at Grey: when as the King having fortified the Inhabitants with a thousand men, commanded by the Earl of Thorigny, he viewed the Castle of Dijon, the F●rt of Talen a Cannon shot from the Town: and all the approaches, whereby t●e enemy m●ght attempt to secure the Castle, made choice of battle fit to stay him, and where to make Forts for the restraining of the said Castle: he resolves to free him of half his pains, and to meet him in the mid way, with a double intent, the one to fight with him at the passage: the other, to give the Assailants time to ' finish their trenches against the Castle. For the ex●●●tion hereof, he assigns the Rendezvous at Lux upon Tille and Fontaine Françoise to a thousand horse, and five hundred Carabins, whom he would use in this rare stratagem: and the same day parts with the only Company of the Baron of Lux, and some thirty horse, and comes to Lux, and from thence to Fontaine-Françoise, putting a troop of foot into two castles which are in the village of Saint Seine upon the river of Vigenne, to stop the enemy's passage. It was the directest and best way to come to the succour of Dijon. Wonderful effects of the King's arm●s. A League from Fontaine-Françoise, the Marquis of Mirebeau gives his Majesty intelligence, that he hath encountered with two troops of three or four hundred horse, which made him retire in haste: that he did think to have seen some win●s of the army behind, but he had no leisure to discover them plainly. He spoke tru●●, for all the castilians army was advanced to seize upon the passage of Saint Seine. Some weak spirit or less generous than our Henry, would presently have resolved to make an honourable retreat: but this did kindle his courage, and increase his desire to see their Countenance. He sends the Marshal of Byron with the company of the Baron of Lux, to discover if it were the army, or some other troop that went to the war, and himself followed the marshal a good pace. A hundred paces beyond Fontaine-Francoise, the Marshal discovers about threescore horse upon a hill, mid way to Saint Seine, situate at the foot thereof on the one side, so as the villages cannot see one another. The Marshal resolves to chase them, to see what the enemy did behind. He sees the enemy's army coming to the said village, and near unto a wood fast by, about three hundred horse, which had beat back the Baron of Ausonuille, whom his Majesty had likewise sent before with a hundred horse, to see if the enemy marched or stayed. These (supported by their whole army, which followed them at the heels) put forth one troop on the right hand, and an other on the left, who make a show to charge the Marshal, that they might observe what forces followed him. To frustrate their expectation, he causeth the Marquis of Mirebeau to stretch forth at large on the one hand, and the Baron of Lux on the other, and then assured that the enemy's a●mie followed, he began to make his retreat towards the King. The enemy peesseth him, The wisdom and valour ●f the Marshal● of Bi●on. taking this retreat for a kind of flight: But he retired only, to charge more furiously. The Baron of Lux sees a troop, ●hich advanced before their army, and enters so hotly amongst them, as his horse being slain, he remains engaged in great danger, if the Marshal had not fal●en on them with so rough a charge as they were constrained and forced to turn their backs. Hereupon issue forth from the woods, many troops of horse, which in all, with them that marched before, made about twelve hundred. The Marshal (discovering them) retires more speedily, as well to advertise his Majesty that all their army followed, as also to tell his Majesty, that he had means with his horse to fight with theirs before their foot could arrive. Before he could deliver this unto the King, the troops of the Baron of Thianges, Thenissey, Villiers, Houdan, and a company of Carabins joined with him, An adventurous charge. whom he had chased, & force him to turn head, but with twenty horse only, for the great number of enemies at the first view had amazed most of them which followed the Marshal. He chargeth, and overthrows the first he encounters. But two wounds, one on the head, with a sword, the other with a Lance which razed the skin of his belly, made the victory for a while doubtful. Without doubt his brave resolution and wise command encouraged many that were amazed, and confirmed that, which in show tended to ruin. The only fear which they had, lest he had more men in the village or thereabouts, than he had made show of, kept the enemy back, and made them to attend the rest of the army which advanced: in the mean time they put them into five esquadrons. His Majesty sees himself engaged to fight, 2595 and hath small means to make it good, for the troops followed easily, and the hour of the Rendezvous was not yet come. The King notwithstanding advanceth a troop of horse which newly arrived. But discovering this great cloud of enemies read●e to charge them, they retire to his Majesty. One torch may kindle many lights. If our Henry had wanted resolution: if his valour had not been able to heat these cold and frozen hearts: if numbers had exceeded his courage, he had been wonderfully perplexed. It was a shame to retire, a rashness to advance, and dangerous to make a stand. There was peril to fight, or not to fight. He chooseth rather to exceed the limits of valour, then to be noted of any cowardice. He advanceth to them that fled, and causeth some to turn & to join with his troop. The Lord of Tavannes' arrives with his company, increasing his number, which are about two hundred horse, but not yet well joined. Hereupon the Duke of Mayenne appears upon a hill, and sends forth three esquadrons against his Majesty, which flanked him on the right hand, the one of 300 horse, the other of 200, & the third of a hundred and fifty, and two others against the Marshal of Byron. The King advanceth, with about four score horse, & chargeth the first squadron so violently, as he gives them no leisure to think to fight, overthrows the second, and disperseth the third, with about five and twenty horse, which remained with him (the rest pursued the victory) strikes terror into all, and leaves the vanquished no other safety, but to die by the hands of so incomparable a Conqueror. The Marshal of Byron seconds this admirable victory with a great resolution, who followed with about fifty horse, defeated the two esquadrons that came against him, one after another, within threescore paces of the Duke of Mayenne, who stood firm on the hill with his troop of three hundred horse, whether the runaways fled, thinking there to be in safety. The King and the Marshal charge them jointly, force them, put them in rout, and pursue them unto the corner of the wood. Here the King finds their battalions of foot, and great store of muskets and other shot planted alongst it, with four hundred fresh horse, sent to receive the Duke, a hundred paces from their battaillons. So his Majesty makes a stand, and the enemies freed from him begin their retreat. The King's horse follow them to the top of the hill, and there put themselves in battle. A notable victory. The King having taken breath in the place from whence he parted to go to the charge, divides his men into two troops, one for himself, the other for the Marshal. Here, about a hundred French gentlemen take the place from fifteen hundred horse, and by this means the King was master both of the enemy's bodies, and of the place of battle. His Majesty gathers together such as were dispersed, to make the better show. Hereupon arrives the Earl of Cl●rmont, Vitry, the King's light horse, those of Cesar Monsieur, the Duke d' Elbeuf, the Earl of Chiverny, the Chevalier d' Oise, the Lord of Risse and Aix, which made about six hundred horse of his ordinary, all grieved that they had not followed the fortune & valour of our King, to be partakers of the honour which he had won. With this supply he turns to overtake them that ●led, and pursues them two Leagues, near unto Grey: A shameful flight. but not able to follow this shameful flight he was content his glory should surmount their shame, and that his valour had vanquished their ●orce. and using this famous victory with piety, he let all the world know in his person, That it is not the sword, nor the arm that strikes, nor the number of men, that preserves Kings in the midst of arms: but that high Providence, which fight with the one band for the just cause of lawful Princes, against the attempts, and violences of ●●urpers and Tyrants: and holding victories in the other, decides the quarrels of S●●erainties, by the equity he finds in Prince's arms unjustly oppressed, and makes it ●●nifest that the admirable events of battles consist and rely not only in number or force, but in the free disposition of his favours, unto a people whose miseries h● will shorten, which the continuance of war hath bred in a divided Estate. The enemy returned to lodge at Saint Seine, and dislodging the next day 〈◊〉 fear, 1595. they repassed the water upon their bridges, leaving both the one and the other side of the hill at the King's devotion, who without doubt had given them a great chec● upon this retreat, if his footmen had been with him, and the horses l●te●y ar●●ued could have endured the toil in the vehement heat of the sun. The Duke of Mayenne and the castilian lost in this charge six score men slain upon the field, three score prisoners, and two hundred hurt. His Majesty, only ●oure slain, and one prisoner. But for a notable circumstance, and a sign of the especial care of God over his person, he performed these exploits without any other arms then his cuirass alone, and was well assisted (to their great commendation) by the Dukes of Guise and Elbeuf, the Lord of Tremoville, and the Marquises of Treyn●l and Pizany, by the Lords of Inteville, Roquelaure, Chasteauvieux, Liencourt, Montigni, Mir●poix and others. And in despite of all the furious attempts of the League, the Castle of Dijon, and in a manner all Bourgongne was soon after reduced to the King's obedience: and now the third time, he freed his realm from strangers. The King in the end invades the County, forceth one of their lodgings in the view of the Constable of Castille near unto Grey, becomes master of the field, takes Aspremont and many other places: he had forced their chief forts, if the Swisses had not entreated him to retire his army, and to suffer that Province to enjoy her ancient liberty. Whilst the King continues his victories, the Marshal of Bovillon executes a dangerous enterprise, but of importance upon the Town and Castle of Han. Han opened the way for the Spaniard from the fronter unto Beawais and Amiens: f Ha● ●urprised or the King. but this surprise cunningly performed, did wonderfully annoy them, and not one Spaniard of those which had it in guard escaped either death or prison. Six score natural Spaniards, and six or seven hundred Captains and soldiers of diverse nations were slain, and three or four hundred prisoners. Humieres slain. But all this scum of men could not recompense the death of that brave and generous Nobleman a● Humieres, one of the chief actors in the enterprise, as much lamented first by the King, then by the Nobility, and generally of all France: as his virtues and merit's ●ad made him commendable and necessary for his majesties service. La Croix master of the camp, Mazieres Lieutenant to Suruille, and Boyencourt Captain of Humieres guard, were companions of his valour, and grave. The Town was taken for the King, with the death of some twenty other gentlemen, and about a hundred soldiers. B●t the Spaniard soon after revenged this surprise upon Castelet, but more sharply upon the Town of dourlan's, for having put to rout the succours which the Marshal of Bovillon sent, slain the Admiral of Villars and many gentlemen, they took the Town by assault (not for want of men or munition, Castelet and dourlan's for the Spaniards. but by their bad order, and the intelligence which the Commanders in the Town had with the enemy) and entered it with such great fury, as they had no respect of sex or age: having no reason for their horrible cruelty, but the fresh remembrance of their companions. It is (cried they) to revenge those of Han. The Duke of Nevers, the Marshal of Bovillon, and the Earl of Saint Paul, Commanders of the King's troops, having divided the charge amongst them, to encounter the Spanish forces, the Marshal and the Earl went to provide for the places about Bollogne, and the Duke for those upon the river of Somme. Passing by Amiens, he finds the people and the chiefest so amazed, that to assure them, he was forced to lay aside the qualities of his person, and to promise to put himself into Corbia, four Leagues from Amiens, to defend it if the enemy approached. He enters it the third of August, ve●es it both within and without, takes a survey of the quantity of munition, and of the number of months, and provides as time and necessity would permit him for things necessary for the preservation of the place. The Spaniard had an other desseine▪ for the first day of the month he parts from about dourlan's, and taking the way betwixt Peronne and Corbie, seems to threaten Saint Quentin or Cambray. So the Duke leaves Corbie, but doubtful whither the Spaniard went: 2595 yet advertised by the Viconte d' Auchy governor of Saint Quentin, Cambray besieged. that the enemy approached towards him, he goes to defend Saint Quentin. He is no sooner armed, but news come, that the Earl of Fuentes is lodged about Cambray, to besiege it with seventeen thousand men, and threescore and two pieces of artillery. The Lord of Balagny, Martial of France, by his articles of capitulation with the King, confirms this advice by his letters of the eleventh, twel●th, thirteenth, and foure●eenth days of the month, and requires to be suddenly relieved, for the pitiful Estate of dourlan's terrified the people: the town was ill provided of men, this huge number of Cannons, and this fearful multitude of men, struck a general terror among the Citizens. But to revive their spirits, who were ready to yield obedience to a new Lord, the Duke of Nevers sends them his only son the Duke of ●ethelois, assisted with the valour and wisdom of the Lords of Vicques, Bu●y, Trumelet Vaudecourts', Sugny, Fleury, Chaltray, and others with about three hundred and fi●tie horse. The Peasants by their bells give the alarum from village to village, and a paltry bridge of wood at Anne, two Leagues from cambray, staying their troop, gave the Earl of Fuentes means to put his horse in battle almost directly in the way the Duke should take. He avoids it, and going aside encounters a guard of five and twenty Lances, making a stand on this side of a hollow-way: he chargeth them, cuts them in pieces in the sight of their horse, which could not secure them by reason of the said way, and passing on, he falls into a troop of two hundred and fifty horse, marcheth directly to them, scatters them, goes on his way, and comes to the town ditch. The Inhabitants know him and receive him with much honour, and joy to see so brave succours. But it was too weak against such a number of assailants: The King was far off, the Estate of Bourgundie kept him occupied: the affairs of the Province of Lionois required his presence. The Inhabitants of Cambray began to decline in affection: they were malcontent with the tediousness of the siege, and the ruin of their houses by the Cannon, and of the constraint to take certain money made of Copper, and not suffer them to employ it, carrying on the one side the King's arms as Protector, and on the other those of the Lord of Balagny, created Prince of Cambray by the a●iticles of his reddition. On the other side the enemy made strange attempts, and gave horrible threats against the besieged. Cambray yielded to the Spaniard. They shut their ears against all persuasions, and make a disloyal resolution to yield, and hoping ●or better usage and more liberty, they open the gates to the enemy. The Duke of Rethelois, Balagny and Vicques, and others fly into the Citttadell. The Duke would retire his son, and makes the besieged despair of any speedy succours. So the ninth of October Balagny signed the capitulation, offered by the enemy: but with so much great grief and sorrow, as the same night he signed it, his wife being a woman of a great spirit, died, not able to endure that so precious a jewel as Cambray (whereof she was newly created Princess) should fall into the Spaniards cruel hands. Thus this ancient member of this Crown was lost: Thus the only triumph of a son and brother of the Kings of France was blemished. Doubtless had it not been for the impatiency and disloyalty within, and the fault of some great men that m●ght have prevented this mischief, all their attempts had been in vain: for the Earl of Fuentes was ready to build forts about the town, rath●r to vanquish the● by a long siege then by assault. And the King hasted his entry into Lions, to come to their speedy succour. The Duke of Nevers died soon after, grieved on the one ●ide ●or so great a br●ach made to this Estate, and satified on the other, that his son had showed himself so valiant in the conduct of the succours he put into the town. The King seeing the Constable of Castille shut up into Dole and Grey, being loath to hazard a battle, 1595 he went and made his entry into Lions the fourth of Septem●●●▪ assured the Province, provided for the troubles of Provence, nourished not so much 〈◊〉 the League, as by the discontentments and partialities of some which had no 〈◊〉 with them: he received Bois Dauphin to his obedience, with the towns 〈◊〉 Cha●teaugontier in Anjou, and Sable in main, and for recompense of his service, 〈◊〉 him with the place of a Marshal of France. Then he granted a general ●ru●e throughout the whole realm, to the Duke of Mayenne, which after so many sto●mes, an● 〈◊〉 many tempests, shall in the end bring us to a safe port, so necessary to quie● the divisions of this realm. God raiseth up a great means from beyond the mountains, to make the way easy for a general peace and reunion of people distracted ●rom his majesties obedience. The Pope moved in the end to see the eldest son of the Church, and the chief Christian Prince prostrate at his feet, shows himself a true father of ●ust●ce, to vanquish the difficulties and oppositions, whereby the Ambassador of Spain had cro●● his majesties constant and just pursuit, since the time of his conversion. The 18. of September he opens the streams of his blessings upon our King's ●ead: and all the College of Cardinals, all the people, all the City of Rome, cry out with that happy acclamation, God save Henry of Bourbon, King of France and of Navarre, most great, most Victorious. The Pope blesseth the King. God save the most Christian and most Catholic. God save the chief son of the Church. Few days after the news of this solemn action, the King went from Lions in ●ost by night, to go to the succour of cambray, but the effects were not answerable to his care and good will. The Cambresiens' had already conceived some hope of greater liberty▪ they hoped to get much by the change, and yielded their necks to a new command. There is neither means, council, nor reason, that can stay a multitude, when as a disordered appe●●t of freedom doth transport them. ●a F●●e besieged. His Majesty finds other work to employ his forces: he sought to root this foreign power speedily out off Picardy, which held his hands bound, and insulted over him: la Fere is the chief and most important fort of the Provence: he beseemeth it and finds therein an obstinate and invincible resolution. Perseverance is necessary in all sorts of warfarre, but especially in the siege of towns: and there is no place which munition and the situation makes impregnable, but time and famine will force, subdue and bring under. Whilst the king leaves the besieged nothing free but the air, and drives them to all extremities, The D●kes of Mayenne and Nemours rece●●●d into gre●e. the Duke of Mayenne on the other side (seeing his retreats in a manner all lost, and that he is in disgrace with the Spaniard,) sues for his majesties savour, and upon his simple word he promiseth to come unto him wheresoever he pleased. The Marquis of Saint Sorlin, now Duke of Nemours, by the death ofhi elder brother, yields with the like facility. Never Prince did more easily remit the wrongs were done him▪ The King grew more cold than was requisite in a siege of such importance, to attend the treaties of the one and the other. He commended the first, for the affection he had showed to preserve the realm entire having not done, nor suffered it to be dismembered, but of some places, in the great declining of his Estate, & d●clares that he had always heard that the second had no part in the troubles and divisions of the realm, by any desseine prejudicial to the Estate. This reunion of the Duke of Mayenne caused the yielding of So●sso●s, Pierrefont, Chaalon upon Saone, Seurre in Bourgongne, and some other places, to the King's obedience, who in like sort (to gi●e order to the disorders of Britain, a Province all covered with Spaniards under Don john d' Aghigliar,) sent the Marshal of Laverdin thither after the death of the Marshal d' Aumont. The hazard and burdens of rebellion, ruined the D●ke of Aumal● only: he would be more wilful than all the rest. He therefore grew so incensed against him, as the Court of Parliament at Paris made his process, declared him guilty of treason in the highest degree, his picture to be drawn in pieces with four horses, all his goods forfeited to the King, adjudged his goodly house at An●t to be razed to the ground, and for more detestation of his treachery, the Trees about it cut off by the waste. But he sought his safety with Albert Cardinal of Austria at Bruxelles, lately come to succeed the Archduke Ernest his brother. Albert assures the besieged in La Fere, to free them▪ but he suffered the succours that should relieve them to be defeated. And the Earl of Fuentes having manned the Towns of his new conquest, went to winter in Haynault, and gave the King means to dismiss most part of his hors●▪ to be ready in the spring against the Cardinal's designs. In the mean time he assembled the Estates of Picardy, Bolognois, Vermandois and Thierasche in Amiens, provided for the estate of the Province, and punished some Captains with death, whose covetousness had partly been the cause of the former losses. Whilst that our Henry assisted now by the D●ke of Maye●●e in person, 1596. bring them of La Fere to be ready to submit unto his Majesty, behold the beginning of this new year, sows the seeds which shall bring ●orth most profitable fruits, for the perfect restoring of this estate. The Towns and whole provinces, desire a general delivery, and nothing stays the effects, but that some Governors ●ill have the honour, to see the Canon at their gates, before they treat of their accord: others set their places to sale. A filthy traffic, fit for the confusion of this age, but unworthy of all good order, unworthy the duty of good subjects, unworthy of the liberty and honour of the French Nobility. The King reducing them by force, which will not voluntarily return to their duties, he willingly gives ear to the mildest and shortest course. He should spend more money to get mor● honour, but he frames himself after the example and model of Charles the seventh, whose two reigns had many conformities. He desires rather to buy a place for money, then to besiege it with much more charge, and great loss of men. The people suffer great loss, and oft times the issue is doubtful. The first fruits of this new year are most happy in general, and most honourable for the chief authors thereof. The Duke of Ioy●uze holds the first rank. The Duke of Ioy●uze. It is he which hath lately taken again his profession of a Capuchin, whereunto he was vowed after the death of his wife: and by the decease of the last Duke of Ioy●uze his brother, (drowned near to Villemur,) had le●t him to succeed in the name, government and estate of the deceased. Without attending of any force, he yields freely to his majesties service, and the King opening his arms and heart, makes him partaker of his especial favours, honouring him with the title of Marshal of France, and one of his Lieutenants general in Languedocke, in the Towns, places and countries, he brings to his obedience: giving him this testimony, that the only zeal and profession of his religion, had made him take arms, without any other pretension whatsoever. By his example, the officers of the Court of Parliament, Tholous● yields. remaining at Tholouse for the exercise of justice, the Capitoulx and all the rest of the Citizens, together with all other people of the Province of Languedoc, which held the contrary party under the authority of the said Duke, make known unto the King, the desire they have to yield obedience and duty to his Majesty, and their resolution to persever therein. The Duke of Guise did second this happy beginning of the year, and doth sweeten the sharpness of those losses which the Spaniard had caused us lately to suffer. He was still vigilant to embrace all occasions that might settle his affairs in his government of Provence, wherewith the King had newly honoured him, having ●●●eady▪ with the help of the Lord of Les Diguieres, reduced Cisteron and Riez to 〈…〉 of this Crown, and Martegues with the Tower of Bou●, seated at 〈…〉 of the sea, the Town and citadel of Grass, with the help of the Earl of Carces, and the Lord of Croze: he finds a fit opportunity, to make known unto his Majesty, that he had quite forsaken the alliance and correspondency which he had with the Spaniard. 1556. Lewis of Aix and Charles of Casau commanded in Marseilles with great authorship: violent men and of the Spanish faction. Marsei●les. They bargained with Philip to sell hi● this Town of importance, the port of all the Province, and the key of one of the chee●e entries of this realm, where the Emperor Charles had often knocked, ye● could never get it open, and for the execution of their desseine, had already caused some Spanish galleys to approach, under the command of Prince Charles Doria of Genes. All suc● as were fled out of Marseilles, propounded some enterprises upon the Town to the Duke of Guise, but all were weak and of small possibility, yet had he purchased some reproach to fail in his service to the King, if he had not attempted some one. Peter of Liberta commanded at port Real▪ a man of courage, valiant, and full of affection to the King's service. He acquaints the Duke of Guise with his resolution, either to kill or to sh●t out these two Tribune's, who every morning at the opening of the gates went with their guards to walk without the Town: that laying an ambush near unto the gate, it would be easy to seize on them, to be masters of the port, and so consequently of the Town. The Duke thinks well of this enterprise: he takes the name of the gate and of the person, for a sign of good fortune. The gate is called royal, and the liberty which the Predecessors of the undertaker had in old time purchased to the town of Calui in Corsequa from whence they came, had deserved this goodly surname of Liberta. ●ut the Duke's near abode at Aix, held these two petty Tyrants in perpetual distrust. To free them of this jealousy he retires from Marseilles, to employ his forces in some p●ace which might breed no distrust in them. He doth therefore besiege and take the towns of Hieres, Saint Tropez and Draguignan: blocks up the Citadels, undertakes the siege of La guard, a small Town, but with a strong Castle, which the Duke of Espernon held, being a corrival to the Duke of Guise, in the government of Provence: batters the place, makes a breach, and gives two assaults, and even when as they held him far engaged at this siege, he riseth, retyers his Canon, comes to Toulon the fifteenth of February, gives the Rendezvous to all his troops, at ten of the clock at night, at S. julian two Leagues from Marseilles: he approacheth, and sends his sentinels of hor●e before to advertise him of the sign which Liberta should give him, which was to shut the wicket after the Tribunes, or one of them as occasion served. It was fair day, when as these Consuls, advertised that they had discovered fifteen soldiers, two hundred paces from the gate, Lewis of Aix goes forth, and to discover them, he causeth twenty muskets of his guard to advance. Barthlemew of Liberta puts to the wicket, and shuts Lewis out and Casau within. Manon Leader of the D●kes ●entinels, seeing the sign given, sends eig●t horsemen to charge these m●squetiers, and advanceth with the rest towards the gate by an other way: the footmen present themselves to the charge, as was resolved, but in stead of good reception, the Can●on and small shot plays on them from the Town. Casau meaning to go forth with his guards to follow his companion, Peter of Liberta thrusts him suddenly through the body▪ A hardy resolution. his musketeers charge Liberta: his brothers assist him, the Captains Heruien, Laurence, Imperial and some few others, to whom he had imparted the enterprise, disperse these guards, and set upon the gate, crying liberty by the King: and by the authority of this name assured many which were uncertain what party to follow: then with Liberta they set themselves to guard the port. Lewis of Aix seeing himself shut out, and these unknown men coming to charge him, found means to get over the walls, and to enter the Town by a boat which he found happily, and being accompanied by Fabio of Casau, the son of Charles that was slain, & five hundred of his friends and Partisans, he comes to force the gate on the Town side: but being repulsed, he goes to the Corpse de guard that was before the Town ho●se. Here by some rumour that he hears, he takes an impression of the people's ill affection towards him. To free himself, he makes show to go to the other guards, and so goes to sea with Fabio, to get Saint Victor's fort, and to assure himself of the rest. Some of his friends march after him, some disperse themselves in the Town, and some begin to cry, God save the King and Liberty. It rained ●oare, 5596 and the Duke of Guise amazed at this long protraction in the town, thinking the intelligence had been double, thought to retire his men engaged in fight, against the musketeers of Lewis of Aix, when as Imperial and Laurence come to assure him that Casau was slain. Then began his troops to march into the to●ne, and for his better assurance, the Precedent Bernard in the open street assembles what honest men he could, and joins w●th the Duke's men, promiseth them that were armed before the townhouse, life, liberty, & freedom: then going to another guard near to the haven, & to Saint Io●ns Ch●rch, where at the first broil about a thousand me● we●e together in arms, by means of the like promise, he easily drew all this multitude to sound forth that happy cry. God save the King and Liberty. These two troops being assured, they visit three or four other guards, whose attempts were to be feared: some they change, doubting such as Commanded, leaving such as they knew desired to be freed from the command of strangers. So as in less than an hour and a half, they were all dispersed that lately favoured t●is new tyranny. Thus the flower de Luc●, which an unwholesome wind from Spain had till now blasted at Marseilles, recovered their ancient beauty, and the white scarves which fear had kept in their coffers, or made them to reject, were now put on. Charles Doria grows amazed. He dreams of nothing but of his retreat: but so surprised as he forgot part of his company. The haven seemed too little to car●y forth th●●r least cockboat, fear and amazement had so daunted them. The Captain of Saint john's Tower, and that of the Moors head, might have stayed them, or at the least hindered their escape: but they were strooken with the like terror, expecting the last act of this Tragedi●. The Seigneur of Bausset, Captain of the Castle d' If, sought to annoy the stranger with his Cannon, but being far off he did them small hurt. Lewis of Aix had thrust himself into Saint Victor's Abbey, and Fabio of Casau, into our Lady of la guard, but so amazed as they could not think of their own safeties. Twelve hundred Spaniards being along the haven, retired to enter into their Galleys: but t●is general terror had so daunted them, as they save themselves without any remembrance of their men. The Duke of Guise chargeth them by the Baron of Sel, Lieutenant of his company of men at arms, and la Pierre Captain of his guards, who slew a great number upon the place, and got above a thousand muskets, harguebuzes and pikes, and the only Ensign which they had, which fear made them forget to their great shame and confusion. The Duke entering into Marseilles without any troop, made known unto the people the largeness of his affection, and the assurance he had of them: he confirmed all things for the King's service, disappointed the desseins of the factious which remained in the town, and by his presence did so amaze all the garrisons thereof, with the Towers and forts, as they submitted themselves to his discretion, and obeyed the King. Doubtless this young Duke won much honour in this action, namely that the soldiers entered without effusion of blood and without spoil, restrained by the respect of his presence, they were contented to have the houses of Aix and Casau for their booty. On the other side those of la Fere (having nothing free but the air which cannot be kept from prisoners) suffered (with the hope of succours) the extremest discomodity which might afflict a place strictly besieged. The Cardinal of Austria (newly come from Spain into Flanders) promised to deliver them. Men supposed this Prince having made no profession of a military life, would find small credit among martial men, who rather follow actions than words, and the example than discipline. But he will teach us that the surest strokes come from the head: and if the old Duke of Guise could by a gallant stratagem recover a town from the English most important for the Estate of this Crown, he in like sort by the like exploit will make himself the terror of all Picardy. 1596 He departs from Brussels, and gives it out that he will succour la Fere. For his first fruits, he finds means to give them some relief of men and munition in March. Calais and A●dres taken by the Spania●d. Then in April he causeth his army (being very strong) to turn head towards Calais, beseegeth, batters, and takes both town and Castle by assault, against all the resistance of the besieged, and puts many French gentlemen to the sword, being sent to supply the Castle. The Seneschal of Montlimart commanding the French, and Aluarez Osorio the Spaniards in la Fere, having for the space of five months endured all the toils of war, and seen the river within the town to rise two or three foot by the labour of men, La F●re lost. had the 22. of the said month, by a good composition, somewhat recompensed this so notable a loss, if the Cardinal had planted here the limits of his victories. But continuing the prosperity of his armies, whilst the Kings are weary, and demand rest after so great toil, he goes in the beginning of may, and camps before Ardres, a very strong town, and notwithstanding their great defence, became Master thereof the 23. of the month, and resolves to people these towns of his new Conquest with strange Colonies, and prepares to add unto them, that of Hulst in Flanders. In the mean time the two armies spend the rest of the Summer in light roads one into an others Country. War in Arthois. In the beginning of September the Marshal of Byron enters Arthois, takes the Caste●l of Imbercourt, encounters with five Cornets of horse of the Marquis of Varambon followed by five or six hundred horse of combat, chargeth them, he kills all that seek to withstand the violence of his arms, puts the rest in rout, takes the Marquis prisoner & afterwards had forty thousand Crowns for his ransom: filled the whole Country with fear: then invading the County of Saint Paul, he took and spoiled the town and some other places. The Cardinal busied at the siege of Hulst, hearing that the Marquis was taken, he sent the Duke of Arscot to command in his place. As he enters into Ar●as, the French assail it on the other side, spoil the Country about it, and (laden with booty) the Marshal retires safely to the fronters o● Picardy. Being discharged, he returns to Bapaume, spoils Hebuterne, Benuiller, Courcelles and other places, defeats such as would make resistance, and carries away more spoil than at the first. And seeing the Duke of Arscot encamped near to Arras, under the favour of the Cannon, entrenched carefully and loath to hazard any thing, knowing that he was to deal with one of the happiest and most valiant warriors of Europe, they fire all, and revenge (as opportunity would suffer them) the Spaniards outrage in places lately taken: they make a road towards Bethune, and Therovenne, bring away many prisoners, furnish their places with cattle at the enemy's cost, and without any resistance go and camp in the plain of Azincourt. The Duke supplied with eight hundred ●oote, joined to the regiment of Colonel Bourlote, parts from Arras the 5. of October, and goes and encamps at Saint Paul. The Marshal leaves him there, returns into Arthois runs unto Dovay, spoils all: then returning into Picardy, he gave the Duke of Arscot means to recover the Castle of Himbercourt: who content with this conquest dismisseth his army, and disposed of his companies into garrisons. Then by the means of the Duke of Bovillon, the alliance was confirmed and sworn betwixt the King, the Queen of England, and the united Provinces of the Low Countries. For matters passed there is no remedy: and the Politicians hold, that there is no Law more unprofitable, then that which tends to reform what is past. The King therefore to settle his affairs, and to provide for the future, resolute not to suffer the●e new Colonies of dourlan's, Capelle, Castelet, Cambray, Calais and Ardres, and with the new year, to renew a deadly war against the Spaniard, which might not be attempted without a mighty army, An Assembly a● Roven in ●orme of a Parliament. nor the army levied without treasure, the which he could not recover without the help of his subjects, he assembled, in manner of a Parliament, the greatest and most discreet of the three orders of his realm, at Rovan, the fourth of November, where the Inhabitants, of their own voluntary free will, 5596 spent four hundred thousand Crowns to make his Majesty an honourable reception, where he received the ga●ter (a badge of the order of England) by the hands of the Earl of Shrewsburie. His Maiest●e desired to deserve these two glorious titles of Deliverer & restorer of of his estate. At his coming to the Crown, he had found France not only in a manner ruined, but almost all lost for the French: but by the grace of the Almighty, by the prayers, by the good counsel of his loyal Subjects, who make no profession of arms, by the sword of his Princes and of his brave and generous Nobility, by his pains and labour, he had preserved it from loss. Let us save it now from ruin (said our King, speaking to the assembly) Participate my dear subjects with me in this second glory, as you have done in the first. I have not called you, as my Predecessors did, to make you approve my will. I have caused you to assemble to have your Counsels, to believe them, and to follow them: finally to put myself into your hands. A desire which seldom commands Kings that have white hairs, and are Conquerors. But the vehement love I bear unto my Subjects, and the exeding desire I have to add these two goodly titles, to that of King, makes me to find all eas●y and honourable. The sharpness of winter had laid arms aside, and the excessive rain caused many inundations, whereof amongst others followed that of the miller's bridge at Paris, which sinking on Saint Thomas night, was the loss of three hundred persons, slain in the ruins of the building, and drowned in the river. Whilst they examine the resolutions taken in this honourable assembly, and that the King prepares for a mighty army to chase the Spaniard out off Picardy, behold the capital City of this Province, strong of seat, and well fortified, where his Majesty pretended to make his Arsenal and storehouse for the war against the Stranger in Arthois, and other Provinces of the Low Countries, was surprised in the day time, the people being at sermon, without force, & without defence, by the practice of some factious, and the careless baseness of the Inhabitants, who standing upon their ancient privileges, had refused to receive the Swisses into garrison. Hernand Teillo Governor of dourlan's for the Spaniard, advertised that the Citizens of Amiens (a proud people, and little practised in arms) would not receive the garrison that the King offered them for the preservation of their town, Amiens surprised by the Spaniar●. hastens the effect of those intelligences he had there, and on monday the tenth of March●punc; he attires forty or fifty soldiers like peasants, laden with many burdens, and armed underneath with daggers, and short pieces, and marcheth with about seven hundred horse, and five thousand foot: he lays his ambushes near unto the Town, and the next day sends his disguised soldiers to the gate of Montrescut, following a cart: which being under the port cullis, one of the pretended peasants cuts the horse traice, and by the great disorder of the horse, hinders the liberty of the gate. The others presently discover their arms, seize upon the Corpse de guard, and give a sign to the ambush. The Ambush comes, horse and foot into the Town, and goes directly to the market place: the troops enter, take the forts, and seize upon the Arsenal and munition which the King had lately sent, and in the end compound with the Townsmen for the redeeming of their goods. But at length they had both cloth and silver, and those of Amiens shall not taste much of the Spaniards command, but the sharpness thereof will make them desire the mildness of the French. The great bell of Beffroy did ring at the first tumult, as it was their manner: but few were moved thereat. Some heard the sermon, others slept at their ease, and some were contented to shut their shops and to retire themselves into their houses. The Earl of Saint Paul was then in the Town, but seeing the small care and endeavour of the Inhabitants to resist 〈…〉 invasion, he gets himself out of Amiens with all speed, and retires to Cor●●e. 1597 This affront had in show made the Realm with out all hope of recovery, and ●●●●out means to assail, for the effects of all the King's desseins seemed quenched 〈◊〉 their beginning. They thought Amiens could not be recovered but by 〈…〉 that the hope to take it would be lost with the enterprise, and now the Spania●● ●●gan to think that Amiens should be the bounds of the Country of Ar●hois, as 〈◊〉 former time under Philip Duke of Bourgongne. But when as the affairs requ●re a present remedy, our Henry wants neither courage nor counsel. They were hope● built in the air. Amiens besieged. His Majesty doth speedily belegar it, gives order that no greater forces may come to raise up these mountains of pride, which built the honour of their nation vp●n the shame of such a loss: he batters it with five and forty Cannons, makes the Marshal of Biro● Lieutenant in his army, beseegeth it on the strongest part, restrains their sallies, keeps them in their trenches, and approacheth in such sort, as by the midst of july, they might hurt one another with stones: then lodging upon the ditch, and cutting off the besieged daily in their sallies, or by other stratagems, ●ee made Hernand to hasten the Cardinal to his succour. All Franc● did run to this siege all Europe attended the issue, and did judge that the end thereof would be the beginning of our slavery, or of our liberty. 〈◊〉 whilst the plague afflicts the besieged, that many and sundry exploits of war●e diminish their numbers, and many remain unprofitable, by reason of their 〈◊〉, let us make a walk into some other provinces both within and without the Rea●●e, whereas their war hath any thing common with ours. Effects of the war in Brit●●ni●. The want and dearth of victuals afflicted Brittany in the month of May, and forced the Marshal of Brissac in july to divide and separate some troops which he had assembled and gathered together, to preserve some parishes about Rennes which the enemies threatened to spoil. The Lord of Saint Laurence, Lieutenant for the Duke of Mercoeur in his army, desirous to visit the said Duke lately come to Chasteaubriant, and to give him news of some brave stratagem, takes six companies of men at arms with his own, the regiment of Tremereu●, brother to Saint Laurence, ●ortie harquebusiers out of every company of the garrisons of Dinan, and some other troops both of horse and foot, making six or seven ●undred men, and comes to lodge at Maure, seven Leagues from Rennes. The Lords of Tremblay, la Troche, Teny, la Courbe, Beaumond, and Pomeray, being lodged at Messac upon Villain, three Leagues from Maure with some forces, march by the Marshals' commandment, their Colonel, to fight with Saint Laurence: they find he was dislodged, follow and overtake him within three hundred paces, charge the troop led by Tremereuc, appointed to make retreat, kill about threescore, and force the rest to fly to their main strength. They press them in such sort as they must either suffer themselves to be murdered without resistance, or else fight: they turn head, take a place of advantage, in a field well ditched about, and there make some resistance. But seeing Tremereuc brother to Saint Laurence already taken prisoner, La Pommeray Captain of Dinan, and Vieux Ville slain upon the place, with above a hundred and fifty soldiers, and some members of companies, all give way, all fly, all are put to rout, and the most part falling into the peasant's hands, find less mercy with them, than they had done rigour with the victors. This was the twentieth of july. On the other side, as the Spaniard had set one foot into Picardy, so did he long labour to cast the other into Champagne, and had many desseins upon the Towns lying upon the river of Meuz●, Mesieres, Seda●, Mouzon, Villefranche, Rocr●y, and Maubert-Fontaine: In Champagne. but the care and loyalty of the governors, having always made frustrate the hope of his enterprises, he now converts his open force into secret intelligences and dishonest practices. Villefranche is a very small Town, or rather a corpse de guard made of four square bastions, built by King Francis the first, to serve as a bar against the incursions of the Bourgognons (●o they call all the King of Spain's subjects lying upon this fronter, and even tho●e of the Duchy of Luxembourg) and fa●●ing into 〈…〉, it opened the● the gate to enter in Champagne, and gave t●em an assured 〈◊〉 to ●auour their inroads. To this intent Gaucher, late one of tho●e soldiers w●ich they 〈◊〉 ●f Fortune, being come within ten years to some credit by arms, practiseth with s●me soldiers of the garrison, to sell and deliver him the place. The●e soul●ars g●ue c●re to this traffic, entertain Gaucher, but with as cross a hope, as his name was untoward and ominous, for they impart the ma●ter to ●rem●let Governor of Villefr●nche, commanding one company of men at arms, and three of ●oot. Tremel●t by t●is traffic pretends a great effect for the King's service, commands the soldiers to deal more plainly with this Captain, imparts it to the Earl o● Grandpré, to Rumes●il, and to Estuieaux Governors of Mouzon, Maub●rt, and Seda●, ●nd draws from t●em assistance of men, and means to frame a double intelligence. These merchants treat with Gaucher, agree upon the time and hour to deliver thei● ware▪ they receive some money in hand, and take his word for the rest. The fourth of August at night was appointed for the execution, and for a sign a Cannon should be discharged. ●ut Rumesnil had the night be●ore brought in a suppl●e of men, needful for the preservation of the place, and with the rest he lay in ambush half a League from the Town, as Gaucher should pass. Gaucher approacheth, he causeth all his troops to light, a quarter of a League from ●●llefranche, puts a part of them very secretly into the ditch, and follows with the rest, to second the first attempt: but at all adventures he causeth his horse to be led after him. The first enter by favour of the soldiers: the sign is given, and being given, Gauche● defeated. tho●e ●hich thought to surprise, find themselves surprised: all are put to the sword, consumed by wildfire, or drowned in the ditch. Rumesnil comes out off his ambush at the same time, chargeth Gaucher behind, kills him three hundred men upon the place, and suffers few of the enemies to escape, through favour of the night: finally, o● fi●e or six hundred men which he brought, scarce fifty escaped death or imprisonment, and had it not been for the horse which Gaucher held ready to favour his flight, he had not escaped the victor's hands. Let us pass into Savoie, and see the progress of the King's forces, the taking of places, and victories obtained. War in S●uoie. This war shall help much for the recovery of Amiens, for they divert the forces of Savoie from molesting of the King in sund●ie places at once: for the managing whereof, the Lord Les-Digu●eres parted from Court in the end of Ma●ch, with the title of the King's Lieutenant General, gathers together about six hundred horse, and five thousand foot, in the month of A●●ill, May, and june: enters into Maurienne a Country depending on the Duchy of Savoie, the high way to Piedmont and Italy, surpasseth with much labour and ●oyle, the difficulties of the ways, rocks, and steep hills: in the end he recovers the top of the mountain, finds there a Corpse de guard of five hundred men ●ell fortified, and with his tired army chargeth them with such fury, as the enemy not able to withstand their force, is constrained to quit the place. Presently the army comes to S. john of Maurienne, the chief Town of the Country, Maurienne taken. and seizeth on all the valley. These conquests as so dainely executed, as wisely attempted, thrust on the Conqueror to go and fight with certain Spaniards which were sent into Flanders to 〈◊〉 against the prosperous success of Cont Maurice: but the bridges being broken 〈◊〉 the waters very great, stayed his passage. hereupon news come, that Dom 〈◊〉 Earl of Salines, General of the Duke of Savoys light horse, is about 〈◊〉 with a part of the Duke's army. Les Diguieres marcheth thither, chargeth 〈◊〉 ●●rle, makes him to quit the the Castle of Saint Michael, and some other 〈◊〉 where he had fortified himself, chaseth him by Mont-Senys into Piedmont, and so hotly, as the most part, to make themselves more light, cast away their arms. Being thus peaceably possessed of all Maurienne, he fortifies Saint john and t●e Castle of Saint Michael, and seizeth on all the forts that might serve for the 〈◊〉 of the Country. To stay the Conqueror's course, the Duke of Savoye passed the mountains, by the valley of Aust with three thousand Italians, and a good number of horse, and 〈◊〉 by Chambery into Tarentaise, where his army remained under the command ●f the Earl of Martinengues, consisting of eight hundred horse, and six thousand foot: he came and encamped beyond the river of Isere, (yet under the favour of the Cannon of Montmelian) at the Castle of Saint Helen. Les Diguieres conti●ue, his conquests, he approacheth within musket shot of the Duke, beseegeth an● t●kes the Tower of Aiguebelle, the Castles of Rochette, of Villars-Sallet a h●use of the Earls of Montmaiour, de Lhu●le and Chamoux, and beseegeth the sort of Chamousset, being defended by Philippin bastard brother to the Duke of Savoy, places very commodious and profitable for victuals and forage, and which stopped the passage from Savoie into Maurienne. Here news comes to Les Diguieres that the Duke raiseth a fort on the other side of Isere, to assure the passage for his army, and means to lodge at Chaumousset, a pl●ce of great advantage for him, which might greatly annoy the king's army, & the passage betwixt Daulphiné and it. This fort was of a triangular form, made defensive a●d raised the heigh of a pike in one night, it was guarded by six hundr●d choice 〈◊〉 out of the whole army of Savoie, and fortified with many gentlemen of the D●kes Court. Les Diguieres views it, and propounds it in Council, and according to their advice that were about him, salutes it with some vollees of Cannon shot, opens it at one point, sends two thousand harquebusiers, commanded by the Lord of Crequy his son in law, who seconded by a troop of horse, enter furiously into the ●ort, and in despite of their obstinate resistance, and the force of four pieces which played incessantly from the other side of the river along the flanks of the said sort, they carried it in sight of the Duke, and kill by the sword and water above four hundred men, and many of the Duke's gentlemen, who was in person in his army beyond the river of Isere, and so razed the fort. The Baron of Chawirieu borne in the County was slain there, the Colonnell was taken prisoner, and the Castle of Chaumousset yielded the next day by composition. The Tower of Charbonniere, a place strong of situation, which covers Atguebelle, and might be mad● fi● to annoy ●ontmel●an, seeing their Captain and many others slain with the Cannon, came likewise into the victor's power. The Castle of A●g●ille remained yet, a strong place both by nature and art, upon the side of a mountain, in accessible of one side, having on the other side a double ditch, with a thick ramparre betwixt both. Yet was it taken after two hundred Cannon shot. This place assured all Maurienne, and that which lies beyond Isere, to his majesties obedience, from Mont Senys unto Montmelian. The supplies the D●ke expected, caused the Lances of Saucy to remain in quiet. Being now fortified with two thousand five hundred Swisses, and as many Spaniards and Neapolitans, he comes with all this army to lodge about Montmelian, and resolves to set upon the King's army. To free him of some part of this trouble, Lesdiguiers turns towards him with his forces, and comes to encamp at Mollettes half a league from Montmelian, the river of Isere being betwixt them. The Duke passeth the river upon a bridge of boats made near unto that of Montmelian, and lodgeth at the Castle of Saint Hel●ne, right against Molette, places somewhat high and within Cannon shot one of an other, separated by a great meadow and a fen: at the first they salute one an other by skirmishes: and if the Savoisiens' had done what they might, they had greatly annoyed our men, who were not lodged nor scarce arrived. The night approaching ended the combat with the loss of a hundred good men, and gave means to the King's troops to take breath, and prepare to be revenged with usury. The next day the Duke shows fifteen thousand foot, and fifteen hundred horse, in battle in this great meadow, but with such advantage, as no man might charge them. Les Diguieres entrencheth himself at the foot of the meadow: every master of the camp, every Captain takes his quarter, and by the care of the Lord of Crequi commanding the foot, the King's camp was in short time out of present danger, which seemed to threaten their ruin. In the mean time they fail not on either side to try their swords, and pistols, two to two, three to three, troop to troop, and nothing bu● a simple ditch, yet deep and full of water, keeps the two armies from a bloody fight, Thus for some days these warriors inflamed their resolutions, when as the Duke of Savoie propounded to his Council a great desseine, for the execution whereo● the fourteenth of August by eight of the clock in the morning, he secretly draws three thousand men into a great wood, near to the trenches of the King's army, lodgeth his Swisses with a battaillon of foot on an other side, sets his horse in a valley, and encouraging them by his presence, causeth about two of the clock, a Canon to be discharged, for a sign of a cruel and bloody battle, but fuller of passion then of judgement. The loss fell upon himself: the King's troops, both horse and foot, were w●th a firm resolution prepared to withstand their force. They come to skirmish: the noise of the Cannon drowns all other sounds, the fire of the shot inflames the air and seemed for five hours together to dazzle the light of the Sun. The meadow is covered with dead carcases, the enemy's blood dies the brooks, and inflames our men to fight. The Seigneur of Crequi receives a musket shot in the right arm: but the Lion is chafed and storms at the sight of his own blood. So retiring himself apart under a tree to be dressed, he returns speedily to his companions, and burning with a generous heat of revenge, shows that he is a right heir, both in blood and virtue to that brave Lord of Pontdormy, who hath so often heretofore died his sword and arm in the blood of the stranger being enemy to this Crown. Above twelve hundred men slain or hurt made the day famous, The Duke of Savoie defeated at S Helen & Molett●s and made the Savoisien lose all desire to try any more the firm resolution of our men, grounded upon the right of a most just offensive war. If all this great army, neither by the thunder of their Cannons, nor the fury of their shot, neither by the force of their men at arms, could any thing shake the constancy of our men, doth Colonnel Ambrose think to prevail more with five hundred natural Spaniards assailing a Corpse de guard, placed on the side of a fen? but he doth increase their shame, in stead of revenging their public loss. The Seigneur of Baume and Poet receive him with such resolution, as they kill a hundred and fifty upon the place, and take many prisoners: the rest they force to cast away their arms, to be the more light to fly. The Duke spent the night to bury his men, and to carry away the wounded: then he dislodged the sixteenth, and went to lodge at a village called Barraux beyond Isere, at the entry of the valley of Grisivaudan towards Grenoble, and there gins a fort, busying himself in the building thereof unto the end of November. This change of lodging invited our men to do the like. Les Diguieres comes to lodge at castle Bayard, and his army at Pontcharra, half a League from the enemy, At Ponnt Cha●ra. the river being betwixt them: he keeps his men in continual skirmish, to the enemy's loss, and by this placing of his camp, makes the enemy doubt that he would attempt the passage of Eschilles. To cross him, the Duke sends many troops to enter by the valley of Pragelas into the Country of Brianson, and to shut up the passage in case he were besieged. The check he received countervailed the first. The water, the 〈◊〉, and the steep mountains, devoured a great number of his men, than the skirmishes of S. Helen and Molettes. Be●old a third, which shows that God doth favour the just cause of arms, and makes their effects happy against the injustice of usurpers. The eight of September, the Lord Les Diguieres (who lets not slip any occasion) is advertised that Sanches Earl of Salines, (to draw him to secure his own Province, and to leave Savoie) goes to spoil about Grenoble with five hundred masters divided into two 〈…〉 horse. To add this victory to the former, he sends two hours before day, the ●e●gneurs of Baume, Authun and Saint jeure with two hundred horse, and a hundred C●●bins to lie in ambush in an Island in the midst of the river of Isere. At the break of ●ay, the Earl passeth in sight of them: they suffer him to advance about half a League, than they issue forth of their ambush, and wade through the other part of the 〈◊〉 to their saddle skirts, At L● Fret. they overtake the Earl at La Fret, charge him furiously, k●●l Dom I●hn de Sequano first Captain of the horse, Dom Roario, Dom Probio, with ma●● other Commanders and men at arms, to the number of two hundred: and by the taking of Dom Euangeliste, who led the second troop, of the Earl of Gatinari, of Dom john Toc, brother in law to the Earl, and threescore others, they end the combat, and return with honour, At Chapar●●●ll●n. having lost but six men in this bold encounter. Some d●y●, after, the Lord Les Diguieres passeth the river with most part of his horse, at Chaparovillon, and there charging a troop of the enemies, which made a good show by the favour of some trenches, gave the Signior of Crequi and Buisse the second honour of this victory. The last of October, the King's army ill lodged at Pontcharra, retired about Grenoble: from thence Les Diguieres sent four regiments towards Barselonne, and surmounting the toil of the way, being of most hard access for the Cannon, took Allosi: then in the end of November, Saint Genis, to disappoint the intelligences which the Duke of Savoie might have with some ill affected in Daulphiné: for a few days before the Earl of La Reach had failed by the means of Albigny a younger brother of G●rdes, to deliver the Town of Romans to the Savoisien. But Saint Ferriol, that commanded in his absence, had some inkling: who by the advertisement he gave to the Officers of the Parliament, whom the plague had transported to Romans, saved the Town from the rule of a Stranger. The Duke wonderfully grieved to have failed of Romans, retires to Chambery, and the Lord of Crequi with some regiments to Maurienne, very happily to make his coming famous: for having first by the assistance of the Lord of Pasquieres, kept Dom Amede● the Duke's bastard brother, from passing with his troops on the side of the mountains, he made the way open for a brave and generous stratagem. The Earl of Carraval would likewise pass with a regiment of twelve enseignes, & two Cornets of horse. Crequi parts before day from Saint Io●n of Maurienne, marcheth directly towards him, encounters him at Saint André, chargeth, defeats, takes him prisoner with all the Commanders, At▪ S Andre. and for a monument sends their colours and Cornets to the King, which hang yet as a trophy in our Lady's Church at Paris, to his Majesty's great content. Let us now see the countenance of them that were besieged at Amiens. If ther● were valour without to win the wall, there was resolution within to bury themselves in the ruins thereof, rather than to abandon it. The battery continued with a strange fury. The extraordinary deep trenches, the sap and mine, the arrival of the D●kes of Mayenne, Se●ge of Aliens. Bovillon and Espernon, and the troops which increased daily, gave hope to the Citizens of Amiens, soon to see themselves under the mild command of their lawful Prince, and to return to their ancient fortunes. The sallies, plague, hurts, and other infirmities had diminished the besieged to the number of two thousand: the diversity of nations threatened some new change, the soldiers would no more trust the cunning and vain promises which Hernando gave them by counterfeit letters from the Cardinal: the old and bad drogues killed in stead of cu●ing: finally the letter, of Hernand to the Cardinal being intercepted, gives a very sufficient testimony of the urgent necessity and occasion which leads him to his ruin. It is now time (said he) that we cease to write, for I labour with the soldiers and Bourgeses at the ravelin, where within few days I attend a continual battery of the enemy on three parts. Man's reason fails us: our hope is in God▪ and in your highness speciale coming, to give b●ttaile, or to receive it. We attend that the second causes should work. There is no less honour to keep well, then to make goodly conquest. To practi●e this ancient saying, the Cardinal having assembled four thou●and horse, and fifteen thousand foot, with eighteen Cannons, and five or six hundred wagons chained together, to serve as a barricado, and to enclose his camp, he marched to ungage or to succour the besieged, publishing in all places, that he would give battle. But before he approacheth, he sends to discover the way which he was to take, and where he might lodge nearest to the town. This charge he gave to Contreras, Commissary general, who led the troop, to Don Gaston Spinola and Tassedo Marshals of the Camp, to Don Ambros Landriano Lieutenant general of the light horse, Don john de Bra●amont, to Colonnel Bourlotte, Nicholas Basto and other chief Commanders of his army. These, to give the less alarm, take about four hundred choice horse, The Cardina● of Austrian Marshal of his C●mp● defeated. and make a show as if they would come but to dourlan's: but they give order that the troops of horse at dourlan's, Hesdin and Bapaume should be ready when they passed. Thus increased by the said garrisons, and making a troop of nine hundred or a thousand horse, the nine and twentieth of August they come beneath Saint Quirieu, a village upon the back of a small river, two Leagues from the King's quarter: and begin to view the said lodging. A troop of light horse and Carabins coming from an ambush which they had laid, discover them, and advertise the King at six of the Clock in the morning. Behold one of the effects of his majesties speedy resolution, of his great judgement in war, and his exceeding diligence in his executions. Behold moreover a pattern of that happiness which attended him at this siege, and the earnestpennie of an absolute victory which God prepared for him against his enemies. Two alarms had kept the King waking the rest of the night, and he began only to take a little rest. He riseth, goes to horse, having none about him but the Master of his horse and some Noble men: he passeth by the Carabins quarter, commands them to horseback with some l●ght horse, commands the Constable to stay in the quarter to give order to all events, and goes directly where the enemy had been discovered, more with an intent to provide for the places which they might have ve●ed, then to fight: thinking they would not have been so slack in their retreat, being near unto an army led by so vigilant a Commander. The Marshal of Byron c●me● posting after him, the Lord of Montigny brings a troop of light horse. Some Noblemen and gentlemen of his Court post thither in haste, to have their part thereof. His Majesty makes a battalion of two hundred horse, and a hundred and fi●ty Carabins. He pursues them with all speed to Encre, seven Leagues from his quarter, he puts his Carabins before, who seeing themselves seconded by his Majesty, charge resolutely, and so amaze them, as seeing the King so near them, and knowing him very well, they break, and take their flight, divers ways, leaving them that were appointed for the retreat, or such as were not well mou●ted. There were about forty slain at the fi●st charge, and above two hundred of the best being prisoners, gave the Carabins means to furnish themselves with horse, arms, and apparel. To ma●e this victory absolute, his Majesty sends the Marshal of Byron with the L●rd of Montigny before, and hal●e his troop with them: the other he keeps with ●●●●elfe, pursues them within a League of B●paume, tithes their troop by the way, and 〈◊〉 not abandon th●m until they came within view of their retreat: he takes two ●●rnets from them, and kills or takes ●iue hundred horsemen. The general joy thereof in the army brought the news unto the besieged, who by a heavy and mournful silence showed they had no pleasure therein. But 〈◊〉 the 3. of September the death of Hernand Tiello slain with a musket, Hernand Tiello slain. at the defence of the ravelin which his Majesty caused to be assailed, afflicting them with a public sorrow, gives the Citizens an assurance of a speedy delivery, and the assailants to conceive a certain hope of victory. There is no so great prosperity▪ but is crossed with some adversity, S. Luc slain and trouble. Two days after, the Lord of Saint Luc, governor of Brovage and great Master of the Artillery of France, slain in the trenches, obtained that grave and worthy testimony of his valour from his majesties mouth, to have 〈◊〉 that day a most valiant and faithful servant, leaving his people much grieved, and the whole camp lamenting this general loss to France, as of one of the brave Captains of his age. In the mean time the Cardinal approached, vaunting that he would fight within four days. Yet had he no inclination to put it in practice. The King to draw him to battle, prevents the policy which the enemy would use to secure the place: he takes his place of battle on the top of Long-pré a quarter of a league behind the enclosure of his camp, entrenched as well to save themselves from the Cannon shot of the town, as from theirs that came to succour them. And to keep the enemy from sending in any succours on the other side of the river, he leaves the Lords of Montigny, La Nove, de Vi●ques and Cluseaux, there with three thousand foot and four hundred horse. The 15. of the said month, the town being reduced to that Estate, as without succours it must needs yield of itself, The Cardinal approacheth. the Cardinal in the morning casts two artificial bridges upon the river of Somme, where, through the favour of his forces and Cannon he passeth two thousand five hundred men, amongst which were eight hundred choice Captains, to thrust themselves into the Town, and about two of the clock he shows himself in the views of Long-pré, with an order which in show did promise a generous attempt. But the diligence of his Majesty, his courage without fear, and the wise order he presently gave at his arrival, changed their brave countenance into a cowardly and base fear. The King leaves three thousand men to guard the trenches against the sallies of the town: he presently marcheth with all his troops to the place of battle, and plants his Cannon to his best advantage. The artillery of the besieged and of them that came to succour them, thunder's, but they pass over his majesties esquadrons. Our men during this siege have been well acquainted with the shot of the Cannon, but they stand firm like rocks. They tyre the enemy with continual skirmishes, the Cannon mightily annoy them, the admirable gournment of the Leader, and the firm resolution of the assailants doth so terrify them, as at the first attempt, they think of a retreat, and presently they retire to the quarter where the King's light horse did lodge by the rivers ●ide. The four above named Colonels having discovered the cardinals Stratagem, charged them that came to succour the town, kill, take and force the whole body to repayse the river in disorder, and to abandon their bridges. The King seeing the enemy lodged alongst the river, passeth three Cannons over the water, shoots at them and doth annoy their lodging, and remaining all night on the place of battle, abates the joy which the besieged had shown by the number of fires which they had made. So the Cardinal seeing all his attempts fruitless, in steed of turning head to the town or against the French troops, The Cardinal retire●. he begins very early in the morning to retire and to take an other lodging on the mountain of V●gnancourt. The King follows him with four thousand horse, and twelve thousand foot, lodgeth upon the next hill and a great valley betwixt them, continueth four or five hours in battle before their army, provokes them by his Cannon and continual skirmishes, views all their forces, number, form and countenance, and seeing them disposed to retire, determines to charge them in their lodging. But it is good sometimes to make a bridge of gold to a flying enemy. Moreover it was a great glory for his Majesty to have shamefully chased him away, without raising the siege from so great a town, and to have pursued him with the Cannon three Leagues. They take a contrary way, and cover the right wing of their army which lay next to the French, with their wagons chained together, they cause their horse to advance into the head of the army in form of a half moon, and their foot into battaillons, divided into forward, battle and rearward: they place their Cannon in the head of these esquadrons, in this sort they place their troops, and their baggage in ●afety, making a show sometimes as if they would charge. But seeing, that to come to the gates of the City besieged, they must force through the King's army, which being in battle did fight with their countenances and gesture, they have no will to attempt this passage, and by their speedy retreat give all France an assured, hope to be soon freed from this strange nation which sought to ruin it. The besieged are now forced to yield to the victor's Law. This shameful retreat hath overthrown their first resolution. Their practices, inventions, engines, their incredible labour to cast up earth, their many Cannons, their deep trenches, their continual watching, nor the strength of the place, could not keep the assailants from lodging upon their rampar and ravelin, & so near as they came to handy blows. So two days after, the Marquis of Montenegro, who commanded in the town after the death of Hernand doth promise to yield the place if within six days he be not succoured with two thousand horse that should enter into the town. So was it said and so done. The time invited the Cardinal, and gave him leisure, Amiens yielded and the Spaniards departed. being with all his forces within seven Leagues of the town, but he had neither will nor power to relieve them. And therefore according to the capitulation made the 19 that the soldiers should depa●t with their arms, their matches light, their colours flying and drums sounding, with their horse and baggage, and whatsoever they could carry-away of theirs, the five and twentieth of the month, his Majesty having put his army in battle, sent the Constable, the Marshal of Byron, the Duke of Montbason and the Lord of Vicques to the port of Beawois where the garrison should come forth, who coming to the gate, the bridge is let down, and the Marquis comes forth on horseback alone, but followed by a hundred and thirty horse and as many Harquebusiers on foot for the guard of his person. They receive him and conduct him to his Majesty, who attended him half a League from the town. The King was accompanied with his white Cornet, wherein were about seventeen hundred horse, and five hundred Swisses, having about him the Prince of Conty, the Dukes of Montpensier Nevers and Nemours, the Prince of joinuille, twelve Marshals of France, and other Noblemen in great numbers, mounted upon a goodly courser with a rich ca●arason, and a saddle embroidered with the ground of carnation, was wonderful richly appareled, and holding a royal Sceptre in his hand, he doth embrace him m●st graciously, and then dismisseth him. He goes to horse, and by the King's commandment the Constable conducts him two Leagues unto the confines of the King of Spain's territories. All the Spanish Captains, and others both of horse and foot, passing by his May, sty, light from their horses and kiss his boot, with great humility and reverence: and follow their Leaders being received by the king with amiable and courteous words. After the Marquis and his guard, followed about a thousand women of base quality, amongst the which some four hundred of the town marched willingly, a hundred and threescore wagons laden with all kind of baggage, and upon them about three hundred men sick of the plague and wounded, fourteen hundred shot, and six ●●ndred corselets well appointed, and in the end, ten companies of horse, six of men at arms lancers, and four of Carabins, which made in all about five hundred horse. The King having by the most memorable attempt, and the greatest gl●ry 〈…〉 that might be, pulled this strong Town out off the stranger's paws, without 〈…〉 whereof, we were in danger to be lost, and plunged in the gulf of 〈…〉 entered the same day into Amiens towards night, triumphant and victorious, 〈…〉 own Town, recovered from the enemy, accompanied with a thou●and 〈…〉 on horseback, and received with a wonderful joy and applause of all the 〈…〉 lighted at our Lady's church, & caused solemn thanks to be given to 〈…〉 twenty companies of foot, and three of horse in garrison, and gave the 〈…〉 thereof to the Lord of Vicques. Doubtless oh Lord we have reason herein to admire the wonders of t●y 〈…〉▪ The surprise of this place seemed late a Charybdis, to swallow up the 〈…〉 France. But it is not now alone, that the judgements of God do make 〈…〉 if he pulls us down with one hand, he raiseth us up with the other: and if 〈…〉 the brink of our destruction, he retires us by the hand to save us. So his 〈◊〉 subverted the designs of the Spaniard, who by this trophy promised to extend 〈◊〉 conquests, and recover those places and Provinces which he had lost. So from the trouble bred by the enemies of this estate, grew the advancement of our quiet, from their pernicious practices, the assurance of the Country, and settling o● inconstant minds, from their unjust attempts and violences: one of the greatest actions that 〈◊〉 been of long time for the good of France; and preservation of this Monarchy. ●●e loss of Amiens was shameful, but the recovery glorious: the taking str●ng; 〈…〉 reduction admirable, at his enemy's nose, and in view of his army. Finally, a reduction, which gives as much consolation as the invasion brought desolation. The cardinals retreat puts the King in hope▪ that God would do him justice, f●r the wrongs that he and his had done unto his realm: Road●● into Art●ois. with this design he marcheth with his troops, and eighteen pieces of Canon, to dourlan's, into the which the Cardinal in passing had put some of the best men of his army, with a great convoy of victuals and munition of war. He presents himself, and seeks by all means to draw them out of the precinct of their walls. But being loath to adventure any thing, his Majesty passeth into Arthois, fills the Country with fear and terror, goes unto the gates of Arras, into the which the Cardinal had shut himself, dischargeth ●iue and twenty or thirty vollees of Canon, makes a stand there: and by all the devices which a generous and warlike mind may invent, he seeks to draw him to sa●l● forth, and to see some brave exploit of his men at arms. The King's return. In the end, his Majesty (not able by any stratagem to hear these co●d hu●ours which did freeze their hearts through fear,) the rest of his victorious army, after so great toil, endured in so long and painful a siege, the rain and the sharpness of winter which approached, cal●ed him back to provide for a people, who by the negligence of their own health, had lately as it were, enclosed within their walls the destiny of France, and so to pass into Britain, to finish that great work, for the restoring of this Monarchy, that afterwards he might with all his forces, set upon the common enemy of his Estate, if the negotiation of peace betwixt these two mighty warriors, practised by the Pope, a common father, did not take effect, But before proceed, let us see the last acts of the Tragedy that was played in Savoy. The discommodities of the lodging of Pontcharra, caused the King's army to winter about Grenoble, and the extraordinary Snow stops the passages from Daulphiné into Savoy. The Duke of Savoy embraceth the time and occasion, to recover the Country of Mauryenne. He parts in February with twelve Canons, and by the induction of A●big●y, camps before Aignebelle. At the first brute hereof, Les-●●guicres sent the Lord of Crequy, under the authority of Lieutenant general for the King in Savoy: he causeth him to pass the rough and steep mountains on f●ote, where through the rigour of the season, appeared no traces of man on the side of Vaui●●ny, to march more safely, accompanied only with seven or eight Gentlemen. He arrives happily at S. john of Mauryenne, finds that the Seigneur of Pasqui●res commanding in the said place, 1598. had fortified the approaches of the bridges of Amefiex and Hermillon with good barricadoes, & finisheth them with speed. The sixth of March the Duke puts his Cannon in battery, and the next day Arces Captain of the said place, yields it upon condition not to join with Crequy but to return towards Grenoble. They supposed this place would have held at the least six weeks: and the Sanoisien, to deceive the Seigneur of Crequy, being lodged but three leagues from him, continues shooting his Cannon into the air, to persuade him that the place was not yet yielded. Crequy abused by this stratagem of Albigny, marcheth with a good troop of foot, to take some lodging from the enemy, thinking that Ayguebelle did yet hold good. But God will have man to know that he is man, and that his condition makes him subject to the chances of this world. He finds the Duke before him, being dislodged, the eight of the month, and thinking it some troop gone forth to the war, he advanceth near, and with a furious charge seeks to open a way through the enemy. The whole army comes upon him, and as he thinks to recover his barricadoes by the sides of the hills, as they gave him hope, Crequy taken prisoner. he finds the snow had stopped the passages, and finally compassed in on all sides, he is forced to take a Law from the stronger, and by his imprisonment to redeem the liberty of Pasquiers, his Captains and soldiers. The Duke proceeds and taking all Maurienne, by composition, makes great desseins upon the town of Grenoble, by means of a fort which he had built to cover his Country on the side of Montmelian and Chambery. The fort was upon the fronter of Daulphiné, about a quarter a League within the King's Country towards Grenoble, upon the side of a hill above the village of Barraux, kept by Bellegarde a gentleman of Savoie, with seven companies of foot, and furnished with all munition necessary, but made rather by ostentation (having as a great wonder sent the plot thereof almost to all the Potentates of Christendom,) then by any necessity, the place lying near to Montmelian the chief fortress of Savoie, from whence he might commodiously make his desseins upon Grenoble. Grenoble did wonderfully apprehend this eyesore, and Lesdiguieres having dispersed the King's army for to winter, framed many desseins and enterprises at Grenoble upon this fort (the which for that it was made defensible the eve before Saint Bartlemewes' day, the Duke called it by that name,) and had attempted it by siege, Fort of Sain● Bartlemewe. if he had not been pressed with the want of the chief sinews of war. In the end urged by his duty, and moved by the misery, of his majesties subjects, and pressed with the just entreaties of the chief officers, both of justice, and of policy within the Country of Daulphiné, he learns of many soldiers that came forth, the estate of the place with the forces that kept it, and sends often to view it in the night. He is informed that it may be taken by scaladoe in two places, at a corner on the right hand going from Grenoble, and on that side which looks towards Isere, the earth being not yet above two fathom and a half high. He causeth the troops nearest to Grenoble to approach, makes them to pass over the bridge into the town, and fai●es that all the rest shall make the same passage, to go to into Maurienne where the ar●y of Savoie was. But the 14. of March on Palme-sonday eve, he secretly puts some petards into a boat, and thirty Ladders, necessary for the execution, and at the same instant he causeth ●is troops to repass in the night, in boats prepared to that end, to take from them of the fort all knowledge that they were on their side, whereby they might have occasion to call for supplies from Montmelian or Chamberie. Taken by Les Diguieres. Things thus disposed, he parts from Grenoble the 25. of the said month, in the morning, joins at a village called Lombin with such as he had appointed for this execution, making about three hundred horse, and a thousand or 12. hundred foot, divided into four troops, commanded by the Signior of Morges, of Hercules' Lieutenant to Les Diguieres company of men at arms, of Auriac, and of Maruieu, ensign to S. julian: he calls these commanders a part, acquaints them with this desseine, to set upon the fort the night following, and arrives there about eleven of the clock at night. The Captains appointed to plant the Petards and the Ladders, perform thei● cha●●e with an incredible resolution, notwithstanding the alarm which those of the Fo●te had taken, by reason of the fires indiscreetly kindled by their boys. The Petards wo●● their effect happily, one at the false gate, which looks towards Grenoble, and the other at the principal port towards Montmelian: the alarm grows hot on all side, so as they within the Fort knew not which side to guard. They mount to the scaladoe: some ladders are overthrown, and with their shot they seek to repulse the assailants, who get up and come to handy blows: the weakest must yield to the stronger. The enemies sought to make a new head: but after some little resistance, they sl●e a hundred of them, and the rest leapt over the rampar where the alarm was least violent. Bellegarde and some others remained prisoners: of seven Enseignes, fi●e were sent unto the King, the two others were lost in the heat of the assault. They found there six pieces of battery, and three for the field, with great store of powder, lead, match, and corn: which had been so many scourges against the unjust usurpations of the Savoisien, if the reduction of the Duke of Mercoeur, and that which remained to conquer in Brittany, had not laid their arms aside, and advanced the treaties which were made for the tranquillity of their estates. The King's authority had for nine years been banished out off such places as the Duke of Mercoeur held in Brittany: This Province was a prey for such as enriched themselves with the miserable spoils thereof: the people having nothing left them but their voice, wished to see themselves freed from the tyranny of many vicious men, and without mercy, and to taste with many others, the effects of the King's clemency and bounty: and his Majesty grieved infinitely to see them afflicted, and not able to relieve them, for the urgent necessity of his affairs. But after a storm comes a sun shine. The Duke of Mercoeur had often given hope of his submission and obedience; but the places of his command, and the quality of his person, in his opinion deserved a voyage thither. Our Henry is not slothful in that which concerns the good of his realm, and the great love he bore to the ease and health of his subjects, who with a general voice, give him that favourable title of Father of his people, & made them willingly to exceed the bounds of modesty. At the only brute of his coming, the Lords of Heurtault, and La Houss●ye S. Offange, commanding at Rochefort upon Loire, knowing that the Duke of Mercoeur was ready to free himself from the Spaniard, and to be reconciled to his Maiest●e, they cast themselves at the King's feet, beseeching him to receive and accept of them as his most humble servants and subjects, and that it would please him in that quality to continue them in the command of the said place: to appoint what garrison he pleased for the good of his service: Reduction of Brittany. to grant them a pardon for their taking of arms, and all other things which had followed, under t●e authority of the D●kes of Mayenne and Mercoeur, whom they had acknowledged for the heads of the union: and w●th that capitulation they bring to the King's obedience, the places of Saint Symphorian and Rochefort. Plessis of Cosne at the same instant yielded the Town and Castle of Craon to his majesties service. But the surprise of Dinan by then of S Malo, one of the strongest places of Brittany, in the which the said Duke put his greatest hope, forced him to fl●e to his Maiest●es mercy. Du●e Mercours. There is no cause so bad but may be shadowed with some apparent reasons. The Duke of Mercoeur gives his Majesty to understand, as well for himself, as for those that shall submit themselves under his majesties obedience, that the zeal of the Catholic religion, the respect of the good of the realm, whereof he had always desired the preservation, and feared the dismembering, the danger into the which Brittany was brought, when as the King encountered the Spanish violences upon the fronter of Picardy, the intelligences of the greatest of the Province with the enemy, the means they had to make divers enterprises, and to draw in forces to the great prejudice of the Crown and State, had caused him to continue so long in arm●● after his majesties reconciliation with the Pope: and therefore he beseecheth him most humbly to take knowledge of his good will, and to countenance and use him a● his most faithful servant and subject. His Majesty had always wished, that God would give him the grace, to end the troubles of his realm: rather by a voluntary obedience of all his subjects, then by force and necessity of arms: that the last come might taste the same fruits, which his bounty showed to those that had formerly returned to their obedience. So the said Duke of Mercoeur, the Clergy, officers, Gentlemen, and other persons of all qualities and conditions, making their due submission, and taking the oath of fealty, were restored to their goods, offices, benefices, charges, dignities, immunities and privileges. So our King above all the Princes of the earth, got this commendation, to have exceeded in wisdom, valour and clemency. The whole Province, not by a politic necessity, (which disposeth people to the obedience of their Sovereign Princes) but as it were appointed by God to command over them, acknowledged our Henry for their Sovereign King, protested to live and die in the obedience which loyal and faithful subjects own unto their supreme Lord. And by this mild reunion of the members with their head, of the parts with the whole, forgetting the bitterness of the forepast war, he dispersed the confusions and disorders, which threatened to bury him under the common ruins of these uncivil troubles. So in the end, after so many labours, which Hercules could hardly have surmounted, so many toils, under which Atlas would have shrunk, the civil war dispatched, the minds of the French united, their affections mutually conjoined by a strict bond of love, under the obedience of their King, an d all the forces of the chief Kingdom of Christendom, were ready to fall upon the common enemy of his Estate. But you have fought enough: the blood of your subjects, oh Princes, hath been too outrageously spilled in your Champion fields: the furies of your arms have wonderfully amazed your subjects. Show yourselves hereafter to be pastors and fathers of nations, which reverence the beauty of your Diadems. Let the seas, rivers and mountains, which be as a bar betwixt the territories of your Dominions, limit hereafter the greatness of your desires. Heaven the judge of controversies, doth pronounce that sweet and sacred name of Peace. A name which cannot displease any, but such as take delight in blood, spoil, and fire: and (having nothing of a man but the name) breathing out nothing but impiety, licentiousness & injustice. So after a long treaty betwixt the Deputies of both Kings, in the end a peace was concluded at Veruins, as you may read in the following discourse. A CONTINUATION OF THE General History of France, from the beginning of the Treaty of Veruins, in the year 1598. unto these times. With a relation of the most memorable accidents, that have happened in Europe: Collected out of Peter Matthew and other Authors that have written of this subject. THe Civil Wars of France being ended, all the Kings rebellious subjects, 1598. and the revolted Provinces reduced to his obedience, God disposed the hearts of the Kings of France and Spain, to a general peace, for the good of their subjects, who had been long oppressed with the spoils and miseries of bloody War. The wisdom, justice and pi●ty of Pope Clement the 8. Three Popes in 17 months. S●●tus the 28. of August. 1590. When the 7. 27. of Septem. Innocent the 9 the 9 of December. Clement the 8. chosen the 30 of janu. 159● The Pope exhorts the two Kings to Peace. God stirred up Pope Clement the 8. who powered Balm into the wounds of France, not like unto his Predecessors, who rejoiced at her affllictions, and sought to make them incurable, applying no other remedies but fire and sword. He like an other Hercules (sought to calm the storms which troubled both Land and Sea: he showed himself a common father of Christians, a Mediator of Peace, and Union, at such a time as necessity and the estate of their affairs made them to desire rest. To this end he lets Henry the 4. King of France & of Navarre, understand by Alexander of Medicis, Cardinal of Florence, than his Legate in France, and doth advertise Philip the 2. King of Sp●●ne, by his Nuncio: that it was now time to lay aside all passions of hatred and revenge, to resume peaceful spirits and to join together against the common enemy of C●ristendome, who only made his profit of their ruins. That their subjects had been sufficiently drunk with the Blood, Gall, and Vinegar of Discord, and that it was requisite to refresh them now with the sweet Wine of Peace. These two Princes were too high minded, to demand a Peace one of an other. There must be a third person, to unite these two extremes. But there must be some one to make this entrance, and to be as it were an Interpreter of their intentions. To this end, the Pope makes choice of F. Bonaventur Calatagirone General of the Order of the Franciscans or Grey Friars, to acquaint these two Kings with his holy & charitable persuasions unto Peace. Religious men had been actors in this War, they are now held necessary for the Peace. Religious men should be Angels of Peace. Spirits separated from the troubles and confusions of the world, are most fit for such negotiations, being less transported with violent passions. The King of Spain did not attend to have the Pope exhort him unto peace. He had begun his reign by War against the French, he would now end it by a Peace with them. He proclaimed War against Franc● in the year 1557. He was now 70, years old, being desirous to discharge himself of the heavy burden of so many Kingdoms, and to leave them quiet to his son. To this end, he must marry his Daughter Donna Isabella, who remaining in Spain, without a husband, might contend for the succession of the Crown, with Don Philip her brother. He could not give her less for her dowry, than the Kingdom of Portugal, or the Low Countries, with the County of Bourgundy. By the one, he did weaken & divide his Estates, & by the other, he gave his daughter means to contend for her portion in Spain. For it was impossible to reign long in Provinces divided by irreconcilable War, having two 〈◊〉 neighbours for enemies. And therefore to assure Spain, he must marry the 〈◊〉: Reasons that moved the King of Spain to a Peace. and to confirm that which he gave unto her in marriage, it was necessary 〈◊〉 conclude a ●●ace with the K●●g of France, and to banish those vain imaginations of the Conquest of an Estate, the which will always grow great, by the increase of Concord: and fortified with arms and invincible 〈◊〉 supports ●t self against any violence that shall seek to supplant it. Being thus resolved of a Peace, he desires to understand the opinion of his Council. This re●olut●on to have a Peace was just; and all things showed a necessity inseparable with ●ustice. The King of Spain (to whom this was well known) had no need of any other Council, for that his Councillors for the most part did hold, that his Estates could not continue in Peace, unless that France were at War, and th●t they must always maintain a division in that Estate, whose forces are so mighty and warlike. Yet would he have it resolved on in Council, in the presence of the Prince his Son, and the Infanta. The Prince transported with the courage of his gre●● and high resolutions, The Prince of Spain rejects the counsel Peace. had no other thoughts but to continue his father's Conquests. This Peace being propounded in Council, every one spoke not what he thought the best, but rather to please the Prince, (who valued resolution more than wisdom, and the dangers of warlike enterprises, more than the assurance of a happy Peace) There is no place where as dissembling should have less credit than in a Prince's Council. But Christopher de Mora, holding it the chief and essential virtue of a Councillor, to speak the truth, and that it belonged to none but to vile and base spirits to lie: he fortified his opinion with the best reasons he could, to induce the young Prince to like of the proposition of Peace: the which he knew the King held to be just and necessary, and that in this necessity, wise men found the surest law of their conduct, and the felicity of an Estate. You may read his discourse at large in the Original. For which liberty of speech, contrary to the Prince's humour (who showed by his countenance, Mora disgraced by the Prince of S●aine. that such as loved Peace were not his friends) de Mora was disgraced with better words, and commanded not to come in his presence: but he was restored again into favour by the King's command, having made his excuse unto the Prince, for that he had spoken the truth too boldly, for the good of the Peace. The King of Spain (to prevent all private passions, which do always corrupt councils ●n public affairs, The Infanta desirous of a Peace. being unwilling to have it treated of in Spain) commanded the Infanta Isabella, to advise Albertus the Archduke (than Governor in the Low Country's, to whom she was promised) to make some overture of an accord and to sound the minds of the Fr●nch. She (who was daughter to the generous Princess, At her birth she brought a Peace to France & 〈◊〉 An 1546 And ●y he● marriage she reconciled F●ance and Spain. Anno 1559. whom Spain called the Queen of Peace) invited the Archduke to employ his Council and means for the building of this Temple, proceeding with a good intention, and sincerity of zeal. The Archduke (who found no better rampart to defend the Low Countries, than a Peace) makes show to have no other thought in his heart, nor any word more ordinary in his mouth, than a Peace▪ grieving to see the misery of the Wars, and that two of the greatest Princes of Christendom (whereof the one might serve as a Sword, and the other as a Target against the power of the Ottomans) should be so ready to ruin one another. This conceit, that the Archduke, desired a Peace, did purchase him the love of those people, The Archduke applies all his mind to a Peace. over whom he should command in regard of his marriage; it confirmed him in the good liking of the King of Spain, seeing that he hide apply himself wholly unto his humour, and did wonderfully content the Infanta, who desired to be married with a beneficial Peace. All Europe aspired to this general good. Those which were farthest off, held it just: the neighbours profitable, and such as were interessed, necessary: and this interest did not only concern the French and the Spanish, but all neighbour States, whom it did much import to see a Peace concluded. The Archduke discovers the King's disposition, by Mon●ieur de Sancerre, Agent at Brussels for Queen Elizabeth Dowager of France. Who coming to Monceaux, The Archduke sends arm●s vn●o the King. presented the King with rich arms, which the Archduke had caused to be made for him at Brussels, and withal he gave him charge to say unto the King, that he lamented to see the continuance of a War so prejudicial to two of the greatest Christian Princes, and so profitable to the common enemy of Christendom. That if it pleased him to hearken unto a Peace, his will should be soon followed by the effect: offering all his vows and service to the King of Spain his Uncle, to make him resolve to a perfect and assured Peace, Wherewith Sancerre acquainted his Majesty, after the delivery of his A●mes, saying, That the Archduke was a Prince full of holy resolutions for the general good of Christendom, who lamenting the affairs of Christian Princes, which went to ruin by their discord, had commanded him to understand his majesties pleasure, if he would enter into any treaty of Peace, The first entrance to a ●eace. the only and last support of Christendom, The King received the present graciously, and having a while considered of the proposition (made unto him by Sancerre) he answered. That he had never yet tasted the sweetness of Peace, desiring greatly to know what it was, not so much for his own ease, as for the good of his Subjects: and although he had always loved War, yet had he never refused Peace: That he was not insensible of the miseries of this division, and had often lamented so much blood unprofitably spilled, and the weakening of the chiefest pillars of Christendom. That he had not entered into this War but for a just and necessary defence, all Europe having seen the King of Spain to raise the greatest forces of the World, yea & his own Subjects against him, and that there was no War more just, then to recover that, which was unjustly usurped. Yet notwithstanding, all these considerations should not hinder his inclination to a Peace. But he could not easily believe, that the Archduke had any such desire, having so many Spaniards about him, who would never counsel him to make any War but in France. This holy Resolution was imparted unto the Archduke, and by him to the King of Spain, who doubted that a Prince borne and bred up in arms, hardened in the exercise of War, and prosperous in his proceed, would give any ear to a Peace: and although the good of his Realm, might draw him to this resolution, The King of 〈…〉 of a P●a●e. yet such as had counseled him to proclaim. War against him, wh●n as his affairs were most desperate: even when as four or five Dukes his subjects were in arms against him, would not advise him now to make a Peace, when as all France was reduced under his obedience. He therefore commands the Archduke to proceed warily and wisely, and not to do anything that might be dishonourable in seeking of a Peace. The Archduke knowing that the King's inclination to a Peace (proceeding from his own proper motion, and from the best advice of his servants who held a long War to be as ruinous for France, as a long Peace is hurtful to a warlike nation) continued his first motion, sending back Sancerre unto the King who was then at Rouen, A 〈◊〉 Peace 〈◊〉 ●o a warlike nation. to speak more openly and plainly unto him, and to understand his majesties pleasure, in what Town upon the fronters the Deputies of either sid● might assemble. This negotiation was not managed by letters, but by instructions, and by one man only: which was kept so secret, as on the King's part, no man was acquainted therewith but Villeroy the Oracle of the secrets of this Estate: neither would the Archduke trust any one but himself and the Duke of Sora, master of his horse, to the end that Spain should not know any thing but what pleased him, when need should require. If matters had been managed mo●e openly, they might have proved less successful. These Princes wanted not spirits of division about them which blamed this Peace. Diuer● 〈◊〉 of the Peace. There were some in Spain which maintained, that the laws of Religion and Conscience, would not allow them to lay down arms, until that all France were reduced under one Religion: and that it were dishonourable for so warlike a nation as Spain, to demand a Peace of them which had proclaimed War against them. In France some cried out that they should make no Peace with Spain, without satisfaction for Milan, Naples, Flanders, and Navarre. Those which did second this good work with their grave and wise Council, were men full of affection to the public good, and capable of the remedies of this division. The Precedent Richardot was the first to whom the Archduke imparted this secret and the King would have Bellieure his chief Councillor of State acquainted therewith, unto whom Sancerre imparted the order and state of the business. This done, he returned to the Archduke to Brussels, carrying with him a resolution of the King's pleasure: whereupon the Archduke commanded him to conduct the General of the Friars into France, being then come out off Spain. The General acquainted the King with the commandment he had received from the Pope, to pass into Spain to dispose the Catholic King to a good and holy Peace, whereby the forces and wills of all Christians might be united against the common enemy, who made his profit of this miserable division: That the King of Spain foreseeing it well, and lamenting this general desolation, had said unto him, that he desired a Peace: which by his will should be firm and durable, for the recovery of that which discord had caused the Christian Princes to lose, desiring not only to treat a reconciliation of friendship betwixt the two Crowns, but also to prevent all occasions of f●ture War: And to this end, he had given all his power to the Archduke his Nephew, who was a Prince desirous of Peace. The King answered: That he was desirous of a Peace, neither would he prescribe him any other conditions, than the honour & justice of his pretensions, the which he held so assured, as no man might call them in question. The General of the Franciscans assured him, that the King of Spain would give him all the contentment he could expect from a just Prince. Reason which always finds place in generous minds, and necessity whose stings (when she is moved) are very violent, made th●se two Princes lay down arms, to relieve their Subjects, tired with miseries and public oppressions. These first h●pes of a Peace, did but begin to appear when as the King was advertised of the surprise of Amiens. This was a frost which nipped all the hope of this first seed, a Wind which blew away all the flowers of this young Plant. The General of the friars returns into France, to assure the King, that if he pleased him, the taking of Amiens should not hinder the Peace. ●he King answered, that he held himself wronged in this proposition, The King's generous resolution. that he neither could nor would hearken unto it: & that he never did any thing by constraint: neither were matters now fit for an accord. I will not (saith he) that they demand a Peace of me in a bravery, I will never yield unto it by force. We will talk more, when I have recovered Amiens, Calais, and Ardres: and so he sent back the General of the Friars, to the amazement of the enemy, who did admire the King's noble resolution, The General of the friars returns in despair of a Peace. which (like unto the ancient Romans) was more admirable in Adversity then Prosperity. Amiens being recovered, and the Pope foreseeing by the continuance of the King's victories, that it would produce no other effects, but a weakening of the whole body, he conjures the two Kings anew, by the apprehension of the public miseries, and the pitiful estate of Christian affairs, to agree and to resume their chief inclinations to Peace. The proposition of ●eace continued. He commands his Legate to dispose them to some conference, whereby he might discern who was to be blamed, and who failed in his affection, for the general good of a Peace. The Legate goes to S. Quintin the General of the Friars comes thither unto him and beseecheth him, to be a means unto the King, to send some man of credit, with whom they might, confer of a treaty. The King sent the Precedent Sillery, with an express commandment, not to consent to any treaty of a Peace, but upon assurance to have those Towns yielded up, which were held by the King of Spain. The Pope's Legate, the Precedent Sillery, and the General of the Friars, met at S. Quintin: the greatest difficulty at this first entrance, was for the restitution of Places. The fi●st negotiation of Peace at S. Quintin. The General of the Friars said, that the King of Spain would not purchase a Peace at so dear a rate. Sillery answered, that the King of Spain did give nothing of his own, but did only yield up that which he could not keep, the King having made proof by the recovery of Amiens, what he might expect of the other places. And if they desired a good and a durable Peace, they must make it just: for else it could not continue. That there was nothing more just, than restitution, A just Peace is durable. nor more honourable then to leave that willingly which they could not hold by force: That the King had expressly forbidden him, not to consent to any Treaty, nor to the choice of any place for an Assembly, before he had assurance of this restitution: That he held it a wrong done unto the dignity of so great a Prince, to the honour of his commandments, to the equity of his cause, and to his good fortune, once to hearken unto the difficulties they made to yield him up that which was his own: That whosoever should treat with this prejudice, deserved to be punished as the authors of Treaties, that were dishonourable to their Masters. The General of the Friars (who could get no other resolutions at his hands) returned twice into Flanders, to let them understand, that among all the reasons of the Treaty, that of Restitution was invincible: and that it was in vain to demand a Peace of the French, if they did not restore all. That this Restitution was the soul of the Treaty, without the which it was a fantastic body, without any natural proportion and substance: That in the end, desiring too much, they should have nothing: and thinking to hold all, they would lose all. The Archduke doth advertise the King of Spain, that there was no means to enter into the Temple of Peace, but by opening of the gates of Calais, Ardres, dourlan's, and other places (taken in War) unto the King of France. God inspired the heart of the King of Spain, against the opinion of his Council of State, to yield up all his pretensions for the good of a Peace, rather than to leave the world in this perpetual Discord and Confusion. He did consult with his Council of conscience, upon the necessity of this Restitution. They answered him, that he could not live with a quiet soul, nor die in the integrity of his Religion, if he did not restore those places. The King of Spain followed this advice, advertising the Archduke, that he would not, for that which he had gotten from an other, lose the means to leave a Peace to his own Estates. Upon this resolution, the General of the friars returns into France, The King of Spain re●olue● to ye●ld all the places. and passeth his word unto the L●gate & Sillery, for the Restitution: so as after an infinite toil of two months, these three made all things ready for a Treaty. Sillery returns to the King, leading with him the General of the Friars, as well to let him understand from the Kings own mouth, what he had said unto him by his commandment, as also to have the General tell the King, what he had promised, and propounded on the Archdukes behalf. The Legate remained at S. Quintin, a● Gardien of the words and intentions of two Princes. Being assured of either's faith, they agree upon a place for the assembly of the Deputies, and to conclude the Treaty. ●he Town of Veruins, (being under the King's obedience, and near unto the ●●o●ters of Arth●is) was found the most commodious, Veruins choose for the conference. and was presently furnished with all things necessary to receive the Ambassadors. The King Deputed Pompone de Belieure Knight, Lord of Grignon, the chief and most ancient of his Privy Council, and Nicholas Brulart Knight▪ Lord of Sillery, councillor of State to his Majesty, and Precedent in his Court of Parliament. For the King of Spain and the Archduke, there came john Richardot Knight, Precedent of the King's privy Council: and of his Council of State, john Baptista Taxis Knight, Commander de los Santos, of the Military order of S. james, and Councillor of State, and of the Council of Wa●: & Lewis Verrichen Knight, Audiencer & chief Secretary, & Treasurer of the Charters of the Council of State. The Cardinal Medicis, Legate of the holy Sea, assisted by the Bishop of Mantova, was as it were an Vmper of all difficulties in this good and holy reconciliation. The King's Deputies arrived first, and those of the King of Spain presently after, where having saluted one another with hearts full of joy and incredible content, they promised to treat Roundly, Sincerely, & Mildly, communicating their Commissions one unto an other, and reforming those errors which they found, The Precedence yielded to the French. that they might begin to treat more safely and freely. After much question and many protestations made by the Deputies of the King of Spain for the Precedence, in the end, they yielded unto the French Kings, to take what place they pleased, after the Legate, and the Pope's Nuncio. At their first sitting, the Legate exhorts them to show the fidelity and integrity i● this action which their Masters desired, The Legate exhorts the Deputies. whereof he assured himself by their exper●ences, as of those which had happily managed the greatest affairs of Europe, more than any other men: wishing them to consider, that having the honour to Council two of the greatest Princes of the world, (who submitted their wills unto their councils, as the most divine thing among men, when it is purged from ambitious passions, violent thoughts and prejudicate opinions) they should omit nothing that might regard the contentment of their good intentions, and not to doubt, but that God who hath an especial care of Kings and Kingdoms, would infuse the light of his spirit into their most seceet thoughts, and threaten them with the sincerity of his justice, if they did not apply all their endeavours to his glory and the good of the Christian common weal. Then they entered into Treaty with a mildness fit for men of that quality and the merit of the matter. It was managed with such secrecy, as nothing was known before that all was concluded. The chief point of difficulty was, for the restitution of Places. Many reasons were propounded on either side: but the King's Deputies had great advantages: the force of reason, the prosperity of affairs in the recovery of Amiens, and above all the favour of the time and occasion. The King of Spain would not die but in Peace: he desired his Son might reign in Peace, and that his dearly beloved Daughter might be married in Peace. The Archduke languished with a desire to be married: and fearing least the promise which he had (not taking effect during the life of the King of Spain) the conditions would be made worse, he pressed Richardot and Taxes▪ not to proceed in this negotiation after the Spanish manner, but to remember that they must not prolong their consultations, nor protract an action, the praise whereof depended upon the conclusion. So after they had balanced all matters in the treaty, to reduce them to a just proportion of reason, all controversies betwixt the two Kings were reconciled and ended. During the Treaty of Veruins, the Emperor Rodulphus the 2. as well for himself, as for some Princes of the Empire, An Agent sent from the Emperor to the St●tes of the united Provinces. at the instant request of the King of Spain, sent Charles Nutzel of Honderpuizel, his Councillor in the Realm of Hongary, to the Estates of the united Provinces, who had audience at the Hague. His embassage was, to persuade the States to admit and hear certain Ambassadors sent from the Emperor, and some Princes of the Empire, to find a means for the propounding of a Peace, betwixt them and the King of Spain: To whom the States made answer, that according to their fi●st resolution, they desired not to enter into any conference of reconciliation with the Spaniard. That they had never refused any Ambassadors from his Imperial Majesty, beseeching him not to take the refusal which they now made in ill part, the which was not done through contempt, but rather to avoid his indignation, which they might incur, if such and so stately Ambassadors returned not to his Imperial Majesty with a pleasing answer. Albert the Cardinal (to whom the Infanta of Spain had been long before promised in marriage, with a Donation of the Low Countries) by the commandment and advice of the King of Spain, The Admiral of A●ragon sent Ambassador to the emperor. sent Don Francisco de Mendoza Marquis of Guadaleste, Admiral of Arragon, in embassage to the Emperor, to demand of him 6. points of great importance, for the surety and augmentation of the limits of his future Estate, and of the said Infanta. 1. That the Emperor should advance the King of Spain to the Lieutenantship or Viconty of Bezançon. 2. That he should declare himself openly against all such, as should hinder a Peace betwixt the state of the Low Countries. 3. That he should appoint a Governor and Council in the Duchies of Cleves & juilliers. 4. That the sentence given against them of the City of Aix, should presently be put in execution, without any de●●y. 5, That he should provide some speedy remedy for the Hans towns, to restrain the insolency of the English men. 6. Th●● he will give permission to louie troops of soldiers, in the territories of the Empire. To the first Demand, touching Bezançon, the Emperor (who desired to see the i●sue as well of the Peace, which was treated at Veruins, as of his Brother's marriage, Albertus the Cardinal) answered, That he was not ignorant how much it did import the Towns under the King of Spain's obedience, lying near unto Bezançon; to have the said Town maintained in Peace, under the protection of the Empire. That for divers and notable considerations he must confer with the Princes of the Empire, touching the said Vicarship. And to the end it might be done with greater assurance and authority, he would persuade them to confirm it. In the mean time, he desired the King of Spain, to take this delay in good part. This Viconty of Bezançon (which is an Imperial town in Bourgundy) did belong unto William of Nassau, the Prince of Orange deceased, whose goods the King of Spain had confiscated as well in the Franche County, as throughout all the Countries of his obedience. He therefore desired that the Emperor (making use of this confiscate, against the said Prince and his heirs) would transfer the Viconty of Bezançon on him. The Spaniard made this demand, that in process of time, he might by his Officers attain to the knowledge of all the exchanges & other business that pass at Bezanson for France, Germany, the Low countries & Italy, the which import much to be known,, but above all to have some footing in the Duchy of Bourgundy. To the second Demand, That his Imperial Majesty should declare himself openly against such as hindered the progress of the Peace betwixt the States of the Low Countries. The Emperor did well understand, that the King of Spain did covertly accuse some Princes of the Empire, as if they had favoured the wars of the Low Countries, especially by some words which the Admiral used unto him: That it would please his Majesty to make a difference betwixt the King and his Rebels, giving the world to understand by whom the Peace is hindered, punishing the Offenders according to the constitutions of the Empire. But the Admiral could not move his Imperial majesty to stir up new broils among the Princes of the Empire upon this cause, who answered, That till than he had given sufficient testimony of the love he bore to the Peace of the Low countries: & when he hath heard the report of the Deputies, he will advance it as far as his authority will permit him. Which Deputies were sent from the Emperor, and certain Princes, as I have formerly said. To the third Demand, That he would appoint a Governor and a Council for the Duchies of Cleves and juilliers, His Imperial Majesty did answer: That he had resolved to send one or two thither, good Catholics, to avoid a greater inconvenience. In the mean time the King of Spain should be careful to keep good guard on his part, and ●●sure himself of all necessary succours, the which notwithstanding must be done with discretion: to the end, that such as pretend any interest, have no occasion of jealousy: the which the Emperor himself is forced to entertain by reason of the concurrence of the time. Whereunto the Admiral replied, That it was necessary also that his Imperial Majesty should command those Princes which pretended any right unto the said Countries, that hereafter they attempt not any innovations, tending to the diminution of the Imperial authority, or to the prejudice of his Catholic Majesty▪ and that his Imperial Majesty should call home those Deputies which are at Duysseldorp, as Authors of bad practices, to the end his Catholic Majesty may not be ●o●ced to use other means. And although it were very convenient to respect the Princes, yet must they not be so careless as in curing the outward grief, not to provide for all inward dangers. To whom the Emperor answered: That as for Cleves and juilliers, he wou●d send to the Princes pretending any right, that they should not stir, seeing it did belong only to his Imperial Majesty to determine among them, hoping they would obey him. The cause of this demand was for that john Duke of Cleves, of juilliers and of Berghe (who is yet in good health) was a widower and somewhat distempered in his brain, without children, & without hope to have any, which bred a strange confusion in those Countries, which are joining to the Low Countries & Germany: The neighbour Princes were much troubled, and his Country was made very desolate upon this pretext, during the years, 1598. and 1599 There were three sorts of Pretendants: and before he was dead, they seemed to play the Fable of the Bear. First the Duke of pruss, and the two Brethren Dukes of Deux-Ponts, pretended by reason of their wives, ●isters to the said Duke john of Cleves the 2. The Emperor, who maintained, that for want of lawful heirs Males the said Duchy, by right of the fee, should return unto the Emperor their sovereign, being as fees masculine of the Empire. And Albert the Cardinal brother to the Emperou●, who besides the donation which he expected from the Emperor his brother of his right, desired that during the life of Duke john, a Catholic Governor should be named, and at his appoinment, that after his death he might unite these Duchies lying near unto the Low Countries, the which he hoped should be given him in marriage and become Master thereof. But all the enterprises which he made, and all the ruins and spoils which his army committed under his Lieutenant the Admiral, prevailed nothing, but his army was forced to re●ire, and to deliver up those places which they had taken, unto Duke john, who at this present is married with the daughter of the Duke of Lorraine, as shall be said hereafter. The fourth Demand: That the sentence given against them of the Town of Aix should be presently put in execution. It did much import the King of Spain, and Albert the Cardinal, that the town of Aix (lying in the Country of juilliers, near unto Lembourg) should be at the Protestants devotion. He therefore required the execution of the sentence given against them, in the Imperial chamber: for the re-establishment of a Catholic Magistrate. According to this demand, the Bishop of Liege was appointed by the Emperor, to execute the said sentence. To the fift Demand, That he provide a speedy remedy for the Hans Towns▪ to restrain the insolency of English Pirates. The Spaniard made this demand for the towns of the East Country, as Lubeck, Rostoch, Hambourg, Breme, Stood and others, which did traffic with his subjects, and from whom he receiu●d great store of munition for the War. Upon this pretext, the English ships did take and spoil the Esterlings. whereupon the Emperor, by an Imperial decree, did forbid the English to traffic in the Hans Towns. And the Queen of England did answer by proclamation, that it should be lawful for her subjects to take all ships that should carry any munition of War unto the Spaniard. By this answer we may see, that the Queen did not greatly fear the emperors prohibitions: who answered unto the said demand of the Admiral: That having more ample complaints, he would provide, as his duty and the equity of the cause doth require. To the sixth Demand, That he would suffer him to levy men, in the territories of the Empire, his Imperial Majesty made answer, That the Catholic King should in no sort doubt of his good affection, for that during so many years space, he had suffered him to make the like levies of men: The which was never granted unto his adversaries, who notwithstanding have levied some, but without his majesties privity. But for his Imperial Majesty to grant such a thing unto the King of Spain, either by Letters patents, or by commission, it was not convenient, for that they have employment for many soldiers against the Turk, so as it was to be feared, the whole Empire would murmur: yet under hand his Imperial Majesty was content to assist him all he could. And if the affairs of Hongary would permit, to satisfy him fully & openly. But the Admiral did press him much to have Letters patents with commission to levy men, notwithstanding the former reasons, or any other respect, seeing that the Emperor may levy men in the Low Countries, to serve against the Turk, Whereunto the Emperor answered: That he could not grant the King of Spain any Patent general, or leave to levy as many regiments of Soldiers as he pleased: seeing it had not been used in former ●imes. But seeing that his Imperial Majesty was not of sufficient power, to bear the burden of this War, without the assistance of the Princes of the Empire, there was no doubt, but at the first Camp, and at the first occasion, he should be charged and reproached therewith: so as the contributions, and support of those Princes, would fail him. To conclude, the Emperor entreated the King of Spain, as well in this regard, as in all other things, to rest assured of his love and affection, and how welcome his Ambassador was unto him. These were the demands the King of Spain made unto the Emperor. To what end they tended, will appear by the actions of the said Admiral of Arragon, having entered the countries of juilliers and Cleves, with the King of Spain's army, as we shall show in the end of this year. 1598. Whilst these things passed in Germany, the most Christian King was at Nantes: he pacified Britain, discharged the new Garrisons, and some Imposts: and placed for Governor there, Cesar Monsieur his base son, now Duke of Vandosme, who was betrothed to the only Daughter of the Duke of Mercoeur. He then granted the Edict of pacification to them of the reformed Religion within his realm, as we shall show hereafter, A Peace being concluded at Veruins, betwixt the two Kings, there was nothing yet agreed upon for the Duke of Savoy. It seemed the King of Spain had forgotten him, and that he did not acknowledge him for his sonne-in-lawe. The French King held him for neither kinsman nor friend, so long as he should detain the Marquisate of Salusses. The Marquis of Lullins (who was there Agent for the Duke) assured the Deputies, that the Duke had no other intention, The Duke of Savoy desires to b● comprehended in the Trea●y. but to give the King more contentment hereafter, then forepast occasions would give him means. Upon this assurance, he entered into the Treaty, the which by his occasion was in a manner broken off, three days before the conclusion. For the King was resolved, not to think of any accord with the Duke, but by present effects: without defferring the satisfaction of that which was due unto him. It was not likely the King would conclude a peace with the Duke of Savoy, with less honourable conditions, than he had done with the King of Spain, from whom he had recovered all his places. But the Pope (fearing that this Marquisate of Salusses, would prove an Aetna to fire all Italy) prevailed so with the King, as he preferred the public good before his own private interest, The King prefers the public good before his private interest. being content (for the finishing of this building of Peace) that the Duke's Interest, and his Right, should be put to compromise. It was agreed, that the Pope should be the only judge of this discord, touching the restitution of the Marquisate of Salusses, and that within a year. So a Peace was concluded, & signed by the Deputies: but it was not published till a month a●ter: only a general suspension of arms was proclaimed. The King being at Rennes in Britain, came post to Tours, and so to Amiens, for the better execution of the Peace, A Peace concluded the 2. of M●y. 1598. containing 37. Articles. Proclaimed the 2. of Iun● which was comprehended in 37. Articles, the which Peter Matthew sets down at large. All which Articles contained in the Treaty: and all that had been concluded, agreed, and passed by the said Deputies in their masters names, they promise shall be inviolably observed and kept, and to cause them to ratify them, and to deliver one unto an other authentic letters, signed and sealed, containing the whole Treaty, and that within one month after the date of those presents, in regard of the most Christian King, the Cardinal, Archduke, and Duke of Savoy: & that the Cardinal should promise, to procure within three months after, the like le●ters of ratification from the Catholic King, Archduke, and Duke of Savoy: They should solemnly swear upon the Cross, the holy Evangelist, the Cannon of the Mass, and by their Honou●s, in the presence of such as they should depute, to observe and fulfil Really and Faithfully, all that was contained in the said Articles: and the like oath should be taken by the Catholic King of Spain, within three months after, or when it should be required. In witness whereof, the deputies subscribed the treaty, at Veruins, the second of May. 1598. The King of Spain, who desired a peace at what rate soever, found no condition in this treaty of Veruins, that might dissuade him from ratifying it: although his Council held the restitution of Towns, so happily taken, and so hard to recover, dishonourable and prejudicial. He priest to have it sworn and executed, witnessing the contentment he received in his foul, for the good which Christian doom should receive by the concord of these two Crowns. The Archduke, who did second his desire, sent Deputies to assist at the French Kings oath, Ambassadors to swear the peace, & hostages for the restitution of the places. They arrive the 18. of june the Duke of Ascot, the Cont Aremberg, the Admiral of Arragon, and Lewis de Velasco, being followed by 400. Gentlemen, Spaniards, Italians, Bourgognons and Flemings. The Cont S. Paul, received them upon the fronters. The Constable feasted them at Amiens, and pacified some quarrels grown among them for place. The Marshal of Byron, with a great and goodly troop of Noblemen and Gentlemen, appointed by the King, received them a quarter of a league without S. Denis gate, conducting them unto their lodgings, which were prepared in S. Anthony's quarter. The next day they went unto the Lowre, with all their train, in rich and stately equippage, to kiss the King's hands: who received the m graciously, giving an attentive ear unto the discourse which Richardot made upon the merit of this action, the common profit and necessity of a peace, the which he said was to be preferred before a just war, and all hope of prosperity. The King answered, That he had desired peace, not for that he was tired with the discommodities of war, but to give all Christendom means to breath: The King's answer. That his arms fell out of his hands, when as they represented unto him the tears which fell from the Pope's eyes, for their reconciliation which might greatly advance the quiet of the Church of God: That he would never be blamed to be ill affected to the preservation of the Peace: as he never wanted zeal, nor justice to seek it, having always preferred it before the undoubted assurance of all the good success, which the happiness of his arms, and the reason of his defence promised him: believing the advice of them which hold, that we must never, for the hope of any favourable sum cease, refuse a good peace, and ground the expectation of the event, upon the appearance of present things. The most solemn form of a treaty is, the oath which bindas them that treat. It was not sufficient, that the Princes had signed it, and engaged their ●a●th●ull promises to maintain it: they would make the God of heaven the judge and witness of their intentions, The King of Spain did sign and swear the peace the 12. of july 1598. His son did not sign it, t●ll the trea●y of Savoy 1601 The form of the oath. engaging their faith in the hands of his iust●ce, for an assurance of their promises. And therefore the King did swear the observation of the Peace, in our Lady's Church at Paris, in the presence of the King of Spain's Ambassadors. The Archduke did swea●e it in the name of the King of Spain, in the great Church at Brussels, in the presence of the Marshal of Byron, Belli●ure and Brulart, Councillors to the King and his Ambassadors. The Duke of Savoy did also swear it at Chambery, in the presence of Guadagnes, Lord of Boutheon, Knight of both Orders. The oath was ministered in this manner: We promise upon our faith and honour▪ and in the word of a King, and swear upon the Cross, the holy Euangill, and the Canon of the Mass, for that which concerns us: That we will observe and accomplish fully, really, and faithfully, all and every point and article contained in the treaty of Peace, reconciliation and amity made, concluded and determined at Veruins, the second day of May last past, etc. and will cause all to be observed, maintained and kept inviolably on our part, without any breach, or suffering it to be broken, in any sort or manner whatsoever. In witness whereof we have signed these presents with our own hands. etc. The King would have the sincerity of his intention known to all the world, and Paris a witness of the oath he should take, to observe the peace as religiously, as he had made war justly. The Ceremony was performed in our Lady's Church at Paris, with great pomp, Monsieur de Villeroy did read the articles of the Peace. The King did swear the observation thereof, signed the Act, and embraced the Ambassadors of the King of Spain, w●shing the King his Brother a long life, that he might long enjoy the fruits of this Peace. This Ceremony was ended with great joy & acclamations of the people. F●om thence the King went to dine at the Bishop's Palace, where he feasted the Ambassadors, the Duke Mompensier supplying the place of Lord S●eward. The feast was royal and magnificent, and all things were answerable to so great a Ceremony. That ancient custom of drinking to the health of Princes, which came from that of the Greeks, who offered to every one of their Gods a Glas●e of Wine, & since hath been used, to show our devoted affection to great personages, was not forgotten. T●e King drank twice to the health of the King of Spain. This joy was continued at night at the L●●ure, in dancing, and the days following in feasting at divers great men's houses, by the King's command. All this did not hinder the execution of the Treaty, neither did the Deputies forget the interest of private persons. The Spaniards entreated the King for the return o● some that were absent, especially for the Duke of Aumale. The King answered them, that ●f they ●●stored unto Antonio Perez his children and goods, he would ●iue the Duke of Aumale contentment, whereby he should enjoy the fruits of the Peace. The Spaniards replied, that Perez, who was then out of Spain, for matters concerning the Inquisition, might not be equalled with the Duke of Aumale, who was absent but by reason of the troubles. Every one was content, either with that w●ich was done, or with that which reason did not allow to be done. After that the Ambassadors of Spain had obtained w●at they desired for the execution of the Peace, and admired the King's houses, and the wonders of Paris, they returned with a remembrance of his majesties bounty, who gave them jewels and Cupboards of Plate. There remained four principal men as hostages, for assurance of the restitution of the Towns, as it was concluded by the Treaty. All should be performed by the second of August: they began by the Towns of Picardy so faithfully, as the King (without expecting the full satisfaction of the Treaty) sent back the hostages, relying only upon the r word. It was also concluded by the Treaty, that the Archduke (who had approved the Peace in the name of the King of Spain,) should also swear the observation thereof in the same name, and in the presence of such as it should please the King to send. H s Majesty would not employ any other, than such as had served him so worthy y in the conclusion thereof, as Bel●eure and Brulart, two of the chief of his Council, and ●im whose valour in the recovery of Amiens had much advanced the end of t●i●●arre. T●is honour was accompanied with an other, that was greater and more d●●r●ble upon the chief of this embassage. The King doth never forget to recompense great and generous actions: he would have the Marshal Byron as well a pre●●●ent of h●s ●auours, as of the loyalty of his service. And therefore he erected his Barony of Byron into a Duchy, and made him Peer of France. He was received in the Parliament, with a general applause and testimony of all the assistants, that the●e honour's, although they were great, did not equal the greatness of his merits. He made a solemn feast for this new dignity. The King went from Saint German to honour him with his presence: A 〈…〉 ●he Du●e of B●ron, 2●. june. witnessing that this was not the end nor period of the honours, wherewith he would reward the perseverance of his services, and the constancio of his affection. At that time there was nothing in him that was less to be admi●ed then imitated. Slander could not cause any corruption in a body inspired with the life of honour and valour (as flies breed not worms but in dead bodies) and he that had spoken ill of him, should have gotten no credit. He had not yet received that pestilent infection, which corrupted his blood, and deprived him of all ●●dgement. Reprehension had no power over him, but when as he spoke unreverently of the King. One of his friends was then the Oracle of his fortune, who told him plainly, that if he did not forbear his licentious speech, he would repent it. What can they do, answered he? the other replied: that which you fear not. And pressing him to speak more plainly, his friend (knowing that Princes are very apprehensive & sensible, and that the offences which they dissemble most, they pardon least said v●t● him half in choler, and half in jest, that the King would cut off his head. This threat was so unlikely, as he made a jest of it. The bad intentions which began to seize upon his soul in this embassage of Flanders, have verified the prediction. Nothing could make him unhappy, but the excess of his happiness, which deprived him of all government & modesty. If he had been less fortunate, he had been more wise. It was no strange thing, to make the son of the Marshal Byron, Martial Byron. An ancient house might well be honoured with the title of a Duchy. A great Captain, who had so great a share in the restaurat on of France, deserved the honour & title of a Peer: but this was to recompense him in the midst of his course, for all that he might expect at the end of his carrier. The fi●st service the Duke of Byron did after this new dignity, was the voyage of ●landers. He made his assembly at Peronne, from whence he went to lie at Cambray. In the mid way, the Earl of Sore, Lieutenant general of that Country, met him, who after that he had saluted him with a long and respective discourse) told him, that he ha● commandment from his master to do him service in that voyage, and to accompany him unto Bruxelles. They of Cambray feasted him in their Town house. He had the like entertainment at Vallenciennes and at Mons: Being arrived at our Lady of Halle, three leagues from Bruxelles, he found a Steward of the Archdukes, and fifty of his guard to attend him. The next day (which was the fift after his departure) he was met upon the way to Bruxelles, by the Earl of Mansfield, the Duke of Aumale, and the Prince of Orange, with above two hundred horse, in the Archdukes name, & so conducted through the City unto his lodging. He rested the Friday, and the next day he went to have audience of the Archduke. He was accompanied with Count Mansfield: Belieure with the Duke D'aumale, and Brulart with the Prince of Orange. Thus they entered into the Archdukes chamber, whom they found alone, without any one but the Bishop of Antwerp, and the Precedent Richardot. The Duke of Byron began the discourse, and Belieure continued it. On the Sunday following, the Duke of Byron went to the Cathedral Church, the Archduke having sent him 20. Carosses for himself and his train: There did the Archduke solemnly swear the observation of the Peace in the name of the King of Spain: The Archduke swears the ●eace. from thence the Duke of Byron went on horseback to the Archdukes Palace, where he dined. At the Archdukes table sat the Duke of Byron, Belieure, Brulart, the Count Mansfield, the Duke of Aumale, the Prince of Orange, & the Bishop of Antwerp. At another Table were some 20. French Gentlemen, chosen by the Duke of Byron, The Archdukes presents to the Duke of Byron. and 8. or 10. Spaniards & Walloons. So after some days spent in feasting, the Archduke having presented the Duke of Byron with 2. fair Horses, gold plate, a rich jewel, and a Rapier, with Girdle and Hangers set with precious Stones, all which were esteemed at ten thousand Crowns, having als● given to Belieure and Brulart rich suits of Tapestry, and Chains of gold, and to every one of the French Gentlemen, a Rapier blade, and a pair of Spanish Gloves, they returned home very well satisfied. But the Duke of Byron did not so much respect what was given him, as the esteem they made of his valour, if he would employ it for the King of Spain's service. Picote did first infect him with this poison, which caused a Fever, & proved incurable, (but by that shameful letting of blood) whereof the King was presently advertised by a true hearted Frenchman, who remained at that time in the Archdukes Court. The Duke of Savoy, who enjoyed the same benefit of the Peace, Mr de 〈…〉 King ●f the Duke o● ●ir●● pract●●es. was bound to the observation thereof by the like form. The King sent to Mr dela Guiche Governor of Lion, that he would willingly have given him that charge, but that he feared his absence might somewhat prejudice the good of his affairs, and his indisposition not suffer him to perform the voyage. He therefore commanded Guadagnes Seneschal of Lion. and Knight of both orders, to undertake this charge. The oath was taken in the Friar's Church of Chambery, on Sunday the second of August, The D●ke of S●●oy swears th● p●ace. where the Duke was assisted with all his Knights of the Auanciado▪ and to witness the content which he had of this peace and reconciliation with his Majesty, he said unto Guadagnes, that he held this day the happiest of all the days of his life, and that all which remained should be to maintain and honour the memory thereof. That it were not only an indiscretion, but a blindness and a madness for him to change the felicities of Peace, for the miseries of War. The Duke gave unto Guadagnes, & to the chief gentlemen of his train, jewels, Horses Chains of gold, and to all so many good words as there was not any one but did wish him more profit by this Peace than he reaped. He refused not any thing that was demanded of him in the execution of the treaty, for the delivery and ransom of prisoners, but only the liberty of the Admiral Chastillons' wife. He made answer to the Instance which Guadagnes made in the King's name. Ia●●●line Countess of Antiem●nt wife to the Admiral, was Prisoner at 〈◊〉 and there d●d. That the respect he bore unto his majesties commandment, was so great, as to please him he would restore her goods, and give her some more liberty, whilst that he might give his Majesty to understand the just causes of her restraint. That whatsoever had been decreed at Rome, for her absolution, was rather in savour of his Majesty, then for any reason, for that he was seized upon books and writings that were execrable and damnable. The afflictions of this Lady did move the hearts of the chief Officers of this Crown, & of many great Noblemen of the realm, her kinsmen and allies. The King had commiseration of her: for her misfortunes, her imprisonment, losses and disgraces deserved pity. The Constable, the cardinal of 〈◊〉 the Duke of joyenze, and M. Dan●●●lot entreated the Leg●t to do h●r ●ustice. She was so transported with the good success of the King's affairs, that although she were among her enemies, yet the fire of her desires could neither be smothered under the ashes of affliction, nor under the fume of dissimulation. If she could have done that whereof they accused her, she would have made as sudden alterations on the earth, as Henry King of Sueden did in the air, and as admirable: as her will was absolute to desire that the King might overcome his enemies, and have satisfaction for Nice and Salusses. Upon the hope that this Peace should give her some content, and that the King's commendation by his Ambassador should give some truce to her miseries, she writ a letter of the pitiful course of her misfortunes, whereby appeared the excell●y of her spirit, in these words. Although (saith she) the comparison be as different as an Elephant and a Gnat, yet are they both vegerative and sensitive creatures. My fortune, and that of my house, hath always followed that of France and the Kings: for as since his marriage, I have always seen my Estate declining, even unto the period of a total ruin, The council of Ant●emonts letter to Peter Mathie●●. by the ill success of his affairs: so now when as God hath powered his blessings upon him, that he hath revenged him of his enemies, even by his enemies, & that against the conspiracies of the wicked, & the judgement of the good, he doth enjoy his Inheritance, I will hope there shallbe some change in my condition. I desire it may be good: but if it prove otherwise, I will not alter my resolution, to receive both good and evil as from the hand of God. I have this advantage over fortune, that hereafter her injuries how violent and sudden soever, shall not be strange unto me. Custom makes afflictions easy. I am enured to my afflictions, as a Galleyslave to his oar. Necessity reaches me to suffer constantly, and custom makes my sufferance ea●●●. The King also gave Guadagnes charge, to let the Duke understand, that he had received three several complaints from the City of Geneva, how that his troops which he entertained thereabouts, used insupportable hostilities, took prisoners, chopped and changed them, & that his Majesty desired the Town might reap the fruit and safe●y which the common good of the peace did promise them, Complaints from the Town of Geneva. and that the Duke's troops might be retired, to the end all jealousy and distrust might cease. The Duke would not answer hereunto by writing, lest (saith he) he should prejudice the pretensions which he had to that Town, for above four hundred years: saying only that he did not think it had been comprised in the treaty of peace, for that all other Towns and Provinces had been particularly named, and not that of Geneva. That he could not free his neighbours from fear and distrust, The Duke's pretensions. but in retiring his troops that were about the town, to refresh them in Lombardie, he should take away the cause, having no intention to prefer War before the happiness of Peace. He therefore commanded Don ivan de Mendoza a Spaniard, to draw his Regiment, which consisted of twelve hundred men, out of the territories of Geneva, & to pass to Milan. The King of Spain finding himself decrease daily, both in strength and health, desiring to f●●ish that which he had resolved for the marriage of his eldest Daughter, Madam Isabelle, with Albert the Archduke his Nephew, although he were advanced to great Ecclesiastical dignities, Donation of the Low Countries to the Infanta of Spain. especially to the rich Archbishopric of Toledo: he called before him in the City of Madril the 6. of May, Prince Philip his only son, being about 20. years old (whom he had also promised in marriage to Madam Mary, daughter to the Ferdinand Archduke of Austria, but she died soon after) accompanied with Don Gomes d'Auila, Marquis de Vellada, Governor and Lord Steward of Prince Philip's house: Don Christopher de Mora, Earl of castle Roderigo, great Commander of the Alcantara, Don ivan d' Idiaques, great Commander of Leon, all 3. being Councillors of State, & M. Nicholas Damant Knight, Councillor, Precedent, & Chancellor of Brabant, with L●l●o Secretary for the affairs of the Low Countries, & no more: whereas the King made a Grant of the Low Countries to his Daughter, the which was read, signed, sealed, and written in the French tongue. By this march, he did institute these two future spouses, & their heirs, males or females, Sovereign Lords of all the Provinces of the Low Countries, of the Franche-Conte of Bourgundie, & of the County of Charolois, upon condition that the said Countries should return unto the King of Spain, The conditio●s. if they had no children of the said marriage. 2. That the Princess of the Low Countries which should be, were it either maid, or widow, should be bound to marry with the King of Spain, or the Prince his Son, having obtained a lawful dispensation from his Holiness. Or if that might not be, (the Princess wanting will or power to accomplish this marriage) then should it not be lawful for her to take any other husband, but with the consent of the Kings of Spain. 3. That it should not be lawful for the Infanta, nor any other, called to the said succession, to engage nor alienate any part of the said Countries, without the consent of the heirs & successors of the King of Spain. 4. That they, their successors, not subjects, might not in any sort traffic to the East & West Indies, upon pain of confiscation. 5. That the Archduke should enjoy the said Countries during his life, if he survived the Infanta: and if he had children, they should have portions assigned, to maintain them honourably: and to the eldest, were it son or daughter, should be given the Duchy of Luxembourg, in the County of Chevy, with the dependences, who after the Archdukes decease should enter into the possession of the said Countries. The chief conditions was, for the maintenance of the Catholic, Apostolic and Romish Religion in the said Countries. And in case of contravention (especially for the Navigation and Religion) the future Spouses, and their descendants should forfeit all their interest to the said Countries. The last of the condition was, that the Donataries should be bound to pay all the debts and obligations contracted by the Emperor Charles the 5. & the King of Spain, upon the Patrimony & revenues of the Low Countries. The Patent of this donation was sealed at Madril the 6. of May, 1598. The Prince ratifies the donation. The Prince of Spain, to ratify the said donation, declared his consent by other letters Patents, seeing it was the good will and pleasure of the King his Father, hoping it should redound to the good of all Christendom, and to the content of his good sister Isabella Clara Eugenia. And it is said, that for a greater approbation, he did swear upon the holy Evangelist, never to oppose himself against it: setting his hand and seal to the said declaration, The Infan●aes acception. in the presence of the above named witnesses. The Infanta Isabella did in like sort by her letters patents accept of the said Donation and Grant of the said Low Countries, & withal she shows how much she doth esteem the gift, & that her intention was to keep all the conditions annexed to the said donation, taking the like oath upon the holy Evangelist, signing and sealing it as the Prince had done. This being performed, and that the Archdukes Mother, who was also Aunt unto the Infanta, Procuration from the Infanta to the Archduke, to take possession of the Low Countries, the last o●●une 1598. had kissed her as her Daughter in law, they resolved to advertise the Archduke, & that to that end she should write unto him as a wife unto her husband. And in this quality she declares herself Lady of the Low Countries in general, Duchess of Bourgundie, Lotiers, Brabant, Lembourg, Luxembourg & Gueldres, Countess of Flanders Artois & Bourgundie, Palatine of Hainault, Holland & Zealand, of Namur and of Zutphen, Marquis of the holy Empire, Lady of Freeze, of Salins & Malines, of the Town of Vtrecht, of Transsillanie and Groninghe, & for that (desiring to obey the King her father) she had accepted of the said Seigneuries, she sent a full and ample procuration unto Albert the Archduke her future Spouse, 1595. to take possession of all the said Seigneuries in the name of the said Infanta, giving him full authority in the name of a Prince, and upon her reputation, to make a general assembly of the Estates of the said Provinces, for the effecting of her intention, promising not to contradict it, neither directly nor indirectly in any sort whatsoever. The Estates of the Low Countries were assembled at Bruxelles the 15. of August, for the publication of the said Donation, An assembly at Bruxell●s, upon the donation made unto the Infanta. where were many disputes about the receiving of the said Infanta by a deputy, and to swear unto her, considering the Privileges of the Country especially of the Duchi● of Brabant, which doth not receive any Prince, but in their own persons. But in the end, the said Cardinal Archduke was received in the name of the said Lady, by virtue of his procuration. He swearing to observe all the Rights, Privileges, Liberties, Immunities and Customs of those Countries: and the Estates did swear all fidelity and obedience unto her. This done, the said Cardinal Archduke, The Archduke leaves his Cardin●l● habit at Haul● in Brabant. being sufficiently known and accepted for their future Prince, according to the promises of marriage betwixt him and the Infanta: to enter into the consummation thereof, and according to the Pope's grant, he went to Halle, a little Town in Brabant, three leagues from Bruxelles, commonly called, Our Lady of Halle, a place of pilgrimage very famous: where he left his Cardinal's Hat & habit upon the high Altar. Then he began to give order for his voyage, and the government of the Low Countries: where during his absence, he named his cousin Andrew Cardinal of Austria, son to Ferdinand the Archduke, His order in the Low Countries during his voyage into Spain. who was brother to Maximilian the Emperor, and with him the Council of State, appointing Francisco de Mendoza, Admiral of Arragon, Captain general of his Army, and Herman Earl of Berghe, Martial of the Camp, with other Commanders and Officers, to put in execution that which had been resolved upon at Bruxelles, touching the frontiers of Germany. There were deputed to accompany the Archduke, Philip of Nassau Prince of Orange, etc. the Earls of Barlamont and of Sores, Noblemen of the Country, with many Ladies and Gentlewomen, among the rest, ●he Countess of Mansfield, Widow to the Earl, and Dowager to the Earls of Hemin and Hoochstrate, with many other young Noblemen and Gentlemen of the Low Countries, being desirous to see Spain, and the triumphs and magnificence of the Prince of Spain, and of the said Archduke and Infanta. All things being thus prepared, the Archduke parted from Bruxelles about the midst of September, taking his way (as he said) towards Prague, to see the Emperor his Brother, to confer with him touching the affairs of the Low Countries, and so to pass to Gretz or Gratzen, to fetch the Lady Marguerite, Daughter to Ferdinand the Archduke of Austria, who was brother to the Emperor Maximilian the 2. being fianced or made sure unto Prince Philip of Spain. The Archduke should conduct her into Spain, to consummate her marriage with the said Prince, and he his with the Infanta, both at once: the which he did, as we shall see hereafter. The Archduke before his departure, had written letters of the 18. of August, unto the general Estates of the united Provinces, giving them to understand, that he w●nt to marry with the Infanta, with whom he should have the Low Countries in dowry, The Archduke writes to the united Provinces. being already received by most part of the Provinces for their Lord & Prince. That he desired nothing more, then to plant a good peace in the Low Countries. And being now apparent, that the King was resolved to divide the said Countries from Spain, & thereby to take away all causes of jealousy and distrust: he desired the States to call to mind, that war must once have an end: and therefore they should conform themselves with them of Brabant & Flanders, and give ear unto a general peace, & to receive and acknowledge him for their Prince & Lord▪ for the effecting whereof he had given authority to the general Estates of his Provinces, whereof he expected their answers. There were Letters also from the Prince of Orange, the Duke of Arschot, Letters from the Prince of Orange to Count Maurice. the Marquis of Haure, to Count Maurice, of the like tenor: persuading him to be the instrument of a good peace, and to set before his eyes the honour of his house, whereunto he could never do better service, seeing that all the other Provinces had already acknowledged and received the said Archduke for their Lord etc. To all which letters nothing was answered, neither by the States, nor by Count Maurice. The Emperor seeing the Estate of the Empire in danger, appointed a Diet at Ra●●sbone, A Diet at Ratis ●one. sending his brother the Archduke Mathias thither, accompanied with a number of grave and wise men. He propounded the just complaint of the emperors Majesty, for the great expenses he was to make against the enemies of Christendom: That their attempts were not less, and their threats increased daily, continuing thei● barbarous cruelty, so as he had no more means to make head against him, much less to give him battle. That the Estates of the Empire should remember the miseries of Hongary during the reign of Mathias, under whom it was lost, and that they should provide, lest the like calamities should chance for want of succours: by means whereof, in steed of the holy Christian faith, the Turk would settle his cruel and barbarous superstitions. And that in these following years, the Estates should furnish him 〈◊〉 twelve thousand foot and 4000 Horse: that if the worst should chance, the Empire might have means to maintain i● self, if they lost a victory, or to march on with their forces, if they did win it. Martin Bishop of Segobia, did likewise make great complaints for the Countries of Stiria, Carinthia and Carniola, for the which he demanded present succours. The Estates of the Empire having consulted some days, decreed, to give succours unto the Stiriens and to the ot●er people that bordered upon the Turk, only for the ●pace of two months. And for the rest they resolved to give the Emperor the supply of money which he required. Those of Aix la Chapelle had been in mutiny some years before, and had expelled the Catholic Magistrate, and changed the whole Estate of the Commonweal: by reason whereof, at the instance of the King of Spain, by his Ambassador the Admiral of Arragon to the Emperor, importuning him much to have it reduced to the former Estate, Execution of the Imperial sentence against the Town of 〈◊〉. lying so near unto his Countries, the Emperor had made a proclamation against them, with an interdiction of all succours: commanding the Archbishop of Treves and the Duke of juiliers to force those rebels by arms, and to reduce them to their obedience. The Inhabitants being amazed, seeing also Albert the Archduke to enter into their Country with his troops and garrison of L●mbourg) they resolved to submit themselves, by the means of some Senators, entreating the Archbishop of Cologne by their deputies to mediate their Peace, t●e w●ich was granted them, expelling the Ministers of the Confession of Ausbourg, and others of the reformed religion. The wh●ch was executed, & the Catholic Magistrate restored as b●fore. About this time the most Christian K●ng sent back t●e Lord of Euzenuall into H●lland to the States, to continue his charge of Ambassador. He assured them, th●● as ●●rre as his Master might (preserving the Peace) he would favour them, promising to repay them the money wherewith they had assisted his Majesty d●●ing the wars. 〈◊〉 ●ecouered from t●e Turk. Some years before the Christians had received a sore blow by the loss of Iau●rin, which the Turk had taken, even by the disloyalty of some Christians which had betrayed it. This year that wound was eased and almost cured, by the recovery of the said javarin, the which was surprised in the night by a valiant Captain called Adolphe Schuartzbourg, accompanied with the Barons of Pal●i and Nad●stz & two Frenchmen, one being the Seigneur of Vaubacour, & the other called Ca●iac, who had the charge of the Petards, with the which they forced a Port. They slew the Sangiac of Ia●arin, & a great number of Turks. Many of them, especially women, cast themselves into the River, & so perished. There were 300. janissaries which sh●t themselves into a Tower, in the which was Powder, which they set on fire, and so died. There happened a strange accident in the Realm of Naples: a certain woman transported with lust, The looseness of a Lady of Naples. poisoned her husband, called Appian de ●oisy, Chancellor of the realm, a grave, learned & reverend old man, abandoning herself to one called Tal●isy, an idle per●on & of no quality & for that she might continued it with more imputiny, she poisoned her ●ather Alexander ●uringel, a worthy knight in his Country, for that he would not consent she should marry with her adulterer. She did also poison her sister with her two Sons. And in the end being miserably married to this man, she grew jealous, and growing bitter one against another in words, they accused one another for these murders, so as they were justly condemned and executed. The King of Spain's sickness beginning in Madril (before the resignation which he made of the Low Countries, to his daughters Isabella) increased ●aily, ●o as about the feast of Saint john Baptist, finding his strength to decay, and sometimes afflicted with a fever, by the torment of a gout in his hands: as he had always ●ad a great devotion to his Church of Saint Laurence, and a great delight in his Cou●t of Escurial, which he had built (the w●ich is one of the richest, and most sumptuous buildings in Christendom) he would needs be carried thither, although the Ph●sit●ans did dissuade h●m, being so full of pain●: yet he was removed thither in six days, being abo●t seven Leagues from Mad●il. Being there, his gout increased his pain with a fever, so as being out of hope to recover, he began to prepare himself ●or death, and received the holy Sacrament. Then he desired to have D. Garcias of Loiola solemnly consecrated Archbishop of Toledo by the Pope's Legate, Others writ him 〈◊〉. by the resignation which Albert the Archduke of Austria had made unto him. Afterwards he had an apostume in his leg, and four more upon his breast, whereat his ordinary Physicians were mu●h amazed, calling Olias a Physician from Madril. All the●e together with the advice of Vergaias an other practitioner, applied plasters to ripen the●e A●ost●mes: being ripe, and broken, they cast forth much filth, and a great number o● Li●e, so as they could hardly dress him, being also so weak, as four men we●e feign to remove ●im in a sheet, to make his bed, and to keep him clean. These louse, as the Physicians said, did engender of this putrefied stinking matter. In the beginning of September, as his fever began to increase, he called for the Prince his Son, and the Princess his daughter, the Archbishop of Toledo and others assisting, and showing his body to his son, he said, Behold Prince, what the greatness of this world is▪ see this miserable body, whereas all humane help is vain. He cau●ed his c●●fin, being of brass, to be brought, and a death's head to be set ●ppon a cubpord, with a Crown of gold by it. Then he Commanded Don Lewis de Vel●sco, one of his Chamberlains, to fetch a little Casket, in the which he had put a precious jewel, the which he gave unto his daughter in the presence of the Prince, saying. This jewel was your mothers, keep it in remembrance of her. He also drew forth a written paper, which he gave unto the Prince, saying, That it was an instruction how he should govern his Kingdom and Country. Then he took forth a whip, at the end whereof appea●ed some marks of blood, saying, lifting it up, That it was blood of his blood although it were not his own blood, but the Emperor his father's, who was accustomed to chasti●e his body with this whip, and therefore he had kept it, and showed it unto them. This done, he disposed particularly of the order and pomp of his funerals. Then in the presence of the Pope's Nuncio, he recommended the holy Sea, the Pope, and the Catholic, apostolic, and Romish religion, unto his children, desiring the Nuncio to give him absolution of hi● sins, and to bless his children, recommending the Infanta his daughter, unto the Prince his son, and to mainte●ne her Countries in peace, appointing good Governors, rewarding the good, and punishing the bad. Then he commanded, they should set the Marquis of Monteiar at liberty, upon condition he should come no more to Court: and that t●e wife of Antonio (Perez sometimes his Secretary) should be freed from prison, upon condition that she should retire herself into some Monastery. Then he comcomanded them to leave his Son alone with him, to whom he said these words: My Son, I desired ●ou should be present at this last act, The King● last speech to his son. to the end you should not live in ignorance, as I have done, how they give this Sacrament of the last unction, and that you may see the end of Kings, and of ●heir Crowns and Sceptres. Death is ready to take my Crown from my head to set it upon yours. Herein I recommend two things unto you, the one is, that you continued obedient to the Church, the other is, that you administer justice to your subjects. The time will come when this Crown shall fall from your head, as it doth now from mine: you are young, I have been so. My days were numbered and are ended· God keeps an account of yours, and they shall likewise end. They say, that he did with passion enjoin him to make ware against Heretics, and to retain peace with France. The Prince (thinking there was no more hope of life in him, and desiring to advance the Marquis of Denia his favourite) demanded the golden key of the Cabinet from D. Christopher de Mora; the which he refused, desiring his Highness to pardon him, for that he might not deliver it without the King's express commandment: wherewith the Prince went away discontented. D. Christopher complained hereof to the King, who neither liked of the Prince's demand, being made ●oo hastily▪ nor allowed of his refusal, commanding him to carry the key unto the Prince, and to crave pardon. The Prince returning to visit his father, D. Christopher de Mora kneeling down, kissed the key, and delivered it unto him: the which the Prince took, and gave to the Marquis of Denia. And as the Prince, and the Infanta his sister, stood before the King's bed, he said unto them. I recommend unto you Don Christopher de Mora, the best servant I ever had, with all my other servants. And ●o giving them his last farewell, and embracing them, his speech failed him, continuing in that estate two days until his death. The King of Spain's birth and statute. He was borne in the year 1526. on Saint Marks day in April, and died the year 1598. the 13. of September. He was but little of statute, but otherwise, of a pleasing aspect: yet he had no beautiful countenance, by reason of his great nether lip, the which is hereditary to the house of Austria: else he was fair of complexion, rather resembling a Fleming then a Spaniard▪ of such a constitution of body, as he was never sick in all his life, but of the disease whereof he died, and was sometimes troubled with faintings. He did never eat any fish. He was of a constant resolution, and of a high spirit, His courage and Spirit. apprehending presently the ends of things, and foreseeing them with an admirable wisdom and judgement. He was never amazed for any accident. At his first coming into Flanders, by the grant of the Emperor Charles the 5. his father he won two great battles against the French, that of Saint Laurence at Saint Quintin, and afterwards that of Gravelines: and both by his Lieutenants, being himself of no warlike disposition. He was very devout in his religion, and had opposed him●elfe against all called heretics of his time, taking this occasion (as many have writ●en) to advance his affairs in Christendom. He was infortunate in his fi●st marriage with Mary Princess of Portugal, D Ca●lo conspir●s against his f●●her. Diuer● report, that he was unjustly pu● to death by the malice of the inquisition. Comi●ted to p●ison. by whom he had one son called Charles, whose life was short & miserable, having a violent end upon certain imputations, which were laid unto him, to have had intelligence with Chastillon Admiral of France, and with William of Nassau Prince of Orange, touching the Low Countries. This (as some say) was discovered by Don john his uncle, bastard brother unto the King, who being inexorable against them that had offended, came unto the Prince's chamber in the night, whereas he found two pistols behind his bed's head, and some papers which did aver the intelligences he had with his enemies. The King first gave him a guard, afterwards he put him in prison, and in the end to death. But first he propounded to his Council of conscience, what punishment a King's son deserved, that had entered into League against his Estates, and had conspired against his father's life, and whether he might call him in question. His Council laid before him two remedies, both just & possible, the one of Grace and Pardon, the other of justice and punishment, and the difference betwixt the mercy of a father, and the severity of a King, saying, that if by his clemency he did pardon them which loved him not, he could not but pardon that creature which he should most affect▪ They desired him to imitate the Emperor Charlemain, who imputed the fi●st conspiracy of his son Pepin against him, to lightness of youth, and for the second, he confi●ed him into a Monastery, protesting that he was a father, not a King nor a judge against his So●ne. The King answered, that by the law of Nature he loved his son more than him elf, but by the law of God, the good and safety of his subjects went before it. Moreover, he demanded of them, if knowing the miseries which the impunity or dissimulation of his sons offences would breed, he might with safety of conscience pardon him, and not be guilty of those miseries. Hereat his Divines shrunk in their shoulders, and with tears in their eyes said, that the health of his people ought to be dearer unto him then that of his Son, and that he ought to pardon offences, but such crimes, (as abominable monsters, must be suppressed. Hereupon the King committed his Son) to the Censure of the Inquisitors, commanding them not to respect his authority, no more than the meanest within his Kingdom, and to regard the quality of his son as if he were a King borne, making no distinction thereof from the party accused, until they found that the excess of his offence would no more admit of this consideration, remembering that they carried in their souls a lively Image of the King which had judged Angels, and should without distinction judge Kings, and the Sons of Kings, like unto other men, referring all unto their consciences, and discharging his own. The Inquisitors, for the practices which he had with the enemies of his religion, The judgement o● the Inquisitors. declared him an Heretic, and for that he had conspired against his father's life, condemned him to die. The King was his accuser, and the Inquisitors his judges, but the judgement was signed by the King which done, they presented many kinds of death, in picture unto the Prince, to make choice of the easiest. In the end he demanded, if there were no pity in his father to pardon him, no favour in his Council for a Prince of Spanie, nor no wisdom to excuse the follies of his youth: when as they told him, that his death was determined, and might not be revoked, and that all the favour was in the choice of the mildest death. He said, that they might put him to what death they pleased t●hat there was no choice of any death, seeing they could not give him that which Caesar held to be the best. These last words, A vnloked fo● death best. delivered with passion, were followed with a thousand curses against his Fortune, against the inhumanity of his Father, and the cruelty of the Inqusition, repeating very often these words. O miserable son of a more miserable father. He had some days of respite given him, to prepare himself for death. One morning four slaves entered into his chamber, who awaking him, put him in mind of his last hour, and gave him small time to prepare unto God. He start up suddenly and fled to the bed post, but two of them held his arms, and one his feet, The death of the Prince of Spain. Death of the Queen of Spain. and the fourth strangled him with a cord of silk. Many hold, that he died of letting blood, his feet being in warm water. The death of the Queen of Spain four months after, made the world to suspect other causes of his death. The King was also unfortunate in his enterprises, against Flanders and England, having prepared a great fleet, which perished in the narrow Seas, almos● without any fight. He is blamed for his cruelty against the Indians, whom he abandoned to the slaughter like unto brute beasts. He had four wives a●ter that of Portugal. He married with Marie Queen of England, by whom he had no children. His third was Elizabeth of France (surnamed by the Spaniards the Queen of Peace) by whom he had two daughters, the Infanta Isabella Clara Eugenia now Archduchesse, and the Infanta Catherina Michelle who was Duchess of Savoy. The fourth was Anna of Austria, daughter to the Emperor Maximilian, and his own proper Niece, by whom he had three Sons, and one daughter, of the which there now remains the Prince Charles Laurence, surnamed at his coming to the Crown, Philip the third. He affected the Empire as much as might be, and not able to attain unto it, he sought the title of Emperor of Spain: The King of Spain's ambition. yea he was resolved to go to the Indies, to take upon him the title of Emperor of Amer●●a. After all his ambitious projects upon Africa, his attempts against Ireland, and his intelligences with the Turks, Barbarians and Persians, whom he hath sought to divide and to make use of, even against Christian Princes, but chief and especially against France, yet in the end he was forced to confess, That all the power and pomp of this world was mere vanity. He reigned above forty years, and was buried with his Ancestors, as he had ordained. We have said that he drew a writing out of a little Cabinet, and delivered it unto his son. Some writers say, that it was a translation into Spanish, of the Instruction which the King S. Lewis gave unto his Son Philip the hardy. Others say it was the Instruction which follows. Instruction o● the King of Sp●in● to the Prince his Son. My son, I have been always solicitous and careful to leave you your Estates peaceful, and quiet: but neither the many years which I have lived, nor the assistance of Princes my Allies could ever purchase it. I confess I have spent in less than 33. years, five hundred ninety and four millions of ducats, all which have bred me nothing but cares and troubles. It is true, I have conquered Portugal: but as France did hardly escape me, so may this be withdrawn from me. I would to God I had followed the advice of my deceased father of famous memory, or at the least, that you would believe and follow mine, I should then bear my crosses more lightly, & should die with more content, leaving you in this valley of miseries. Behold then what I leave you for an everlasting testament, above so many Kingdoms and Seigneuries, to represent unto you as in a glass, after what manner you shall govern yourself after my death. Be always very watchful of the change of Kingdoms, to make your profit thereby according to occurrents. Have an eye over those that are most ●amiliar with you in Council. You have two means to maintain your Realms of Spain: the one is the present government, the other the navigation of the Indies. As for the government, you must either rely upon the Nobility, or upon the Clergy. If you lean unto Churchmen, keep the other in awe, as I have done but if you fortify yourself with the Nobility, shorten the revenues of the Clergy as much as you may. If you seek to entertain their friendships equally, they will waste you, disquiet your realms, whereof you shall never see a final end. If you will make use of the Nobility, my advice is that you keep good correspondency with the Low Countries, for that they be friends to the French, Consideration of foreign Princes. English, and some Princes of Germany. Italy, Poland, Sueden, Denmark: and Scotland can little help you therein. The King of Scotland is poor: Denmark draws his revenues from foreign nations: Sueden is always in faction, and besides ill situated. The Polonians are always masters of their Kings. Although Italy be rich, yet is it far off, and the Princes are of divers humours. Contrariwise, the Low Countries are rich in men, and shipping, constant in travel, diligent in seeking out, hardy to begin and attempt, and willing to suffer. It is true, I have given them to your Sister, but what is that? There are a thousand evasions, whereof you may make use in time. The chief are, that you always maintain yourself Tutor unto her children, and that they altar nothing in matters of Religion, for these two points taken away, you are wholly wiped of those Countries. Hold good correspondency with the Popes, give them bountifully, be courteous unto them, entertain their most familiar Cardinals, and labour to have credit in their Conclave. Keep the friendship of the Bishops of Germany, Advice touching the Pope. but let not their pensions be any more distributed by the Emperor. Make them to know you, they will serve you the more willingly, & will receive your presents with more content. Draw not any near unto you that are of base condition, respecting the Nobility and the Commons equally: for to speak the truth, their pride is great, they are mighty in riches, and whatsoever they desire must be done: they will be a burden unto you, and in the end they will become your masters. Serve yourself then of the Nobles of the chiefest families, and advance them to Preferments of great Revenues. The common sort are not so needful, for that they may procure you a thousand discontents, which will consume you. Believe not any of them if they be not of quality: free yourself from English spies, and discharge you of French pensions. Serve yourself boldly with some of the Noblemen of the Low Countries, whom you shall have always bound unto you by fealty. As for the navigation of the East and West Indies, therein consists the power of Spain, and the bridle of the Italians, from the which you cannot exclude France nor England, for that their Power is great, their Mariners▪ and Sailors many, the Sea large, their Merchants too rich, their Subjects too greedy of money, and their Servants too faithful. I have excluded the low Countries: but I fear that in time men's humours may change▪ and therefore you must do two things, change your officers at the West-Indies often: those which you call home, make them o● your counsel for the Indies▪ Council touching the Indies. so in my opinion you shall never be deceived, but both the one and the other will make known unto you the profit, and seek for more honour. Do you not see how the English seek to deprive you of that commodity, as he is mighty at Sea, in men and ships, (as for the French I do not fear them) So fortify yourself with them of the Low Country, (although they be partly Heretics and would continue so,) upon condition that they may freely sell their Merchandise in Spain and Italy, paying the King his customs and other rights: and obtaining passport to sail to the East and West-Indies, putting in Caution here, and taking an oath that at their return they should come and discharge in Spain, upon pain of punishment, if they did otherwise. I think they will not refuse nor deny to observe it. And by this means the riches of the Indies and Spain shallbe common, and shall have free commerce with the Low Countries, whereby both France and England shallbe disappointed. My Son, I could set before your eyes greater desseines for the conquering of Kingdoms, but you shall find in my Cabinet the advertisements and discourses which have been given me. Command Christopher de Mora to deliver you the Key presently, lest those secrets fall into some others man's hands. I have caused some breefes of these memorials to be burnt the seventh of September. I doubt all are not suppressed: be careful to inquire for them. I have this day added: If you can reconcile Antonio de Perez, draw him, if you may, into Italy, or at the least that he promise to serve you in some other of your Kingdoms: but suffer him not to return into Spain, nor to go into the Low Countries. Touching your marriage, the instructions are in the custody of Secretary L●o. Read this often it is all of my own hand writing. Be watchful always over your most secret Councillors: accustom yourself to cyphers: discontent not your Secretaries, let them always be employed, be it about matters of importance or otherwise: try them rather by your enemies, then by your friends. If you discover your secrets to any familiar friend, keep always the most important within your own bosom. A peace being proclaimed in France, the King applies his thoughts to reform all disorders, and to administer justice to all his Subjects: And for the better assurance of the public tranquillity, he did as his Predecessors had done in the like occasions: prohibiting, by the advice of his Princes, Officers of his Crown and Lords of his Council, the carriage and use of Harguebuses, petronels, Pistols, Pistolets, After the Peace in the year 1559. and in the year 1569. The carrying of arms forbidden the 4. of August 15●● published in the Cou●t of Parliament 13. and other Weapons, upon confiscation of Arms and Horse, and two hundred Crowns fine for the first offence, and to be kept in prison until the money were paid: and for the second, loss of goods and life, without hope of remission. Allowing all men to stay and arrest all such as should carry such prohibited arms eight days after the publication of the Edict. None were excepted, but the four hundred Archers and the four companies of Horseback of the guards of his person, when as they waited in quarter, the Archers of the Provost of his household, of the Constable and Marshals of France, and they of the company of light Horse belonging to the Duke of Vandosme, who by the Edict might carry Pistols when as they were in service. And to free his Subjects from the oppression of Soldiers, & to accustom them to obedience, to whom it is troublesome in the securest Peace, he cut off the companies, as well of Horse, as of regiments of Foot: but this traint was only of that which they might well forbear. It is dangerous to leave an Estate long without Arms. A disarmed Peace is weak. The King therefore reserved the places upon the fronters, which remained still fortified with ordinary guards. The guards appointed for Governors & Lieutenant's General of Provinces were suspended, and the Companies of men at Arms were reduced to a lesser number. Such whose spirits could not live in the cessation of Arms, and which were good Captains, in the time of War (like unto Marius) but ill Citizens in peace, had leave to go seek the exercise thereof in Flanders and Hungary. Peace doth change the exerci●e of War into hunting: the King made it his da●lie exercise. Being one day hunting in the great forest of Fontainbleau, there was heard about half a League off, The King hunting in the Forest of Fontainbleau. a great cry of hounds, and the winding of horns, and suddenly all this noise which seemed to be far off, came (to his judgement) within twenty paces of his ear. He commanded the Count Soissons to set out, and to see what it was, thinking that no man durst presume so boldly to interrupt his sports: the Earl advancing heard the noise, yet could not discern whence it came. A big black man presented himself in the thickest of the bushes, crying out, Do you understand me, and then he suddenly vanished away. M●enteudez vo●s. At those words, they which were discreet thought it great indiscretion to stay longer there a hunting. The Herdsmen thereabouts say it is a spirit, which they call the great Hunter, who hunts in this forest: others hold, that it is S●int Hubert's chase, the which is also heard in other places. Many Noblemen, and Gentlemen retired themselves now unto their governments and private houses: the King having said long before, that he would force every man to li●e of his own, and not to importune him any more. Never any Edict was better observed then this speech, for even then he resolved to employ the remainder of his revenues in public necessities, and not in the prodigalities of Vitel●ius, nor ●or the enriching of private men, 〈…〉 ●00000. 〈…〉 of 〈…〉 that of 〈…〉 his 〈◊〉. saying that he would ease the poor, and give example unto the rich to content themselves with little, and to live accordingly. The Constable went to his government of Languedo●, having obtained of the King a reversion of his government for Henry of Montmorency his Son. The King in his wisdom, thought he could not sufficiently grace a house which hath brought forth so many Governors, Admirals, Marshals and Constables, and which under the name of Montmorency comprehends that of Horn and Laual●, which hath given wives to Kings of France and Dukes of Britain▪ The letters-pattents were read and registered in the Court of Aides at Montpellier, the Duke of Vantadour being Precedent, and the Bishop of Agd● and Nismes assisting. The o●der which the King did settle for the affairs of his house, was a Precedent to all France, showing the religious desire which he had to see his subjects enjoy the fruits thereof. His justice would not suffer them to be charged and overcharged with impossible duties, seeing that the violence of the War had left them nothing but their tongues to complain, being like unto a skin laid upon a dead man's bones. Yet notwithstanding they were forced to pay the public charges for the fruits which they had not gathered. And therefore the King did unto his subjects, as Constantin and Theodosius did unto them of the Empire, by a general discharge of the remainder of their tax and tributes. He also sent, according to the resolution of the Estates held at Ro●n, many great personages, as well of his Council as of other companies, to examine the necessities of his people, to order the taxes and tributes, T●xes remitted. & to protect the weak from the oppression & violence of such as during the civil Wars had seen no light of justice, but through the flamés of Harguebuzes: having so abused the time as to enjoy the privilege of Nobles, they would be so esteemed rather by their show, then by the use and service of the sword: and when as the Law, (which doth chiefly bind Noblemen by reason of their Tenors and titles of Nobility, to the duties of arms) hath conjured them to succour the necessity's of their Prince and Countries, they have thrust themselves among the people, living idly in Towns, or in the delights of their houses, so long as fire and danger were in field. Men ●nworthy of the name of men, of Gentlemen, and of Frenchmen. The Commissioners forced these kind of gallants to pay, who by pretended letters of their Innoling, and abuse of the Privileges, had laid their Taxes upon the people. While the King labours to reform all abuses, and to root out disorders: The Clergy of France petition unto the King. the deputies of the Clergy of France (being assembled together at Paris, with the King's permission) beseech his Majesty to reform the disorders of the Church. Which speech was delivered with great reverence before his M. by the reverent Francis de la Geusle Archbishop of Tours, accompanied with many of the said deputies of the Clergy. The Sum whereof was. That it would please his Majesty, that the holy Council of Trent might be received and published in France, with such necessary qualifications as concern the French liberties, the Immunities of Churches, and the privileges of Parliaments. That his Majesty would not charge his conscience with the nomination unto bishoprics, Abbeys, and other benefices having charge of souls. That lay pensions given in recompense to Noblemen and Gentlemen upon the said nominations, may be revoked. That Clergymen may be suffered to enjoy their livings quietly without charge, but only to do their duties in the service of God and the Church. That Churches may not be profaned, nor the Incumbents houses suffered to go to ruin, but to be well and duly maintained, to the end they may not pretend any just cause of non residence▪ and to separate them from the common & licentious conversing with the people, for the avoiding of scandals which do often follow. That all reversions of Benefices may be taken away, as well for that it is against the Cannon Law and the holy Constitutions of councils, as also for that it is a cause to shorten the lives of the Incumbents. That the Contracts before time passed betwixt their Majesties and the Clergy, may be confirmed without breach, or supposition, for the Subsidy granted unto his Majesty by the Clergy. That it would also please his Majesty to provide them convenient remedies upon the complaints which they had presented unto him. Whereunto the King made a very short, but a pithy answer▪ the effect was this. I confess that what you have said is true, The King ● answer to the Clergy. but I am not the author of these Innovations: these mischiefs were brought in before my coming. During the Wars I have run to the greatest fire, to quench it: I will now do what is needful in time of Peace. I know that Religion and justice be the foundations and pillars of this Estate, the which is maintained by Piety and justice. But if they were not, I would plant them by little and little, as I do all things, with the help of God. I will settle the Church in as good Estate as it was a hundred years since, as well for the discharge of my conscience, as for your content▪ but Paris was not all built in one day. Let the people be as much persuaded by your good examples to do well, as they have been heretofore dissuaded. You have exhorted me of my duty. I do admonish you of yours: let us all do good. Go you one way, and I will go an other: if we meet, we shall soon have done. My Predecessors have given you Words, but I with my grey Jacket will give you Deeds. I am all grey without, but I am all of Gold within. I will write unto my Council to see your complaints, and will provide for you as favourably as I may. During these admonitions of the Clergy, The Iesuit● seek to be restored. the Cardinal of Florence moved the King for the restitution of the Jesuits. The 7. Article of the treaty of Peace at Veruins did suffer the Subjects and servants of either side, as well Clergy men as Say, to return & enjoy their Offices, Benefices & Revenues, obtaining permission & letters patents under the broad seal from the Prince. Many thought that the jesuits should be comprehended in this Article, and that if by this Peace the Spaniards were held Allies, and as it were Cousin germans to the French, those whom the King's Advocate had the year before in open Parliament termed Emissaires to the King of Spline, should return to their Colleges, from whence they had been expelled by a sentence given in December, in the year 1594. But the light ofPeace shines not upon them. The ne●e world which it doth produce, having cast the cenders of War, Rancour and Revenge into the Air, allows them no retreat within the jurisdiction of Paris. The decrees which had banished them, are graven in Marble, the Water of Prayers, Favours and Tears, although it pierceth Stones, prevails nothing. At the same time was concluded the marriage of Madame Catherine Princess of France and of Nau●rre, The King's only Sister 〈◊〉 to the Prince of Lorraine. the King's only Sister, with the Marquis of Pont, Duke of Barnes and Prince of Lorraine, after many journeys made by the said Prince unto the most Christian King● in which accord there were great difficulties, as well by reason of the diversity of Religion (the said Princess refusing to leave the reformed, wherein s●ee had been bred) as also for that she could not be persuaded to go out off France. S●e had been formerly sought by many great Princes, to whom she would not consent, for the one or the other of these two causes, and sometimes for both together. Franc●s Monsi●ur Duke of Alenson desired her in the year 1582. but the difficulty was then greater for matters of Religion▪ And before that, King Henry the 3. coming out of Poland did affect her▪ and it is thought, that if he had seen her at Lion at his return, he would have married ●er: but Katherine de Medicis the Queen Mother described her to be a Dwarf and crooked (the which was most false) for she was of a mean stature, and of a good countenance. It is true, she had one leg somewhat shorter than an other (which is a mark of the house of Albret: for so had Alain Lord of Albret, Father to King john, great Grandfather to the said Princess Katherine) The Queen Mother did this good turn for her God-daughter, seeking to disgrace the King of Navarre, ●hom she ha●ed from his youth, upon an imagination, being told by an Italian Soothsaier, that he should succeed her Children. Then the Duke of Lorraine (who since was her Father in Law) sought her. The Prince of Condy loved her. The King of Spain sent to see her, in the yea●e 1580. promising great advancement to the King of Navarre. This failing, the Duke of Savoy sent twice in the year 83. promising no way to impeach her Religion. His Agent being refused, he went into Spain about his marriage with the Infanta Catherina Michelle. In the year 86. the King of Scotland sent Master Meluin a Scotishman, and others. The Prince of Anhault being come to the succour of t●e K●ng her Brother, at his first coming to the Crown of France, demanded her himself in person▪ but through the necessity of the Wars which were dispersed throughout all France, he returned as he came, with some discontent. During these Wars two Princes of the blood affected her, the Earl of Soissons, and the Duke of Montpensi●r: but the nearness of blood, the diversity of Religion, and the indisposition of affairs hindered the effect of their desires. So as in the end he enjoyed her to whom God had appointed her. The ceremonies observed at this marriage, we will show in the following year. In Italy there grew new stirs by reason of the death of Alphonso d' Esté Duke of Ferrara, who was the last of that Noble house of Esté. The Duchy of Ferrare is a masculine ●ee (for so the Laws call it) belonging to the Holy Sea. This fee had in former times been granted to the family of Esté▪ by the Holy Sea, in regard of services done by them unto the Church, T●●ubles for the Duchy of Fe●rara. upon condition that the Males only should hold the said D●chie, and for want thereof it should return again unto the Church, to dispose thereof as it pleased. Alphonso then being deceased without lawful heirs Males, the Church dema●nds her right, and for this effect there were great stirs on either side. Duke Alphonso had in his life time laboured all he could to settle Caesar de Esté, his last Brother's Son, in the right of this dignity and the succession thereof: for the obtaining whereof he had used the intercession of the most Christian King of France, of the Duke and signory of Venise, of the Duke of Florence, and other great Princes as well Italians as Germains, and even of the Emperor himself▪ but he could never obtain this favour, although he offered great sums of money, equalling in a manner the value of the said Duchy: wherewith he grew so discontented, as dying, he advised his nephew the Bastard, to seek by all means to maintain himself in the said Duchy by a●mes, procuring him the favour of Princes his Allies, Confederates, Neighbours, and Friends. There was much expected from the Dukes of Guise and Mayenne, of the house of Lorraine, by reason of the famous Princess their mother, who was daughter to the Duke of Ferrara, and to Madam Renée daughter to Lewis the 12. King of France: but the piety of the most Christian King, and the modesty of tho●e Princes would not suffer them to attempt any thing against the Church. Caes●r prepare● to arms. Yet Caesar (although he were base) takes upon him the title of Duke: he fortifies himself, levies men and prepares for a brave defence. Hereupon Pope Clement the eight, holds a Conclave, and resolves with his Cardinals, that the said Caesar should be called to Rome, to yield his obedience, and in the mean time nothing should be attempted, but all should remain in peace. Caesar refuseth to obey, and seeks the favour of his uncles friends: So as many inclined in the beginning to give him succours, and there were great controversies among the Doctors, upon this point of Law. Qui filii sint legitimi, Some affirming, that bastards may succeed, being once advowed to be of the blood. Others said, that they could in no sort inherit, although they were advowed. In the end all inclined to the Holy Sea, considering the conditions of the institution made to the fi●st of the family by the Church. Yet Caesar fainted not, but scorns all that was ●●tempted against him. The Pope excommunicates him, and all his adherents. Neither doth that dismay him, but he gives them battle near to Boulognia, where many were ●●aine, but more of the Pope's side then of his. He seeks by offer of mon●y to pacify the Pope and Cardinals, but he prevails nothing. His friends by little and little grew cold, and dealt no more but by secret Intelligences: He sees the danger whereinto he was ready to fall, not only to lose what he demanded but also his father's inheritance, which was not called into question. So as in the end, he resolves to submit himself, and to obtain as profitable a Peace as he could. After much consultation, in the end a conclusion was made at Faenza containing sundry articles. Thus ended the war of Ferrara, whereupon his Holiness resolved to go thither. After he had visited the holy places of Rome, he departs, accompanied with seven and twenty Cardinals, four and thirty bishops, and five ●undred Knights and gentlemen: he fell sick at Camerate, whereupon processions were made in Rome, and the prisons set open. He passed by Lauretto, and visited our Lady's Chapel. The Duke of Urbin received, and conducted him through his Country, where the Duke's Caesar and Alexander d' Esté, with the Earl of Mirande came to kiss his feet. The Pope's Entry into Ferrara. After that the Cardinal Aldobrandin his nephew had ●eceiued the homage of the City and Duchy of Ferrara, his Holiness made his entry with great solemnity, whereas he continued all that Summer. The King of Spain, before his death, had concluded a marriage betwixt his Son, and Margaret daughter to the Archduke of Austria of Gratze, youngest sister to Marie (who being promised him to wife, died before the espousals. Albert the Archduke had commandment to go and receive the said Margaret at Gratze, to conduct her into Spain: but being ready to departed, and having sent the Admiral of Arragon, Captain General of his army, into the Country of the Duke of juilliers and Cleves, he received news of the death of the King of Spain. Notwithstanding he went on his journey, The Archduke Al●ert meets with Margaret of Austria. and met with the Princess Margaret of Austria, not far from the same place, whereas the Emperor Charles the fift, and Ferdinand his brother would have a memorial left of their happy interview coming from divers parts, the which is represented in a table, This Princess was accompanied by her mother, being of the house of Baviere, and five hundred gentlemen of high Hungary, where the Archduke her father hath most commonly his chee●e abode. The nine and twentieth of October they came to Trent, and so entering the territories of the Venetians, two Senators were sent by the Seigneurie to receive the said future Queen with great honour, They p●sse throu●h the Venetians Country. in a Village named Delce, (situated upon the bank of the river of Athesis, called by the Italians, L' Adice) whereas they passed by an artificial bridge newly made by commandment of the Seigneurie. There were in the future Queens, and the Archdukes trains, about 2000 horse, and three thousand five hundred men: all which were defrayed ten days together by the State of Venice. Being past Verona, they entered into the Duke of Mantovas' Country. There is a small ●owne c●ll●d Ostia, The Duke of Mantova. upon the banks of Po: thither Vincentio Gonzague D●ke of Mantova came in post with ten Noblemen, to salute the Queen. There were boats prepared to pass the river, being all very richly appointed among the rest, there was one Nuptial bark, into the which, the future Queen with her mother, the Archduke, the Noblemen, and Ladies entered: it was divided into Parlours, Chambers, and Cabinets, hanged with cloth of silver. Being entered, the Queen found the table laid and furnished with all exquisite services of meat: from thence they were carried do●ne the river to Ferrara, where the Pope had remained since the composition made at Faence with Caesar Duke of Estè. The Pope and the Legates. The Pope being assured of the said Queen's arrival, he presently sent the Cardinals Aldobrandin, and Saint Clement, his Legates, with a great number of Prelates, and gentlemen to meet her. They m●t the Queen three miles off, even as she landed, and received her very honourably, in the name of the Holy apostolic Sea, and of the Holy ●ather, presenting her a very rich Carros●e, the i●ō work being all guilt, & drawn by ●. white horses, in the which she entered Ferrara, with her Mother & the Archduke. Without the City gate, the Duke of Sessa, Ambassador for the Catholic King, attended her, and presented unto her in the name of the said King, a litter covered with cloth of silver & guilt, with two white Moils, with rich harnesses, and the Muleteers in the same livery, The Duke of 〈◊〉 Ambassador o● Sp●i●e. and withal a Carrosse with six pied horses, and two Coachmen in cloth of gold. At the City gate, called Angels gate, she was received by two other Cardinals, Sforce and Montalto, and led into a house artificially made, where she was seated in a royal throne, attending the rest of the Cardinals that went to receive her. After this the said Queen, mounted upon a white Steed, & the Princess her mother upon the like, w●ich were sent them by his Holiness, & so entered into the City, being l●te. The Queen went betwixt the two Cardinals, with her Dutch guard about her, and her mother following after with Albertus the Archduke. The Constable of Lombardie, (as they call him after the Spanish manner) the Duke of Aumale, the Earl of Cand, the Prince of Orange, the Earl Dietriessan, and many other Noblemen of great name and authorit●e, followed them, with a great number of Carosses, and Coaches, in the which the Lady's and gentlewomen were: and in this order sh●e arrived at the emperors Ambassadors lodging, passing under many triumphant arches. The Queen's entry into 〈◊〉. The future Queen being come unto the Palace, she mounted up, and retired herself into a chamber, near unto the Holy Consistory, where the Pope was set in his Pontifical throne, with the College of Cardinals, staying there until the Oration was made by Bernardin L●scot of Milan, in praise of the house of Austria, and of the happy arrival of the said future Queen. Which done, she, her mother, and the Archduke were brought in, and admitted to kiss his Holiness feet, who received them graciously, and gave them his Benediction. The next day, having been present at the Mass, which the Pope did say, the Queen, her mother, The King of Sp●●ne● marriage. and the Archduke, were feasted at the Pope's table. But the Sunday following, which was the fifteenth o● November, and appointed for the marriage, all having left their mourning weeds for the death of the King of Spain, they put on their Nuptial robes. His Holiness was gone before to the Cathedral Church, with his Pontifical Robes and Diadem, sitting in his throne to celebrate the Mass. The said Queen attired in white, glistering with Pearl, and precious Stones of inestimable price, being followed by her Mother, the Archduke and all the troop of Princes, Noblemen and Ladies, was so led by the Cardinals of Santiquatro and Farneze, as a bride unto the sam● Church, the which glisteren all with hangings of cloth of silver. Being placed in her ●hrone all of Gold, under a cloth of Estate of the same, and her Mother with her, and the Archduke being set in an other of the same, the Pope began the Mass: then the Queen was conducted towards the Pope by the Cardinals, with her Mother and a great train of Ladies, and the Archduke approached in like sort, being followed by the Princes and Noblemen. The King of Spain's procuration to the Archduke being read, Four personages, of the same family, of the same name, and of the same arm●s married together. the Pope did celebrate the marriage, betwixt Philip the 3. King of Spain, in the person of Albert his Uncle, substituted by him, to that end, and appearing in his name on the one part, and Queen Marguerite being present on the other part. She turning unto her Throne, all the Princes saluted her, congratulating her marriage, with wishes of all happiness. The Archduke continued still before the Pope, until the Duke of Sessa came with the l●ke procuration from the Infanta Isabella Clara Eugenia, which being read, the said Infanta was married by her deputy to the Archduke Albert, by the Pope's hand. The Mass being ended, the Pope caused the married Queen to approach near the Altar, giving unto her a Ro●e all of gold consecrated, The Pope nupt●●ll ●ui●t to the Q●en● of Spain. the which his Holiness doth usually give unto Queens and Princesses; as he is accustomed to send a Sword and a Hat to the chief Princes of Christendom. From Ferrara the Queen went to Mantova, where the Duke received her very honourably, and entertained her with her whole train, being esteemed to be 5000. men, and 4000 horse, nine whole days: from thence they pass by Cremona to Milan, which belongs unto the King of Spain, where they resolved to attend the King's farther pleasure. Let us now see what passed in the Low Countries since the archdukes departure from Bruxelles. The admiral of Arangoes exploits in the Duchy of Iu●llie●s. We have noted in the 3. demand which the Admiral of Arragon made unto the Emperor, that the Duke of juilliers was a widower, without heirs, and weak of spirit, which caused trouble in his Country, whereof they had concluded the usurpation at Bruxelles, but it must have some pretext. A Peace being concluded in France, the Archduke prepares to make War against the States, he levies a great Army, whereof he made the Admiral his General, commanding him to pass the Meuze with all speed, to enter into the Duke of juilliers Country, and to seize upon as many places as he could upon the Rhine, and to fortify them, that he might be the stronger upon all occasions, and have thereby a more easy entry to make War in Frizeland Zuiphen, and other Provinces beyond the Rhine. The Admiral, according to his commandment, passed the Meuze with his whole Army, near unto Ruremonde, in the beginning of September, consisting of 178. Enseignes of foot, of all nations, Spaniards, Italians, Bourgognons, Germains, Walloons, Irish and others, making about 25000. foot, and 25. companies of Horses, besides 12. which he had left in Brabant, so as his whole army was near 30000. men. Having past the Meuze, he dispersed his troops in the Country of juilliers, the Diocese of Cologne and there abouts, so as approaching the Rhine, he sent the Colonel Barlotte to pass it first, and to maintain the passage for the rest: the which he did at Kerckraet, betwixt Cologne and Bonne, whether he drew down all the boats he could recover, having passed only with 800▪ men of his regiment and some field pieces, with the which going down the Rhine beneath Cologne, he chased away all the States ships that were upon the River: where having gathered together all the barks and boats he could find, he passed the rest of his regiment with some more artillery. The Admiral●, the Earl of Berghes and other Noblemen marched thither, and approaching near the Rhine, they came first with their troops before Orsoy, a place easy to fortify, lying upon the Rhine, belonging to the Duke of Cleves. The Admiral summoned it, & desired to have entrance to pass the Rhine. The Lord of Horst, Marshal of Cleve-land, and the Secretary, would have made refusal, pretending their neutrality: but the Inhabitants being terrified, and upon promise that they would but pass the Rhine, they suffered them to enter. Having the Town at his devotion, he came before t●e Castle. O●soy yielded to the Admiral. Where there was a garrison of some soldiers of the Duke of Cleves, 〈◊〉 he did so terrify, threatening to hang them, as they yielded it presently: where●s he lodged, and fortified Orsoy speedily, passing three regiments of Spaniards there, with that of Count Bouquoy, with twelve companies of Horse, the which camped right against the Town, whilst that the Admiral caused a strong fort to be bu●l● at Walsom, upon the other bank of the Rhine, to have the passage free. In the mean time the Spaniards spoil many other Towns in the Duke of Cleves Country and i● Westphalia. Prince Ma●rice his exploits. This sudden coming of the Admiral into the territories of the Empire, awakened Prince Maurice, who parting speedily from the Hague, appointed the rendezvous for his troops about Arnhem in Guelderland, where he arrived the 13. of September, resolving to make head against the Spaniard. The 25. of September the Estates of the Duke of juilliers assembled, where it was concluded, That the Duke should write aswell to the Emperor, as to the Prince's Electors, to demand succours against the admirals attempts, That commandment should be given to the Earl of Lip, Captain general of the nether Circle of Westphalia, to assemble the five lower Circles in the Town of Dormont, that they might seek to prevent the miseries that were falling on them, and also to stay the levies, as well of men as of money appointed for the Turkish War. That Ambassadors should be sent to Albertus the Archduke (who was yet at Nivelle) to complain of the taking of Orsoy and other the admirals attempts. Touching the Ambassadors that were sent unto the Archduke, he made this answer: The archdukes answer▪ to the Ambassadors. That he never had any intent to prejudice the Lands belonging unto the Empire, nor to give any cause of complaint: but seeing he was forced to make War against his majesties rebels, he did advertise them, that what was done, was by a resolution of the whole Council. That he entreated his Cousin the Duke of juilliers not to take it otherwise then in good part. And if he do not presently leave Orsoy and ruin the fort of Walsom, he will do it upon the first occasion. That for the present he doth only hold them to have a passage upon the Rhine, for the effecting of desseins against the Rebels. That the King's men of War, both in their passage and lodging should keep such good order, as none should have cause to complain. But contra●y to these promises, the Spaniards took Burich, Diuslack in Holt, and Rees in the same Country of Cleves, and all other places and forts there abouts, chase and killing the garrisons that were in them. The Earl of Brouk writ also the 20. of the same month unto the Admiral, entreating him to send him a safeguard for his Castle of Brouk, his family and Subjects: whereunto the Admiral answered, that if the said Earl carried himself according to his duty, he should be received into his protection with all love, The Earl of 〈◊〉 besieged and taken in his Cas●ell by the Spania●d●, then sloane by them and burnt. and honoured according to his merits, the which should be a mo●e assured safeguard unto him then paper. Yet the Earl having certain intelligence that the Spaniards intended to force his Castle of Brouk, the 6. of October late at night he sent away his Wife, Daughters, and Gentlewomen: resolving the next day to carry away his richest stuff. The which he could not do: for the next day his C●stell was beset on all sides by the break of day, some Cannons planted, and it battered the same day. The 8. of that month the Earl parleed with the Spaniards, and concluded, that the soldiers that were within the Castle should departed with him, and he conducted to a place of safety. Hereupon the Castle was yielded, and he went forth with his men, Cruelty of the Spaniards. which were all choice Soldiers. But he was presently set upon by the Spaniards and taken prisoner: the Soldiers to the number of forty, were led into a near Champion field, and there disarmed, and all slain. There remained yet six of the Duke of juilliers people, who being loath to trust unto the Spaniards courtesy, had retired themselves out of the way, until the greatest fury were passed. In the mean time they stripped the Earl, whom they had also slain, if a Captain had not withdrawn him into a Chamber. And by this means, the six Soldiers had also their lives saved: yet they stripped two of them naked, whom in derision they placed on either side the Earl: but at his instant request they suffered them all six to departed. In the mean time, the Earl had a guard of Halberds in his Chamber, so as none of his people might come near him, but the Lord of Hardemberg his Cousin, and one Page. The 10. of the month, the Captain appointed for the guard of the Castle, came and told the Earl, that he might go walk, if he pleased: whereunto he answered, That he would willingly, if it might be without danger. After dinner he had a desire to walk with the Captain, in whose company he feared nothing. As he walked, he saw much blood shed along the way, and said to his Page, behold the blood of our servants. If they have an intent to do as much to me, The Spaniards treason against the Earl. I had rather it were to day then to morrow. Going on towards the River of Roer, he was beaten down with the Staff of a Pertuisan or Halberd, and slain upon the ground: saying only, with his hands lift up to heaven, My God▪ and had presently two or three thrusts through the body. They left him a while dead upon the place, and afterwards burnt him. Those of Wezel, the chief town of Cleves, thinking to free themselves by presents, sent unto the Admiral, he returned them an answer, Wezel forced to furnish Money and Corne. that they should have peace with him, so as they would restore the Catholic religion, and expel the Protestant Ministers. The which they did, but it would not work their peace: for he forced them to give a hundred thousand Kings Dallers, & a thousand quarters of Corn to pay and feed his Army. Afterwards the Admiral took Berke upon the Rhine, which was held by the States, Emeric, Isse●berg, Deute●om (held also by the States) and Schuylembourg: but want of victuals, (his army being driven to great extremities) was the cause why he entered no farther into the State's Country: desiring nothing more (by reason of the Winter) than a good lodging, to winter his Army in: so as the 16. of November, he marched up the River, and lodged them all winter in the Countries of Cleves, Munster, Berghes and Mark. The Deputies of the neither Circles of Westphalia, whereof the Earl of Lip was Captain general, being assembled at Dormont, hearing the complaints that were made from divers parts, of the Admiral's invasion upon the territories of the Empire, and the Spaniards outrages, they resolved to write unto the Emperor, and to the four Princes Electors upon the Rhine, that it would please his Imperial Majesty, and their Excellencies, to write as well to the Admiral, as to Andrew the Cardinal of Austria, being at Bruxelles, Governor in the absence of his cousin Albertus the Archduke, and to the General Estates of the united Provinces, that either side should leave the Towns which they held with any garrisons, upon the Territories of the Empire, restoring every one to his Prince or proper Lord. The Prince's Electors of the Empire being advertised hereof, did write presently unto the Emperor, The Electors writ unto the Emperor. to whom they sent an ample information of the hostilities committed by the Admiral upon the lands of the Empire. Upon these Letters and advise of the said Electors, the Emperor did write as well to Albert the Archduke, being at Milan, as to Andrea's the Cardinal at Bruxelles: by the which he commanded them to make reparation for the wrongs their Army had done, and admonisheth them to carry themselves modestly. He did write also of the same date to the Estates of the united Provinces, and to the Admiral, and thereunto did add an Imperial command, whereby he charged them to departed out of the territories of the Empire, restoring the Towns and Castles which they held, unto their true Lords, and repairing the wrongs which they had done, upon pain of Proscription. But the Admiral, nor his Spaniards, were not greatly moved at this charge: they must have other means than Edicts, to chase as well the Admiral, as the Prince Maurice out of the limits of the Empire. All this year hath been very tumultuous, almost throughout all Christendom: Hungary vexed by the Turk. The troubles of Ferrara had disquieted all Italy, if the piety and wisdom of Pope Clement the 8. had not prevented it. Fr●nce was not fully in quiet, but had a suspension and cessation of Arms, by the 〈…〉 that Noble King, whom God had happily sent them. England was troubled 〈…〉 Irishmen, who were aided and succoured by the Spaniard. Spain being exhausted 〈◊〉 money, by reason of the many expeditions which they were forced to mak●, 〈…〉 fear to see Portugal wrested from them, by the means of Sebastian King 〈◊〉 Portugal, whom the Portugais hold to be yet living, and that they did see hi● 〈…〉 1598. Only Poland had some rest: but suddenly war disquiets them. Sigismon● King of Poland by election, and by succession of Sueden, Gothe and Vandale, was ●ome t● make his residency in Poland, and had left Charles Duke of Suiderman, his Vn●le 〈…〉 Father's side, for his Viceroy in his Countries of Sueden. By this election 〈…〉 Polanders had made of Sigismond for their King, who pretended the Duchy o● Li●●nia by the right of his Mother, it seemed that these two Realms under one K●●g, should have enjoyed a good and a long Peace. But it fell out otherwise, for the Du●e of Suiderman did many things in Sueden which Sigismond did not allow off: A●d therefore he had often entreated the Palatins and chief of the States of Poland, to suffer him to go into Sueden: the which with much importunity they granted. A●●u t●e midst of Summer he imba●kes at Dantzik with an army, promising to return presently. He arrives at Colmar, a Sea Town in Sueden. The chief cause which he pretended of his voyage, was to reform the State of Sueden, and to restore the Catholic Religion. But his Uncle Charles (who was a Lutheran, according to the confession of Ausbourg) much respected both of great and small, knowing the King's arrival, and his intention, and seeing that some of the best (although few in number) had gone and yielded unto the Kng, he puts himself into arms, levies men in all parts, and opposeth himself against the King his Nephew, War in S●ed●n. going to encounter him at Stekenbourg, with whom he had many skirmishes, sometimes with gain, sometimes with loss. In this doubtfulness of the event which might ensue, he sends Deputies to his Nephew, to end their quarrels by a Peace: the which the King refused, saying, that he would not receive a law from his Uncle: and so the Deputies returned. The King finding himself wronged with this taking of arms, and with these skirmishes and encounters, (wherein he had lost much,) resolves to War, and marcheth towards the Town of Lincop. Duke Charles hearing that he was dislodged, follows him suddenly, and sends him another Mediator for Peace, by an Herald, after the manner of those Countries: the King gives him no audience, but according to their custom, appoints t●e place of Battle. The K●ngs Army is ready at the day appointed: but Charles and his people appea●e not. The Polonians held themselves for victors, and went to lodge (as they commonly say) after the manner of the French. Charles discovering their estate by his spies, A stratagem o● war. charges them being a sleep, and so were the Polonians surprised and defeated. The King thinking to do well, caused the Bridges to be broken, which was the cause of a greater loss of his men, The King of Su●d●n de●ea●ed. who had no other means for their safety but to cast themselves into the water, so as in a manner all perished that fled from the Battle. The King saved himself as well as he could: and sending Deputies t● his Uncle for a Peace, in the end it was concluded: First, that all offence past should be forgotten, and never more to be remembered, That all Officers of the realm of ●ueden, Pacification 〈…〉 which were at that time with the King, should be given in Hostage to D●ke Charles. And that the Estates of Sueden should be called in the King's name, wit●in four months, to determine of all controversies, to whom they referred themselves, promising to allow of whatsoever they should determine. Things thus concluded, the King was expected by his Uncle at Stockholm: but in steed of going th●ther, he embarked with his S●ster at Stekenbourg, and arrived at Colmar, from whence he set sa●le to return into Poland. Most of his ships were spoiled, and some perished in the tempest, so as he landed at Dantzik, more like unto one that had escaped shipwreck, t●en returned from a just navigation▪ and it seemed that all adversities did band●e against his fortune. Such was the success of King Sigismonds' enterprise. About the end of September, Omar Bascha Vizir (that is to say, Lieutenant general to the Turk,) with an army of three score thousand men, besieged Varadin, ● Town of Transiluania, in the which one Melchior Reder a Silesian Gentleman was Governor▪ The Turk 〈…〉 in va●ne. a man of great reputation, as well for his knowledge, as for his practice in War: finding the Town not defensible, he burned it, and withdrew all he could into the Castle: whereas the Governor Melchior Reder took an oath of the Soldiers, that none should presume to parley with the enemy, or once to speak of yielding, upon p●ine of death, as well for the Author of this Council, as for his Adherent, i● he did not speedily advertise the Governor. All did swear willingly, and the Hungarians with them. The Governor did also promise never to abandon them, but to tarry with them unto the last gasp. The Tu●ke continued the siege until the 3. of November, and attempted it by Assault, sap, and Mine, with all the violence that might be: but he was still repulsed with great loss and dishonour, so as in the end they were forced to raise the Siege and go to Zolnoc, and so to Buda, leaving a great victory to the Christians, to their great grief and shame. On the other side, the Christians received the like repulse before Buda. They went to besiege it the 5. of October, under the command of Schuartzbourg and Palfi, Buda attempted in va●n● b● the Christians. and having taken the Suburbs, Mathias the Archduke came: the Fort o● Potentiane upon the River of Dan●w was taken, and the Turks so distressed, as the 29. ●ay there remained nothing, but to yield (for the Castle of Potentiane being taken, a reasonable breach was made to give an assault unto the Town▪) and all the Inhabitants. Men, Women, and Children, cast themselves at the Baschaes ●eet, seeing the imminent danger, whereunto he was ready to yield: but he durst not, by reason of three other Baschaes that were within the Town, that of Caramania, that of Anatolia, and that of Bosne. But there fell such abundance of rain, as all their powder was wet, and wrought no effect, neither by Mine as they tried, nor otherwise: so as they were forced to give over. The Christians retired themselves into Varadin, and the Turks into Buda, being well assailed and well defended on either side. There died 13000. Turk's before Varadin, and within the Town a thousand three hundred Christians, and within Buda 1500. Turks and few Christians. But the first of November above 7000. Peasants, with their Wives and Children, came and yielded themselves unto the Christians Army, they being Christians, and fearing the Turks revenge upon their families. In December, the River of Tiber at Rome was so strangely swelled, as in less than three days there was nothing but the seven hills, An inondation at Rome. and some eminent places free from that fearful inondation. At the first fury, and in less than four hours, it carried away S. Mary's Bridge, many houses, all the shops of the Stationer's and Droguists, In this inondation, men did l●●pe ●rom o●e top ●f a h●us● to another, to 〈…〉 and Storehouses for Wine & Oil that were about the Castle S. Ang●lo. Forty prisoners were slain under the ruins of the Tower De Nove, not being ●ble to resist the violence of the water, nor they to be succoured, for that this accident happened by night, which prevented all foresight. On Christmas day, the Churches within Rome were without Priests, without Mass, and without people. The Pope prayed upon the Mountain, and powered out tears for them that trembled and were drenched below in the Deluge. H● gave so good order, as such as were besieged without by the Water, and within by Famine, were always relieved against the violences of the one and the ●t●er. Rome was never seen in such desolation: the inondation during the siege of P●pe Clement the 7. was not so violent. T●is year the Pope created 16. Cardinals, that is to say, Baronius of the Oratory of Rome. (It is a Congregation of Priests, The Pope creates 16. Cardinal●. which make profession to live in common, and do exercise themselves in Meditations and Declamations, every one according to his profession,) He hath showed by his Annals, the greatness of his spirit, which exceeds the Ordinary o● Doctors: Giury Bishop of Lisieux a French man, Bellarmine a jesuite, a famous Doctor, Dossat then Bishop of Rennes, and afterward of Bayeux, a man of judgement, who managed discreetly the affairs of the King and State at Rome, against the envious and calumnious practices of the Spaniard: h●s 〈◊〉 touching the King's conversion to the Church, was found good and wholesome, and he politicly drew many other Cardinals to his opinion, even the Cardina●. Tolet, although he were a Spaniard, Lucius Saxus a Roman, Petrus Aldobranainus, Nephew to his Holiness, De So●rdis Archbishop of Bourdeaux, Bartholomeus Caes●●s a Roman, Franciscus Casa Legate of Marchia, Pompeius Ballianus, Franciscus Man●●c●, silvius Antonianus, Laurentius Blanchettus, Franciscus d' Auila a Spaniard, Octa●●●● B●ndinus, and Camillus Burghesius. Treaty at Boulogne. The King at the conclusion of the treaty of Veruins, was desirous that his good S●ster the Queen of England should be comprehended therein. But it was an acc●●d which the King of Spain would make a part: for the effecting whereof, the K●ng did offer the Town of Boulongne for an interview of the Deputies, where they met of both sides: Suprema lex salus p●puli. but the Ceremony for Precedence made it fruitless. For whereas the deputies of England would not give place to them of Spain, they returned without d●ing any thing neither was there any of them that thought it reasonable, to purchase a peace with such a prejudice to his Prince's service. They say that the people's health is the Sovereign law: but that which concerns the respect of the Prince, and the rank which he is to hold before others, is always immutable. There are some Li●e● mortal, and others which never die. Those have their continuance according to the time: Necessity makes the other always durable, for the perpetual good they fi●d in the observation, as Lucius Valerius said, pleading against the Oppian law. Of the condition of these mortal laws is the right of Precedence. He that shall suffer the diminution, is not worthy of the increase. During this dispute for the Precedence, the King was at Monceaux to take the diet. The Physicians had given him so great liberty to eat Melons of Chenonceau & Lion, The King 〈◊〉 at Monc●aux. as he felt it, and paid dearly for the taste of his delights: for the third day of his diet, walking in his doublet in his gallery at Monceaux, a fever took him, which turned his diet into speedier remedies, and brought him to that estate, as many built their hopes upon the despair of his health, and there were posts attended, ready to carry these bad news. But the designs of Troubles and Factions died, when as they saw him recover his former health. The Duchesie of Beaufort served him in this sickness, with an affection and care equal to the love which makes the lover feel the same grief that the beloved doth. It was at the same time when as she hoped to be aswell Queen of France, as she reigned in the King's heart. They said that our Daulphins should be Caesar's or Alexanders, and that that which had been but a sport or pleasure, should now be made a Contract of necessity. A general estate of the King's expenses. Being recovered, he came to S. German in Say, there to end the year, and to resolve upon his expenses. He would have the advice of the Princes and Officers of the Crown, to acquaint them with the estate of his affairs, to the end that if every man did not obtain what he demanded, he should impute the cause unto necessity. The great tables charged with unknown superfluities (more esteemed for the price and rareness, then for the taste or necessity,) were then cut off by the King's example, which hath always more force, than either Law or Correction. Excess was converted into frugality, Frugality 〈…〉 va our ha●h ●ot●en. so necessary in an estate, as the Romans' were no less bound to the Figs and Carrots of the Fabricij & Curij, then to their swords. Then was there seen a new order in the disposition of the King's treasure, by the care and industry of the Marquis Rhosny, unto whom his Majesty gave the charge of superintendant. From the first day he let them know how hard it was to draw money out o●f the King's Coffers: & for so many dealers in it as were wont to be, there should now be but one. His humour seemed strange: he cared not for all the petty Gods, so as he pleased jupiter, as Apuleius saith. He refused many things, to the end that the grant might be reserved for the King, & all favours received from his majesties only hand, not from any other, the which hath purchased him many enemies, who envying his prosperity and condition, desire the overthrow of his happiness, and yet are constrained to admire the force and soundness of his understanding. Those which are raised to the Solstice of their greatness, must consider that Prince's favours are always perilous. It is a difficult thing to stand long firm upon this ice: and the fall, how gentle soever, will never suffer him to rise again. The which is proved in Tiberius to Sejanus, Charles the 6. to john Montague and many others. I have learned of a great parsonage▪ Ambassador to a Prince of Germany, 3. words which he carried graven in a Clock. H● said them once a day, and did think of them continually, Favour may turn in●o disfavour, and grace into disgrace. Gnad Can▪ Wol Zoin Werden, Gnad erket night. But he that serves his Master according to his own heart, that doth nothing against his conscience, and that governs his intentions according to Law, justice, and Equity, & never abandons the Hel●e, although the wind beat his bark, he needs not to fear any thing. Fortune must always ●eeld unto virtue. The Emperor having the last year (as we have formerly said) sent an Imperial commandment, as well to the Admiral, as to the Prince Maurice, to departed out of the territories of the Empire, and to restore the places they held, unto their right Lords, whereof they made no great account, finding many delays and shifts to continue there still, to the end they might have elbow room, to rob, and steal, and to winter there: The Princes and Electors of the Rhine, & of the nether Circle of Westphalia, The Deputies of the Princ●● and S●●●es of the Empire assemble at Collen. sent their Deputies to Collen, where they did assemble in the beginning of january, to redress those disorders which the Admiral and Prince Maurice had committed, seeing the emperors letters were so little respected of them. To the same end they did write unto the Princes and States of the Circles of Franconia, and base Saxony, to move them jointly to prepare to arms, to expel as well the Spaniard, as Prince Maurice out of the limits of the Empire, & that to that end the said Princes with the five Circles would send their Deputies to Conflans the eleventh of March following. The said Deputies being at Collen, made new complaints by their letters, of the one & twentieth of january, unto the Emperor, as well of the Admiral and Spaniards, as of the Prince Maurice, and the State's army, beseeching him to grant an Imperial army, (which should be commonly of 40000. men) to force both the one and the other to departed out of the limits of the Empire, and to repair the losses sustained by them. The Emperor writes again, the eleventh of February from Prague, to Andrew Cardinal of Austria, Governor of the Low Countries, reiterating his command●ments, and also to the Admiral, who had newly taken again the Town of Emerick, in the Country of Cleves, the which Prince Maurice had taken from him, and delivered freely unto the Duke. It seemed that these two armies played at base in the Country of Cleves. The said Cardinal and Admiral sent excuses for an answer, both to the Emperor, and to the Deputies at Collen. Ferdinand de Lopes of Villanova, The Elector o● Men●z answer unto Cardinal Andrew. going from the Cardinal to make his Spanish justifications unto the Emperor, he passed by the Archbishop Elector of Mentz, whom he thought to make deaf, and blind, presenting unto ●im in the cardinals name, a tedious writing, containing certain reasons (like unto those which William Rodowitz Commissary for the Admiral, delivered unto the Deputies at Collen) wherefore the Spanish army had entered into the limits of the Empire, and why it stayed there▪ but the Prince Elector of Mentz, gave him a short and res●lut● answer: That he could not allow of that which the Cardinal and Archduke had attempted against the constitutions of the Empire. As for himself, he would n●t ●aile in that which concerned his duty, for a preservation of the peace and quiet of Germany, being troubled and disquieted in this manner: advising the Cardinal for for the b●st, to retire his army as soon as he could, out off the lymitts of the Empire, and not to attend the end of April, to repair the wrongs done: to restore what they had violently taken, and to make satisfaction for the damages done, as well to the general as to the particular. In so doing, the Princes, and States of the Empire, should have occasion somewhat to excuse what was past, & to allow of the urgent necessity, wherewith they seek to purge and justify themselves. 1596. This answer was made ●y the Elector., the five and twentieth of February. 1599 The Admir●ls letter to the Deputies of C●ll●n. The Admiral, in the behalf of the King of Spain, of Albert Archduke, Andrew Cardinal and in his own, sent a Commissioner to Collen, to treat with the Deputies of the Princes and States, and especially with that of the Count Lip, Captain general of the Lower Circle of Westphalia. The said Commissioner presented letters of justification from the Admiral to the Deputies, written from Rees, the 20. of januarie, full of allegations, of the necessity which had moved the King of Spain, to lodge his arm●e in those quarters, He vpbraide●● them w●th 〈◊〉 go●d deeds the better to subdue his enemies and the States. And first for the great benefits the Empire had received from the King of Spain, and the house of Burgundy, it was reciprocally bound to aid and serve him herein, seeing that he was not come thither with any bad intention, not to seize upon an other man's Country, nor to wrong any man, but for extreme necessity, & a sincere affection he carried to the Empire and the preservation thereof. He blames the States. That the States and united Provinces were the cause of this mischief, who would ne●er reconcile themselves unto the King their Lord: notwithstanding so many offers of good usage, and intercessions of the Emperor, of other Kings, and of the Princes of Germany. nor yet the grace and favour which the King of Spain hath done them, having transported all the Low Countries to the Infanta his daughter, married to Albert the Archduke. That the said King and Archdukes, having made him General of their army, the sooner to set him to work, and to enter into their Countries which were held by their enemies, did think that they might well allow them so much, as to pass by the fronters of the Empire, to wrest out off the enemy's hands, the places which they held, and afterwards to restore them to their true owners. He beams the Elector of Co●len That through the long delay of the Prince Elector of Collen, after the yielding up of Rhinberg and the retreat of the States ships upon the Rhine, the said army had stayed along the Rhine, pretending to raze Schercks' Sconce, lying at one of the Corners of the Rhine. And being come thither, that ●or the treaties and neg●tiations which were long in managing, they must remain there for ●heir maintenance, to free the river of Rhine, and to keep the Town of Orsoy: and that for some other reasons, he was forced to take the Town of Burich, to annoy the enemy, & to cross their desseines He excu●et● the 〈◊〉 of the Ea●le of 〈◊〉. That victuals, and forage being spent, considering the complaints of their neighbour's, many things have passed amongst others, that of the Earl of Broucke, who for his accustomed cruelty, & bad inclination, killing t●em that went to forage▪ hau●ng contemned all brotherly admonitions, desiring rather to practise arms, then to entertain friendship, if any misfortune had happened unto him, he was sorry for it, being re●olued to do justice. That when as the neighbour Countries came to complain unto him of injuries and oppressions which they said they endured, he had upon every point given them i●st and lawful excuses. He excus●●h 〈…〉 That after he had taken the Town of Bergh, to prevent the policy of his enemies, and received money and victuals from them of Wezel, according to their agreement for their ransom, he raised his army and went to Rees▪ the which hau●ng well furnished, he came to Emerick in the view of the enemy, a Town seated upon the Rh●ne, near unto the fort of Schenck, the which being strong, both by Art and Nature, o● hard access by reason of the waters, not easy to batter, and much less to give assault, he ●ft it, and took his way by the high Country, he went before Deutecom, which yielded, and ●o did the Castle of Schuyl●mbourg. That after many consultations of the reason of war, and of the injury of the T●me, it was found expedient for the preservation of the army, to cause it to winter 〈◊〉 places nearest to the territories of the Empire, to stop the enemy's courses and spoil: to entertain the King's army during winter, and to have it always ready. That many by ●eason of the strangeness of the fact, being ignorant of the Peril, Necessity and Profit thereof, have made their complaints unto their Princes, who 〈◊〉 the discomodities of their Subjects, have also complained unto him: 1599 who hath answered them courteously, commending the good amity of the Lords confederates upon the Rhine, and of their Countries, against all inconveniences, He praiseth the K●ng of Spain. putting them in mind of the King's great benefits, (to his great hazard,) to preserve the Lands and Territories of the Empire from utter subversion, to the hindrance of his own affairs. That he did think by his mild carriage, to have cut off all cause of complaint, and did hope that hereafter there should be no mention made to the Emperor, nor in the other Courts and Estates of the Empire, whereof notwithstanding he heard the contrary, fearing that in this assembly, by the exclamations of some moved with spleen and hatred against the King and the Catholic religion, and through indiscretion or malicetrusting too much to the enemies inconstant promises, or through ingratitude, or some such like cause, that such false reports are again brought in question. That he had held it expedient, to advertise his Imperial Majesty, of the King's merits, and justifications, against such frivolous complaints, and to send them to the Princes and States of the Empire in writing, and to that Assembly. Entreating them in his majesties name and his own, that without just occasion, they would not take any bad impression of his majesties sincere intention, by an undue grief, commiseration o● spleen, growing from some small misdemeanours, which be the ordinary fruits of war▪ lest they fall into greater inconveniences, and troubles, which might breed a greater mischief, whereof would follow a ●o late repentance. But rather, showing w●sedome and Discretion, measuring the good with the bad, comparison being made of small damages and losses, happened on these fronters of the Empire, joining to those of the King, from whom the Empire had received so many good turns, they should take all in good part. That it will well appear, with what Bounty, Moderation, Clemency, Diligence, and with what Charge, his Majesty hath, amidst so great troubles and turmoils of war, preserved the whole Diocese of Collen and the neighbour Countries, being in danger to be lost, and the Catholic religion suppressed: and that to the great prejudice of his ●owne affairs. By the which merits and good deeds, together with the bond by the which the said Diocese and Country of Westphalia are tied, no man of judgement (if he will not be blemished with the note of ingratitude) can with reason blame his majesties actions, nor his own, touching the lodging, and wintering of his army, contained in all military modesty. This justification was tedious: but it was answered, & all the points of upbraid and accusations made therein, examined, and rejected, as false, and calumnious, to the prejudice of the emperors honour, of the Princes and States of the Empire. This Assembly was referred to Confl●ns. We shall hereafter see what passed there. We have before showed, how that Madam Catherine the King's only Sister, The King's sister married to 〈◊〉 Duke of 〈◊〉 the 31. o● I●nuary▪ he contract: 〈◊〉 at 〈◊〉 the 5. o● August 1598. had been promised to the Marquis of Pont, Prince of Lorraine, and Duke of Barr. The contracts were made in the presence of the Duke of Lorraine, who came into France. The conditions were, that the said Lady should be entitled Duches●e of Albret, Countess of Arm●gnac, and of Rhodez, Vicountesse of Lymoges, & should have for her yearly portion, a hundred thousand Crowns: and in case she had any children, they should carry the same titles, and be provided for. And in case she did survive him, she should enjoy the D●chie of Bar in Barrois, with a yearly pension, taken out of the revenues of Lorraine. This done, the ancient alliances which had been betwixt these two houses, were renewed, and the marriage was consummated: but there was fi●st some quest on touching the reformed religion▪ in the which she had been bred, the which she would not change, Why she would not change her religion. by reason (as she said) of her deceased mother, Queen joan of Navarre, whose life & actions she held worthy to be imitated. She did with all her heart affect that which did concern the liberty of Conscience throughout all France, beseeching the King often, to let her see the assurances thereof whilst she was in France, & not to suffer his Edicts to remain without execution being proclaimed, and without a durable observation being executed. She was Daughter to a Mother who preferred safety of conscience before assurance of honours and greatness, yea then life itself, being accustomed to say to them of her part, joan of Albret Queen of Navarre caused 12. medailles to be m●de at Roc●●ll w●th this inscription Pai● 〈…〉. Mort honest. The King desi●es his siste● should be ● a Catholic. that arms should not be laid down, but with these three conditions, either an assured peace, an absolute victory, or an honest death. Moreover, She apprehended the reproach of inconstancy at that age, if She should change her religion, having returned unto it after She had been a while Catholic: yet She promised her future husband to suffer herself to be instructed, and to do what he pleased. The King seeing his sister's resolution, did what he could to reclaim her by mildness, propounding unto her his own example, and giving her to understand by some words, that she must otherwise look for no favour at his hands. Seeing he could not prevail, before he signed the said contract (which was at Monceaux, a Castle belonging to the Duckesse of Beaufort, whom the King loved, and the common bruit was, that She did greatly press this marriage, by reason of her pretensions: about the end of the year, the King told her, that his meaning was not to force her, neither for her Religion, nor for her Marriage. He advised his future Brother in Law to do his duty, and so discharge his conscience. He also advertised him of one expedient, which was, to remove certain women, and other persons, from about the said Lady, for that her train consisted of Catholics, and others, and among those others, there were some wilful, and contentious, in whom the same Lady trusted much, for that they had been bred up in her service from her cradle: but all that proceeded, but from the bount●e of the sa●d Lady. The said Prince of Lorraine accompanied with his Brother the Earl of Va●demont, The Prince of Lo●●aine arriue● at Pa●is. and other Noblemen of Lorraine, with three hundred gentlemen well appointed, a little before january, this year 1599 arrived at Paris, in which month, the King had appointed the day of the marriage. He entered by Saint Denis gate, the King doing him the honour to enter with him, having met him in the field as he came from hunting. The King led the said Duke his Brother in Law, (calling him commonly brother) to the Lowre, where they supped together, and Madam his Sister with them. The time was spent in dancing, and other exercises of recreation, and pastime among the great Princes. The King's sister for her part showed all the contentment that might be, as she had good reason, having attained to that which she was accustomed to say, Grata superueniet quae non sperabitur hora: the said Lady being well instructed in the Latin tongue: and s●ee did the more apprehend this Latin verse, for that some had given it forth▪ she would never be married. According unto that which the said Lady had promised, to suffer herself to be instructed in the Catholic religion, it was resolved by his Majesty, that there should be a conference betwixt some Catholic Doctors, & some Ministers of the reformed Religion, in the presence of his Sister, but they prevailed nothing for her conversion. The King foreseeing some inconveniences, resolved (as well to satisfy her conscience, as to avoid scandal) to have this instruction deferred until another time: And in the mean time they should proceed in the marriage. Hereupon there were some practices by the Ministers of the pretended Religion, who would have the honour (said they) that the King's only Sister should be married by them: and that the Prince of Lorraine should seek his spouse where she was, and that it was not convenient she should seek him in his Church. In truth this was plausible, and it seemed the Lady had a great interest in it. But the Prince on the other side, protested never to be married by a Minister. So as there was much arguing in what form they should be married. But the King, by his accustomed wisdom, showed the effect of his Authority. The thirtieth d●y of january being Sunday, in the morning, the King having advertised his Sister over night of his intention, and entreated the said Prince of Lorraine to be ready, he goes and takes his Sister at her rising, and conducts her by the hand into his Cabinet, where her future Spouse was already. He commanded the worthy and reverent Archbishop of Rouen his natural Brother, to marry the said Marquis, Prince and Duke, with the said Princess and Duchess his Sister, 1596. by words of the present. Whereunto the said Archbishop at the fi●st made some refusal: saying, That the accustomed solemnities must be therein observed. Whereunto he replied most learnedly: That his presence w●s more than all other solemnities, and that his Cabinet was a sacred place. And therefore having commanded the said archbishop to go on, notwithstanding all difficulties, he proceeded then to the Nuptial blessing of the ●ayd parties present, that were there conjoined in marriage, even as if they had been in the greatest Church in Paris, which done, every one went to his devotion. Afterwards the King commanded his Sister to attire herself like a Bride: and so the feast was solemnly celebrated. All the great Officers did assist and serve there in their degrees, with all the grace and Honour the King could devise to give unto the Prince of Lorraine his Brother in Law. This Marriage was Honoured with all kinds of sports and Dancing. About the end of February, the said Princess went with her Husband into Lorraine, whereas the Duke gave her the greatest entertainment he could devise, embracing her as his own Child. There had been great heartburning and discontentment, by reason of the diversity of Religion. The King's intentions were, to drown the remembrance of the bitterness of forepast reigns, in the mildness of his government, and that the common feeling of so many miseries which they had suffered, and which had continued together, should persuade them to grow familiar and friendly together, and to have no more occasion to remember things past, than his Majesty had meaning to remember his own wrongs. War is not dead in an Estate whereas Consciences are divided: it doth but sleep, a small matter awakens it: there is nothing more apprehensive, or that doth pierce more violently into the persuasion of Men, to band●e them one against another, than Religion. Every man thinks his own the better, and so judgeth of it, more by his own Zeal and Passion, then through Knowledge and Reason. The King, during the War, had run to those things which did most press him, and to the dangers that did most import: he had deferred to reconcile this division, being grieved in his Soul that the impiety of the War would not suffer him to make show of the fruits of his Piety. They of the Reformed Religion, made many and great complaints, that the King's Edicts were not observed nor kept: that they were not provided of all things necessary for the exercise of their Religion: the Liberty of their Consciences, Complaints o● them of the Religion. and the safety of their Persons and Fortunes. They said moreover, that they desired not that the order of government of State should be changed to their profit, or of any foreign Prince: nor to have the State torn in pieces, to please the Ambition of some few Men, but only to enjoy their Consciences with Peace, and their lives in safety. That so many just requests being granted unto them by the Edicts of Kings, Predecessors to his Majesty, demanded and defended by himself, with so great Zeal & Virtue, had not been harkened unto under his reign, when as they should best hope, and under whom: and had it not been for the affection which they had unto his Greatness, and the foundation which they laid on his good will towards them, they might lawfully and profitably have practised the ways which they were forced to hold under Kings his Predecessors. But they could not despair any thing of him, whom God by the Protection of his Church had brought unto the succession of the Crown, nor obtain less than Liberty and Li●e, having spent their bloods so freely for him. They complained, that Preaching was banished from his majesties Court, to banish them consequently from his house, where they could no● serve him without serving of God No good man might remain there, but he was daily in danger of murdering, or to be hurt, without hope of comfort, or assurance of grace▪ That they practise daily to exclude them of the Religion from all Charges and Offices in the State, 1599 justice, Treasur●●nd Policy, which they did never greatly affect, Exclusion from public charges shameful. No man is held a Citt●z●̄ if he be not partaker of the honours of the City. as his Majesty can best witness. They beseech him to judge, if it be reasonable they should do wrong unto their Children, to deprive them by their dullness, to be held in future ages for jews within the Realm, in steed of the honourable rank which their progenitors had left them, and which their service done unto his Majesty should have purchased them. That it was more tolerable to live under the truce of the deceased King, who was an enemy to their profession, yet he did grant unto them the exercise of their Religion, both in his army, and in his Court, allowed the Ministry at his own charge, and gave them a Town of retreat in every Bayliwike. With these and such like complaints, the King was daily importuned: the end of all these assemblies, was to obtain an Edict from the King, so clear and plain, concerning all their necessities, as they should not be constrained to sue for any other: as they did not cease until the King had signed it the last year, being at Nantes, after that he had reduced that Province unto his obedience, containing a Declaration of the Edicts of Pacification, of the troubles grown in France for matter of Religion: the which was not established in the Court of Parliament at Paris, The last Edict for religion at Nantes, in April 1598. until the 25. of February this year 99▪ by reason of many oppositions and difficulties that were made. At Saint German in Say, Berthier, one of the Agents for the Clergy, made many petitions unto his Majesty, and did greatly importune the Lords of the Council to consider of it. In like sort, the Bishop of M●dena, who was then the Pope's Nuncio in France, dealt in it, beseeching the King so to deal for his Subjects that were gone astray, as the honour of God might ●emaine whole, and the Church receive no prejudice: In so doing, his Holiness would endure all things for the peace of Fran●e. Berthier demanded, that his Majesty would not suffer the Ministers of the Reformed Religion, to have any other liberty on this side the River of Loire, but to live quietly, and not to be sought after. That the Catholic religion should be generally restored in all places, and Churchmen do their offices without any danger. And thirdly, that the Clergy men should be wholly freed from the vexations which they had suffered until that day, in Towns and Places held by them of the Religion, where they had taken away their Pensions and Revenues, and in some Provinces had forced them. His Majesty granted the second and third Article: and as for the first▪ the King not being able to make any such prohibition without some trouble, it was let alone. There was also great conte●tion in particular, betwixt the said Berthier, and some of the Reformed Religion, touching the Assembly of their Synods: the which they would have free, without demanding leave from his Majesty: maintaining that they might go freely into foreign Countries, Contestation touching their 〈◊〉 with Strang●rs. and assist at their Synods and other Acts: and in like sort receive Strangers into theirs, the which the Marshal Bovillon had managed with some, who perhaps had not foreseen the danger: but Berthier contested it so vehemently against the Marshal in the King's presence, as his reasons being heard▪ and the importance of the thing considered, that it was a means to continue their Leagues and Intelligences with Strangers, to be ready to take Arms at their pleasures, the which could not be but with the ruin of the State: The King having heard by their Contestations, finding of what importance it was, he presently caused that Article touching foreign Synods, to be razed: forbidding them expressly to go to any Assemblies, without his permission, upon pain to be declared Traitors. The Rector for the University of Paris, was also a suitor unto his Majesties' Council, that none of the Reformed Religion, nor their Schoolmasters and Tutors, might be admitted into any Colleges of the University: but to be excluded from all privileges. Whereupon there was great debate, especially for the faculty of Physic. But it was answered, that they should not be admitted to teach, and as for Humanity and professions of Faculties, they should be admitted as the rest. And although the difficulties were great, and the conditions in some cases more beneficial then in the first treaties of Peace: yet the common quiet of all France, beaten and almost overthrown with the tragic violence of Schisms and Divisions, hath made all to be held Necessary that was Just, and Just whatsoever was Profitable. Although it were to be wished, that there were but one exercise of Religion, for that in this Unity consists all Truth. But seeing the restoration of the Church is the work of God, as well as the building of it, we must be content with that which may be, and leave the triumph and conquests of Souls, to his eternal Wisdom, who alone makes and frames the heart as he pleaseth, Our consciences s●ould be free. and gives the sign unto so many Souls that are gone astray, to make them enter into salvation, being impossible for man to impose any necessity to things which God hath left in Liberty, as the Conscience, the which should be as free in Estates as in our Thoughts. The Church hath always detested Heresies, but they never employed the rigour of their judgements, but against the Arch Heretics, and but when they had showed themselves obstinate in their errors: their punishments were more Shameful than Cruel, more Medicinal than Mortal, desiring rather to see their faces blush for shame, the● red with blood. Never Prince well advised, did put his Subjects to death to force belief, destroyed his Provinces by war, to instruct their Consciences by the sword; knowing well that Religion is an act of Union, of Concord and of Instruction, and War is nothing but Sedition and Destruction. And those which in this world have troubled both Heaven and Earth, to force their subjects Consciences unto one Religion, have in the end been constrained and forced, to suffer them to live free and in rest, rejecting and refusing the advise of those bad Physicians, who applied nothing but Antimony and letting of blood to all Diseases. By these reasons, the King (in whose person God hath done so many Miracles, and powered forth a Sea of blessings) seeing that the continuance of the War had produced no other fruits but the ruin of justice and Piety, Pie●ate & Iusti●ia P●incipes di●f●unt. which be the two virtues which do canonize Princes, the two Pillars upon whose firmness great Clovis was assured of the continuance of this Estate, he doth now confirm the Edict of Pacification of the troubles for matters of Religion, and wills that which he may, leas● he should incur the note of such as seek to correct things that are incorrigible, and show that the sore is greater than the remedy, that some things have taken such deep root, as they cannot be pulled up. Time, Truth, and Reason have proved, that this Edict, was most Just, most Necessary, and most Profitable. Yet the Court of Parliament could not allow of this fraternity and Communication of Offices▪ saying, That they should not be transported with the ambition of Honours, The Court of Parliament opposeth against the Edict. but content themselves with the tranquility o● Conscience: that it is not convenient in one estate, to have great Offices executed by men of divers Religions, being a thing unjust, to have the New entreated, as well as the Ancient. They found a great difference betwixt this Edict and the Precedent, and refused to establish it. The King sent for the chief of them, and spoke unto them in this manner. You see me in my Cabinet, where I come to speak unto you, The King's speech to the Court of Parliament. not attired in any Royal ornaments, nor with Cloak or Rapier, as my Predecessors: nor as a Prince that comes from receiving of Ambassadors: but appareled like a Father of a Family in his Doublet and Hose, to speak familiarly to his Children. That which I have to say unto you, is to desire you to establish the Edict which I have granted to them of the Religion. That which I have done, is for the good of the Peace. I have made it without, I desire to settle it within my Realm. You ought to obey me, if there were no consideration but my quality, and the bond whereby all my Subjects are tied unto me, and you especially of my Court of Parliament. I have restored some to their houses from whence they were expelled: and others to their credit, which was lost. If obedience was due to my Predecessors, there is as much or more devotion due unto me, who have settled the State. God hath made choice of me, to put me in possession of the Realm, which is mine own, both by succession and acquisition. The judges of my Parliament should not sit in their seats but for me. I will not brag, but I dare boldly say, that I have no example to imitate, but of myself. I know there have been factions in the Parliament: that they have stirred up seditious Preachers. But I will take good order for such people, and will not attend your pleasures. In former times they have punished them with great severity, that have preached less seditiously than they do now. It is the course they took to make the Barricadoes, and by degrees to murder the deceased King. I will cut up all these Factions by the roots: and will shorten all them that shall nourish them. I have leapt over Town Walls, I will easily pass over Barricadoes. They should not object unto me the Catholic Religion, nor the respect of the Holy Sea. I know the duty which I own, the one as the Most Christian King, and the Honour of the name which I carry, and the other as the first Son of the Church. Those which think themselves to be in good terms with the Pope, are deceived. I am more than they. When I shall undertake it, I will make you all to be declared Heretics for disobeying of me. The Majesty of Kings is always wronged by the contempt of their decrees: but the offence is always greater, when it comes from them that should see them to be observed. Those which deny the execution of my Edicts, desire War. I will Proclaim it to morrow against them of the Religion: A Prince gives no reason of his Edict. but I will not make it myself, I will send them. I have made the Edict, I will have it observed, my will should serve for reason, the which is never demanded of the Prince in an obedient State. Their wills should be put in execution, and not interpreted: And yet I say unto you, that Necessity and Profit hath drawn me unto it. I have done it by the advice of all my Council, who have found it good and necessary for the estate of my affairs, and the good of my service: to settle concord, and to disperse all the miseries which Discord doth bring forth. Some have complained, that I would make levies of Swisses, or of other troops. If I did, they must think it were to some good end, by reason of all my actions past. Witness that which I have done for the recovery of Amiens, where I have employed the money of the Edicts which you would not have passed, Necess●●ie the first reason and essential cause of the ●dict. if I had not come myself unto the Parliament. Necessity hath fo●ced me to make this Edict: by the same Necessity I have heretofore played the Soldier. They have talked at their pleasures, and I have not seemed to regard it. I am now a King, and speak as a King, I will be obeyed. There is not any one of you that finds me not good, when he hath need of me. And there is not any one but hath need once in the year, and yet you are bad to me that am so good. If other Parliaments (for that they have impugned my will,) have been the cause that they of the Religion have demanded New things, I would not have you the cause of other innovations, by your refusal. In the year 1594. and 95. when I sent unto you a Declaration upon the Edict, for the provision of Offices, I did then promise, that I would not advance any one of the Religion, to Offices in the Court of Parliament. Since time hath altered the affairs, we must accommodate ourselves thereunto: and yet I will be well assured of such as I shall advance to those Charges, that they shall govern themselves as they ought. Talk not so much of the Catholic Religion. To all these great criers, Catholics and Ecclesiastickes, 400. pound Sta●l●ng. let me give to one a thousand Crowns a year in Benefices, to another four thousand Liveries of Rent, they will not speak a word more. I have the same opinion of all others that shall speak against the Edict. There are some which hate the sin for fear of punishment, but the good hate it for the love of Virtue. For God's sake let me know that you hate sin for the love of Virtue, or else I will chastise them that hate it for fear of pain: and afterwards they will thank me, as the Son doth his Father. The Preachers deliver words in their Sermons, more to nourish, then to destroy sedition, yet no one of you sayeth any thing▪ these faults which concern ●ee, are not regarded. But I will foresee that this Thunder shall bring no Storm, and that their predictions shall prove vain. I will not use their remedies, which being out of season, will but increase the evil. Consider that the Edict whereof I speak, is the deceased King's Edict: it is also mine, for it was made with me, and I do now confirm it. I will say no more, but advise you to imitate the example of the obedience of the Duke of main. Being persuaded to enter into some factions against my will, he answered that he was too much bound unto me, and so were all my subjects, amongst the which he would be always one that should expose his life to please me, for that I had restored France in despite of them that sought to ruin it. And if he that was the head of the League, hath spoken in this manner, how much more ought you, whom I have restored to the place from whence the League had expelled you, yield unto my request, that which you would not do for threats? You shall have none of me▪ do that which I command you, or rather what I entreat you, you shall not do it only for me, but for yourselves, and for the good of the peace. This speech was pleasing unto the Parliament, & the difficulties which were found in the establishment of the Edict, were held tolerable, by reason of the Kings will, and the necessity of his affairs. Yet they continued forty days after, before they would resolve of it. The Duchess of bar, the King's sister, would not departed out of Paris, before it was established. She had showed herself burning in zeal and affection in that matter, as in all other affairs of that nature: and it was not without reason, that after the King's entry into Paris, when as the Deputies of the Churches of Poitou beseeched his Majesty for some thing depending upon the execution of his Edicts: he said unto them, Address yourselves unto my Sister, The King's Sister pursues the establishment of the Edict. your Estate is now fallen unto the Distaff. The articles of the Edict you may read at large in the Originals. The Edict was sent, by the care and diligence of the King's Attorney general unto all the Baylewikes depending upon Paris: And yet his Majesty had deputed in every Province, certain Commissioners for the execution thereof. The exercise of the Catholic Religion was restored in Rochel, and in above a hundred walled Towns, and a thousand Parishes and Monasteries, where the said exercise had been interdicted above fifteen years: and in Bearn for the space of one and thirty years. Whilst this Edict of pacification was established in France, Cardinal Andrew, for and in the name of the Archduchesse the Infanta, made one against the Hollanders, forbidding all her subjects to traffic with them: The tenor of which Proclamation was this. That since the beginning of the Civil wars unto this day, The Infan●taes Proclama●iongainst the States of the united Provinces. many offers had been made by her, and her Council, to them of Holland, and their Associates, which were most reasonable, to reduce them to the duty of their obedience, whereas they had rashly shaken off the yoke, and refused to unite themselves to the other Belgic Provinces, which did acknowledge and obey her: but seeing they could not prevail by that means, they were forced to come to arms, in the which, notwithstanding the King her deceased father had used all clemency and mildness, hoping they would acknowledge their error, and crave pardon for their revolt, & receive the grace which hath been often offered them. That for this cause he had granted them their navigations, fishing, and free traffic with his obedient subjects, fearing that through this occasion the neighbours should draw the profit of all negotiations to some other parts: the which the Hollanders know well that the said neighbours have laboured to do with all their power. But they were so far from being reclaimed by these benefits, as contrariwise they grew more insolent, and are grown obstinate, resolving in their Counsels to resist the Peace, and to continue the War, the which proceeds not from the people (who of their own dispositions love peace, and desire to live modestly in obedience) but from some new men, who taking upon them the authority to command, abuse the poor people in this sort, regarding only their own private profit, and not the public good: whereupon all conditions have been rejected by them, refusing to hear any Mediators for a peace: but desired war, and to entertain it, not only in Flanders, but throughout all Europe: whilst that the Turk most cruelly invades and usurps all he can upon the Christians, embracing the occasion whilst that Christian Princes are troubled with the seditions of their subjects: and by this means, doth enlarge the limits of his most cruel Empire. But above all, the said Hollanders have of late done a great and intolerable wrong, refusing to hear the Ambassadors sent unto them from the Emperor, and the Princes of Germany: and yet the Emperor hath not forgotten the desire he had to seek a Peace, but hath sent a new embassage unto them, whereof the issue is yet uncertain: and yet the said Hollanders omit not to do all kind of hostilities against their lawful Princess, being grown proud by some happy success in their opinions, when as the Spaniards were busied in the wars of France. Moreover a Peace being made with the French, they have used all the policy they could, to hinder the Conclusion. And being required by the King of France to incline to a peace, they have not only refused the treaty, but have also renewed the war, by their means, who holding the Estate in their power, have no other care, but to thrust all the world into combustion. To them this inconvenience is to be imputed, if no fruit of peace hath been imparted to any of the Belgic Provinces. In former times they pretended for their excuse, that they could not give ear to any peace, whilst that Spaniards and strangers commanded, of whom they would not depend, for that they could not trust them. But the deceased King by his clemency had taken from them this pretext, sending unto them the Archdukes Ernest, and Albert, whose care and singular desire, was only to employ themselves for the public good: the which was known unto all the world, for that either of them did labour for a peace with great care and diligence, offering to be mediators for them, to recover their Prince's favour, Contrariwise they had contemned them, and would not use so great a benefit. So as the poor (people being oppressed with tyranny, and reduced to despair) contemn, or cannot comprehend the things which are for their quiet and tranquility: yea their Princes, whom the King had appointed for them, were contemned by them: whereas the States of other Provinces had exhorted them to acknowledge Her, returning her Ambassadors which she had sent unto them, not vouchsafing Her any answer. The which may justly be held too unworthy, for that all the world will so conceive, that no man ought to have society, nor confederation with them which make war against God, their Prince, and their Country. That unto this day they have had free liberty to traffic: the which hath produced no other fruit, but to make them more bitter, for that they abuse the Entries, Excises, Imposts, and Customs, to employ them for the maintenance of the War, whereof they have raised a great commodity. And as for the Archduchesse, she hath employed all means by her Council, and with the intention of the King her brother, to have her Subjects live in Peace, and submit themselves unto their duties. Seeing then these people cannot be reclaimed by mildness, nor any benefits, she as a Sovereign Princess, by the advice of her councils, & namely of Cardinal Andrew, forbids all her subjects to have any more traffic or commerce with the said Hollanders and Zelanders, and that nothing be vented unto them by her subjects, neither by Land nor Sea: directly revoking all letters and passports concerning the Navigation and fishing, and also all other patents for negotiation, unless within one month they resolve to hearken unto a Peace. Which doing she promiseth them all Clemency and Favour, although they have so often refused it unto this day. This Edict of the Infantaes was scarce proclaimed, The answer of the united Provinces to the Infantaes Proclamation. when as the Estates made an o the contrary unto it after this manner. That it is easy to see what the Spaniards pretended, as well by this Edict, as by the other stratagems of th●ir councils, which tends to no other end, but to overthrow all the liberty, not only of Flanders, but of all other Nations, & will challenge unto themselves a right and power, not only over Bodies and Goods, but ●●so upon Souls and Consciences, whereunto tended those great late enterprises, not only by secret conspiracies and suborning of the subjects of France and England against their Princes, but also the Spaniards have sought by main arms, both by Land and Sea to invade the said Realms, whereof being frustrate, they have attempted against the Princes of german & the Electors of the holy Empire, to vex them, taking their Towns and castles, and spoiling their Countries, making all desolate, by Rapine, Ravishing and Murders, without any respect of sex or quality of persons, having massacred Princes and Earls. And they threaten never to lay aside arms until they have reduced all them to the ancient Ceremonies that were fallen from the Romish Church. So as they change Religion freely, and the administration of the Commonweal by force and violence in Imperial Towns and Cities. Yea and they show by their proceeding, and publish it every where, that they wish the Prince's Electors and other Estates of the Empire would defend themselves by War, taking arms: so should they more comodiously effect what they pretended. That in the same shop this present Council hath been forged, by the which the King of Spain hath forbidden all use of traffic, and hath used the Merchants and Mariners most cruelly, whom they have taken, seized upon the Ships, stolen the Goods and Merchandise that was in them, and violated his promises in divers sorts▪ whereof the Infanta following his example, hath commanded the like should be done in Flanders. It is for that they are grieved that we have expelled the tryanny which did hang over our heads, by means of union that is amongst us, and by our Courage, Goods, Means and Forces, have withstood their attempts, and made frustrate their frauds, relying chiefly upon the favour of God, and then being aided by the Queen of England and other Kings and Princes. The which we have resolved to do, and to endeavour with all our powers, not only to defend our limits from injury, but also to revenge the wrongs which have been done us: not doubting but God will assist our endeavours with his favour, being so necessary▪ and inspire the hearts of Kings and Princes with this good intention, to provide for their affairs, and maintain their Dignities against the wicked practices of them that seek to supplant them. In so doing, they hope undoubtedly, that within short time the Spanish forces being expelled out of the limits of the Empire, and above all out of Flanders, a general peace shallbe confirmed as it is most desired, with as great assurance as ever was. And for as much as to perfect this enterprise they think it very necessary, that none should aid the Spaniards, nor their Adherents with Munition, Merchandise or Money▪ they do strictly forbid any of their Citizens to carry any kind of Merchandise whatsoever into any of the Provinces which obey the Spaniards or their complices. Also they forbid all Fishermen and others that exercise all kind of Merchandise by Sea, to take any passport or safeconduct from the Spaniards, wherewith they have been often heretofore entangled, and received losses. Also they abandon to the spoil all men, & the goods & means of a●l such as live under the rule and government of the Spaniards, wheresoever they shallbe found, and they command, that not only all the Merchandise, Ships, Wagons and Horses of all such as sh●l b●ing any thing out of the Spaniards Countries, or shall carry unto them shallbe confiscate. But also they will th●t all Owners, M●sters of Ships & Wagoners shallbe punished by fine: and if after a year they be taken in any such offence, then to be corporally punished. But to the end the navigation may be assured for the Hollanders, and especially that they may be freed from excessive ransoms which the enemy doth usually exact, they decree, that the Masters of Ships, and Mariners that shallbe taken by the enemies and ransomed by them, whatsoever they have been taxed by them, they shallbe remboursed and satisfied out of the goods of them of Brabant, Flanders and others that live under the government of Spain, besides the ordinary tributes and contributions, which the said Brabanders and Flemings are accustomed to pay unto them. Whilst these Proclamations are published in the Low Countries, (the which shall bring nothing but a reviving of most cruel Wars betwixt the Flemings and the Hollanders) Albert the Archduke, and the Queen of Spain, part from Milan, the 5. of February, The Archduke comes to Ge●oa with the Queen of Spain. to go to Genoa, where they embarked the 18. of the said month. They passed by Savona and Nice, and anchored at Marselles, where as they were royally entertained by the Duke of Guise the King's Lieutenant in Provence, and by his commandments. Yet the Queen went not into the City. From thence they parted the 22. of February, and sailing along the coast of Spain, in the end they came to the Pot of Biraros, in the Ki●gdome of Valentia, whereas the Queen went to Land. From thence the Son of the Prince of Orange was sent to the Catholic King, to give him intelligence of the Q●eenes happy voyage, She arrives at 〈◊〉. and of her arrival. The last of March they came to Saint Mathiew, whereas the Marquis of Denia came in the King's name to salute the Queen, & to acquaint her with his Maiest●es private intentions. From thence they went and stayed at Moluiedro, a village of the remainder of Sagonte, an ancient Town of the Romans Alliance. Here Albert the Archduke took post to go kiss the King's hands, and of the Infanta his spouse. From thence he went to Madril, to see the Empress his Mother: where he continued four days, and so returned to Valentia. The King in the mean time, inflamed with an amorous desire to see his new Spouse, disguised himself, and took upon him the habit of a Nobleman, feigning to be sent from the King to kiss the Queen's hands. But he was known by the Princesses and Ladies that were then in the Q●eenes company: where he was received with incredible joy and content of all men. The magnificence at Valentia at the King o● Sp●i●●● marriage. In the mean t●me there were exceeding great preparations made in Valentia for the celebration of the marriage. The which being finished the 17. of Apri●l, the Queen made her royal entry, with so great and goodly an Assembly of Princes and Noblemen, that were come from all parts, and so gallantly followed, as it seemed an Army, by the bravery of so Royal a train. There were five companies of men at arms marched before the troop: then followed 30. Atabales or Drums on Horseback, with Trumpets Clairons, and Hauboies, which filled the air with their sound. Then came the Coutiers without any prerogative of order or rank. But especially there were 400. young Noblemen, like unto Pages of honour Royally attired, every one followed with his Pages and footmen, some six, some eight, others ten, some 20.24.26. and more, very richly apparelled in lyveries of all colours. There were moreover 700. Knights of honour in the Queen's Livery) white and red, the ground satin. After them came four Knights carrying the Royal Maces than the Stwards of the Queen's house, and sixteen of the Gra●des of Spain. Then came the Heralds in their coats of arms: After them marched the great Maiordomo or Lord Steward, and the Master of the Horse: After all followed the Queen on Horseback, under a Canopy of Cloth of Gold, carried by 20. of the chief Noblemen of Valentia: the reins of her Bridle being of Silver and Gold, were held on either side by Noblemen of the Kingdom of Valentia. The Queen's Gown was of Cloth of Gold, the ground Silver, most richly embroidered with Pearl and other precious stones. The Queen's Mother and the Archduke Albert followed with the Queen's Cabinet, with a great number of Princes and Noblemen: and last of all came the Princesses and Ladies in Caros●es and Coaches. It is thought, that at this nuptial pomp there was spent three Millions of Gold. The Queen having past the port, which was beautified with a triumphant Arch, she was led unto the Church, which all did glister, being hanged with cloth of Silver. The great Altar was Royally furnished: before the which was an Oratory covered with Cloth of Gold, which might hold three persons: and an other by it fo● fi●e. The Queen went thither, after she had kissed the Cross, which was presented unto her by the Patriarch Archbishop of Valentia. The Catholic King being come down with the Infanta his Sister, by a privy way made of purpose, the Pope's Nunci● (after the solemn Ceremonies were ended) did first ask the King, and then the Archduke, if they did ratify the marriages formerly contracted by their Ambassadors, and celebrated by the Holy father. When as either of them had declared that they ratified it, than altogether approached to the Altar, and upon their knees assisted at the last blessing of their marriage. From thence they went to the Palace, whereas the nuptial feast was kept with the greatest state that might be. Two days after the King made three Knights of the Golden fleece, Albert the Archduke, the Admiral of Castille, and the Prince Doria. Knights of the Golden Fleece. There were all kinds of sights and sports for the space of eight days, in a Theatre that was built of purpose, able to contain threescore thousand persons. This year Death struck a great stroke among men and women, who showed their generous resolutions against the fear and terrors thereof. Peter de Pinac the last of that name, Primate of France, Archbishop and Earl of Lion, The death of M. de Pinac Archbishop of Lion. died in the beginning of january: whose life was so famous, as it deserves to be briefly set down in this History. The reputation which he had gotten at the Estates at Blois, made King Henry the 3. a great Prince, as well in judging, as in recompensing of good wits, to call him to his Council after the death of Monluc Bishop of Valentia: whereas he showed himself to be of that judgement, as he was in short time employed in the greatest affairs in Council. At that time the Court was in a manner all Gascon: there was no entry into the King's favours nor liberality, but at the Duke of Espernons' pleasure, who was the Ephestion of our Alexander. Peter de Pinacs heart could not subject itself to that of john Lewis of N●garet. He was too much his own to be any other man's, and thought that if he must needs serve, it was enough to serve the Master, and not subject himself to the will of the Servant. He did not affect the tedious servitude of the Court, nor did not much care for that forced kind of life. Writing unto his friends, long before the trouble of the League, he said, that amidest the greatness and Honour of charges wherein the King did employ him, he did not leave to desire the content of a happy retreat. But things fell out otherwise then he expected. The League burst forth in Champagne. The King sent him to pacify the Duke of Guise. In this negotiation he had a quarrel with Espernon upon certain words which blemished both their Honours. He had written a Poem against the Mignons, wherewith the King was offended, commanding him to leave the Court: so as he retired himself to his own house, after the treaty of Peace made at Nemours. But as the King's blows were but threats, Commanded to leave the Court. so knowing well that this Prelate was not to live idly in a corner of the Realm & that this great desseine of the League (like unto a Ball of snow) did increase in many Towns whereas the King's obedience was grown cold, and that the Prince's enemies to this Crown prepared to gather the Flower de Luce, he never ceased until he had called him again to Court. Called back again. This return was the beginning of his misery. Many others before him having fallen into disgrace with the Prince, have not been raised again but for a greater fall. It is seen in the Courts of all Princes, such Tragedies are usual. He was presently called to the Helm of affairs, and was followed and re●pecte● more than any other. Read the example of Bern●●● of Cabrera in the li●e of D. P●dro King of Arragon. Cubica in his annals. He turns to the League. Nobleman in Court. But as we may not judge of the day by the morning, nor of the felicity of man by the good days of his life, this happiness was but the entry to misfortune which did attend him. He embarked himself in the same ship with the Duke of Guise, the which being broken at the Estates of Blois, ●e had no other means to save himself, but through the favour of the Baron of Lux his Nephew. He was given in ransom to Gast, who kept him ●●auen or eight months in the Castle of Amboise, and then set him at liberty for thirty thousand Crowns. He went to the Duke of main, & seeing that the affairs of his party tended too much to confusion and to a popular government, he persuaded him always to retain the form of a Monarchy, to the end he might oppose a kind of Royalty against the King, and not be blamed to have broken the bonds of the Estate. So through this advice, they made Officers of the Crown, and gave him the seals. He never engaged himself upon the promises of Spain, but said always, that he was a true hearted Frenchman. He was made keeper of th● seals under me Cardinal o● 〈◊〉 whom they called Charles the 10. The faction of Spain knowing him to be such, hindered Pope Sixtus the 5. from giving him a cardinals hat, and they dissuaded Clement the 8. who had said that at the first promotion he would remember his merits. He requited them well: when as the Spaniards came to Paris to propound the Coronation and Marriage of the Infanta Isabella of Spain letting them know that the Flower de Luce could not spin. He returned to Lion, leaving the Duke of Maienne, intending to settle his affairs, and to accommodate himself with the Peace and general good of the Realm. At his return grew that tumult against the Duke of Nemours, the which he used ill, for his Wisdom did not second the occasion. Great understanding fails sometimes in the perfection of judgement and Discourse. B●●●●cades at 〈…〉 the Duke of N●●ours. He saw himself forced to departed the City, and never to return again until the King made his first entry. The King (who had showed effects of his Bounty, and Clemency to his greatest enemies) could not love him, having this impression in his soul, that he was the only Instrument to cross his fortunes. Speaking one day of the Peace of Nemours, in the year 1586. he said unto him, that in that negotiation he had given good testimony that he loved him not, and that he had done him bad service. My Liege, answered he, I could not do better for the service of the King my Master. I had done otherwise, if I had been your servant, as I am now. When as the Duke of Espernon returning out of Provence, went to visit him at his Palace, amongst other speeches of the remembrance of things past, Harrows 〈◊〉 to be no mo●e employed. he said unto him, that he did not think there was any one in France whose fortunes had been so crossed as theirs: the archbishop answered him, as for mine it was never crossed but by you. After the reduction of the City of Lion to the King's obedience, this great spirit, borne to action, grew discontented to see himself no more in the honour and reputation that he had been. He then resolved to app●y his mind only to the affairs of his charge, to choose the time most convenient for the tranquillity of the H●uen whereunto he approached. When as the Duke of Nemours had made his escape out of Pierresize, he said, that he would not use his liberty well: he writes unto his friend in this manner. Remember that I have always said unto you, that Monsieur de Nemours will find himself much entangled with the Spaniards, who have led Mounsieur de main into an inextricable Labyrinth, & will bring Mounsieur de Nemours unto a miserable Estate: and I dare in a manner prophesy, that in the end the Duke of Savoy will find himself deceived as well as the rest. The Spaniards Shirt is nearer unto him than his Doublet, and he will rather seek to preserve his own, then to usurp an other man's Estate for an other. The King sent for him to the Estates at Rouen: but the necessity of his affairs would not suffer him to go. He said that he was not fit for this age, and that he was like unto the Adamant, which serves not for all seas. In the end of his last year, he complained unto his friends of the shortness of his life, saying that he was not to live above ten or twelve years, when as he lived not twelve days. His Physicians disagreed upon the cause of his grief: he had been long troubled with the Emoroyds, the which had so emptied his Body, as there was no blood found in him when he was opened. His lights were much altered. And for that his Physician said unto him, that his grief was the Gout, he replied. Is it possible that any one should die of the Gout without a fever? I see well what it is: seeing men understand nothing, we must have recourse unto God. The third day of his sickness his Body was called to the Earth and his soul to Heaven. He withstood the terrors of death with as great a courage as when it was presented unto him at the Estates of Blois. Four or five hours before his decease a Capuchin came to visit him and to comfort him, exhorting him to free this last passage courageously, and to let him know that the issue of this life is equal, Death disrobing man of his titles and dignities, as Stageplayers do their attire: Aequat omnes 〈…〉 paris nas●mur, p●res m●rim●r. Sense: Epis. 92 he called him simply by his name: when as he understood this new manner of complement, & that they called him Peter de Pinac without any other ceremony, he lifted up his head and eyes, to say unto him that spoke unto him, what art thou? They found that this speech did somewhat amaze him, and that he did take it as a watchword of his departure, which was about midnight. The Duke of Byron did see him in his sickness and assisted at his funeral. No man living did better judge of the nature of men by the consideration of their visages: he did divine the Marshal Birons' fortune by his countenance, and the proportion of his visage, for having considered it somewhat curiously, he said unto his Sister after his departure. He hath the worst Physiognomy that ever I observed in my life, as of a man that would perish miserably. The Archbishop of Lion had profited so little by the troubles, as had he lived longer, necessity had forced him to feel great discomodities: his Sister's Estate was engaged, the fruits of his benefices were seized on, and yet his table was as sumptuous, A Double 〈◊〉 the fi●t part of a 〈◊〉. as in the best days of his prosperity. The League had cost him fifty thousand Crowns: the Doublons of Spain had left him nothing but Doubles. Those which have red the public actions of this Prelate may judge of his Doctrine, but no man can represent the grace and force of his action but those which have seen them. He had in him a concurrence of all things necessary for an eloquent discourse. A grave pleasing countenance, a goodly parsonage, a facility of words, The Duke joyeuze returns to the Capuchins. and an action that did charm his Auditors. The Duke joyeuze, Marshal of France, being at Paris in March, having heard Father Laurence sermons in Saint german L'Auxerrois, being moved in conscience, after that he had taken his leave of the Ladies and some of his friends, he returned again to the Capuchins: where being received by the Fathers, he di● a hard penance, and submitted himself to all the duties of a religious man. All men were amazed to see him return the second time to his Covent, being plunged (in show) up to ears in the delights of the world: but his Conscience tied him to return by the bond of his vow, persuading him that it were better not to vow, than not to keep a vow made freely, and without constraint or impression in his majority. The first motive of being a Capuchin came into his heart by inspiration, when as the deceased King Henry the 3. went on foot in procession to Chartres to have issue, Motive which became a Capuchin. if it pleased God. He was then called Earl of Bouchages: he made choice of this order among all others, the better to do his penance. And the rather, for that he understood, that he was dedicated by his deceased Father, to be of the Church. When he was first a Novice, he applied his study with so great a courage, as he was blamed for his great diligence, wearing the hair continually. He had his shoulders all torn with wounds. In this Estate he continued until the hottest of the late miserable Warres·s when as after the death of his Father, his younger Brother, who was a Knight of Malta and Grand Prior of Languedoc was called Duke of joyeuze, (for the Duke o● joyeuze, or other in Law to King Henry the 3. deceased, his eldest brother, who was slain at the battle of Coutras with S. Saweur his youngest brother, died without Children) ●he said Duke of joyeuze being acknowledged by them of Tholouze, Narbone and others of the League, for their head, he made an enterprise upon the Town of Villemur in Laurag●●s, where having planted the siege, for that it was held by the Royalists, even as he thought to have forced the Town, the Lords of Themines, Chambaut and Missillac came to relieve it, The second o● joyeuze drowned at Vill●mur who charged him with such advantage, as they put all his Army to rout, so as the said Duke retiring to the passage of a river, he was drowned with many others. By this means the house of joyeuze was reduced to the Cardinal of joyeuze his brother and to the Earl of Bovehage a Capuchin (whom then they called Father Angelo) The Tholousains and Nobility of their party being much amazed, had recourse unto the Cardinal, whom they entreated often to take the charge of leading them: the which he would never accept. And in the end, at their instant suit, that in raising his house, he would succour them by the means of the Earl of Bouchages his brother, who was t●en more than capable of such a charge: but he was a Capuchin. This difficulty was propounded to the Council of the divines, who concluded that by reason of the urgent necessity they should withdraw him from thence: the which was propounded unto him●elfe, and he refused it. But after they had laid before him the example of his own Father, who being Grand Prior of Langue●oc was yet dispensed withal to mar●y to raise his house, the which remained only in him, and whereof God had approved his blessing by the effect, so many brave Noblemen being borne of that marriage, He le●ues the 〈◊〉 habit by the ●op●s dispensation and leave of his General. He m●diats the reduction of Tholouse to t●e K●ngs obedience. he consented to return unto the world, upon two conditions. The one was, that it should be with the consent and leave of the General of the Order. The other by the dispensation of the Holy Sea, and that he might return again when God should send rest to the Church and State. This obtained from the Pope & his General, father Angelo is again of the world, & doth all acts of a Worldling▪ of a Captain and of a Soldier, applying himself to the humours of the time. After that he had pacified many popular seditions in Tholouse, and been a means to reduce it to the K●ngs obedience, being at Paris, having wit● the King's good liking and pleasure married his only Daughter to the Duke Mon●pensier a Prince of the blood, he bethought himself of his bond contained in his dispense, and went and yielded his obedience unto the Holy Sea & to his Order, whereas he is now one of the chief Conductors, having referred all his domestical affairs to the Cardinal his brother, and to the Duke his Son in Law. H●s Mother des●res h s return to the Capuchins. His Mother's tears prevailed much for his return. She was more afflicted for this change, then for the death of all her other Children, and never ceased until she had drawn Friar Angelo (for so she still called him) out of the deserts of Egypt, to Mount Caluaire, and that she had seen him in the habit which he had left. These be mighty effects of grace, which reforms that which is deformed, and conforms that which is reform, confirms that which is conformed, transforms that which is confirmed, The 〈◊〉 h●s reso●●tion. and makes the Soul to l●ue more in Heaven, whether it asp●res, than i● the body where it breathes. The King went to visit him, and commended his resolution, saying that he did sometimes think to speak unto him of it▪ and had done it, but ●ee doubted that he would mistake his meaning, and think he did it to be rid of him. Dining one day in a place whereas there was only his Majesty and three other Noblemen, That is to 〈◊〉, the King, the 〈◊〉 of 〈◊〉, the D●ke 〈◊〉, and 〈…〉 the 17. 〈…〉 he said unto them, that in the world there were men of all conditions and qualities to be found, but they should hardly assemble four so different, and that in these ●o●e whereof he was one, there was a Sinner converted, A Leaguer repent, a Capuchin diverted, and a Huguenot perverted. This amazement in Court for the Duke of joyeuze, was increased by the sudden death of Schomberg, who was taken with an Apoplexy returning from Conflans, whereas Ville●r●y had feasted the King and all his Council. It gave him no respite to speak French nor Dutch. 1599 This year the Pope made nine Cardinals, for the second promotion of his Pontificat, among the which was Robert Bellarmine a jesuite: which caused many to murmur, being against the Institution of his Order, jesuits incapable of spiritual dignities. by the which all Jesuits are excluded from such like dignities, being forbidden, not only to aspire unto them, but also to hope for them, having taken a particular oath, never to seek nor pretend any Dignity nor Prelatship, directly or indirectly, neither in their company, nor without, but by his commandment, who may command without reply, upon pain of sinning, as it happened unto Cardinal Toleto, and now to Bellarmin. War dying, had left no quarrel in France, but for the Marquisate of Salusses, The Marquisat of Salusses in question. which the King demanded as depending upon Daulphiné, and the Duke of Savoy sought to unite it unto his house, from the which he pretends the Daulphins had wrested it. The difference of this restitution must be determined by the Pope, who was named Arbitrator, by the treaty of Veruins. It is the most important suit that hath been long time in Rome. The parties send their Ambassadors to Rome, to sue unto the Arbitrator for judgement. Precedent Brulart goes for the King, and the Count d' Arconas for the Duke of Savoy, and they come to Rome in the beginning of the year. In the mean time the Duke beseecheth his Majesty, that he will give him leave to visit him. The King answered the Duke, that he would gladly see him: but resolving to accompany his Sister when she should go into Lorraine, he should not make any long abode in any one place, during the rest of the Winter, and therefore he desired him that he would defer his voyage unto the Spring, thinking that he should not be troubled to seek him any farther, then in the City of Lions, where he meant to be about the same time. They pursue the arbitrement at Rome: the Arbitrator (the best of good Popes) shows as great Integrity, as the parties did Passion. He was free from all affection that was contrary to justice, and would do nothing contrary to his conscience. He was carefully instructed by either party, concerning this controversy. You may read the whole process at large in the Original. The Duke of Savoy (having kept the Marquisate of Salusses some years, whilst that France had turned her own arms against herself,) considered, that so soon as the King should overcome his other affairs, the recovery thereof would not be the last of his enterprises, for the restoration of that to his Crown. The Duke of Savoy seeks to be reconciled unto the King. He was therefore one of the first that sought to reconcile himself unto the King: and the first propositions were made by Sebastian Zamet. The King could hardly believe that the Duke of Savoy would separate himself from the designs and counsels of the King of Spain, (who had always a body of an army in France) being so strictly tied unto him. He therefore sends to Syllery his Ambassador in Suitzerland, to enter into conference upon this matter with the Duke's Ambassador there, and to sound his intention. The Duke had sent the Marquis of Aix into Spain, to know how he should treat with the King. At the same time they surprised a Packet coming from Spain, the which being deciphred, they found the Duke desired to treat in good earnest: for his Ambassador writing from Madril, sent him word, that touching the form of the accord, for the which he desired to have council, the King of Spain's Ministers would never tell it, but with many conditions, and secretly, although it were a thing which they desired, that they might retire their forces, and employ them in Flanders, whereas all things went to wrack. That if his Highness, whom it did import, could find the means to effect it, he was assured in the end they would find it good, Multa ●●eri prohibentur, quae tamen facta tenent. as they had done many other designs, rejected by them in the beginning, and afterwards allowed, according to the success. Many conferences were made concerning this cause, before the Peace of Veruins, but nothing could be concluded. His Holiness being made judge and Arbitrator of all controversies, betwixt his Majesty and the Duke, the parties produce all their pretensions. The Ambassador of France demanded restitution of the Possession, saying: That it ought to be judged before the Propriety, and that the Possession of above a hundred years, should serve for a good title to France, if they had nothing else. The Duke's Ambassador answered, That power may gi●e possession without right, and that his Master had preserved his interest with the possession. After my difficulties and much dispute, the French men that were resident within Rome, gave it out, that they had pleaded too much. that there was no reason the Pope should overthrow the right of a great King, Bravery of the French. to please a petty Prince: that they must end this quarrel with the Canon in the plains of Piedmont. As these men braved it in words, the others published their reasons in writing, showing that the rule of the Law, which will have the dispossessed restored to his possession, is not practised among Princes, nor for Principalities. The French insist upon the contra●y, and urge an end of this business with great vehemency, desiring rather to be presently dispatched, then to languish in the tediousness of the remedy. The Spaniards de●ayed the decision of this process all they could, holding the dispute more available to them then the Resolution, and the Disease more profitable than the cure. The time appointed for the Arbitrement was almost spent in tedious difficulties, as unpleasing unto the Pope as to the French. And although he had no less zeal to maintain Concord, than he had showed affection and care to suppress Disco●d, yet would he gladly have been freed of this judgement, for the bad effects which he did apprehend, and whereof the conjectures were easy ●y the consideration of things past. He desired not that the judgement which he should pronounce, should give any cause to the one or the other, to complain of his justice, being troubled what he should pronounce, for that it was a thing without example, and was dangerous to determine of that which had been decided. In these two extremes, either to judge the possession of the Marquisate to the King, or to join to the petitory to content the Duke: A proposition of sequestration. he finds a means to have the Marquisate sequestered into his hands as a Neuter, to remain in deposito, until it should be adjudged unto the one or the other. To this end F. Bonaventure Calatagiron, General of the Friars, and newly made Patriarch of Constantinople, was sent into France with Ron●as the Duke's Secretary: unto whom the King not only granted (against the advise of his Council,) that the Marquisate should remain in Deposito in the Pope's power, as one who had no pretension nor title unto it: but also a prolongation of the Arbitrement for two months. The Duke was well pleased, that this sequestration should maintain the hope of his possession. The French desired rather a definitive sentence, than a sequestration, for although they had no cause to doubt of the Depositors fidelity: yet through too much trust, men do often fall into great inconveniences. The King's Ambassador freed them of those apprehensions, and managed this Se●uestration so politicly, as they found it in bet●er estate, than the King's Council did expect. He carried himself herein like a man of great judgement, neither could he serve his Master meanly, in a subject of so great import. The Duke grew in some jealousy of Arconas, for that he was a Milanois, believing that he did rather follow the Spaniards intentions, than his: whereupon he called him back to Turin, under colour to send him into Spain. He that succeeded Arconas in that charge, marred all, receiving the Instructions that were given him too lightly, and delivering them too indiscreetly, for visiting the Cardinals, which he thought did favour the intentions of the King of Spain, and the Duke his Master, he drew nothing f●om them, but that the issue of this business would not be as he expected. The rest of the Cardinals which had other designs, blamed the Duke's Council, who had engaged him in the expectation of a judgement both doubtful and of small honour: that the best he could hope for, was the hatred of a great Prince, who would always remember this injury: and that they had caused him to plead so long for his own. The French used other subtleties, to make him council the Duke to break off the Arbitrement. And for that this engagement in an others hands, was not pleasing unto them, they held it little for the reputation of France, to follow such tedious forms by way of justice, seeing there was a more speedy course by the way of Arms. They gave it out, that the Deposita●ie would hold things in that Estate, as when it pleased him he would make it known, that the thing engaged belonged unto him: that he had good correspondency with the King, and that his intention was to make one of his Nephew's Marquis of Salusses, and feudatary of France. This fear, or rather indiscretion of the Ambassador, embarked him so far in this jealousy, Indiscretion confounds and troubles itself. as he holds the judge for suspect, and sends to his Master, that he should dislike of the depositary, as much as the King. And although the Pope's intention was not to be corrupted, yet he believed it to be true by the Pope's coldness, and he did not only believe it, but thinking it a ba●enesse to dissemble it, and treason not to speak it, he told the Pope, That his masters Highness did expect an assured judgement from his Holiness, to be maintained in possession of the Marquisate, as a thing which he held of his Predecessors, whereof he had been spoiled by the violence of the stronger, & had recovered it by the good hap of an occasion. The Pope said unto him, that he desired not to leave these two Princes long in this dispute, nor to break the course of happiness which their subjects promised themselves by the continuance of the Peace. But the Ambassador, who was transported, added: That if his Holiness gave sentence in favour of his Master, he should dispose of the thing adjudged, and find him as full of affection as any other, to second his intentions, when it should please him to have the Marquisate for one of his Nephews. The Pope who marched uprightly, being offended at an offer so contrary to the integrity of his intention, The Arbitrement & depost broken. said unto the Ambassador, that he never had any such thought, and to free him from all fear, he would desist from the judgement, and deal no more neither with the Arbitrement nor Sequestration. All men thought at Rome, that the Arbitrement was broken, and the consent for the Sequestration revoked: the French cared not, and the Duke was content that things should pass by other forms than those of the Consistory. The Ambassador of Spain at Rome would not have the Duke of Savoy do his business alone, nor the controversy for the Marquisate of Salusses, to remain at his disposition▪ the King his Master was interessed therein, The King of Spain repairs all. it was reasonable he should be the first Mover of all his motions. He therefore entreated the Pope, not to leave things imperfect, and not to refuse to end a work so happily begun for the general good of all Christendom, greatly interessed in the Concord of two Kings, who could not long continue, if all occasions of War, that might grow upon this question for the Marquisate of Salusses, were not taken away. The Duke had already found in many occasions, that the Counsels of Spain were not always put in execution to his content: that he fastened his Hopes to a rotten Cable, trusting to their resolutions: and that their deceits (though covered with goodly shows of Love and affection) were so much the more odious unto him, for that he which deceives under the name of friendship, The Duke complains of the Spainards'. is more to be blamed, than he that is deceived. He therefore propounded to do his business without them, and from many great discontents, he took a resolution to go into France: so as from that time he never slept quietly, until he were assured of the King's word. The Duchess of Beaufort had always favoured his intentions, Gabrielle d' Estrey Marqu●s of Monceaux and Duches●e of Beaufort. and desired to assure herself of such a Prince, who offered unto her all his means to support her fortune, having sent unto her t●e goodliest jewel that was in the Cabinet of Madam Marguerite his Mother. She also considering, that whatsoever is done by Men, may be undone by them again: that Prince's favours are inconstant, and that human things have nothing firm nor constant, no more than the Sea; she willingly gave ear to the promises which he made her for the good of her hopes. He could not have found a better Solicitor: but death took her away. She parted from Fontainbleau in the beginning of the week before Easter, to come to Paris, and there to pass the Feasts. The Diviners, whom Idleness and Curiosity entertains commonly at the Court, said, That a Child should hinder her from attaining to that whereunto she did aspire. She had heard some thing, and in this apprehension, she took her leave of the King: at her departure, as if she had been assured never to see him more, recommending her Children unto him, the finishing of her Hou●e at Monceaux, and the Rewarding of her Servants. This recommendation of her Children did chiefly concern the Duke of Vendosme, whom she loved dearly, and whom she intended to bring up in the most perfect institution of Virtue. Being at Paris, she went on the Wednesday to S. Anthony's Church to hear the Music, where she was seized with extreme pains, which never left her until that life had left her. They killed the Infant in her, and tormented her with such cruel convulsions, as they drew her mouth to the nape of her neck. She was first lodged at Zamets' house, near Saint Anthony's gate: but being fallen into this extremity, she was carried to the lodging of Madame de Sourdis her Ant, in the Cloister of Saint german l'Auxerrois, Death of the Duches●e of beaufort. where on the Saturday she ended her life. Upon the first advertisement of her sickness, the King went from Fontainbleau to see her. The Marshal d' Ornano met him, and beseeched him to return, for that sight could not prolong the life of the sick, and would but increase his grief. Presently after arrived Belieure, who brought the news of her death, into whose Carosse the King went, to evaporate more at ease his sighs, the which hope of recovery had somewhat restrained. Words are not able to charm such sensible blows: and it is an error to think, that grief is driven away by exorcisms, that it regards words, or is stayed by discourse. Yet this first violence of the King's affliction, was calmed by the wise and grave admonitions of this Nestor, who said, that France had acknowledged him for her Hercules, and as he had been like unto him in many labours equally glorious and admirable, so now he should be unlike him, in that he did abandon the Argonauts, for the grief he had for the death of Hylas, whom he loved. This death did much trouble the Cou●t, for the sorrow and lamentation which the King made for her. Her beauty and good behaviour had moved the King to love her, for the long absence of Queen Marguerite, (whose place she was in hope to possess absolutely) She left him three Children: Caesar Monsieur Duke of Vendosme: Alexander Mo●sieur, who was named Earl of Armagna●, & at this time is appointed Grand Prior of France: and one Daughter. She was more lamented of private persons, then of the public, who found her hopes more insupportable than her carriage. She offended few, and bound many unto her. A great parsonage said; That she was of such an humour, that seeing the King must needs love, he could not love an object, whose love would be less prejudicial to himself, nor to his people, so as she continued in the first condition of her birth. The Duke of Savoy was much grieved for her death. But as Domestical afflictions, which chance to Princes, although they be separated from the public, are not less ●eeling and violent; his grief to see his affairs so crossed on all sides, was augmented by the Death of D. Phillippin his Bastard Brother, whom Crequy slew in combat. It is a great pain to purchase Honour, a greater to preserve it, but greatest of all to recover it when it is lost. Speaking of Honour, I mean the reputation of goodly and virtuous actions, whereof Honour is the recompense, and the sweetest nourishment. Of those things which do blemish the lustre of Honour, the fi●st and most base is, to speak or do any thing for fear of death. The second is, to endure and suffer a word of Contempt, Injury, or Affront. The third is a lie. This rigorous observation of the point of Honour, doth now countenance a Combat, as memorable for the condition of the persons, the form and circumstance of the combat, and the cause of the quarrel, as any other of this age. Quarrels have not always reasonable grounds: The little Fort of Chamousset was taken by Les Di●uieres in july 1597. this had nothing but despite, which D. Phillippin had conceived, being told him that Crequy had vaunted he had gotten his Scarf, at the taking of the little Fort, built by the Duke of Savoy, near unto Chamousset, to favour the passage of his army. D. Phillippin some months after, thinking that this was spoken to the prejudice of his Honour, sent him a challenge. Crequy comes to the place appointed by the appeal: but the appellant was kept back by the Duke's commandment. The Earl of Brandix, who seemed also to have desired to fight, s●nt word to Digu●eres General of the army, This challenge of the Ea●le of Brandix was held very ●ash. that if he had any mind to see the Combat betwixt D. Philipin and Crequy his son in Law, he should not return without his part of the sport, but he should find one to exchange a thrust with him. hereupon Crequy was taken prisoner going to succour Charbonniers. During his imprisonment, the quarrel grew to that point, as if he had been at liberty it had been then ended at Tu●in. After that the treaty of peace had sent him home into Daulphiné, D. Philippin sent to challenge him at Grenoble, and they met near unto the fort of Barrault, where the appellant was thrust through the thigh. This combat, One writes that he was thrust through the body and that he begged his life of Crequy. which had been sufficient to have ended this quarrel, was the cause of an other, for it was told the Duke, that Crequy had ●anted that he had of the blood of Sa●●ie. Wherewith he was offended, and gave D. Philippin to understand, that he would esteem him no more, as he had done, nor ever see him more, if he were not revenged of those words. Whereupon another challenge was sent, the which was accepted as cheerfully as the fi●st. The prohibition which the King had made of single combats, The second Combat. upon pains not only prejudicial to their Estates, but shameful to their reputations, would not suffer them to fight in Daulphiné, that the example of the governors Son in Law should not draw others to the contempt of the Law. It was therefore resolved, that they should fight in the Duke of Savoys Country, under Saint Andrew, a place belonging unto the Countess of Antremont, The conditio●s of the Combat. upon the bank of the river of Rhos●e, on foot, and in their shirts, which is the most courageous kind of Combat. That they should fight with rapier and dagger: That the Baron of Attignac should second D. Philippin, and la Buisse should second Crequy. That none but they should come into the field, and they should not part the Combaters until that one of their deaths had ended the Combat. That there should be twelve Gentlemen on Daulphiné, and as many on that of Savoy, who should be ready to receive the body of the vanquished, or to resist any violence that should be offered unto the victor. That the twelve of Savoy, should be so far from the place of Combat, as they of Daulphiné might pass the water, and come at the same instant to the place of fight. It was long disputed whither the Seconds should fight▪ for la Buisse said, that he would not be one, unless he might give or take, and that he which goes in such occasions to be a simple Spectator, wants affection or courage. But the Combatants thought it good that the Seconds should not meddle with the decision of their fortunes. The day appointed being come, all came unto the place. De Morges passed the Rhosne, and scoured up and down the fields, to see if there were no ambush nor greater assembly than was set down in the Accord. The Seconds visited the armies of the two Champions, & searched them, if they had any Charms or Enchantments about them. La Buisse did importune D. Philippin much to part, saying that he had a desire either to drive it off till night, or to defer the trial until the next day. The difficulties which D. Phil●ppin sound in the Conditions, stayed them two or three hours. He told D. Philippin by the way, all the braveries he could of Crequys valour, to the end he might appal him: and seeing Crequy a far off in the meadow, he cried unto him, he is ours: but Philippin carrying an Eye without trouble, and a Heart without fear, said unto him: why have you so bad an opinion of me: Not so, replied La Buisse, I know you are brave and Generous, but you have to do with one of the most furious men at arms in France, and that makes me to foretell your loss. La Buisse forgot nothing in this action, that might show the office of a friend. And it is well known, that if Crequi had not returned, La Buisse would have stayed to have slain D. Philipin and D. Attignac, or to have been slain by them. Du Belier his Brother, knowing his humour, and that he had too much Courage and Honour, to return without his Friend, was upon the bank of Rhosne, attending the issue of the Combat, meaning to pass through the river on horseback, Resolution of two brethren. and to have had his part of the Glory or Peril of this action. When as D. Philippin entered the field, he had his judgement so clear, as observing his enemy's guard, and the advantage which he had, turning his back to the Sun, he said, Monsieur de la Buisse, divide the Sun▪ and seeking himself to make the partition, he thrust at Crequy with such violence, as the lookers on doubted of the issue of the combat, The second Combat betwixt D. Philippin Bastard of Savoye and Crequy the 2. of june. 1599 Attignac demands D. Philippin, life. seeing him still in his danger. This first fury did but thrust Crequy out of the Meadow, and Philippin out of Breath. Crequy being resolved to thrust, not according unto the judgement of Choler, but of occasion, attended v●t●ll this fury were passed, thrusting him into the body with such force as he overthrew ●im and nailed him to the ground. He willed him to ask his life of him: but he was not in case to humble himself to that demand, neither was it in Crequeys power to 〈◊〉 it him: for his wounds were mortal, and all those that were of his side cried to him▪ Dispatch him; neither did Attignacs request prevail any thing. Crequy repassed the Rhosne with the twelve gentlemen which came to fetch him, leaving D. Philippin upon the place. The Duke repent him of the commandment which he had given, or it may be his Religion (by the advice of his Confessor) counseled him to revoke a commandment, in the execution whereof there was hazard of two Lives, and the loss of two Souls. He sent a post to forbid them to fight, but he arrived two hours to late. Crequy thanked God for his victory, and would not suffer his friends to use their accustomed congratulations, entreating them to speak no more of it, although the glory were great, to have vanguished his enemy in a Foreign Country. D. Philippin was carried to his Lodging. The Religious of Pierre-Chastel refused to bury him according to the Holy Constitutions of the Church government, which holds them that die in this sort Desperate and Murderers of themselves, and makes the pain to continue af●er Death, that the shame which follows them to the grave, might divert them from this liberty. As the King's enemies at Rome laboured that he could have no reason of the Marquisate of Salusses, The Estate of the Kings, affairs in Sui●s●. ●o there wanted no practices to trouble his affairs in Suisserland. It is a long time since the King of Spain discovered his jealousy for the general alliance of the Crown of France with the thirteen Cantons, having long practised to have his share. Ou● Kings having always hindered it, he could never get any footing there, as King of Spain, but he hath had an hereditary alliance for the revenues of the house of Austria. So in the reign of King Charles the 9 when as the King of Spain demanded to be received into alliance, Belieure Ambassador of France seeing the Catholic Cantons almost persuaded to prefer new Amity's before ancient, laid before them the great succours they had received of the Crown of France for the settling of their liberty·s whereas contrariwise the house of Austria had done all they could to suppress them. The Prince's of the house of 〈◊〉 defeated ●y the Swisses. That they should be wary, not to trust in the alliance of a House offended, in the which the wound did yet bleed by the death of three Princes defeated by their Arms. That he was not ignorant, that the King of Spain, as descended from the house of Austria, had hereditary desseins upon them, by reason whereof the greatness and prosperity of his affairs should be suspect unto them: for as we ought never to fear nor suspect the prosperity of Friends, so must we always doubt that of Enemies. These admonitions were of such force, as for that time the Ambassadors of Spain returned as they came. But since the troubles of the last Civil War in France, the King found himself charged with so many affairs within the Realm, as he could not possibly provide for all abroad. His own Subjects did so trouble him as he could not answer the hopes of his Allies. This was a goodly occasion for the King of Spain to work his will with the Swisses, and to win the game, seeing that no man played against him. And as mercenary friendship vanisheth, when as Money fails, the French Crowns appearing no more in Suisse, The 〈◊〉 Catholic Cantons allied to Spain. the enemy caused his Ducats to be dispersed among the petty Cantons, so as they choked all the first seeds of the Flower de Luce. Then might you see in France, Swisses against Swisses, and Cantons against Cantons, the one showing their duties unto the King as his Allies, the other armed against his service, as hirelings to the King of Spain. When as they see that they were not paid their Pensions, and that their Captains and Colonels received nothing of that which was due unto them, the five petty Cantons tied themselves more straightly to the King of Spain, and Colonel Pstis●er, who had great credit among them, taught them, not to cast their eyes but upon the Sun which riseth at the Indies. The greater Cantons continued still firm in the King's friendship. The wisdom of Brulart showed itself in this bad season, as good Pilots are best known in the greatest Tempests: for he entertained the King's service beyond all hope, in the greatest of his troubles, when as the King had for a Sceptre his Lance, for his Lowre a Tent, & for his credit Hope & the lawful right of a Kingdom. It may justly be said, that he did great service to France in this charge, & the wisest have wondered how he could maintain the affections of this people, when they were entertained only with the words of his wisdom, & how he could so long continue this hope amidest the common despair of the affairs of France. But when as the Swisses did see that all France was reduced under the King's obedience, their Patience was turned into complaints, & they gave it out, that if they had not effects for words wherewith they had been fed so long as they saw the King could give them nothing else, they had courage enough to come & demand it themselves. During the siege of Amiens, there was a Captain of one of the petty Cantons, who seeking to make his profit of the time and of the extremity of the King's affairs, propounded a bold Council to get their pay. The Realm was yet so full of treachery, the King so ill served of part of his Subjects, the forces of Spain so great and so far entered into France, as if they had done what he proprounded, or Caesar had not sent them back with so good a composition as in former times, he had done what he could to give them money. ●he Cou●t of Parliament had confirmed certain Edicts, the profit whereof was appointed to content them; as that of reunion of the Registers to the Revenues, that of the sealing of Leather, & Companies of Handicrafts men. Whilst that the Captains and Colonels laboured for the execution, the Ambassador entertained the r●st with good words and great hopes, Monsieur Mor●ontaine. which serves much to temper the impatiency of the most violent, and the languishing weariness of attendants. He imparted unto them the King's councils for the re-establishment of his affairs, and the payment of that which was due unto them. The King sent them Money. But as there was not so much as they expected, The King s●nds Money into 〈◊〉 t●e 6. of june. 159●. and that the greatest part was appointed for such as had served in the last occasions: so it did but increase their discontents and complaints of the rest, so as in the beginning of this Year, Morfontaine the King's Ambassador left his charge to come into France. Such as thought to make their profit of this retreat, gave it out, that it was forced: but it was freely of him●elfe, who thought it expedient for the King's affairs to make offer of this voyage, and to charge himself with their demands: but the Swisses stayed not long to demand his return, after the which he died and was solemnly buried at Soleurre in a rich Tomb. After the solemnising of the King of Spain's marriage at Valentia, he went with his Queen to Valladolid, where he hath settled his Court (imitating the example of Charles 5. his Grandfather) & not at Madrid, which since the death of Philip the second is grown desert. This Prince after his marriage gave himself wholly to the exercise of Peace, & left the conduct of affairs to his Council, separating himself in a manner from the view of all the great men of Spain, but only of the Marquis of Denia, whom he made Duke of Lemos or Lerma. The Grandes of Spain not able to endure this unequal distribution of the King's favours upon one only object, & being grieved that this common sun hath no light but for two eyes, they make great complaints, Prince's ●auo●s a●e 〈…〉 and the more for that his wife was preferred to be the chief Lady of Honour unto the Queen, wherewith the greatest house in Spain had been much honoured. This discontent was showed in all the sorts the Malcontents could devise. The Images, at the Kings coming to the Crown & at his entry into Madrid, did speak. They made the Image of jupiter c●rrying a globe of the World upon his shoulders, and discharging one moetie upon King Philip, with an inscription showing that the Empire was divided betwixt jupiter & Cae●sar: there were found these words written in an unknown hand under jupiter's Image: This is the Duke of Lerma. The King coming one day from walking▪ ●ound upon his table a letter sealed with this superscription. To King Philip, the third of that name, King of Spain, being at this present servant to the Duke of Lerma. The King understood all this and laughed at it, saying to the Duke of Lerma See what they say of us. There was a Tragedy made at Valladolid: the speakers were, the King, the Constable of Castille, the Duke of Lemos and the People. The argument was, the Complaint and Insolencies of the Duke of Lerma. The Catastrophe was the death of the Duke, torn in pieces by the fury of the People. A jester going betwixt the King and the Duke of Lerma, thrust the Duke in such sort, as he made him stagger. saying, Stand fast, for if thou fallest, thou wilt never rise again. The King taking these words as spoken against him, answered presently, We will both fall then. Great men which had laughed at the Bouffons speech, were amazed at the King's answer. All Spain admires his Fortune the most Happy think, that they must be borne under the same planet that will be Happy. But no man can say how long this happiness will continue: for in the end, the great and unmeasurable favours of Princes are Prejudicial and Ruinous to their Favourites. Courtiers burn themselves therein like Butterflies. But they are wise that drink of these favours, as the Dogs do of of the water of Nilus, in passing and running, lest they be devoured of the Crocodiles, of Envy and jealousy. Assembly of the Deputies of some Princes of the Empire at Con●●ans. We have said before, that the Assembly of Collen was referred to Conflans (which the Germans call Coblents) the eight of March. Thither came the Deputies of the five superior Circles, to consult of the means whereby they might defend and maintain the liberties of Germany, and suppress the insolency of the Spaniard, who attempted in hostile manner upon all Estates. This word of Circle, according to the german Custom and Phrase, signifies properly a Canton of the Country: but it is taken for the Alliance and League, which certain Princes and Imperial Towns have one with another. And of these Circles, there are five superior, that is to say of high Germany, and the five Inferior are those of Low Germany: and it is one of the causes for the which the Allemans' are called Germains, for that their Country doth all equally belong unto Sovereign Lords, according to their titles: one a Duke, another an Earl, a third a Marquis: And as for the free Towns, they be such as have redeemed themselves from their Lords, & have obtained the Lords Fee unto themselves: (as they of Metz, The Circles of Germany. who redeemed their Liberties from Godefroy of Bullen, going to the conquest of the holy Land) The five Inferior Circles, are Westphalia, which is under the jurisdiction of the Prince Elector of Collen, Hamborough, Lube●k, Vtrecht, and East Phrise, with the Countries adjoining▪ and under them are comprehended the Hans Towns, which be 72. in number, the which have very great Privileges. Those of the upper Circles were such as assembled then at Con●●ans: the first is Mayence or Mentz, Treves, Collen, and the Palatinat, which makes one Circle. The second is Brandebourg, Wirtzbourg, Henneberg, Hohenlo, and Noremberg. The third is Worms, Simmer, Hesse, Nassau: for the fourth is Munster, juilliers, Paderborne, Lip: & for the fift, Magdebourg, Brunswike, Me●elbourg, and Mulhous. These have an Alliance together, and it is lawful for them to assemble when they please. Being thus assembled, all the Propositions formerly made unto the Assembly at Collen, by Rodowitz Commissioner for the Admiral, were again viewed and considered of, with the justifications of the States of the united Provinces, which were these in effect. That they had received letters from the Prince's Electors, and others of Germany, containing the complaints of the Estates of the Circle of Westphalia, The justifications of the united Provinces. upon the oppressions and outrages, which the Countries of Cleves and juilliers, of Collen, and Westphalia did suffer by the men of war of either party: whereby they were required to retire their men presently out off the territories of the Empire, to restore the Towns which they held, raze the Forts which they had built, and to leave the Country, Towns, and States of the Empire in their ancient Peace, Rest, and Quiet: whereupon their answer & resolution was also required. For answer whereunto, the said Estates declared, that they were sorry to hear such complaints, and the more for that they were put in the same rank with the Spaniards and Admiral, who had not forborn to Besiege, Batter, Force and Take Towns, Castles, Fortresses and gentlemen's houses in the Country of Cleves and others of the Circle of Westphalia, by Murders, Burning, Spoil, and Ravishing of Wives and Maids, without any respect of Estate, Quality, or Condition: And yet not content therewith, they had by their garrisons and threats forced some of the said Towns (besides their Ransoms and concussions.) to change the Religion and Government, which they have many years enjoyed under the authority of your Excellencies, and of other Princes, whereas the King of Spain had no interest, nor could with any reason colour his attempts. And contrariwise, for their part (●ayd the States) no thing had been done but by extreme constraint and necessity, (the which hath no Law) for the Preservation, Maintenance, and Assurance of their united Provinces: and t●e which according to the Law of arme● and custom of war may be done without any contradiction: whereunto they had been forced. By reason whereof, they did beseech their Excellencies, and all men of judgement in matters of war, if considering the Admiral's attempts (●eeing they had no other means to make head against the enemy, but in preventing him, and occupying of those places which he himself would have taken) they have first seized on them, and put in men, seeing that the Tolhuis which they had seized on, was not sufficient to resist the Admiral's forces, who would not have failed to come thither (whereas the Inhabitants should have been treated with the same mildness that he hath used in other places) thereby to have had an entry into their united Provinces. Besides, they never had any intention to usurp one foot of ground belonging to the Empire, nor of any Prince or neutral Lord, to hold it in Propriety, as they said they had of late assured his Imperial Majesty, and the Princes of the Empire, and namely the Prince Elector of Collen, with whom they desired nothing more, then to entertain all good Alliance, Amity, Correspondency, and good Neighbourhood, maintaining themselves in that sort, without diminution of their Estate, until they might once see an end, whereunto they did always tend and aspire even unto this hour. The which they have made sufficiently known by their resolution to restore Rhinberg unto the said Prince Elector of Collen, The Town of Rhin●e●g to hold it under the rights of neutrality: if it had not been prevented by the siege which the Enemy laid before it: whereby he would have given some colour to his attempts, with such as through ignorance or impatiency have not sounded the ground of the matter. The which attempts are manifest, by the surprises of Towns and places, and change of Religion and Government: whereby he did not only advertise Princes and Lords, but plainly teach them, how he means to entreat them and their Subjects, at his first opportunity to settle the Spanish Monarchy. They had seen by experience how willingly and freely (said the States) they had the last year, at the request of the said Princes and States of the Empire, delivered up divers places which they had wrested out of the enemy's hands, lying within the limits of the Empire, upon hope that the enemies would also yield what they held depending of the Empire, as they had promised to the said Princes and States: which delivery up by them. and refusal of the enemy, hath been so prejudicial unto them, as in the end they have been constrained to besiege and force the Towns of Alpen, Moeurs and Berck, according to the good success which they have had. It is also manifest how they restored the Towns of Alpen and Moeurs, without restitution of one penny for the charges of the Conquest: and how they had offered to do as much for the Town of Berck, with a declaration of the true means to entertain the limits of the Empire in Peace, if the Enemy (who sought the contrary) had not hindered it. Which their good and sincere intention hath been so much the more manifested, for that according to the order set down by Prince Maurice their Captain, to expel the enemy's garrisons out of the Town of Emericke, they did it, & restored the said Town unto the right Prince, whereby your Excellencies and other Princes may see the sincerity of our actions, without any farther doubt or distrust. But rather that you would seek the means whereby the Spaniards and their adherents may be chased out of Germany, and their pretended Monarchy prevented, to the end that the members and Subjects of the Empire may be freed from so great dangers & troubles, for the effecting whereof (said the States) we have these many years done our b●st endeavours, & mind so to continue, trusting that God will move the hearts of King's Princes, Potentates, Commonweals, & States, to effect & embrace their common defence▪ running all jointly to quench this fire. So beseeching their Excellencies to take etc. These justifications being conferred by the Deputies with them of the Admiral, they acquainted Charles Nutzel Commissioner for the Emperor therewith, who gave them to understand: Propositions of the Deputies of Westphalia etc. That it would please the Prince's Electors to consider with what care and diligence the Emperor had sent his commandment and letters, as well to Albert the Archduke, as to Andrew the Cardinal, who were not yet well advertised how things had past. That to levy an army only upon the territories of the Empire, they must take good advice, and that by a Diet or General Assembly of all the Estates of the Empire. That the Spaniards and States had mighty armies, and their soldiers had been hardened and practised in arms for these thirty years. That both the King of Spain, and the said States, having had war with other Kings and Princes, and their armies defeated, they have presently renewed the wars, and with greater forces. That for many reasons he would not advise them to take arms presently, but to stay a time, and in the mean while, they should require both the one, and the other again, to repair the hurt done by them in the emperors Country, by some friendly composition, and that in the meantime, the Emperor should call an Imperial Diet, where if it should be resolved to levy an army, to chase as well the Spaniards, as the States out off the territories of the Empire: that the Emperor as the sovereign head should consent thereunto, and do any thing that was befitting his charge. Contrariwise, the Deputies of Westphalia, of base Saxony and of the upper part of the Rhine, did show, that they could not attend to any othertime to resist the Spaniards, and the Admiral, who contrary to the promises made by them, to restore the places taken, did still ravage more and more▪ over the Countries of Westphalia, Cle●es, Mark and Bergh. That Albert the Archduke, and Andrew the Cardinal had been advertised of the violence of their armies, and that they must resolve to repel force by force. Whereupon it was decreed by the consent of the greatest part, in form of an Imperial Edict. A decree made at the Assembly of Co●●l●n●. That they should give necessary succours to the Circle of Westphalia, and to the other Estates of the Empire that were bese●ged. According unto this Decree, Henry jules Duke of Brunswike and of Lunebourg, Postulus of Halberstat, and Prince Maurice Landgrave of Hesse, levied good troops of m●n, with that which the States of the above named Circles did add unto them, all which together made a good body of an army of Germans, of ten thousand foot, and three thousand horse, Count of ●ippe General of german army. whereof Simon de Lip was Captain General, the Earl of Hohenloo commanded the Duke of Brunswiks' troops, and Count George Eu●rard of Solms those of the Landgrave of Hesse. And for General of the Artillery, they had Oliver de Timpel Lord of Cruybeke. This army being on foot, the Spaniards left their lodging about the end of April, in the quarters of Westphalia and Munster, the which they had made very desolate, and came and planted themselves along the Rhine about the Towns of Emeric and Rees: And afterwards, as the said army approached, having stayed to besiege the fort of Walsom, right against the Town of of Rhinberk, upon the rivers side, which the Germans did take in the end, they continued almost two months unprofitably in that quarter, and never advanced, to the great discontentment of the said Princes of Brunswike, and Hesse, and of their Lieutenants. In the end the Count of Lip marching down the Rhine on the same side, the Admiral of Arragon retired his Spaniards out off Emeric the 7. of May: removing his bridge which he had upon the Rhine, and placing it lower before the Town of Rees. After he had well manned the said Town with a good garrison, he passed the greatest part of his army, and having cast a bridge over the Meuse, he entered into the I'll of Bommel, betwixt Rossun and Driel, entrenching themselves, and making a fort upon the bank of the river. The Germans besiege Rees. The german army being come lower, having the Town of Emeric at their devotion (being abandoned by the Admiral) the Earl of Lip besieged the Town of Rees, being little, and of small defence, and unworthy to stay such an Army: in the which, besides the discontent of the Commanders, many things wanted from the beginning. This sudden and unexpected coming down of the Spaniards into the I'll of Bommel, did wonderfully amaze them of the Town, and many of the Inhabitants retired themselves with what they could carry away. Whereof Prince Maurice being advertised, he flies thither with part of his Horse and Foot, Prince Mauri●e assures then of Bo●mel by his presence. whereby he assured them of the Town▪ for without doubt, if the Admiral had marched directly unto the Town as soon as he entered into the Island (it lying all open on the one side, by reason of the works at the Rampires and Bulwarks) he had taken it. At the admirals arrival into that quarter of Bommel along the Meuze, he besieged the fort of Crevecoeur, The Admiral takes Creucoeur. whereas Captain Spronke commanded for the States, who after he had endured the battery & an assault, in the end he yielded by composition to departed with arms & baggage. The Admiral makes his approaches to the Town of bommel, and besieged it a far off. Prince Maurice (to hinder his nearer approach) did cast up a trench without the Town, from one side of the river to the other, in the which he lodged good troops of foot. Yet the Spaniard approached nearer, and brought his Canon to batter the Town at random, as he did, where among others, Murrey Colonel of the Scots was slain upon the rampar, with a Canon. And as Prince Maurice his army was part in the Town, part in the Trenches, and one part upon the other bank, joining to the river of Wahall, he was forced to make a Bridge of Boats before the Town, to go from one quarter to another. The Spaniard, to annoy this Bridge, planted some pieces upon the river side, to batter it in flank, annoying them that past to and fro very much. In the mean time the besieged (who were not besieged but of one side, having the River and their Bridge always free) had their revenge, being daily in skirmish with the Spaniards, who were in the end forced to leave their approaches, and to retire farther off, and in the end quite to abandon their trenches near the Town. Whilst that the Count Lip was at the siege of Rees, and the Admiral and Prince Maurice in the I'll of Bommel, the Deputies of the Circles of the Empire being anew assembled in the Town, writ unto the States the eighteenth of june, making the like complaints against their horsemen, being in the suburbs of Emden, as against the Spaniard. Which letters were answered by the States, who in the end sent their Ambassadors to the Earl of Lip, General of the army, to treat upon certain points, but especially upon the reparation of damages done upon the territories of the Empire. The like letters of complaint were written by the General and the Imperial Deputies, unto the Commanders of the Spanish army, and upon the same points of reparation of damages, and restitution of places held by them, free traff●icke upon the Rhine, and caution that there should be no more such oppressions committed by them: whereupon the Spaniards made many evasions. In the mean time the said General approached with his army nearer unto Rhees. Doctor Dyenburch was sent by the Spaniards the 16. of August, unto the said General and Imperial Deputies. As his arrival he proclaimed publicly the reparation of damages, and the charge he had to deliver Rees: but the next day he denied all, saying that he had no authority, and prayig them to give him 3. days respite to advertise his Masters, yet after much dispute, (threatening to join the forces of the Empire with the State's army) they granted him 3. days. At that time the Emperor sent Maximilian the Archduke his Brother, Maximilian the Archduke sent by the Emperor to the Prince's Electors of the Rhine. to pacific these troubles, and to cause the Spaniard to retire out off the limits of the Empire. He came to the Count Palatin, and to the Duke of Wirtemberg to that end: but the States had a little before yielded up Tolhuis and Seventer, with some other forts thereabouts: and the Spaniards had also given up the Town of Genep. In the end (being threatened to join the german army with that of the States) the Spaniard consented to yield the places which he had taken, The Spanish army and that of the States retire out of the limits of the Empire. & to retire his army out of the Limits of the Empire. The which he did, and the States also, upon condition that the places which they should restore, should be hereafter so well kept by their right Lords, as the Spaniards should not enter any more by the emperors Country, to make war against the Hollanders, nor the Hollanders against the Spaniards: which done, the german army (the which of itself was ruined for want of money) was discharged. The Archduke having conducted the Queen into Spain, received the Infanta ●is Wife to return into Flanders, The Archedukes' passage into Flanders. to take possession of the Low Countries, which the King had given her for her Dowry. Having taken their leave of the King, Queen, and Empress his Mother, they parted from Barcelona, & came within 18. days to Genoa, from thence they went to Pavia, and so to Milan, whether the Pope sent Cardinal Diet●s●a●n to visit them, & to give in his Holiness name, a Sword unto the Archduke, & a Rose of gold unto the Infanta, which are the Pope's ordinary presents unto Princes. Then they passed on through the Grisons & Swisses, and the Countries of Elsas and Lorraine, whereas the Duke received and feasted them with great pomp. In the end of August the States of Brabant sent their Deputies to Nivelle, to offer them their homage and service. They made some stay at Haleé, whither the Cardinal of Austria came, to give an account of his charge: and from thence they entered in Bruxelles, where they were received with more stately shows than King Philip had been in former time. But no Town of Flanders may compare with that which was done at their entry into Antwerp, when as they were declared Marquises of the Holy Empire. They spent the rest of the year in visiting the other Towns of Flanders, and for that the trade of Merchandise is more used there then in any Province of Europe, in all Towns of their obedience, they did confirm the Imunities and Freedoms of Merchants, forbidding to lay any new imposition upon the merchandise, remembering well that as the avarice of the Duke of Alva, in the imposition of the tenth penny upon all merchandise, had made all the Provinces revolt, so it was reasonable to augment their liberties: Isabelle of Valois, Mother to Isabelle of Austria, called The Queen of Peace. for the Prince which seeks to enrich his subjects, cannot be poor when they are rich. They did hope that the Infanta, Daughter to a Princess, whom Europe called, The Queen of Peace, should be the Dove to bring the Olive branch, in sign that these great Deluges of blood should cease: but she declared presently, that she could not yield unto a Peace & liberty of Conscience. In all other things they do acknowledge her a Generous Princess, full of Piety and Clemency. Let us leave their Highnesses in their Counsels at war, and return into France, to see how the King doth husband the Peace. He employs all his thoughts for the profit of his subjects, to restore them to those commodities whereof war had deprived them. And therefore considering that a great multitude of his people remained unprofitable, for that they were not employed in trades and occupations most necessary for traffic: for that the works which should be made within the realm by Frenchmen, The en●●ie of Silks forbidden in France. were brought and sold by Strangers, namely Silks, and Cloth of Gold and Silver: he did therefore forbid by an Edict, the entry into his Realm of all Stuffs made of Silk, Gold or Silver, pure or mixed, upon pain of confiscation: to the end the French might be employed in the making of all those merchandises, which were forbidden to be brought in. As the Merchants of Tours did solicit these Prohibitions, so they of Lions made great suit to hinder it. They alleged, that prohibiting the entry of Merchandise made by hand, they must of necessity be made in France, the which being well planted, would yield sufficient commodity to nourish 500000. Frenchmen, & the Gold & Silver, which goes out of the realm in specie, in great abundance, should continue there stil. Those of Lions did show, They of Lions hinder the pursuit of them of Tours. that this prohibition made the King to lose half his custom at Lions: that it would ruin the Fairs, & this ruin would draw after it the ruin of the City, the which had been built for the commerce and traffic of all Europe, and was never seen● more flourishing then since the strangers frequented it, by means whereof, it did for a time so abound with money, as our Kings have found great succours in the necessity of their affairs, and sometimes were indebted 6. or 7. Millions of Gold, as well to the Inhabitants, as to Merchant strangers. That the whole State was interessed into her preservation, being one of the Bulwarks of the weakest part, & lying open to enterprises of his enemies. That many Strangers, being ready since the Peace, to come and make their Bank at Lions, were held back upon the brute of the prohibition of strange wares, & if the City should continue disinhabited of Merchants of that quality, it would be dangerous to leave it in the hands of poor Artisans, who are insolent in time of peace, impatient in troubles, and always desirous of Innovations, having nothing more unpleasing unto them then the present. Notwithstanding all these reasons, the King would have the Edict pass, & the Duchess of Beaufort was greatly affected to it. The deceased King would have done it, and it was found reasonable by his Council, but in the end, time let them know, that it was no time to use such prohibition, The King in ●auour of the Queen revoked the forbidding of the entry of Silks & that before they hinder the entry of foreign stuffs made of Silk, they must have wherewithal to m●ke it within the Realm. And therefore this Edict was revoked at the Q●eenes entry into Lions. This year there was a notable Imposture, which ministered matter of discourse to the King's Council, to Preachers in their Pulpits, and to the Court of Parliament. 〈…〉 possessed with a Devil. A young maid of Romorantin, named Martha Brossier, having curiously read over the discourse of the Devil of Laon, she was so transported with the imagination of that which she read, as imitating the motions of her folly▪ she seemed to have the Fits & Passions of one that were possessed with the Devil, although nothing be so hard to counterfeit as the Devil. james Brossier her Father, a man of himself busy and factious, desirous of new things, having observed in his Daughter furious motions, with such a stupidity and fear, as it did move commiseration and amazement in the most resolute▪ & fear in the weaker, he seemed to believe that which he would have the people believe, who came running to see this new Devil, publishing every wh●re, that his Daughter was possessed with an evil Spirit. He presented her to the ●heolog●●l of Orleans▪ who believed some thing & seeing that his design grew into credit, 〈…〉 the most famous places of all the Diocese for devotion: 〈…〉 to be a Counterfeit. to all the people be●eeu●d certainly that she was possessed: the which must be verified by the judgement of the 〈…〉 the Bishop of Angiers, a grave and a wise man, discovered her to be a 〈◊〉, and sent her away, threatening to punish her, if she returned into his Diocese. The 〈◊〉 of Orleans did also find out her imposture, forbidding the Clergy of the Diocese, to Exorcise her, upon pain of Suspension. After that she had run 15. months up and down the Country, & being grown perfect in her counterfeit tricks & Devilish motions, her Father thinking she knew enough, & that it was now time to present her upon the great Theatre of France, he conducts her to Paris, and leads her to all the Churche● to gather alms. The people cry out presently to have the Devil conjured, 〈…〉 an impiety to suffer one of God's Creatures to be so tyrannically 〈…〉 Devil. The Bishop assembles the learnedst Divines and Physicians of the 〈…〉 Paris, to have their advise about the conjuring of this 〈…〉 lie, that it was but counterfeit. A Capuchin grieved to see the 〈…〉 said with some passion. If any one believe not: if he will 〈…〉 carry him away. Mar●scot fearing not be carried away by this kind of 〈…〉 that he would abide the hazard: & setting his knee upon Marth●s, & 〈…〉 he commanded her to be quiet, whereupon she st●rred not, saying that her 〈…〉 The Court of Parliament seeing that all the people did run after Martha, 〈…〉 that superstition (which goes before, & is always the beginner of impiety) 〈…〉 their opinions and affections, and cause some dangerous sedition, 〈…〉 that Martha should be delivered into the hands of the Lieutenant 〈…〉 Clergy said, that those that were possessed, did not belong unto the temporal in 〈…〉 and that the Church had power to judge thereof. Yet she is committed to 〈◊〉. They have recourse unto the King, who commands that the Parliament be obeyed. So as by a Decree of the great Chamber, and the Tournelle, the Lieutenant of the shor● Robe was enjoined to conduct Martha with her Sisters, & james Brossier her 〈◊〉 Romorantin, forbidding her to departed out of the Town, without leave from the Judge of the place. And so the Devil was condemned by a sentence. another Devil possessed the soul of a miserable wretch, 〈…〉 King discovered. who made an execrable attempt against the King's person. A Capuchin of Milan, called father Honorio, gave intelligence thereof, and the party that was described in his letter, was found, & apprehended at Paris. The King did thank this good religious man by express Letters, and did witness by his Ambassador resident at Rome, that he would preserve the remembrance of so good a turn, to make it known unto all his Order, that he had bound him unto him. The King's desire to settle his affairs. God would not call a Prince so necessary for the Earth, so soon into Heaven, before he had settled his people in that rest which their long pains & calamities had deserved. It was the King's only care to settle every thing in his order, with the advise of the Princes of his house, and the Lords of his Council. They sound that the subjects could not fully enjoy the benefit of the Peace, nor be eased of their charges, so long as the Crown was indebted, R●nts, fees of Officers, Pensions, garrisons, and men at arms, cost the King yearly almost six millions of Gold. and that that which should serve to maintain his Royal Estate, was not sufficient to pay the Rents & Pensions, which amounted to two Millions of Gold: the fees of Officers came to 18000. Crowns, & many other charges, which were not discharged for less. This extreme necessity, made them to seek out mary Rights and Duties belonging unto the Crown, the which had been mortgaged and aliened during the last troubles, which suffered all that could not be amended. This was most apparent in Languedos, whether the King sent De Maisse, one of his Council of State, and Refuge a Councillor of the Court of Parliament at Paris. And although it be a hard thing to draw a multitude compounded of Mutinies & Factions unto reason, yet through their persuasions, the Country did grant unto the King the sum of two hundred thousand Crowns, to be paid in four years, with an increase of the Gabelle or Custom upon Salt unto two Crowns, which came to fifty thousand Crowns a year at the least, more than the King received. So as the assured succours from that part, increased the King's treasure 150. thousand Crowns yearly. But it increased much more by the continuance of the imposition of a Sou upon the Liure, the only remedy to supply the King's affairs, A Liure is 2. shillings. the ground whereof is necessity, which makes that seem just which is profitable to the Commonweal. The Commissioners appointed to establish this Levy of a Solz upon the pound French, disability ●auseth complaints against impositions. were not received without opposition, nor executed without murmuring, usual in such inovations. There was no town which found not itself overburdened, to show that they were not able to bear any more. This body was grown so weak with this long disease, as every little thing, how light soever, did seem to oppress it. But they complained not alone of this Imposition: other Subsidies were the cause of more ordinary grievances, & grounded upon more reason. Traffic is one of the Elements of a Realm: when that ceaseth the subject feels it presently: nothing hath so much hur● it, as the augmentation of Customs and Imposts, nothing hath made it so contemptible, as the covetousness of such as had the charge to gather it, The Merchants of Lion's complain● of a new custom. and no man hath more felt the discomodity of it then the Merchants of Lions who complained chiefly, for that they had erected a new Custom house in the Town of Vienne, which stayed all merchandise that came out of the Levant. These complaints were so common, and so often reiterated to the Governor of Lions, as he thought it good to send some one, when as the 12. Towns in Daulphiné should assemble the●e Estates, to entreat them to take away this Custom, which made the Merchants to keep from Lions, lest they should come near unto these 〈◊〉. The deputy made an excellent speech unto the States of the Province assembled at Grenoble, as you may read at large in the Original. This discourse full of reason & truth▪ had not the power to make them of Daulphiné redress the complaints of Lions▪ but only to beseech his Majesty to moderate the cause. His affairs would not suffer him to give that ease, which justice and his majesties clemency desired. Whilst that the Commissioners travel throughout the Provinces, about the execution of the King's Edicts, as well for the good of the Peace, as to supply the necessity of his Exchequer, Complaint of the King of Spain. he passeth the greatest heat of Summer at Blois. There the Ki of Spain gave him to understand by his Ambassador, that he had great reason to complain of the French, especially of the Lord La Nove, who against the conditions of the Treaty of Veruins, were gone to serve Count Maurice, & the States of the Low Countries, & if the public ●aith did not maintain these reciprocal bonds, the Peace would be more injurious than war, being impossible to avoid the deceits of hostility, of him who shew● himself a friend, & is an enemy in effect. The King having protested, that his intention was to have the contents of the treaty truly observed, he commanded La Nove & all his subjects, to return home, within six weeks, upon pain of loss of life, forbidding all others to go thither upon the like penalty. The Archdukes ●end to the King. The Archdukes sent the Prince of Orange to visit the King, and to give him intelligence of their arrival into the Low Countries: and Andrew the Cardinal having resigned up his charge, takes his way through France, to see the King. About this time, the year granted for the Arbitrement of the Marquisate of Salusses was expired, with the prolongation of three months: yet would not the King attempt any thing, but commanded his servants only to stand upon their guards, whilst that he approached nearer to the Duke of Savoy, to know what he would say. The brute notwithstanding of an army which the King of Spain had caused to embark in Portugal, stayed his voyage, until he might see what way it would take. An army defeated at Dunker●e. But this great Army which had no reputation but a far off, and was not known by reason of the distance, proved in the end but five Vessels, the which were encountered by the States, and beaten near unto Dunkirk. The King a● Males-herbes with the Marquis of Ver●nucil. Nothing did hinder the King's exercises and sports at Blots and Males-herbes, where he spent his time with the Marquis of Vernucil▪ in the mean time his good servants watched both within and without the Realm, for the good of his affairs: all laboured in divers actions, but with one will, and to one end, to make the State as flourishing as it had been, and the Majesty of the Prince to be respected, as it is, Sacred and Holy. Out of this number of good Servants & Officers of the Crown, death took away Phillippe de Hurault, Earl of Chiverny, and Chancellor of France. The death of the Chancellor Chiverny. He had been at the first Controller of King Henry the 3. house, being Duke of Anjou, and King of Poland, and by him made keeper of the Seals, in the life of the Cardinal of ●iraque, and after his death Chancellor, and by him dismissed to his house at the States of Blois, when as the Seals were given to Montheleu Advocate in the Court of Parliament. In this change he made trial, that Prince's Officers are in his hands, as Counters be in an Auditors, who raiseth them to the greatest and highest number, and suddenly brings them down to the lowest. And although it be not spoken why the King commanded him to retire, yet assoon as they saw him disgraced, the friends of his fortune, and the servants of his favours abandoned him. He continued a while like an old cast ship which lies in the harbour and serves to no use. He returned to his charge, and served the King stoutly, in the most troublesome and dangerous time of his affairs. Complaints against the Chancellor. Afterwards he had many crosses. There were so great complaints exhibited against him in the Assembly at Rouen, as he was in danger to have lost the keeping of the Seals, or not to have a Cardinal's Hat, demanded of the Pope for him. He did not affect the second, and the first he prevented, considering that they could not take away any thing, nor diminish his great Dignities, but with Shame and Disgrace. Pompone de Belieure Chancellor of France. Pompone de Belieure succeeded him after his death▪ he restored the Seals (the sacred instruments of Sovereign justice) to their honour. All corrupt practices which made friends to the prejudice of the Commonweal were banished. There is no other favour then that of justice, no other expedition but in public, and by order. Nothing is settled extraordinarily but by the King's express commandment, or for the good of his service, which may not be deferred unto the Sealing day, and that in the view of all the Officers of the Chancery. Nothing is presented which hath not been examined and held just by the Masters of Requests that were present. The King having received news of the Chancellor's death, he commanded Vill●roy to dispatch his Letters before he demanded the place: which done he presented himself to take his oath betwixt his majesties hands, kneeling upon a Cushion of Veh●eti, the which the Chancellor and Constable only do, and no other Officers of the Crown. His Majesty would not bind him, but to do what he had always done, for the good of his service, and of his Crown. To conclude, he was not preferred to this high dignity before any one that exceeded him in rank of service, or in merit and experience, having undergone the chief charges within the realm, and happily performed abroad important and weighty Ambassages for the King. About this time john de Schomberg, Archbishop and Elector of Treves died, and in his place was chosen Lothaire, Death of john de Schomberg. of the noble family of the Meternits, a man of great experience, and singular learning, and above all, a great lover of peace and quietness, a worthy virtue in Princes and Prelates. Death of the young Princess of Con●é. This year also took away some Princesses in France: amongst others Mademoiselle the only daughter of the Prince of Condé, the which he had by his first Wife the Princess of Nevers and Marquis of Lisle. Her obsequies were made at Saint german des Prez with great show, as it was fit for a Princess of the blood. Lo●se de Budos, the Constable's wife died also (a little before the Duchess of Beaufort) having left one Son and one Daughter, whereby the famous house of Montmorency is renewed, the which was like to fall to the Distaff. The Marquis of Belle-Ile (widow to the Marquis the eldest Son to the Duke & Marshal of Raiz, The Marquis of bell isle becomes a Feu●llantine at T●olo●se. a younger daughter of the house of Longueville, having passed five years of her widowhood, & brought up her Son in all virtue and piety,) departed secretly out of Brittany, not advertising any one of her kindred, and went to profess herself a Nun, in the Monastery of the Fevillantines at Tholouse. Her Brother and her Husband's brethren posted after to divert her, but she was already in the Covent, and resolved to end her days there. A generous resolution of a Lady, issued from that noble house of Longueville, which holds one of the first places in France: It is Sovereign of the County of Neufchastel in Suisse, and allied to the house of Bourbon in divers branches. Execution of the Edict of Pacification. The Commissioners which were employed for the execution of the Edict of pacification, found some difficulties in those places, whereas the Bishops and Pastors of the Catholic Church, had neither Temple nor place of retreat: yet the Mass was restored to those places where it had been banished fifteen or twenty years; and the Preaching appointed only in those places that were allowed by the Edict. They found in all places rough and violent Spirits, very hard to be dealt withal, which invented vain quarrels, when as they wanted just cause of complaint. The Commissioners exhort either party as well to Concord as to Piety, and always to contain their wills within the bounds of Obedience, and not of Rebellion, and to forget the factious names of Papists and Huguenots, the which have been no less fatal to France, than those of Guelphs and Gibellins in Italy. They advised the Preachers to take heed that their discourses were not streams of sedition, as they are sometimes of Eloquence, for they that make profession to teach the word of God, may do as much harm in favouring a Sedition, as they shall gather profit of his ministery when he shall preach Peace. The Commissioners did admonish the Magistrates and chief of justice, to prevent the first motives of sedition: which getting credit with the simple, is the cause of great disorders. So the Edict was executed throughout the realm, and the most savage began to live lovingly together, burying the remembrance of things past. Things done cannot be recalled. We must grow wise hereafter by the consideration of what is past: we must have our eyes open, to distinguish the causes from the pretexts, and discover the evil which is hidden under a show of good, holding always for an infallible Maxim, 〈◊〉 there is no ●●st occasion to arm against his Prince, nor to trouble the quiet of his Country: We have been so abused, as we have taken the Mask for the Face, S●lan●●●▪ For inocency, and Falsehood for Truth, and under these false impressions, we have 〈…〉 assured Peace for a doubtful: We have believed those Emperiks of State, who desirous to continue our languishing, and to prolong our diseases, have from that Principle of Truth, that Civil war ruins both Estate and religion, drawn this proposition: War ruins both State and Religion. That France cannot live in peace with two Religions. The which hath dost the lives of those that have maintained it, and the ruin of others that have believed it. Being then reconciled for that which is past, and well advised hereafter, having escaped shipwreck against our own hope, let us remain in the port of this concord, where the King doth guide us, after so many storms and tempests, we shall be there assured. The Sea doth no harm to Ships that have good Anchors: Obedience is the Anchor which doth assure our Ship, Obedience the eye and heart of an Estate. against the fury of wind and waves. It is that which gives life and motion to all the members of the body: and there is not a more certain sign of the life of an Estate, than Obedience. It is the eye of the body, which lives last and dies first: it should be the heart, which lives first and dies last. This year the Princess Antoinette, Daughter to the Duke of Lorraine, was conducted by the Earl of Vaudemont her brother, to the Duke of I●illiers, who had married her: she was attended with a goodly train, and came to Collen, where she was honourably received by the Senate: and after some days, she went down the River to Duisseldorp. The Nuptial joy was great and stately, The Duke of Iuill●ers marries the daughter of the Duke of Lorraine. although it were somewhat disturbed by the insolency of the armies, aswell of the States, as of the Admiral. The marriage of Sibille Sister to the Duke of juilliers, and of the Marquis of Bourgondie, brother to Andrew of Austria the Cardinal, caused a peace in the Country of Cleves, and all the Spanish pretensions went to smoke. When as after the death of the Duchess of Beaufort, they saw the King falling into a new shipwreck, from the which he was lately escaped, and that love (mourning, yet for his first Venus) lead him to another, you might hear the sighs of the most modest, the murmuring of the most turbulent, and generally, presages of some approaching storm. This was the only spot of Oil, which did pierce through the glorious actions of this Prince: who superior to all other in Courage and Valour, and always equal to himself, made himselve subject to this Passion. Truth will not suffer me to suppress that which cannot be bid. It is good to conceal that which is doubtful in his actions that hath no other judge but God· but to keep secret that which is known and seen of all men, is a baseness. It imports to know things truly, which not being written, shall pass to posterity according to their passions, which shall begin and continue the tradition. Ancient Historie● (as full of simple Truth, as void of Affectation) have not concealed the loves of Princes, whose virtues they have written. Of all the fo●lies of m●n, there is none more excusable, nor of the which fewer do excu●e themselves, then of love. All fight under this banner. If then it was necessary for the King to love, he could not love any thing more worthy of his love. But when as Death did see that the Lover grew blind in the thing he loved, and that this blindness had brought France into confused darkness, he separated them. Upon this consideration, the Court of Parliament finding, that there is nothing that doth more preserve France from falling into forepast miseries, or more assure the present, and continues their prosperities hereafter, than the King's issue: The Court of Parliament persuades the King to ma●●y therefore they beseeched his Majesty to marry, and to give to himself a Son and a Successor to his Realm, there being no army more powerful, either by Sea or Land, to assure an Empire, than many Children. La Guesle the King's Attorney general, made the speech. He represented unto his Majesty, how much he was bound unto God. He discovered the public diseases of his estate: showed the remedies: and in the end he let him see, that the enjoying of all the felicities which peace purchased by his victorious arms, could promise him, was weakly grounded: France was not assured to see it durable, the which depended on the lawful birth of a Dauphin. That although by the law of State (a sacred and immutable Law, M. de la Guesles speech unto the King. and an originary and fundamental Law of the Crown) the succession belongs to the nearest Kinsman, yet France is too full of those turbulent spirits, which in the calm of Peace, watch carefully for occasions of war▪ which in the midst of rest, breath after troubles▪ and freed from the peril of arms, hold still (like mad man) their Hearts and their Courages armed, to move new contentions an other day against the Law and order of the Realm: whereof the King himself had made such trial of their bad intentions, as without the virtue of Heaven infused into him, his Right had been vanquished by Force. That although his Majesty by his wisdom, accompanied with a singular bo●n●i● and charitable affection to the quiet of his Subjects, hath declared his successor to the Crown, yet France hath always observed, that when the Crown did leap from one branch of a Family unto an other, and that the Son did not succeed the Father, it was disquieted with new factions, and the fields bathed with the blood of her Citizens, and the fire of Civil war so kindled, as two ages was scarce able to quench 〈◊〉. That to take away these just fears and apprehensions of these public calamities, the succession must not change the branch, for where there is no change, there is no stir, and the Children succeeding in the Father's Realm, it seems that he that reigned, is rather grown young again then changed: The King of F●ance never d●es. there is nothing new, the Crown continues in the same hou●e, the Father's face is noted in that of his Son. That the shining of the sun is pleasing▪ as a calm Sea, or the Earth covered with his green tapistry. But there is nothing so goodly nor so delightful to the Eye, as the sight of Children newly borne in a family that wanted this advantage. That to attain unto this happiness, they must begin by the dissolution of the marriage betwixt his Majesty and the Queen, Marriages broken for just causes. Duchess of Valois, being no less easy than that of Charlemain with Irmengrade, and Theodor a Daughter, & Sister to Didier King of Lombard's: for indisposition and sterility of Lewis the 7. with Elinor Duchess of Guienne for some discontentments set down in the History, and covered with the pretext of Consanguinity, of Lewis the 12. with joane of France daughter to King Lewis the XI. constrained by force, and want of consent. That they should not be troubled to seek lawful causes of this dissolution, for besides the want of issue, in the which consists the second end of Matrimony, and the preservation of the State, they should not need to invent the degree of consanguinity, being known to all men that the King and Queen are in the third degree, a blemish which hath always accompanied the Marriage since the sollemnisation thereof, and the which was not taken away by the brief of Pope Gregory the 13. for that the necessary and essential forms were not observed. After that he had showed the necessity & profit of this separation, he beseecheth the King to choose his second Wife, in a chief and sovereign Family, and which had been heretofore honoured with the like happiness, and to consider that so great a Realm flourishing in Princes and many Noblemen and ancient houses, cannot easily submit themselves to the command of those which by both sides shall not be of the blood royal or sovereign, half Princes, half simple gentlemen. And if at any time we must respect the distinction of Births & Races, it must be when as they that come, are borne to command over others. That they could not give Heirs to a Realm of too worthy a House· and if he be not equal by the Father's side, yet at the least that he come near unto it, for men being by nature high minded, do not willingly submit themselves to them whom they think to be inferior unto their Fathers, unto whose command they have been enured. The King was well pleased w●th this discourse, and advertised Queen Marguerit thereof by L' Anglois one of the Masters of Requests of his majesties household, to understand her resolution touching the nullity of their Marriage. She (who upon the like demand during the life of the Duchess of Beaufort had made refusal for some reasons,) returned him answer, that she would deliver her mind unto Berthier, Agent for the Clergy and Intendant of her affairs. The King's intentions were imparted unto him, and he sent unto her: who returned with this answer unto the King and his Councel●. A Letter from Queen 〈◊〉 unto the King. That she desired nothing more than the King's contentment, and the quiet of the Realm, and withal she sent a private letter unto his Majesty, beseeching him, To grace her with his protection, under the shadow whereof she would pass the remainder of her years. The said Queen sent a Petition unto the Pope, H●● request ●nto the Pope. containing, That her brother King Charles the 9, and the Queen her mother had married her against her will, to which marriage her heart had never consented: That the King and she being in the third degree of consanguinity, she beseeched his Holiness to declare the marriage void. The King made the like request. This business was managed very seriously by the Cardinal of Ossat and by the Lord of Sillery the King's Ambassador at Rome (who at the same time pursued the judgement ●or the Marquisate of Saluces) They beseeched his Holiness in his majesties name: That for that which should concern the nullity of the said marriage▪ he desired no other favour then that of justice. This business was imparted by the Pope unto the Consistory, Pope Gregory's d●spen●a●on was 〈◊〉 the marriage. and many reasons set down to prove the nullity of the marriage. All the difficulty was, P●pe Clement the 8. thought it somewhat strange, that he should declare that marriage void, which Pope Gregory the 13. had approved, and who by his absolute authority had taken away all lets and hindrances. All which was answered at large. And although it were true that Queen Marguerite had continued long with the King: Yet this cohabitation was always forced, and the same fear which was in the beginning of the marriage, had continued during the life of her brethren and the Queen ●er Mother: and the time was to be regarded so long as the fear continued, for marriages contracted by force and constraint, without consent, are void, and time doth not deface the nullity, if he that is forced hath not liberty to do that freely which they have made him do by force. In the end it was resolved on in the Consistory, that a Commission should be granted to certain Prelates, to take just knowledge of the cause upon the place, The King 〈◊〉 bo●ne the 1●. of December 1553 and baptized 〈…〉 the Cardinal of Bourbon 〈◊〉 King Henry the 2. and to judge of the nullity of the said marriage. His Holiness sent this Commission unto the Cardinal joyeuze, to the Bishop of Modene, his Nuntio in France, and to the Archbishop of Arles, a learned Italian Prelate and well practised in those affairs, who being assembled at Paris, after that they had observed all solemnities that were requisite, and caused information to be taken of his majesties age, having viewed the requisition of the three Estates of France▪ containing the great interest they had therein. A●l being well examined & considered, they declared the said marriage void, & set the parties at liberty to marry where they pleased. The King sent d'Alincourt, Governor of Pontoise & Knight of his Orders, to thank the Pope for his good justice: & the Earl of Beaumond to Queen Margeret, to let her understand, that the Pope's Delegates had given up their sentence. The king's letter to Queen Margue●i●. And seeing that God had suffered that the bond of their conjunction was dissolved, the which his divine justice had done as well for their particular quiet, as for the public good of the Realm, he desired no less to cherish and love her then before, resolving to have more care of that which did concern him, than he had had, & to let her understand, that hereafter he would not be a Brother to her only in name, but she should find effects worthy of the trust which she had reposed in the sincerity of his affection. She made answer unto the King. Queen 〈◊〉 answer. That although it were easy to receive comfort for the loss of any worldly thing, yet the only respect of the merit of so perfect a King and so valiant, did by the privation thereof cut off all consolation, being the mark of the generosity of such a spirit, to make her grief immortal as hers should be, if the favour which it pleased his Majesty to do her by the assurance of countenance and protection, did not banish it. At the same time she tasted the effects of the King's liberality by the increase of her pensions, living happily at Vesson near to Aurillac, in the tranquillity and silence of her fortune. This change is no let, but she shallbe always one of the first Princesses of Europe. No man can take from her that which Heaven and Nature have given her. It is a Theatre, which although it hath been beaten with lightning, is still admired. And to speak the truth without affectation or flattery, she herself hath ruined the greatness of her fortune, in that she would be what she is. This marriage is no sooner dissolved, but they treat of an other. In the blessings whereof the French promise unto themselves the increase and continuance of those of Heaven. Mary of Medicis th● Duke of 〈◊〉 Daughter. The great Duke of Tuscany did carefully keep Mary of Medicis his Niece to increase the Honour of his house by some great alliance. It was in a season when as the Sovereign houses of Europe had no Daughters ready to marry, or there was some disparity for their Age, or Religion. Great and important considerations, which Princes should not pass over lightly. It seems, that the eternal wisdom, which concludes the Marriages of Princes in Heaven, and blesseth them on earth, would not marry this Princess unto the Emperor, but reserved her for the good of a greater Empire, not being pleased that France should seek the means to continue the Crown in the King's Posterity, any where else but at Florence, one of the eyes of Italy, and in the house of Medicis, which goeth equally with the first in Italy. The history of which house you may read at large in the Original. Cosmo surnamed by Pius the fi●t the Great of Tuscan, had by Madame Eleonor of Toledo Daughter to the Viceroy of Naples, Francis, Ferdinand, Peter, Garcia, Isabelle and Eleonor. Francis married joane of Austria Daughter to the Emperor Ferdinand. Of this marriage came two Daughters, Eleonor & Mary: the first is married to the Duke of Manto●a, the venture and good fortune of the other is reserved to be Queen of France. And the King being now set at liberty, fixed all his thoughts upon her marriage. The Prince of Orange being returned out of France, from his embassage, and come to Bruxelles, Four knights o●●he golden Fleece made by the Archduke. the Archduke made him Knight of the Golden Fleece, with the Duke of Arsch●t, the Marquis of Haurech, and the Count Egmont. The Cardinal had been govenor in the Low Countries almost a whole year: all his exploits were reduced to the fort which he caused to be built in the Isle of bommel, called Saint Andrew's fort, being inexpugnable, (which commonly they called the spectacle of Holland) the which being finished, the Archduke retired his army out of the Isle of Bommel, and put his men into garrison. All the rest of the year their Highnesses spent in making their entries into the Towns of the Low Countries, The Archdukes army re●●ers out of the Isle of Bommel. trying all means to have a Peace with the Hollanders. Yea the Emperor labouring still to make this Peace, sent unto them for his Ambassador's Count Salenduc of Isembourg and Herman Manderschiden, who let the States of the united Provinces understand his Imperial majesties intent. Whereunto the States answer by writing. That it would please his Imperial Majesty to remember their former answers, by the which they had sufficiently declared, That they could assure themselves, neither of the Archduke, nor of the Infanta, seeing they are in the Spaniards power: that also their power and command over the Low Countries was a manifest fraud, The sta●es answer to the emperors deputies. and although it were true for the Country of Flanders, yet doth it not follow that it should hold for Holland and Zelande, whereas the King of Spain hath no right. Moreover the King of Spain seeks but to command over all Estates, under the pretext of Religion, the which he abuseth for pretext of his Ambition, having no touch of Piety in his Soul. And this is all which his Imperial Majesty may expect of the resolution of the said Estates, being resolved to defend themselves from the tira●ie of the Spaniards and their oppressions. And so the Ambassadors returne● without doing any thing. The Duke of Savoy had sent many of his Ministers into France, to treat upon the difference for the Marquisate of Saluces, without expecting the Pope's sentence. A●● the voyages which jacob, the Precedent Rochette, the Marquis of Lullins, the Chevalier Breton and Roncas his Secretary had made, brought him no other fruit then to have observed the State of the Court, peerced a little into the King's desseins, the which is always the fi●st of an Ambassadors instructions, and noted the countenance of some spirits impatient of rest and desirous of change. And although the Patriarch of Constantinople had by his persuasions drawn more from the King than the Duke of Savoy hoped for, yet could he never change the resolution which the King had taken to have the Marquisate again. He was at Lions whereas sickness stayed him for a time: The King having commanded the Governor of Lions to Lodge him, and supply all his wants: Roncas attended until he was recovered, to conduct and accompany him according to the order which the Duke had given him. But as things went on more slowly than he desired, he thought that this pursuit required a greater presence and action: that he himself must do his own embassage, promising more unto himself by his only shadow, then by all the soliciting of servants. He therefore prepared himself to go to the King, although the chief of his Council dissuaded him. The only thought of this voyage made him irreconcilable to the King of Spain, although it had not past the terms of a simple proposition, The Dukes● discontent, but counterfeit. so did he make show to be desirous to break wholly with him: he had in show great occasions to complain of his friendship and succours, who did but entertain his grief, and made the cure desperate. It is good for a Prince to know the humour of many nations. He knew the Spaniards well: their manner of living: the ruinous conditions which they lay upon them whom they assist: the length and languishing of their promises were odious unto him. He did consider the Injustice, and Inequality in the Portion of the Infanta his Wife, who of so many Sceptres and Crowns which the King her father had, received but sixscore thousand Crowns of yearly pension, whereas the eldest had the Low Countries, and the Franche County in marriage. He could not forget, that at the treaty of Veruins, he had been in a manner forgotten, and that a peace was almost concluded before they thought of him. He believed that if the Spaniard would, the question for the Marquisate of Saluces had been ended, the which might have been left to him in exchange of Calais, Dorlans, Ardres, and other places. That the King of Spain did think (that to prevent that all these discontentments should not carry this Prince to some dangerous party) it was necessary to t●e him unto the Crown of Spain by some strong bond. They therefore demand the first Prince and the first Infanta, under colour to bring them up after a royal manner, The Council of Spain demands the Duke's children. and in a Court whereas they might one day hope to reign. The Duke was discontented with this demand, perceiving well that it proceeded more from distrust, than affection. His Council advised him to give this content unto the King of Spain, that he could not lodge his Children better, and that that was the Uniting and very cement of perfect friendship. Yet he resolved to keep his children, and to send the Count la Motte to make his excuse, that the present estate of his affairs would not suffer him to send them, nor to provide them a train and furniture fit for the voyage. The King of Spain to take away all excuse, glues order to have money provided for him at Milan, and persuades the Duke to send the Count la Motte as Governor and conductor of the Prince. The Duke takes the money, and keeps the ware, saying that the air of Spain was not proper for his Children, that their indisposition and the tenderness of their age, would not suffer him to hazard them so soon in so long a voyage. This refusal offended the King of Spain, The King of Spain offended with the Duke. and makes the Duke to resolve upon that which he held most profitable. From that time he could no more look on a Spaniard. He then left the Spanish Ambassador at Turin and came to Chambery: When as he did see any one a far off in his Council of the Spanish faction, he looks on him with such a disdainful eye, as he shows him●elfe no more in his presence: he scorns the Spanish fashion, and commends the French, saying, that there is no such felicity as to conquer one's self, and to yield himself absolutely unto himself. The King was long before he would yield unto the Duke's coming into France, saying, that it was not necessary he should pass the mountains without the Marquisate of Saluces. But the Chevalier Breton and Roncas did press the King, that he would be pleased to give their Master leave to see him, assuring him that he would give him all content. The first was framed to the fashion of that Court, and did believe that when they should see a Prince great in judgement, admirable in liberality, and endued with many excellent qualities, they would grant him all without any difficulty. Many dissuaded the Duke from this voyage, laying before him the dangers in trusting a great enemy, wanting no examples, whereof one in such remarkable accidents were sufficient to make him to change his mind, and to ground his judgement upon experience. Roncas returned from the Court he found the Duke at Hautecombe, and brings him letters from the King, fuller of desire to see him, then of any hope that this interview should yield him any great profit. This letter well considered, was not sufficient to make the way for such a passage, showing that although the King desired his coming, 1599 it was always without prejudice, to have reason of the Marquisate. I● was imparted to the Council: whereof some said, that this voyage would g●●e an offence which Spain would never pardon: others said, that the end of this game would be the loss of the friendship of the King of Spain, which would be profitable to the Duke and necessary for his Children. The Duke answers, that the Mariner is ill advised that strikes often against the rock where he hath many times suffered shipwreck. That the hatred of Spain would make the conditions of the treaty more easy and beneficial, and would lay open that which none but himself could express, carrying in his breast certain desseins which he could not trust to any but himself. There was no reason of force to make him change this opinion. He said, that as soon as he had seen the King he should be content. They had much ado to persuade him not to send an Ambassador, but a simple Post unto the King of Spain, not to ask his advice, but to carry him assurance of his going into France: the which he undertook when as they could not believe it in Court, thinking that he had changed his resolution. When as all doubts were taken away, the King gave order for his receiving, commanding the Governor of Lions, to prepare the Archbishops lodging for his own person, and the nearest houses for the Noblemen of his Court: That he should accompany him in the best sort he could to any thing that he desired to see within the Town. That he should go & meet him the midway of the last post, with all the Nobility of his Government▪ that they of the Town should attend him at the gate when he should enter, and that the Provost of Merchants should tell him, that he had commandment to do him the same Honour that was to be done to his Majesty, and visiting him in his lodging, to present unto him the goodliest & rarest fruits that might be found in the Country, and that they should feast him, & defray him with all his train. This was executed with such order and state, as the Duke hath said often since, that this entertainment had bound him. The Earls of the great Church of Lions were in doubt whether they should receive this Prince as they had done the Duke Emanuel Philibert his Father. The Dukes of Savoy, as Earls of Villards and Sovereigns of that County in the Country of Bresse▪ have had place as Chanoin of Honour in that Church, the which is presented unto them the first time they enter. The same Honour should have been offered unto the Duke passing by Lions, as had been given unto his Father when he came after the Peace in the year 1559. if things had been in the same Estate, or if they had not found a greater difference. The Chapter of this Church had great reason to entreat the Prince as they had done his Predecessors, seeing the King would have him received like unto his Majesty, and give him that testimony of Honour, the effect whereof did Honour them as much that gave it, as he could find himself honoured that received it. But for that through the King's Conquest the County of Villards was no more under his obedience; that things were yet in suspense of War or Peace; that Princes are always offended with the communication of such Honours; ●a Guiche Governor of Lions advertiseth the King of the Duke of Savoyes' reception. The King demands what a Chanoine of Honour is. he resolved not to do any thing therein, but what it should please the King to appoint. He doth ask the governors advice. whereupon la Say, one of the Earls of that Church, was sent to Court, to know the King's pleasure touching this difficulty. The King demanded of him, what a Chanoine of Honour was, and if the Duke of Savoys reception had been like unto his. La Say answered, that the great and famous Churches of Europe had Chanoines of Honour, who were either Sovereign Princes, (in whose dominions they were founded) or foreign Princes, who by their piety have bound the Church to this acknowledgement of Honour. That the place of a Chanoine of Honour, is neither for the office, nor for the charge, but only for reverence and privilege: for as the Prince who is a Chanoine of Honour, is not bound to any other thing, but to swear the protection and preservation of the rights of the Church, so he reaps no other profit, but is partaker of their Prayers which they make there. That this Honour should be of small import, if the greatness of Princes which had disired it, did not make it great in a great Church, the which being one of the chief of France as well in Antiquity as in Dignity, the reputation thereof have been spread in far nations, who have founded their Churches after this model. That this Honour had been given in ancient time to the most Christian Kings, Chanoins of honour are bound to show the antiquity and gre●●nes●e of their extraction 〈◊〉 but the ●ing. to the Dukes of Savoy Earls of Villards, to the Dukes of Bourgondy, Dukes of Berry, and Daulphins of Viennois, which have been received Cannons of Honour in that Church, but those receptions did differ from that of the Kings. The King asked the opinion of his Council in that case, and by their advice he answered, that the Duke of Savoy holding no more the County of Villards, should not pretend the rights that depended thereon: that coming into France, to reconcile himself unto his Majesty, he would make so small an abode in Lions as he did not think that he would stay for so simple a Ceremony. That if he should demand that place of Chanoine of Honour as they had given it to his deceased Father, the Chapter should excuse themselves, until they knew the King's pleasure, to do their duties at his return. The Duke was much offended with the refusal of that was due to him, and the which they had given unto his deceased Father. Neither did he dissemble his discontent, for he would not go into this Church, although he were lodged in the Archbishop's Palace, nor pass over the place which is before the principal door: and when as the Dean with the whole body of the Church went to salute him, he said that he had always honoured that Company, as having the Honour to be of it. Being received into Lions according to the King's order & command, he had many presages of discontentment in his voyage. His servants in Court advertised him that if he came without other desseine then to offer the Marquisate of Saluces, he would re●ent his coming. One said unto him that he should not get any great matter of the King, seeing he was not pleased that the Cathedral Church at Lions should afford him a little Honour and Ceremony. A man at arms of the company of the Marquis d' Vrfe, was put in prison upon a false advice that came from Geneva, that he followed the Duke with an intent to do a bad act at Paris. It was strange in Court that the King had not sent any other unto him then the Controller general of the Posts. But nothing troubled him more, than when as Varenne (among other discourses which the Duke offered, to sound their opinions touching his voyage) said unto him, he should be welcome so as he restored the Marquisate. A speech which touched the Duke unto the quick, who esteemed not all the Estates of his patrimony, as the Marquisate alone. It is true that they love that better which they have gotten, then that which hath been purchased by their Predecessors. He went by post from Lions to Roan: from thence he went by water to Orleans, whether the King sent the Duke of Nemours to receive him. Betwixt Orleans and Fontainbleau he was met first by the Marshal Byron, and then by the Duke Montpensier, being followed by many Noblemen. The 13. of December at night (a memorable day for the King's birth) he arose when he knew his train to be a sleep, and departs secretly to get to Fontainbleau before his people were awake. Varenne who had commandment from the King to come before & advertise him, had much ado to follow him, and if the Duke had found horses ready at the first post▪ they had not carried the first news of his arrival. He found the King coming from Mass, with all the Noblemen of his Court, attired all in red, and ready to go to horseback to meet him: they did walk long together after their first embracings & excuses. Then the Duke told him the occasions of his voyage, the which he had kept secret from his Council: The King & his nobles wer● a●●ired in red, the D●●e and his ●raine in black. But he could draw nothing from the King by this first parley, but he should have him his friend in yielding him his Marquisate. It is a difficult thing to feed a King with a white beard with words. The King said always that he desired nothing but his own. And the Duke of savoy being in the Lovure spoke boldly that no power in the world should ever make him yield to this restitution. A free & courageous speech in another's Country, not among his own people, but to Villeroy the King's chief & most confident Secretary of State. From Fontainbleau he went to Paris with a goodly train, he was lodged in the Lovure & spent the Christmas in Nemours house. He admired this great Court, where he sees the chief Noblemen of the realm, and noted that L'Esdiguieres who had so much troubled him, was not so great in Court as in Daulphiné. The Duke's presence did increase his reputation, The Duke's praises. he governed his actions in such sort, as he freed them from the scorn & mockery of the Court. His wisdom, his Discretion, & his Courtesy, made them to forget the tales which were yet told of the good Duke Charles his Grandfather. They did observe in his actions Courtesy & Courage, Liberality, Discretion & Policy. This year ended in all sorts of pleasures and sports, familiarities and profess of true friendship, so as many believed that the two hearts and the two Courts of these Princes were but one, but there was always some mark of constraint, and amidest these embracings there always past some gird or quip. The King who is ready and sudden in his answers, gave him always some touch to think on. There was too great difference betwixt the tunes of their humours to make along & good harmony. But whilst the Court abounds in pleasure and delights, Duke of Mercaeur voyage into Hungary in October▪ 1599 the Duke Mercaeur is in Hungary, in the midst of many discomodities, which he holds pleasing for God's cause: but before he goes he gives them occasion to talk of him in the Court of Parliament. He had a cause pleaded there, and his Advocate gave him the quality of a Prince: Seruin the King's Advocate, (holding it a base prevarication to be silent at that which ought to be spoken for the King's service and the Law of State) did show that that quality did not belong to any, but to Princes of the blood. The Duchess of Mercure (who was then in presence) said that they could not take from her Husband a quality that was due unto him by the right of his birth, and that the King held him so. The Duke Mercure, holding that which the King's Advocate had said in discharge of his duty for a bravado and a contempt, went the same day unto his house, and gave him injurious words. The King being advertised thereof, held it a bold act. The Court esteemed the injury done unto them, & desired the more to repair it, for that the honour of the King's service was wronged, and that it had been done in sight of the Parliament of the Capital City of the Realm, & in his house that was wronged, the which should be to every man an inviolable Sanctuary. The Court decreed that he should be personally adjourned, and had proceeded further if the King's commandment had not stayed them. It was a great virtue in the Precedent Lizet, when he decreed that the quality of Prince (which the Cardinal of Lorraine took) should be razed out of his Advocates plead. The Cardinal complained unto the King: but the Precedent Lizet answered with such Courage and Constancy before the King being in Council, that the Cardinal was no Prince nor equal to Princes, & if you will sayeth he use it, show us the place of your Principality. A free speech which purchased the old man much reputation, In the year 1598. & yet within two years after he made him resign his place under an other pretext. There was no Nobleman in France that used the benefit of the Peace more worthily than the Duke Mercure▪ for disdaining the idleness of the Court and the ease of his house, he employed himself to succour the Christians, against the greatest enemy of their Religion. He leads with him the Count of Chaligny his brother, with some gentlemen at his own charge, resolving to employ his Goods as well as his Life in this holy war, having vowed to serve Christendom two years at his own charge. He showed himself a great Captain as well to defend as to assail, having kept the enemy with an army of a hundred and fifty thousand men from besieging of Strigonia: this was in his first voyage, before whose return the Emperor desired to see him, What p●st in Hungary. and entreated him to take his way by Prague. After the raising of the siege of Buda or Belgrade, the Christian army was dismissed & sent to Garrisons, & Buda received a new Bascha. The Knights of Comorre at the beginning had defeated part of the troops which were come to conduct & accompany the Bascha, they spoilt a Ship, & being laden with spoil they returned to their companions. The Turk sent five Ships to Buda, and changed a● the Estate, and one of the Baschas which had been there during the siege (who had been of opinion to yield the place) was punished. It was thought the Bascha of Agria would have given some notable attempt, having made great preparation for War in divers places, and provided three hundred barrels of powder. Those of Sigeth on the other side, having made Soldiers Coats of the german fashion, thought to surprise the Christians, but they failed being discovered. The Tartars, The Tartars demand a peace. which adhere unto the Turk (by his commandment) spoiled the Country upon the river of Hipolis, and fell upon pest, Zoln●ek and Hattovan, Towns subject unto the Turk▪ who being tired with their courses, and exhausted of money by the great wars he had against the Persian, he resolved to demand a Peace of the Emperor. The Tartars came to make this demand at Vienna in the beginning of February, who being addressed unto the Archduke Mathias, they had no answer, The Tartars revenge for being contemned. The Tartars defeated by Palfi. but returned as they came, by reason of the spoil their men made: this request was not reported unto the Emperor, nor unto the Court at Prague. In the mean time the Tartarus, made a furious revenge having surprised the City of Tolice, and put all to fire and sword, they slew all within it that were of man's age: and had done worse if the Lord of Palfi had not made head against them, and slain some among others three Captains, who choose rather to be slain then to yield, except one Vallet who demanded his life, and was saved. They of Ratzen with all their men retired unto the Mountains to avoid the fury of the Tartars: but they of Crabatzen resisted them bravely, and took one of their Captains. Those of Vaxence (unto Buda) defeated a great number, being gone to freeboote near to Palaner, Meugrade and Zetschen, but the rest of the Tartars having notice thereof, burnt above thirty villages near unto Calon, which had like to have been taken, and Laomare also, if it had not been well manned: but they durst not sally forth for that the enemy was above 12. thousand. The Fort of Canisia was also burnt at that time, whereas the soldiers and the Inhabitants lost all their baggage & movables. About that time the garrison of Strigonia defeated a Convoy, & took a great Booty. Orsipetre the governors Lieutenant, got much wealth and honour: among other things he had a Gown of cloth of Tissue of Gold and Silver, which was sent to the Bascha, and knowing that the Fort of wails was fallen, he enters it and defeats the garrison with the Aga (which is the Governor) and delivered them of Bischir. The Heiducks, (which are horsemen) led away 800. Sheep which did greatly relieve Strigonia. In the mean time there happened a great alteration in Transiluania: the Vavoide Sigismond (who had before accepted a recompense of the Emperor to deliver Transiluania into his hands) having gone from his word, What past in Transiluania. he priest the Emperor by the Bishop of Alba-Iulia, and by Stephen Paschay his Chancellor, to restore him Transiluania again. And without attending any answer, he goes thither in post, takes it again, and makes his Cousin Andrew Batt●ry the Cardinal, to swear fealty unto him, the which he did also cause George Balte to approve, being then at Cassovia in heigh Hungary, General of the emperors army, who was therein surprised: for he gave him to understand, that it was for the good of Christendom: and in the mean time Cardinal Andrew treated with the Turk by safe conduct. The Emperor sent Doctor Petzen thither, but coming to Thorn the Principal Town, he found that it was too late. Afterwards the Pope's Nuntio interposed himself, & there was some hope of reconciliation. About that time, three hundred Christians of Canisia, defeated four hundred Turks of Sigethe, and not one escaped. Schuartzebourg General of the Christian army, with Palfi and Nadaste attempted Buda in vain, but they surprised Schambock, notwithstanding the resistance which the garrison made. On the other side certain Hussars, Cedrins and Villeceins which went to Zolnock, defeated a troop of Turks and Tartars: and contrariwise the Tartars spoiled Hungary and Transiluania, firing all, even unto Cassovia and A●ilech, where the Christians taking courage slew all these firebrands: this execution was done by the Peasants. Now did Cardinal Andrew Batt●ry send letters of excuse to the Emperor, with assurance to be always faithful unto Christendom, and that he would soon re●●we the Contract by an embassage, which he would send expressly. Schuartzebourg 〈◊〉 twelve thousand men out of Comorre, and laid them in Ambush in a Valley near unto Buda of purpose to surprise the Town, but not being able to effect i●, he spoilt the suburbs, the enemy not daring to sally forth. And the next day he defeated a Convoy which carried money unto Agria, where 400. Turk's were slain, and the Bega him●elfe taken prisoner, Reder and Rebesse made Knights by the Emperor. which was the Captain of Hatlovan. The Emperor to encourage the Nobility, did honour Melchior Reder and Rebess his Lieutenant with the order of Knighthood, for that they had valiantly defended the siege of Varadin. The first of june the Christians of Comorre, ●et upon the Castle of Rique and took it, although ●qin (a name of the Country) being revolted, had discovered unto the Bega the estate of the Christians, & they return victors with a Convoy that Palfi sent them, by reason of the Tartars courses. The Imperial army was not yet come into Hungary, although the troops of Sueveland were descended by the river of Danuby, & Colonel Osterrues of Saxony had also brought a thousand soldiers. The other Princes of Saxony sent not any, The Turks defeated by the Christians. by reason of the courses of the Admiral of Spain upon the territories of the Empire, as hath been said. But God gave a great victory to the Christians being but few in number, against a great multitude of Turks: they had intelligence that five thousand Turks went with a Convoy of victuells, upon the Dano●e, unto Buda, the which was wonderfully priest with famine, the Christians knowing that the enemies would refresh themselves at Pesta, laid an Ambush near unto Buda, and cut all these troops in pieces, Ambassadors from the Moscovite to the Poland. taking a great spoil, to the great confusion and hindrance of the Turks. About the same time, God put it in the mind of the Duke of Moscovy to aid the Christians against the Turk, he sent first unto the King of Poland, an hourglass of sand, a Scimitar half drawn, and some Petronels. Some did interpret this as a defiance of War, taking the hourglass to signify that the time of truce betwixt them was past, the petronels betokened war, but the Scimitar half drain signified that the Duke of Moscovy was ready either for Peace or War. But the Moscovites Ambassador declared the contrary, and that his Master desired passage for forty thousand men through Poland, the which he would send unto the Emperor, against the Turks, The M●scouite sends Ambassadors to the Emperor. in favort o Christians, & that there should be a perpetual Peace betwixt the Polonians & the Moscovites. The Polonians (being suspicious by nature) denied a passage for 40000. horse through their Country, and as for a Peace, the Estates should deliberate thereon in their next assembly. The Duke of Moscovy apprehending this injury, scorns the Polonois, & caused his Ambassadors to embark on S. Nicholas day in an English ship which coasted about Suedland, Norway and Denmark, to enter into Germany, by the river of Elbe, having 〈◊〉 three months in this voyage, in the end they arrived at Stood, & so passing by Hamberow Lube● & Magdebourg, they came into Bohemia ●hereas the Emperor was. They were honourably received at Lube● and Hamborowe, wherea● they g●ue away publicly great sums of m●ny unto the poorer sort, & gave hope unto 〈◊〉 Hans towns that their Masters would confirm their preui●eges in his great City of Nyvogard in Moscovia. The Emperor gave them audience at Pilzen▪ for that the plague was at Prague. The day the Emperor gave them and ence, they caused the pre●ents that were se●t by their great D●ke to be carried before them, The great Duke of Moscovies presents to the Emperor. which were many white Falcons a Hor●emans Mace all covered with precious stones set in gold▪ great Cup with two handles all of gold, a cloth of gold with the Image of S. Nicholas (whom they e p●cially reverence) certain pieces of Persian cloth wrought with Gold, four timbers of Sables, and sum Foxes skins as black as Velvet. After the presents the two Secretaries followed, holding two letters in their hands being lift up on height, the one from the great Duke of Moscovy, named Borissou, & the other from the Prince his Son. both written to the emperor, the which carried credit for the Ambassador, who presented the letters and presents himself. The Emperor received them very graciously, with offer of all reciprocal friendship. But of all their promises there was nothing effected by reason of the jealousy and Hatred of the Polonians against the Moscovites. We have before showed what happened to the King of Poland in his ● calm of Sueden, & how that after he had made a Peace near unto Stockhomle with his ●ncl● Charles Duke of Suyderland, who in ●●eede of coming to two are the observation of the said accord, was returned to Colmar and so into Poland, leading his S●fte● with him. The Suedens' who had yielded unto his party, would not follow him into 〈◊〉▪ but remained at Colmar which is a Sea Town) where the said King of Pol●n● had ●eft Ladis●●us 〈◊〉 for 〈◊〉, assisted by john 〈◊〉 and other Nobles of Suedland. Charles seeing the King his Nephew's retreat, beseegeth them, and 〈◊〉 them ready to yield by famine. During the siege (for that he would not seem to impugn the accord made betwixt his nephew and 〈…〉 the Estates to the Town of 〈◊〉. being assigned unto Lyncop, who confirmed 〈◊〉 the ordinances of O berg and Sud●rcop, and the two precedent Convocations of Stat●s by the which it had been decreed, that Charles should be sole Administrator. That they should send an embassage unto the King, to let him understand, that if he came in a●mes, they would oppose themselves. I● otherwise, the Realm desired him. That if the affairs of Poland did detain him, he should send his eldest Son Vladislaus, or his brother Duke john, to settle the Realm of Sueden according to their ancient laws. Whilst they expected his answer. Duke Charles hang● up the Nobles of Su●●land that served the King. Charles takes Co●mar and sends away freely the Hungarians, Po●onians and Germans, and hanged all the Nobles of Suedland to the number of 48. john spar, with Christopher, Laurence & 〈…〉 their heads: Ladislaus Bechez was in like ●ort condemned, but the King 〈◊〉 h●m m●anes to ●aue h●s li●e, by the yielding up of the Sueden prisoners, whom the K●ng had 〈◊〉 away with him. So as the Soldiers which ●ollowed the King 〈◊〉 afterwards hold for Charles▪ to those that would departed he gave leave, and appointed them two sh●ps to return by Pomerania, and having armed his ships of War, he left them in Garrison at Colmar, Seven Demands of Duke Charles to the 〈◊〉 of Sue●●n. the rest of the Fleet he sends by the Baltike Sea, the wh●ch doth much annoy them of Lubee, and the Country thereabouts. But not content with all this, he assembles the States again at Stockholme, where he propounded seven Articles. 1 That they should allow of the taking of Colmar, seeing that the King would keep it with a Garrison of strangers, against the Laws of Sueden. 2 That they should ratify the orders made at Lincop, and Inecop according to the Peace sworn at Lincop, upon condition, that the said Town of Colmar should be restored unto the Suedens'. 3 If they would have him to maintain them still in liberty, they should provide to give him more means, for the recovery of Finland and Livonia, and other Country's subject to the Crown of Sueden. 4 That they should arraign the Archbishop of Stockholme & other seditious Councillors, who had practised against his life. 5 That those of Lubee, should be punished in hostile manner, for that they had declared themselves enemies to the State. 6 That all the Seditious should be punished, and their goods confiscated, or at the least banished, and their families degraded of all dignity: and that they should consider, what they would do therein. 7 That seeing the King would not vouchsafe to answer the embassage of the States held at Inecop, to know whether they were any more bound to him by obedience, & what they expected more. See how this ambitious spirit subjecteth himself to the humour of a multitude to attain to that degree, whi●h he could not hope for. Notwithstanding it was decreed, that King Sigismond was no more their King, but his son Prince Vladislaus was not excluded, ●f within two years he came into Sueden to maintain the ancient Laws of the Country▪ & for default thereof, they would provide for the State according to Custom. All the rest of the Articles were gratned, so as being transported with pride & vain glory, he entered presently ●nto Finland where without the succo s of john Back a great Captain of Finland, he had been in danger of his life by the means of As●hel Kork a Finlandois, who held for the King, so as Aschel was forced to retire to Vibourg, but the Vibourgins being loath to hazard the fortune of the War, dismissed him, and received Charles Viceroy of Sueden, who a little before had taken Helfingfor, which was the chief cau●e that Vibourg yielded, where their three brave Captains, Gaspar Tisnen, and William Faremsbach remained prisoners in the Castle of Vibourg; 〈…〉 grieve saved himself. All things falling out successfully, he came to Nience with six ships of war, having sent Peter Stoly, a Nobleman of Suedeland thither before, and was received by the Russians, and them of juangrode, the Capital City of Russia. He sought also to reduce them of Rivalia to the obedience of the State, which is the uttermost bound of the B●ltike Sea, who answered. That they would not acknowledge any but Sygismond, and resisted him. In the mean time the Fort of Abovui● in Finland being yielded, Charles put garrisons in the places which he had taken, and leaving jeams Schel Admiral, and his Lieutenant General, he returned into Sueden about the end of November, where we will leave him, to finish the Christians enterprises this year against the Turk. The Heidugues attempted the Castle of Forms beneath Buda, The Christians enterprises in Hungary against the Turks. being repulsed from it w●th the Cannon, having lost above 400. men, they broke the bridge of Transiluania, & took 2. Castles, ruining all the other bridges, & sinking the boats of the passages, the which did greatly annoy the Turk. For this cause Schuartzebourg did again try if he could surprise Buda, but Colonel Orsipre encountering with certain Turks, some of them went presently to Buda, to give them intelligence thereof▪ the which was contemned by the Bascha, who issuing forth off the Town, was taken by the Christians, and led to Schuartzebourg, who sent him to the Emperor with certain enseigns which the Barons of Palfi and Nadaste had taken from the Tartarians, The Bassa of Buda taken. Pesta was besieged, where Schuartzebourg was sore hurt in the foot; the Emperor to keep him still in the army, sent him a chair, in the which he might sit without pain. The Bascha Serdar being in Buda, threatened to besiege Strigonia, the which was furnished for all events, that the Forts built by Count Charles Mansfelt, might hold firm. In the mean time Paul de Niar Governor of Varadin took the Town Zarrada, and placed a garrison there. During these attempts, they did not forberae to talk of peace. A place was appointed for the assembly. A parley of peace betwixt the Christians Turks and Tarta●es. The great Cham of the Tartars sent his Deputies, and Sardar the new Bascha of Buda, sent Amurath Bassa and Ameth for the Turk, and for the Emperor, Schuartzebourg▪ Palfi, Nadaste▪ and Doctor Pe●zen: but the demanded javarin, Fillech, and Serchin to be restored unto them, and they would deliver up Agria, so as nothing could be concluded. Presently after, Palfi defeated 700. Turks. The Tartarians near to Fillee, to the number of 3000. were charged by the Hussars (which are Hungarian Knights) & almost all slain. At that time two Turks turned Christians, who discovered that Serdar Bassa was countermanded by the great Turk, who was much afflicted by the Persians and Georgians: so as Serdar Bassa having made some courses upon Vespain and Pap, he retired to Constantinople; and the Christian army was dismissed by the Archduke Mathias for that year. Whilst they laboured thus in Hungary, all Transiluania came into the emperors power, by the means of Michael Vavoide or Palatin of Valachia, who chased the Cardinal Battory from thence, having put himself into the Turks protection, and become his tributary, and declared himself enemy both to the Emperor, and to Michael the Va●oide, who opposed himself against him with all his forces. The Palatin took Cronstar near to Poland, and going down that way, he conquered Halle●s, and then the Castle of Fogear, finally he encountered the cardinals army near unto Cibigno, and vanquished it: of twenty five men which fled with the Cardinal, there were few escaped, but all were slain or taken, only the Cardinal saved himself. Is●uan Battory Uncle to this miserable Cardinal, went from Alba julia into Claus●mbourg, with all the most precious things that he could gather together, but the Valachian followed him so near, Cardinal And●ew Battory defeated. as he took him, and the Town wherinto he was retired. By this means many Turks and Tartars yielded themselves unto the said Michael, and afterwards became Christians, with their Wives and Children. The Turk sent an embassage to Michael the Palatin, to make an alliance with him, but the Palatin discovering his treachery, retained the Turks Ambassadors to send them to the Emperor, and executed the spies of Serdar Bascha, so as all the Transylvanians yielded unto him: even the worthy Zalasti, who might easily have defended himself. Moreover Bani●●y a chief man was committed prisoner, by the Lords of Zaykel; and Is●uan Battory who had escaped, was taken again at Sorbeil by the Colonel George Bast, who being joined with Paul de Niar of Varadin, & David Hu●iades a Hongarian Prince to secure the Palatin) served under his pay. Is●uan had his life saved, upon condition that he should cause Vivar, which held yet for the cardinal with 200● men to be yielded up, the which he did: & the Palatin, having put a Garrison into Lip, a Frontier Town joining to Tartary, he sent an embassage to the Emperor, passing by the Archduke Mathias, who after he had given thanks unto God, sent David Huniades and Lassa his Deputies to take possession, the which they did in Alba julia, with great solemnity, and great presents and honours done on either side. Yet soon after there was some trouble at Hust for that the Governor would not receive a Garrison of Germains, which Basta would have brought in, but by the wisdom of Doctor Pe●zen, all was friendly agreed, and the Palatin was content that his Vallachians should retire, although he had made a Camp volant of Sueves to charge Basta, yet there was Peace among them. After the loss of the Battle, The Cardinal Battory slain by the Null. the poor Cardinal Battory, flying with eight more with him into the mountains, they were all slain there by the Null, (whose names were not known) they cut off his head, & planting it upon the end of a Lance, they presented it unto the Palatin, who caused his body to be taken (having the little finger on the right hand cut off, on the which he did were a ring of great price) & honourably buried in a goodly tomb which he himself had built for a brother of his. Such was the end of this miserable Prince, who had otherwise good parts in him, and was of an excellent spirit, but he wanted judgement at need, being blinded with his ambition and desire of rule: whereunto not any one shall ever attain, but he to whom God hath given it. The Valachian fortified in 〈◊〉 Transiluania. They began to distrust the sincerity and fidelity of the Valachian, being generally believed, that he would make his party a part, and divide his forces from those of the Emperor: seeing him to fortify the strong places of Transiluania. But he sent his Ambassadors to the Emperor to assure him that the public cause was his, and that he had no other desseine in this war, than the common good of Christendom, holding that whatsoever was not prosperous and happy to the General, could not be profitable nor happy to him in particular: but in the end God discovered and confounded his bad intentions. The Turk was still very importune for a Peace, sometimes they demanded of him restitution of all the prisoners, and that he should stay the Tartars courses: the which Serdar Bassa refused, and therefore Pal●i, set upon Restuer & Lachia (Towns of importance) the which were taken without fight. The Latzaens and Martolesi●s were put to death, for that being Christians they had served the Turk. Moreover Palantovarcopp and Caret were yielded, but Capos Vivar defended itself, where there died above two hundred Christians, & Captain Morbourg was sore hurt in the left arm. In revenge whereof the Christians of Comora charged the Tartarians half a league from Buda; delivered 400. Christians prisoners; surprised two Barks laden upon the Danowe, the which were so rich as every private soldier had a hundred and fifty crowns for his share. Such was the revolution of this year in all parts of Europe, as much as might be discovered by the history of divers nations. The first day of the year, Pope Clement the 8. began the jubilee, which he could not perform on Christmas-Eue (as they had been accustomed to do) by reason of his gout. 1600. The jubilee. It is hard to find in any history the first institution of the year of jubilee, but it is apparent that Boniface the 8. did publish the first constitution in the year 1299. Who seeing a great concourse of people come to Rome on Christmas-Eue to get the Indulgence o● the jubilee as they said, the which they did by tradition every hundred year. The Pope with the advice of his Cardinals decreed, that every hundred year it should be celebrated at Rome, and that which was kept but by traditi●● 〈…〉 pass in form of the Law: Clement the 6. changed the celebration to 〈…〉 years: Vrbain the 6. brought it to thirty three, and in the end Paul the 2. di● 〈…〉 it to five and twenty years. Publication of the Iu●●le. The publication of the jubilee is made the day of the Ascension, the year 〈…〉 the Church of Saint Peter of Vatican, by two Priests in two several 〈…〉 the one reads the B●ll in Latin, and the other in French, and it is 〈…〉 the four corners of the City of Rome, to invite the four parts of the wor●● 〈…〉 holy year. On Christ●as e●e at Evensong time, the jubilee gins by a sullen 〈…〉, in the which the Pope, the Cardinals, Princes, Ambassadors, Prelates, 〈…〉 Officers of Rome, m●rch according to their order. The Pope is carried in a 〈◊〉 and stays at the holy door, The beginning of the jubilee. which is walled up, and never opens but the yea●● 〈◊〉 jubilee. He carries a taper in one hand, and a little hammer of silver in the other, 〈◊〉 the which he strikes three times upon the wall, which is suddenly beaten down 〈◊〉 them that stand ready for that purpose. In doing this Ceremony, his Holiness 〈◊〉 many prayers, and blesseth the work, whilst the Clergy sing Psalms and 〈…〉 the people gather up the pieces of brick of the wall, which they keep 〈◊〉 Then the Pope enters into the Church, and the Evensong gins, and fro● that time the grace of the jubilee is communicated until the same day the next year▪ those that will gain it, are bound to visit ●ou●e Churches, S. Peter, S. Paul, S. john de Latran and our Lady the great. The Prince 〈◊〉 Parma was at the overture of the jubilé, 〈◊〉 logded & well entertained at the 〈…〉. He gained the Pardons and a Wi●e, t●e Pope having given him his Niece 〈…〉 daughter of john Francis Aldobrandin, who was not yet twelve years old, 〈◊〉 wherefore the Ceremony of the marriage was deferred for three or four months. This opening of the jubilee was one of the four great actions which made his papacy happy and memorable. The first was the King's Conversion. The second the peace betwixt the two greatest Chr●●tian monarchs. The third was the reduction of the Duchy of Ferrara without war. He is held a great Prince, and a very Father of Concord, even by them that are enemies to his Papacy. This year there died ma●y Cardinals, Andrew Battory died violently as I have said. Cardinal Roderic who was come out of Poland to Rome to ga●ne the jubilee, died of a fever. The Cardinal A●ragon followed him at the same time: Cardinal Andrew of Austria. Card●nall Privily 〈◊〉 of Venice, and Cardinal Caietan did see the beginning, and not the 〈◊〉, ●f the holy year. The 〈…〉. In the beginning of the year, the Duck of Savoy sent t●● King 〈◊〉 great 〈◊〉, and two 〈…〉, the rarest pieces of the Cabinet of ●eatrix, of Portugal his Grandmother, and of Lady Catherine the Infanta of Spain & his wife, t●e which could not be valued n●●ther for the matter, nor for the workmanship and the King returned unto the Duke a jewel of Diamonds, in the midst whereof there was one Diamond Transparent, which discovered his majesties portrait, the which ●e ●stee●ed so much, as having lost it once in dancing, he gave five hundred Crowne● to h●m that ●oun● it. The Duke was not to be imitated in his Bounty, and when a● the● thought that he had given all▪ ●e invited the King and the Court to a dancing, where ●e showed himself so r●ch in 〈◊〉, as they were esteemed to be worth above six hundred thousand Crowns. He gave presents to all the chief in Court, who accepted them with the King's permission: The Duke ●●●on refuseth the Duke of 〈◊〉 present Only the Duke Byron refused the horses that he sent unto him: but the King had nothing the better opinion of their intelligences, nor the Duke less assurance of his affection by this refusal, for it was chiefly for his sake, that the Duke of Savoy had made his voyage, to draw him wholly from the King's service. It was that great occasion which he carried secret in his breast, and would not reveal unto his Council, The chief: 〈◊〉 of the Duke's vo●●ge into 〈◊〉. when they dissuaded his going into France: the Marquisate of Saluces' wa● the pretext of his voyage, but the finishing of this great Conspiracy was the true cause. It was a goodly foil well set out, but covered with a false stone. La Fin was employed as a Truchman of the wills of the Conspirators and Confederates. The first time that he had any speech with the Duke of Savoy was the n●ght after the feasts of Christmas, when he was brought into the Duke's chamber in Nemours house, by Seignor jacob without the privity of any other. The Duke of Nemours (coming to give the Duke the good night) was entreated not to enter, for that the Duke would take his rest. They would not have him acquainted with any t●ing, fearing le●st he should advertise the King; ha●ing observed what he said 〈◊〉 first day of the Duke's arrivals, that nothing s●ould draw him f●om the 〈◊〉 ●er●ic●, The Duke of 〈…〉 Kin●s service. and that excepted, he would do any thing for his Highness. There was not any n●ght but la Fin spent a good part of it, to acquaint him with the State of the Faction. Tho●● that were of this intelligence, met at the most remote Churches, to acquaint one another with that which past. Nothing was said in the King's Council, but the D●ke of Savoy was presently advertised thereof, by t●em that were at his devotion. But he had not yet spoken with the Duke Byron of their desseine, but by a third person it was necessary they should join to knit the knot of their union. They had both sought the occasion, but there was still some obstacle, or some spy that hindered them. They encountered a fit opportunity at Co●fl●ins, being all alone, the King having commanded the Duke Byron to entertain the Duke of Savoy until his return. they lost no time, in plying it but in three or ●oure words of trust, and assured intelligence, referring the rest, to the mediation of la Fin. Their discourse was broken off, by the coming of the Count Soissons, and the Duke Montpensier. The Duke's proceeding therein, was very cunning and judicious, for often ●●mes he would begin a discourse of the valour & courage of the Duke Byron, The Duke of Savoyes' policy to ●ound the King's opinion, who did not always give him the glory of those goodly execution, whereof he vaunted. The Duke did still advertise the Duke Byron of any thing the King had said of him, that might any way altar him, which made him to break fort● in the bitterest words he could against all respect of the King's service, being very sensible of any thing that was spoken against the reputation of his valour, in regard whereof he esteemed nothing: and when he entered into the History of his life, he would speak contemptibly of all the world, not sparing the King himself, 〈…〉 in othery 〈◊〉. whose valour and experience in military actions, hath obscured others, and forced them to confess, that he hath not been advanced to the Royal Throne by the benefit of Fortune, but by the virtue of his virtue. The Duke Byron committed great errors against the rules of such as have a desi●e to raise and advance their fortunes. No man must ever enter into comparison ●f valour and sufficiency with his Prince: he may not dispute of his advice▪ contradict his opinion, nor affect to seem more advised, more judicious, nor more capable. Many have been cast away upon this Shelf. The Duke Byron was of this humour. The excess of his courage made him to disallow with disdain, all that was not done or invented by himself. He said sometimes unto the King, These words were spoken and heard at the siege of Amiens. that he would not have them write in the History of France, that other than he had done such and such a thing. The second day of the year, the King went to Saint German in Lay, leading the Duke with him, to show him his buildings, his Grottes or Caves and his Chases, and withal he showed him his other houses, and all the goodliest places about Paris. In the mean time he dissembled his discontent, with so great wisdom, as he seemed always one, at the Table, at Hunting, at Play, and at Dancing: the King though he refused what he demanded, yet did he still show him new sights, to recompense the feigned repentance of his voyage. The King leads the Duke to the Court of Parliament. After that he had seen all that was rare about Paris, the King would show him his Court of Parliament, for all that he had seen was nothing in respect of the admirable greatness of that reverent Court, whereof in former times, many Emperors, Kings and Princes, coming to Paris, had more admitted the justice that was administered there, 1600. than any thing else that they had seen. The King advertised the chief Precedent Achilles de Harley, that he would go see and here them. They prepared the lodging of the Golden Chamber, whereas the King and Duke might see and not be seen. There was a most tragical cause pleaded, whereof the first Precedent made choice: The subject was of one john Prost a Practitioner of the Law, who had been murdered at Paris, and the authors could not be discovered. His Mother accused a Baker where he was lodged, upon some apparent presumptions of certain money which she had sent unto him. Whereupon the Baker was condemned to be racked with all extremity, after the which he was enlarged for a time, putting in Caution for his appearance again in Court. It happened afterwards that three Gascons were taken for robbing of a house, and condemned the next day to be hanged. At their execution, the last of the three said, that the Baker was innocent for that which he had been accused of, for the murder of john Prost, and that it was he with his companion la Sale that had slain him, thinking that he had money: and that after they had slain him, they did cast him into the privy, whereas he was yet. The which was found true. Whereupon the Baker being declared innocent, he presents his petition unto the Court, and demands reparation of honour, with his Charges, Damage and Interest against the Mother. The Mother defends herself, and saith, that her accusations were not calumnious. Master Anne Robert pleaded for the Baker; and for theMother Master Anthony Arnaul●; and for the King's interest Master Seruin his majesties Advocate General. Anne Robert Advocate in the Court, pleading for the Baker being Plaintife-said thus, MAY IT PLEASE YE. THe ancient Poets taking pleasure to discourse of many Combats happened at the battle of Troy, report that Telephus (the son of Hercules) received in an encounter a sore wound with a Lance by Achilles: who seeing his pain to increase daily, fled to Apollo's Oracle for Council, who answered, That nothing could give him ease or cure, but the same Lance wherewith he had been wounded. A Lance called Pelias of Mount Pelion, in the top whereof Chiron gathered it, to present to Achilles: so as in Telephus accident, the Remedy & the Cure, came from the same Lance, which gave the wound and did the harm. The Plaintiff with some like consideration, hath reason to say, that having been by the authority of a sentence miserably tormented, A wound given by sentence cannot be be cured but by sentence and exposed to the rigour of the rack and torture, by the wilful slander and importune rashness of a Woman, he hath recourse unto the same Lance of Achilles which did wound him: seeing that he doth now appeal unto the Authority & justice of the same Court, which hath heretofore given the first sentence of condemnation against him, hoping that by the exemplary punishment of the rashness and slander of this Woman, Alluding to the name of the judge which was Achilles D' H●rl●y. the sovereign justice of this Parliament, guided by the conduct of an Achilles, which doth preside & hold the chief place, shall give cure to his wounds, and bring consolation to his griefs. The estate of the cause that is now in question, and to be judged, is not whether the Plaintiff were falsely and slanderously accused or no: for the accident of two murderers hath averred and discovered the slander without any doubt. But the question is, if this Defendresse, (after so false and calumnious an accusation) shall pass unpunished: and whether her pretended excuses shallbe received and countenanced by justice. For one of the chief points which she pleads for her excuse is, that the Criminal Process having passed through the hands of the most famous judges of Europe, if they have been deceived (saith this woman) if by presumptions and probable conjectures, they have found cause to condemn this Man unto the rack, if so many worthy judges have been surprised, will you not excuse the simplicity of a Woman, and the extreme sorrow of an afflicted Mother for the death of her son, having had no hatred nor malice, in this accusation. It is a great abuse to measure the actions of judges, with the actions of Parties: the pursuit and proceeding of parties is merely voluntary: no man is forced to plead or accuse: the Plaintiff should be well advised before he begin, & not to draw any man into the danger of a capital condemnation, if he be not first assured, that he who he calls into question hath done the deed and is author of the crime▪ but the charge of a judge is tied to a necessary duty, bound to certain Maxims, and subject to rules, established by the Laws to condemn necessarily upon presumptions and proofs, and upon the testimony of witnesses, examined at the instance of the party. Antiquity doth teach us, that Tiresias that great Soothsayer, foretold things to come by the flying of Birds, not that he did see the birds, for he was blind, but (say the Poets) he had always his daughter Manto near unto him, who told him in what manner the B●rds did fly, & thereby he divined. justice may rightly be compared to this excellent blind man, & the comparison cannot seem bad, seeing that the Egyptians thought good to paint their judges with their eyes blindfold. justice doth judge of tha● which appears. For judges cannot rightly see nor know what doth pass. justice decrees nothing but according to the report and testimony of parties & witnesses. If any inconvenience happen in the condemnation, the mischief is to be imputed to the parties, and not to the judges or justice. They report that the Greeks having put Palamedes to death, his Father Nauplius to be revenged, observed the time when as the Greeks after the sack of Troy, returned by sea, in a great tempest. Nauplius being upon a Rock in full sea, held a burning Torch in his hand, as if that place had been a safe port for the descent of Ships: the Greeks abused with this light, ran against the Rock, and suffered shipwreck. In this misfortune if there were cause to complain, it was against the malicious invention of Nauplius; but as for the Pilots and such as governed the Ships, they were not to be blamed, in following the direction of a Lantern in a dark night, being usually set at safe Ports. So in accidents like unto this in question, all the harm, all the complaints, and all the wrong, is to be imputed to the accused, which kindles the fire of slander, and from whom proceeds the practices and subornation of witnesses, and the search and disguising of presumptions and circumstances. Slander is the cause of false judgement. Who doubts but the complaints & malicious tears of this Woman were false directions, & sufficient inductions to cirumvent the wisdom of the best judges, who in the midst of the ●ight, that is to say, in the darkness of hidden Crimes, have followed the ordinary forms of justice. It was with reason that a Grecke Author discoursing of the criminal process of Orestes, who to revenge the death of his Father, slew Clytaemnestra his Mother: said, that when he was brought before the Parliament of Arriopage, Minerva Goddess of Wisdom was Precedent in judgement. The Ancients by such fictions would teach us, that in the judgement of Criminal causes, if a Celestial power doth not assist, there doth many times inconveniences happen, but the fault must then be imputed to the accuser, who gives the first cause, by an information framed expressly to afflict and condemn an innocent. Appian in his History reports of julius Caesar, that seeing a mutiny in his Camp, he commanded the authors thereof to be apprehended. A soldier was brought before him as one of these mutines, & yet it was presently averred that he was none. Caesar caused him that brought him to be severely punished, judging that although he did it not maliciously, yet he deserved punishment, for that he had drawn an innocent Soldier in danger of his life. We read that Martian having found a dead body in the night, Martian condemned upon suspicion. & through piety (which was then greatly recommended among Christians) seeking to bury him, was taken, led before the justice, & condemned upon suspicion: but at the same instant, when as they carried him to execution, it chanced happily that the Murderer was taken and executed, having confessed the fact▪ to the great happiness of Martian, who was delivered, and within few years after chosen Emperor. As also the Ecclesiastical History doth teach us, that S. Athanasius was accused to have slain Ars●nius, and was ready to be condemned, if by good hap Arsenius had not been found, being hidden by the enemies of Athanasius. A late Writer curious in the search of the singularities of the History of Venice, reports an Adventure somewhat like unto this: Fuscarus son to the Duke of Venice, had a capital quarrel with an other Venetian Gentleman called Hermolaus Donat. This Gentleman was found dead, and the author of this murder not known. Fuscarus upon suspicion of their quarrel, was called in question, condemned and sent into exile where he died for grief, to see himself banished from his Country. Within three months after his death, a thief was executed, who amongst other crimes, confessed, that it was he and not Fuscarus, which had slain that Venetian Gentleman. In such and the like inconveniences, were it reason to give absolute impunity, to him that was the Calumniator? be it that malice or indiscretion hath drawn him to this slander? Scipio said, that a General of an army must be well advised what he doth, for in matters of War there is no means to err twice, the first fault being sufficient to ruin an Army. Even so in justice, it must be very exact, when there is any question of a capital accusation, for seeing that the life depends thereon, there is no means to err twice, the first being irreparable. It is an approved distinction of all those that have treated of the punishment of false accusations, whether an Informer be induced to accuse slaundrously and wickedly, or by indiscretion and without malice. The one differs from the other, so have they divers effects: the one hath some excuse, the other is punished severely▪ The punishment of false accusations. the one Civilly, the other Criminally: for where there is malice and slander, the Law of God doth punish the Calumniator with the like pain, Lege Taltonis: and at Rome the Calumniator in crimes that were not capital, was beaten with a hot iron, and branded in the forehead, for a sign and perpetual mark of his slander. And the Emperor Ma●rinus did punish those accusers which did fail in their proofs with death. Plynye speaking of such men, called them abominable sacrifices, which should be offered up to the public quiet. And the good Emperor trajan did so detest Calumniators, as he caused them to be put into a ship without sail or tackling, abandoning them to the mercy of that merciless element, which would have no pity of them, no more than they had had of many poor innocents. But as for the Slander which proceeds from indiscretion without malice, the severity in truth should not be so great, yet is it fit there should be some punishment. No severe or capital punishment, but at the least pecuniary and civil, of damages and fi●e. If she were not excusable as a Mother, forced to accuse by extreme grief without malice: what rack? what punishment? what torments were sufficient to punish her, which hath drawn an innocent man in question, and in danger to be broken upon the wheel? The Poets feign, that the Goddess C●r●s by the supposition of Tantalus, did eat Pelops shoulder. This Goddess finding her own error, although unadvisedly, condemned herself to make Pelops a new shoulder of ivory. You are the cau●e of the cruel torments which the plaintiff hath suffered upon the r●cke, but you say it was by indiscretion, and without malice. At the least by an award of damages and fine, make some Pecuniary recompense, to relieve the misery of this poor man, and to help him to finish the remainder of his days, languishing after so many torments. And if this woman represents unto you the pity and grief of a Mother, imagine I pray you the miserable sigthes of this innocent, in the midst of the cruelty of the most violent tortures, having no other feeling but his pain and grief. In one hour a thousand deaths without dying, a body tormented, stretched, half torn in pieces, his sinews dried and strained, his members broken, and his whole body in a pitiful estate, being bound, and miserably racked. And to speak truth, it had been a great happiness for this poor man to have died, for what remains, is no more a perfect body, but pieces displaced and disjoined, members broken, lame and feeble, having his body reduced to that miserable estate, as hereafter he shall hardly by his labour, get a living for himself, his Wife, and five Children. It is the clamour and sigthes of these poor young Infants, whose cry pierceth up to heaven, and their complaints come unto you, to move you unto pity. He in the mean time seeing himself miserable in his body, and his family reduced to beggary, lives and dies altogether. It is a pain which still increaseth, a Grief which ever doubles, and a Death which hath never end. That great Painter Apelles meaning to paint Slander, The picture of slander. set him forth in a mourning weed, having two Wives, one of either side, Ignorance and Suspicion: 1599 what reason were there to take for payment, an available satisfaction, the indiscretion of the Defendresse, and the excuse of Ignorance, (an ordinary companion to Slander) and to pardon so notable a fault, under pretext of an afflicted Mother's grief, for the death of her son: and hereafter when any Murder is committed, shall it be lawful for a ●ather, a Brother, or a near Kinsman, with all Impunity, under a pretext of justice, to accuse whom he pleaseth, and to bring him in question of his life, or of some cruel torments, and in the end to be quit, excusing himself upon his Grief, or Ignorance. The rules of justice and Law do not allow it. Titus Livius said excellently, that the Law was Inexorable, Deaf without Pity, and without Passion. The Law inexorable. Why doth that worthy Author say, that the Law is deaf, but for that it doth never give ear unto the vain discourse of Pity and Commiseration? The property of justice is to be strict and severe. The Surgeon that is pitiful, and doth not la●ch deep, makes the wound incurable. An Indulgent & over-milde Father, makes the Child incorigible: So a merciful judge doth nourish and increase vice, and betrays the Laws and Majesty of justice. This cause doth therefore import the Public, for example's sake: for although the Plaintive hath no other quality but of a simple Bourges and handicrafts man, yet to obtain reason in justice, and to hope for reparation of the wrong which hath been done him, he thinks himself great enough seeing he hath the happiness to live under the peaceful government of the best King in the world, who having heaped all happiness upon France, maintains equally in his protection and under the safeguard of his Majesty, the life and health of all his subjects, Poor and Rich, Great and Small. The Ancients held, that Themis, which is the Goddess of justice, was the daughter of the Sun: and as the Sun may be seen in a Glass by them which cannot behold his beams. So the Majesty of our great King, the true and comfortable Sun of this monarchy, the eye and heart of France, would give authority to this famous Parliament, as the true seat of his greatness, to the end that therein as in a Looking-glass, we might admire the Beauty, Light and Beams of his justice. An Historian saith, that the Emperor Augustus had fiery eyes, Ig●eos oculos, inferring thereby that he had such glistering eyes and such a piercing sight, as it was impossible, or very hard to look steadfastly on him. And we in like sort must content ourselves that it is lawful for us to admire the beauty of this sovereign Court, and to believe that our weak sight is not strong enough to enjoy fully the presence of our great Prince, sitting in his seat of justice, nor to endure the glistering beams of the Majesty of our great French Augustus whom God having led through so many dangers, as it were by the hand, to the height of all greatness, and having endued him with the Valour of Caesar, the Fortune of Alexander, the Bounty of trajan, we can wish no more unto him but the happiness, the many years, and the continual prosperity of Augustus, to the end that all we his subjects may live happy and content under the reign of so great a King and the assured justice of this famous Parliament. So the Plaintiff having recourse to this sovereign justice, as to the last Port of health, beseecheth the Court to allow of his Request, and that he may be absolved of the slanderous accusation laid against him, that the enrolment of his imprisonment may be razed, and he discharged of all condemnations which heretofore have been given; and moreover that the Defendresse may be condemned to a pecuniary reparation, such as it shall please the Court to decree, and to all Charges, Damages and Interest. 1600. ANTHONY Arnaud for the Defendress, said. MAY IT PLEASE YE. Afflictions speak of themselves. YOU shall understand in this cause, how true it is: That ordinary afflictions speak with judgement, and that extreme calamities do quench or confound the spirit. The Primatife, hath represented his griefs unto you in an eloquent discourse, full of Art & t●e force of eloquence: And contrariwise of our part, you shall hear nothing but the Sobs and Sights, of a Mother transported with grief, and reduced to all sorts of despair. I would to God the torments whereof you speak, and all the cruelties that may be imagined, had been executed upon me poor Mother, who have one foot already in the grave: And that the death of my Son (and the Kind of death, more miserable than the death itself) had not ministered the mournful subject of this miserable cause. so as on what side soever you turn, there is nothing to be seen but Tears & Desolalation. But there is this great difference: that the grief of the adverse party (if there yet remains any), may be mollefied in time, by a thousand remedies which excellent wits have invented during many ages, to ease the discomodities of the body. But contrariwise the extreme affliction (which finds no words of force to represent it), for the loss of a Son, of an only Son, the only support and comfort of the trembling age of an old Mother, hath never found consolation in all the most excellent discourses in the world, being the only physic of the mind. The Grief is so violent as it exceeds all Remedy, and bleeds a fresh every day. The older it grows, the more grievous it is. It doth hourly master the resistance which it found in the beginning, and doth contin valley vanquish the forces of the Body with them of the Mind. It is a strange thing that my poor Son having been thus cruelly massacred, you who see him return no more into your house, instead of advertising me thereof, went into his Chamber to take his money, you transported it out of your own house, and hide it in your Brother in Laws. And which is worse, being examined by the justice, you denied it constantly and often, until that your Son (to young to conceal the truth) discovered the place where you had laid it. All this is justified by the Process, the which remains in the hands of the King's Council. So as it was not in you that these Murderers were not unpunished, but the peercing eye of Divine justice, which never sleeps: for a robbery committed two months after hath brought them to the execution. It appears by the informations, that the very day of the Murder, these two Murderers went into your lodging, and broke open my sons co●er, if you had fled unto justice, they might have been instantly apprehended. A●as peradventure my poor Child was not then fully dead. How many are left for dead which are not so? How many have been taken out of the Cofin, yea out of the Grave, which have survived their Funerals fifty years? At the least you cannot deny but you were the cause to moderate their punishment, what know I what they would have said upon the wheel? you never attempted any thing against me, but when as they which slew my Son could no more accuse you? What did then hinder you, why you did not speedily advertise the justices? At the least it was fear to restore the money which you had taken, in committing a Domestical theft: the which was always, punished with death; and wherein the Laws of Hospitality (the which are Holy among all Nations) were also violated. Whom should I sooner challenged for the death of my Son, then him, who had his spoils? Nature hath hidden in the earth both gold, silver and iron, but the malice of Man hath drawn them all forth, that it might want no instruments for Murders, nor reward for Murderers. Desire and cou●●ousnesse th● cause of mur●●hers, No man sh●ddes blood, to die his hands therein; there must be some other violent passion to thrust him on: Covetousness is the most ordinary. All conjectures, all presumptions, were and are found true, that my Son had been slain by some one that desired his money, whom then might I better call in question then him who was found seized thereon? If treading under foot the Murder of my Son (as some Mothers do) I had only demanded his goods of you, you could not have a●oyded 〈…〉 and rigorous condemnation. But for that I have sought revenge of the Murder. ● am thi● day in danger to be condemned, what reco●●ence? Ca●us Antonius wa●●ccused for the Conspiracy of Catelin: whereof he was 〈…〉 intermixed with other thefts, which he had in forme●-times committed in Macedoni●, for the which he was condemned. And yet the one of his 〈…〉 common with the other. In this c●●se M●rther and Theft ha●e great 〈…〉 many be there in this great City, which being murdered l●●e to this poor ●ong-man, should ●emaine three months unknown, if their Host wa●ting them, did not presently adue●●i●e the justice. S●ffer them to take their money without punishment▪ that is 〈…〉, declare him innocent that hath hidden it, and you shall h●pe to ●●de the Murderers. It is a strange thing that in the head City of this Realm, and in the 〈◊〉 of the Parliament, there should be such furious Tigers found, to 〈…〉 in the most hideous forest in the world. T●e more these 〈…〉 to contemn the Laws, the more must you endeavour to 〈…〉. All that may derue to punish such detestable crime, must be 〈…〉 can so much advance it, as to 〈…〉 spirits are terrified and amazed. If all be ●●ke unto the 〈…〉 be rotten before they know he is dead. There be some that are incident to the suspicion of a crime 〈…〉 be very innocent, as he that is found near unto a man that is newly M●●●●er●d. 〈◊〉 happily be put to the Rack, this is a mere mischance, or rather (〈…〉 observed in this case by the Heathe● Lawyers) let us say with the D●ctors of the Church, that it is a secret judgement of God, the which we must admire and not curiously search into. The Thunder is Worshipped even by them that are strooken with it: Punishments ordained by justice are the chastisements of God's hand, whose Po●re is represented here below by the Prince, and His by his Magistrates. The Philosopher Crator, said, that he which suffers 〈◊〉 without desert, is much eased in this accident of fortune▪ but in this fact which is now in question, the Plaintiffs theft and not his mi ●ort●ne, h●t● with great reason made this suspicion to fall upon him. Do you not consider that the pain which you have suff●ed, is the cau●e you shallbe t●is day absolved? Without it your theft could not remain unpunished▪ your demand of damage and interest, belongs only to them that are merely innocent, if you be accused of two faults, and are found guilty of one, you must implore the mercy of the judge and not his rigour. It was then imp ssible to free you from the Rack, by all the Maxims of Lawyers, and their Interpreters, followed by a Decree which n●edes no other d●●ence than Reason. And not to stray from this cause, shall I let you plainly see, that you need not b●● so fearful to come to the Rack. If these Murderers ●ad not be●ne tortured for the robbery for the which they were executed, they could not have been condemned for want of proof. The one of them con●est it upon the Rack. As the Rack tormented you, so the Rack relieved you, having discovered your innocency in regard of the Murder. And in easing you, it hath brought before i●●●e eyes my Murdered Son, who presents himself every night unto me with stretched out arms, whilst the Murderers kill him. So as one and the self same t●ing hath filled me 〈◊〉 Heau●nesse, and you with joy. Co●●ent yourself then with your good Fortune, and insult no moreover my misery do you not f●●re that they will less pity you, and the pain you have endured, when they shall see you have none of 〈◊〉, nor of my distress. I will not say unto my Masters that it is cruel and barbarous to add afflictions to the afflicted, why should I 〈…〉 seeing that all the condemnations which my adverse party demands against me 〈…〉 no more to my calamity, A mother's passions excusable. then small brooks do unto the Sea? It is the only comfort which remains in my misery, that it can have no increase. I will not therefore spend any time to city the texts of Lawyers, which hold the violent passions of 〈◊〉 miserable a Mother, excusable. They be Laws which are borne with us, whereof 〈◊〉 man can be ignorant, seeing we have sucked it with our Mother's milk, and which ●ee cannot abrogate but in spoiling our Humanity. I will not strive to represent unto you that affection to the Children, or to the Parents, (even as the love of good Subjects to their Prince,) consists not in any mediocrity or temper, but in excess, that excess which in ot●er motives of the mind is vicious, is herein the full of all perfection. Why should I come to these excuses, seeing that if I were to begin my Accusation, I would do no less than I have done? I had rather be condemned to all sorts of D●mag●●. Interests, and Reparations, then to repent me of the pursuit I have made for the death of my S●nne. A goodly pretext for those Mothers, which do every day sell the dear blo●d of their Children, when they shall hear that I have been condemned, shall they not then have reason to say that they fear Damage and Interest, if they open their mouths? Dion observes that they were reduced to that point at Rome, having so much discountenanced accusations, as they were forced to promise Impunity to him that should convict an other of a greater crime than his own. Calumniators and false accusers are to be feared under bad Princes, which enrich themselves with the confiscations of their Subjects, and not under the just and flourishing government, of our great King, which hath erected so many everlasting trophies of his Clemency and Bounty, equalling at this time by the glorious effects of justice (which shines throughout all this great and mighty Estate) the victories and the stately triumphs of fearful war: showing by the effects, that the same Virtue, and the same Magnanimity carries great Princes and excellent Captains into the midst of the most bloody and furious battles, and doth conduct them also to the holy and sac●ed actions of most happy and blessed Peace. We have then no need amongst us of these Talion punishments, the which were as soon Abrogated, Talions Law wholly abrogated. as they were Enacted. If they were in force, not two crimes among a hundred should be punished▪ at the beginning we must necessarily follow conjectures and presumptions, If they may lead us to the certain knowledge of the truth: they condemn the culpable, if not they forbear: God only walks in light, but men in darkness. But I beseech you to consider what power I have had in all this criminal proceeding. The Plaintiff gins his action against me, because I am the most weak. If he durst challenge the judges, he would do it much more willingly, all the instruction of the Process comes from the Cry●inall part●e. It is not I, but the King's Attorney general. Alas I brought nothing but thy sigthes: therein consists my crime. Oh I may well double my tears, 〈◊〉 it is not lawful for me to weep: it were more than a second loss of my Son to lose my tears. The Plaintiffs intent is to h●ue again for his damage and interest, the money which justice hath forced him to yield. I have it not, I have been employed in praying unto God for my Son who was cruelly murdered, and had no time to think of his ●oule, which was a double cruelty. Houses shake before they fall. The smoke foretells the fire that will consume us. A Tempest is discovered a far off, but the murdering hand of man strikes suddenly, when we least think of it. If you condemn me in Damages and Interests, you may judge that remembering his pains, how rigorusly he will entreat me. I have nothing left to pay it. that little which I had was employed in the education of my Son, holding it to be the richest and chiefest treasure that I could desire: O deceitful hope! By virtue of your sentence he will confine me into a Prison, but I regard it not, so as he make choice of a dark and a hideous one, that it may soon shorten my miserable life, the which shall never find ease but in death: for I am resolved to pass the remainder of my days, like unto those Mothers which accompany their Children unto the Grave. All that makes me to desire Liberty, is to the end that I might live among the Rocks, in deserts and the most solitary Woods, and that I might never see Mothers that make much of their Children. Alas my Son, my poor Son, I shall call on thee night and day, although thou answerest me not. If this extreme misery doth not satisfy the Plaintiff, let him fear, and apprehend the wrath of God and a second punishment. Let him not abuse the grace which he hath done him, in making manifest the truth of his Murder. Let him live happily to see his innocency known: and I always unhappy to have lost my poor Child. I conclude that it would please the Court to absolve me from his request. After this the King's Solicitor General, master Seruin, The defendress conclusioni did rise to plead and conclude for the Attorney General, upon that which the Solicitors had delivered for the parties: the opinions of the hearers were in such suspense, as they knew not which way to incline. He that had first heard for the Plaintiff, said, that he had reason: but as judges must always reserve one ear for the defender, being impossible to judge definitively upon the discourse of one party▪ when the second had pleaded, there was such an equality and concurrence of reasons found, as it seemed they had both a good cause. The King's Solicitor discourse, was the powder to separate the truth from that which had some appearance of truth: but let us hear this other Demosthenes of France, whose pleading followeth. L. SERVIN: for the King's Attorney General said thus. MAY IT PLEASE YE. IF it be true, according to the worthy saying of Statius Caecilius (used by Apuleius) defending himself against an accusation of impiety: That innocency is true eloquence. it might satisfy the intention of the poor Playntifes, and might promise them an honourable issue, for that a Poor and untainted life speaking for them, surmounts in the opinion of good men, the richest eloquence of them that are Guilty. For he may well defend, that can purge himself from crimes, having done nothing but what he dare publicly avow. But if it be more true that the art of speaking be Virtue and Wisdom, as the Stoics have defined it: signifying thereby that the virtuous and wise have subject enough to talk: It is most certain that God, which giveth Wisdom, and out of whose mouth proceeds all knowledge and understanding, having not endued the Plaintiffs with such graces, seeing they have neither the knowledge nor word, which is drawn out of the holy Scriptures, nor the persuasive speech of humane Wisdom, having not the refined discourse of Reason, they had great need of the assistance of their Solicitor: who as he doth not yield in Eloquence and knowledge to any one of his profession, hath made proof by this present action, how well he can defend the innocent, the which is so much the more commendable, for that Dionysius Halicarnasseus (a great judge of Orators) did hold Plato worthy to be blamed for that he had written the apology of Socrates in a flat and cold stile. On the one side, Master Anne Robert hath lively represented unto you, the miserable estate of the Baker and his wife, lately accused, and now Plantifs: how they have been pursued in the Chastelet, judged and appealed, and condemned by sentence, the Husband put to the torture, and the rack presented to the Wife, and to her Maid: and to conclude, all the family in trouble, by the accusation of a horrible Murder, pretended to be committed upon the person of his guest: a crime which God hath made known by the revelation of the Murder, that the hearts and hands of these poor people were innocent. By reason whereof they demand reparation of Honour, with Damage and Interest against the Accuser. You have on the other side, heard Master Anthony Arnaud, for the Mother of the deceased john Prost, miserably murdered, being before Plaintiff, and now accused of Slander, who may well defend herself, by the simple colour of Piety, which cries and isintercessor for her, for her I say: A Mother whose affliction is such, as there is no tongue but the Mothers, or rather the voice of GOD that can well express it. neither can any Advocate or Orator how excellent soever, unless he be possessed with a divine spirit, represent the passions of a Mother: witness the Prophet, when he delivers what God had said. Can the Mother forget her child, but she must have pity of the fruit of her womb? and if she should forget it, I will not forsake him saith the Lord. It is God our common father, God who is charity itself, for so he is called by one of his Apostles: God of whom the Greek Poet Aratus (honoured by the allegation of S. Paul) said, That we are his offspring. God of whom the same Apostle doth teach us, That he is father of Heaven and Earth. It is he by whom all Mothers have their affection to their children. It is he by whom the Defendresse (a miserable Mother was encouraged to seek & pursue revenge for the blood of her child. Behold persons of divers qualities in our cause, who pretend their innocencies by different reasons. The Baker and his wife demand reparation, being ignorant of the Murder of Prost: and the Mother (of Prost murdered) seeks to be freed from the imputation of slander. But there is yet an encounter in this controversy, which regards the authority of things judged, wherein the public hath an interest. To deliver what is fit v 'pon every one of these qualities, it seems expedient to observe what hath passed in the accusation, and proceeding; the first judgement in the decree, the execution and what followed since. That which appears by the Process judged, is, that the deceased john Prost, son to the Accuser, having been lodged for a time in the Baker's house: About the beginning of February 1599, Katherine Cordier the Wife of the Baker, sent for a Lock-smith by her husband's Son, and caused him to open the Chamber of Prost being absent, the which she hath confessed after much disguising of the boys name, whom since she knew to be her son in law. After this overture there was another made in the view of two unknown men, who brought the Keys which the said Prost had given them: the which is a second charge; for these two men entered into the Chamber in the presence of the Hostess, and took what they pleased of that which Prost had left: and yet afterwards there was a third opening made by the Locksmith, which was brought by the Son of the Baker, & by his wives commandment, this being thus ad●owed and justified by the son: The Chamber being opened the fourth time by a Commissary of the Chastelet, there was some money found, belonging to Prost, but not all, for that the Baker and his Wife had taken and promised some to their Maid, if she said nothing. Moreover Prosts apparel being in his coffer, and among the rest a Doublet, the Hostess being examined, said that Prost had none other. In the end the Process having been made perfect by intergatories & confrontations. One of the chief allegations made by the Husband and the Wife for their justification was, that the Accuser although a Mother, did not love Prost her Son, whereof he had often comcomplayned. By a sentence given by the Provost of Paris it was decreed, that the Baker, his Wife and Servant, should be put to the Rack. They appeal. There followed a second decree in regard of the Baker; & as for his Wife and servant, it was ordained they should have the Rack presented unto them, the which was done. And after the denial of the Baker, his Wife and Maid, there followed an other sentence allowing the reception of the ordinary Process, and yet restrained that in case no greater proofs being found on the ordinary Rack▪ The accused should prevail, yet the should have no Charges, Damage nor Interest adjudged unto them. In june following, G●d having suffered that 2▪ thieves, whereof the one called john Bazana had murdered this Prost, were apprehended by the justice and by the testimony of Bazana, the act was confessed. So as the Baker & his Wife pretend themselves freed by this testimony, & demand an honourable reparation, with some recompense from the Motherof him that was murdered, saying that the accusation being false, she ought to be judged a slanderer. wherein it seems that Innocency presents itself at the feet of justice, and cries out for them as David in the 7. Psalm entitled Siggaion, that is to say. The ignorance of David, the which is his defence against the slanders of Semei, where he exclaimed in denying and forswering the Impostures of his adversary▪ and in saying that he knew not what it was, he spoke these words. If I have committed such a fact, if there be iniquity in my hands, that I may fall before mine enemies. Proverb. 30. Excellent words and delivered in the kind of an oath. In like case a poor Host plaintiff, complains and may say with Agur the Son of ●ake. Truly I am more brutish than any man whatsoever, I have no understanding, neither have I learned any wisdom, nor ateyned to the knowledge of holy things. The wit of man will maintain the infirmity thereof, but who will support a grieved mind. The Accuser at the first seemed just in her cause: but the Accused come to purge themselves and have found out the truth. The Words of slanderers (saith the wise King) are ambushes of blood, but the mouth of Truth shall deliver them. You see an Host and Hostess accused of Inhospitality, of Infidelity, and of the Murder of their Guest, a crime so far from the manners and hearts of the French, as if Euripides said among the Grecians. That it was not for the Achaeans to murder their guests. We may say with the Plaintiffs, with as much or more reason, That it is not usual among the French to murder their guests, for among Civil people our Caeltike nation hath been most renowned for Hospitality, a virtue proper to the French and celebrated by many Strangers: yea by Parthenius a Gre●ke Author in his book of the Affections of Love, where he saith in the History of Eurippus▪ that at what time the Gauls made roads into jonia, the Celtes received their guests willingly and entreated them courteously. The which is confirmed by Saluianus a Priest of Marseilles, in his book of the providence of God, where among the virtues of our Nation, he terms them Francos hospitales. It was therefore a great crime, unfit for the Plaintiffs: A crime for Barbarians Pagans' and Infidels, worthy of extraordinary punishment, and so much the more punishable, for that it had been committed in Paris, the chief City of the Realm, the seat of our Kings, the Place of sovereign justice, whereas the most Holy and reverent Senate of the world is resident: The Court of Peers, and the great Parliament of our great King. The Husband accused in this Parliament, and not only accused, but judged and tormented in Body and Mind▪ comes this day in judgement as a man revived again, by his innocency, he brings his wife with him, and saith against the Accuser. That he which slandereth his neighbour is like unto a false witness which is as a hammer, Pro. 2. Ve●. 1●. a sword & asharpe arrow. Although he be borne poor and miserable, yet is he of a pure & innocent life. That his Soul and that of his Wives are no less precious before God than the richest: that they have not wronged any man: that they have lived content in their poverty (Poverty which is a singular guilt of God and unknow of men) & yet they being poor, and innocent have been afflicted: a thousand fears have seized on them, and the life both of the Husband and Wife have been in danger. The Son hath been heard against the Father, all the family defamed, fearing to lose their credit and to see no more good days: to have no means to get their living, nor to show themselves. The troublesome grief of a mournful prison, deprived of light, and cast into an obscure dungeon fit for Murderers To live oftentimes, & to die as often. The Rack given unto the Husband & presented to the Wife: all danger, all grief: their eyes dried up, their minds oppressed, apprehension of Nakedness, Hunger and Death, yea and of an ignominious death. They demand this Day, that which the Men unjustly tormented in the justice of Athenes demanded▪ that the Altar of mercy might be adorned with a monument, carrying a declaration of their innocency. They do moreover pretend reparation against the Accuser, and this demand is not new no● strange, there are many Precedents of the like, among the which there is one very famous in the Declamations of Marcus Seneca the Rhetorician. A Father having two Sons, goes into a far Country with one of them, the son returns alone: his Brother accuseth him of Parricide: he is condemned, but by reason of some festival days the execution is deferred: the Father returns, the Brother condemned accuseth his Brother of false witness: obtains judgement, causeth him to be bound, and detains him according unto the Law, which said, that a false witness should be prisoner to him whom he had falsely accused. The innocent Brother said, that the Accuser was the cause of Parricide in the person of his Father, and had committed one, in that of his Brother: the Minister of justice had given notice unto the condemned Brother of the coming of his Father: the expected punishment was more grievous than death. It was more troublesome for the condemned Man to apprehend it, then to endure it: he laid before his eyes all kinds of Death. And what can I less do (said this innocent,) then keep him in my bonds, that might have taken away my life? In an other famous example, we see an other controversy in the same Author. A Father having two Sons, delivers the one into the others hands, upon suspicion of Parricide, whereof his Mother in Law accused him. The accused Brother is cast into an unrigged Ship. God preserves him from danger: he falls into the hands of Pirates, and is made their Captain. The Father makes a voyage by sea; he is taken by the Son, whom he had so ill entreated, and the Son sends him home into his Country. Cestius Pius an eloquent man sayeth for the innocent Brother. That innocency is a strong fort, and a faithful safeguard in danger. The Sea compassed in the Ship, the waves tossed it: the Tempest drove it, yet innocency did assure him. O Sea more just than their judgement! O Waves more mild than the Father! what a soul have you cast into the Port! and you have not only saved the Son, but you have delivered him into the hands of Pirates: it was divinly decreed that the Father should undertake a voyage, that the judge should be taken to repent him of his judgement. A Mother in Law might accuse, yea and cause her Husband's Son to be condemned of Parricide, but she could not make him a Parricide, no not in condemning him. The Son hereupon said unto the Father. Behold my innocency O father in the sea, which you would not know in your house. and then turning unto the judges he said. I had rather have mine innocency justified unto you, then unto my father. Hereupon Aristotle sayeth that by the Law of Greece they gave the right side to the accused. And by the Roman Laws, judges are taught to be more inclined to absolve then to Condemn. If this be requisite in Civil causes, how much more in criminal▪ And the Mother which was the Accuser, whom the Demanders say was ill affected to her Son when he lived, could she without fear of punishment, slander the complainants, charging them with the uncertain suspicion of a murder committed upon the person of her Son, so much hated, or at the least not much beloved of her. That if the Demanders be not exempt from faults, whereunto all men are subject: yet they may justify themselves free from the Crime imposed upon them by the Accuser, being this day purged by a testimony which God hath caused to be given by a Man, the which is so much the more credible, for that he Deposed it near unto his death, not speaking to discharge himself, but accusing himself and confessing the Murder. These (in some) be the griefs which the Demaunders can propound. It being hard, yea impossible in such cases to speak words that may equal the sorrow. Contrariwise the Defendresse a poor Mother, saith, or cries out in that sort, as it is not well possible to represent her passion: but we must paint it out, as Timanthes did counterfeit Iphigenia: With her face covered, a Low voice and a Languishing speech. who cannot make you understand what she hath suffered and doth yet suffer. She hath lamented her absent Son, even when as she accused the complainants: she thought him to be dead: her fear was grounded upon presumptions, the which not only the first, but the last judges have held to be repugnant. A voice was heard from on high, the M●ther weeping for her Son & would not be comforted. Doubtless no kind of affection or commiseration is like unto that of a Woman, but amongst Women, none ●o great as that of a Mother. So as GOD hath compared the remembrance which he hath of Man to that of a Mother. And in truth, Mothers have more than a Fatherly remembrance. Our defendresse in this case is 〈◊〉 by the suffrages of Nature: she sighs upon Earth, and fills Heaven with her complaints: her lamentable cries, and her abundance of tears, are, her only defences: the which are so much the better, for that they are natural. A Mother who knows not whether to go, who finds no place to rest in, who seeks her Child as if he were yet living: who would have endured his wounds; and d●es twice 〈◊〉 that she died not before her Son: she implores Heaven in lamenting her misery, and desires her end: her sighs move all men to compassion. Gri●●e ha●● seized upon her soul, and her understanding is nothing else but Sorrow. Nothing is more constant than the love of the Father to his child, & especially of Fathers that have the instinct of Nature. But mothers have their affections more violent. If any thing happen unto their children, it breed●s a great a●te●at●o● in them. Witness the judgement of Solomon, seeking betwixt two Women, to know the right Mother. So y●u may see the passion of David when he ca●led his Son; My Son Abso●o●, my son▪ he was much troubled. But Mothers are mu●h more, feeling the same pain they suffered at their birth. And that which afflicts the Defen●resse much more, is that they Cōpla●●ants, object against her▪ that she loved not her Child. That without doubt is insupportable to a Mother. The latter times are miserable, foretold by the Prophets: Tha● Inhumanity, Incivility, Astorgie (that ●●to say want of lo●e in the Parents unto their Children, and of Children unto their Parent●) should enter into the hearts of men. What say I of Men, who are no Men, s●eing they prove Inhuman, Cruel, Brutish, and Unnatural. But can it be, that two such contrary passions, should jump in our Defendresse? Can she hate her Son, and not seeing him any more, complain that he was dead? Can she accuse his Host & Hostess if she loved him not? josephus in his first book of the jewish War, reporting the accusation of Herode against his Children, saith that Saturninus would not condemn the accused saying, That it was not lawful for him who had children to give sentence of death against an other man's children. A speech worthy of a grave Roman, but had been better spoken by one borne in Iu●●a▪ ●or in former times the judges given by God unto the People, were chosen ou● of the fathers of Families, who had, or had had Children, and who by this means knew best th●●ust affections of Father's love. The History adds that an old Man at arms of Herod's, called ●yron, was so transported seeing a cruel Father, as he became almost mad, going ●●om place to place, exclaiming, that, justice was trodden under foot, Truth was perished, Nature confounded, and all was full of iniquity: with such like speeches as passion made him to utter. So strange this good old Man held this Malice, not believing that such near Kinsmen should conspire against their own blood. And therefore it is not to be presumed that our Defen●resse being a Mother, was otherwise then well affected to her Son▪ and what greater proof of her love can be given▪ t●en her accusation against the complainants. And who can represent the tender affection of Fathers and Mothers, which seal the resemblance of bodies, and minds, in the little admirable seal of the Infant, the Mother's being much more affectionate to that which proceeds from them then the Fathers? What then may be said of the objection made unto the Defendresse? Doubtless false allegations must concur with natural, as Paulus the Lawyer saith of Confessions: and it is not lawful for judges, L. confessionibus. D. de I●●errog. act. especially for such as are Fathers to believe that a Mothe● would hate her Son to the death: especially this poor Woman, who making her complaint of the Murder, did note one notable circumstance, saying, that her Son had complained unto her, that the Demanders were froward Hosts. The which shows a wit in her complaint, and the Love which she bore to 〈…〉 Son: remembering the first years of his infancy, being young and the 〈◊〉 of his Mother. A Son whom she (being his Mother) seeing no more, 〈◊〉 out with the Mother of L●muel, What my Son, what the Son of my 〈…〉 the Son of my vows? Prou. 31. This poor Mothe● was perplexed: she sought her Son, and 〈…〉 Son which was but simple and might easily be wronged, for he went 〈…〉 Money, he 〈◊〉 it in his Chamber, which was a bait for thieves 〈…〉 ste●le say 〈◊〉 hand on it, the suffered men to enter into his Chamber● me● 〈…〉 knew not. What might the Mother think of this? Had she not reaso●●o 〈…〉 slain him. 〈◊〉 as i● was said in the book of Wisdom. That the justice 〈…〉 〈◊〉 deliver them. It is also written. That the disloyal shallbe taken for their 〈◊〉 and the wicked shall be the ransom of the just, and the disloyal for the righteous. 〈…〉 then this poor Woman think with reason, that you are not to have any 〈…〉 the Demaunders, Prou. 2●. v 21 under colour of their base condition, seeing that for a 〈…〉 they would have committed the deed, having taken their Ghosts money 〈…〉 fied them. These be the reasons by the which the poor Mother may 〈…〉 herself, that she hath not attempted any accusation, for the which 〈…〉 be charged with slander. Let us now come unto the judges. They need no excuse, nor any defence 〈…〉 Decree, than the authority of sovereign judgements: yet we may say, for the 〈◊〉 which they had of the proofs, if not full and clear as the Noon day, yet th●y 〈◊〉 such as the presumptions were vehement. If the accused suffered, it came 〈…〉 for they observed not the precept which teacheth man: Above all to 〈…〉 heart pure▪ from whence life proceeds. Prou. 4. ve. 23 They have applied their hearts to desire 〈◊〉 man's goods, resembling those that err: Either through want of instruction, 〈…〉 great indiscretion or having their hearts peerced with the Dart of covetousness. Ibid 5. ver 23 And therefore it is no wonder if they have not appeared in judgement with a constant countenance. Ibid. 10. v. 6. For blessings are upon the head of the just; but extortions slop the mouth of the guilty, Do you not see▪ that God was not with the accused? they were confounded in that own speeches. Life and death are in the power of the tongue, he that loves it shall eat the f●uites thereof. 〈…〉 21. They have said too much, charging the Mother, which accused them, o● hatred to her Son. And who will not believe but the judges (seeing the Pro●esie) made them p●ayers unto God to open their understandings. The doubt which they had of the circumstances of the charge, hath been fortified by examples, the whi●● are the 〈◊〉 encounters that come unto the mind. In this City, a Woman 〈◊〉 near to 〈◊〉, was 〈◊〉 with a Hammer, which two thieves had taken in a Smith's shop, 〈◊〉 the Smith being condemned, he was put to the Rack. Afterwards the thieves we●e apprehended for other crimes, and freed the Smith who was a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 executed. judges in conjectural causes, err sometimes against their w●●les: being bound to follow th● probable, for that which may happen, or hath happened. Sometimes there are bad Hosts, Treacherous and murderers. It is dangerous said Ph●d●us to believe but it is more dangerous not to believe. There is no reason then to hear the complaints of the Accused, against the judges: Wit●esse that which that wise King hath written, whose words are like unto deep springs which cannot be dried, and f●om whence we draw pro●●it for all affairs and especially for judgements. To condemn the just is not good, nor to strike Princes that have carried themselves justly. 〈◊〉 17 v. 26. An excellent sentence, and agreeing with our cause. He called judges, Princes: and in another place they a●e termed Gods. That if G●d making his justice to s●●●ne, hath since discovered the Murder, yet hath not the Baker nor his Wife any cause to complain of the Court. The eye of God infuseth his knowledge into the spirits of men, in such measure as he pleaseth, giving unto some a nee●er light, (and as Synecius Bishop of Cyrene said) more approaching unto things which he doth reveal, to others farther off. We take moisture from the Water, heat from the Fire, firmness of the body from the Earth▪ & spirit from the Air: but justice comes from God, who is the only fountain of all good. We have not this justice in us, be it for the good of ourselves, or for the perpetual and constant duty which we own unto our neighbours, to do every man right. God only knoweth all things, and all is hidden from us, but what he pleaseth. There is none but he which knoweth hidden things. It is he whose admirable name is above all other names. It is he whom Daniel calleth a CERTAIN, (by the word Palmoni,) of whom the admirable name of JESUS the Saviour of the world, was not revealed, before that he was made man. Dan. 8. That Son of justice whose glory is incomprehensible. It is he who by his light doth open the judges eyes when it pleaseth him: job. 22.20. To the end they should take care of the innocent, and look unto his estate. It is written in the book of the wise King: Pro. 27.19. That even as in the water one face is opposite to an other, so doth the heart of man unto man, so as oftent times the judge discovereth the truth of a c●yme, by the face and countenance, as well as by the mouth of the Accused. And to that purpose the same King saith That Council in the heart of man is like unto a deep water, the which a wise man shall draw forth. But this doth not often happen, but unto the King: of whom the wi●e man saith thus. There is no prophesying but in the King's lips▪ and his mouth shall not stray from justice. Ibid. c. 16.10. God gives this privilege to a just King. God which is the only searcher of hearts. Ibid. 19 v. 2. There are many thoughts in the heart of man, but the only Council of our Lord God is firm. And therefore Saint Augustin in hi● book of the City of God in the Chapter which he hath expressly made, touching the errors of humane judgements, makes a complaint of the perplexities whereunto judges are reduced▪ when to save an Innocent, they are forced to condemn the accused unto the rack, and for an uncertain fact, they cause him to suffer a certain pain. The which he excusing saith: That a wise judge doing not things with a will to hurt, but by necessity to judge that which he knoweth not, must cry unto God: A gust. lib. 19 c. 〈◊〉 Civit dei Psal 25 v. 17. Deliver me from my extremities and cares. The which he speaks not to blame the rack: for he knows it to be necessary. But if it be not (as we cannot rightly say) done by malice, yet is it a great misery. And doubtless if it be a mischief, yet is it well ordained, and by good Laws which are practised in all Countries, whereas justice is well administered, whereof of there are so many Statutes, not only in this Realm, but in the Estates of Italy, and in the neighbour Countries, as in Piedmont, in Sa●oie, and other parts of Christendom, as there is no reason to doubt thereof. Neither is it lawful to argue the judges of rigour in this cause, for besides the presumptions which might move them, who knows whether the Accused had committed some other crime, whereof God would suffer this accusation, whereof the now complain should be the punishment: There are some generations which think to be free, pro. 30. v. 12. and yet they are not cleansed from their filthiness. And what is he that can say, I have purged my heart, I am cleansed from my Sinne. If thou sayest, we did not know it, Ibid. 24. v. 12. he that weighs the heart shall not he understand it? and reward every man according to his works. In an other place the wise man saith that, He which walketh innocently shall be saved, but the perverse, walking by two ways shall fall. Aristotle speaking of the judges of Greece, said that they were accustomed before sentence, to swear that they should judge, by the best advice they could conceive. The which Demosthenes in his Oration against Aristocrates hath said, by the most just advice. In which case although the Areopagites did sometimes judge (as one would say) against the Law, yet could they not be reprehended to have gone against the oath taken by them to judge well, whether it were in the Senate, or in the Assembly which they call Heliaes': no man being able to answer but for his own conscience. And for this reason, by the Laws of Charlemain, & of Lewis the Debonair, our most Christian Kings: It was not lawful to blaspheme, that is to say, to accuse of false judgement, & to blame the Earls, (which was the title of judges in France) if it did not appear that they did judge either by envy, 1599 or by some bad occasion. To conclude, the judges which those great Princes called Fideles: were held for good, and without blemish, when they were one●y guided by the zeal of true justice. So the Demanders do not complain of the judges, but of the Accuser, against whom if she had framed her accusation maliciously, and upon spleen, she were then subject to that which was decreed by the Capit●l●rie, which saith, Capi●ula●ium Carol● magni. lib 6 cap. penult. That they which have accused Innocents, either before the Prince, or before the judge, if they were spiritual men, they are to be degraded, if they be lay men, they must be condemned to the like punishment, which they should have suffered that were accused. But this is to be understood of accusations wherein there is malice, in which case the fal●e and malicious Accusers deserve that which the Accused suffered for the Slanderer resembles unto the wicked; which are represented by the wise man. watching secretly for the innocent, Prou. 1. v. 11. and persecuting him without cause. In which case, such as slander to vex, and to get money by the Constitutions of the Roman Emperor's, were punished with the same punishments. It is therefore no reason that the complainants should trouble the defendresse for the accusation which she hath made, seeing it was not with any intent of sl●nder: but they must take their trouble as an accident sent of God, as a mischance which the Grecians called a Divine Fortune. We must not use the inhumanity of Gneus Peso although he were an upright man, and free from many vices, but having not the true rule of reason, he took rigour for a resolution of severity, who being advertised that two Soldiers going forth together, the one was returned without his companion, he condemned him as a murderer of him that was absent: and as the condemned man was in the hands of the Executioner at the place of justice, his companion (whom they held to be dead) returned: This rigorous judge hearing that the officer had protracted the execution, he caused him to be apprehended, & to be brought unto the scaffold, & with him the Companion, taking for a pretext that he was the cause of this mischief by his absence, and to him he added the officer, judging him worthy of punishment, for that he had brought back the first condemned, whom he should have presently executed according to the sentence. It is not fit in all causes, to stand so stiffly upon judgements: as Alexander the Great did, who had rather pay a fine for Athenodorus then remit it: for sometimes a temper of humanity is commendable, as in this case: Imitating the example of Prince Titus; the Son of Vespasian, when he delivered josephus out of prison, saying unto the Emperor his Father, after that he had commanded the prisoner to be unbound: It is reason O Father, that with his bonds the dishonour should be taken from josephus, for he shall be as if in the beginning he had not been bound. But if we unbind him, we must cut the chain, for so they use them that are unjustly bound. A speech of a worthy Prince, witnessed by the History of josephus, worthy to be spoken before a great King, and well approved of by the Emperor: As true lips please Kings and they love him that speaks just things with a pure heart. Pro. 16 v. 13.22.11. And therefore to make an end of the Plaintiffs misery with that of joseph's; the Court if it plea●e, having in some sort regard unto their request, shall set them at Liberty, declaring them innocents of the crime of hospitality violated, and of the murder whereof they have been accused, without adjudging unto them (notwithstanding) any Reparation, Charges, Damages, and interests against the Accuser, seeing she hath not, nor cannot be judged a Slanderer. So either party obtaining what they may hope for by reason, Pro. 21. v. 1. things judged shall remain in their authority, and, God who holds the King's heart in his hand as little brooks of running water, inclining to his will, shall make him rain happily, and his Posterity after him, as all good Frenchmen and true Christians do wish by a happy Marriage, so as our great Henry the fourth, sitting in the throne of justice, Ibid. 20 v. 8. or represented by his Councillors, maintaining his Countries shall disperse all danger by his look: and every one will say with Saloman, the well beloved of God. That the seat of the King which judgeth the poor justly, shall be firm for ever. Ibid 29. v. 14 The sentence of the Court upon these Plead pronounced by the first Precedent, on Monday the 17. of january, was confirmable to the conclusion; taken by Mons●●ur Advocate for the King's Attorney General. 1600. The King and Duke took great pleasure to hear them. Both gave their opinions on them that had best pleaded, but above all, they commended the equity of the Court, which dismissed the parties free from further suit. The King at the Duke's request granted a pardon to a poor woman an Adulteress that was condemned to die, whose Adulterer had been executed for that he had abused her being a household servant, & so had she been in like sort, but that she was found with Child. This Pardon was granted by the King unto the Duke, notwithstanding any opposition made by the Court & the King's Council, showing the consequence thereof. His Majesty would have it pass of his absolute authority. Yet upon condition that she should live in perpetual prison and nourished at her Hus bands charge. All these good receptions; all these exercises; all these pastimes, did not make the Duke forget the care of his affairs, he had said unto Monsieur de Villeroy. That he was not come to yield up the Marquisate. The King on the other side being at Fontainbleau said unto him, That he should be always his friend, but he would have his Marquisate. The Duke was advertised that the King had said privately in his Cabinet. That the Duke was a brave and a gallant Prince, yet he kept his Marquisate: These words made him presume, that ●he r●port which the Chevalier Breton and Roncas had made unto him (that the King was desirous to see him, and that they should agree) was not true, for whensoever the D●ke spoke ●o the King in private touching that business, he desired him to refer it to their Counc●●ls. And although this was a very important business, yet the King had one which did press him nearer, which was his Marriage. Being advertised (as we have formerly showed) by Sillery his Ambassador at Rome, monsieur d' Alincourt come to Genua. th●t the Pope had granted his desire touching the nullity of his marriage, ●e s●nt A●incourt (Governor of Pontoise) to thank him, and to ask his advice upon the alliance he desired to contract with the house of Florence. He came to Lions, to pass to avignon by the river of Rhosne, and so to Antibo, whether the State of Genoa sent him a Galley well appointed to conduct him to their City, where he was received with all the honours, fit for the greatness of the Prince that sent him, and worthy of the credit & reputation which the name of Villeroy carries among the friends of this Crown. They did cast lots there, where he should be lodged, which fell to the Palace of Grimaldi, where he was defrayed two days, at the charges of the State. The Ambassador of Spain went to visit him. He came to Rome on Ashewedensday the 6. of F●buary. He went to the Senate, was seated in the Duke's place, and ●aw the order they held in their councils and Deliberations, where they granted him liberty for two Galley-slaves Frenchmen, that were in the Galleys of the signory, the one was a Parisian and the other a Lionois, which they esteemed a fit favour to gratify a Prince. He went in post to Rome▪ the Ambassador met him with a great number of French Gentlemen, he lodged him in his house, and the second day of his arrival he had audience of the Pope. He continued in Rome ●ntill Easter, during his abode, he did see the Viceroy of Naples make his entry into Rome, coming to do homage unto the Pope for the Realm of Naples, presenting unto him a white Steed, for an acknowledgement of the see, ●000 ounces of gold comes to fourscore thousand Crowns. for the investiture of Naples, for that it is one of the Realms which holds in fee and doth homage unto the Church of Rome and for that reason (besides the eight thousand Ounces of Gold which they own yearly,) they are bound to take arms for defence of the Church. They had their part also of the fruits of the Holy year, during which time many Frenchmen and others of the Religion went to see for curiosities sake, without any fear of the Inquisition, whose iurisidiction doth cease in the year of jubilé: many great personages from divers parts of Europe went to this jubilee, The Duke of Bar goes to Rome disguise, to the Cardinal Aldobrandin and Ossat and to Monsieur de Sillery. among the chief was the D●ke of Bar, who went in a disguised habit, to get absolution, for that he had been married against the rules of the Church, and without dispensation of the degrees of consanguinity that were betwixt him and the King's Sister, for which cause the Bishop of Lorraine refused him the holy Sacrament, and held him for excommunicate. The King assisted this Prince's humility and submission with his letters of favour to divers Cardinals. The Duke of Savoy was not pleased with the long delays of the Court, he complained that he was entreated with to great rigour. The Duke thought to find a King ●f Compliments: And the King a Duke more easy to restore that which he held. The Duke covered his discontent with silence and discretion. In the end they agree to treat of their affairs and differences by Deputies▪ Deputies for the King and Duke. For the King, were named the Constable, the Chancellor, the Marshal Byron, the Marquis Rhosny, and Villeroy. F●r the Duke, Belly his Chancellor, the Marquis of Lullins, jacob, the Earl of Moret, and A●●mes. The King's Deputies demand restitution of the Marquisate of Saluces, in the same Estate it was in when the Duke surprised it. The Duke's first proposition was to have the King renounce the protection of Geneva, the which was not (said they) comprehended in the Treaty of Peace, in special words, as other Towns. This did much offend the King and his Council. The Duke entreated the Pope's Nuntio to make this proposition, The Pope's Nuntio intreat● the King to leave the protection of G●neua. who (having his soul as free from craft and dissimulation as it was full of zeal and integrity) found means to speak unto the King without trouble or alteration. He said that there was a means to unite the extremities of their wills: for the same reason which required the Duke to restore the Marquisate, did not hinder his Majesty from the enjoying of that which did belong unto him. It is true (said the King). There the Nontio repiled. The Town of Geneva belongs unto the Duke, and nothing hinders him from settling the authority which his Predecessors had there, but the power of your protection. Is it not then reason that as you will have him restore the Marquisate which is yours, you should suffer him to enjoy the Town of Geneva which is his? The King to be speedily freed of this argument, answered, that things were different, that he had not made the protection of Geneva: It was a Treaty whereunto he was bound by faith, for the reverence he did bear unto his Predecessors, who had made themselves Protectors of that Commonweal, from whom they had received service in their necessities: And he would never oppose himself against the firmness of their promises. The Nuntio says presently unto the King. As you will not leave the protection of Geneva, for that it was made with your Predecessors, in like sort the Duke is not bound to yield you the Marquisate of Saluces, for that he took it not from you, but from the deceased King. Our difference replied the King, although (for my part) it consists of many points, is reduced only to that which concerns the Marquisate of Saluces. The usurper must restore: the Duke of Savoie hath usurped my Marquisate, there is nothing that doth free him from restitution. I hold nothing of his, and therefore must not restore him any thing. I will never hinder him from having reason of Geneva, so as he get it without arms: for when he shall come thither with force, I will always resolve of that which I ought. He thinks that if I should abandon that Town, he might force them to acknowledge him▪ but I should purchase in abandoning them much blame, it being against the honour of this Crown and the firmness of a King's word. The Duke had reason to affect this place: he might make a great Bulwark thereof against the Swisses, to recover that which they did hold from the ancient house of Savoye, and to make all things difficult for the French, among the Cantons: This proposition of Geneva was razed out of the Duke articles, & no more spoken of in the Assembly of the Deputies. They did press the restitution of the Marquisate, or the exchange of the Countries of Bresse, pignerol and Savillan, with some valleys for the passage of Piedmont. The Deputies assembled but once. The Duke foreseeing what the issue would be, They demand an exchange instead of restititution. and having understood that the Chancellor speaking of the Restitution or Exchange, had said that they must pass that way or by the sword: he let the King understand that to many dealt in the business, and that it should be sooner ended, if but one did faithfully report the intentions of either part. The Patriarch of Constantinople was employed therein, but the Duke disliked thereof. He resolved to free himself of these difficulties, and to run the hazard and shame of the refusal. Then he presented his first proposition of the Empire and Duchy of Milan: giving him very plausible means, if they had been as easy in the execution as in the discourse: showing that for all the fruit of the conquest, he desired nothing but to hold the Marquisate of Salusses. Whereunto the King answered; That he was neither of that age, nor his affairs in that estate, that King Francis his were, when he aspired to the Empire. That there was not a Duke of Saxony nor a Langrave prisoner, to give him the Title of Protector of Germany: and other Prince's prisoners, as unto King Henry the second. If a King of France should be ambitious of any thing greater than his Crown, it might be an Empire, but not in the estate that it is now: The Emperor hath little more than the title, the sovereignty remaining to the States of th● Empire. the title of an Emperor being little more than that of a Duke of Venice, but as it was under Augustus, when as Rome (which commands but 7. hills) had reduced all the world under one Empire or at the least, as it was under Charlemain. As for the Duchy of Milan, the King said that the enterprise was tedious, and the issue uncertain, as of all other desseins, and for the means which the Duke discovered unto him, there was nothing so easy which the King of Spain might not make difficult, having both Land and Sea at his commandment to hinder him. Besides it was the Nature of actions of War, still to produce unexpected difficulties. You alone (added the King) cannot secure me, I know not how my men will agree with yours. And if things should succeed according to your desire, I know not what should become of the fruit of the Conquest. I have enough to do in my Realm without thinking of others. The Peace is but in the flower, the vent of such a desseine would whither it. I will have no War with the King of Spain, unless he be weary of Peace. Brother you have no need of my Council▪ but affection commands us sometimes to give it to him that doth not ask it. I would counsel you to live in good terms with him. If there were any troubles betwixt you, I would not meddle but to reconcile you. I have too much care of the honour of my word, to break a Peace so just and so necessary without a precedent injury. If I did it, I should make myself the Argument of all the complaints of Christendom, the discourse of other Princes, the cause of a foreign War, and the renewing of infinite calamities. It were an indiscretion for me, upon a vain and imaginary hope, to lose the assurance to recover mine own, wherewith I content myself without seeking an others. The desires which are infinite, are unworthy of a just Prince, they are proper to Tyrants, who reign without Law, and live without Fear: if I had any will to that which you propound, there should not need so many words: but having no will to it, it is in vain ●or me to speak of it. None of these words could content the Duke, but dissembling his discontent, he answered. If I should reap no other good by my voyage but to have seen so great a Prince, whose valour and greatness is greater than the report, I should not be grieved. ●rue it is, that the estate of my affairs should have persuaded me to have come without the assurance of my Ambassador, that I should receive more of your majesties free will, than I could expect of the Pope's sentence, and that you would not so much press the Restitution, but would be satisfied with a gentler Composition. I have offered you the means, which lead to so great and so worthy effects, as the Marquisate of Salusses is nothing in comparison of them. You find difficulties therein. There is no great enterprise, can be without them, but being well resolved, it is half executed. A courage like unto yours finds nothing difficult, and all Europe admires your actions, having made that which was impossible possible. And seeing that I must attribute it, not unto the violence of reason, but to my unhappiness, that I cannot persuade a thing, which in his Glory and Profit carries his own Persuasion. I beseech your Majesty to entreat me, as your most humble servant & kinsman, who desires no greater happiness for his than to be yours. They are already by the Laws of Nature, they are by my will: & shallbe more by the favours of your bounty. For one Marquisate, you bind many Princes, The Duke demands the investiture of the Marquisate for one of his sons. and by the investing of one of my children, all the house of Savoy shall be bound unto you your Majesty will say, that you make not such large gifts: but you must consider if you please, that many virtues are common to men, but this belongs only to Kings. As it is more royal to give then to take. And they wrong the greatness of their courage, if they should not give great things: And to give a thing that is litigious and doubtful, you shall purchase an immortal right of sovereignty. He added many reasons for the execution of the enterprise, and with such vehemence, as he seemed to have some secret, to make Mountains remove and dry up Rivers. ●he King considered that there was no profit but for the Duke, and that the fruit which (at the least) he promised himself in keeping the Marquisate of Salusses, would be more certain to him, than the Conquest of Milan unto the King. If the Duke of Sau●y could have engaged the King, he knew well how to cross him in the execution. All the danger he could apprehend, was the King of Spain's indignation: but he might as easily return into favour without speaking a word, as he came away without bidding him farewell, For what should have hindered him, when as the French had b●n far engaged in Italy, to have joined with the Spaniards to expel them, and to break the Bridge of his assistance, whereby he had made them to pass. The Duke seeing that he could not obtain any thing of the King, but that he must make a double recompense for the Marquisate, he continued a while in doubt of his return, as he always repent him of his coming. The King desirous to free him of all cause of distrust and apprehension, The Duke of Savoy perplexed. that should force his will, to promise that which he would never hold, sent him word, that he should not trouble himself with the Resolution of his Council: for he should never be forced but by the right of Arms, and that he should always have time to think of it, and to return to ●urin with his will as free, as when he came to Paris. The Duke not able to see clearly with his own eyes, nor to distinguish of these difficulties, advised thereof in his Council. But as the eyes troubled with those diseases which the Physicians term Hypostragma and Ictere, have the operation of the sight so troubled, as they cannot well judge of colours, all objects seeming unto them Yellow or Red. Even so when Princes Counsels are subject to any passion, they give counsel accordingly, nothing presenting itself unto them, but through the false sight of Opinion and Choler, which doth always make the bodies seem bigger than they are. So in the Council of this Prince, those which desired War, said That neither the Restitution of the Marquisate, nor the Exchange of Bresse; might be accepted, and that a good War should be more honourable, Passionate councils. than a shameful Composition: Others having no other passion than Peace, advised him unto it at what price soever, fearing, that if the King should not receive that satisfaction from them which he expected, he would stay them. The Duke wo●ld departed without taking his leave. The Duke grew into choler, and would have departed without taking his leave. The most advised of his Council told him, that his departure in that sort, would make him a byword to all the Princes of Italy▪ Spain would laugh at him; France would be scandalised; that all Europe would hold him the cause of this War, and in this War of a world of miseries. That there needed no other Herald to proclaim War against him; which would be in the midst & in the four corners of his Estate, before that he had passed the River of Rhone. That he showed the greatness of his courage to vanquish all these difficulties, and wisdom to dissemble his discontents. That wisdom should make the entry to a business, seeing that repentance is fruitless in the end. That if he had not foreseen the end of his voyage, he should by his constancy mitigate the feeling, and represent unto himself that to come into a goodly Plain all covered with flowers, he was forced to pass over a narrow and uneven Plank. The Duke answered, The Duke's complaints. I will never pass it. Leaving his Council in suspense, that he would make as dishonourable a departure, as his arrival had been honourable▪ yet through the Prayers and persuasions of some of the King's good servants, the Duke resolved to departed as he came. But it was not without complaining that they entreated him with too much rigour: That there was no courtesy in France for him: That friendships were rare, finding least in them where he thought it did most abound: That they did force him to forms that were too prejudicial, and that they had made him to hope for things which they now refused him, and that his Ambassador had deceived him. The King knowing that Chevalier Breton had let the Duke of Savoy his Master understand, that his Majesty desired he should come unto him. He said unto him that he was mistaken, & that he did never speak it. True it is, that he had said, that he hoped the Duke should not return, but they should be agreed. The Duke seeing that Wisdom must moderate the rigour of Necessity, he took another course, and resolves, (seeing he could get nothing else) to make his profit of the time, and of his abode: that he might have means to unite that which he had disjoined with Spain. Foreseeing they would soon give him leave to be gone, for already they said in rest, in the antechamber, That they must send him away by an Edict. He had therefore found a favourable pretext for hi● stay. He was (or made show to be) in love with one of the rarest beauties in the Court, A pretext of the Duke's stay. and seemed not to care for all other affairs in respect of her. There were two solemn Feasts at Paris, which followed one another, S. Germains Fair and Shrovetide. It was given out, that he would see them before his departure. In the mean time he makes no haste, although he did not much advance in his affairs. There were daily new propositions, and the Last were more unpleasing unto him then the first. The King's Servants were of opinion, that they should give this Prince as little cause as might be to distaste him of his voyage, and to give him time to consider whether he should consent to the Exchange or the Restitution: for that it was a thing (as he said) which he could not do without conference with his Co●ns●ll, and the advice of his Vassals. The King having had the opinion of the Princes of his blood and others, & of the chief Officers of the Crown, would no longer for bear to acquaint him with his resolution, commanding Sebastian Zamet (one of his majesties confident servants) to tell it him, the which he did so artificially, as before he left the Duke, he drew from him a writing of the principal conditions of the ●reaty, by the which were drawn the Articles of the Restitution of the Marquisate or of the exchange. But to the end the Duke should not think that the King would Precipitate his councils, he gave him three months' time to choose either of the two conditions of the Treaty, either by Restitution or the Exchange. Whereupon the Duke signed the Articles following. 1. Articles of the Tr●●ty of Paris. That the Duke of Savoy should restore the Marquisate of Salusses unto his Majesty, by the first day of the mo●eth of june next following, to use & enjoy as the Kings his Predecessors had done, when it was in their hands, without any delay or difficulty, grounded upon any colour or pretext whatsoever. 2. And his said Majesty doth promise and grant unto the said Duke, not to give the Charge and Government of that Country, to any one that he shall have occasion to hold for enemy. 3. In like sort, to employ Swisses in the Guard of the Towns & Places thereof, except in the Castles, where his Majesty will place French Captains and Soldiers, or such as he shall think good. 4. Notwithstanding, his Majesty doth not mean to be bound to continue the Swisses in the said Towns, but for the time that the Compromise shall continued, made in the Person of his Holiness, hereafter declared & specified 5. Or else the said Duke shall yield and deliver to his Majesty, for a recompense of the Marquisate of Salusses, by the first day of june next ensuing, all the Country of Br●s●●, lying from the River of Saone unto that of Dain, which River of Dain shall remain in common betwixt his Majesty and the said Duke, either of them to enjoy it of his side, comprehending in the said Country the Town and Citadel of Bourg, and other places that depend thereon, Barcellonette with his Vicariate, or Deputiship, unto Argentiere, the vale of Stir; that of peruse, with all that depends thereon; with the Town and Castle of Pignerol with his territory, upon condition that h●s Majesty shall transport unto him all his right and interest to the said Marquisate, provided notwithstanding that he suffer the Inhabitants of the said Marquisate, which have se●ued his Majesty, or shall serve him hereafter, to enjoy their goods freely and safely. And in like sort, those which have served or shall serve the said Duke, shall in like manner enjoy their goods, as well in the said Marquisate, as any other places that shall be delivered to his Majesty by the said Duke, without any alteration before the said delay no● after, to the prejudice of the one or the other, according to the rule which shall be ●et down by his Majesty and the Duke. 6. Moreover the Towns of Centall, Emont R●gues, Peruieres, castle Dauphin and others held by the said Duke, belonging unto his Majesty, and in like manner those which his Majesty holds in Bresse, Savoy, Barcellonette and others belonging unto the said Duke, shall respectively be restored, at such time as the Marquisate shallbe yielded up: and in case of Exchange, those of Bresse & Barcellonette, shall remain to his Majesty, as hath been said, & the rest shall be restored on e●ther side. 7. All which places shallbe restored in the same Estate they are at this present, neither his Majesty nor the said Duke, to be bound to pay nor satisfy the charges made of either part, in the fortification and repairing of the said Places. 8. In like sort the fort of Beche-Dauphin built by the said Duke during the Wars, shall be demanteled at the same time. 9, The Inuentories duly certified of all the pieces of Artillery, Powder, Bullets, and other munitions of War, which were in the Towns and Places of the said Marquisate, when the Duke entered it, shall be faithfully delivered unto his Majesty, when as the Duke shall choose the one or the other of the said two offers, whereupon his Majesty shall declare his will for the restitution thereof, the wh●ch shall be performed by the Duke, as well in their kinds, as in money, according to the price, which shall be concluded betwixt his Majesty and the Duke. 10. All Suits judgements, and Sentences given in justice, on either side before this present accord, (when the parties have contested voluntary) shall stand and take effect, whether Restitution be made or an Exchange of the Marquisate: yet it shall be lawful for the parties to relieve themselves by provision according to the order of the Laws. 11. That no search should be made of any Impositions, Contributions and Levies of Money or Victuals in the said Country, against such as had appointed, received or disposed of them, or either part, unto this present Treaty. 12. And to the end that the Inhabitants of the Towns and Country which are to be restored, may not be overcharged nor unjustly vexed, with levies of Money, during the respite granted unto the said Duke, to make choice of, and to effect one of the said two offers, under colour of payment, as well of Arrearages of the said Impositions imposed before, & since the Peace of Veruins, as for the pay and entertainment of Captains & men of War, appointed for the guard of the said Towns and Countries, or for any other pretext, until the Restitution or Exchange of the said Marquisate. It is decreed, that there shall be no levy of Money made upon the Inhabitants of the said Towns and Countries, conformable to that which was agreed upon, as well by the Treaty of Veruins, as by the Orders and Accords, made since, for the payment of the said Arrearages & Money, by the Deputies of his Majesty and the said Duke, in the beginning of the year, for the ordinary entertainment of Garrisons, appointed for the guard of the said Towns & Places, and of Officers employed in the Estates of the said Garrisons without any new Impositions of either part. And we declare all that shall be done & attempted to the contrary, subject to Restitution & Reparation. 13. And whereas as the said Duke hath requested his Majesty to allow & confirm the Feoffment, made by him, in the Marquisate, in case he shall choose to restore it: his Majesty doth declare that being informed of the quality of the said Feoffments, he would have that respect to gratify the Duke, as his service would permit him: without being bound to restore that which had been paid for the said Feoffments, but as it shall stand with his good pleasure. 14. And for as much, as the said Duke, hath entreated his Majesty, to give him time to confer with his Vassals & Subjects of both parties, be●ore that he accept of the one or the other, his Majesty desiring to witness unto him, as well in this as in all other occasions his good will: doth grant unto the said Duke his choice, so as he choose and effect the one or the other of the two offers, by the first day of june above named, without diminishing or altering of any thing, or using of any Evasion, Delay, or Difficulty, grounded upon any colour or occasion whatsoever. 15. Whereunto the said Duke had bound his Faith & Word, & his Majesty doth the like, for the accomplishment & execution of all things, granted by these present Articles which depend thereof. 16. In like sort it hath been agreed betwixt his Majesty & the said Duke, that they shall consent, as they do at this present, after the Restitution shall be Really and Fully accomplished. If the said Duke makes choice thereof, that our Holy Father Pope Clement the 8. shall judge of all Controversies that are betwixt his Majesty and the said Duke, according to that which hath been agreed upon by the treaty of Veruins, and that within three years. 17. Promising to accomplish & perform, faithfully on either part, whatsoever shallbe decreed by his Holiness with in the time prefixed, without any delay or difficulty, for what cause or pretext soever, as it is concluded by the treaty of Veruins. 18. And for the greater assurance of the execution of the Treaty, and every point and Article therein contained, the said King and Duke of Savoy, humbly beseech his Holiness, that as by his good and fatherly exhortations they are entered into this way of Accord, that it would please him as a common Father, to continue the care which he hath formerly showed to norrish Peace, and to assure a firm friendship betwixt them, and in all occasions that should be offered to interpose his Authority for the full and real execution of things promised of either part, as it is contained in this present Treaty. Made at Paris, the 27. day of February. 1600. Signed, Henry and Emanuel, and sealed with his majesties seal and the Duke of Savoys. Three or four days after this Treaty, the Duke took his leave of the King, who being followed by all the Court conducted him to Pont Charenton, The Duke of Savoyes' departure. and gave him the Baron of Lux to attend on him out of the Realm, with commandment to the Governors of Champagne & Bourgondy, where he should pass to receive him, as his Majesty they would. Whilst he was near the King he showed such outward content, & concealed his grief so cunningly, as his own people did judge that nothing could better content him. But being a little retired, The Duk● discontent. his countenance bewrayed his discontent and the repentance of his voyage. The farther he went from the King, the nearer he approached to Spain: being resolute to reconcile himself, and to that end he presently dispatched Belly his Chancellor. Being in Carosse, he said sometimes, that he had been deceived, that the words which they had given to persuade him to come into France, were ill interpreted: and that as soon as he should come to Chambery, he would send to beseech the King to prolong the time, in the which he would make choice of the Restitution or the Exchange. The Baron of Lux observed his discourses, and advertised the King of the Duke's intention, wholly inclined to War, rather than to perform any part of the Treaty. Being upon Saint julians' bridge, the Baron of Lux, having commandment from the King not to go any farther, took his leave of the Duke, and assuring himself that his words should be as pleasing unto him, as he seemed to have been content with his conduct, he beseeched him not to transport his Heart out of France as he did his Body, but to cherish the friendship of so great a King dearly; who loved him as his Brother. That he feared, that such as had showed so great discontent, for the voyage, which his Highness had made into France, would reap the profit which he himself might enjoy. That he should hold their councils not only suspect, but dangerous: as passionate men, whose persuasions were sugared poison: Who being more jealous of his Greatness, then desirous of his Quiet, would not cease until they had diverted him from the execution of his promises. That if't it pleased him to think of what was past, and compare it with the present, he should find that Peace was the inexpugnable rampar of his Estates: and that it was a great misery for a Prince, to submit himself to an others discretion, beseeching him to believe that the Council which he gave him, was the same which he would give him, if it had pleased God that he had been borne his Vassal or one of his Council. I take (answered the Duke) that which you say unto me as of a Nobleman of judgement, and thank you: I acknowledge myself so much bound unto the King, as I would sacrifice my life in exchange of the duty which I own him: and do promise never to give him any occasion, to esteem me other then his most humble Servant and loving Kinsman. But commonely Princes words serve but to disguise their inward conceptions, holding dissimulation for a great virtue. Such was the issue of the Duke of Savoyes' voyage. The year shall not pass before he taste the fruit. His presence did procure him the condition of exchange, the which the King would not have granted to his Ambassadors. But he continued not long in th●s opinion, The Duke going forth of Bourg had tears in his eyes. to perform the one or the other. Going out of my Citadel at Bourg, they found that sorrow troubled his soul to leave a place esteemed one of the strongest in Europe. Being arrived at Bourg, he sent one post unto the King, to thank him for the honour he had received in his voyage, and for the good entertainment which Pralin had gruen him in Champagne, and the Baron of Lux in Bourgundy. He writ by the same post to the Governor of Lions, imparting unto him the contentment which he received by the treaty of Paris, and that he went to Chambery, and soon after the Feasts into Piedmont, there to re●olue what the King should expect of him. But he stayed not long before he gave ea●e to their persuasions, who sought to deprive him of all happiness, which he might promise unto himself by his voyage: assuring him that the coming of the Count de Fuentes would give him means to free himself from the necessity of the Exchange and Restitution. He dissembled the discontent of his voyage with great art, yet still he did vent out some vapour which made the most ●udicious to believe, that he would be glad to prejudice the King in any thing with the hazard of his own. We have said before, that in the end of the year the Archduke Albert, had retired his army out of the Isle of Bommel, where he had left a good garrison in the new fort of Saint Andrew, and in the fort of Crevecaeur which the Admiral had taken. This winter was sharp and long, during the which the garrisons of the said forts of Crevecaeur, and Saint Andrew suffered much, having received no pay for many months that were due unto them from the Archduke. This was the pretext of their mutiny, expelling all their Captains and Officers, The Arch-dukes men 〈◊〉 in S. A●drew● fort. and committing all acts of hostility, as well upon the archdukes subjects as upon the enemy's Country, protesting notwithstanding to continue in the service & obedience of the King of Spain, & of Albert Archduke of Austria his Brother in Law▪ demanding nothing but the●● pay, whereof the Archduke and the Infanta showed themselves somewhat c●relesse. Count Maurice (who was also retired) being loath to lose the opportunity of this mutiny, meant to make his profit of it: Winter being spent h● appointed the Rendezvous for his army about Roterdame and Willemstad: the 18. of March 1600. he parted from Hage and came to Dort, where embarking two days after with hi● army▪ ●ee mounted up the river of Meuse, with 200. sail unto the fort of Crevecaeur. The 21. having landed his army and begun to plant his Cannon, ●ee summoned the place to yield. The ●ort of 〈…〉 besieged and ye●l●●d to 〈…〉. There were four companies of Walloons in it, who remembering their mutiny (although all were pardoned, or at the least so promised them) and the small likelihood they had of any timely succours, and the great diligence the Prince used to force them, they yielded to the Composition that was offered them, and the 24. day they yielded the Fort: whereof two Companies (not trusting to the Archduke) d●d offer willingly to serve the States, and the other two retired to Saint Andrew's F●●t. S. An●●ews fort besieged. Count Maurice seeing this happy beginning, entered with his army into the Isle of Bommel, to besiege S Anndews for't, the which he did the 29. of the said month, notwithstanding the continual rain and cold, his men being forced to lie dispersed in their ships upon the river of Meuse and Wahal. Being before the Fort, he presently caused many Forts to be built to assure his Camp, and to keep the Spaniard from succouring of the place, or from annoying him by his courses. The Prince being thus fortified within his Camp, the Archduke was out of all hope to succour it, all things falling out crossly, for the waters were so great, as the trenches of the Prince's Camp were filled, and they Besieged were forced to lodge like Coneys in the Ramparts, suffering much upon hope to be Succoured, Reconciled and Paid, and doing their endeavours to hinder the Prince's approaches. The first of May the waters being shrunk a little, the Prince commanded approaches to be made in a dark night with good trenches, sending a trumpet to summon the besieged: who (although they were well resolved to hold the place for the Archduke) gave ●are and were willing to enter into parley with him. The 4. and 5. of the said month Wirtembrove and Ʋander Aa, were sent unto some that met them without the trenches of the half Moon, which they of S. Andrews Fort had buil● without their Counterscarpe. They give them to understand in his conference, what small means there was to sunccor them, the doubtfulness of their reconciliation, & the small likelehood to be paid by the Archduke for their services, the which mounted to great sums of money, considering the great necessity of their affairs▪ whereunto the Deputies answered: that there was due unto them five hundred thousand Florins, that hitherto they had defended themselves, and endured almost impossible things, that they would never yield up the place until they were paid their due, by whom soever. The Prince offered them a hundred thousand Florins, but upon the refusal thereof, the parley broke of: The besieged having discovered a sign made with Torches from Bos●edu●, which was but two Leagues off, advertising them that they should be succoured within four days. The besieged being to much unacommodated, seeing the Prince's soldiers advance even unto the foot of their Counterscarpe, and that they appointed to make two Bridges to go unto the assault, after a breach were made: the said four days of their hope being expired, & seeing no show of succours about two of the clock in the afternoon the same day, they demanded again, if the Prince would hearken to a composition. The Prince fearing (as it soon after fell out) an other overflowing of the Rivers, which would force him to abandon his Approaches and Trenches, and to retire his Cannon with some difficulty: The besieged having sent eight Deputies unto him, a composition was made, and a hundred and five and twenty thousand Florins promised them, with condition that they should continue still in the Fort until the money were paid. Promising and swearing unto the Prince: that so long as they continued in the Fort, attending the money, they should keep it faithfully for the States and Prince, and withal should obey such Captains and Officers as should be sent unto them by him, renouncing and revoking the oath which they had formerly made unto the King of Spain, or to Albert the Archduke of Austria. Whereupon Articles were drawn on both parts, which I omit for brevities sake, referring the Reader to the Original. The eleventh of the said month they went out of the Fort, S. Andrews Fo●● taken. and were paid by the Commissaries of the States, by the paul, being a thousand one hundred twenty and four men by muster, the least of them receiving a hundred and six Florins. They being gone forth, the Prince sent in four of his companies, and then he entered with all the Noblemen of his army. After they had received their money, they were presently shipped, and sent away into Garrison into divers Towns of those Provinces. Behold the Fort which was held Impregnable, easily won by the States, and not only the Place, Artillery, Munition, and provisions of War and Victuals (which were more worth than 125000. Florins) but a troop of as brave men as the Archduke had of long time in his army, choice and old trained soldiers. The Prince found in this Fort ninety and six barrels of Powder, eighteeene pieces of Ordinance, with a great quantity of Wheat, Rye, Malt, and other Grain, and Victuals. About this time Mounsieur ● Briauté a young French Gentleman, Captain of a company of horse in the States pay, and exceeding valiant, being in garrison in the Town of Saint Gheertruidenbe●gh, received some words of reproach, as well to his own person, as to the French nation, ill reported, and lightly delivered, by a soldier which had run away from the State's service, his name was Lekerbitken (that is to say a dainty morsel,) for his courage, Lieutenant to Grobbendones company of Horse, who was Governor of Bosl●duc in Brabant. Briauté wronging his degree and reputation to meddle with one which was not of his quality, for such light words which are ordinary among soldiers, sent him a challenge, defying him, body to body, five to five, ten to ten, or twenty to twenty. This challenge was accepted by Le●erbitken, of twenty against twenty, on horseback, with such arms as they did usually carry at the War. The day and place was appointed, although Prince Maurice did dissuade and forbid him, alleging the frivolous occasion of the quarrel, and the inequality of his person to that of a Traitor and Renigadoe: But Briaute having made choice of nineteen horsemen of his company, (almost all French,) in whom he trusted most, himself making the twentieth, he went out of Gheertruidenberghe, telling Wingarde's Governor of the place, that it was with the Prince's consent, and having given him, (if he died in the Combat) his best a●mes (the which were as fair, as rich, and as curiously wrought, as any Prince could wear) he went to the place appointed for the Combat, midway betwixt Bosledue and Gheertruidenberghe. Briauté finding not his enemy advanced further than he ought, meeting half a League from Bosledue, upon their approach they charged equally: Briauté and his company with long Pistols only, and Lekerbitken with Carabin and Petrone●l. The two Commanders had before given a sign to know one another: Briauté who had a great white feather, Briau●● kills his enemy. made choice of Lekerbitken who had a red, and charged him with such great ●urie, as he slew him, shooting him in at the sight of his cask; at this charge there were five of them of Bosledue slain, whereof the Brother of Lekerbitken was one: It seemed Briaute should vanquish, but they of Bosledue re●uming courage to revenge the death of their leader, returned more furiously than before to the charge, the which struck a terror into Briautes company, who flying away, left their Captain in danger, who was taken Prisoner with a Cousin of his, and was carried with three of the company to Bosledu●▪ Grobendone being before the port, expecting the return of Lekerbitken, and to learn with the first how the combat succeeded, seeing not his Lieutenant, he demanded where he was: they answered that he was slain, and his Brother with him, he replied, and why have ye not then slain these? at which words his men fell upon Briauté and his Cousin, Briau●é murth red. & murdered them in cold blood. This year the Emperor made the Duke of Mercure Lieutenant General of his army in Hungary, sending him his Commission, the which he would not accept without the King's commandment, esteeming no honour nor greatness in the world, to be desired or accepted of a Subject, The Duke of 〈…〉 ●econd voyage into Hungary without the permission of his Prince. The King liked well of it. This was his second voyage into Hungary: who after that he had received the emperors commandment at Vienna, he went directly to javarin, where he was acknowledged Lieutenant General to the Emperor in his army: the which was very small in number, but very great in courage and resolution to do well. We have showed before how that Michael Palatin of Valachia, vanquished Cardinal Battory, and the Transylvanians, and how he became Master of Clausembourg, in the emperors name. Let v● now see how ambition blinded him, and how he lost Valachia, and was forced to live at Vienna a pensioner to the Emperor. Ambassador from the 〈◊〉 to the 〈◊〉 of Val●c●●a In the beginning of this year, a second Ambassador came from the Turk, unto the Palatin of Valachia, to draw him from the emperors alliance, & to invite him to have intelligence with the Turk. The Palatin went to meet this Ambassador with a great 〈◊〉 and well appointed. His name was Haraian, an old Captain, and of a reverent aspect. Coming near together, both of them lighted, and having embraced one another, the Aga took off the Palatins sword, and girt him after the manner of great men in Turkey, with a Persian Scimitar, all glistering with gold and precious stones, with many other presents, among the which were feathers of Hearnes, and Cranes all black, the which are excellent among them: there were also two red Enseigns, 7 Horses, & a brave Falcon exquisitely set out· which presents were after their manner carried aloft before the said Palatin: He holding the right hand as Lord, and the Ambassador the left, they entered into Cronstat, the soldiers standing of either side, whilst the Cannon shot off, in sign of ●oy. The emperors Agents were there, and beheld all this: the Palatin doubing the● would enter into some jealousy, called them, & wished them not to be moved for all this, nor to think that he would incline to the Turks friendship, and that he would always do what should be reason: but that he could do no lest than entreat this Ambassador civilly and honourably, if he would not be reputed discourteous: Notwithstanding he entreated them to cause George Basta to retire, for some private respects that were betwixt them, and that they should cause some other to come. The emperors Agents made show to believe him, and presented him with th●r●ie thousand Crowns in the Emperor's name, wherewith he was not very well pleased. This George Basta had been Lieutenant of the Emperor's army in Transiluania, since that S●g●smona Battery would have yielded it to the Emperor, George Basta & the Palatine of Vala●hia hate one another. and afterwards repent him, giving it to Cardinal Andrew his Kinsman. The Palatins hatred against Basta was, for that he had discovered the Intelligences that he had with the Turk, and advertised the Emperor thereof. In the mean time the Valachian blinded with this great victory against Battory, treated with the Emperor's Agents by Atticles. First he would that Transiluania (the which he said belonged to him, and to his Son, by hereditary right) should remain unto him, demanding moreover Varadin, Hust, The Null demands of the Em●our. Nagban, and the confines of Hangary. Secondly he would have the same pensions that Sigismond Batory had, & wherewithal to maintain an army continually on foot, Thirdly that the Emperor, and other Christian Princes should promise to reduce him, in case he were taken prisoner by the Turk: And moreover if he should be expelled Valachia, and Transiluania, that they should give him a hundred thousand Crowns yearly, to maintain him like a Prince: and upon these conditions he would stand firm to the Christian party, and would undertake to bring in subjection unto the Emperor, a●l the Country lying from the Pontic Sea, unto Buda, Alba regalis and Solno●: so as he might be Lord of the River of Tibische. These insolent demands did offend the Emperor's Agents, and were the cause of the Null ruin. In the mean time Sigismond Batory having taken arms again, and joined with Jerome Vavoide of Moldavia, made a Camp volant, of mean forces, consisting of Moldavians, Polonians, Turks and Tartarians. The Valachian, goes to encounter Batorie with fifty thousand men, the which he led through the Mountains, where for want of victuals they were forced to eat leaves of trees. Notwithstanding Batory and Jerome being terrified, fled into Poland. The Palatin seizeth upon Moldavia, where Jerome was much hated for his exactions: He made them to take an oath as well to the Emperor, as to himself and his Son. Then he seeks for his enemy, who was towards the River of Danuby, The Moldavian & Batory defeated. with thirty thousand men, at a strong Castle called Ortan: He gave him battle and won it with the loss of twoe thousand men, but the Moldavian lost eight thousand men. The Valachian after he had settled his Son in Moldavia, retired himself into Transiluania. At that time Zamoscki the great Chancellor of Poland, levied a new army, The Polonians levy an army. to reduce Moldavia to the ancient Government of the Polonians: This Army recovered Moldavia and conquered almost all Valachia. The Valachian advertised the Lieutenant of the emperors Army in high Hungary, to be ready in case of necessity, and the Emperor himself, whom he promised by his letters to serve very faithfully, so as he would call Basta out of Transiluania: but it fell out contrary, for Doctor Petzen the Emperor's Ambassador commanded him to obey Basta: the which did so transport him with rage, as he used all cruelty against the Noblest Houses of Transiluania, tormenting some, and putting others to death, The Valachi●● abandoned by his friends for his cruelty. the which purchased him the hatred of all men, and his friends forsook him, even Moses Secala, who had before assisted him more than any other, abandoned him: so as he lived in fear on all sides, of the Turks, the Tartars, the Polonians, Maldovians and Transylvanians. Basta upon this occasion of hatred, drew the Transylvanians unto him by love, and taking Clausembourg, Basta received Vau●d● of Transiluania for the Empero●r. the chief town, all the Estates of Transiluania came unto him, & received him for their Vavoide, in the Emperor's name. The Valachian remained at Visbourg with an army of 18000. men, being resolved to attend his enemy, but George Basta surprised and defeated him, having lost 4000 〈◊〉. The Valachian retired himself into the Mountains, The Valachian defeated. which divides Valachia from ●ran●siluania, but being there, the Moldavian and Batory charge him, and bring him to tha● extremity, as he was forced to submit himself with all humility to the Emperor, delivering into his hands his treasure, Wife and Children for Hostages: And so the Valachian came to Vienna, where he was honourably received by the Archduke 〈◊〉, and stayed there by commandment, until that that the Emperor came to Prague. In the mean time the Transylvanians mutyned, and threatened to yield themselves unto the Turk, if they would not grant them certain conditions: so as the Emperor would ha●e sent his Brother Maxmilian the Archduke unto them, to go●e●●ie them, but he excused himself. And the Null being oppressed by the Zamos●●●, ● Polonois, demanded Michael their Palatin, or Despot, or some other, for that they would not obey the Moldavians Brother, The revolt and treason of two hundred soldiers in Pappa and their punishment. whom the Polonois had given them for their Despot: wherewith the Emperor was much troubled, as you shall hear hereafter. About this time, there were 2000 soldiers, most of them Wallouns and French, which were mutined in Pappa (a fort of importance) for that their pay stayed to long, making a cruel revolt, whereof six among them were the chief Authors. First they elected one called La Mot for their Chief, and forced the rest to consent, else they would kill them: Their conspiracy was to yield unto the Turk, and to that end they had taken Michael Marot their Governor prisoner, and others that commanded in the ●ort, to deliver them unto the Turks: They set all the Turkish prisoners at liberty, and sent them to Alba regalis, promising the Turks to deliver them Shuartzbourg: or if he would not trust them, they would show them the means to take him in Zolnock, whether he should come to bring their money. Scuartzbourg had intelligence thereof, yet some of the Traitors invited him by their letters to come, promising to open him the gates: being come, the kept him, and sought to surprise him: so as he was forced to send Captain Scharpffenstein with the Cannon, to force them the 22. of june. The Traitors received carts laden with provision from the Turks, and delivered them Christian prisoners, which they carried a way to Vesprin and Alba regalis with great treachery & cruelty, every one delivering up his Host. In the mean time Michael Marot, advertised Schuartzbourg to come himself to besiege Pappa, for that the Traitors were at division among themselves, killing one another: Schuartzbourg goes & takes one of these treacherous Captains at a sally, causing him to be flayed alive, and his head to be set on the end of a Pike, to stirke terror into the rest; They also take a Bastion from them by force, by the which they might let in Turkish ●uccors, who did all they could to secure them, the which they could not effect, by reason of the great floods, and the resistance of the Christians. The Traitors being famished, and in great want of all things, grew desperate, desiring rather to die then to yield and be executed. Among others they make one sally in the night, the last of july, and charge Marsbourgs quarter, where finding the soldiers drunk, they defeated many, and put the whole Camp in arms Schuartzbourg (a brave and valiant Captain) going to give order for this tumult, was slain with a shot, to the great grief of all the C●ristian●. Schuartzbourg sl●i●e before Pappa. Notwithstanding his death, the siege was continued, & the Traitors defended themselves desperately, making a sally the next day, carrying many prisoner's 〈◊〉 t●e Town, with some Captains, and slew three hundred: And being persuaded to yield, they answered, that when all their victuals were spent, they would eat their prisoners, yea and Michael Marot the Governor. The Emperor give the charge of this army to Melchior Reder, who had bravely defended Va●adin. The Traitors seeing they could hold no longer, forecast how they might 〈◊〉 and the 9 of August they dried up a pool, which did environ Pappa of one side▪ and for that the bottom did sink, they did cast Hardles, Straw, and other baggage into it. Reder advertised hereof, sends Nadaste, the Count Thurin, and Colonitz to s●rpr●ze them. The Traitors flying, had already gotten unto a wood at the end of the Pool, where they overtook them, and refusing to yield, some of them were cut in pieces: And among others, la Motte their Captain with a hundred more were slain: Their Mediator with the Turks was taken, with many of the chief of the Treason. In the mean time Marot the Governor, whom the Traitors had put in prison, being freed from his bonds, gets forth with others and comes to the Campe. Reder by this means enters into Pappa, and delivers the other prisoners. At this entry many of the Traitors were slain, some were reserved for execution, and were sent to other Garrisons, to serve for an example. Some were Impaled, others broken upon the Wheel, and scorched with a small fire, and basted with Lard, divers punishments of Traitors. some had their Bowels pulled out off their Bellies and burnt before their faces, and their thighs, shoulders and other parts of their Bodies scorched: some had their Hearts pulled out alive; others had their throats filled with Sulphur and Powder, and so set on fire: some were buried alive, up to thechinne, and their heads broken with Bullets, every one by order of Martial Law, to make them apprehend by the severity of their deaths, the foulness of their treason. Which diversity of severe punishments (seeming to tend to cruelty) was very necessary, to make all Christians abhor treason. The Lords of Sillery and Alincourt by the Pope's advice, and the King's commandment, went from Rome to Florence, A Treaty of the King's marriage. to treat a marriage betwixt the King and the Noble Princess Mary of Medieis, the which had been propounded before. This demand was so pleasing unto the great Duke, as he made no difficlulty. Her Portion was six hundred thousand Crowns (comprehending that which the Great Duke had lent the King, of the which he paid himself) with jewels and other precious movables. The Contract was passed in the Palace of Pity, the 25. day of April, in the presence of Charles Anthony Putei Archbishop of Pisa, and Virgini● Duke of Bracciano. All Florence showed great joy thereat, and the Princess was presently declared Queen of France. She dined publicly under a cloth of Estate, the great Duke sitting far beneath her. The Duke of Bracciano gave her Water, and Sillery the King's Ambassador the Towel. The rest of the day was spent in all kind of sports. Soon after Monsieur Alincourt went to carry these good news unto the King, with the Queen's picture, which the great Duchess sent him. The King sent Frontena●, The Queen's Picture sent to the King. to serve the Queen as her chief Steward, who presented unto her his majesties first Letter, and withal he sent his Portrait to the great Duke. The King resolved to effect the promises of Marriage, as soon as the Duke of Savoy had performed his, touching the Restitution or the Exchange of the Marquisate of Salusses, and to go to avignon to receive the Queen: but the Duke was much perplexed what he should do. After the Duke of Savoyes' departure the King went to pass the Lent at Fontainbleau, where there was▪ A Conference at Fontainbleau. a great Conference betwixt the Bishop of Eureux and Philip de Mornay Lord of Plessis Marly, Governor of Saumur, Intendent of the house and Crown of Navarre: in the presence of the King, Princes and Officers of his Crown, Councillors of State, Prelates and other Noblemen of mark. It was touching a book which monsieur du Plessis had published of the Institution of the Lords Supper, and against the Mass, wherein the Bishop did tax him to have falsified many Authorities. Whereupon du Plessis presented a Petition unto the King, that his Majesty would be pleased to appoint Commisioners to examine every passage of Scripture cited in his book. The King yielded to this Conference, that the truth might be made clear against the darkness of s●ander, referring the care thereof to his Chancellor. The commissioners appointed for the catholics were Augustin Thuanus Precedent of the Court Parliament at Paris: Pithou, Advocate in the Court, and Fieure Schoolmaster to the Prince of Condé, in whose absence came Martin the King's Physician. And for the other, the Precedent of Calignon, Chancellor of Navarre, in whose place entered de Fresnes Gavaye, Precedent of the Chamber of Languedoe, and Casaubon, his majesties Reader for the Greek tongue. All singular Men in learning and tongues. This conference began the 4. of May, in the Hall at Fontainbleau in the midst whereof was a Table of a reasonable length. At the one end sat the King, on his 〈…〉 Bishop of Eureux, The manner of their sitting at the Conference. and on the left, right against him Du Pless●s. 〈…〉 Mercier, Secretaries of the Conference were at the lower end 〈…〉 Some what higher on the King's right hand sat the Chancellor & the 〈…〉 Behind the King stood the Archbishop of Lions, and the Bishops of Nevers, 〈◊〉 and Chastres. On the King's left hand, were the four Secretaries of State. 〈◊〉 them which conferred, were the Dukes of Vaudemont, of Nemours, of 〈◊〉, of Mayenne, of Nevers, of Eibeuf, of Aiguillon and of jonuille, the Officers of the 〈◊〉 Councillors of State, and other Noblemen of quality. After that all were ●●●manded to keep silence, his Majesty having said, that the Dispute was not betwixt pa●●y and pa●ty, but particular betwixt the two Confere●ts, not for any 〈◊〉 Right and Doctrine, but for the literal truth of some passages: and that he 〈◊〉 they should Treat with all Mildness and Moderation, without any 〈…〉, but that of the truth. Declaring moreover that he did not mean that this 〈◊〉, should in any thing alter or disquiet the Peace of his Subjects, as the Chancellor 〈◊〉 then declare unto them at large by the King's commandment. After the first days Conference, Monsieur du Plessis fell very 〈◊〉, so as they could proceed no further. The King did write the same day, unto the Duke of 〈…〉 had passed in thi● Conference, and showed by his Letter what his judgement was 〈◊〉 friend, the Diocese of Eureax hath vanquished that of Saumur. Wherewith Mo●s●ur ●u Plessis was discontented, so as in a discourse which he (or some of his friends) had 〈◊〉 soon after, touching this Conference, he termed this Letter A Spark of fire, and that the Bishop of Eureux Fly, was made an Elephant. The King had particular advice that the Duke of Savoy was irresolute what to do, The Duke of 〈…〉 and that he had sent unto the Pope, and to divers Princes and Common weals in Italy, to let them understand that he had been forced to the Treaty of Paris, and how much it did import them if this Treaty were effected: but he found not their intentions to jump with his, neither had he the answer which he expected. His Majesty had also intelligence of his deep dissembling, saying sometimes; That he would not restore the Marquisate, but by force; sometimes, That he had rather deliver Bresse then the Marquisate; and most commonly he would say, That he would restore the Marquisate; and that with a double desseine. The one was that the King (thinking he proceeded faithfully) would grant him some delay for the Restitution of the Marquisate, during the which, and before that the King should 〈◊〉 an Army, Winter should come, the which would hinder the French from attempting of any thing against him this year. The other was, to the end that the King of Spain and his Council (who apprehended above all, the Restitution of the Marquisate, for the neighbourhood of the French. to the Duchy of Milan) should grant unto ●e●y the Duke's Chancellor and his Ambassador in Spain (whither he had sent him expressly to 〈◊〉 the Spaniards, who 〈◊〉 offended with the Duke's voyage into France 〈◊〉 of Men, and Money in case the King would force him: or else that he might draw some recompense from the Spaniard for the exchange of Bresse with the Marquisate. Belly complains to the Council of Spain, The 〈…〉 of the little time which their remained for the Restitution of the Marquisate to the French, to whom they answered, That armies were not so soon levied in France; that he should assure the Duke his Master, that the Count de Fuentes should be at Milan by August (whereas two millions of 〈◊〉 attended him) with so many men and other provision, as whosoever should seek to force him, should have enough to do to defend himself. The King being well advertised of all these practices; The first of june being passed, The King 〈…〉 9 o● I●l●. by the which the Duke according to the treaty of Paris should restore the Marquisate, his Majesty came to Lions; where the Duke entreated him by his Letters to give him some days of respite, & that he would satisfy him by his Ambassadors. Whereunto the King yielded. Then the Archbishop of Tarantaise, the Marquis of Lullins and ●oncas his Ambassadors came to Lions, the 16. of july. Who said unto the King. That the Duke their Master did complain of the treaty of Paris, that he durst not refuse any thing to his Majesty, when as he was in the chief City of his Realm; that he might be more blamed for holding of the accord then in breaking it, The Duke's Ambassadors come to Lions. for the great interest of himself, his Children and his Countries; Notwithstanding he was ready to yield the Marquisate, but he beseeched his Majesty to grant him the investiture of it for one of his Sons. The King answered them. The King's answer to the Ambassadors. That the Duke had written many letters unto him from Chambery and Thurin, advertising him that he was very well pleased with the accord which he had made at Paris, promising to effect it, as he was bound to do. As for his Demand of the investiture of the Marquisate for one of his Sons, there was no likelihood he should use any such Liberality, having so small cause. To conclude, he was much discontented with the difficulties which the Duke made upon their accord, the which if he did not perform by the first day of August, he should prepare to defend himself. Roncas the Duke's confident servant returns to his Highness▪ to let him understand the King's discontent & resolution but espcially to give him time to think of his affairs. At that time Fosseuse returning out of Piedmont, assured the King, that he had heard the Duke of Savoy swear, that he would never yield up the Marquisate, and if the King did attempt to make war against him, he would show him sport for forty years, with such like words which were unpleasing to the King. Roncas returns speedily, bringing news that the Duke was content, seeing the King would have it so, to restore the Marquisate of Saluces, according to the treaty of Paris. Mr de Sill●ry and the Precedent Ia●in deputies for the King. The King seemed well pleased with this resolution, giving the charge to Brulart and janin to treat with the Duke's Ambassadors, how the restitution of the Marquisate should be made. The articles were agreed upon, and being ready to sign them, Roncas said unto the Ambassadors, that his master might take it ill, if they should sign them before he had seen them: that there were divers humours about his Highness, & that it would be more easy for him to get him to approve the Articles when they were not signed, Roncas takes upon him to carry the Articles, the King having liuen him heave to go, and know his Masters last resolution, showing that he was determined not to suffer himself to be entertained any longer with words, but in steed of returning, he sent back a letter whereby they found that the Duke did nothing but dissemble, and keep the King ocupide, until that the Count de Fuentes came out of Spain, and that he had assembled his forces and provided for his safety. But the archbishop of Tarantaise and Lullins entering again into conference with the said Precedents of Sillery and janin, they propounded four difficulties. Difficulties invented by the Duke. 1. Upon the restitution of places in the Marquisate, by the Duke, and of Pont de vaux in Bresse by the King, at the same time. 2. Upon the restitution of the Baillewicke of Gex. 3. Upon the restitution of the artillery and Munition that was within Cormagnole. 4. Upon the nomination of a Governor in the Marquisate. All which being resolved, the Duke's Ambassadors beseech the King to give them time to advertise their Master thereof, the King answered them that if by the sixteen of August all his places in the Marquisat were not restored unto him, that he would seek to recover that by force which he could not have by reason. Before the king's departure from Paris, the Devil had persuaded a wretched woman called Micole Mignon, to poison him, An attempt to poison the King. who had some means during the forepast wars, she had had the favour to talk privately with the King who is as full of Bounty, as the Liberty of arms, in time of war, gives such familiarities: & Princes some times frame themselves unto it. Being kept back from the King's presence, with whom she would needs speak in private, being full of indignation and having resolved this cruel attempt against the King, she addresseth herself to the Count Soisons a Prince of the blood and Lord Steward of France, that he might give her husband some place in the King's Kitchen, and so in going to see her husband, she should have means to effect her damnable enterprise. In the end she had access and said unto him, that she was resolved to do an act, which should make him the greatest Prince, and her the most contented woman in the world. He desired to understand of her the means in particular, whereat he was much amazed. And for that it was a matter of importance he wished her to come again the next day, for that it deserved to be well considered of. The Count of Soissons goes presently unto the King, and tells him what he had heard of this Woman, beseeching him to give him some confident man, who being shut up in his Cabinet might hear the same, when as she should come at the time appointed. The King commanded Lomen●ye Secretary of his Cabinet to go. She returns full of Courage and Resolution to effect this wicked 〈◊〉. She speaks more and protests to do worse than she had done the day before. He priest her to tell who had counseled her, and wh●e she attempted so dangerous a thing. He could draw nothing from her but that it proceeded from the Devil, from whom comes all damnable inspirations, and whose actions are Murders, Sacrileges and Impieties: When she had all said, she was apprehended by the Provost, and led unto the Court. Being examined, she denied the accusation and reproached the accuser as audatiously, as she had showed herself furiously resolute to the execution. Lomeny was produced against her, and her conscience (although very desperately wicked) could not deny that which he had before time deposed, ●he is burnt alive. but confessed the truth, and was condemned to be burned quick. It is miraculous what hath passed in divers conspiracies against the King, and how 〈◊〉 God hath delivered him. It was one of the causes, which made the Duke of Savoye seem so resolute to hold the accord which he had made with the King at Paris, for the Marquisate of Saluces, having understood that the King had been so often threatened by the attempts of such Murderers, presuming that it was not possible but some one would hit: Four 〈…〉 the King. and about the same time there was one taken, come 〈◊〉 of Pi●●mont to kill the King, whereof their was great rumour and great suspicion. And three others which had undertaken to kill the King, when as he was in Savoye, whe● co● they had certain intelligence, with their portraites, the which were well known. And as they would have taken them, his Majesty would not suffer them saying. Let those wicked wretches alone, God will punish them without my doing. Those of Zealand finding themselves much oppressed by the six Galleys which jeronimo Spinola a Merchant of Genoa had obtained of the King of Spain (in satisfaction of money which he had lent) and the which (notwithstanding the State's Ships of War which lay in the narrow Seas) he had brought into Scluse, to make War against them, besides the great losses they sufired daily by them of dunkirk, The 〈…〉 as well in their fishing for Herring, as in their trade of Merchandise, they entreat the General Estates of the United Provinces (seeing there was no more danger towards Holland nor Guelderland by the taking of the Forts of Saint Andrew and Crevecaeur) to help to free them from those Galleys and them of 〈◊〉, and by that means to divert the War from Holland and ●uelderland into ●landers, to the Sea To●nes of Dunker●e, Nieuport and S●l●se. The archdukes 〈…〉 of Spaniards and Italians, were all mutined for their pay, which could not be so soon nor so easily pacified the arrearages being so great, and therefore very likely if they entered into Flanders with all their Army, there would not be any to hinder their desseine: hoping they should get one of the said three Towns before that the archdukes Army should be ready. All well debated, and the resolution taken, the Prince sent unto the Sea Towns of Holland, Zealand, and 〈◊〉 for as many Ships as should serve to embark his Army, his Artillery, 〈◊〉 and other munition for the War, assigning to every one his quarter, and 〈◊〉 to come to the General rendezvous, to the number of two thousand and eight hundred sail of all sorts, the like whereof hath not heretofore been seen in any expedition in the Low Countries. All which S●ops lying before the Castle of Ramekens, to attend a fit wind to carry them to ostend, upon the Coast of Flanders, which holds for the States, there to land, having nothing but a Northerly wind all the time of their anchoring there, with the which they could hardly reach to that Town: The Prince fearing that their long stay there, might give the Archduke Albert time to gather together his forces, before they should be entered into Flanders, leaving Zealand he embarked the 19 of june in his Pinnace. The same day he caused about 1500. Ships to set sail, leaving the rest to attend a wind fit to carry them to ostend. The same night he anchored with his army before Bieruliet, the which is a small Island upon the coast of Flanders, not far from Sas (which is the Scluse of Gant going to the Sea) from whence he sent Count Ernest of Nassau his Cousin, with some Ships and men, The army lands at the fort of Philipin in Flanders. to land near unto the fort of Philipine, held by the Spaniards, to seize thereon, the which was presently yielded by composition, to departed with their Rapiers and Daggers by their sides, the which was done the same night. The Prince having landed with his army and viewed it, leaving the Forts of Patience and Y●sendike near unto him, the 23. of the same month, he marched from Philipine towards Assenede, where the Castle being summoned yielded presently, the soldiers departing with their arms and baggage. The four and twentieth day the Prince came within a League of Bruges, and the same day the wind being good to go to Ostend, forty Ships laden with baggage, The baggage of the state army taken. remaining at Rameken, set sail being wa●ted by three Ships of War: but the Galleys of Scluse took eighteen or twenty of them, which the Ships could not hinder, nor yet pursue them to recover the loss. Prince Maurice marched in Battle with his army through Flanders. Oudenbourg abandoned by the Spaniard. The 26. he passed near unto the ditches of Bruges, & the next day he came unto Oudenbourg, the which was abandoned by the Spaniard, with the forts of Snaskerke, Bredene and some other Sconces here and there, for that they were not to hold against so mighty an army. The 29. he besieged the Fort of Albert near to Ostend, the which was yielded up: and from thence he went presently to Nieuport, which he desired to take before the Archduke should have means to hinder him. The Archduke having intelligence that the Prince was entered with his army into Flanders, sent post upon post: writing to the Spaniards that were mutined, and to other troops: He Prays, Entreats, Protests, Threatens, Promiseth, Exhorts, lays before them their Faith, and accuserh them, if they fail him at this need, to be causers of his ruin & of their own: so as in few days they gather together an army of 12000. foot and above 3000. horse, with the which the Archduke marched to Oudenbourg, the which was yielded up by Colonel Piron, who advertised Count Maurice (lying before Nieuport) of the taking thereof, and that the Archduke was in person in his army, and meant to fight with him: whereupon he sent the said Colonel Piron with his men, to join with Count Ernest of Nassau & the Scotishmen, to keep the Spaniard from passing of a bridge betwixt Nieuport, and Ostend, or at the least to stay him until the Prince might repass the Haven with his army and retire his Ships as he did. Count Ernest and his troup● defeated. The Earl being upon the way towards the bridge, with two pieces of Cannon, found that a part of the enemy's army was passed: against the which he must fight, to stay them a while: but as the Spaniards increased, the Earl was forced to retire, having lost his two pieces of Canon, and about 800. men, most of them Scottish. The Captains and soldiers which were taken prisoners, were miserably slain against the faith given. Count Ernest, Colonel Edmond and other Captains, were pursued unto Albertus' fort, where they saved themselves. The Archduke pursuing this victory, past his whole army at the bridge, causing it to march along the Sea sands, having eight pieces of Artillery, with nine companies of Lances, five corners of Harquebusiers on horseback: five of Curiasses, and 600. Spanish and Italian horses mutined at Diest, three regiments of Spanish foot, two of Italians, five of Walloons: two of Bourgognons, four of Germans, and some companies of the regiment of Count Frederic of Berghe, they marched directly towards Nieuport, with an intent to charge the Prince and the State's army, in their Camp and trenches, assuring themselves of a victory by the morning's good success. But he found that the enemy had passed the Haven, and that his army was in good disposition to attend him, who (seeing the Archdukes countenance,) had without any amazement for his first lo●ses, put his army into battle, according to his little leisure. Count Lewis of Nassau his Cousin, The order of the Prince's army. brother to Count earnest, Lieutenant of the State's Horse, had the leading of the Vanguard: Count George Euerard of Solme commanded the battle, in the midst whereof was Count Maurice, who had an eye to all places, being accompanied by Count Henry Frederic his brother, a young Prince of the age of sixteen or seventeen years. And the Reerward was led by Oliver de Timpel knight, Lord of Corbeke. On the other side the Archdukes old and best experienced Captains, seeing the Prince's resolute countenance, and the disposition of his army to be otherwise then they expected, standing in battle, and their ships in the midst of the Sea, they began to doubt, persuading not to fight, for that their Soldiers began to be weary, The Spaniard in doubt to fight. with five or six days long marches, and with the first fight before noon, but rather to seek to recover Albertus' fort, and thereabouts to entrench all the army, and to cut off the victuals from the Prince's Camp, cooping him in betwixt Nieuport, their army and the Sea: the which had been the better Council for them, and most prejudicial for the Prince. But the Archduke and some other Commanders, pu●t up with their first victory, and burning with desire to fight, resolved to charge the Prince, The Prince resolves to charge first. at what price soever. The Prince after that he had viewed the Spaniards countenance, did resolve with the advise of his Commanders and Colonels, to advance and charge the enemy. Having therefore encouraged his soldiers to show their valour, and to revenge the death of their Companions so cruelly massacred, against the public Law at arms, he commanded Mortier and Fresnel, two Commissaries of the Artillery, to discharge six pieces, which were in the head of the Forward, The battle of Nieuport. the which passed through the Spanish horse, and at the same instant, the Archdukes Cannon played through the English troops. In the end, after a long and doubtful fight, the Spaniards were defeated, and every man sought to save himself, some towards▪ Nieuport, and others to other places, whereas they found easiest access. The Spaniards defeated. The Archduke seeing this disorder, fled to Bruges. The States had an absolute victory, and the slaughter of the vanquished was great, especially of the mutined Spaniards which fought obstinately, so as few escaped: yea some prisoners were massacred in their arms that had taken them, who would gladly have saved them: for there was no mercy in the Scottishmen, who slew all they met, for an expiation of the death of their Companions, murdered in the morning in cold blood: so as they said that the Archduke lost above six thousand men, and seven or eight hundred prisoners, whose lives were saved with great difficulty: yea the Admiral of Arragon being led prisoner towards the Prince, The Admiral of A●ragon prisoner. had been in great danger of his life, entering into ostend, if he had not been near the Prince. The States, as well in the encounter in the morning, as in the battle, lost above two thousand men, amongst the which were three Captains of Horse▪ & twenty of Foot, but not any Nobleman of account. On the Archdukes side died the Count de Saume, the Seneschal of Montlimar, who being prisoner and sore wounded, died soon after his taking at Ostend, the Baron of Pimereul Son to the Treasurer Chassey, the Seignor of Ottigny Son to the Precedent Richardot, Men of account slain on the Archdukes side. Don Gaspar de Sapena a Colonel, who died in Ostend. Don Diego de Torres, Don Gaspar de Loyaza, Don Gonzalo Spinola, Don joan de Pardo, Don Garcia de Toledo, Don Lopes de Capata, Don Alonso de Carceno, Don Louis Faccardo, Sebastian Velasco, Sebastian Doteloa, Christovall Verdugue, Matheo d' Otenil, joannetin de Casa nova, the Contador d' Alimes and many others. There were taken prisoners Don Francisco de Mendoza Marquis of Guadaleste, The chee●e prisoners. Great Admiral of Arragon, and the Archdukes Lieutenant General, Don Baptista de Villa nova, who were led to Horn in Holland. Don Alonso Requell to Delfe, Don Gonzalo Hernandes de Spinosa to Vtrech, Don Pedro de Montinegro, and Don Philip de Tassis to the Hage, Don Pedro de Velasco, to Bergh, Don Pedro de Lensina to Encusen, Don Anthony de Mendoza, and Don Francisco de Torres to Bergh. Of the Archdukes household were taken, the Count Carlo Rezi, Don Diego De Gusman and Mortier, all three being his pages, and Don Pedro de Montemaior, his Gentlemen Carver, his Physician, Surgeon, Harbinger, Rider, Cook, Porter, and Groom of his Chamber, some of his Guards etc. forty seven Ancients, and thertie seven appointed and reformed Sargents. The Archduke lost six Pieces of Artillery, The Prince returns to the ●●ege of ●●●●port. and with the two which they had taken in the morning a hundred and six Enseignes, and five Corners, comprehending the m●●●ners Standard, & the Colours which were lost that day were also recovered. Five days after this Battle, the Prince returns again to the siege of Nieuport, having possed the Haven again, he caused his Ships to return▪ entrenched his Camp, unshipps his Cannon, and prepared his Batteries: but the same night there entered three Regiments into the Town, the which they could not prevent, besides five Companies which were there in Garrison before, so as the Prince finding it very difficult to take the Town by assault, without greater forces and a long ●eege, considering the number of their men, the which might greatly prejudice his affairs, and little advantage him by the taking thereof, being in danger upon his departure to be taken again, he raised his Camp and embarked his Cannon with all the Baggage Tents, and Pavilions, commanding the Ships to return towards Ostend, The Prince beseegeth Isabellas ●ort. having resolved to attempt the Forts of Isabella, Saint Clara, and Grotendorst: so as the next day having past the Haven of Nieuport he went to besiege the Fort of Isabella, near to that of Albertus which he had taken at his coming to Ostend, but the one and twentieth day of the month, at the break of day, the archdukes army being new supplied, The Archduke relieves it and raiseth the siege. appeared and set down near unto the Fort of Clara without any opposition: so as the Archduke sent to refresh the said Forts both with Men and Munition, the which the Prince could not hinder by reason of the great ditches which were in the Meadows: so as the Prince (finding that he was to fight with two enemies if he should assail the Fort) made his retreat, contenting himself for that year with the victory of Ni●uport, so as he was blamed of many for that he could not make use of so great a victory. Count Maurice and the States having demanteled Albertus' Fort, as much as they thought good, and raised the siege from that of Isabella they returned with their Army into the united Provinces, putting them into Garrisons, Count Mauric● returns into Holland. and the Archduke retired the Body of his Army out of Flanders, except some Companies which he left within the Forts, repairing that of Albertus again in the same manner, as it had been before. Wackene the archdukes vice-admiral, (remaining commonly in the Town of Dunkirk) to revenge the loss at the Battle of Nieuport, goes himself to Sea with seven or eight Ships of War, and falls upon a piece of the Fleet of Holland and Zealand which went to fish for Herrings; the which although they had some Ships for their guard dispersed here and there, yet not being able to defend alike, some lying far of, the vice-admiral took some of them, The exploits of the vice-admiral of Flanders. and having taken out the Pilots and Masters of the Ships, he nailed the Mariners and Fishermen under the Hatches, in fifteen or sixteen of the a foresaid Ships, the which he pierced beneath in the Keels, so as they sunk to the bottom of the Sea, with all those poor distressed wretches, which could no way save or help themselves: a poor revenge, and a pitiful thing to see and hear the lamentable cries of those which were so miserably drowned. This Summer the States of the Low Countries caused a great Galley to be Built in the Town of Dordre●ht in holland, to stop the Passages and courses of them of Scluse, this being called the black Galley of Dordrecht, having ten or twelve pieces of Artillery▪ whereof there were two Cannons in the Poop and two in the Prow, it was no sooner finished & manned, but she was sent from Flessingh in Zealand, to draw forth the enemy's Galleys: whilst she lay at an Anchor, The black● Galley of Dord●et●ht, the Captain having discovered, three Galleys of Scluse which had taken a merchants Ship of Zelande, pursued them, and at the first charged one of the three so furiously, as after great harm done her, she was forced to retire, which done, the Captain went to the other two who had seized on the ship, the which he took from them, and forced them to retire to Scluse, with no less loss than the first. And afterwards the night of the 29. day of November, this Captain with his Galley and four shalops well manned, set upon the admirals ship of Andwerp, in the midst of the River of Escault, before the said Town, the which was one of the goodliest ships belonging to Andwerp, being of the burden of four score Tons, the which he did assail so furiously, as some he cut in pieces, others leaping overboard were drowned in the darkness of the night. Then he took the merchants ships of Bruxelles & Mecklin, and five other ships (which they call Hoys) the which did serve to convoy victuals & munition which went to Scluse, and to the forts which the Spaniards hold upon the Rivers, every ship having four pieces of Ordinance: all which ships with the Prisoners which he retained, he brought to Flessingue, passing at the mercy of the Spaniards Canon before Ordam & other forts, upon the River of Escault. The which did much terrify the Town of Andwerp, it being kept shut two days, fearing some treason. Don Francisco de Mendoza, Admiral of Arragon, being taken Prisoner at the battle of Nieuport, and led into Holland, remained in the Castle of Woerden, & could not purchase his liberty for any money, but upon condition; That in exchange, & in steed of a Ransom, all their Subjects & servants, that were prisoners in Spain, Italy, and else where, should be set at liberty. The Admiral seeing that there was no other means of his delivery, but that he was in danger to end his days there, prevailed so much with the King of Spain and Albertus the Archduke, as he obtained a promise, that for him all the prisoners of the united Provinces, or which had been taken in their service, being at that time detained, either in the Galleys, in prison or otherwise, should be delivered without ransom, the which he should present unto the States before his full liberty. By reason whereof the States did write unto all the Towns of the said Provinces, to deliver in writing unto the Comissaries appointed to that end, The Admiral of Arragon set at liberty in the year 1600. the names of such as they knew to be detained as well in Spain by the Inquisition, at the islands and Indies, as also in the Low Countries, at Scluse, Dunkirk, & else where, the which was done, and the prisoners being all returned, the Admiral was set at liberty. This year the fift of August, was that detestable Conspiracy of the Earl of Goury and his younger brother, Earl Goury's attempt to kill the King of Sco●land. to murder the King of Scotland: Alexander Ruthen the younger brother persuaded the King to go unto the Earl's house, where he would show him a hidden treasure, but their intent was to murder him most inhumanly; if GOD had not preserved him most miraculously beyond all expectation of man, as you may read at large in the History. But let us return to Savoy. The 7. of August the King was advertised, The Duke refuseth to si●ne the Articles agreed upon by his Ambassadors. that the Duke had refused the last conditions agreed upon by his Ambassadors, whereupon he countermanded the Count Passage, whom he had sent with 500 men to command in the Marquisate of Salusses, and to enter the Town and Castle of Carmagnoles, which the Duke should yield up the 16. of August, according to the last accord. And withal the eleventh of that month he published a declaration how he was forced to take arms against the Duke of Savoy, to have reason for the Marquisate of Salusses, taken by him, and usurped upon the Crown of France, in a time of Peace, during the life of the deceased King, Henry the 3. Predecessor to his Majesty, The King's declaration upon the beginning of the War, against the Duke of Savoy. & a Benefactor to the said Duke's Father: Giving all men to understand, that he was unwillingly drawn to this remedy, for the singurall desire he had to reign in Peace, and to live in Love & friendship with all his neighbours, having done as much to avoid it, as his honour, and the duty of a Prince which loves the public quiet, and the good of his Estate, did require: taking into his protection & defence, all Clergy men & places, which should not favour, nor serve for a retreat or assistance unto the said Duke's armies: & all Inhabitants of Towns, which should open their gates unto his Majesty and to his servants: Meaning, that no acts of Hostility should be used, but against such as should carry arms, & favour the said Duke of Savoy and his adherents. Forbidding all Sacrilege, Ravishing of Women and Maids, and burning of Houses, Places and Castles upon pain of death. Commanding all Frenchmen his subjects, being in service with the said Duke, to retire themselves and return into his Realm within fifteen days after this Proclamation made in his armies, upon pain to be declared and punished as guilty of heigh Treason. The King finding that all the Duke's temporize and delays proceeded from a bad intent; was forced at one and the same instant▪ against the Precept of War, to proclaim War, and to prepare for mean, to make it. ●he King's 〈…〉 in 〈◊〉. He gave out Commissions for the levying of foot in the neighbour Provinces. He sent the Duke of Guis● into Provence, to look to his Government, having intelligence that the Duke practised some surprises. The Marshal Byron had charge to draw down all his forces out off Burgundy, he caused bullets to be made in N●uernois, Daulphiné and Burgundy, and sent out Comissions for to levy pioneers. The Marquis of wosny great Master of the Artillery, was sent to Paris, who returned within fifteen days to his Majesty, with incredible speed, so as in less than three week, the King had Men, Money, Canon and Munition. He sent Mons●ur ● Vic his Ambassador speedily into Sui●●erland with money, to prevent and disappoint the Duke's practices, and to assure a levy of Swiss at need. The King who knows that in War, nothing doth so much advance the execution as the presence of the Head: being resolute to assail the Duke on two pa●ts, by Bresse and Savoy▪ he parted from Lions the same day that he proclaimed War, and came to Greneble to go to the Enterprise of Montmelian in Savoy, and to be perfect at all occasions. The Marshal Byron undertook the Surprise and ●aking of Bourg in Bresse, the which was assoon known as conceived. The Marquis of ●ullins the Duke's Ambassador being at Lions, advertised the Count of Montmaior Governor of Bresse, and Bowens, Captain of the Citadel of Bourg of the Enterprise, and that they should stand upon their Guards. A Gentleman of Bresse which had been among the marshal Birons Troops, seen the Petards, and numbered the Soldiers in passing the Bridge at Maicon, went before, to give notice to Bowens' Captain of the Citadel, that t●e Martial was within a league of him. But neglecting all these advertisements, and trusting to the force of their Walls and Gates, they found, that the Marshal Byron wi●h 1200. me● only and two Petards, forced the first and second Port of the Town, and entered it without any Resistance, or the less of one Soldier. The troops entered without disorder, and marched directly to the place before the Citadel, and came not away, till ten of the clock, whilst that they did capitulate with 200. Swiss, which had shut themselves into a Bastion, whom they suffered to departed free with what was theirs: and also to attend if Bowens would sally out off the Citadel, as he made sh●we. The Marshal Byron left the Baron of Lux at Bourg, and went with five Canon● to finish the conquest of all that which lies on this side the River of ●osne, taking at the same time Pont d' In, Poncin, S. Denis, S. Rumbert, Beley and Pierre Chastel. Some yielded at the reputation of his presence, others would see the Canon. Therewas ●o Garrison in all the Country, but as Seizel. A strange humour of an enemy, no● only to make War upon bad grounds, and to Imbarge himself in a rotten Ship, but also to refuse Peace, and yet to have no man in his Country to make War. Those which made any resistance, showed themselves in the end more valiant in Tongue then with the Sword. So as the King being at ●renoble, received in one day and in less than six hours, news of two memorable exploits: the taking of Bourg with seven Ensigns, and one Cornet which the Marshal sent him, and the taking of the Town of Montmelian by les ' Diguires. Crequy offered a Scalado to the Curtain of the Town of Montmelian, towards the Castle, and the Petard to the Port of Arban with such a fury, as the Soldiers retired themselves into the Church, and the Inhabitants into the Citadel, leaving their houses to the discretion of all that War allows in a Town that is either forced, or surprised. The King commanded Grillon to lodge with the Regiment of his Garde● in the suburbs of Chambery, all which was done, without any great resistance. The soldiers did not defend themselves without fear and amazement, and the people were so lulled a sleep with this opinion of Peace, as nothing was more hateful unto them then the remembrance of War, holding all care of arms to be vain and unprofitable. The Duke being advertised that the King was in arms, his Country in prey, the means to defend himself far of, the danger at hand, and Hannibal at the foot of the Alpes, found no fit instrument to repair his affairs then the Patriarch of Constantinople, who since his return from Paris had remained at Thurin in the Covent of the Franciscans. The Duke had been jealous of him at the Treaty at Paris▪ and seeing that by the Pope's commandment, he would not departed before it were effected: he thought that it was but to spy his intentions, and to press him to do that in effect, which he would not do but in words. He therefore showed him no such good countenance as he had done when he passed first for the Treaty of Veruins. 〈◊〉 friends, which did visit him were not held good servants to the Duke: he discovered well this contempt, but he dissembled the feeling of it. The Duke who had offended him, The Duke sends the Patriarch of Constan●inople to the King. gave him a good means to be revenged. He entreats and conjures him to go unto the King. They say that (in despite of the bad reception he had had at Thurin, or well acquainted with the Duke's intentions) he sent a small note unto the King, advising him to continue the course of his arms, and not to desist for any propositions or offers made by the Duke, who sought but to deceive him, and withal he accepted of the charge. The Patriarch came unto Grenoble the 15. of August, & spoke unto the King coming from Evensong: He gives him to understand how much the Pope would be discontented with this War: he conjures him in his name to resolve to a Peace, and to return for that effect to the Treaty of Paris: for that in demanding his own, both the Pope and all the Potentates would favour his demand: but in seeking to retain the ancient inheritance of the Duke of Savoye, The K ngs answer to the Patriarch. he had no reason to hope for any favour. The King answered him, that he was infinitely grieved the Pope should be any way discontented with his taking of arms, the which he did not undertake until it was apparent to all the world, that the Duke deluded him. That being the person whom his Majesty did most Honour, and to whom he acknowledged himself so much bound, as he could not deny him any thing, yet he held him so full of justice, as he would never advise him to any thing that should be against reason & the dignity of his Crown. That the Duke having refused to perform the Articles of the Treaty at Paris, he was not bound to observe them. The Patriarch laid before him the miseries which this War would bring, the ruin and desolation of the people, and the advantage which the common enemy of Christendom should get by it. The King answered him in this manner. You exhort me like unto a great Divine and one of the chief Prelates of the Church, to desist from this War, to avoid the mischief that may fall upon Christendom. I know not so much Divinity as you do, yet am I not ignorant, that I have a Soul to save, and that one day I must give an account of my actions, and that God will impute the miseries that shall happen by this War, unto him that gives the occasion. Let the Duke of Savoye lay his hand upon his heart, and judge if it be not his obstinacy and covetousness to hold that which belongs to an other, which is the cause of all the oppression which his poor Subjects do now suffer. He hath presumed with two great contempt of me, to hold that which is mine by cunning, against my wil He that detains an other man's unjustly, may justly be deprived of his own. He that denies unto the stronger that which belongs unto him, abandons unto him by the same means all that he hath: as it is no Honour for him to be obtinate to War, for the desire he hath to hold an other man's estate, so shall he reap no other profit then the ruin of his own. I cannot conceal it, Reverend Patriarch, that although I have ever found all integrity in your Negotiations, yet am I troubled how I shall carry myself with you, touching that which you propound, for in truth I hold you for a very good man, a most virtuous Prelate, and a Wise Negotiator. O● the other si●e I can let yo● see in writing how the said Duke hath given authority to jacob and the Precedent Rochette to treat with me, with a declaration that neither you nor his Ambassadors, that are within my Realm, are privy to his intentions. He ●ath ma●e them propound, that I should move the Pope to depute two Legates, one of them should cause restitution to be made of that which I hold on this side the mounta●nes, and the other should make him restore that which he detains from me on t●at side 〈…〉. I find his manner of proceeding to be very bad. The Duke demands tw● L●gat● To conclude 〈◊〉 Patriarch, I will beseech the Pope to take my answer in good part, who holds that I cannot be v●g●d by any reason to lay aside those arms which the Duke hath ●o●c●d me to take, 〈◊〉 run headlong without any necessity into this war, in the which I am engage● against my wil I mean not to be irreconcilable to him, but I will tell you that ●ee hath carried himself in such sort towards me, as I will no more rel●e upon his words. After so many breaches, he must find some other means to warrant that he saith, o● some others than myself to believe him. His former carriage makes me judge what the future may be. It is evident that in a full peace, he usurped the Marquisate of Saluces, of 〈◊〉 deceased King his benefactor, alleging no other reason, but that he wo●ld keep it more safely for, him, than the Huguenots, who wo●ld ●surpe it, promising to do as he pleased. I can show his letter written unto the King. But when there is any question to keep his promise, The Duk● let●er to the deceased King he then no more remembers it. judge also how I can be assured of the love of this Prince, who during the miseries of France, sought to usurp Daulphiné and Provence, where with his friends he 〈◊〉 cau●ed infinite ruins, and where he pretended no other right but neighbourhood a●d conveniency, and to make himself great with his neighbour's loss, 〈…〉 the taking o● the Marquisate. so as his Ambassador in Suitzerland in an open diet at Bade (excusing his master's covetousness to the thirteen Cantons) said that his children which were many, were issued from Kings and Emperors, and that it was natural for Fathers to seek all means to make their children great, and to think of it in time, seeing that no man knows what time he hath to think of it. The which should give occasion to all his neighbours, to forecast how they shall keep their estates until his children be provided for. The ●●rre which I make shall not trouble the quiet of Christendom, I am ready to desist, when he shall do me right, for many just pretensions which I have upon his Estates and Countries, the which he detains from me, to the prejudice of my Crown. Let no man doubt of my resolution to observe the treaty of Veruins, but it doth not 〈◊〉 me● to quit mine own. The Patriarch seeing that he would allow no other reasons then his own, beseeched the King to grant a cessasion of arms, but his ●equest 〈◊〉 not granted, the King being unwilling his army should rest, until it had taken Montmelian and Bourg, being dangerous to remain in an enemy's Country, and not to be● assured of the chief places of strength, the loss whereof strikes terror 〈…〉. The King sent the Patriarch to Lions, to treat with his Council more 〈…〉 proposition. The Spanish Ambassador considered the course of this war, yet he made no show that the King his master desired for all this to alter the public peace, notwithstanding he could not forbear to say, that besides the natural affection which he bore to the Duke of Savoy and to his children: he held it the duty of a mighty Prince, to lend his helping hand to them that were unjustly oppressed, yet he made no protestation which might make them doubt of the observation of the Treaty. The King also said that he would cherish the love of the King of Spain, so long as he should make account of his, but he ●ould never trouble himself with so difficult a thing as to keep a friend by force. He commanded the Marquis of Lullins to retire, for if an Ambassador be always suspected during an assured peace, there is no reason to trust him in time of war. The King being resolute not to lose any time in a season which was so precious, parted from Grenoble, dined at Baraut, visited his troops which were at Montmelian, and from thence went to the Marches, viewed Chambery, and being come unto the suburbs, he commanded Villeroy, to speak unto jacob, who commanded in the Town, & to lay before him the danger whereinto he thrust himself with all the Inhabitants, if they attended force in so weak a place. The King offers mercy to the inhabitants of Chambery. That the King desirous to prevent the ruane of so many poor innocent Creatures, offered mercy, & sought to vanquish them by mildness, before he employed any other means. jacob, accompanied with the Precedent Rochette, thanked the King, and beseeched his Majesty to suffer them to advertise his Highness in what Estate they were. The King granted them three days to resolve and to send to the Duke, but the people not attending his resolution, being desirous to free themselves from the apprehensions of the misery which follows them that are obstinate, Chambery yielded the 21. of August. forced him to enter into parley, so as the Town was yielded to the King's obedience. Those within the castle promised to yield within 6. days, if they were not succoured with sufficient forces to raise the siege. The King left la Buisse a gentleman of D●ulphiné there for Governor. Having effected so great a matter with so small forces, he was well pleased to see his army augmented, by the troops which La Guiche Governor of Lions brought unto him, being about 300. horse, of the Nobility of his government, and of his company of men at arms. Being master of the field, he resolved to have the chief Fort. he seized upon the two approaches of Tarentaise and Mor●enne. He parted from Chambery the 26. of August, lodged at Saint Peter d' Albigny, and the next day came to Conflans, where he found that Les ' Digueres had by main force drawn two Cannons to the top of a mountain, The King comes to Conflans, and batters ●●. battered a pavilion, and made a small breach in a curtain. The place was sufficient to have assured Women, but they that were within it showed not themselves Men, being one thousand five hundred in number, among the which there were a hundred all armed, and three hundred more which carried Cuirasses. They had scarce made fifty shot but they yielded through fear, and demanded no other composition but their lives, thinking themselves very happy to redeem their lives with the loss of their Arms, The capitulation of Conflans. Horses and Baggage, the which the King gave them out of his bounty, well satified with the place, their enseignes, and the promise which they made him not to carry arms for twelve days. The description o● Charbonnieres. As Conflans commands the passage of Tarentaise, so Charbonieres holds that of Morienne, being seated at the entry of the mountains, which makes the valley joining to Mont Cenis. This place stands upon a rock, at the foot whereof runs the river of Arc, inaccessible of all sides, but only a narrow way to go unto the Port; this place is held to be the first mansion of the Dukes of Savoy. The Town of Aiguebelle is at the foot of this rock, the King caused it to be surprised by the Signior o● Crequy and Morges, not given them of the Castle, any leisure to burn it. His Majesty knowing that this place was well furnished to resist an army, caused his troops to march, and then he battered the Tower with nine Cannons, and two small pieces, from the break of day until noon. The besieged (having endured 637. Cannon shot, without any hope of succours,) did capitulate the tenth of September, to departed with their baggage, & their matches out: the King sent their enseignes to the Marquis of Vernueil being then at Lions, the which are now in the great Church of S. john, and so they departed to the number of two hundred. The King returned to Grenoble, to purge himself by the advice of his Physicians, commanding Les ' Digueres to pass with the army into Tarentaise, the which he did, the enemies quitting the passage of Briancon, retiring themselves into a rock which was inaccessible of all parts, the which did so bridle the passage, as it might stay any force▪ Les ' Digueres having intelligence that the port being but two foot wide, was not well rampared, & that the place was better furnished with Peasants then with Soldiers, he planted two Canons against it, the which in 6 vollees made a breach, the soldiers grappled up courageously to the top of the mountain, to enter in at this hole, the Captain within it was hurt with a shot, & all the rest were taken prisoners. The army lodged at Monstiers the Metropolitaine of the whole Country, having conquered the valleys and mountains of Moriene and Tarentaise, where they found nothing so difficult, as the season, being more troubled with the weather, then with men: only Montmelian remained, which was held impregnable. The King desirous to have the causes of this war known to all the world; commanmanded his Ambassadors to advertise his friends thereof. The King of Spain's Ambassador in Suisse complains of the ●ing. The Spanish Ambassadors in Su●tze●land was not mute in this occasion which ministered matter for all the world to talk of. His discourse was, that the King of France (having taken arms when as every one thought to enjoy the sweetness of peace,) put all the world in jealousy, bound those that were nearest to run to quench this fire, and in oposing themselves to the oppression of the Duke, prevent the desseigns of the servitude of Italy. That to this end the Cont de fuentes, had comandment from the King of Spain his Master, to levy men to assuer the Duchy of Milan, and to entreat that valiant nation of the Swisses to grant him a levy of six thousand men. Monsieur de vic the King's Ambassador, made it known in an open Assembly of all the Cantons, that the King had had more patience, than the injury done unto his Crown did permit, Monsieur de vic the K●ngs Ambassador in Suisse. being unwilling to take arms until that all Europe had judged, that the Duke of Savoye proceeded not sincerely, and that he urged his Majesty to repel by force the injury of the detention of the Marquisat of Saluces, yet could he not keep the petty Cantons from granting a levy unto the Duke, the which notwithstanding was by him made unprofitable. We may not here omit a particular accident. A strange imimposture Among the chief gentlemen which la Guiche Governor of Lions had drawn out of his government to serve the king in his army of Savoy, were Chazeul▪ and du Bourg both well known for their valour and experience in arms. The King made good esteem of them, and gave a Commission to the last, to raise a regiment of a thousand m●n. Being gone to make this leui●, (Envy which doth always oppose itself to the merits of Virtue, & which is inevitable in the beginning of prosperity,) was grieved ●hat a gentleman, which had followed the League▪ should be chosen among so many others to serve the King in this war, and forged an imposture sufficient to ruin, if it had encountered a Prince as apt to choler as he is to justice and Clemency. They cast abroad tickets in the King's chamber & with drawing chamber, that these two gentlemen having failed an enterprise upon his majesties pe●son at the passage of the River near unto Chamousset, had referred the execution thereof to Morliers, & that his Majesty should remember that upon the way to Chamousset, one of them (his courage fainting) drew back from the King to talk with a knight which marched on the one side. This was enough to kindle the King's choler, & to make it pass like unto a thounderbolt, which breaks and wounds before we see the lightning or hear the crack. But this Prince who all his life had followed the Precept, which the Emperor Basilius gave unto his son, not to give ear to slanderous & envious reports, found that this billet proceeded from a wicked and unkind passion, for that he remembered well that to speak with du Bourg, he had caused Chazeul to change his place, where mention was made in billet. He showed it to la Guich governor of Lions, who presently conceived that it was an imposture: He called Chazeull unto him, more to confirm the good opinion he had of his Loyalty, then to show him that this note were able to give him any sign of jealousy or distrust. And for that the bruit of this treachery could not be kept secret, he caused a letter to be written to du Bourg, commanding him not to discontinue the levy of his regiment, for any thing he should hear spoken against his loyalty, whereof he would have no other proof but his courtage, and the execution of that which he commanded him. Du Bourg being at Lions, and hearing there were things spoken of him which he never thought, he takes post and comes to the King as he rose from Dinner, being environed by all the chief Noble men of his Court. As Soon as he perceived him he asked why he was come Sir answered du Bourg, it is said at Lions that Espinasse would kill you. Du Bourg brings you his Head. The King replied that he held him to honest a man to have such a thought, and that such as had given this intelligence where wicked impostors. They did see that I meant to employ you, as I will always when any occasion is offered for my service. They could produce no other effects of their envy but in writing of this billet, but they have not found me so tractable and credulous as they thought. Prince's Courts were never without them, but he hath fewest that doth least bele●ue them, I do not as Kings my Predecessors, who kept in mind, while they lived what two or three had told them. No man knows my realm better than myself. 1601. I have found three factions. That of the deceased King hath troubled me. Of three I have made one: there is no more any distinction. I am King of the one as well as of the other, and hold them all for my subjects. I make no difference among them for their affection to my service, but I know how to make chiose of them that are Capable of charges, & for your regard you shall never be forgotten when any is offered. Du Bourg having thanked the King for the confidence it pleased him to have of his loyalty, seemed notwithstanding much afflicted for this slander. The King said unto him, that he had already told Chazeul that it pitied him to see him afflicted for a thing which he had never believed, & which he held incredible▪ he asked him if he suspected any one, assuring him that if he did name him, he would of his absolute power put him to the Rack, & if any one should accuse them, he would always hold the accusation scandalous, being far from the thought of gentelemen of their sort: and if he should believe billets; there were no safety for good men in his Court. But the King adds (to increase the hearts of these spiteful spirits) go and raise your Regiment, and believe me that if you bring speedily the number of men which you have promised, you shall punish them more rigorously than justice would, if they were known: for there is no such torment to an enemy as to do well. That which was said of these two was very false, but that which was said of two others was very true. The King had intelligence that two desperate men, by one motion & divers means had an enterprise upon his person. Two desperate m●n sent to kill the King. One advise was accompanied with a Description and the Portaits of these wretches. One of them was known, and seen two or three times near unto the King. One to whom Villeroy had given a copy of the Portraits, to watch & observe this villainy, seeing him one day nearer unto the King than he should be, wi●hed his Majesty to take heed. He contemned this advice, saying that his life depended of God, and not of the practices of his enemies. He would not suffer them to apprehend him, saying Let him alone he is a wicked man. Such vill●ines shall not go unpunished, God will punish th● wit●o●t my doing. The Castle of Montmelian was held one of the strongest places in Christendom, and those which have seen the Protrait, with the order of the King's Camp and the form of his Battery, have wondr●d that it did so suddenly yield. The King himself said it was impregnable. It is seated upon the top of a Mountain, the Ditches be Precipices on every side, the defences five great Bastions well ●●anked: The s●ege of the Castle of Montmelian. there is but one passage to it from the Town, but so uneasy as it is not to be won; being Ditcht, Retrencht and Flanked with advantage: but there is no Fortress that can be termed strong if it be not assailed, and they measure the strength or weakensse of a place more by the quality of him that doth besiege it then by her own forces. The King (whose reputation assured a happy end) resolved to besiege it, being informed of the Estate of the place, and confirmed in his resolution by l' Esdigueres, who said these words unto him. That he would submit himself to pay the Charges of the Army if that Fort were not taken within 〈◊〉 month. The French Army marched to besiege the Castle of Montmelia●, which the Lord of Crequey (commanding ●n the Town since the taking thereof,) had blocked up as we●l as he could. The Castle summoned to yield. His Majesty being arrived, he summoned the Count of Brandis to yield, and to receive his commandments, threatening him with the fury of forty Cannons: the Earl answered, That he would never yield the place but to his Soue●●igne Lord the Duke of Savoye, The Earl of 〈◊〉 an●●e●●. and if they did besiege him, Montmelian should be the sepulture of the French. Some think that this insolent answer proceeded only from fear▪ In the mean time the Marquis Rosny, great Master of the Artillery, lost no time to plant his Batteries, drawing up seven Cannons by the force of men's hands to command the castle, and to batter it at random▪ then in the same plain, at the foot of the hill he caused two batteries to be made by the Boards (Lieutenant general of the artillery) as well against the Bastion of Mavuois●●, as other places which they held easiest to be battered, especially that which was before the Bastion, Bovillars, the which might also Batter an old Tower or Dungeon, being four square, and almost ruined, having been battered in former time by the Army o● King Francis the ●●●st. 1600 The two batteries on the other side of the Water played upon the base fo●t, and into the portal of the Dungeon at random, upon those that should issue forth, or offer themselves to defend the breach, the which did more amaze the besieged then any t●ing el●e, who being well furnished with artillery and other muni●●on▪ spared not their shot, the which notwithstanding could not hinder the lodging of the King's Artillery. Whilst they planted the Cannon, the King went to view the passages of the Mountains by the which the Duke of S●uoy might enter on this side. He was 〈…〉 Thurin and did not budge, seeming careless of the ruin of his Estates: ●et sometimes some of his most trusty servants would say. The King of France takes Towns in Savoy, but patience. His ●igh●es will take as many in France and better: these words being reported, The ●ant●ng o● the 〈◊〉. made the King to suspect some bad design, considering the advertisement they had of three Murderers, whereof one was come expressly out of Piedmont to Murder the King: yet he feared not them but rather la Fin, who was very inward with the Marshal Byron, and that they would seek to effect the desseigns which they had plotted at Paris, when as the Duke of Savoy was there, whereof the King had had some intelligence, but he could not believe it. His Majesty who loved the Marshal Byron well, wished him to dismiss la Fin, that his company was dangerous, and in the end he would deceive him. But the Marshal was no more capable of Council: two great & violent passion's, ambition & revenge had so distempered his judgement, as he was no more himself, the which grew upon occasions which fell out in this War of Savoy. T●e first was despite and jealousy, to see all the authority of command, all the honour of enterprises, The caus●s of ●h● Marshal Birons ●●●con●●nt. all the conduct of executions given to l' Esdigueres, for that he knew the Country & the enemy's forces better than any other. He was discontented for that he was not at ●●e ●eege of Mon●melian, as he had been at the siege of Amiens. The other was the 〈◊〉 which the King made unto him, to dispose of the Citadel of Bourg, when it should be taken, which refusal was grounded upon great considerations. The first that it was not reasonable to t●ust a place of that importance to him that was suspected to have intelligence with his enemy. The second, that Governors of Provinces which command in Chief, ought not to have the guard of Places & Forteresses. The third was, that the King me●t to commit that place (as one of the K●ies of his Realm towards Italy) to one that de●ended immediately on his Majesty. But we must join this discourse to his process & to the discovery of his conspiracies, the which he thought to be very secret, for that they were not known nor divulged. 〈◊〉 in Italy. All Italy being amazed to see the King at the foot of the Alpes, & the three fortresses which remained in Bresse & Savoy so straightly besieged, as they must needs fall into the power of the victorious French said, That the Marquisate was the pretext, but Naples & Milan was the cause of the war. The Duke of Sessa the King of Spain's Ambassador at Rome, represented unto the Pope, The Duke of 〈◊〉 request unto the Pope. the infinite ruins & desolations which would follow by the continuance of this War, and the victorious success which the Turk had upon the frontiers of Austria, being ready to ma●e a great breach upon the Christians, whilst the Princes which he feared most were at War, and the most warlike people of Europe killed one an other. He therefore be●eecheth him to send his Nephew unto the King, to stay the course of his Arms, and to resume again the execution of the trea●y of Paris. The Pope (to whom the division of Christian Princes hath always been displeasing, desiring more than any of his Predecessors to assure the public quiet) grants this grea● & famous embassage of Cardinal Aldobrandino his Nephew, who young of age, but not of wisdom and judgement, Cardinal 〈◊〉 sent Legate to ●he Fr●nci● King. would not departed out of Rome before the Duke of Sessa had given his word unto the Pope, that he would cause the King of Spain to approve, & the Duke to observe whatsoever he should treat: with this assurance he passed to Milan, getting the like promise from the Count of Fuentes under his hand, being there ready with the King of Spain's forces to succour the Duke of Savoy: to whom he said. That he made this voyage for the only respect of the King of Spain, & if the Duke of Savoy only had been interessed, he would not have absented himself so long from the Consistory, he was not therefore resolved to proceed any farther, if he did not assure him to make the Duke observe all that 〈…〉, and to retire his forces if he made any difficulty. The Count who sought but 〈…〉 on the other side of the Alpes, to serve as a rampire for Milan prom●●ed ●im, 〈◊〉 passage might be reserved for the Spaniards to go into Flanders. It was a great wis●do●● in t●is young Cardinal not to treat of ●o important a business, but upon good cau●ions. The Cardinal being thus assured, He came to 〈…〉 the Duke. leaves his train at Alexandria, & come● to ●hurin▪ se●●ng his intention to be, to finish his pilgrimage to our L●die of Mont Deuiss, a●d to see 〈◊〉 in passing. The Duke enters into complaint of the loss of his Estates, and swears to s●eke all means to have his revenge. The Legate seems cold, he repre●e●●s unto him the necessity of peace, and the good of Concord, and he let's ●im know that he should ●esire to keep his friends which are the true Sceptres of Princes. He adds moreover that he was sorry for the bad estate of his affairs, the which if he might repair, he would willingly go to Chambery. The Duke entreats him to take the pain, g●ues him a b●a●ke, & assures him that he will never have any will nor resolution to contradict t●at w●i●h he should conclude in this negotiation, with this promise and an assurance that ●e should not attempt any thing more than the succouring of Montmelian) he passed the A●pes. And for that he feared that the K●ng in his great advantage, would not ha●ken to a peace, and much less grant any truce, and that this inequality would make all reasons unequal, he would not advise the Duke to ●end his Ambassadors, until he fi●st known t●e King's m●nde. He therefore commands Herminio his Secretary to advertise him of h●● coming, a●d of the desire he had to serve his majesty, not for the continuance of the War, but for a confirmation of Peace. The King upon this advise stays at Annessy▪ to give audience to Herminio, The Cardinal 〈…〉 the K●ng who was presented unto him by the Patriarch, who said ●nto h●m: that the Legate his Master was sent by the Pope▪ to quench the fire of war. The Ki●●●xcus●d him●elfe, upon the disadvantage ●ee should receive, and the prejudice it ●ould bring to his affa●res, in retiring when he should advance, and to contemn the commodities and occasions which were offered unto him in this enterprise by the consideration o● Tim● & Place. But he assured him that the Cardinal should be very welcome for the respect of his Holiness, for the particular of his person, and for the subject of his Legation▪ although his enemies had given it out, that it was made in the Duke's favour. ●hat he did attribute all to P●et●e, Wisdom, and a Fatherly care, in his Holiness▪ who should always find as much will in him to maintain peace, as he had been grieved to come to arms, refusing never any treaty, so as it might be with honour and safety, being resolute never to endure any in●●rie from the Duke of Sau●y no● his adherents. ●erminio made some other propositions, the answer whereof, the K●ng referred to Chamb●ry, whether the King appointed to come within four or fi●e days. The King went from Annessy to Beaufort to view the passage of the mountain, by the which the D●ke might come, he ●ent the D●ke Byron to discover that of our L●dy of Gorge, and others altogether inaccessible, but only for Bears, and Camels. The King went up the mountain, as far as the p●ace of Corner, where he dined under a rock, to defend himselve from s●ow: after he had viewed the passage which may serve the enemy, he parted ●●om beaufort, & took his lodging at Gilly near to Co●st●ns, where he was informed of the 〈◊〉 E●●ate of the besieged, who had no hope but in themselves, being imp●●sible ●●r the Duke of Savoy to succour them But what doth the Duke whils● the King rules in his Counties, The K●ng 〈…〉 the 12. o● O●tob●r. & that L' Esdigueres spoils all the valleys of Morienne and Tarent●●s●? He which had been the King's Agent with the Duke, having taken his leave, came to hi● Majesty at Grenoble, te●ling him that the Duke talked of nothing but fight, he answered that he should find him ready to show him sport. The Spaniards who would ma●e him apprehend their voyage of Paris, T●● Duke 〈◊〉 to l●g●t said that they might not break the body of their troops, nor divide their forces, appointed for the defence of Piedmont. ●he Duke would have sent 3000. Spaniards to defend the valley of Tarentaise, but they would not march, not for fear, but by order of their Commander, which kept them back. D' Albigni had much ado to make them stay at the Fort of little Saint B●rnard, on that side o● the va●ley of Aost, which if they had done, the Duke might have attempted some thing in provence and Daulphiné to have diverted the King's forces. But it hath been always observed that such as have trusted to the succours of Spain, have tried to their grief that they desire rather to entertain the D seize then to advance the Cure. It is a Military Maxim among them to make one Boby of an army, A Maxim of the Spaniards. but especially not to do any thing without direction, so as oftentimes great opportunities are lost in attending, for if the councils be far of, they come always after the effects. The King having provided for the passages returned to Montmelian, The King 〈◊〉 to 〈◊〉. he sent word to the Earl of Brandis, that if he would forbear to shoot that day, he would also cause his battery to cease. They told the King that the Earl granted it as willingly, as if he had no resolution to refuse any thing to so great a Prince. The King was not ignorant of the Estate of the besieged, for besides that at the taking of the Town, he had taken Notes and Inu●nto●ies of the munition that was in the Castle, their always escaped some one over the Wall which brought news, and described the place in as miserable an Estate, as they could, as well to excuse their slight as to tell the truth. A Cannon shot from one of the King's Batteries, pierced the Wall within a foot of the Cave, whereas all their Powder and Munition of War did lie, the which had ended the Battery, if it had gone a little further. The Earl of Brandis seeing that nothing came from without that might entertain hope, and judging that nothing was less beseeming a Captain then rashness, did not contemn the persuasions which necessity and the advice of his friends gave him to think of the soldiers health, seeing that of the place was desperate. The King summons him again, not to be obstinate: they found him so well disposed there unto as presently they did judge whereunto things would tend. The Earl calls together the Captains & gentlemen that were with him, to determine of some wholesome expedient, not to offend the service of their Prince, The Earl of B●and●s prophett ●n to the Captains. ●or to incense the power of a great King, and to provide for the common health of them all, he presents unto them the Estate and extremities, where unto the place was reduced, and conjures them by the faith which they own unto his H●ghnesse, to tell him their opinions upon their Consciences for the Election of two things. The one. To endure the attempts of the French forces, and die in losing of the place, or else. To capitulate and take the longest time they could, to give his highness leisure to succour them. These propositions did not encounter one and the ●ame advice, Some said▪ That seeing his Highness honoured them with the guard of the only Bulwark of his Estates: they should ra●her all die therein then yield the place ●o the King of France, and that t●e apparent danger might be avoided by some sa●orable accident. Othe●s of the contrary side maintained. That accidents were doubtful, that it we●e better according to the time to take an assured and easy party. That every one knew that the most Christian King was well informed of the Estate o● th●t place: That they had suffered to the extremity. That they were battered with 40. Ca●no●s: That they had received many disgraces and loss of men burnt by fi●e which had t●ken their Po●●der. That since two months they had received no news from his Highness. That they wanted all kind of victuell but Corn, which with good husbandry could not last to the end of November: That it were better to enter into composition seeing the King offered it, and take a reasonable term to yield up the place, whilst that his Highness' should g●ue o●der to succour them, or to treat of a Peace. The m●st ●esolute were shaken at these words, and in the end all concluded to make their P●ace in time▪ whereunto in the end they had been forced. The Earke made an Act, The capitulation o● the Ca●t●ll ●f 〈◊〉. the which was signed b● all the Captains and Officers of the Garrison, by the which he demanded a truce of the King for five days, at the end whereof he did Capitulate to departed he & his company with Lives and Goods, Enseignes d●splaye●, Drums sounding, noullet in the mo●t●, Harquebus charged, their matches light, & furnished with w●at munition o● War they could carry, without search, if the D●ke did not succour them within one mo●th, the which was granted, & moreover they had leave to send a Captain to the D●ke, to advertise him thereof. B●ic●eras se●● to a vertise the Duke. The Chevalier Bricheras had the charge to carry t●ese news unto the D●ke, t●e which he received with great discontent. The same day the Capitulation of Mon●meli●n was made, the King sent the Secretary Herminio to go & meet the Cardinal Aldobrandino his Master, with charge to assure him of his majesties willingness to peace, and of the desire he had to see him, to open his heart, and to represent unto him the justice of his arms, He●m●nio re●u●●● to the Leg●●. and to let him know that he had not undertaken them to trouble Italy or Christendom, as his enemies had maliciously given out, after that they had forced him to protract his marriage, and to take the way of Savoy, the which was not greatly pleasing unto him in this season, entreating him to take it in good part, if he did not answer to the particular propositions propounded unto ●im by Herminio vn●ill his arrival, assuring himself that he would come with sufficient power, to conclude a good accord, without any more trouble of doing i●●wise. But his Mai●st●e excused himself from any surceasing of arms. I● being unreasonable to live idly in a● enemy's Country, whereas the entertainment of his army, cost him two hundred thousand Crowns a month, and that he should attend the winter, and 〈◊〉 the enem●e leisure to prepare himself. The Duke held this treaty to be sudden and rash: some brave spirits about him imputed it to cowardliness, rather than to treason. H● m●de answered by Bricheras and assured the besieged to succour them: The D●k●s letter to the ●atl● o● 〈◊〉 t●e 30. o● Octo●●r. and presently after he sent another letter in these terms: Mons de Brandis, for the execution of that which I have signified unto you, by the Chenalier Bricheras, behold I am on Horseback ready to pass the Alpes with so mighty an army, as if you will give me some little time, more than is specified in the Capitulation, you shall see the sport, and bind me, mine and all Savoy, for ever to acknowledge you for the most faithful, the most profitable, and the worthiest Subject in my Estates, you shall be noted throughout all C●ristendome, which now attends your resolution, and you shall free yourself from the ignominy and reproach which you should incur by your Capitulation. Show your ●e●fe I pray you a knight worthy of the house from whence you are descended, and o● the l●ue I have borne you: regard herein your honour chiefly, and the consequence which shall grow by your resolution, it is but for a few days, if I come not by the time limited, and the Cardinal Aldobrandino who is gone thitherward, effects not what he d●th expect, you must not respect your hostages, it is not likely they shall miscarry, and if the worst happen, they cannot import so much as the loss of that place. Writ unto me if it be possible. In my hope from you, depends all that I am to do with such goodly forces. If I were not assured to secure you speedily, I would not persuade you to break the Capitulation. But this assurance makes me say unto you, that you ought not to doubt, for these reasons & infinite others which you should lay before you. The D●ke had added in the end of his letter, these words with his own hand. I think that Bricheras is already come unto you show me now the proof of so many promises which yo● have made ●●ce, and give me the time that I have set down, and you sh●ll see the sport where you ●re. The ●u●e of 〈◊〉 promises t●●e●p h●s wo●d. By this letter it seemed the Duke cared not much for the life of his Hostages: The Duke of Espernon by the King's comm●nd●ment, acquainted the Earl of Brandis with this letter, who answered, ●ou may say unto his Majesty, that I will keep my word, in the assurance whereof I hold my life and honour. The King took a new assurance in writing, signed by him and the other Captains which had signed the Capitulation. Five days after this confirmation, the Cardinal Aldobrandino passed by Montmelian, the army standing in battle, where he was saluted by the King's artillery, and that of the castle. The Duke Espernon met him first upon the bridge of Montmelian, and then all the Princes and Noblemen encountered him upon the way, and accompanied him to Chambery, ●hereas the King received him with good honour, and in his fi●st audience at the Capuchins, T●e ●●gats, 〈◊〉 v●to the ●●ng. he said unto him. That he doubted not of the justice of his arms, & of the advantage whi●h his valour had gotten him over the Duke of Savoy, but he held him for a Prince so full of affect on, to the good and quiet of Christendom, as he would never use the fruit of his victory, to the ruin of the Peace, and public tranquillity, but wou●d suffer the Pope's earnest motion unto him to desire peace, to be of more force t●en the persuasions of such as invited him to continue this war, a war which was neither worthy the greatness of his ●ourage, nor the fruits of his arms, for if it were made to enlarge his Empire▪ the Estate of Savoy is a small thing, and if it were for the revenge of some wrong, he should consider that the revenge which is not betwixt equal parties, is always unjust, & hath no spark of generosity in it. That War ●s uncertain, and the end is not always answerable to the beginning, and there was no Prince that for the most assured opinions of Victory, was to be commended in refusing the conditions of an Honourable Peace. A Peace which the Pope desired for the Good of all Ch●istendome for the consolation of those which trembled a● the Turks approaches: who feared that this division would engage France in the forepast miseries. A Peace which the Duke of Savoye desired, and for the which he promised to yield himself more tractable than ever he had been. A Peace which would br●ng forth means to succour the Christians affairs in Hungary, to root the memory of the Tu●ke out of the world, & free Europe from his fury. The King answered him. That he had always held it for a rule of Conscience to con●ent himself with his own, as well, The King's answer. as not to suffer an usurpation. But he could not hope for any reason from the D●ke of Savoy b●● by arms, the which he was forced to use to revenge the usurpation of his Marquisat, seeing neither the feeling of his own Conscience, nor the judgement o● his Holiness, nor the assurance of his promises made at Paris, co●ld move him to do that whi●h he ought. That if his a●my did pass the Alpes, he should find good Servants in Piedmont, and that the soil was as Fertile as ever it was to plant the ●●ower de Luce there, and make i● flourish, but when he should have gotten all that the D●ke holds on this and the other side of the Mountains, he would always leave it in yielding up his Marquisate. T●e effect of this embassage was, that Herminio went to inform the Duke that the Cardinal his Master had disposed the King to a Peace, The Duke's Ambassadors. the Duke received these new●s with joy, and made choice of the Count d' Arconas and the Seigneur d' Alimes for this negotiation, commanding them to do all the Legate should command touching the Pea●e. The King notwithstanding, said that he would not think of any Peace until that Montmelian were yielded. And that his Council was not near him, the Constable and Chancellor being sent to Marseilles to receive the Queen. The Duke● army. And the Duke was not so much inclined to a Peace, but he did his endeavour to succour Montmelian; The 12. of November he came to the valley of A●st, with ten thousand foot, four thousand Harquebusiers on horseback and 800. Men at Arms: having past the Mount lodged at Ema being himself in person. The King commanded t●e Count Soissons to go to Mousliers, whereas l' Esdigueres attended the enemy, and his Majesty went from Chambery to Montmelian, to expect the yielding up of the place, the which was deliu●red up the sixeteenth of November according to the capitulation by the Count Brandis, with great store of Artillery, Bullets and Powder to shoot abo●e 20000. Cannon shot; the Marquis Rhosny and Crequy (who was appointed Governor by the King) entered into it with 500 men. His Majesty having given order for Montmelian, departed the next day (without entering into the Castle) to visit his Army, t●e which finding as resolute as he desired, he ●ad no other design but to seek all means to approach near in view of his enemy, by divers discoveries which he ●ent to m●ke in divers places: but all was so covered with deep snow, as it was impossible to do any thing, but to grieve at the discommodity and in the mean time to ●eepe the soldiers in breath, in attempting of some places, among others the Tower of ●ili●te, and ●ome Corpse de guard placed at the entry of the next Mountains, the which ●he Regiment of Navarre did soon break. The King being advertised by his good intelligence, that the Duke (stayed by the like discommodity of the wether and place) 〈…〉 ruin or at the least much inacommodate his own Country, his subjects' a●d Army: he le●t l' Esdigueres at Moustiers with his troops, to command in the Country of Ta●ent●ise, and to attempt as occasion should serve until the Duke were retired. H●s Majesty came to Chambery, whereas the Cardinal Aldobrandino presented unto him Arconas & d' Alymes, the Duke's Deputies for the Peace, to whom he said. Your M●st●r hath nothing but words and I show the effect: I said unto you at Par●s (spea●ing to Al●n●s) that you were welcome, so I say now, The Du●●● Ambassadors pre●ented to the King. but I mean not to treat but with this Reverend personage, speaking of the Legat. T●o days a●ter this the King went to take Horseback (having referred) the treaty of peace to the return of his Chancellor and Council from 〈◊〉) and went with the rest of his army to assure Saint Katherins Fort, whether in the beginning he had sent the Lord of Sancy, to raise a regiment of foot in the Country, to keep in the garrison of the Fort, and afterwards Mounsieur d' Vitry with the Regiments oft he Chevalier of Montmorency, Corces and other troops. Saint Katherins Fort is built upon an high hill, The Situation of S. Katherins Fort. which overlookes all the Country, it consists of fi●e bastions which are not walled, yet it is ditcht and furnished with all things necessary: It lies two Leagues from Geneva, defended by six hundred men, whereof two parts were Swisses. Some few days before the King's arrival, one of the Captains of the besieged, went forth with his majesties leave to the Duke of Nemours, who with the King's good leave was retired to his house of Anicy, that he might be freed from this war, and not hurt or prejudice his Cousin the Duke of Savoy, the King sent presently one of his guard to bring him to Leluisel where he was lodged, a quarter of a Lea●●e from t●e ●ort: having let him understand the resolution of his desseine, the greatness of his forces, & the small h●pe they should have of the Duke: he prevailed so as soon after his return to his Companions they did capitulate to departed with their baggage and arms, The capitulation of Sa●nt Katherin● Fort. their Drums sounding, and Enseignes displayed, carrying away with them a third part of the artillery, if they were not succoured within ten days. T●e King left the Count Soissons to attend the effect of this capitulation, and went to Lions to meet the Queen, as we shall show hereafter. The Duke of Savoy having failed at Montmelian, gave it out that he would succour Saint Katherins Fort. He had a goodly army, and those that were about him th●ug●t there were but too many to chase the French out of Savoy. Moreover he thought to have a passage by Valais, either willingly or by force: he had also good friends among the petty Cantons of the Swisses, being distasted with the service of this Crown, for that they were not paid what was due unto them. De Vic the King's Ambassador made all their friendship fruitless, employing himself worthily against all his practi●es: he assisted in all their assemblies, having good words to content some, and pa●ience to digest the indiscretion of others, and courageous answers against the threats and braveries of the most difficult, yet he could not hinder the Levy of 4000 men, granted to the King of Spain, by four or five Cantons for the defence of Milan, with charge not to enter upon the King's Dominions, upon pain of death: but he kept them from ma●ching so soon● as the enemy desired, which stay made them not only unprofitable, but also hurtful, by his great expenses. The six days being expired, the Governor of S. Katherins Fort came forth with 600. men, according to the Capitulation. All the Captains of the Duke of Savoys places excused their yielding upon necessity, to accuse thei● Prince of indiscretion, 〈…〉 ye●lded. who had reason to complain of their valours, for they might have done better. T●e Count Soissons advertised, after the yielding of S●●nt Katherins Fo●t, that the Duke coming by the Tarentaise, advanced with his whole army, to secure the besieged, he assembled his troops, and resolved to meet and fight with him if he durst hazard the day. But he was sooner advertised of his retreat then of his marching. The D●ke had said at Paris, and to the Seigneur of ●ossause at Turin, that whosoever would make war against him, he would show him- sport f●r forty years space, but he lost all Savoy in less than forty days, and the●e remained nothing in Bresse but the Citadel of Bourg, A Convoy for t●e Citadel 〈…〉 without all hope to be succoured by ●orce. He entertained Bowens who commanded there, with hope that he should receive a great convoy from Bourgougne, which the Baron of Lux and o● S. Angel, who besieged it with blockhowses, hindered Captain Vatuiler to effect. And then he exhorted them by letters to hold it good until the treaty of peace, whereof he assured them: the which was the only means (as we shall show) to free the besieged f●om the necessity whereunto they were reduced, The Duke of 〈◊〉 come● to Fl●rence. and without the which they must needs have f●llen under his Maisties' sub●ection. Behold all which passed of greatest import in the conquest of S●uoy, and Bre●e by the most Christian King. But this war did not hinder him ●rom thinking of his marriage, he had been contracted at Florence the 25. of August, Monsieur de Belle-garde Master of the Kings ●dorse carried the procuration to the great Duke of Tuscany. The Duke of Mantoa came to ●lorence the 2. of October, and the next day arrived the Ambassador of Venice. The Pope would gladly have had the Queen receive this blessing of her Marriage at his hands, and to have done her the like honour as he did to the Queen of Spain at Ferrara, The Cardinal enters into F●o●en●e. the which for certain reasons could not be effected, and therefore he sent the Cardinal Aldobrandino his Holiness Legat & Nephew, in who●e hands the words of present Marriage were made. The 4. of October the Cardinal entered into Florence with great pomp, riding ●nder a Canopy and the Duke on his left hand, and ●o was conducted to the Duke's palace. After Supper in the presence of the Great Duke of Tuscany, the D●kes of Mantoa and Bracciano, the Princes john and Anthony of Medicis, and the Lord of Belle-garde the King's Ambassador. H●s speech unto the Queen. He delivered unto the Queen the contentment which the Pope had of this Marriage, with a sweet kind of Gravity and Modesty: & a discourse f●ll of pleasing words: he conceived great hopes of great good to come, by the means of this happy conjunction, not only for the houses of the Kings of France & the Dukes of Tuscany, but also for all Christendom; and not only for Christian Kingdoms, but for all the World: So as the Queen moved with joy & great hope, thanked his Holiness for this Salutation, & said: That God having so decreed it, she assured herself, The Qu●en●● answer to ●he Cardinal. that the blessing of the Holy Father would bring the grace of God with it, whereof she would endeavour to make herself worthy & capable, recommending herself most humbly to the prayers of his Holiness and of the Church. Which words we●e delivered after so Majestical a manner, as if this Princess had used always to command absolutely: and so that day was spent. The 5. of October the Marriage was celebrated after a Royal manner, The Queen parts ●rom Florence to go into France. the Legate said M●sse, the which being ended the Great Duke had a Son Christened, the signory of V●nice giving it the name. The Queen parted from Florence the 16. of October, and came to Livorne the 17. where she Imbanked in the Great Dukes general Galley, being assisted by five of the Pope's Galleys, five of Malta, and six more of the said Duke●. The King having intelligence of her embarking, provided for her reception of Marseiles, and gave the charge of his Will to the Duke of Guise, Princes and Noblemen sent to 〈◊〉 the Queen. his majesties Lieutenant General in Provence: he also sent his Constable & Chancellor with the Dukes of N●mours, Guise and Ventador to receive her. The Cardinals of joyeuze, Gondy, Guiry and Sourdy, with many Bishops and Noblemen of the Council. The Navigation was dangerous in many places; yet with a resolute and cheerful countenance she seemed to scorn the Tempests of the Sea. The 3. of November she took Port at Marseilles, being accompanied by the great Duches●e of Florence, She arrives 〈◊〉 Ma●s●ille●. the Duchess of Mantoa her Sister, D. Anthony her Brother, and the Duke of Bracciano. The Queen ●eauing her Galley, entered upon a Theatre made of two great Bo●tes. whereunto joined a Bridge, which went unto her Palace. The Constable received he●; the Chancellor delivered the King's pleasure, 4 Consuls of Marseilles presented her the Keys of the City, & a Canopy of cloth of silver, under which she was conducted to the Palace. One of the most remarkable actions during her abode there, was the protestation of obedience, which was made unto her by the Court Parliament of Provence, in the great Hall of the Palace, Monsieur de Vair making a most eloquent Oration, as you may read at large in the Original. The 17. of November the Quern came to Aix, from whence she parted the next day, with above 2000 horse, to make her entry the 19 into avignon, where she was received with greater Pomp & Magnificence then in any other place. Parting from avignon, the Queen passed to Valence, Rousillon & Vienne. & c●me on the Saturday to Guillotiere. The Queen●●nters into Lions. The next day being the 3. of December being met by the Governor, & all the Nobility of the Town & country, she entered in to Lions in great State, & so was conducted to her lodging, where she had news from the King by Roquelaure; who presented unto her in his majesties name the great royal collar, of inestimable value, which did beautify her other Ornaments. She stayed 8. days at Lions before she could see the King, demanding ever when he would come, & in this expectation the hours seemed years unto her. The King after the capitulation of S. Katherins Fort, took post, & came the 9 of December to Lions. The Chancellor advertised her that he should come that day. Being at supper a Gentleman came to tell her, that the King was within a quarter of a league of the City, and that within less than 〈◊〉 she should see him. The joy of this good news had taken away her appetite to any meat. The King was already entered disguised, and was gotten into the press among certain Gentlemen, where he might see and not be seen. After supper 〈◊〉 retired into her Chamber, The King's fast sight of the Queen. and the King entered presently after, the Queen cast herself at his majesties feet, and he took her up and embraced her, where after many kind embracings of mutual love and respect, the King went to supper. During the which, the King sent the Queen word by the Duchess of N●m●urs, that he was come without a Bed, hoping that she would afford him part of ●ers, which should be common unto them from that time: To whom the Queen answered, That she was come to please and obey his majesties will, as his most humble servant. This being delivered vnt● the King, he unclothed himself & entered into the Queen's Chamber, whom he 〈◊〉 in bed, The Cardinal's entry into Lions. and then the Ladies retired. The Cardinal Aldobrandizo the Pope's Legare being at Chambery, the King sent to invite him to his Marriage, & to come to Lions with the Duke of Savoyes' Deputies, where they should Treat more commodiously then at Chambery. He made his entry the 16. of the month, where he was received with honour's fit for so great a dignity: the Prince Conty and the Duke Montpensier conducted him, going under a Canopy carried by the Burgesses of the Town, the streets were han●ed, the Inhabitants were in Arms, & the Clergy went singing before him▪ and in this sort he was conducted to S. john's Church. And although the Marriage were perfect the King having ratified it by Procuration, and by words of the present which the said Legate had received, so as there needed no other solemnity) yet would he make his subjects partakers of this public joy, appointing the Ceremony the Sunday following, the which was Celebrated before the Great Altar of S. john's Church, whereas the Nuptial blessing was given by the Legate to the married couple. After the which a Largesse of pieces of Gold and Silver, marked with a special device were cast unto the people. All which performed, they went to the Royal Feast in the Archbishop's Great Hall. The Turk this year sent twelve thousand janissaries from Constantinople to ●uda, to annoy the Christians with the neighbour Garrisons, 〈◊〉 yielded to the Tu●ke. so as they took Bubotz, a strong Town and well manned with 500 Soldiers, and furnished with all kind of Munition, yet they grew amazed, and by their base cowardliness yielded the Town at the first Attempt, and were conducted to Pappa the 4. of September. The eight of the month, they besiege Canisia, make their Approaches, and plant their Batteries. The Christians sally forth one morning, The Du●e 〈◊〉 ●●●utena●t General for the ●mp●●or. beat them out of their Trenches, and cloy their Canon, carrying one piece into the Town. In the meantime, the Duke Mercure Lieutenant General for the Emperor in Hungary, comes to the River of Mour, the first of October, and having past it the same day, he gave a sign to the besieged of his arrival. The Turks Vezar, having notice of the small number of Christians▪ sent the Duke word, 〈◊〉 besieged. that he should not oppose himself with such small troops against his great Army▪ and that he should not think so strong a siege as he held before Canis●●, could be raised with such weak forces. The Duke 〈◊〉 answer to the Vezar. The Duke Mercure answered him very courageously and Christianly, That he doubted not with few Christians to encounter a great number of Infidels, no though they were Devils, trusting in the help of God. And as the Christians advanced towards Canisia, the Vezir drew 20000 men out of his Army, and seized upon a hill in their passage, where he resolved to attend them, being but fifteen thousand Christians. French Germans and Hungarians, all resolute to make no other lodging that day but in Canisis, or to die in battle. The Duke Mercure sent to discover them by Colonitz, and in the mean time the Christian Army being in battle, with twelve Canons in front, marched against the Turks, who came furiously to charge them, the Artillery receives them in such sort as it daunts their courages, and diminisheth their numbers, so as the Turks are forced to retire with the loss of 14. field pieces. That night the Duke Mercure entrenched his Camp carefully, so as the Vezir seeing that he should gain little of him by force, he made a show to turn back & so come behind to environ the Christians with his whole army, which he put in battle like unto a half Moon, and so he camped five days together, so as the Christians were driven to great extremity: for the Con●oy of victuals had been taken by the Turks & no more could be brought unto than, the Soldiers being forced to eat Horseflesh & drink Water. The german Colonels & Captains beseech the Duke to resolve upon his retreat, and he conjures them to patience, to the which nothing is impossible: but the belly hath no ears▪ all are ready to mutiny, or to retire: the Duke to avoid the blame of this shameful resolution, would not consent, before that all the Colonels and Captains had signed this advice, whereupon he disposed of his retreat. The day of their rising, God gave them a visible testimony of his protection, they were covered with such a thick Mist, as the Turks could not discover when they left their trenches, yet the followed after, and put some of the Rearward to the sword. The besieged apprehending this Retreat, were terrified: The Hungarians began first, Canisia yielded to the Turk. and then the Germans talked of yielding, so as Canisia which was the strongest place the Christians held in Stiria, was yielded unto the Turks power, and under their Tyranny, to the great grief of the Duke Mercure, seeing the prejudice which fell unto Christendom, and this was the two and twentieth o● October. The besieged were safely conducted to the river of Mours. The Governor named Paradis, being presented to the D●ke Mercure, he sent him to Mathias the Archduke, who by the Emperor's commandment (exacting an account of his charge, and not able to purge himself) was condemned for his cowardliness to have his right Hand cut off, Paradis Governor of Canisia beheaded ●t Vienna. for that it had signed the Capitulation, and then his Head; the which was executed. In the mean time the Vezir maketh twelve Forts upon the River of Drove, having lodged within Canisia and in the said Forts three thousand foot, and five hundred horse: causing a Proclamation to be made▪ That all Fugitives might return freely into Canisia, promising them exemption of Tributes for three years together, the which was a dangerous bait. In the beginning of this year, Charles Duke of Suderman, What passed in Su●dland & Livonia. had entered into Livonia and taken the strongest places, and was likely in a short time to expel the Polonians, if the Palatin Coqwitz had not made head against him with an Army of Polonians, near unto Coquehouse, where the Suedens' were defeated in battle. Charles to be revenged for this loss, gathers together his Troops, and having a supply of twenty thousand Suedens', he charged the Polonians so furiously near unto Venda, as he took Coqvuitz and defeated his Army: from thence he went to besiege Rigue, the Capital Town of all Liuon●a. The news of this defeat being come into Poland, john Zamosci great Chancellor of Poland, having before resolved to go against Duke Charles, with the consent of the King of Poland and all the Palatins, he advanceth and sends Letters of Defiance to Duke Charles, devouncing War against him. Having received this Challenge, he goes to Arms, and knowing that the Polonians lay betwixt certain Marshes and the River of Vanda, he passed in the night with 9000. choice men, and surprising the Polonians half a sleep, he chargeth and defeats them; spoils and burns their Camp, so as this mighty Army of forty thousand men, most part Horse, was by this means, and the want of Forage, lying in marish grounds, without doing any good, in a short time consumed without fruit. Charles also on his part despairing of the siege of Rigue, went by Sea into Suedland, with john of Nassau, and Renauld of Solme, both Earls, where he had like to have been cast away by reason of the ye, the which did exceed, through the sharpness of the Winter. We have said, that in the end of the last year, 1601. the Cardinal Aldobrandino Legate to his Holiness, made his entry into Lions to treat a Peace betwixt the King and the Duke of Savoy. Presently after the Ceremony & Confirmation of the Nuptial blessing of their Majesties, Of the Peace betwixt the King of Fra●c● & the Duk● of Savoy. they began the Treaty of this Peace: the proposition had been made at Chambery, but the conclusion was referred and ended at Lions. The King had made choice among all his Council of the Precedent Sillery & janin, to deliver his intentions unto the Legate, who acquainted Arconas & Alymes therewith. First the Duke's Deputies demand Peace of the King, in yielding up unto him the Marquisate of 〈◊〉. The King answered, The Duke's Deputies demand Peace of the King & his answer. That he loved War, but he had never refused Peace to them that had demanded it: That seeing the Duke desired Peace, and his Holiness persuaded him to it▪ for the quiet of Christendom, that he was content to grant it, so as the Duke did yield him his Marquisate, and to pay him eight hundred thousand Crowns which he had disbourced for the Wars of Savoy. The Legate found well by this demand that the Peace was not 〈◊〉 easy to be made as he expected: he spoke unto the King and told him; That the Duke could not yield the Marquisate, and so great a sum of Money▪ but he would give him all Bresse in Exchange: Propositions for the Peace. and for all the charges and other his majesties pretensions, he would give him moreover Baugey, Verromey and other lands unto the River of Rhosne. This Proposition was accepted by the King's Deputies, so as they yielded up the Castles of Centall, Mont and Roque palmier, which did not belong to the Marquisate, but to the Provinces of Daulphiné, and Provence. The Deputies said, that what they 〈◊〉 was for all pretensions: to whom they answered; That nothing could then be concluded. These things were so wisely handled by the King's Deputies, as the Duke's Deputies offered besides a part of the Baylyweeke of Gex, a hundred thousand Crown▪ so as the King did yield up what he held in Savoy, especially the Castle of Montmelian and S. Katherins Fort, in the same estate they were. As they were upon these terms, news comes, S. Kat●eri●s Fort ruin●d▪ by the Genevois. that they of Geneva had ruined S. Katherine's Fort, and that with such animosity & diligence, as within two days after you could scarce discern the form of it, for this Fort was built but of Earth. The Legate was wonderfully discontented there at, and complained saying, That he would return to Rome, without doing anything, seeing they kep● not their word with him, that he revoked his reputing this demolution as an affront done unto him. The King's Deputies answered him, That the King had no need of a Peace with the Duke, but for that his Holiness persuaded him thereunto: that it was a small cause to break the Treaty of Peace, seeing it was but a piece of Earth▪ that the foundation should remain unto the Duke, the which he might repair when he pleased. The King took the Legates words for a renewing of the War, and gave leave to his Army, to do all acts of Hostility, charging the Commanders to stand upon their Guard, to defend and offend, as occasions and means should be presented. Whereupon all despairing of Peace, made new Enterprises; judging, that the King would not rest, having so great advantages, they talked of nothing but of scouring of Arms, preparing of Horses, seeking of Money, and to make them ready for a new War. Taxis the King of Spain's Ambassador came unto the King, to let him understand; That if a Peace were not concluded, his Master should be forced to enter into this War, to preserve his nephews Estate. To whom the King answered, That he would live in Peace, with them that loved Peace▪ The King's answer to the Ambassador o● Spain. but whosoever should seek to support the Duke in this unjust War, he would make them repent it. That he would make War like a Lion against them that played the Foxes with him, & would strike them, that should make but show to threaten him. The Duke's Deputies (thinking that the King's victory was neither absolute nor perfect, so long as Bourg held good) did still temporise, not caring to press the conclusion of this Peace, no further than the extremity of this place did press them, and in the mean time the Duke should have leisure to attempt some thing upon his own or upon that which was the Kings. And in truth if Bourg had been relieved, or the Convoy which was in the Franche County had entered, the Peace had been broken. Besides the wants and impatience of the besieged, they without used a policy which made them almost desperate: some men chosen for the purpose gave them to understand, that the Duke's Deputies did prolong things, upon assurance that the Citadel might hold good a month, and that they cared not to finish the Treaty, nor to supply the necessities of the besieged, so as this temporizing at what price & peril soever, might give the Duke time to do his business. This did pierce so deeply and wrought such an impression in the besieged, as (despighted with the tediousness of the Treaty, & wearied with the languishing of the besieged) they resolved not to suffer any more, seeing the Deputies did not consider what the suffered, but how much and how long they might suffer. Upon this vain terror they writ unto the Deputies in these terms. My Lords, your protractions and delays kill us, the temporizing of your Treaty, Bo●●u●ns letter to the Duke's Ambassadors. is prejudicial to the Honour of our Master, and the health of his Servants that are in this place: make haste then to finish the peace, for we cannot hold above two days: it is the perfixed time of our resistance. Believe the bearer, who will acquaint you with the rest of our extreme necessity. Attend no other letters from us, far ye well etc. Yet they were not so ill as they said, but in matter of siege, all fails when as they want patience. This letter with the fearful report of the torroes and inhumanities' which extreme famine caused in the Citadel of Bourg, awaked the Ambassadors from the slumber, which the ruining of Saint Katherins Fort had held them in. Upon these news they go unto the Cardinal, they beseech him, that the ruin of one place (whose foundation remained to the Duke) might not hinder the perfecting of this great building of Peace, the which notwithstanding could not be but necessary, and profitable. The Cardinal who knew that the Duke was much discontented with this demolition, & that the Count Fuentes Army was much increased, and their minds more inclined to War then Peace, and yet being loath to repass the Alpes, without the Glory to have quenched this fire, he said unto the Ambassadors that he could not re-enter into the Treaty of Peace, if they did not give it him in writing under their hands, that it was their advice, The Treaty renewed. and that they entreated him to do it as profitable for the Duke & necessary for his Estate. The Ambassadors being to much amazed with the news of the extreme wants of the Citadel of Bourg, fearing it would be lost before the Peace was concluded, the which would impair the bargain, they willingly past this promise. The Cardinal was still in choler that the demolition of Saint Katherine's fort, should send him back to Rome, and not carry the Pope that contentment of his Legation which he expected. The King would gladly, the Pope should have remained, satisfied with the sincerity of his actions, but neither his Honour nor his humour would suffer him to entreat. He therefore thinks it dishonourable to persuade him to Peace that hath more need of it then himself. He is therefore resolved to War, and seeing that the Legate continued still in his complaints, he commanded the Marquis of Rhosny to go to Paris to take order for the Munitions of War. Being ready to take Horse for the execution of the King's commandment, he goes to take his leave of the Legate, and toucheth some things of the cause of his voyage, saying, That it was the King's resolution to make War, seeing they could not hold themselves to a Peace. That for his part he was sorry, that so great a parsonage as himself should take the pains to pass the Mountains and bring them so near unto the Temple of Peace and not to enter into it; the Legate answered, That he was much grieved that his Legation and the pain he had taken proved fruitless: Monsieur de Rhosny renews the treaty of Peace. that he knew well the King in show desired Peace, but in effect War was his delight. Rhosny replied, that if Peace were good before the demolition of the Fort, it was now also good, that this accident did nothing import, seeing the ground was the Dukes, to do with all what he pleased, and that for fifty thousand Crowns he might build an other Fort. The Duke's Ambassadors gave the same reasons, conjuring him not to abandon the Ship in this tempest, seeing he had taken the Helm in hand in a calm season. Here-upon the Legate asked Rhosny if he thought the King would be pleased to recompense this demolition with money. Rhosny answered him, that he knew nothing, but being a thing reasonable, and the King a Prince of reason, he presumed that if he should promise it in his majesties name, he would not fail of his promise. The Legate entreated him to acquaint him with it, saying that he was sorry he had dealt no sooner in the business. Rhosny tells the King thereof, and returns his majesties intention unto the Legate, A Peace concluded. and so with a little moderation they finish this work of Peace. The Articles were drawn and agreed upon, and the Ambassadors of Savoy sent for to sign them, they come and tell the Legate in his ear that their Master had forbidden them to sign, before that he had talked with the Count of Fuentes. The Legate who would not have his word given unto the King to remain unprofitable, nor send back the King's Deputies, or refer the Assembly to an other time▪ ●●treats them not to make any show of this charge, but to sign. They answer him that their hands and tongues were bound. The Legate doth press them, and they entreat him to give them leave to confer with Ta●●s the Spanish Ambassador, to the end that their doings might be countenanced by his Council. They repair unto the Oracle, they consult of two letters, the first of the eight of january, which commanded them to sign the peace, The Savoy Ambassadors consult with Taxis. the second of the eleventh which did forbid them. Taxis (who understood the intents of the Council of Spain, who knows that a peace is desired, so as the Marquisate might continue on the other side of the Alpes, and that there might be a passage on this side to go into Flanders, who weighed the conditions of pe●●e▪ not by the difficulties of reasons, but by the prosperity of events, not by the pieces, but by the whole, wherein he finds what his Master desired) answereth them▪ That seeing his Highness hath commanded you to sign the peace four days since, I ●ee nothing happened since, that may be sufficient or available to revoke this commandment, nor the word which he had given you to effect it. It is true that I think by this last letter, you are bound to stay the time which he demands to attend with the Count Fuentes. Hereupon arrived the Patriarch of Constantinople, great in persuasions, sound in Reasons, He persuades them to sign the peace. profound in Council, and subtle in Inventions. He showeth them the importance of this breach, the wrong done unto the King, and the Legates word engaged. That the Duke writing this letter had not considered that the first was effected, that the estate of the business allowed no countermand, that that which was yesterday voluntary, is this day fastened with nails of Diamonds to an inevitable necessity. The Duke's Ambassadors who feared more to err by disobedience, then by obstinacy, stand firm upon the necessity of the Duke's command, for the order which a Prince prescribeth to his Ambassador may not be altered. The Patriarch assures them that the Legate, who had authority from their master to command them, and they bound to obey him in all that he should judge profitable for his affairs, should warrant them under his hand from all blame, which they apprehended, desiring him that he would take the pains to go unto his Highness to Thurin, to let him understand that they had done nothing but what he should have done himself, and that he would employ all the power his uncle had, both in heaven, and in earth, to free them from danger. The Ambassadors (who seemed not to will that which they most desired, with such impatience, as the hours seemed years unto them) were content with this assurance signed by the Legate, & a months respite for the Duke to ratify what they had signed. So the Peace was concluded and proclaimed at Lions the 17. of januarie, 1601. the substance whereof was. The substance o● the peace betwixt the K●ng▪ and the Duke of Savoy That the Duke should yield up and transpose wholly unto the King, and to his successors Kings of France, all the Country and Seigneuries, of Bresse, Bieugey and Verromey, and generally all that belongs unto him, unto the river of Rhosne, so as all the river from Geneva should belong to the Crown of France, the which should remain unto the King and his successors with all the Sovereignty, jurisdiction and rights which the said▪ Duke might have over the said Countries, referuing nothing but the bridge of Gressin for the commodity of the passage: the which is upon the river of Rosne, betwixt Escluse and the bridge of Arlay, which by this present Treaty belongs unto the King: and on the other side of the river of Rosne, the Duke should enjoy the parishes of Ella, Luyvent, and Cizerre with all the Hamlets and Territories which belong unto them, betwixt the river of Varenne and the mountain called the Grand Credo, unto the village called La Riviere, whereas the river of Varenne doth pass, with Maigrecombe, unto the nearest, entry into the County of Bourgongne, upon condition that the Duke should not levy any impositions upon the goods and merchandise, nor any tolle upon the river at Pont de Gressin, or any other places before mentioned. Moreover the Duke might not build any Fort upon any place that were reserved for the passage, but should remain free as well for the King's subjects, as for all that would go or come into France, and the soldiers which shall pass through the King's Country, for the Duke's service, or any other Prince, by the sufferance of his Governors and Lieutenants general, shall no way annoy his majesties subjects. And for the effecting of that above mentioned, the Duke should deliver unto the King, (or to any one deputed by him) the Citadel of Bourg, as it then was, without any Demolition, and all the Artillery, Powder, Bullets, and munition of War, 〈◊〉 yielded to th● King. which shall be in the place at the yielding thereof. Moreover the Duke did pass over unto the King, on the other side of the river of Rhosne, the places and villages of Aux, Chousy, Vulley, Pont D' Arley, Cessel, Chancey and Pierre Chastel with all the Sovereignty and jurisdiction he might have over those places, and the Inhabitants thereof. The said Duke did also transport and resign unto the King, the Barony and Baylewike of Getz▪ with all the appurtenances, as the Duke and his Predecessors had formerly enjoyed it, without any retention. All which places and things yielded and resigned, should remain united and incorporated to the Crown of France, and should be reputed the patrimony of the Crown, and might not be separated for any cause whatsoever. Also it was agreed that the said D●ke should truly and effectually restore unto the King, or to any one deputed by his Majesty, the Place, Town, and Chastellenie of castle Dauphin, with the Tower of Pont, and all that hath been held by the Duke, or any of his, depending of Daulphiné▪ in the same Estate they then were in, without any demolition or ruin, leaving in the said places, all the Artillery, Powder, Bullets, and munition of War which were then in the said places, the soldiers carrying away such goods as belonged unto them, without exacting any thing of the Inhabitants. It was also agreed that the said Duke should demantell the Fort of Beche Dauphin, the which was built during war, and should pay for the passage reserved, a hundred thousand Crowns in the City of Lions, fifty thousand ready down, when as the Fort of Charbonnieres should be yielded up, and other fifty thousand within six months after. And in regard of the said grant and ●esignation, The Marquisate of 〈◊〉 transported to the Duke. the King should be contented (●or the good of the peace) to quit and resign unto the Duke, his heirs successors, all the rights and pretensions which he or the Daulphins of France had, or might have to the Marquisate of Saluces, and all the dependences, with the Towns of Cental, Mons, and Roque speruier, without retaining any thing▪ leaving unto the Duke all the Artillery, Powder, Bullets and munition for War, which were in the said places, in the year one thousand five hundred ninety and eight. The King did also promise to restore unto the Duke (or to any one that should be deputed by him) all places that had been taken since the year one thousand five hundred eighty and eight, from the said Duke, and now held by his Majesty or his servants, all in the same Estate they then were, and without any demolition, and in restoring of the said places, the King might transport all the Artillery, Powder, Bullets, and munition of War that was in them, and all the goods that belonged unto the soldiers, not exacting any thing of the Inhabitants. These were the chief points of the treaty of Peace, the which was signed by the Legate and the Deputies, and thanks given unto God. The King holding his abode at Lions, (after this conclusion) to be unprofitable, The King a●d Queen go to Paris. takes Post and goes to Paris. The Legate goes to avignon by the river of Rhosne. The King left the Constable, Villeroy and the Deputies at Lions for performance of the Treaty. At the same time Herminio was dispatched to carry news unto the Pope, and in passing to the Duke of Savoy, and the Count Fuentes, he found them both at Some upon Po to consult of the means which the Duke of Byron propounded unto them, to resolve upon war rather than peace. The Duke receives it as the most unfortunate effect of all his adventures, swearing that he would cut of his Ambassadors heads that had signed it. The Count Fuentes complains of the Duke. The Count Fuentes said that he had not to do with this Peace, having so many just occasions and such good means to make war, that he would not let 40000. men and 40. pieces of Cannon remain idle. Both seemed discontented, the one for that the King, or the King of Spain had all the benefit of the peace, and the other for that his master should have need of him by the war, and he should keep Piedmont in awe. The Duke complained that the Council of Spain had kindled a war to consume him, they had thrust him into a storm, to make profit of his shipwreck, and had drawn him to a prejudicial exchange, The Duke's complaint. reaping no benefit, for that the French were out of Italy, having them nearer neighbours in another place, nor that Milan should be covered, or that Italy should have the Alpes to guard it from the inundations which it had received in former times by the forces of France, seeing this rampart was made with the ●●akening of his estates. The Count of Fuentes foreseeing whereunto these complaints did tend, The Count of Fuentes complaints of the Duke. gave the Duke to understand, That the King of Spain his master, had reason to complain of this great and fruitless charge, being a troublesome thing to entertain great forces to no effect: that this mighty and fearful army was not ray●ed nor entertained, but to restore him to his estate▪ that the fault was in himself, if it were not employed: and withal, he added the mutinies and murmuring of the Spaniards, who complained, that they deprived them of the fruits of a victory which they did limit, with the taking of Lions. In this contention they resolve, not to sign any thing without the King of Spain's commandment, and to keep the army still ready to march. The King's Deputies being advertised, that the Duke made no care to confirm what had been concluded, they advertised the King thereof, and sent a post unto the Legate, being at avignon, to know his opinion thereof. The King commands them to attend the Duke's resolution, without impatience, being indifferent unto him which he made choice of, but he should show a weak judgement, if he should accept of any but of peace: for that he should not of a long time recover that by war, which peace should now presently bring him. The Legate advertised that the Duke refused to sign the peace. The Legate was so moved with this Alarm, as he presently took post to go unto the Duke, sending Count Octavio Tazzon● to the King, to advertise him of his voyage; and to beseech him not to enter into any distrust of the Treaty, being so greatly interessed in the observation thereof, as he could no longer endure this brute and suspense with patience: & that he would be pleased to grant a prolongation of the truce and a suspension of arms for fifteen days, besides the time limited for the ratification Such as knew not the negotiation betwixt the Duke of Savoy, the Count Fuentes, & the Marshal Byron, could not believe that the Duke of Savoy would make any difficulty to sign the Treaty, but that he made some s●ew of it to have it seem the better. For those that were interessed with him in the treaty, did not promise to return any more unto the war. It is true, that if the Duke of Byron would have taken the Citadel of Bourg, The King 〈…〉. The Duke 〈…〉 victuals and munition. as the Duke would have delivered it unto him, the King must have returned with as great speed to Lions as he departed. In the meantime the Legate past all passages by post in a troublesome time, & came to Genoa, from whence he sent to the Duke, and Count Fuentes to keep their word with him. The Duke hearing of his arrival at Alexandria, parts from Nice, and goes to Thurin, and both of them excuse themselves. The Count made his refusal, to take from the Duke all subject of complaint, that they had abandoned him, and that he had means to recover his Estates, if they had assisted him. The Duke would be recompensed for this unequal exchange beofre he signed, for the King of Spain. So the Legate receives nothing from the one but complaints, and from the other but respects, and from both words of contempt against the Treaty. He met with the Count Fuentes at Tortoul, & from thē●e went to Milan, where he passed the Shrovetide: The Count Fuentes omitting no kind of recreation to drive away melancholy, attending the Duke of Savoys re●olution, who sent to excuse himself by the indisposition of his children, and promised to come to Milan, but coming not, the Legate and the Earl went to Pa●ia, with an opinion that the Duke would come thither. The Legate sends Tazzoni unto him, who returns with excuses of his sons sickness, and his complaints of the unjust and prejudicial conditions whereunto he was bound. The Legate sends back Tazzoni to the Count Fuentes, giving him to understand that he knew well that his legation had not been undertaken, but for the service of the King of Spain, The Legate discontented w●th the Duke o● Sa●oy. at the entreaty of the Duke of Sessa his Ambassador: that he was not come for the Duke of Savoy who marked him, and considered not that he had done more for him then Father or Mother; that he cared not for his ratification, and much less to see him, or to thank him for his pains: that he excused is absence, by the tenderness of the infirmity of his Son, but if he thought that he would attend to proceed until that he were cured, he was deceived. The Count of Fuentes excuse The Count Fuentes answers that the effect of the Treaty depends not upon his signing, and that he must not send unto him to effect it. The Legate to cut off these temporize and delays, and to discover where the fault was, that the peace was not signed, advised himself of a subtlety, worthy of a Roman, and of a Cardinal. He commands the Count Tazzoni to say unto the Count Fuentes, that he was advertised from the Duke, that all the difficulties in this business were framed by the Count, who restrained the Duke's liberty, in the signing and execution of the Treaty. He had scarce entered into this discourse, when as the Count Fuentes (full of choler that all the blayme should be laid upon him) went to horse, and came unto the Legate, to whom he discovered all the secret betwixt the Duke of Savoy and him. Many days are spent in going and coming. In the end the King of Spain who desired to begin his reign by war, would have no peace, but vanquished by the persuasions of the Duke of Lerma, who thought peace to be more profitable for his condition, hoping to govern his master more freely in the delights of peace, then in the troubles of war, sent unto the Count Fuentes, that seeing they restored unto the Duke of Savoy his Country, and that he might keep the Marquisate of Saluces, he would employ his forces elsewhere, & confirm the treaty of Lions. The Duke is forced to fo●low this course, these is no more Army for him. There was one complement yet remaining. The Duke was desirous to see the Legate, the pains which he had taken deserved this view and thanks. The Legate meant to go speedily to Rome. The Duke imbarkes upon the river of Po, to go visit him, and sends a Post to advertise him of the hour of this embarking. Here was an accident which had almost spoiled all. This messenger reports unto the Duke that he had met the Legate, and the Count Fuentes in Carosse together upon the way, who returned when as he advertised them of his coming. The Duke discontented with this return, sends them word that he was gone back. The Legate enters presently into a small bark, follows after, and overtakes him whereas the river of Tesin enters into Po. The Duke being advertised, turns head and joins with him. The strive who shall enter into the others boat, but the Duke leaps into the Legates & sits down by him: they spent some words in compliments, before they entered into the treaty of peace. The Legate having protested that in all this negotiation, he had nothing else in his thought, but the good of his highness Estate, but he was encountered with so many difficulties, The Legate and the Duke of Sa●●y mete. & necessity which overruled his affection, as he was forced to prefer profitable & necessary things, before that which which was goodly in show. The Duke thanked him for the pain he had taken, but so coldly, as the Legate found well, that he held not himself beholding to him. The one took his way to Thurin, and the other to Pavia, and so to pass to Rome. The Duke had signed, but he was not yet well resolved to observe the peace. The Duke's irresolution. The fear lest Bourg should be lost before the conclusion of the Treaty, made his Ambassadors to resolve: the Assurance which Bowens now gave the Duke, that he would encounter all extremities, both of famine & force, made him unwilling to perform the Treaty; sending Belly his Chancellor to Rome, to make his excuse that he signed it not. The Pope took it ill, that a Chancellor, He sends Belly his Chancellor to Rome. a man of peace should entreat him to undo that which the Legate his Nephew had done, and sent him back with his answer. But for all this the Duke seeks, to smother this peace in the cradle, and grounds his last hope upon Bowens, to whom he sends the countersigne, without the which he was bound not to yield it. This token was but counterfeit. D' Hostel played an other part, he made this his colour, to have means to enter into the Citadel, A Countersigne carried to Bowens. and to give this countersigne to Bowens for his warrant; and thereby to assure him that if he had means to hold good a month, he should disclaim the signing of the ratification, and make a show of disobedience, and he should be relieved. D' Hostel went into the Citadel, and found that misery would not suffer them to vaunt of resistance as they had done, that things were no more in the Estate that Bowens had represented them, and that their neccessities were so extreme, as there was no means to suffer them any longer, being priest without by the King's Army, and within by cold and hunger, which made the Duke more tractable to yield that which he could not hold, sending the ratification in the beginning of March, and at the same time the Citadel was delivered into the King's power. divers opinions of the Peace. The general censures of this Peace were divers. The King was pleased that the pofit was apparent, and assured for his Estates: having for one Marquisate, more Earls and Marquises, than there are Gentlemen in the Marquisate of Saluces, enlarging his frontiers above thirty Leagues, and so restrained the Duke's Estate on this side the Mountains, as he hath left two third parts, lost eight hundred Gentlemen, and a fort which he himself (writing unto Bovuens) esteemed more than all the Marquisate, with Provinces as fertile as any be in France. It is true that the Honour to keep that which was the cause of the War remained to the Duke, and by this means of a Peace he hath no more need of Spaniards nor of the Count of Fuentes, Comodi●ies which the Duke got by the Peace. who did him alwaise some Spanish affront, and is free from all fear of the French, who ke●t Piedmont in awe while they had a retreat there. The Duke who never went out of the gates of Thurin without six Companies of Horse, and entertained Garrisons which cost him more than the revenues of the Countries exchanged, may now sleep, and go and come in safety. This month of March Lovyse of Lorraine, Dowager of France. Widow to Henry the 3. The death of Queen Lo●yse. King of France and of Poland died: her death was better known by the loss of such a light, then by the mourning of her Heirs, or the Honour of her Funerals, for the Duke of Mer●ure her Brother to whom she left her goods and the execution of her will was then in Hungary. The Duchess of Mercure attended on her until she died, and laid her Body in the Covent of Saint Claire, until she might be interred with greater pomp. She desired to be laid in one Tomb with the King, whose Body attends until that the piety of the living, may remember the condition of the dead, the which gives cause of amazement, that the Earth which never fails for the life of Princes, should now want for their interment. She was Daughter to Nicholas Earl of Vandemont. Death of the Princess of Co●●e. A most virtuous Princess, showing in all her actions a singular piety and modesty. The same year also, Madam Francis of Orleans, Princess of Conde, Mother to the Count of Soissons, died in her house of Grenelles at Paris, the Funeral Pomp was celebrated in the Abbey of Saint german de pres. The Princess of Conty dies. About the end of this year the Princess of Conty died of a great and languishing sickness, as she went to her house at Fonnestable in perch, to change the air by the advice of her Physicians, but she changed her life, The Duchess ●● Esquil●on. leaving one only Daughter, the which the Count of Soissons married. Afterwards the Duchess of Eguillon died, being Daughter to the Duke of Nevers deceased, who left great cause of mourning to the Duke of Esquillon, eldest Son to the Duke of main, and the rather for that she died in childbed, & the Child also with her. The King in 40. days had conquered all Savoy, with in 40. after he married, treated of a Peace, made the Queen in case to be a Mother, went in post from Lions and came to Paris, which bore his long absence impatiently. His return gave the world to understand how quiet & constant the affairs of France were, that a King which went a 100 Leagues with 12. only in his train, was well assured of his subjects, and feared not his neighbours. The Queen followed by small journeys, & came to Fontainbleau, where she stayed not long, but came to Paris abou● S. Germains Fair, her first lodging was at Gondies' house her fi●st Gentleman of Honour, being in the suburbs of S. German: The next was at Zame●s, superintendent of her house, & then she came to the Lovure. The Parisiens' prepared themselves & besought the King to give them leave to make her a stately entry: but his Majesty would have the charges of this entry reserved for a more durable work. The Queen comes to Paris. All the Princesses of the blood, with the chief Ladies of the Court and City presented themselves to kiss her hands, and to do their duties unto her Majesty. She made much of all that the King favoured, and resolved to love what he Loved, framing her will in such sort unto his, as she held his will for an unwritten Law. This year the Pope granted a jubilee and pardons to all the French that should go v●sit the Church of Saint Croix in Orleans doing the works of Christian charity. An infinite number of people went thither from all parts of France, the King and Queen went thither with the fi●st, and gave means to help to build this Church, which had been ruined during the fury of the fi●st civil wars. The King laid the first stone of this building. An act worthy of a Christian King, the true successor of the piety of S. Lewis his Predecessor. But whilst he gains pardons, his enemies watch to surprise the best places of his Realm. He was disarmed under the assurance of the Peace. The army of strangers was still whole together, and became fearful to all Italy. All the Princes were troubled thereat, and although they be not well united together, yet when there is any question of common danger, they have good correspondency. At Rome they said it was for Geneva, and that the Marquis of Aix was gone to entreat the Pope to favour him with his blessing, and to fortify him with his means. An enterprise upon Ma●seilles. Many other discourses were made touching this army, but time discovered that it was entertained for Mars●illes. There is nothing ●o holy, but money will violate▪ nor so strong but it will force. The Count of Fuentes upon promise of great recompense, had practised an enterprise very easy to execute, if the bargain had held. It was a doing during the treaty of Peace with the Duke of Savoy, who sent Don Sanchio de Selina to Milan to the Count of Fuentes, with two of them which made this match, whereof the one gave advice to the Precedent Du Vair. He which had promised to deliver the Tower of the Port for an entry to the enemy, Discovered by the Complices. discovered himself to the Duke of Guise. La Goye (a gentleman of Provence) was sent unto the King, to beseech him to give him leave to encounter them with the like practice. The King who desires not to gain by treachery, said that he was content to keep his own, & to let the world know who did first trouble the peace At that time an other enterprise was discovered upon the Town of Metz. The. King sent the Precedent janin thither; An enterprise upon Metz. the accused were brought to the prison of the Palace at Paris. The proofs being weak, some were enlarged, upon condition they should appear when they were called for, his Majesty commanding they should inform more amply against the rest, banishing two from the Towns of Metz, Thoul and Verdun. This great army finding no employment in France, made work for the hangman in Italy, by the discovery of many conspiracies. The Seigneurie of Venice caused a gentleman to be executed publicly, being appointed to be Governor of Crema, for that he was convicted to have intelligence with the Spaniard. A Venetian gentleman executed. He was of the house of Donati, but being prevented, his nearest kinsmen disavowed him, and abandoned him to the rigour of the Law. There was more suspicion than proof against him: But in matters of State, presumptions conclude & condemn. Their desseigns having failed in Italy and Provence, the Sea army of Spain which had put all Italy in jealousy, turned head against the Turk, the troops embarked at a place called Vada, The King of Spain's army imbarkes. belonging to the State of Gena, but the body of this imbarkement was made in two troops, the one under Carlo Doria, the other under Prince Doria his Father. The Pope, the Duke of Savoy, the great Duke of Florence, & the great Master of Malta, had given him some galleys for this enterprise. The Venetians did nothing, lest they should break the peace which they had with the Turk▪ they were in all about 70. Galleys. The Prince of Parma went as a voluntary, and no man knew what was intended but the General. The spoils made by Francisco de Mendoza, Admiral of Arragon in the former years, had greatly annoyed not only the united Provinces, but also the Countries of Cleves, ●uliers, Westphalia, and the neighbour Provinces in the taking of Rhinber●e▪ a Town of importance, by reason of the passage, the seat and traffic, serving the Archduke as a place of retreat for Eriseland; besides the great contributions of money which the garrison drew monthly from many near places, as well friends as enemies, was a great prejudice to the Merchants of Holland, Zealand, Westfrisland, and others in their traffic of Germany. Berck b●seged by Count 〈◊〉. Prince Maurice thought to take this moat out of their eye, to chase the Spaniards out of Berk, and to assure the navigation of the Rhine, to the ease and profit of the Estates. In winter in the year 1600. and 1601. the Prince and States resolve what was to be done, & in April & May they mustered their Garrisons & the choice of their troops of War. divers bruits were spread abroad touching their design, and the Archduke was watchful where the army would make head, to oppose himself against the Enemy. But his forces being to weak to make an offensive War, he was forced to stand upon his defence, expecting the succours that were sent him out of Italy. The Prince understanding the estate of the Duke's affairs, and having his forces ready, made show to attempt some thing upon Flanders or Brabant, but suddenly he turned towards Guelderland, & the 10. of june he came with an army of 17. thousand men near unto Rhinberke (or Berk upon the Rhine) the which he did environ two days after. Within the river of Rhine, right against Berk, there is an Island which was kept by some soldiers for the Archduke, who having been battered by some shot, as well from the State's ships, as by the Cannon that was planted on the rivers side, made no long resistance, so as the 18. day of the month the Island was yielded to the Prince, who presently caused two forts to be built at the point towards Holland, and an other above towards Cologne, furnished with some ●mal pieces to shoot into the Town, shutting up the passages of the River with 〈◊〉 Ships, that no succours might come to the besieged. Moreover the Prince having summoned the besieged to yield the place, (which they refused, being near four thousand fight men), he cast up a large trench, in form of a Cemicircle, round about the Town, either end joining unto the Rhine, fortified with five great Bulwarks, the which with the Island and the Ships compassed in the Town of all sides. There was also a Bastion nearer unto the Town, & two bridges cast upon the Rhine, by the which they went from the Island, & from a place below, to the said Bastions & great Campe. He made also a more spacious half Moon than the first: having in a convenient distance made a deep and large trench, of a League in compass, either end coming to the Rhine: In which trench by equal distances, were built 17. quadrangular forte● betwixt both the trenches were the Companies of horse and foot lodged, with passages to go in and out, so as neither the enemy with in the Town, nor any one without, could easily annoy them without great danger. Ferdinand d' Aualos was Governor of Berk, who defended it with great resolution, expecting succours from the Archduke, who not able to raise the siege of Berk, by reason of the late arrival of 8000. men from the Count Fuentes, he resolved to besiege Os●end, to make a diversion. And although d' Aualos had resolved to die rather than to yield up this place, yet seeing the imminent danger, without any hope of succours, being summoned the third time by the Prince to yield the place, in the end he made a Composition, and gave up the Town the las● of july, Berk yielded. going forth with thirteen hundred soldiers, and as many hurt men having lost above a thousand soldiers: leaving a place in power of the States, well furnished with victuells and Munitions of War, and threescore pieces of Cannon. The Prince having given order for the Town, returned to the H●ge, where the States were assembled to provide for means to succour Ostend, Maeurs taken by ●rince Maurice. which the Archduke had besieged. In his way he sent unto Maurs the which was held by the Duke of juliers, after the decease of the Countess of Valpurg. He summoned the Governor to yield, who finding himself to weak, abandoned the place. The Governor complained to his Master the Duke of juliers, but the controversies betwixt him, Prince Maurice and the States, were reserved to be determined by the Imperial Chamber. The Archduke besieged Ostend, O●t●nd besieged. the which continued three years and eleventh weeks: it was noted for the most memorable siege that ever was in Europe, whereas so many thousands of men ended their days, and which endured so many hundred thousand Cannon shot before it yielded. Ostend which hath been the place whereas all the bravest subjects of Spain for the Archdukes: And all the valiant English and Hollanders for Prince Maurice and the States, have in emulation one of an other, showed their corrages: and whereas many French according to their divers affections have ●ought Honour. This Ostend is a Sea Town in the County of Flanders, two Leagues from Oudenbourg, three from Nieuport and four from Bruges, upon the river of Iperle, the which runs into the Sea, making it a good port for shipping. It was walled about but in the year 1572. and in the year 1587. It was better fortified by the States of the united Provinces. The particularities of this siege I omit, because they are written at large, and published by others. Ferdinand the Archduke being at the siege of Canisia, demanded succours from the Pope, and the Princes of Italy. The Duke of Mantoa was Lieutenant General. The Pope sent him his Nephew, john Francis Aldobrandino, having delivered into his hands the blessed Standard with Ceremonies: The King of Spain sent him six thousand Germans, and the Great Duke of Tuscany two thousand foot: the time was spent in contending for command betwixt the Duke of Mantoa and Aldobrandino, who being Marshal of the Camp would receive no direction from the Archduke. Great men for the jealousy of command, lose great occasions: but death ended this quarrel; Aldobrandino dying three months after of a Quotidian fever, the Troops which he conducted continued still at the siege. The Pope disposed of his Estates to Silvester Aldobrandino his Son; his obsequies were made at Rome with great pomp. Rochepot being Ambassador in Spain, 〈…〉 Ambassador 〈◊〉 Spain. certain French Gentlemen (among the which his Nephew was) had a quarrel with some Spaniards, who did injury them, and cast their Clothes into the Water, they being a swimming. The Spaniards had the worst, and some were hurt and slain. Their Kinsmen demanded justice of the King, (who commanded his Officers to do it) but the Ambassadors lodging was forced, and the Gentlemen drawn forth to prison, notwithstanding any thing that he could say or do, to maintain the liberty of his place, the which is inviolable even among enemies. The King was so offended with this injury, as he commanded his Ambassador to return, giving the King of Spain to understand, that he assured himself, that he would do him reason, when he had well considered what cause he had to complain▪ Whereupon all Traffic was forbidden betwixt these two Realms. The Pope fearing that this violence done unto the Ambassador of France, could not pass without some feeling, and that this Coal might kindle the fire of War betwixt these two great Kings: he sent into Spain to have the prisoners, the which were sent unto him: and the Pope delivered them presently unto the Lord of Betunes the King's Ambassador at Rome; and so the Peace was continued. The Ambassadors of Venice were better entreated in France. That great and wise Senate holding themselves bound by the Laws of friendship, An Ambassage from Venice. to deplore the misfortune, and to rejoice at the prosperity of their friends, having been long troubled for the afflictions of France, they send a great and solemn Ambassage to congratulate the fruit of the King's victories, and the beginning of his Marriage. The Ambassadors were chosen out of the Procurators of Saint Marck, and of the chief men of the State. They came to Paris, Don●t & D●lphin Procureurs of S. Marck Ambassadors. Donat was in election to be Duke. the King sent the Marquis of Rhosny to conduct them to Fontainbleau, and to entreat them, to be contented with their Reception in that place whereas the Queen was; seeing their embassage was common to both▪ and that for the indisposition of her greatness, it could not be at Paris; which occasion did renew the joys of the Court, the which was in so great tranquility as it seemed never to have been in trouble. The Great Turk sent Bartholomew de Cueur his Physician unto the King, Bartholomew de Cueur of Marseilles a Christian Renegado, sent to the King by the Turk. to acquaint him with the Estate of his affairs, and to entreat him to mediate a Truce in Hungary. When as this man spoke of the Turks power he did so extol it, as if he had been able to vanquish all the Princes of Christendom, not expecting Pope nor Emperor, so as the King of France did not meddle in it. He presented a Dagger and a Cymiter unto the King's Majesty, whereof the Hilts and Scabbards were of Gold, garnished with Rubies, and a Plume of Herons feathers. The King related unto him what he had done in Savoy, and complained that (to the prejudice of ancient Capitulations) not only the English were distracted from the Banner of France, (under whose guide and protection they were bound to traffic) but also the Flemings, Hollanders and Zelanders were comprehended under the Banner of England. To this complaint he added an other, against the courses and violences of the Pirates of Algiers, and the Coast of Barbary, saying that if the justice of the great Turk, did not cause these Pirracies to cearse, he should have no reason to believe his friendship. It was at such a time as the Great Turk's affairs were very confused and troubled in Asia, The Serivano revolted in Asia. by the revolt of the Serivano, and almost desperate in high Hungary. The King of Persia had sent Ambassadors to the Christian Princes, to animate them to make War against him, promising to contribute an Army of a hundred and fifty thousand horse, The King of Persia sent his Ambassador to the Pope, Emperor & King of Spain. and threescore thousand foot, offering unto the Christians, liberty of Religion, and free Traffic in his Kingdoms. His Spays and jannissaries murmured against him, and the bad carriage of the Empress his Mother, (who during his Delights and Dissolutions held the reins of Government) did always through the malice and frailty of her Sex, support the worst councils and Resolutions. They complained daily of the Mother and the Son, speaking of her as the Romans' did of Agrippina, crying out; that they should entreat her worse, then by a simple banishment: and of him, as the Soldiers spoke of Gallienus, whom they esteemed not to be borne, but for the pleasures which are in and under the belly, and to ruin all the world with his delights. At this time there sprung up Religious men in France, who said they were true Observers of the Order of S. Francis, The order of 〈◊〉. and that the Franciscans and Capuchins did not maintain it so exactly, but they needed Reformation. The King gave them a Covent at Beau●ort, & by the example of this piety many other places desired it. They would lodge at Balmette near unto Angers, the which had been Founded by Rene King of Sicilia. The Franciscans (who could not endure to be dispossessed by these Recollets) besieged them, offered to force their Gates, and to scale their Walls. The besieged defended not themselves with Words and Excorcismes, but with Stones, and in such Choler, as if the People had not come, the Scandal had not ended without Murder. The Provincial seeing that the Recollets would not receive him, Trouble in the ●ouent of Balm●●te. and that the Bishop would not suffer him to use force, appealed, as from an abuse of their Establishment. The Recoll●ts show unto the Court, that they are the true Children and Disciples of S. Francis, living according to the Rule and Discipline that was observed in Italy, from whence the good Precepts of the Reformation of Regulers were drawn, that if those of the Family of Observance, and of Capuchins were tolerated & honoured in France, they should be of no worse Condition. This cause was the Argument of a famous pleading in the Court Parliament, in the which Seruin the King's Advocate said; That a Reformation was necessary not only in the Order of the Franciscans or Grey-Friars, A great pleading ●n the Court of Parliament. but also in all others, but they must be careful, not to transform by Novelties, in steed of Reforming by Censures, alleging many reasons against the bringing in of n●we Orders. Whereupon the Court pronounced that there was abuse, and restored the Ancient Religious to the Covent of Balmette, forbidding all religious Men of the Order of Grey-Fryars, to go out off the Realm, without licence from the King or their Superiors. jealous and distrustful heads gave it out, that the Peace was in weak estate, when as after the injury done unto Rochepott in Spain, The King g●es to Calais and the forbidding of Traffic, they see the King gone suddenly to Calais, and that from thence he had sent the Duke Byron into England. The Archdukes took a sudden Alarm, and to that end sent the Count So●a unto the King, to deliver unto him the state of the Siege to Ostend, The Count Sora sent unto the King. and to beseech him not to suffer that their enemies should think that these approaches should be to their advantage, and that their rebellion should be favoured by an example so hateful to all Princes. The King sent the Duke of l' Esguillon to visit them, The Duke of l' E●guillon sent to the Archdukes. and to assure them that his intention was not to trouble the Peace, but only to visit his Fronter, and to provide for the fortifications. They did not generally believe this, for although he made this Voyage in Post, many thought that he would embrace this occasion of the siege of Ostend, and all the Court followed him, as to some great Exploit. And for that he would not have the world in suspense of his designs, he gave the Governors of his Provinces to understand that the cause of his going to Calais was but to visit his frontier, and to provide for that which should be necessary to assure it, not from present dangers but from those that might happen. He declared also that he had no other design, than the preservation of Peace withal his neighbours, to enjoy that which God had given him. But there were other practices which could not be dispersed but by the King's presence. The Queen of England sent Sir Thomas edmond's to visit the King, and the King returned her the like by the Duke of Byron. He went accompanied with a hundred and fifty Gentlemen. The Count of Awergne was there as unknown, The Duke of Byron sent into England. but his quality discovered him. There was nothing omitted that might be, for the reception of an Ambassador, & somewhat more. Being at London many Noblemen received him, and accompanied him to Basin, where he rested a day or two before he did see the Queen who made him know that she was honoured by her Subjects above other Princes. A Prince should lose no occasion to let Strangers see the greatness of his Estate, to give them cause to admire him, and to maintain his Subjects in the duty which they own him. The Queen of England who hath made good proof that Wanton may reign, as well and as happily as Men, observes this b●●t●r than any Prince of her age, making all them that followed the Duke of Byron in this Legation, to give the like judgement. The Queen being set in State, all the French Gentlemen entered first, His entry to the Queen. but when as she discovered the Duke of Byron▪ whom she knew by the description they had made of his Face and stature, she spoke with a loud voice; Ha Monsieur de Byron, how have you taken the pains to come and see a poor old Woman, who hath nothing more living in her, than the affection she bears unto the King, and her perfect judgement to know his good Servants, and to esteem Knights of your sort. As she spoke this, the Duke made a low reverence, & the Queen rose from her Chair, to embrace him, to whom he delivered the charge he had from the King, and withal his majesties Letters the which she read. She thanked the King for his remembrance of her: but she said she could not conceal, The Queen's speech. that as there was nothing unto a heart (like unto hers) full of affection and desire more pleasing, then to see and hear what it desired, so could she not but feel an extreme torment, to see herself deprived of the sight and presence of the object which she had most desired, whose actions she esteemed not only immortal but divine, being ignorant whether she should more envy his Fortune, then love his Virtue and admire his Merits; so much the one & the other did exceed the greatest marvels in the world. That she could not say that a courage which feared nothing but the falling of the Pillars of Heaven, should fear the Sea, or not trust unto it for a passage of seven or eight hours, blaming them rather which had not instructed him as well to contemn the Waves of the Sea, as the designs of his enemies upon the Land. From these speeches, she fell into some bitterness of Complaints, which she delivered with a little vehementie, saying; That after she had succoured this Prince with her Forces, Purse, and Means, and if she could have done it, with her own blood, and had as much desired the happy success of his affairs as himself, and the ruin of his Enemies monre than himself, they made no account of her, forcing her to think that the love they bore her was but for the hope of commodities they might draw from her, the which being dried up, all affection was cold. That they had sought her in the torment to forget her when the time was calm. That they preferred new friendship before the old, Wisdom before justice, and Profit before Reason. And for a sign of Inhumanity, they refused her her own. Then taking the Duke of Byron she led him to a Window where she continued her discourse in softer and milder terms. There she gave her hand unto all the Gentlemen which the Duke of Byron presented unto her: among them all she noted Crequy to be Son in Law to l' Esdigueres. She commanded him to approach near unto her when all had done, to whom she declared what esteem she would make of him for his sake, whom she held to be without peer, saying; That if there were two l' Esdigueres in France, she would demand one of them of the King her brother. Crequy answered; That he would think himself happy, if by the King's commandment any occasion were offered worthy of her service, to witness unto her Majesty, that he did partake in the desire which his Father in law had always had, to give her some proof of his affection, & that he would always carry himself so in effect, seeing he could not be present but in desire, the King's service binding him to remain elsewhere. To whom the Queen said; That she did accept of his good will, and wished him to remember. The Duke of Byron returned out of Englang in the beginning of October. The Duke of Byron received all the honours of the Queen and State, that might be given to so great a parsonage, the particularities whereof I omit for brevities sake. Having finished his Legation, he took his leave of the Queen, to whom she gave a great Present, and so dismissed him with very gracious speeches. He found not the King at Calais at his return, who was gone back to Fontainbleau against the Queen's lying down, where he had left her, & the Duchess of Bar with her. All France attended the Fruit of this Birth, as the full of their Felicities, assuring themselves, that by the birth of a Dauphin, they should find all that which forepast ages, and that which was to come, could desire. Ten days before his birth, the Earth quaked in many parts of Europe. The great Duchess who desired greatly to be near the Queen; A Cradle sent to the Queen sent her a rich Cradle, exquisitely made at Florence, hoping it should serve for a Dauphin (for she would not have given it with so good a will for another Sex) entreating the Governor of Lions by her Letters to favour the passage, and his diligence that had charge of it, to the end that he might arrive in time, The Princes of the blood may be in the Queen's chamb●● when 〈◊〉 is in travel to maintain the Salic Law. and not to suffer any to open the Coffers. The Queen fell in labour on Thursday at night, the 27. of September. The King and the Princes of his blood, were in the Chamber, according to the ancient law of the Ceremonies of the Crown, to the end, that the interessed in the succession, may not pretend there was any supposition. The Queen was held for a while in great danger, for she had given herself such liberty in eating of fruit, as she felt it, and repent it in her travel, but in the end, about eleven of the clock, she was delivered of a Son. The Dauphin b●rne. The King blessing him put a Sword in his hand, to use it to the glory of God, and the defence of his Crown and People. All the Princes and Noblemen flocked to rejoice at this new Grace, The joy was so great, and the King was so priest with the Congratulations of them that came about him, as going to the Church to give God thanks for this Grace, he lost his Hat in the throng. The Secretaries of State, made dispatches presently into all Provinces, to make them partakers of this great joy. The first was brought to Paris by Varennes about four of the clock, to the Chancellor of the Court Parliament, & the Town house. Presently thanks were given to God, and Bonfires made throughout all the Realm, the people holding this latter grace, as an assurance of the fruit of all the precedent. Sovuray was chosen for his Governor. The Pope sent presently unto the King and Queen to congratulate with them of this Birth, and to carry unto the young Prince, swaddling bands, bea●ing clothes, and other things, blessed by his Holiness. All Princes allied to this Crown, sent to congratulate this happy occasion. The Queen of Spain was brought to Bed about the same time of a daughter. The Queen of S●aine delivered of a Daughter. The Spaniards were no less content than the French, saying that they had rather the Queen should begin with a Daughter then with a Son, lest they should fall into the accidents, which jealousy and Ambition do breed, when the Children appear so soon to solicit them to be gone; when as their ages are confounded, that the one is in the flower, the other in the season of fruits, the which is most capable to command and rule, and that the desire to succeed may not give occasion to trouble the order of Nature, and maketh the one repent that they are Fathers, and declares the other unworthy to be Children. This great ●oy for the birth of the Infanta of Spain, was mixed with some grief for the fruitless retreat of their great Army at Sea, Spanish Army at Sea goes to Naples. which had kept their design so secret, as for a time they knew not whether they would attempt any thing upon Asia, Africa, or Europe. In the beginning of july they came to Naples, to provide great store of arms and a good number of Petards, which made the world to believe two things, the one was that he would arm some subjects of the great Turk, that were inclined to rise: the other that he had intelligence upon some place, to surprise it with small force. And for that footmen are weak if they be not supported by horse, they made provision also of fifteen hundred or two thousand furnitures for ●orse. The Venetians seeing them to bend their course to Messina, entered into new apprehensions, that if they attempted any thing in Albania, they should have company in their gulf. They were not long in this suspense, for they set sail and came to Trepany, which is the point and promontory of Sicilia nearest unto Affricke-Cigala was parted from Constantinople with fifty Galleys, Cigala at Sea. to find some occasion to charge this army in their retreat, if he should find any part of them disperse, and to frustrate their enterprises. When they see that they were past the islands of Baleares, they doubted no more that his design was for Alger, it was given out that they should be assisted by eight or ten thousand horsemen of the Moors and some Christians. But the Turks who prepared themselves to receive them, would not be in danger of their enemies and of their slaves, knowing that as they could hope for no favour of the one, so the victory of them that serve them is always cruel towards their Masters, for this reason, and to take from the Christians means to favour this Army, they retired into the Town all that lived along the Sea-coast, and did shut up in Caves at Alger, above ten thousand slaves, tied with double Chains, and well guarded. This enterprise was just and commendable, and worthy of the first military executions of a Prince, which must begin his reign by some Act of great reputation. The Spaniards in deed did promise much, and said openly, that their King would make known the affection he bore unto Christendom. Besides the general fruit which was expected, this attempt made a great and profitable diversion of the Turks forces, in favour of the Archduke Ferdinand who was at the siege of Canisia. Prince Doria the more to favour this design, entreated the great Master of Malta in the behalf of the King of Spain, to send some Galleys into the Levant Seas, to make some spoils there, to draw on the Turkish Army, and to advertise him of his course. The which was so happily executed, as with five Galleys they run into Morea. Beauregard a French Knight had the charge to plant a Petard to the port, Chaste●uneu● called by the Turk●s Passana taken by the Galleys of Malta in Mor●a the 17. of August. of Chasteauneuf whilst that Bovillon, and Tiolierre also French Knights should give the scaladoe, on the other side; Where they entered with such fury as the Turks who were seven or eight hundred men, could not hinder them from forcing of the second port. They took a hundred and four score slaves, cloyed eighteen pieces of Cannons, spoiled and burnt the Town, and in four hours spoiled the whole Country. The Spanish fleet recovered the coast of Africa: as men were banded against it at Land, so the Winds made War against it at Sea. Prince Doria finding both Heaven, Earth and Sea, opposite to his design, commanded a retreat, without attempting any thing▪ Prince of Parmas' speech to Prince Doria. The Prince of Parma desiring rather to fail in judgement then in courage, said unto Prince Doria, that he should not suffer so great an Army to return without attempting any thing, the which had no other effect but to have moved a mighty enemy, who to be revenged of a dead enterprise ready to be executed, would resolve to invade the King of Spain's Estates of all sides. Prince Dorias an●swere. The old man answered suddenly. I know well my charge, my hairs are grown white in learning it. Your excellency are to give account unto the King my Master but of a pike, and I must answer for an army, in the which if fortune hath failed me, yet will I not that other parts requisite to my charge, as courage, experience, nor authority shall fail me, or that they shall reproach me to have erred therein. A goodly and a memorable answer, to show that a Prince how great soever he be in an Army, must only study to obey and follow, and not lead or go before, the which belongs only to the General. So Prince Doria having dismissed his Army, took his way to Genoa, choosing rather to give them subject to murmur at his retreat, then vainly to have attempted an impossible enterprise. 1602. The Pope's Galleys stayed at Barcelona for the Duke of Parma, who was gone into Spain to kiss the King's hands. Those of the great Duke of Florence passed to Genoa and from thence to Livorne. Most of the men of War came to refresh themselves in the Duchy of Milan, wholly to ruin the Country. But the Count of Fuentes found a new invention to make this new oppression sweet and supportable. The policy of the Count of Fuentes. He undertook to make a passage for traffic by Water, betwixt Milan and Pavia, and caused them to work in the trenches to make the rivers betwixt the two Towns to meet. The people seeing so great commodities that might recompense all their losses, endu●e● their burden patiently. But the Count of Fuentes encountered many difficulties in this design, The Italian companies cast. which made him to desist, and the people to renew their complaints, when they saw themselves surcharged, and that the soldiers come from the army of Algiers, lived in Lombardie according to their own discretion. He entreated the Duke of Savoy to lodge the regiment of Barbo in the Marquisate of Saluces, but knowing how hard it is to dislodge the Spaniard, he excused himself Wisely upon the miseries & general ●uine of all his Estates. In the end these poor Italians being in Alexandria were cast. The King of Spain's Officers took and folded up their Enseignes, disarmed them and left them almost naked, without any other pay then ten shillings of our Country money. The want of money would not suffer them to do otherwise, the King of Spain being forced to furnish money to the Swisses and Germans, and his treasure being almost exhausted, through the great charges of this last Army at Sea, The charge of the sea army was five 〈…〉 Crowns. the which did not answer the opinion which all Europe had conceived of so great a preparation. Yet the occasion of well doing was goodly and favourable. The lanissayres were mutined against the great Turk, and had stirred up the people, for the disorder of his carriage, his carelessness, idleness and stupidity. Things were in the worst terms that might be, and they talked of nothing but to choose a Prince that was more Martial: they drew seven of his greatest favourits forth of the Serrailias, & forced him to consent that those heads should serve as an oblation to the people, promising to have more care of the administration of justice and the affairs of State. Troubles at Constantinople. The City was five or six days together in danger to be sacked. If Christendom had made use of this division, & of the revolts of Asia, there had been no doubt of the ruin of the Ottomans. If the great Turk avoided the storm which he feared by the forces of Spain, Sigismond Battori Prince of Transiluania was quite defeated by them of the Emperor. What p●st in Transiluania. He had drawn together an army of eighteen thousand horse and 22▪ thousand foot, to recover his authority in Transiluania from whence he had been shamefully expelled. He lodged himself upon a Mountain, to give Law unto all the Country; Suddenly when as this advice was brought unto Michael, Va●oide of Valachia, and to Georg Basta General of heigh Hungary, they let sleep their private hatred to unite their wills, gathering all their troops speedily together, being in all but eighteen thousand men, and present themselves unto the enemy, lodging upon an other hill right against him, The Transiln●●ians defeated. but much lower. The Transiluanian being annoyed by their Canon, came down from the hill into a valley betwixt both: The Imperialists compass them in, and charge them in such sort as they slew eleven thousand upon the place, the rest fled with their General, who cursed God and his Fortune, losing his baggage, forty pieces of Canon and 150. Enseignes which were sent to the Emperor to make his victory absolute. Battory went to the great Turk's Court, to beg for new succours, but he was not welcome, the Turk being discontented for the loss of Alba Regalis, and for that the intelligences which he had with the Prince of Valachia, did not succeed according to his intentions. The Emperor did long foresee, that ambition should be more powerful in the Null heart then duty, many reasons entertained him in these doubts, the acts of absolute power which he had done in Transiluania, the fortification of places, the war against the Moldavian, and especially his proud and imperious disposition, made them believe that he had resolved to make one sovereignty of three Provinces. True it is that to free them from these jealousies, he had sent his Deputies to the Emperor, to assure him that he would not hold Transiluania, 1601. but at his command, and seeing that his assurances were weaker than their doubts and apprehensions, he sent his Wife, and one of his Children for hostages, and in the end came himself to give an account of his actions, confessing that the rigours which he had used upon the Transylvanians, were not to revenge his own private passions, but the public injuries in the disloyalty of this people, which were revolted against the Emperor. The Turk believed that the Valachian would not pass the river of Danuby to make war against him, and that he would give the Emperor good words, and he should have good effects. The Valachian (as full of courage as of ambition) sought but some worthy occasion, which showed his constancy and loyalty to the Emperor, & took from the Turk all hope, that if he could not be his friend openly, yet he would serve him underhand. To this effect he propounded an enterprise upon Thrace to divert the Turks forces (as Scipio did upon Carthage to free Italy) demanding no other fruits of the conquest, than the proof of his duty and zeal to the common good of Christendom, swearing and protesting that he would rather drink Bulls blood, than ever to entertain a peace or friendship with them, whose ruin and exterpation he had sworn. The Emperor knew well that he swore but to cover his disloyalty, nor did not affect the general cause of the Empire, but to advance his private passions, and therefore he resolved to be assured of him. George Basta observed his actions, and represented them in such sort unto the Emperor, as he gave him commission to bring him prisoner to Prague. The Valachian offered to draw his sword against him that brought this charge, but he was prevented by Bastas' people. The Turk was sorry for it, knowing that all the submission which he made in show to the Emperor, The Valachian committed to prison. should not alter him from his first affections, but this grief was nothing in respect of the loss of Alba Regalis. It is a small Town seated in a marish, which makes the approaches difficult, it was taken by the Duke Mercure at the third assault, in less than thirteen days, Alba Regalis taken by the Duke of Mercure the 22. of September. he set nine hundred Christian prisoners at liberty, & took 2000 Turkish women, and children: when the besieged did see that they could not save themselves from the Christians, they set fire of their munition, ruined the Castle, and a good part of the wall, yet the spoil was esteemed at three millions of gold, for that all the riches of Buda was there, as in the place of surety: all that bare arms were cut in pieces, The spoil there. except the Bassa and some hundred soldiers with him, who being retired into a strong Bastion, the Duke Mercure received them to mercy, and granted them their lives only, which grace they had not deserved, for that they had not advertised the Duke of the mines that were prepared in divers parts of the Town, wherewith some Christian soldiers had been spoiled, the Town much indomaged, and the Duke himself in great danger. Hassan Bassa great Vezir, came with an army of threescore and ten thousand men, to recover it again before it were victualled, and the ruins repaired, but he was forced to abandon it with loss and disgrace, through the valour and wisdom of the Duke Mercure. And so Alba Regalis a famous town, being the ancient seat of the Kings of Hungary▪ returned to the Christians. The Valachian offering to draw his sword against Colonel Petz, who had charge to seize on him, The Valachian ●l●●ne by the Walons. a Captain of the Walons (being more advanced than the rest) thrust him through the body with his halberd, whereof falling down, he was presently slain by the rest, who cut off his head without any resistance of his people that were present. In his tent they found letters which discovered his treachery against the Imperial Majesty, and his wicked desseins, so as the Null themselves, who had been greatly incensed by this death, having seen and read the letters, were pacified, saying that he had been deservedly slain. The General Basta made a proclamation. That all the Null soldiers that would, should have leave to departed, or if they would serve the Emperor, they should be entertained with the like pay, in taking of a new oath: so as many were enroled under Basta. By this means Basta this year reduced almost all Transiluania under the Emperor. Yet Battory who had been defeated, Battories' practices. attempted all means to recover his lost Country, and his Sovereign authority, being supported not only by the Transylvanians, but also by the Tartars and Turks. Before and since his last defeat, he had sought to surprise Clausembourg, but in vain afterwards he lived as a Vagabond in the Mountains and Deserts with few people. And for that the General Basta did still press him on every side, finding no place of Safety, he sent his Agents to Basta, beseeching him, to suffer him to enjoy his Principality, and that he would keep no Garrisons nor Magazines but with the Emperor's good liking. Basta made him no other answer, but that he must execute the Emperor's commandments, but he should do well to submit himself to the Emperor to have his ●auour: but Battory would not follow his good Council, yet in the end he was forced unto it in the year 1602. Ferdinand the Archduke, having spent much time at the siege of Canisia, The siege of Canisia raised. in the end was forced to leave it with shame and disorder, losing his Artillery, and Baggage, and abandoning the sick & wounded. He lost his reputation there (for the good & had success of enterprises are ever imputed to the General) although it were true, that the division among the Commanders of the Christians Army, the great want of victuals, & the ●ury of the Plague, gave this advantage unto the enemy. The Duke of Byron came to Fontainbleau, whereas the King, Queen and Dauphin remained, The Duke of Byron returns out of England to Court. he gave an account of his embassage into England, & delivered the Queen's Letter unto his Majesty. He continued in Court until the end of the year, and presented unto him the three Estates of Bresse, Beaugey, Veromey and Gex; whom the King received as graciously, The King confirms the Privileges of Bresse. as if they had been Frenchmen by birth and affection; he confirmed their Privileges, and made them ●eele the fruits of this change. He erected a presidial Court at Bourg, depending upon the Parliament at Dijon, notwithstanding any opposition made by that of Grenoble, pretending that the Countries exchanged should hold the place of the Marquisate of Saluces, & be incorporate unto Dauphin. He relieved the Countries exchanged, in their Impositions & Taxes, and with such moderation, as the most miserable, promised unto themselves happiness, under his sweet subjection. Among other speeches, which the King used unto the Deputies, these were noted. It is reasonable (said he) seeing you speak French naturally, His speech to the Deputies. that you should be subject to a King of France▪ I am well pleased that the Spanish tongue shall remain to the Spaniard, & the german tongue to the german, but all the French must belong to me. The Dauphin made his first entry into Paris the 30. day after his birth: the Port was beautified with Arms. The Daulphins' first entry into Pa●is the 2●. Octob. 1601. The pomp was of a Cradle in a Litter, whereas the Lady of Mo●glas sat with the Nurse. The Provost of Merchants & Sheriffs, went out off the City to meet him. The Governess made answer to the Oration. His first lodging was at Zamets' house. Two days after he was carried back to S. german in Lay, & to the end the people might see him, passing through the City, the Nurse held him at her Breast. The King had determined to conduct the Queen to cloys, but the desire he had to instruct the Duchess of Bar his Sister in his Religion, A Conference to instruct the King's Sister. stayed them all at Paris, whether he had sent for the most learned Prelates & Divines, to satisfy her in the presence of such Ministers as she had brought with her. But they conjured her not to yield unto this change, nor to dismember herself from the body and society of the children of God, to bow her knees unto Idolatry. She continued so constant in her belief▪ as she made a protestation, that if her Religion were prejudicial to the Estates of the Duke of Lorraine, she was ready to return into Bearn, beseeching the King to suffer her to end her life as she had begun it. So as the Conferences upon this subject remained unprofitable, & were of no more effect, then that which was made at Ratisbonne at the same time, & for the ●ame cause. The King having settled as happy a Peace in France as could be desired, he sought to redress the disorders which could not be cured during the violence of the War. The King did two things to reform the disorders of the Treasure, in the one he cut off a great number of Officers belonging to the Treasure, & in the other he caused a great and severe search to be made of their abuses. Many of the Treasury discharged. The more Officers the King hath for the managing of his Treasure, the less profit comes unto his Coffers, for that a great part is spent in their entertainment. So as it was resolved at the Estates held at Rouen, to suppress the Offices of the Treasurers of the Generalities of France by death without hope of reviving. As for the abuses of Treasorers, their covetousness was so great and their abuses so countenanced, as no man lived happily but they. Such as rob the Poor die in prisons and are hanged: but they that steal from the King and the public, are at their ease. When as Rhosny was called to be Superintendant of the treasure, they were out of hope to do their business as they had wont. By his advice the King commanded a strict search to be made of their abuses in the Treasure, A Chamber royal e●ected. and to that end he erected a Chamber (or Court) which he would have called royal, consisting of judges chosen out of his Sovereign Courts. And for that they had given the King to understand, The transport of gold and silver ●or●●dden. that nothing did so much impoverish his Realm, as the transport of gold & silver, the which was usual by the sufferance of Officers, he therefore revived the ancient Laws for the transporting of gold and silver, or bullion out of the Realm, adding pain of death thereunto, and loss of all their goods that should do to the contrary, the third whereof should go unto the Informer. He commanded all Governors to have a care of the observation of these prohibitions, and not to grant any passports to the contrary, upon pain to be declared partakers o● these transports, and for their Secretaries that should countersigne them, confiscation of their goods and perpetual banishment. The wearing o● gold and silver forbidden. But the forbidding of the transportation of gold and silver is not the only means to make a Realm abound therewith, if the use of it within be not well ordered. And therefore the King did forbid the superfluous use of gold and silver in Lace or otherwise upon garments. This Edict did greatly trouble the Ladies in Court, yet it was observed for that it was general and expected none: the King himself did frown of a Prince of his house, who had not yet thought of this reformation. The King continuing the same care to settle all things in good Estate, seeing that foreign Coins went at a higher rate in his Realm then where they were coined▪ he commanded that the use of foreign coins should be forbidden, after a certain time given to the people to put it away, restoring gold to his just value. This commandment was just, but it was a great ruin to the peopole, for the Strangers seeing that their Coins were not currant among us, discontinued the traffic, and lived without that, without the which we thought they could not live▪ Those which were wont to come to Lions went to Geneva, where the Ducats were raised as much as we had abated them. The King by all these Edicts had nothing relieved the necessities of the Nobility, An Edict for usury. if he had not provided for Usuries, which have ruined many good and ancient houses, filled Towns with unprofitable persons, and the Country with miseries, and inhumanity. He found that Re●ts constituted after ten or eight in the hundred did ruin many good famylies, hindered the traffic and commerce of Merchandise, and made Tillage and handicrafts to be neglected, many desiring through the easiness of a deceitful gain, to live idly in good Towns of their Rents, rather than to give themselves with any pain to liberal Arts, or to Till and Husband their inheritances. For this reason (meaning to invite his subjects to enrich themselves with more just gain, to content themselves with more moderate profit, and to give the Nobility means, to pay their debts▪) he did forbid all Usury or constitution of Rents at a higher rate than six pounds five shillings for the hundred. The Edict was verified in the Court of Parliament, which considered that it was always prejudicial to the commonweal to give money to Usury: for it is a serpent whose biting is not apparent, and yet it is so sensible as it peerceth the very heart of the best families. The affairs of the Realm being in so great tranquillity, as the King had no ●are but to enjoy the fruits of Peace. Ambassadors chosen to send to foreign Princes. He made choice of Ambassadors to send to foreign Princes that were in League with him. Barraux was named for Spain, Betunes for Rome, the Count Beaumond was chosen for England, and the Precedent Fresnes Canaye to go to Venice, who had a particular advice given him, the which for that it is of consequence and serves for instruction to others in the like charges, deserves to be noted. It hath always been observed at Venice, betwixt the Pope's Nontio and Princes Ambassadors that remain there, that the last come is always first visited by the others before he returns them the like. 1602. It happened that Huraut de Messe the King▪ Ambassador at Venice, having been twice or thrice sent back thither by his Majesty, and no other Ambassador: at his last return the Pope's Nuncio refused to visit him, saying, that he was not a new Ambassador, and that it was in him to visit him 〈◊〉, the which he did, as well for that they could not take his return for the beginning of a new embassage, from this complement of courtesy, the Pope's Noncio would d●aw a consequence of duty, and would challenge a right to be visited first. So as the Ambassador of Spain having made difficulty to visit the Nuncio, attending it first from him according to the ancient order, they stood so long upon this Ceremony, as they passed all the time of their Legation without visiting one another. And therefore the King foreseeing that if de Fresnes Canay were not informed of these particularities, he might have been surprised in this Complement of visiting. In this discourse of Ambassadors, M●ns d● C●eurieres Ambassador to Thuri●. let us see the issue of two important Ambassages, the one for the King at Thurin, the other for the Duke of Savoy at Paris, & both for the swearing of the peace. james Mictes of Myolans Lord of Saint Chaumont, Knight of both the King's Order, was commanded to go to Thurin to receive the Duke's oath. He went well accompanied with gentlemen, and never Ambassador was better received than he was in Savoy & Piedmont. D' Albigny Governor of Savoy feasted him at Chambery like a Prince, the Duke commanding him to entertain him in all places as himself. Coming to Thurin he was entertained with all honour that might be, and the ceremony being ended, he took his leave, and was no less honoured at his departure, then at his coming, giving the Ambassador a jewel of four thousand Crowns, and to all the Gentlemen Horses. The Marquis of Lul●●●s Ambassador for the Du●e. The Marquis of Lul●ins came into France to take the King's oath. The Ceremony was done at the Celes●ins in Paris, according to the accustomed manner and ●orme used in the like Treaties, and in the presence of many Princes of the blood, Noblemen, and Councillors of State, the Act being signed by the King, by Vilieroy, and Forget Secretary of State. The Seigneurie of Geneva entreated the King to give them the Balewike of G●x, as a necessary thing for the safety of their Estate. The King answered, that being concluded by the treaty which he had made with the Duke of Savoy, that the lands exchanged for the Marquisate of Saluces, should remain united and incorporated to the Crown, he requested them to rest satisfied with this condition, and not to hope for any alteration, for this consideration, these Country's being of one condition with the other Provinces of the Realm, the would not admit any diversity in their Laws, he therefore established the exercise of the Romish religion, and sent the Baron of Lux to put the Bishop of Geneva in possession of the Churches of his Diocese, causing Mass to be said in the Churches of Gex. They of Geneva made fasts, and public prayers, to the end (said they,) to keep the Idols from their walls. We must add to this discourse, one of the most famous Impostures, (as some said) that ever age had seen. Of D· S●●●stian King of Po●tugal It was a general bruit throughout Europe, that Don Sebastian King of Portugal was alive, and the portugals did presently give credit thereunto. It was Atheism among them not believe it; inhumanity in Princes, and Commonweals not to secure him, and injustice not to entreat him as a King. Ma●ie Impostures have been seen throughout the world, but none like unto that which is spoken of this prisoner. It is above twenty years that the friends of D. Sebastian King of Portugal have lamented his misfortune, & the Moors rejoiced thereat; They writ to 〈◊〉 the body of the King D. 〈◊〉 being▪ known was ca●●ied into Se●te after the battle the realm of Portugal made his funerals, and the King of Spain given a hundred thousand Crowns for his body. Four Kings have reigned since, acounting the election of Don Antonio, and yet there is a man found (say the Spaniards) so audacious, as he will trouble all the world, to make them believe that he is the true King D. Sebastian of Portugal. He presented himself to the Seigneurie of Venice, and demands audience. He relats unto them the History of his life, and the reign of his Fathers in Portugal, his defeat in Africa, his retreat into Calabria, 1601. & the resolution which he had taken never to show himself more in the world, for the shame of his misfortune and the punishment of his indiscretion, if the spirit of God had not inspired him with an other will, and given him hope to make himself known for a King as he was borne. He said moreover that among so many sovereign powers that were in the world he would not address himself to any, but to the State of Venice, to judge of the truth of his condition. And to give them better proof thereof, he noted with great circumstances the Ambassadors which had been sent from the signory unto him, the answers and dispatches they had carried back, and the difficulties that were made. The Senate (who in all things but especially in matters of State proceeded warily and with great judgement,) made a search of their relations, and found them conformable to that which he had spoken of the Ambassadors that had been sent to the King, D. Sebastian. He was wisely and judiciously examined of the Estate of other affairs, whereunto he answered so boldly, as of some he was held for the true King, D. Sebastian, and of others for a Magician. The King of Spain's Ambassador, maintained in his Master's name, that he was a counterfeit and an Impostor, causing him to be committed to prison: King Sebastian of 〈◊〉 had a ●re●● lip and one h●nd 〈…〉 then t●e other. where they informed against him, who seeking to justify the resemblance of their bodies, they caused him to be stripped to see if the marks of his body were answerable to those that D. Sebastian had. They found seventeen, whereof some might well be made by art, the rest were by nature, as one hand longer than an other, and a great Lipp●, a mark of the Princes of the house of Austria, from the which, D. Sebastian was descended by his Grandfather. john the 3. King of Portugal, A sentence given b● the 〈◊〉 of Venice. who had married Katherine sister to the Emperor Charles the 5. and by his Mother joane who was Daughter to the same Emperor. In the end, after that the Senate had kept him long in prison, not knowing how to be rid of him, they decreed that with in three days he should departed out of the Venetian Territories▪ upon pain of the Galleys. H● wa● delivered o●t of prison the 16. o● D●c●mber 1600. where he had 〈…〉 wholey●●res To mild a sentence against a Counterfeit, and too cruel against a Prince: if it had not been to give this prisoner means to save himself, and to seek justice else where. Being at liberty, some Portugals remaining at Venice, beseeched him to speak unto them, that they might see if his speech would give them as much knowledge of his quality as his countenance, not being able to judge of the inner man by the outward parts, the knowledge whereof belongs to him that governs the mind and thought. His sp●e●h to the Po●tu●a●s. He spoke unto them after a Portugal manner, proudly and Royally. Doubt not my Children (saith he) that I am that miserable King D. Sebastian, not only unworthy of the possession of his Realm, but of the light which shines, and of life, the which I have not preserved, but for the good of my people. When I represent unto myself, that against the advice of the Cardinal mine Uncle, of the King D. Philippe, of Queen Katherine my Mother, and of all my Council, I undertook the defence & succour of the Infidel, Mulei Mahamet expelled out of the realm of Fez & Maroc, against Mulei-Moluc. Whereby there could rise no glory to the Christian religion, nor any content to myself, but the fume of vain reputation. That to raise this Army I charged my subjects with unjust exactions, and forced my Nobility to follow me upon pain of losing of their fees and privileges: That having set footing there I dismissed some troops at Cadis, through a presumtuos confidence, believing rather the lies which Mulei Mahomet told me of the intelligences he had in Africa, and of the man of War which did expect him, than the reasons of his good servants, who showed him the inequality of their forces and the weakness of his succours. That the violence of his bad carriage had make Africa the grave of so many thousand men, which might have done good service to Christendom. I take no joy in the world, but have long desired that death had discharged me of this heavy burden of life, being hereafter weary to live among the miseries of Fortune. But having learned by myself and mine own misfortune, that there is no Wisdom but doth err before the judgements of almighty GOD, and that nothing can avoid the decrees and ordinances of his fatal disposition, I am forced to go where his commandment doth lead me, and to show myself for him, that his will is I should be. These words forced tears from him in speaking, and from them in hearing, who thinking to do great service unto God, and a great good unto their Country, to save their King's head, and to set him in a place of safety, they attire him like a friar of the order of S. Dominicke, The pretended ●ing of Portugal st●id by the Duke of Florence ●n january 1601 Conducted prisoner to Naples 23. of April. 1601. and conduct him unto Florence, to go more safely to Rome. The great Duke caused him to be apprehended, by the advice of the Archbishop of Pisa, and in stead of sending him to the Pope, he delivered him into the Viceroy of Naples hands: when he saw himself in the power of the castilians, and that the Duke had intelligence with them, he reproached him with the breach of his faith, his royalty, and the rights of hospitality. It is not commendable for a Prince to deliver a suppliant into the hands of his adverse party, having thrust himself under his protection. But the great Duke, seeing that the King of Spain had a great Army, amazing all Italy, and threatening his Estates, he thought it good policy, not to incense a mighty King, and a point of wisdom to avoid the storm, and not to enter into War, the end whereof must needs be ruinous. He was conducted to the Viceroy of Naples, before whom he presented himself, with as assured a countenance, as he had done before the Senate of Venice and the Great Duke. Entering into the Hall, and coming towards the Viceroy (who either for the Reverence of this action, or for the Disposition of the time, was bareheaded) he called unto him a far off; Earl of Lemos cover your Head. These words, delivered with Gravity and Courage, amazed the Assistance. The Viceroy answered him presently, From whence have you this power to command me? It was borne with me, replied the other; You seem not to know me, I know well who you are: remember that Don Philip King of Castille mine Uncle, sent you twice unto me. He discoursed so plainly and distinctly of that action, as he left a great trouble in the Viceroy's mind, and a great opinion in the Assistants that he spoke the truth. The Viceroy said unto him, That he was a Counterfeit. These words of comtempt and insupportable injury to men of Courage, did so offend him, as he used some bitter speeches against the Viceroy. He is shut up in t●e Cas●le d● O●o. But he could not free himself from the Castle D' Ono, where he continutinually cried out, to be carried into Portugal; That the People might see him, and that not only Men, but Beasts and Stones, would take him for the true King, D, Sebastian of Portugal. Many held him for a Calabro●s borne at Tavern, and a Monk that had le●t his Order, other for Marck Tully Catizoni of Apulia. The Portugals swear by his Life and Head. The prisoners which were in the same Castle & saw him every morning at Mass, did note some tokens of a Prince, which made them say; That he was the King D. Sebastian, or a Devil. The best advised, have held him for an Impostor, the Ignorant for a Magician, and the simple for a King▪ During the Viceroy's life, he was not so rigorously entreated, but his Son succeeding him, he was more strictly guarded. The 17. of April 1602. a year after he had been in the castilians hands, he was commanded to answer presently without any further proceeding. To whom he said; That they took not a right course to Examine and judge his Process. That they should present him unto the Portugals, who had Nourished him, Known him, and Served him: for all the Proof and Verification of his cause, depended upon their Saying and Testimony: protesting, that if he lived a thousand years, he would never answer otherwise: and that if they were resolved to put him to death without any other Order or Proof, he took God for his only judge (who knew the truth of his fact,) that he was the right King D. Sebastian of Portugal, and that they might effect, what they had formerly pretended to do. In the end, they condemned him to be led ignominiously upon an Ass, through the streets of Naples, He is con●emned to Galls. and to pass the rest of his life in the Galleys, the which was executed the last of April, cutting off the hair of his Head and Beard, and tying him to the Chain, yet he was not forced to row, but was entreated as a Gentleman of the Galleys. From Barcelona the Galleys entered into the Ocean Sea, and came in August 1602. to S. Lucar of Barameda, where the Duke of Medina Sidonia, and his Wife desired to see him. Having long discoursed with him, the Portugals affirm, that he whom they call their King▪ asked the Duke if he had the sword yet which he had given him, when as he imbanked to pass into Barbary. The Duke answered, His speech to th'duke o● 〈…〉. that in truth D▪ Sebastian King of Portugal had given him a sword at his embarking, the which he kept among others. Seeing t●en you have it (replied their King,) I pray you send for it, for although it be four and twenty years since I gave it you, yet will I know it well. The Duke caused about a dozen to be brought, the which their King having well viewed▪ said that it was not there, the Duke commanded that they should bring all the rest▪ and their King seeing it in his hands that brought them, said. Behold Duke the sword I gave you when I passed into Africa. Then turning to his Cousin the Duke of Medina Sidoni●s wife, the which is daughter to the Prince of Eboly, after that he had told her what speeches had passed in secret betwixt them when he bid her farewell at Cadiz, he said unto her, I remember that I gave you a jewel, have you it yet? T●e Duchess answered that she had a jewel which the King D. Sebastian had given her. Show it me then said he, I will know it well, and will show you a secret which is yet unknown unto you. The Duchess sent for it with many other jewels, the which he knew from all the rest▪ saying, Behold the jewel which I gave you, and to prove my saying, cause the stone to be taken out, and you shall find my name, and my cipher graven underneath it. There was in the Duchess company a Negro whom their King knew, saying that she had washed his linen when as he reigned in Portugal. They say, that when as the Duke saw so many apparent things approaching unto truth, he admired them as miraculous, and retired with a heavy countenance, as it were weeping for compassion, to see this miserable Prince in so wretched an estate. They say moreover, that many ancient Portugals of divers conditions went to see him, and that all confess & maintain that it is the true Don Sebastian King of Portugal, who is now shut up in the Castle of S. Lucar. But ending the contrarieties of Spaniards and Portugals touching King Sebastian, we will say. That it is in the power of the King of Spain to lay open the greatest & strongest deceit that ever was in the world, by a public punishment of the Impostor: or being known to be such as he saith, to ravish all the world with admiration. In the beginning of this year, the Court being quiet, 16●●. and dreaming of nothing but of feasts and dancing, & the whole state in such tranqui●●ie, as nothing might seem to interrupt it. The A●●●●nce with 〈…〉 renewed. The King had but one business without the Realm whereon depended the con●entment which he might give to the Swisses, in confirming the promise which his Ambassador had made in renewing of their alliances. There had been many Assemblies held to that end at Bade & Soleure, but all uncertain as they be commonly. Their resolutions were inconstant and variable, with new demands, which did cut of nothing of the necessity of the first. These diverse agitations sprang from Milan & Savoy, who could not endure to see the Flower de Luce flourish in the rocks and Alpes, and were greened to have spent so many double Ducats in vain, to choke the seeds of their affection to this Crown. De Vic disposed things in as good sort as the King could desire, Brul●rt was sent to make the work perfect. He gave them to understand the King's last resolutions, with so great wisdom and dexterity, as they were allowed by the greatest part of the Cantons. After that, the partisans of Spain and Savoy found that all their crosses brought more advancement than difficulty to the King's affairs, and that the most obstinate became temperate, and were forced to yield, & that they could not hinder, but that the light of virtue and the King's fortune would shine through the Chaos of their practices. Syllery finding that their wills were well prepared, and disposed to entertain & accept of the King's intentions, A Di●● a● 〈◊〉 the 11. of September. he made the proposition of renewing of the League at a Diet held in the Town house of Soleure in September, in a very learned & elegant discourse. His discourse was very pleasing unto the hearers, who thought that the alliance of France, with whom they never had any question, 1601. and whose friendship had not been troubled with those feelings which the injuries of war do fix deeply in the minds of men, was more profitable and necessary then that of other Princes, which have hereditary des●eins upon that estate, who would cast lots again, & come to a new division. These had sometimes sought to make their profit of the diversity of religion that is among the Cantons, 1602. in weakening the body by cutting of the members. France on the contrary side had always exhorted them to live in Peace, and not to under-mine the foundation of their Estate the which consists in Concord and Unity. So Princes should always desire that their Allies might live in Union and Peace. This proposition of renewing the League with the King, was very acceptable unto them all, but it troubled the small Catholic Cantons, who had made new Leagues with their neighbours, and desired that they would propound some means unto them, that in contenting the King they might with Honour keep their latter promises. The Ambassadors answered, that they must take those resolutions of themselves, whereby they might willingly contribute that which depended of them. It is no reason said the Ambassadors, that you should be directed and set into the right way by us, seeing you left it without us and against us. The Cantons said, that the friendship which they had sworn to France, was grounded upon conditions, the which failing, the duty of their alliance must also fail. Friendship grounded upon profit is never durable, that of the Swisses cannot be otherwise united, they love the Darigues more than Darius himself, and Glory to see the greatest Princes of Europe to purchase their friendship. Some advised the King to leave the petty Cantons, and to take them as his enemies, seeing they had broken the League. But he thought he should wrong the reputation and dignity of his Crown, if he should lose the friends which his Predecessors had gotten. And therefore his Ambassadors (although they seemed not to care for it) omitted nothing that might serve to reduce them into the right way, from the which, the opinion of profit, more than the force of friendship, had drawn them: thinking it reasonable to love friends with their humours, A million of gold granted to the Swisses. not for the respect of the continuance of friendship, nor of their constancy, but for the Honour of this Crown. They would not bind the King's word to any other thing then the payment of a million of Gold in discharge of their debt or pension. There must be an other day, to deliver that which should be resolved by every Canton upon the King's offers and propositions. The petty Cantons appointed a Diet at Lucerna, to resolve of the difficulties they were in betwixt the alliances with France and Spain, seeing they might not hold the one but they must abandon the other. Their resolution was to accept the renewing of the League, and to esteem old friends for the best. Yet they did not publish it so soon, that it might be the better accepted: many days were spent in General Assemblies at Baden and Soleurre, to reduce it to an immutable point. Monsieur de Vic went unto the Grisons, and procured an assembly to be called at Coire of the three Cantons and their Commons in their Episcopal City: Assembly of the ●r●sons a● Coire. Their were as many difficulties as the Country is rough, the Spanish practices had so much withdrawn their affections from France. They could not dissemble the grief they conceived for the confirmation of this League. The Count of Fuentes would not suffer any provision to go out of the Duchy of Milan, that the dearth and discomodity of victuells, might make the Grisons know that the friendship of Spain was more profitable unto them than that of France, and that they should not so much desire the number, as the profit of friends. DeVic propounded the King's intentions to 67. Ambassadors deputed by the three Cantons of the Grisons, and to as many other chosen out of the Country. They hold a great liberty of opinions in their Assemblies, every man speaks what he thinks. Here they which made least show, spoke loudest, in the end they resolved to accept of the renewing of the League, adding thereunto such prejudicial conditions, as two of them were sufficient to make the League fruitless for the King. DeVic said unto them, that they must not think that the King would endure any addition or diminution in the ancient Treaty, Unreasonable conditions. answering the said Articles by writing, to the end that the Commons which were to determine thereon, might judge that their reasons were not stronger than those which he had propounded unto them, and their commodities and sureties greater with the King's alliance, than withal others. While that DeVic was with the Grisons, Sillery laboured to dispose the Cantons to the Kings will. But there was still something to resolve upon. The Swisses although they have not the quickness of spirit as other nations, yet are they not less advised in the conduct of their affairs. So as when the King's Ambassadors thought that in the last Diet held at Soleure, there would be but one sitting, for that all difficulties had been very exactly considered, they must yet have patience for twelve days, Difficulties in the ●reaty. with more Crosses and difficulties than were ever treated of in Suisserland, for the like affa●res; for both the King's friends and enemies, had conspired not to consent to the conclusion of the Treaty, without assurance to be paid unreasonable sums every year, besides the million of ●old, that was granted. The stay of the b●inging of the King's money did also greatly distaste them that should have the best share in the distribution. The more certain the hope is, the more troublesome is the stay. This failing was insupportable unto them, and thrust them into bad resolutions against the advancement of the King's affairs. So as the Ambassadors did think for a time they should get much, to break with some, & to differ with others, rather than to tie the King unto such forced conditions. But after much toil of body and mind, the Treaty was concluded. The Duke of Byron 〈◊〉 to the Cannon's to con●●●●e the Treaty. There remained nothing but to have the Duke of Byron come, to authorize by his presence, what had been concluded by the King's Ambassadors: he came in the end of I●nuary, well accompanied and as we●● received by the Lords of that common weal, and by the Colonels and Captains, to whom it seemed that they were in France, seeing him always that had commanded over them in the King's Army. The Duke spoke unto them in the General Assembly at Soleurre in this ●ort. Noble Lords, The Duk●●pe●ch to the Su●●ses. the King my Master (making the same esteem which ●is Predecessors have done of your generossity, desiring the continuance of true friendship and faithful alliance which hath been of long time betwixt his Crown and your Cominalties) hath commanded me to come into your Country, for the happy ending of the Treaty which the Seigneours of Syllery and deVic have managed for the renewing of the League. His Majesty hath also commanded me to assure you of the account he makes of your Faith, and that he will fully observe the promises that shallbe made unto you. He doth also assure himself, that for your parts you will bring all willingness & Freedom, now that his Realm is the most flourishing, giving more cause of Envy then of Pity. He desires more earnestly to renew the ancient alliances that have been betwixt the Kings and Crown of France, & your Common weal, thinking that the good which shall rise thereby, shall be profitable unto you, & the best and most assured means for to make you live powerfully and happily. I will conceal how highly I esteem the honour which the King my Master hath done me, in making choice of me with these Gentlemen, to serve for so Good and Holy a work, and also to see myself with a Nation, which hath been often (both in Peace and War) cherished & esteemed by my deceased Lord and Father, the Marshal Byron & of myself: For proof of my Affection, I offer you all that is in my power, being desirous to assist you withal favour, aed to serve you in that which a Knight of Honour ought & may. The King's alliance was accepted by the Swisses, public thanks were given to God, & the Duke with the Ambassadors solemnly feasted. The alliance which before had been contracted but for the King's life only, was concluded for the Daulphins also, after that of the Kings & as many years after as were granted to the deceased King. The continuance of th● League. The King received great content to see this Treaty so happily concluded to the honour of his Crown, contrary to the intent and practices of those that sought to hinder it. The Count of Fuentes grieved that things had not succeeded according to his hope, cast his desseins in Italy upon the Marquisate of Final, without any pretext or offence, but only up on the presumption of his Master's greatness. To give some colour to his attempt; he caused two divers rumours to be spread abroad: One was, that the Marquis of Final was upon terms to exchange this Marquisate for a little Principality lying in the realm of Naples. The other was, that the Marquis of Final in the extremity of a sickness had given it to the K●ng of Spain. Upon these two pretexts he caused Diego Pimentel his nephew, & Sanchio de Luna to pass with a great number of Spaniards to surprise the place, The Marquisate of Final surprised. & the Lansqu●nets that kept it; who were easily satisfied with a promise of 16, months pay that was due unto them. He placed 200. Spaniards in it, under the command of D. Petro de Toledo▪ and presently resolved to fortify the Port, and to put a Garrison therein. The chief end of his Conquest was to bridle the Gen●ueses, and to make their Traffic with Spain so discommodious, as they should reap no benefit, but what it pleased the Governor of Final. An Army at Sea in Calabria of 60. Galleys The Lord of the place, who had never any thought to Exchange, nor to give it, filled the Popes and the Emperor's ears, and all the Air with his Complaints, but in the end finding no satisfaction, he was forced to allow of that which pleased the stronger. The Spaniards made not so great an account of this purchase, as they conceived hope of a great levy of Men of War made in the Realm of Naples and Sicilia, and in the Duchies of Milan, Mantoa, Modena, Urbin and Parma▪ whereof they meant to make an Army at Sea, greater and better conducted then the last. Many thought it was to repair the fault of Alger, or to oppose against the designs of Cigala, who they said would come out off Constantinople with a hundred Sail. As the desseine was secret, so was it not known, who should be the General. Andrew Doria demanded leave of the King of Spain, foreseeing that they would hardly give him the charge, for that they must never employ an unfortunate General twice. The Duke of Savoy made show to accept of this command if it were offered him. D. ivan de Cordou● was General. They had greater enterprises in Europe, then in Africa or Asia, although it were said, that the King of F●z had promised to make the King of Spain Master of Alger. But the necessities of the Low Countries, and the practices they had in France, made the Spaniards to leave all attempts against the Turks and Moors for this year, being so disappointed for want of money, as they were forced to fly to private purses, so as without an advance of two hundred thousand Crowns by the Spinolas of Genoa, the Troops which passed in April and May, had stayed until the end of the year in the Duchy of Milan. These were the speeches of the King of Spain's designs, whereunto they added that D' Albigny was gone to Milan to the Count of Fuentes; that the Marquis of Aix was in Spain; that the Duke was ready to subject himself wholly to the will of the Council of Spain, to whom he delivered his two Sons, having made them Knights of his Order, to prepare them to the Voyage, and had sent Defourny (an extraordinary Ambassador to Rome) to beseech the Pope to send them his blessing. But the King knew well, that under these shows and Pretexts, there were other Negotiations to trouble his Estate, whereof he made no show: yet such as did see him when he was most free and private, discovered that his Head was troubled, and that the Toil & Weariness of his Mind, was much more than that of his Body. One day coming from Hun●ing, being very pensive before the fire with his Hat on his Eyes, he drew his Sword, speaking some words unto himself, than he turned towards the Vidame of Chartres, The King disquieted touching the Marshal B●●on. who was there present, ask him when la Fin his Uncle would come, and that he longed to see him. At the same time there were great reparations made at the Bastille, rather to keep that fast, that was to be within it, then to resist without, which made many believe, that the year should not pass, without lodging of some one of mark in the place. This Winter, the Court was full of jollity and Sports, the Queen having made a very Rich and Sumptuous Mask, The Queen's Mask. calling fifteen Princesses and Ladies of the Court unto her, which represented sixteen Virtues, whereof the Queen made the fi●st. The Duke of Vendosme being attired like Cupid, marched before the Queen: but within few days after he changed that Habit into Mourning, for the death of the Duke of Mercure his Father in law, who died of a Pestilent Fever on Twelve day in the City of Nurinberg, The death of Philip Ema●●●l of ●or●ai●e, Duke of Mer●u●●. coming into France to prepare a greater expedition against the Turks. The King was much grieved for his death; his funerals we●e made in Lorraine, and at our ladies Church in Paris, the whole Court of Parliament did assist, and Francis de Sala (elect Bishop of Geneva) made the Funeral Sermon. A Complaint of the third Estate of Dauphin. During the public sports in Court, the King's Council laboured to end the suit betwixt the Commons (or third Estate) and the two first Orders of Dauphin. The Commons complaining, that all the Charges and public oppressions, and all that might be burdensome was laid upon them, without any hope from the other Estates of the Province, although they made not the sixth part, being reasonable that all the charges being common, they should be supported equally by all the Province (by her first condition) being declared free from all such charges, and with this freedom was given at the first to France. Every order, pleaded for his own liberties by the Deputies, the which the King having heard, he set down a general order touching the Taxes of Daulphiné▪ as you may ●eade at large in Pierre Mathewe. The King having pas●ed the feast of Easter at Fontainbleau, prepared to go to Blois, to Tours and to Poitiers and farther, if the good of his presence so required. Many believed that his intent was to go an other way, which agreed well with their humours who breathed nothing but war. The great levies which were made in Italy: the Warlike humour of the Count of Fuentes·s the great stirring of the Duke of Savoye, who could not live in Peace: the discontent of the Spaniards for the prejudicial ●onditions of the Treaty of Veruins, and many other considerations, gave some show of the common opinion of War. The King also had some intelligence, that the Sea Army, prepared in the Realm of Naples, had an enterprise upon Provence, although the Spaniards gave it out that it was for Algiers, but the clear-sighted knew well that without some treason among the French, the Spaniards affairs were not in so good Estate, as to attempt any thing against France. The King was advertised that the Duke of Byron, was strayed from his duty, The Duke of Birons' conspiracy discovered. and assured moreover that this disposition of his did not grow in an instant, & that he had not entered into these bad resolutions suddenly, if he had not had conference with strangers. He could not believe that a spirit so Vigilant, so Active and so Valiant, could suffer itself to be transported with such violent furies: and it seemed a dream unto him that a man which had gotten so much Honour, to whom his Father had left so much, and who had received daily what he would from the King, should resolve to that which was contrary to his Honour and the greatness of his courage. This good opinion made the King not to believe the advice which was given him of his bad intentions, making no show thereof, but that he would give him the Government of Guienne, and two hunred thousand Crowns recompense, with the castles of Trumpet and Blaye, to draw him from the Frontier, which was more commodious for conference with them, who were resolved to withdraw him from France, or to ruin him. They had sought him after the taking of Lan, The Duke of Byron refused the Government of Guienne. when as they descovered that he was come to Paris in choler, for that the King had refused him some thing, wherewith he gratified the Duchess of Beaufort: then they offered him two hundred thousand Crowns yearly entertainment, and to be General of all the Kings of Spain's orces in France. As they had found him an Achilles in battle, so they found him an Ulysses to their words, stopping his ears at their Enchantments, saying, that choler should never draw him from his duty: that although his Nature were fire and boiling in the feeling and apprehension of a wrong, He refused entertainment from the Spaniards. yet his heart would never suffer this fire to consume the Faith and Loyalty, which he ought unto his Prince. He retained nothing of the offer which they made him, but only the remembrance of the esteem which they made of his valour, and even then he suffered himself to be carried away with those motions, which do often transport the mind to insolency and contempt of all things, when they see themselves assured of ease, howsoever the chance fall, and that they shall never be under the servitude of necessity. He was sometimes herd-say, that he would not die, He said he would die a Sovereign. before he had seen his head set upon a quarter of a Crown: that he would rather go to a Scaffold to lose his head, then to an Hospital to beg his bread: that he would die young, or have means to do his friends good. Either Caesar or nothing. Either a free life or a glorious death, but he had neither of them. His designs made him to utter words of a Sovereign, and so absolute, as the wise did impute it to extreme arrogancy, the which hath always ruined them that entertain it. It is a great happiness for an Estate to have great Captains, but there is nothing so hard to entertain, for when as they think that they have bound their Country unto them, although all they do be less than their duties, they are easily discontented and like to Pausanias and Themistocles speak new alliances and friendship from enemies, if they be not rewarded to their own wills, and to the height of their Ambition. The Duke of Byron had done great service to the King and Realm, He was honoured with the first charges o● the realm. so were his recompenses so great, as no Nobleman of his quality in France, but might envy him: For being not yet forty years old, he had enjoyed the chiefest dignities of the Realm. At fourteen years he was Colonel of the Swisses in Flanders. Soon after Mashall of the Camp, and then marshal general. He was received Admiral of France in the Parliament at Tours, and Marshal of France in that of Paris. He acknowledged none but the King at the siege of Amiens, and was his majesties Lieutenant General, although there were Princes of the blood. To increase his greatness he was declared a Peer of France, and his Barony erected into a Duchy. And yet not content with all this, he said he would not die but he would strain higher. That he will go no more to recover the Towns of Picardy, unless the King set uppe his Image in brass before the Lovure, using still in his bravery some very dangerous speeches, and with such affection, as he was not pleased with them that did not applaud them. When he saw after the siege of Amiens, that Britain was reduced, and the War ended, He desires continuance of the War. he thought that having no more use of his valour, he should have no more credit▪ that he should have no more means to play the petty King, and to do all that without fear which he did without justice. He complained of the King, and of the unequal recompense of his Merits and Service▪ he proclaimed his discontents, adding threats to his complaints, speaking of the King with so small respect, as his most passionate servants held his speeches to be insolent and dangerous. It was the defect of his Nature, but Fortune added something unto that, for finding himself to abound with all the prosperities that a well ordered desire could wish for in his condition, he found that men lose themselves, being to much at their own case. The opinion of himself raised his thoughts so high, as he valued himself at an inestimable price, thinking that his heart was not of the common temper of others: He held himself incomparable. that there was no man living that might equal him, and that none that were dead had attained to his merits. And although that in all his life he had showed small zeal to religion, yet now when as he prepared his heart to the mo●ions of ambition, he would seem very religious, protesting that he would be an irreconcilable enemy to the Protestants. La No●le Seigneur of la Fin, was (by reason of the troubles of Provence and the quarrel of L' Esdigueres) retired to his house, being threatened by the King: in quarrel with ●ome great personages of the Realm, and surcharged with debts and suits in Law. The discontented do still meet by appointment or by chance. The Duke of Byron (who knew that he had been employed in the D●ke of Alansons affairs, that since he had negotiated with the Ministers of the King of Spain and the Duke of Savoy, during the siege of Amiens, and that he had a heart full of discontent) imagined that he sought a Master. They talk together, and mixed their griefs and passions in one complaint, He discovers his discontent to la Fin. they propound to seek that without the Realm, which they could not find within it, and to enter in practice with the Duke of Savoye: they resolve to advertise him of an intelligence which L'Esdigueres had upon the fort of Barrault, the which he executed happily. He went into Flanders for the execution of the Treaty of Veruins, where Picote of Orleans had conference with him▪ & inspired his heart with desires to raise his Fortune with those who both knew and admired his merits. The Duke of Byron heard him, and made no show to understand him, and yet he left him in an opinion that if he came into France he would be well pleased that he should speak more plainly unto him of that subject. The Spaniards did believe that he yielded, seeing he gave ear, and assured themselves either to win him or to undo him. The King was advertised by one that was then employed in the archdukes Court, of this practice, but he sent him word that the Marshal Byron was of too high a spirit to yield to so great a wickedness. Being returned out of Flanders, the King would have married him, but he made show that his affections were otherwise settled. And although he gave it out, that he sought the daughter of Madame de Luce, yet he treated to have the other daughter of the Duke of Savoy, whereof Chevalier Breton had spoken unto him. La Fin had a promise from the D●ke of Byron to do all he could to content his hopes. Picote had made a voyage into Spain, to receive directions. Farges (a religious man of the order of Cisteaux) went into Savoy, and so to Milan, to receive order how to tea●e this plant from France, but the D●ke of Savoy being at Paris, pulled up the Flower de Luce which was plan●ed in his heart, & disposed him so to trouble the King within the realm, as he should leave him the Marquisate of Saluces in peace. Upon this assurance the Duke of Savoy had no meaning to effect the Treaty of Peace; war was proclaimed, the Duke of Byron takes the chief places of Bresse: Being at Pierre castle in the beginning of September, La Fin comes unto him, who by his order had made two voyages to S. claud, where Roncas was. The King had advice thereof, but he thought it better to dissemble these practices, then to surprise the best of his servants in his acts of infidelity. He was content to draw him into Savoy, and to tell him that he must abandon La Fin, and not to give ear to his bad persuasions. The King showed him his error, to guide him into the right way, but as they which are possessed with this violent passion of desire to be Masters, are no more capable of government nor Council, He contemns the King's advice. he conceived that what the King spoke for love, proceeded from fear, continuing still his practices with La Fin, and never going to see the King▪ but with a great troop. He made him believe being at Annessy, that he desired to discover some passage, and demanded guides of the Country to that end, but it was only to let Renazé pass to the Duke of Savoy, to discover unto him the estate of the King's army, and to make D' Albigny retire with his troops, the which without this advice had been cut in pieces. It was at the same time when as the Duke of Byron entreated the King to give the government of the Citadel of Bourg, to him that he should name. He is discontented for ●he refusal of the Citadel o● Bourg. The King answered him, that he would commmit that place unto the Boisses. This denial did so transport the the Duke of Byron, and thrust him into such strange and devilish resolutions, as one morning being in his bed at Chaumont, he made an enterprise upon the King's person, whereof mention is made in the deposition of La Fin and Renazé, but it was not executed. He himself had horror of so execrable a thought. La Fin went also from the army to conclude the bargain with the Duke of Savoy, and the Count of Fuent●s. He treated first with the Duke, and the Ambassador of Spain at jureé, and then at Thurin with Roncas. He went to Milan to the Count of Fuentes, whether Picote also came, bringing an answer from the Council of Spain, to the Duke of Birons' propositions, and order to confer with La Fin, and to persuade him to make a voyage into Spain. He said openly, that the King of Spain desired to have the Duke of Byron, at what price and peril soever. The Duke of Savoy, He trea●s with the D●●e of Savoy and the Count of F●ent●s. and the Count of Fuentes appointed a day to meet at Some, with the Ambassador of Spain, La Fin and Picote. There their minds were known, and all difficulties freed of either side. La Fin who had peerced into the seacret of his councils, said, that the marriage of the Duke of Savoyes' third daughter, was the Cement to join together and unite all this Treaty, with promise of five hundred thousand Crowns, They offer him one of the Duke of Savoyes daughters in marriage. and the transport of all the rights of the Sovereignty of Bourgongne. The Duke of Savoy gave him more hope, than assurance of this marriage, and it was not credible that he would accept of a mean gentleman for his Son in Law, who was not of so great a house, but there were many better than his in France, Princes promise all, and hold nothing but what doth not prejudice their greatness. Whilst that La Fin treated of the D●ke of Birons' capitulation in Italy, the Treaty of Peace at Lions was concluded. The ignorant said that the King had done ill in not proceeding, and that he should keep that great Rampar of the Alpes, for the frontier of Gau●e. These were discourses o● men which did not consider, how dangerous it is to go far from the frontier, and to leave behind his back a strong conspiracy: without this peace the King had been forced to pass the Alpes, the which had been a favourable occasion for this Tre●son. He was advertised of the bad services the D●ke of Byron did him: and that the enterprises which he had upon the Citadel of Thurin, and the best places of Piedmont, were discovered by their treachery, to whom he had trusted his Crown and Sceptre. A Prince that hath Traitors in his army, never fights happily. Charlemain repent his trust reposed in Gavelon, and Charles Duke of Bourgongne in Campobaccio. The Duke of Byron craves pardon of the King. The Duke of Byron had always dissuaded this peace. But finding that this peace must send him home to his government, & that the King had some notice of his practices with La Fin, he seemed to be very penitent, and asked pardon of the King, walking in the Cloister of the Franciscane friars at Lions, beseeching him, (with a countenance full of contrition and humility) to forget his bad intentions, the which rage and despite for the Citadel of Bourg had possessed his heart with. The King pardoned him. Saying that he was well pleased, that he had relied upon his clemency, and the love which he bore him, whereof he would always give him so good proofs, as he should have no cause to doubt, nor to attempt any thing against the assurance he had of his loyalty. Going from thence, he met with the Duke of Espernon, saying, (that as to his best friend) he would impart unto him, the best adventure that ever happened unto him, having discharged his conscience from the terrors and horrors that did afflict him, and that the King had pardoned what was past, and had promised him all favour hereafter. Crimes of treason are not pardoned without an abolishment. The Duke of Espernon answered, that he was glad, but he must crave an abolishment: for offences of that quality are not so easily remitted. How should I, said he, assure myself, better than in the King's word? If the Duke of Byron must sue for an abolishment, what must others do? The Duke of Espernon had reason to advise him to take an abolishment, & the other was in no error in trusting to the King's word, who had forgotten his fault, if he had done nothing since to renew the remembrance. But here they observed an act which had all the signs of an implacable hatred. The Duke of Byron being sent for by the King, to come and receive his commandments, and the testimony of his clemency, parts from Bourg, and comes to lie at Vimie. There he made a dispatch to La Fin, who was at Milan. He continues the offence pardoned. He goes to Lions, and is received of the King, as the Father doth his lost Child, whom he hath found again. He stayed some days at Lions, and having accompanied the Queen at her departure, he returned to Vimie, where he made an other dispatch to La Fin by one Farges. As soon as he comes to Bourg, he sends away Bosco (Cousin to Roncas) to advance the business. This negotiation was continued at Some, betwixt the Duke of Savoy, the Count of Fuentes, and La Fin. The Count of Fuentes led La Fin to Milan, desiring to be satisfied of some points, but finding his answers not constant, he thought it not fit to trust the secret unto him, but to dispatch him; who finding that he was unpleasing unto them in this negotiation, stayed not long there. Hereupon he sent him back, & requested him to pass by the Duke. But he did well in taking his way by the Grisons, to recover Basill, Paurentin, & Besancon, Renaz● stayed prisoner b● the Duke of Sauoy● command for Renaze his Secretary, who passed into Savoy was stayed prisoner. The work changed nothing but the instrument. Alphonso, Casal, & Roncas continued it with the Baron of Lux. In the mean time the Duke of Byron slept not, having sent a man into Spain, although he were near unto the King, who for that he would not lose him, kept him about him, he carried him to the fronter, and sent him into England, where he heard of the death of the Earl of Essex. A fresh example of justice against those that seek to be feared of their masters, and abuse their love. At his return he made a voyage into Gascone, where he was honoured of the Nobility as a Prince, and being returned to Dijon, he went into Suisse, to conclude the renewing of the King's Alliance, where he continued his practices with the Count of Fuentes, to whom he sent his Secretary, under colour to conduct his Pages to Nova Palma, a Fort of the Venetians. Being returned out of Suisse, he went not to give an account of his charge, excusing himself upon the holding of Estates of the Province. The King who had some inkling of these broils, (by Combelles) desired greatly to speak with La Fin, to be informed of the truth. La Fin who had his heart big with despite, that the Baron of Lux would have all the fruit of of this negotiation, and that Renaze was detained prisoner in Savoy, sent Cerezat to the Duke of Byron, to tell him that ●e could no longer he his servant, if he did not deliver him Renaze, advertising him also that he could no longer defer his going unto the King, and that he desired to know what he would have him say, touching things past. He made small account of one of his propositions, and spoke of Renazé as if he were no more among the living. Touching the other he said to Cerezat, that he was of opinion he should go to the Court with a small train, Instructions gruen by the Duke of B●●on to ●a Fin. and that he should prepare himself at the first, to receive words of choler and contempt from the King, the which he should easily calm, in beseeching him to believe, that the voyage which he had made into Italy, was only for devotion to our Lady of Loretto, and that passing by Milan and Thurin, they had charged him to propound the marriage of the Duke of Savoyes' third daughter unto him, which he would not hearken unto, seeing his Majesty would take the care to marry him. He entreated and adjured Cerezat, to advise La Fi●, to dismiss all those that had made the voyages with him, especially of a Curate, and to lay his papers in some place of safe●ie, if he would not burn them, and to consider in the end, that he had in his hands, his Life, his Fortune, and his Honor. La Fin comes to Cou●t. La Fin came to the Court at Fontainbleau in the end of Lent, he spoke first with the King, and with Villeroy alone, he had conference with the Chancellor in the night, with Rhosni in the forest, and with Sillery at the pressing place. All had horror to see the writings, and to hear the desseins which they understood. We must not believe lightly: for slander is subtle & doth seek to supplant the most innocent actions. But when the preservation of the State is in question, the most doubtful things are not to be rejected nor contemned. The King could hardly believe so great a wickedness; the facility of his bounty made him hard of belief. La Fin made him to see such apparent and certain proofs of this conspiracy, as he was forced to believe more than he desired. He declared all that had passed in his voyages to the Duke of Savoy, and the Earl of Fuentes, for the D●ke of Byron. Saying that he desired, that the return of the war might have troubled his Majesty, and profited them that were the cause of i●. But seeing that his sacred and inu●olabe person was not excepted, and that they made cruel desseigns against him, he had such horror, as he was resolved to give him intellegence thereof, choosing rather to fail in his promise to the Servant, then in his duty to the Master. The King full of clemency and bounty, was wonderfully grieved to see so unnatural a conspiracy: Yet he said, that if the Conspirators did their duties, and gave him the means they might to prevent the bad desseigns of his enemies, he would pardon them. If they weep said he, I will weep with them. If they remember what they own me, I will not forget what is due to them. They shall find me as full of clemency, as they are void of good affections. I would not have the Marshal Byron the first example of the severity of my justice, and that he should be the cause that my reign (which hitherto hath been like unto a calm and clear sky) should be sadainly overcast with clouds of thunder & lightning. And from that time his resolution was, that if the Marshal Byron confessed the truth, The King exp●cts ●epent●nce one●y of the Duke he would pardon him. His Council were of that opinion, so as he would employ himself effectually, to do as much good for the service of his estate against his enemies, as he had practised ill among them. Of many papers which La Fin presented unto the King, they m●de choice of 27. pieces: which were not those which concluded most against the D●ke of Byron▪ but which ma●e mention only of him, the King being unwilling to have the rest discovered, to the end that the punishment of one, might serve for an example to all, The Chancellor kept these papers with such care, as he caused them to be sowed unto his doublet, being loath to trust any one with them, or show them till need required. The Baron of Lux was at Fontainblea● when as La Fin arrived, the King said unto him that he was very well satisfied, that La Fin had spoken so honourably, and so wisely of the Duke of Byron that he knew well his intentions were not converted to any bad designs, as they said. He returned to Dijon well content, thinking that all things were sound. La Fin writes to the Duke of ●iron, that he had satisfied the King of his actions, and hath said nothing but what he thought might serve to banish all bad impressions. The King managed the business so wisely, as the event was happy, making show to fear no enemies but abroad. He grew jealous at the arming of ●o many Galleys at Genoa for the King of Spain, under colour of the Prince of Piedmonts' passage, An army at sea for the King of Spain●. lest they should have some enterprise upon Provence. He therefore commanded the Dukes of Guise and Vant●dour, to be careful of their charges. He writ to the governor of Lions (whose intent was to spend some part of the Summer at Chaum●nt) to return to Lions, for that he was advertised from all parts that his enemies had some design there, whereof they vaunted. He commanded Lesdig●eres to go● to Horseback if need were, and when the Governor of Lions should send for him; And he caused the Marquis of Spinolas troops to be observed, the which were ready to pass at Pont de Gresin to go into Flanders, the which in truth were but to cover the Duke of Birons' practices. The King parted from Frontainbleau to go to Blois and so into Poiton. There are always in States (as in great bodies) swellings and bad humours, The King goes to ●●ois. which are not to be cured by violent remedies, but gently, and by the Prince's presence. There were in Guienne and Poitou, divers motions, which could not be dispersed but by the light of the King. He resolved to go into those quarters and to show himself unto them Glorious in Peace, who had never seen him but Triumphant in War. He passed to Blois, Tours, and then to Poitiers. His presence did pacific all Mutinies, which grew by reason of the imposition of a Sou upon the Liure, and through the apprehension which was given the People, The ●ure is two shillings. that he would give Garrisons to some Towns, and Citadels to others, and to all in general an increase of their miseries. But as soon as the King had said unto them, that he came not to see them and ruin them, but to relieve them. That he would build no other Fortresses but in their Hearts, not use any more constraints to secure the necessities of the Crown, than their own good wills: That he desired more to ad and increase, then to take away or diminish their contents: And that he would not have the gold of his treasure to be bathed in the tears and blood of his subjects: there was no man but did bless the years of his reign, and did wish it immortal. His presence did also disappoint many bad practices, which were growing. France was so full of bad humours, as upon the least motion that came from abroad, it was ready to fall into her former Frenzies. The great trouble of the Palace at Paris, by the intermission of hearing of causes, and the dismission of Solyciters, (the which happened the twelfth of May, a fatal month for the Parisians by a greater revolt) seemed to presage some new storm. The cause grew from a decree of the Court, given against Solyciters, and by the King's authority and express commandment, who before he parted from Paris to pass the Easter at Fontainbleau, sent for the chief of the Court of Parliament and of all the other Courts, to recommend their charges unto them. From whose own mouth they understood, how much he desired that all the justice might be administered with less charge, and less loss of time. The Spices is 〈◊〉 unto judges, upon every 〈◊〉 that is judged definitively in France. That there was no justice for them that had no money; so excessive were the judges Spices and the Solicitors fees. The Court of Parliament desiring that according to the King's mind, intention and last com●●unde the excess (whereof they complained) against the Solicitors, might be reduced to a mean and just temper, assembled to redress those disorders. The opinions being heard and numbered, against Advocates, the first Precedent sheweing that a reformation was as necessary in judges as in Solicitors. The 〈◊〉 de●●●● against 〈◊〉. In the end 2 decree was made, by the which it was ordained and appointed, that ever Solicitor should set down under his hand, in the end of his writings, what he had taken for his own fees, to the end that in case of excess, it might be moderated, when as the Court should proceed to judgement of the process. Moreover they should give a certificate what they had taken for the pleading of causes, to be set down in the tax of charges, all upon pain of extorsion. The Law was not made against the good, but only to restrain the avarice of others, who prefer the opportunity of taking, before all reprehension. All notwithstanding did oppose themselves against the execution of this Law, saying, that they would rather leave their places, than subject themselves to the rigour of the Decree, and do so great a wrong to the Dignity and Liberty of their profession. The Court made an other Law, whereby it was decreed, that such as would not plead, should deliver their names unto the Register, A second decree against Solicitors. after the which they were forbidden to practise as Solicitors, upon pain of falsehood. This second decree was pronounced in open Assembly in the house of the King's attorney general. The next day there went out of the Chambers of Consultation, by two and two, to the number of three hundred and seven, they passed through the Palace hall, went to the Register to give up their hoods, and to declare that they obeyed the second decree, seeing they could not obey the first. From that time the Palace was without pleading, the Solicitors being busied to defend themselves, setting down all the reasons they could for their justification: yet could they not move the Court to revoake or change the Decree: they were forced to have recourse unto the King, who to reconcile this division, which happened upon a day, which revived the memory of a greater trouble, he sent his letters to the Parliament in terms conformable to his justice, and the wisdom of his Council. By the which it was lawful for Solicitors to exercise their functions as they had done before the said Decree, enjoining them notwithstanding to observe the ordinance made at Blois in that behalf in the 161. Article. The parties which had suits did languish in expectation of this declaration. As they complained of the corruption, so they suffered the inconveniency of the remedy. The Court which had made many just and severe Laws against Combats, An ●idict against Combats. confirmed the Edict which the King made at Blois. Before his majesties departure from Fontainbleau, he had commanded the Constable, Chancellor, Marshals of France, and the chief of his Council, to devise some means to suppress the liberty of Combats, being so injurious and prejudicial to his estate. By their advise an Edict was made, by the which they that call, or are called, or which assist, or seconds him that calls, or is called; are declared guilty of high Treason, and to be punished according to the rigour of the Laws▪ Commanding the Constable, Marshals of France, Governors, and Lieutenants general of Provinces, to prevent Combats, and to forbid them upon pain of death to judge absolutely, as they shall think good, of all that concerns the reparation of wrongs, and to force them that are condemned, to satisfy by imprisonment. The King effected his business happily in Po●tou: The King his voyage into Po●●ou in three weeks. he found so great an obedience and affection in them to please him, as he remained very well satisfied. His Majesty left so many testimonies in all places, of his bounty, as all had cause to praise him, and to blame their practices which sought to trouble the peace. The Duke of Byron did not think the King should have found so great obedience and love, among his subjects of that Province. He had sent some of his servants to Court, to learn how the market went, and to show the discontent he had fo● the jealousy which was conceived of his Faith, and Duty. The King sends for the Duke of Byron. The King who was well informed of his intelligences with the Count of Fuentes, re●olued to see him, and to keep him from his enemies. He sent Descure unto him, with charge to say, that having intelligence of the great Levies of soldiers made in Italy, he had resolved to maintain the body of an army upon the fronter, & to give the charge unto him, and to that end he had commanded DeVic his Ambassador in Suisse, to demand a speedy levy of 6000. men, & to cause them to march where he should have directions: that therein he followed the Council of the Constable his gossip, whose advice he sent him in writing, and desired to have his by mouth, conjuring him to come with speed. He stirs not for all that▪ excusing himself sometimes upon the holding of the Estates: sometimes that the enemy being so near, it were an act unworthy of his reputation to turn his back & abandon the Frontier. The King sent the Precedent ●anin, a man powerful in persuasion, The Precedent 〈◊〉 sent unto him. who coming to Dijon, gave the Duke to understand how much the King desired to see him, and how necessary this sight was, and among many discourses (applied fitly to his humour) he let him know the King's strength and the length of his Arme. This was not able to move him. He considered that the Duke of Byron must be persuaded to this voyage, by him that was all of his Council, ●home he assured that as he should have all the Honour of this persuasion, divers advises 〈◊〉 to the Duke of Bi●on. so he could expe●t nothing but disgrace and ruin of a contrary council. His friends notwithstanding did conjure him not to come, one of his best friends sent him word by his Brother, that his Government was disposed of, and that for his last hope he advised him to retire ●●to the Franche Conté. another friend sent him word that he should distrust a● he saw, and all that should be said unto him to move him to come: that the Ki●g● letters were Golden pills: that la Fin's assurances were but deceits, and to consice● that the voyage which the Vidame of Chartres had made to Autun (to assure him that his Uncle had said nothing) was made at the King's charge. But an other friend sent him a contrary advice to come, and that his only presence would disperse all these bad reports. There was danger in either. The King swore he would go fetch him▪ He should have seen himself besieged with the King's forces, and far from the strangers, which had charge to pass into Flanders. In going, the foulness of his offence could give him no hope of return. He takes that advice which he thinks less perilous, & nothing doth so much advance the execution, as the assurance he takes of that which la Fin had written unto him, He received many messages to turn him bac●. whom he sees returned to his house contented, and freed from all distrust. So the Duke promiseth to come unto the King about the midst of june, to some of his houses near unto Paris. It was a sign of distrust which the King dissembled, as being indifferent unto him. The Precedent janin goes before▪ & the Duke of Byron, with Descure follow after by easy journeys. Upon the way he had an advice sent him to come no further, and being at Montargis he was in great suspense, but he had so great a confidence of himself, and of the opinion which all the Cou●t had of his valour, as he did not believe there was any man so hardy as to la●e hold of him, and that if he might have but means to draw his sword, he would free himself from his enemies. He flattered himself in his vanity, and pleased himself as Pygmalion did in his Image, and Narcissus in his shadow. The Council which they gave him to humble himself unto the King, was the last Anchor of his health. He found no man that spoke for his pride, but every man would have said for his humility. But his courage was too great to stoop. Presumption had filled his ears with so much vanity as the voice of Truth could not enter. Many reasons were given to stay him in his journey. But it is impossible to avoid the providence of Heaven. The Duke of Byron will needs carry his head to the Kings justice. The discourse of Reason, or the judgements of Truth prevail not with a spirit transported with passions. There were many bad presages of the Duke's voyages. Bid signs of the Duke of Birons' vo●ge. A Duck came into his Cabinet and no man knew how, he commanded it should be carefully kept, but as soon as he was parted it died. Presently after the Horse which the Archduke gave him called Pastrana, fell mad and killed himself. The like happened to a Horse which he had from the great Duke. another Horse which the Duke of Lorraine gave him, pined to death. He came to Fontainbleau, when as they had no more hope of his coming, and the King had resolved within two or three days after to go into Bourgongne. He comes to 〈◊〉 the 13. of june. His Majesty walking in the great gardin about six of the clock in the morning, was herd-say unto the Lord of Sowray. He will not come? He had scarce spoken these words, but he sees him enter with seven or eight with him. The King said, he comes fi●ly to conduct him to his house. He advanceth and makes three great courtesies a good distance off. The King embraced him and said; That he was come in good time to conduct him to his House, which words were diversly understood by the hearers. The first words he had unto the King, was upon the occasion of his coming, He excuseth his stay. beginning to excuse his long stay. The King gave ear to few words, but took him by the Hand, to walk and to 〈…〉 the plot of his building. Passing from one Garden to another, the Duke of Esperno● saluting the D●ke of Byron, told him in his ear, that in coming he had given more credit to his own Courage, then to the counsel of his Friends. In all the discourse which he had with the King, The King's fauou● to him grown cold. as there appeared Coldness in the countenance of the one, so there was some sign of Perturbation in the others words. The K●ng talked unto him of the bad course he had taken, the which had no other issue, than Ruin, Repentance and Despair. The Duke of Byron answered, That he was not come either to justify himself, or to demand Pardon, or to accuse his Friends. He let scape many other Words, which his majesties presence and the Law of Duty should have restrained. Dinner time being come, he desired to dine with the Duke of Espernon, for that his own Train was not yet come. After Dinner they came to see the King, who having walked a little in the Hall, retired into his Cabinet, commanding two or three to enter, and said nothing to the Duke of Byron, The Duke of Byron not respected who stayed at the corner of the Bed towards the Chair, observing that he was not respected as he had wont to be▪ & that he was no more in Opinion and Admiration as he had been. The Marquis of Rhosny entered into the Cabinet, & having stayed there almost half an hour, he came forth and saluted the Duke of Byron, telling him, that the King asked for him. There he was persuaded not to conceal that which time could not long keep hidden, & whereof the King was so well informed; that what he desired to know from the Dukes own mouth, was but to let him see, that none but himself should have knowledge thereof. The Duke of Byron (who thought that la Fin had not discovered any thing) continued still firm, The Duke of Biron ●ustifies himself. upon the Protestations of his innocency, beseeching the King to do him justice against them that sought to oppress him by Slanders; insupportable to a Conscience so clear as his was, or to suffer him to take his revenge by the Sword. The King led him to the Tennis-court: he would make the match, saying; That the Duke of Espernon and he, would play against his Majesty and the Count of Soissons. The Duke of Espernon answered presently; You play well, but you make your matches ill. At night he supped with the Lord Steward. It appeared he was not content. He eat nothing, no man spoke to him, and they held him for a man abandoned to misfortune. Yet he thought no man would lay hand on him, trusting too much in his own courage. The King in the mean time walked in his chamber, devising of some great resolution, he was heard speak these words He must bend or break. He gave him time to take counsel of his Conscience, & to evaporate those bad humours which did choke him. The night past so quietly as many thought it would be, but a Thunderclap, which made a great noise, & did little harm; that the King would rest satisfied to have discovered the Treason, and taken all means from the Traitors to hurt him, not being convenient to discover all the conspirators. He commanded the Count of Soissons to go to the Duke of Byron, & to do what he could to dissolve the hardness of his Heart, & to draw the truth from him: he goes unto him, he conjures & adiures him, to think of that which he thought least of, to humble himself, and to fear the Lion's paw, & the indignation of a King. The Duke of Byron answered, That the King could not complain but of the good services he had done him, & that he had great reason to complain that he suspected his Loyalty, having given him so many proofs The Cou●t of Soissons having observed his humour, & what little fruit might be drawn from his obdurate Heart, by any more persuasions, who believed that the King had sent him to draw something from him, he left him. Early the next morning the King walking in the little Garden, he sent for the Duke of Byron, and talked long with him, thinking to reclaim him, & to give him means to free himself from the mischief into the which he did run headlong by his wilfulness. He continued long bareheaded, li●ting his eyes up to heaven, beating his Breast, & making great protestations to maintain his innocency. There appeared choler in the King's countenance, & by the Duke of Bir●●● behaviour there seemed fire in his words. From thence the Duke went to dinner, by the way he met one with a Letter which advised him to retire himself: he showed it to the Captain of his Guard, who ●ished that he had been stabbed with a Dagger so as he had not come. He mocked at all them which foretold his fall, and seemed always hardy and bold in his answers. The King heard his braveries coldly, Dissimulation a new virtue in Princes. but not able to apply himself to dissemble, which is held a new virtue in Princes, he still cast out some words of the bad estate into the which his wilfulness would bring him. The King was much troubled in mind before he could resolve: the Lords of Villeroy, Sillery and Geure went and came often, before they could understand whereunto it tended. Many thought it was to shorten the course of justice, In great accidents justice it without form●●●y. in so apparent a crime, and begin with the execution, dealing with the Duke of Byron as Alexander did with Parmenio, for Princes are Masters of the Laws, they have one form of justice for great men, and another for those whose quality requires not so great respect. In these accidents there is no difference whether blood be drawn before or after dinner; Necessity teacheth the disorder, and the Profit doth recompense the example, so as the Estate be preserved by the death of him that is prevented. But the King will none of that. He proceeds with more Courage and Generosity: These examples of Execution had been blamed in his Predecessors, he will have his Subjects, and all the World to know, that he hath power and authority sufficient to root out by the form of justice, not the Authors of such a Conspiracy, for they be Devils, but the Complices and the instruments how terrible so ever. He will have the Solemnities and lawful Ceremonies observed, and that they be judged by the rigour of the Laws. The resolution was taken to apprehend him, & in like sort to seize upon the Count of Aunergne. The King would not have them taken in the Castle, but in their Lodgings. The Duke of Byron who had some doubt thereof, and who was prepared for that which he could not foresee nor prevent, thought that he needed not to fear any thing in the King's Chamber, and that all the danger were at the going forth; and therefore he provided himself of a short Sword, The Duke of Byron carried a short Sword with the which he presumed to make his passage. They gave the King to understand, that if he were apprehended in any other place, it must needs be bloody: that to avoid an inconvenience, it was good to pass over respects that were more Vain than necessary. The King walking in the Gallery, called for Vitry and Pralin, and gave them order how he would have his commandments executed, and then he called for his supper▪ The Duke of Byron supped at Montignys Lodging, where he spoke more proudly and vainly then ever, of his own Merits, and of the friends he had gotten in Suisse. Then he fell to commend the deceased King of Spain, He praiseth the King of Spain. his Piety, justice and Liberality. Montigny stayed him suddenly, saying, That the greatest commendation they could give unto his memory, was to have put his own Son to death for that he had attempted to trouble his Estates. This speech broke off the Duke of Birons' discourse, who answered but with his eyes, and thought of it with some little amazement. After Supper the Count of Auvergne and the Duke of Byron came to the King, who walked in the Garden. They were well accompanied, intending to have gone with a less Train. It was said the Duke's Horses were saddled ready to be gone, and that he had asked leave in the Morning. The King having done walking, invited the Duke of Byron to play; they entered into the Queen's Chamber. The Count of Awergne passing by the Duke at the entry of the Door, said unto him in his Ear, He plays at Primero with the Queen. We are undone. There played at Primero, the Queen, the Duke of Byron (upon whom all the mischief must fall,) and two others. The King played at Chess, and in playing did act the part of Ulysses, going and coming to give order to his affairs. It appeared that his Spirit was troubled with a weighty action. He entered into his Cabinet, being perplexed with two contrary Passions, doubtful whereunto he should yield. The Love which he had borne to the Duke of Byron, the knowledge he had of his Valour, and the remembrance of his services, made him to reject all thoughts of justice, and to entreat him, as Lycurgus had done him that put out his Eye. On the other side, fear of trouble in his Estate, and the apprehension of the execrable effects of so unnatural a Conspiracy, accused his Clemency of cruelty, which preferred the private before the public. He prayed unto God to assist him with his holy Spirit, to pacific the Combat which he felt in his soul, and to fortify him with a holy resolution, to that which should be for the good of his People, over whom he commanded by his only Grace. His prayer being ended, all difficulties which troubled him were dispersed, and he fully resolved to deliver the Duke of Byron into the hands of justice, if he might not otherwise draw the truth from him of his bad attempts. They continued play still, the King taking the Queen's place sometimes, attending the end of his resolutions. The Count of Awergne was retryed, The King sent for him, and walked up & down the chamber whilst the Duke of Byron dreamed of nothing but his Game. Varen●es Lieutenant of his Company, making a show to take up his Cloak, told him in his ear, That he was undone. This word troubled him so, as he neglected his Game. The Queen observed it and told him, That he had misreckoned himself to his own loss: The King said; That they had played enough, commanding every man to retire. He entered into his Cabinet, & commanded the Duke of Byron to enter with him, whose Health or Ruin depended upon an answer pleasing to his Majesty. Who willed him once for all to declare what he had done with the Duke of Savoy, & the Count of Fuentes, and that he should assure himself, his Clemency should be greater than his fault. He will 〈◊〉 humble himselve to the King's Clemency. The Duke of Byron who believed that he deserved Death that demanded Life, had not the Heart to humble himself, nor the Tongue to crave pardon. He answered the King more boldly than ever, That they had overpress an Honest man, and that he never had any other design, then that which he had said. I would to God it were so, replied the King, but you will not tell it me: Adieu, Good-night. As he goes out off the Cabinet, and had past the chamber door, he met with Vitry, who lays his hand upon his Sword, He is seized on at the King's chamber door. and demands it of him by the King's commandment. From me said the Duke of Byron, to take away my Sword who have so well served the King? my Sword, who have ended the War, and have settled a Peace in France? That my Sword which my Enemies could never take from me, should be taken from me by my friends. He entreated the Duke of Montbazon to beseech the King, to give him leave to deliver it into his own hands. The King sent Vitry charge to do his commandment. The Duke of Byron was forced to suffer them to take it from him, and in delivering it, he cast his eyes about him, to see if he could seize upon some other, but they had prevented him. When as he saw all the Guard placed in order in the G●llerye, he thought they would have slain him, and demanded something in his hand, That he might have the Honour to die in defending himself, and some little time to pray unto God. They answered him; That there was not any man would offend him, that they had no other charge from the King, but to conduct him to his lodging. You see (said he in passing,) how they entreat good Catholics. He was conducted to the Cabinet of Arms, whereas he neither slept, nor lay down. Pralin went to the Count of Awergne, declared unto him the King's Commandment, and demanded his Sword; Hold, take it said the Count, it hath never killed any but wild Boars, The Count of Awergne taken. if thou had●st advertised me of this, I had been in bed and a sleep two hours since. These two Noblemen were like unto two Torches, which being held downward are quenched with the Wax which did nourish them and give them light. And as if all the D●kes power had been in his Sword, as soon as he had delivered it, he remained as a Body without a Soul, and was in a moment deprived of all that which Galba held most precious among Men, faith, Liberty, and Friendship. There came no word out off his Mouth but did offend God or the King. He suffered himself to be carried away with extreme impatience. The foresight of misery which doth moderate it in others, made it insupportable to him, cursing himself and his Indiscretion, in that he had not believed his good friends, who advised him to make his Peace a far off. This Choler in effect was not much unlike unto a Mad man, but in the countenance. for suddenly he reclaimed himself and considered that all his Cries and Words were not of force to save him. Presently Dispatches were made to all the Princes and potentates of Christendom, to Governors of Provinces and to Ambassadors, who were amazed at this accident, as of a most odious conspiracy, by a person that was so much obliged. Those which ●auoured it, gave out false brutes in Italy, that it was a blow given to Religion, to weaken it in the ruin of him who said that he desired no more glorious Title, False bruits of the causes of his imprisonment. then to be surnamed The Scourge of the Huguenots. That it was an advice from England to break the javelins one after another. The King would have these false impressions made clear by the light of truth, even whereas the passion of his Enemies did seek to obscure it. One writing out off the Realm upon this subject, said; That it was no question of Religion, but to dismember the Crown, and to divide it at the discretion of the Counsel of Spain, A Letter written by one of the K ngs servants. and the Duke of Savoy, rooting out the King and his Race. It may be the Authors and Undertakers would have been troubled in the execution of their design although we had not prevented them, as now we have. But it was the end whereunto they aspired. The names of many have been drawn in unknown to them, the which the King's justice might well discern and veresie: you must not be moved with the bruits which fly abroad, but believe what I writ unto you, for it is the very truth. The next day about Dinnertime, the Duke of Byron sent to tell his Majesty; The Duke of Byron thinks to fear the King. That if he took not order for Burgundy it was lost, for that as soon as the Baron of Lux, should hear of his Imprisonment he would undoubtedly deliver Dijon, and Beaune unto the Spaniard. These words did greatly offend the King, who said; Behold the Boldness and impudence of the Marshal Byron, who sends me word, that Burgundy is lost, if I take not order, and that the Baron of Lux will draw in the Spaniard when he shall hear of his imprisonment. His Obstinacy hath undone him, if he would have told me the truth of one thing whereof I have proof by his own hand writing, he should not be where he is; I would I had paid two hundred thousand Crowns, that he had given me means to pardon him. I never loved any so much as him. I would have committed my Son and Realm into his hands. He hath done me good service, yet he cannot deny but I have thrice saved his life. I drew him out off the enemy's hands at Fontaine-Francoise, so wounded, and so amazed with blows, that as I played the Soldier to save him, I also played the Marshal to make the Retreat, for he told me that he was not then in case to do it, not to serve me. The King attended not this advertisement from the Duke of Byron, for he had already sent the Marshal Lavardin to settle his authority in that Province, The Marshal Laua●din sent into Burgundy with a resolution to march in person if there were need. His enemies were not without fear, doubting that he would proceed farther, nothing being so much to be feared as an enemy that hath always vanquished. About fifteen days before Bourg l' Aspinasse received a Commission to raise a regiment of ten companies, and Nerestan had the like to supply his. The order was to send them into Provence, but necessity had drawn them into Bourgongne with two regiments of Swisses, under the commands of the Colonels, Galaty and Heyd, and a great quantity of Artillery drawn out of the arsenal of Paris, & that of Lions, if all the Country had not presently yielded obedience to their Prince. The Precedent janin made many voyages thither with great expedition. Some of the Duke of Birons' servants had a desire to rise. The Baron of Lux was retryed to Saux, the King sent them word that they must seek the prisoners liberty by proofs of obedience, and not by effects of rebellion, and that he would judge of his intentions by the behaviour of his servants. The Towns of Dijon and Beaune entrenched themselves against the castles, who (acknowledging that it were not only a rashness, but an injustice to fall from their obedience) delivered the places into the Marshal Lavardins hands for the King. Bresse continued quiet through the care of Bosse. All France was in Peace, every man detesting the Duke of Byron and his Adherents. The King seemed to be very well satisfied, seeing things to succeed better than he expected, having found all obedience and submission in them who in show were most bold and resolute to trouble his affairs. He was more respected and feared of them then ever, and there was no man so great, but did humble himself. He said openly, that he was resolved not to endure his Subjects to play any more with their King, abusing his bounty as many had done, contemning his actions as unjustly and rashly as without punishment. The Prisoners were led to the Bastille at Paris on the Satter day after. The Duke of Byron going in the Boat seemed heavy and Pensive. The Count of Awergne was merry and Dined. The Duke of Byron entered into the Bastille as into a Grave. The Count of Awergne went as to the L●vure,, and imagined that the place where he should be, could not be a Prison. The King entered into the City the same night, and the people with great cries of joy, blessed his return, The King comes to Paris and praised God for their Captivity that would have brought France again into servitude. There were new forces which passed the Alpes. The Spanish Ambassador demanded passage for Flanders, beseeching the King not to believe that his Master was acquainted with the Duke of Birons' designs. Passage of tro●pes for Flande●s There was some likelihod that their journey was not so far, for they could not but arrive to late, Count Maurice was entered into Brabant, to pass into Flanders to the relief of Ostend. The Archduke was prepared to hinder him; they must measure their forces, & it was most certain before this new army had passed the Alpes, they had met. This made their marching to be much suspected, & had done more, if the Precedent ●anin had not assured the King, that the Baron of Lux would not give ear to the offers that were made ●im, promising to bring him to the Court, where the King offered him all s●●ety. His Majesty was advertised that the Count of Fuentes (one of the chief I●stiga●o●s of the Duke of Birons' Conspiracy with the Duke of Savoy) had caused his forces to advance under colour of sending them into ●landers, to give favour and countenance to his Partisans that were in Bresse and Burgundy to encourage them and to withdraw them from his majesties obedience. For these reasons as the Ambassador of Spain did press to have the passage of the River of Rhos●e free. The King who believed that by reason of things past, he could no● be to distrustful answered. I will not leave the Frontier unarmed, until I be satisfied by the arraignment of the Duke of ●iron, what account I shall make of the faith of the King of Spain your Master, touching the observation of the Peace. You will have me believe that he was ignorant of the plots and practices laid with the Count of Fuentes, and I answer that it is hard to believe that his money, had been so bountefully employed without his privery and command: yet I mean not to break the commerce that is allowed by our treaties. The King command's the ●a●shall Laua●din to 〈◊〉 upon. the Frontiers. He had only commanded the Marshal Lavardin to Lodge and Camp upon the frontier, to defend the entry of his Estates. D' Albigny having bragged; that if he attempted to retrench the passage, he should soon have it laid open by A●mes. But the Spaniards durst not attempt to pass the Bridge of Gresin, fearing to be Repulsed and Charged, & retired to Rumilly and Ani●y. In the end the King seeing that they feared more their own harm, than they had any desire to do harm, he suffered them to pass. But to return to the Duke of Byron, it was a strange thing that having consulted with himself, whether he should come to Court or not, he neglected his Friend's advice, and took the worst resolution. A mind transported with passion, rejects the best reasons, and retains the most dangerous opinions. Like unto a Boulter which lets the Flower pass, and keeps nothing but the Bran. Before his departure from Dijon, they said at Marse●lles that he was taken, and in parting his friends sent him word that he should leave his Head where he carried it: and that there was no return for him. Never Prisoner was better Guarded with more Care, Order, and Vigilancy. The ●state of the prison●r● in the Bastille. The King caused the Duke to be kept as in his own House, and at liberty. And for that Nature hath sound no other remedies against the injuries of Fortune, and the weariness of Life, than Death, they feared that he would offer Violence to himself. And therefore those which kept him, carried no Arms, and seeing himself served with a Knife without a point, he said it was the way to the Greue. Scorning at death, The grieve is the public place of ex●●ution in Paris● he said, that it could not come unlooked for, to a Man well resolved, nor strange to him that hath foreseen it, nor shameful to a resolute Mind. Yet he found that it is a miserable life not to be able to die, being deprived of all means to advance Death, and to have no other consolation but in the one●y desire of an impossible thing. He spent the first days of his Imprisonment, without eating or sleeping. These violent motions of Choler, and the heat of his blood, put him into a Fever, and Grief carried fuming passions unto his Brain, which increased his sickness, in the which (as in all other diseasses) the fear of Death, the pain of his Body, and the alteration of his Life, did much augment the grief of his Prison. He was ●●mewhat afraid lest under colour of remedy, they should give him Poison to cure all his griefs, and therefore he would have them take a taste of every thing, although there were no other assurance of his life, but what his own Conscience could give unto him. His Captivity deprived him not of the liberty of speaking. The fire of his Courage was not smothered under the Ashes of this affliction. What said he? and what said he not? Chol●er thrust forth a steam of Words, in the which the●e was not a drop of Reason. Sometimes he said; That if they desired to put him to death, His w●rds in Prison. they should dispatch him; that they should not brag they had made h●m to fear death; that they should speedily drink themselves drunk, with the blood which remained of thirty and ●iue Wounds, which he had received for the service of France. They feared that Solitariness, Fasting, Melancholy and change o● the place would trouble his Brain, and thrust him in●o some furious passion. To pacify the discontent of his first imprisonment, they persuaded him to submit himself to the mercy of God, and gave him hope of the King's pardon. The Archbishop of Bourges went to see him, he dissuaded him from many bad Maxims of Conscience, and satisfied him of many points which he held against the purity and integrity of a just Confession: He desired to speak with Viller●y and Sillery, who went to see him by the King's commandment. In the beginning of his imprisonment, he ta●ked of nothing but of justice, but knowing his fault he had no hope but in the King's Mercy. Some one published an admonition at Paris, beseeching the King to change the punishment of death into perpetual Imprisonment, his Imprisonment into Banishment, and his Banishment into an honourable servitude to make War against the Turk. That if by his offences he did not merit to serve the State, which he sought to ruin, yet he might serve the General Estate of Christendom. This Council was dangerous, for who could assure the King that ●e would make War in Hungary: and what caution could be sufficient for France? He● had been more dangerous without it, then with in▪ A b●rning firebrand casts more flame and smoke without a Chimney, then with in it. He added moreover, that he should forbid him the carrying of Arms, and tie him from the War, but if he should have made his house his Prison, who should have kept him? i● he ●ad designs o● revenge in Prison, what would he have done at Liberty? Many which respect no more the Laws of Honour, then of justice, would have repaired unto him, to bring in in●u●table mischiefs. ●here was an intent to save him. The Iron work was forged in Bresse. The refusal of five hundred C●ownes, for the Petardier hindered the execution. As soon as he was a Prisoner, every one sa●de he was a dead Man: and seeing himself so carefully guarded, he said; ●hat they did not put Birds of his sort into a Cage, to suffer them to escape. He made that judgement of himself, which the Admiral did of the Earls of Egmont and Horn, when he heard they were Prisons: when they once come to accuse and imprison a M●n of courage and faction, it is more dangerous to absolve him then to condemn him. Letters to the Court of Parliament to m●ke his Procelle. The K●ng sent his Letters to the Parliament; to proceed in the Criminal and extraordinary Process of the Duke of Byron, according to the forms which are to be observed in Crimes of so great importance, against persons of his quality: all other affairs set aside. The Commissioners appointed for the King, were Achilles de Harlay first Precedent in the Court of Parliament at Paris▪ Nicholas Potier second Precedent and Councillor of State to his Majesty. Commissioners appointed. Stephen Fleury and Phillibert of Thu●in, Councillors of the Parliament, good judges, but not to be moved in Crimes of State. Informatio●s were taken at the Bas●ille. The Prisoner made some Ceremonies to answer, but being entered into discourse, he gave the Commissioners matter enough to work on, confessing in a m●nner all. From his answers alone they might have framed his Condemnation, saying enough to make him lose as many lives as he had Years. He had so ill governed his judgement in his Prosperity, as it did him no service during his Imprisonment; yielding sometimes unto Grief, sometimes unto Choler, and always to Indiscretion, speaking as much to R●ine himself, as to Discharge him. He was Confronted with the Witnesses Face to Face; but when a● he did see la Fin, he fell into an extreme shaking. The first Precedent asked the Prisoner If he would except any thing against La Fin, He answered; That he held him for a Gentleman of Honour, his Friend, and his Kinsman. But when he had heard his Deposition, he cried out against him as the most execrable Man in the World, appealing to all the Powers of Heaven and Earth, to justify his Innocency. La Fin grieved that he should hold him for a Slanderer (a name common to all wicked Men) said unto him: That he was sorry they were in a place where the one was allowed to speak all, and the other was forced to hear all. He maintained all he had said against him, and spoke more plainly of his Conspiracy, He is amazed to ●●ee ●●nazé whom he held to be dead. then in his Deposition. The Prisoner said, That if Renaze were there, he would aver the contrary: He was brought before him, whereat he was much amazed to see him, whom he held to be dead; and who was out of his remembrance, as in an other World. He then believed that the Duke of Savoy had set him at Liberty to ruin him, he felt h●s Conscience touched, when as all things conspired to his Condemnation. An admirable judgement of God's secret justice, in this escape of Renaze. men's intentions produce contrary effects. He was detained prisoner at Quires in Piedmont, to the end he should not discover this practice; he escapes from his Guard, and comes to fortify his masters Deposition, who else had been but one witness. He had many Friends, but not to justify his Innocency, as Plato saith, That many friend's is a sign of Wisdom, and want of them shows the contrary: There were none that durst presume to sue for his Liberty or Pardon. The K●ng had made this attempt so Detestable and Odious to all the Princes and Noblemen of the Court, and the means to execute it so execrable, as all his Friends were silent: there were some that said, that for any other crime, yea if he had killed a Prince in the King's Cabinet. No man 〈◊〉 ●ue for him. they would have begged his pardon, and would have sacrificed their Children to the King's justice for an expiation of the Offence▪ rather than to lose him. But in this act, Friendship was Conspiracy, and Intercession a Crime. His Friends went to S. Maur where the King was: they cast themselves at his majesties feet to implore his Mercy, and to moderate the severity of his justice, more in consideration of his Father, then for any respect of the sons services which could not equal his fault. The King said, That it was a matter of such importance for his Estate, that he was constrained to leave it to the course of justice; that to hau● attempted against him who was his King, and his Benefactor was insupportable; that he could not remit this Crime, but he must ruin himself, the Queen his Wife, his Son, and his ●state. That he knew they were such true hearted Frenchmen, that as they desired not the one, so they would have patience for the other. They having known the foulness of the fact, and the reasons which forced Clemency to yield unto justice, abandoned the pursuit. The Countess of Roussy solicited the Court. The Prisoner's Mother was not there. The King commanded the Court of Parliament to proceed to judgement, without any intermission. The Prisoner was a Peer of France, A Peer cannot be judged but by his Peers. the Barony of Byron being made a Duchy and a Pair by the King. A Peer cannot be judged but by the King and his Peers, but the King is neu●r present when he is a Party, and that the accusation of the Party concerns his Person, his Honour, or his Estate. And although the Order of the Ancient Peers be more in number then by the first institution, for that of the six Secular Peers, five are united unto the Crown, and the sixth doth no more obey the King, yet the new created enjoy the same Privileges and Prerogatives that the ancient did, a●d the last although he be above the number, shall not be judged but by his Peers▪ but may assist at the judgement of another Peer, and have his voice as well as the Duke of Burgundy, who is the Dean of the Peers. yea the Wives, whose Lands are erected into Pains, or that hold it by succession may assist. Mathilda Countess of Arthois Peer of France, was ca●led; and delivered h●r opinion with the other Peers at the judgement of Robert Earl of Arthois. B●t if the Peers being called do not appear, The Peers come not. they may proceed. The Peers of France were called to the arraignment of the Duke of Byron, they appeared not. The Court forbears not to proceed, notwithstanding their absence▪ All the Chambers being assembled, the Chancellor accompanied by Maisses and Pontc●rre (two Councillors of the State) entered into the Parliament, two Sargents at arms and some officers of the Chancery going before him. He was received at the entering of the Bar by two ancient Councillors, and being saluted by the Court, he set him down in the Precedents place: having delivered the King's intention, and his assurance of the integrity and wisdom of the Court, upon an occasion importing the State, and upon a foul crime in a person other ways recommended for his services, he made a sign to Stephen Fleury the Reporter of the Process to begin. This was done for want of the Peers. His Process▪ reported. A request was made in the p●isoners name, that it would please the Court to allow him Council to direct him in the forms of their proceeding, whereof he was as ignorant, as he had let all France know how well he understood the Art of War. De la Gesle the King's Attorney General being heard upon this request, His request rejected. and Seruin the Solicitor General speaking for him, he said, that although this request seemed to be grounded upon some Precedents for that the like had been granted unto the Prince of Condé. Yet there was great diversity and many considerations for the denying of this. Their opinions being given, it was rejected. Cicero pleaded for Rabirius and Anthony for Norbanus, but there is no Advocate admitted for Treason; They which are accused, of Crimes mu●● plead ●or themselves. Counsel depends of the Conscience of him that is accused, his defence must come from his own innocency, and he may well free himself from blame, without the mediation of any man, and without the help of an Advocate. If he be innocent, Truth will confound all the practices of his Accusers; If he be Guilty there is no excuse nor suasion but his guiltiness will appear. It is not lawful to defend the Wicked, and Good men have no need of Defence. They spent three sit to examine the informations, which done, the conclusions of the Attorney General were read and followed. There rested nothing but to hear the Prisoner and to call him before the Parliament. While they were viewing of the Process, one had set up a discourse upon the Palace Gate, to move the judges to pity, and that they should not punish the weakness of Adam, for the Serpent's subtlety. The Lord of Montigny came unto the Bastille about four of the clock in the morning; the Prisoner who always slept little, (holding sleep to be no life) was already up and at his Devotion: he would not trouble him in so necessary an action, but stayed until he had done. Entering into his Chamber, he told him the occasion of his coming, that the Court was assembled for his Process; that the Lord Chancellor was there, and had commanded him to bring him. He seemed a little troubled, although he had been advertised that he should be sent for. Being ready, he goes out off the Bastille, thinking never to return▪ and that they drew him out off the cares of Captivity, to lead him unto the darkness of Death, and that he left the prison to lose his Life. He was conducted i● the Marquis of Rhosnies Carosse, through the Arsenal to the rivers side, where he entered into a Boat covered with Tapestry, in the which the King's Guards were, The chief Approaches, the Ports, the grieve and the Town house, were manned with Swisses. He entered into the Palace by the first Precedents Garden, and went to rest himself in one of the Chambers, until he were sent for, presenting him a Breakfast before he entered. The hour being come, the Register went to call him, and he entered into the Golden C●amber. He enters and is heard in the G●●den chaber. The place whereas Strangers have come to implore justice of the King; whereas great Kings have held it an Honour to have a place: where he himself had set, & had been honoured with the most glorious Titles of Virtue: whereas one of the King's Solicitors had said; That Byron had none before him to imitate: that he could imitate none but himself, and that he made himself inimitable to them that should come after him. This Place I say, shining with the beams of the King's justice, made him to remember the change of his condition, the which made him somewhat to blush: an accident which happens to the most assured. These Scarlet Robes do more amaze him then all the red Cassocks of Spain, or the most fierce in counters of his enemies. He had no other place, then that which was appointed for men accused, being set upon a stool within the Bar, but finding himself to ●arre off to hear, or to be heard; he rose up, and carried his stool nearer, saying unto the Chancellor, Excuse me my Lord, I cannot hear you, except you speak louder. When the Duke of Alancon was examined before the King, and in open Court, he was set in the midst of the Hall upon a low Stool; the Constable of Luxembourg, the Duke of Nemours, and the Chancellor of Poyet, were set within the Bar like to the Duke of Byron. He sat with his Cloak under his right arm, holding his Hand sometimes by his side, after a braving manner, the which notwithstanding did not become him ill, having his Arm free to lift up his Hand to Heaven, and to strike his Breast, when he would protest of his Loyalty to the King's Service. They would not have allowed it in an other, being expected that men accused should show Humility outwardly, and Fear inwardly. In this Estate the Duke of Byron thought that in this great Senate he should find some one that would do for him as Sempronius Gracchus had done for Scipio. that he would speak openly, that he would never endure the Common weal should receive that disgrace to see Scipio ●et in the Rank and Habit of Men accused for Crimes. He whom the Court had seen sit upon the Flower-de Luce, in recompense of the great services which he had done. The Chancellor fitted his discourse in such sort, as there was no occasion to call him by his name, nor by those of his qualities. Of many points that were in his Process he collected five principal, the rest consisted in presumptions, whereof he made no account, For that we must never move the opinion of the judges upon a matter that is without proof. The first was to have had Conference with one called Picote borne at Orleans and ●led into Flanders, Accusations of the Duke of Byron. to have intelligence with the Archduke, and had given him a hundred and fifty Crowns for two Voyages to that effect. The second was; That he had Treated with the Duke of Savoy three days after his coming to Paris, without the King's permission, offering him all Assistance and Service against all Men, upon hope of Marriage with his third Daughter. The third, that he had had intelligence with the Duke of Savoy in the taking of Bourg and other places, giving him advice to Attempt against the King's Army, and against his own person, discovering many things of importance. The fourth was; That he would have brought the King before S. Katherins Fort to be slain there: and to that end had written to the Governor, giving him some tokens whereby he should know his Majesty. The fift was; That he had sent la Fin to Treat with the Duke of Savoy, and the Count of Fuentes. The Duke of Byron denied all that he had confessed at his first examination, The Duke of Birons' answer. holding it no danger to suppress the Truth, when as Confession may hurt. To the first the Duke of Byron answered, That Picote being his prisoner in the Franch County and knowing that he was acquainted with Captain la Fortune, (who was his friend) he thought he might employ him for the reduction of the Town of Seurre, wherein he used such diligence, as the place was assured for his majesties service: that since this reduction he had not seen Picote but in Flanders, when as he went for the Confirmation of the Peace, where he came unto him with some others, entreating him to be an Intercessor for them unto the King, that they might return unto their Goods, and live in their own Houses, promising him for recompense of his intercession two Suits of Tapestry, the which he rejected, with some spleen, for that they sought to buy his favour; and for that they desired from him an assurance for their return, he sent them to the Seigneur of Bellieure & Sillery, who knew what was fittest for them, and the forms that were to be observed for their return. That it was true that Picote had received a hundred and fifty Crowns of him, bu● not for any other respect, but for the charges he had been at in the reduction of Seurre, having often entreated him, and priest him by many letters, to have pity on him, as of one that was banished from his house and Country, having borrowed this sum to bear his charges in this reduction. That he had put it to account in certain sums which he had dis bursed for the King's service, or that he never had any other business or conference with him. To the second, he answered, that he came to Paris fi●teene days after the Duke of Savoyes' arrival there; that La Fin who accused him, ca●e after him. That it was true, the King dining at Con●●ans, and the Duke of Savoy with him, after dinner the King retiring into his wardrobe, he commanded the Count of Auvergne and him, to entertain the Duke of Savoy: That the Count of Soissons, and the Duke of Montpensier coming into the chamber, he gave them place, and went into the wardrobe, tied the King's points, gave him drink, and presently after went to Paris. That upon some speech which Roncas the Duke's Secretary had with him touching the marriage of his highness third daughter, he acquainted the King therewith, who having since given him to understand by La Force, that he did not like thereof, he had no more dreamed of it. And in token that he had no intelligence with the Duke, nor Will to conspire with any of his, the King having commanded him to accompany him in his return, and to show him the strongest Towns in Bourgongne, he had excused himself, beseeching his Majesty to dispense with him, foreseeing that the Duke would not effect the Treaty, and that he should be grieved to make war against a Prince, whom he had accompanied, and made good cheer unto. Advising the Baron of Lux to conduct him through the weakest Towns, and not to give him any time to view their fortifications. To the third, that he had intelligence with the Duke of Savoy, in the conquest of the Country of Bresse, giving him advise to attempt against the King's army. He answers, that if he had had intelligence with the Duke of Savoy, he would not have undertaken Bourg, against the King's opinion, being not assisted by any, but such as were ordinarily with him. That the Governors of places (who were then the Duke's subjects and now the Kings) could witness if there were any favour used. And if in making war, he had any other object, but the execution of his majesties commandments. That if he had had any bad intent, he had not yielded up Bourg so easily as he did. To the fourth, upon the advise given to the Governor of Saint Katherine's Fort to kill the King. He beseecheth his Majesty to remember, that he alone did dissuade and divert him from going to view the Fort, giving him to understand, that there were very good Gunners in the place, and that he could not go without great danger. That upon this advise, his Majesty altered his purpose, saying, that if he desired to see the place, he would bring him a plot of it the next day, offering his Majesty to take it with five hundred hargubuziers, and that ●e himself would go unto the assault. To the fift, that he had treated with the Duke of Savoy, and the Count of Fuentes by the mediation of La Fin. He answered that being denied the keeping of the Citadel of Bourg, he grew into that despair, as he had desired to be all covered with blood, being capable to say or to do any thing. At these words the Chancellor asked him, with what blood he desired to be covered? with mine own answered the Prisoner, wishing to live no longer after this refusal, and I would have engaged myself in such sort among the enemies, as I would have died there, or would have returned all covered with blood. That for two months space he had written and spoken more than he ought, but he had not omitted to do well. He added moreover that La Fin had ●oe bewitched him with enchanted waters, and by speaking Images, as he was forced to submit himself to his will: That he spoke not unto him, but in secret & unknown words, calling him his Master, his King, his Prince, his Lord. And scratching his left ear. He spoke execrable things against La Fin, to move the Court not to regard his accusation, & testimony. He that had not seen the fact verified by his own letters, would have said it was Ulysses accusation, forging false letters from Priam to Palamedes. He still fled to his pardon, saying that having done nothing since, the King's clemency should remit his fault, and that if he must implore it once more, he had his Knees as supple as ever to do it. The Chancellor said unto him, that he had written a letter unto la Fin since the Daulphins' birt●, by the which he did advertise him, that seeing it had pleased God to send the King a Son, he would no more dream of those vanities, desiring him to return, and if he had not employed him he would not have written. This letter was produced to show the continuance of his bad designs, whereof he made use to justify himself and to show his repentance, saying always that he had done well, ●roo●e by writing of the continuance of his practices. although he had some thought of doing ill. The Chancellor said unto him, that seeing he felt his conscience so clear, and knowing that he had done nothing, why did he not lay himself more open unto the King, who sought him with great affection at Fontainbleau, to tell him the truth of that which hath been since discovered by the process. He wavered at this demand, saying that he did not think the King had known any thing of that which had passed betwixt him and la Fin, for that he had assured him by oaths and fearful curses, that he had said nothing that might hurt him. That having conferred with a religious man of the order of the Minims, to know (if having past his word with an oath to la Fin, never to discover what had passed betwixt them) he might with a safe conscience say any thing? He had answered him, that seeing there was no more any intent to execute the things that were sworn betwixt them, he ought not to reveal them: That this resolution continued so constant in his mind, that although the Archbishop of Bourges had visited him in prison, and had given him many reasons to free him from these scruples, yet he held it an act unworthy of a man to falsify his oath, and that it was only fit for a Soul hardened with Atheism, (the spring of all impiety) to swear with an intent to cirumvent. Here his speech failed him with the violence of his grief, but recovering his spirits, he spoke these words. My misfortune hath this consolation▪ that my judges are not ignorant of the services which I have done to the King and Realm▪ and with what loyalty I have carried myself in the greatest and most important affairs, to restore the King unto the Realm, and the Realm unto the King: to preserve the Laws of State, and to settle you in this place, from the which the Saturnales of the League had expelled you. This Body (whereof you hold the life and death in the disposition of your justice) hath no vein which hath not been opened, and which I would not willingly open for you. This hand which did write the letters, which are now produced against me, is the same which hath done the contrary to that which it hath written. It is true, I have written, I have said, and I have spoken more than I ought; but no man can show that I have done ill. And there is no Law that punisheth the lightness of a simple word, or the motions of the thought with Death: my words have been always Feminine, but the effects of my courage Masculine. Choler and Despite have made me capable to say all, and to do all: but Reason would not suffer me to do any thing, but what deserved Praise and Imitation. I have had bad designs, but they never passed my thought. At the same instant they sprung up, they were smothered. If I had been desirous to nourish and make show of them, I have had great means and occasions. I could have done bad service to the King, in England and in Suiserland. There are above a hundred Gentlemen that can witness of my behaviour in the first embassage, and for the second, He shew●● by what means he might hau● done ill. I desire no other testimony but that of the Signior Sillery and de Vic, who know in what manner, & with what fidelity I employed myself to reconcile and unite so many will disjoined & withdrawn from the King's alliance. If you will consider how I came, and in what Estate I left the places of Bourgongne, it willbe impossible to have any bad conceit of my designs. They found not a man of War in my Government. I have left the places without garrisons. I have given the Captains no other commandment but to serve the King well, and to do that only where unto they are bound. Every man advised me not to come to Court. I met a footman by the way who brought me a letter from one of my dearest friends, who conjured me not to aduā●e: being arrived, my sister of Roussy sent me an other, advising me to be gone without taking of my leave: I showed it to a Gentleman that was with me, who said unto me, That he would willingly be stabbed in the bosom, so as I were at Dijon. I answered, That if I were there and were assured to receive a hundred stabs at the Court yet would I come upon the King's word. The King did give him his word without demanding 〈◊〉. A guilty mind and priest with the horror of his conscience had fallen in pieces with fear and trembling, and would have embraced an other party. The secret kowledge I had of my loyalty, and the innocency of my designs, could not give me any imagination o● distrust: I always said within myself, I have served the King too well, to have a thought that he should not account me his servant. The King hath had too many proofs of my Faith, to suspect my loyalty. I could not comprehend, that the King's justice, could touch a man resting in the tranquillity o● his conscience, and in the expectation of his commandments. Moreover I was assured that the King had pardoned me, and that I had not offended him since his pardon. I cannot deny that I ●ould him not all that had passed in this action, but in saying ●nto him that the refusal of the Citadel of Bourg made me capable to say and do any thing, I did think it was not needful to specefie that which I was ashamed to have attempted, and that the consideration of the good which I had done unto the King in his service, should always weigh down the evil that I would have done, and the which I h●ue repent. That if he hath not given me life, but to put me to death, he must consider that it is more commendable for a Prince to give it, then to take it away from him to whom he hath given it, and that his Clemency shines never more clearly then upon offences that concern himself. If it please not the King to regard my services, and the assurances which he hath given me of his mercy, I confess myself worthy of death, and hope for no health in his justice, but in yours, hoping you will remember better than he doth the dangers I have undergonne, all my life for his service. I implore his mercy, & although I should not say anything; yet the wounds which I bear would speak for me. I hope for it the more confidently, for that it hath never been refused to them that have done worse than myself. I would have done evil, but my will did never pass the terms of my first conception, being overcast with the Clouds of choler and despite. It were hard if I should be the first precedent to be punished for thinking. Not that I fear death, the which I hold to be ordained, not as a punishment, but for the end of Nature, and that it imports nothing to leave this life in the midst of my course, if it were with as much honour, as I have had in the beginning. My fault is great, but it was only in conceit and not executed: in desire and not in effect. Great offences must have great favours. I am alone in France, which feels the rigour of justice and cannot hope for the merit of mercy. Whatsoever chanceth, I rely more upon you my Masters then in the King: who having heretofore regarded me with the eyes of his Love, looks no more of me now but with choler, and holds it a virtue to be cruel unto me, and a vice to use any act of Clemency towards me. It had been better for me that he had not pardoned me at the first, then to give me life and then to make me lose it with shame and dishonour. They gave him leave to speak what he pleased, the Chancellor holding it reasonable, that seeing he had no Council to advise him what he should say, they should in regard thereof give him time to speak all, and hearing, to consider his reasons, and the variety of his first answers with the last, in the which there were great contradictions. Those which are accused of any crime take it for a favour to be heard patiently unto the end although for the most part they do but increase the reasons of their punnishments. He spoke so boldly and so eloquently, as if a man should judge of the favour of a discourse by the attention, there was not any one of long time heard with greater patience in that place. Some shed tears in the place and wept in their houses, for pity, not of his innocency (for that appeared not) but of his fortune so miserably dejected. Hea●e is more natural to a man then cold; and mildensse more than rigour: but he could expect nothing but justice from this great Assembly. It was impossible that Passion, favour, or Respect, should alter the integrity of their judgements. The opinions of some weak spirits may be moved, who regard more the appearance, than the essence of things, & which believe not the harm unless they feel it, or that the fire is whott, unless it burn them. The prisoners discourse was so long, as they had no time to give their opinions. He was sent back to the Bastille, returning more cheerfully than he came, for as in going forth of the Bastille to the Palace, he imagined that he went to his death, so seeing himself brought back, he conceived that he returned to life. And for that he had answered the Chancellor to all his demands, and had moved some of his judges to lament his misfortune▪ many to detest his accuser, and all to wish that the foulness of his offence, and the good of the State would allow of his pardon. He thought that he had so balanced their opinions, as Mercy should prevail above Rigour. He therefore never ceased all Saturday, Sunday, and Monday, to relate unto the Captains, and to the Guard, that kept him, all that had been demanded of him. what he had answered, and how bravely and discreetly he had satisfied all, adding withal, that he did imagine he saw the chancellors countenance going out of the great Chamber. He did counterfeit him in his staidness and the gravity of his words, fit for a m●n of his age and quality, imagining, that he spoke in this manner. Behold a wicked Man, he is dangerous in the State, we must dispatch him, he deserves death. Which words never came out of his mouth, having carried himself very respectively in this Arraignment, having never pronounced that word of Death, but in concluding the judgement. And therein he always used some words to qualify his grief in the image of his Affliction, more than of his innocency, unable to forget the remembrance of the good that was past, or the feeling of the present evil. These were the last fits of the prisoners hope, the which finding no solid body, run after the shadows of his imagination, and flattered him so pleasingly, as he thought not to die, saying, that they could not supply his place, if he were dead. Noting among all them, that thought themselves most capable, great Wants and Imperfections. Yet in all these extremities he had nothing that lulled him so much asleep as his own praises. Sometimes he would say, Is it possible, that the King should be so vain, as to make him to apprehend death, and to think to terrify him therewith. But he conceived of things according to his imagination, the which was not answerable to the truth. On Monday the Chancellor returned to the Palace to determine on his sentence. The judgement of the process. They continued until two of clock in the afternoon in giving of their opinions. They were drawn from one principle of truth, as many Lines are from one Centre, & did concur all in one resolution conformable to the conclusions of the King's Attorney general. That it was just, necessary, and profitable to quench these burning flames of Ambition in the blood of the Duke of Byron, if they would not see all the realm in combustion. A whole day, and a good part of the night would have been spent, if every one had given a reason of his opinion, Those of the great Chamber only, and the Precedents of the Inquests spoke what they would. The judges opinions. This subject is like unto a great & thick forest, they know not what Tree to choose: It is so full and so rich, as abundance of reasons troubles the choice: And these were the chief. There was a concurrence of a great Crime & a great Merit. All France was a witness of the one: and of the other the truth was apparent. Principal reasons of their opinions. The proofs which are required to discover a secret crime are here made perfect. Proof by mouth, & the prisoners answer. Proof by writings, letters and instructions. Proof by the Deposition of witnesses, against whom he hath objected no exception, which might impugn that which they said & maintained. But these 3. sorts of proofs we see that monstrous attempt against the King's person verified, & that furious Conspiracy to trouble his Estate, & to make it a prey to his enemies, & both the one and the other doth make the prisoner guilty of high Treason in the first and second degree. He confesseth that he would have done ill, that his intent was written and imparted to others, and yet he never did ill. That it never passed his thought. That thoughts are not to be punished as he said. That the desire to sleeve makes not a thief▪ In treason the intent is unishable. It is true, but the guilt of treason is so detestable, as the intent how far so ever from the execution, is punished and reputed for the effect. Repentance which follows after, and changeth the desseine, may well serve for the offence, but it helps nothing for the punishment. A Gentleman having attempted to k●ll King Francis the first, repent, and revealed it in his confession, yet being accused by his Confessor, he lost his head. As the respect of the image of God, graven in the Majesty of Kings, frees them from all Laws made by men, so the dignity of their persons doth warrant them from all enterprises, & conspiracies of humane m●lice, the which dares not once think to put them in practice against their Images, much les●e against their Persons. The proof of an intent, although it were not resolved nor determined goes not unpunished, which passeth often times unto things without life. To Houses, Images, Ashes, yea and to the memory itself: This crime troubleth the dead, thirty or forty years after their funerals: for that it is not extinct in dying, and (the which is contrary to common sense, and natural humanity) they punish the Child, the Wife, and the Family, for the Father's offence, being a contagious Leprosy, and hereditary to all his race: The Father cannot excuse his Son. And the Senator Fulutus was commended to have put his Son to death, for that he had been one of Catelins' conspiracy. Let him then plead no more, that he hath done no evil, it sufficeth that hey old have done it. Laws are not made for bad actions only, but for councils also and resolutions. His intent began the crime, occasion had ended it, if he had not been prevented. If he had done no other evil, but to give ear to the promises and persuasions of the enemies he were guilty. For in matters of State, the subject cannot dispose of any point of his will, without the permission of his Prince. We must not stay ti●●enimous beasts have bitten, and then kill them, nor Traitors intents executed, ●e●ore we discover the Treason. It is then to late to judge of the crime, but to complain of indiscretion: then they seek no more relief from Law, but they fly to Arms. It is not then time to accuse and to punish, but to weep and to fly. The City of Rome laboured in vain to resist Caesar, after that he had subverted the Laws, usurped the Dictatorship, and terrified all Italy with the brute of his forces. If they should have stayed until the prisoner had executed his desseins, there had been no talking of justice, nor of State. You must not tarry t●ll the house shake, and be ready to fall, you must underprop it, and repair it in time. It is a misery said the Emperor Domitian, when they will not believe a Conspiracy against Princes, until they be slain by the Conspirators. Now that God by a singular work of his providence hath discovered this Conspiracy, it toucheth the health of the State, & the honour of the Court, to punish these Conspirators. Reason requires that the example may make known how execrable this offence is, for the which it is lawful to torment the dead, and terrify them that be living, to make the Children partakers of their Father's punishment, and to assure them rather of misery then of life, that the world might have more horror of his wickedness then fear of his punishment. The King's Clemency hath had his turn, now justice must take hers, making her authority to be feared and admired, 〈◊〉 unto the Sea which is more admired when the waves are swollen, & ri●en up to the clouds, than when it is calm and still. But they consider the quality & merit of the prisoner. First justice hath her eyes blinded, and shut from all distinctions, but that it holds the offence greater in a great person, then in a mean, and by this proposition, the punishment must be greater. The faults of mean men are hidden in the multitude, their fortune and reputation is one thing. Those which raised to great places, do good or harm by the example of their good or bad actions, are they which are known and discovered to all men. In matters of rebellion and crimes of State, they regard not what is past, they look only to the present, In crimes of State they consider nothing but the pua●shment. & what they may expect hereafter: The most virtuous actions yield to the violence of the bad. The acused hath served the King, it was his duty, he hath been recompensed. He hath attempted against his service, therein he hath d●ne what he ought not. T●e offence and the punishment a●e Twins: at the same instant that he hath offended, he draws upon him the rigour of the punishment. If with Antipater, he hath carried upon his body the marks of virtue▪ there is nothing now to be seen but signs of infidelity in his heart. His merits have mounted to the greatness of the fi●it dignities in France, his ill deservings cast him down with ●hame, and show him to be unworthy of those excellent degrees of honour. Good service cannot enter into comparison with bad, nor crimes in para●e●l with merit's. The offence which is greater than the service, changeth the bond of recompense 〈◊〉 punishment. He that herpes to build a house, deserves much of the owner, but when he sets me to it, all the remembrance of the good which he hath done vanisheth away. The accused hath had a good share in the restoring of the State, but sense he would have undermined it, and r●ined the foundations: He hath practised to make it a prey to the enemy, they can no more return to that which he hath done, they judge what he would have done, and shall have no other esteem or reputation, but as an A●iston, a Nabis, or a Catelin. He hath been profitable to the State, it is true. But he hath offended against the Laws of State. Their preservation is so necessary, as it were better to lose the most profitable members in an Estate, then to suffer them to be violated, for in putting them to death, it doth but decrease the number of valiant Men, but in suffering them to live, you do wrong unto the L●wes, and thereby ruin the quiet of the State. He hath done we●l f●r the preservation of the State, it is true. But he that seeks to destroy what ●ee hath preserved makes himsel●e an enemy, and the remembrance of his well deserving dies in the in●u●ie which he ●ould have done to the whole body. He hath begun well, but he ended ●ll. All actions are censured by the end. If the heel, that is to say) Constancy and firmness, had not ●ailed in Achilles, he had been immortal. It is not sufficient for a man to begin to do well, if he desists in the midst, and continues not unto the end, who deserved better at Rome the● Manlius▪ the only preserver of the Capitols against the Gauls? and who was more severely punished than he, whom they cast down headlong from the Capitol, for his Factions and Mutinies? If it were a crime not to serve the Prince, was it not execrable to hinder, and to conspire against his service? As the services done by the Accused, cannot be compared with h●s offence, so his quality cannot moderate his punishment justice hath no eyes to regard a Duke's Crown, a Marshal of France his Staff, nor a blue Ribbon. All t●ese are no prerogatives, but that he which attempts to trouble the State, shall be held an enemy to the Majesty of the Prince, & the public good. Great men are greatly punished. Dignities aggravate the offence upon him that is bound not to offend. The greater the bond is, the more execrable is the ingratitude. There is no gentleman ●n France more bound unto his Prince then the Accused If duties & bonds hold no p●ace in the affections of subjects to their Pr●nce, to what Altar shall they go● to seek assurance of faith? must not the King in these continual doubts of disloyalty, trust th● g●rd of his person unto Strangers, as Lewis the XI. did unto the Scottis●men. And finding n● Religion nor Conscience among Men, trust unto Beasts, as Massinissa did? God is offended when as respect of the quality with-houlds the course of justice, and threatens that Estate with ruin, wherein they suffer a wicked subject to live. Achab felt the heavy hand of his wrath, for that he saved the life of Benadad. As this furious desire of sovereign command troubles all the considerations of Nature, Friendship, & Duty. So in punishing them we must neither regard the respects of blood, the remembrance of services, nor the motions of friendship. The offence is of too great a consequence to dissemble it. He that doth not punish an evil▪ allows of it. But they say it hath been pardoned, that we must not open a wound which hath been closed up. Evil unpunished it suffered. Kings and Fortune do often pardon, to punish them more severely that have abused their pardon. The Prisoner confesseth that he did not say all, & a pardon cannot extend, A pardon extend: ●ut to confession. but to those things that have been mentioned & confessed, the greatest part of the offence hath remained in the will of the repentant, he hath confessed but little. There was a graet difference betwixt him that did pardon, & him that demanded pardon. The King pardoned to the end he should not fall into a relapse of his former faults: and he demanded pradon that he mi●●● o●fend more safely. It appears by his confession, and by that which he hath said in the face of the Court, when as he was demanded why he had not descovered his offence freely unto the King, when as he gave him so great assurance to forget it. He answered, that he did not think La Fin had said any thing, and that he kept his word, having ●●●firmed it with great oaths, that if he had acquainted him with that which he had discovered to the King, he would have cast himself at his majesties feet as readily as he did to crave pardon. Their was than something betwixt them that was not yet pardoned. They which offend do often misreckon the time, seeking to excuse their fau●. The conference of Times discovers the continuance of Intents. The pardon was in january, and after September he writes, that seeing it had pleased God to give the K●●● a Dauphin, he would no more think of those vanities, and La Fin adds that there was a billet of a contrary tenor, that the negotiation was continued, and that the King had no knowledge thereof from the prisoner. The pardon should have drawn him t● repentance, and not to engage him in new treacheries, the which could not be remitted nor pardoned, for that he had offended often without punishment. He must not continue his errors, the last pays for all the precedent. The Court allows not of this pardon in a c●ime that is beyond all pardon, & whereof the abolishment depends not of the King, A Prince cannot be liberal of his subjects blood. who may not be prodigal of his subjects blood, nor bring the health of all in general in danger, for one in particular This reason moved Alexander to put Philotas to death, being given to understand that if he pardoned him, he would ma●e him able to attempt new treasons against him, when as it should not be in his power to pardon him. A pardon doth not change the bad intent of a mighty malefactor. This Philotas knew well, that they which had exhausted all mercy, and drawn it dry, having no more hope, did run headlong into despair. That there are benefits which are odious, for that he blusheth to confess the cause and to acknowledge himself debttor for his life to an● one▪ Alexander had enemies enough abroad, he had no need of any at home, and assuring his Estate of these, he needed not to fear the rest▪ Kings like unto Physicians must know the diseases of their States, the accidents that ●●e past, the present and the future, and employ justice as a drogue, the which is not good for them that be sick, and may profit others before the disease hath actually seized on them. There remains one only consideration, that the Duke of Byron may do great service, and that it is not impossible but he may return to the way of his first innocency▪ Ther● is less harm not to believe it, then to believe it. We must not upon an vncerte●●tie that is to come, neglect the remedy of a present mischief. There is more trouble to absolve him and more da●ger to set ●im at liberty, then to put him to death. Heers not likely to do any more good: we can expect nothing but revenge from his courage. There is no more any Fu●ius Camillus who changed his exile into a bond unto his Country that had banished him. Serpents seem dead in winter, the cold keeps them from hurting, but when as the Sun recovers his forces, they spend their venom. The prisoners bad intents might sleep for a time, but it should be to awake again, and never to leave the State at rest. Qui 〈…〉, profit exemp●●. He that can never profit by his virtue nor his loyalty, must profit by his example. These were the reasons of the Court, upon the which by a general consent a sentence of death was concluded against the Duke of Byron. There were few in condemning him but said, that it was fit to arraign la Fin, and give warrant to apprehend him, and that it was impossible he should be clean from the sloane which he had handled, & that if the affairs of Spain (which is like unto the Temple of Hecatompedon, the which goes forward in words and not in works) had been answerable to the vehemency of their affection, he had said nothing. The King was advertised ●hereof, who assured la Fin by his letters, that he would never endure that so great a service done unto the Crown, should be his ruin. It was reason, for if the Ancients did appoint Honours for Beasts that had done any service to the Commonweal, they should be no less thankful unto a Gentleman that had saved his Country. Whosoever discovers a Conspiracy against the sacred and inviolable per●on of the Prince, aught to be rewarded by the public. So was Vindicius by the Romans. Princes love them for a while that have done some great villamies for their service, They that reveal conspiracies are to be rewarded. the which is soon turned into deadly hatred, loathing to look on them, for that their presence doth reproach them with the wronging of their conscience. But this happenns not to him who without any instigation of the Prince, but moved only with his duty doth reveal a Conspiracy, choosing rather to fail in the office of a Friend, then in duty of a faithful Subject. The Chancellor concluding their opinions pronounced the sentence of death, The Chancellor pronounce●h the sentence of death. and by grave reasons and great examples reconciled some few opinions for the apprehending of la Fin. Saying, that the enterprise of the prisoner condemned, was not in his head alone, that there were others, who having a desire to say something would retire themselves when they should see la Fin so entreated, who in the common opinion had deserved reward. And although that Mars would not have the day which is given unto him, to be the last to one that had deserved the name of a second Mars, yet the shadow of death did environ him on Twesday about Noon; seeing a great multitude of Parisians about Saint Anthony's gate, he then believed that he should be a spectacle unto them. The Lord of Vitry's Lieutenant freed him from this imagination, The Duke of Byron deniers to see M●nsi●ure de Rhosny. making him believe that it was to see certain Gentlemen fight. Hereupon (and of that which the heart doth always Divine in the like accidents, seeing more signs of death then of life) he framed in his imagination infallible consequences of his death, sending the Seigneur of Baranton to entreat the Marquis of Rhosny to come unto him, or if he could not, to be an intercessor unto the King for his pardon. He answered that he was extremely grieved that he durst not do the first, and had not means to effect the second. I hat the King was sorry that at his coming to Fontainbleau he was obdurate and would not deliver the truth, which took from him the means to save his life, and for his friends to sue for him. This multitude did not run to the gate without some occasion, they knew that the sentence of death was given the day before: Certain officers of the Court and the Executioner were seen enter in the Bastille, the Scaffold which should be set up at the grieve was made, but they were ill informed, for the King having commanded the Chancellor to send him the sentence, after he had given it in the Parliament, that he might let him understand his pleasure touching the execution, Sillery who had carried it to S. German, returned with letters, by the which (for the avoiding the ignominy of his death at the su●e of his friends and for other considerations) his Majesty was pleased to change the place of the execution, and to appoint that in the Bastille, which should have been done at the grieve. The King would have him executed in the Bastille. These letters being verified, on Wedensday morning the last of july the Chancellor accompanied with the first Precedent of the Court of Parliament, de Sillery and three Masters of Requests, & followed by some Officers of the Chancery, The Chancellor comes to the Bastil●e. De Voyson register for Criminal causes, & 6. ushers, came to the Bastille about 9 of the clock in the morning to let him hear the sentence of the Court. At his entering he commanded them to make the Prisoner dine and not to advertise him of his coming, remaining in a little Chamber near the entry on the left hand, about an hour and half: where he resolved who should be sent for to assist at this execution, of who●e names he made a list. He that apprehends death hath no desire to eat: yet he set him down, rose again presently, and according to his usual manner went unto a window which looked into the Court of the Bas●ille, where hearing the cries and lamentations of a woman, he thought they were for him, & had this sad content to see they wept for him before his death. Soon after the Chancellor goes towards him, who crossing through the Court, the Duke of Byron espied him & cried out that he was dead. You come (said he) to pronounce my sentence, I am condemned unjustly, tell my kinsfolks that I die an innocent. The Chancellor went on without any motion, commanding that they should bring him into the Chapel. The prisoner seeing him come a far of, cried out. The Duke of Bi●ons words to the Chancellor. Oh my Lord Chancellor is there no pardon? is there no mercy? The Chancellor saluted him and pults on his hat. The Duke of Byron continued bare, and having abandoned all the powers of his Soul to grief and passion, he took the advantage to speak first, and to speak all that a tongue over grieved might utter, reproaching the Chancellor that he had not had so great a desire to save him as to condemn him. After condemnation all discourse is vain. He added thereunto certain words, the recording whereof is prohibited, and the report punnishable. But Princes regard not the railing of subjects against their Majesty, the which returns always from whence it came. The Duke of Byron knowing not whom he should challenge most for his misfortune, turned towards the Chancellor, and shaking him by the arm, said. You have judged me & God will absolve me, Men condemned may speak any thing. he will lay open their Iniquities, which have shut their eyes because they would not see mine innocency, you my Lord shall answer for this injustice before him, whether I do summon you within a year and a day, I go before by the judgement of men, but those that are the cause of my death shall come after by the judgement of God. All which was delivered with such violence, as he cried out and stormed both against the King and his Parliament. They bear with all which proceeds from choler in a condemned man of his humour and quality. But this excess to adjourn a Chancellor to Heaven being 70. years old, was held unworthy the great courage of a Captain, blaspheming and braving death, and yet ignorant how they plead in an other world. He was not the first in the like extremities that have adjourned their judges before the Throne of God. john Hus said in dying. That those which had condemned him should answer a hundred years after before God and him, and the Bohemians who preserved the Ashes of his bones and maintained his Doctrine, coined money with this adiournement. But the Duke of Birons' assignation was vain, for the Chancellor appeared not, but hath been more healthful since then before. He found no means to enter into discourse amidest the confusion of so many words which were like unto a violent stream. Yet he interrupted him to tell him that he had need of God's help & that he should recommend himself unto him. He presently answered that he had thought upon God, and implored his aid to give him patience against their injustice, but neither he nor his judges had thought of it in condemneth him. Passion transports the rounge. Passion (said the Chancellor) makes you to speak many things without any colour and against your own judgement. There is not any man hath better known your merits then myself, and I would to God your offences had been as much unknown as they have been dissembled. The knowledge thereofwas so great and so perfect, as your judges have been more troubled how to moderate your pain, then to have you punished, they have more laboured to justify you then to condemn you. Whilst the Chancellor was speaking, the Duke of Byron turned towards Roissy Master of Requests, & asked him if he had also been one of his judges, Roissy answered. My Lord I pray God to comfort you. My father loved you so entirely (replied the Duke of ●irō) that although you were one of them that had condemned me I would forgive you. And so returning to his discourse, he address himself unto the Chancellor, who was saying something unto Voisin. I see well said he, what it is, I am not the most wicked, but I am the most unfortunate. Those which have done worse than I would have done, are ●auored. The King's clemency is dead for me. He doth not imitate the examples of Caesar nor Augustus, or of those great Princes, who not only pardoned them that would have done ill, but even them that did ill, & who were ever sparing of their blood, yea of that which was least esteemed, wherein can the King show himself greater than in pardoning Clemency is a Kingly virtue Every one may give death, Clemency a royal virtue. but it belongs only to Sovereigns to give life. And cruel that he is doth he not know well that he hath pardoned me. I had a bad design, he granted me grace. I demand it again, you may easily advertise him, a ●●st will soon return. The Queen of England told me that if the Earl of Ess●x would have humbled himself and sued for grace, she would have pardoned him. He grew obstinate and would never implore her mercy, taking from her all means to show the effects. She like a generous Princess desiring to pardon him, even as she would that God should pardon her. He was guilty, I am innocent, he sued for no pardon for his offence. I crave it in mine Inoceney. Is it possible the King should think no more of the services I have done him? doth he not remember the conspiracy at Nantes and the danger he had run if I had had intelligence with the Conspirators, who found nothing that did hinder the effects of their design then my loyalty, nor a more ready means to attain unto it then in causing me to be slain? The Du●● o● Birons' reproaches. There is no vein in my body which hath not bled for his service? He shows that he never loved me any longer than he thought himself to have need of me. H●th he forgotten the ●eege of Amiens, where they have seen me so often covered with fire and bullets, and to be in so many dangers either to give o● to receive death? He now quentcheth the torch in my blood after that he hath used it My Father exposed himself to a thousand dangers, and purchased death to ●et the Crown upon his head. I have received five and thirty wounds upon my body to preserve it for him, and for my reward, he takes my Head from my Shoulders. Let him beware lest the I●stice of God fall upon him. He shall find what profit my death will bring him, it will nothing assure his affairs; but impair the reputation of his justice. He doth lose this day a good Servant, and the King of Spain a great Enemy. I am not put to death for that I treated with him, my courage raised me up, and my courage ruins me. It is not lawful for a man condemned to dispute of that which hath been judged against him. And therefore the Chancellor said; A condemned m●n m●y not dispute. that he should not torment himself any more against his judgement, that they had done him that justice which a Father is bound to pronounce against his own Son if he had offended in the like sort. At that word, choler makes him to break forth, saying. What justice? I was never heard but once, I cou●d not deliver the fiftieth part of my justification. What judgement upon the testimony of the most wretched and most execrable man in the world, who never came near me but with enchantments, nor went from me but he had enchanted me? There is no charm no● violence that can for●● an honest man to do i●. He bitten me by the ear, & made me to drink enchanted waters, calling me his King, his Prince, his Lord. He cannot deny but he made me to see an Image of wax which spoke these two words in Latin. Thou shalt die wicked King If he hath this power over a senseless Image, what might he not do upon me who●e will he did tyrannize upon by his witchcraft, forcing me to do what he pleased. But la Fin says, that he knows not what this Image means. If it be true, these words discover the Devils policy, who speaks the truth in his misery that trusts unto his lies, and entangles him still with inscrutable ambiguities. So he deceived Croesus when he told him that the River Halys should lose a great power, meaning his, not that of Cyrus, The Diuil● answers are deceitful. against whom he went to fight. So the Devil meant not any other King than he whom la Fin saluted by the name of King, calling the Duke of Byron his Prince and his King. At every word now he uttered some execration against la Fin, taxing the Court of Injustice, to have condemned him upon his accusation. The Chancellor said unto him that the Court had considered advisedly of his answers and his letters. It is true said the Duke of Byron. I have written some, but there are some that by an odious wickedness premeditated have been counterfeit. Those that were of my hand writing were not my intention. I disavowed them when I sent them. Supposition o● let●●●●. There are some that can counterfeit letters so arteficially, as they that are charged therewith are confounded, and believe they had written that which they never thought. The Marquis of Vernueil confessed to have written that which was not her hand nor ever in her thought, and when she had red the letter, she cried out that her hand had betrayed her Heart, having never any thought of that which was contained therein. The Chancellor would have interrupted his discourse, but he priest him in such sort as there was no means to make any way. He spoke of the Kings pardon which he had granted him, as if he had relied upon his word, not seeking any other assurances. He told what letters the King had sent him to persuade him to come, and the policy of the Precedent janin to draw him thereunto, to deceive him as he said, calling him a Deceiver, the advice of his friends consuring him not to come, with many other unnecessary discourses. The Chancellor to interrupt him said, that the King demanded his Order, The duke● of Byron delivers up the King's order. the Duke of Byron drawing it out of his pocket, delivered it unto him, protesting and swearing upon the salvation and per●ll of his Soul that he had never broken the oath which he had made in taking it. It was true that he had affected War more than 〈◊〉▪ make himself necessary, and to maintain the reputation ●hich he had gotten by the practice of arms. It seems he had not well observed the articles of this Order, by the which no knight of the Holy ghost might take any Pension, Entertainment 〈◊〉 Money from a foreign Prince, nor tie themselves to the service of any other per●●● during the King's life, but should faithfully reveal all which they knew did 〈◊〉 his majesties service. The Chancellor would have had him to read his sentence 〈◊〉 beseeched him not to entreat him with that rigour, that he knew what it did 〈◊〉 but the King should content himself with his Life, and suffer his Goods to go unto his ki●s-folkes, ending his pain with his death. The Chancellor said that he doubted not but the King 〈◊〉 a Prince full of bounty would let his kins-fo●kes know that he had loved him. Although the loss of life is nothing comforted by the preservation of goods, yet this gave him some consolation, so as the fume of his choler was suddenly dispersed The Chancellor said, That he had brought two Divines to comfort him and to prepare him for death. The prisoner said unto them, That he was already prepared, and had his Soul in that tranquillity, as the night before he had spoken with God, and that his guard had heard him laugh in his sleep. The Chancellor who had much forced his patience, said unto him, we will bid you farewell. What farewell said the condemned? I will come and ●ee you again after dinner, He is suffered to make his will. answered the Chancellor, As he went forth he entreated him to grant him the last consolation that remains for men that are dying, when they may have their wills to pass after their deaths, and to suffer him to make his Testament. It was granted, and he disposed thereof with a spirit free from all perturbation. He remembered h●s servants and friends, not forgetting the Baron of Lux whom he lamented above all. He drew three rings from his fingers and delivered them to Baranton to give unto his Sister of Saint Blancart, desiring her to wear them in remembrance of him. He had about three hundred Crowns when he was taken prisoner, a part he played, the rest he gave away to the poor. Eeight or ten of his guard came to take their leaves of him with tears in their eyes. He gave them Apparel Shirts, Cloaks and all that he had in his Coffers. So when the table is taken away, they give the meat that remains, to them that have weighted. Garnier the King's preacher and now Bishop of Mompellier, with Magnon Curate of Saint Nicholas of the field, presented themselves to comfort him, to take from him the violent fits which the opinion of his innocency did give him, and to withdraw him from the affections of the world. Voisin told him that it was the course of justice read the sentence, & that he must kneel down before the Altar. The Duke of Byron kneels to hear the sentence of death. Read it says he, I willbe as supple as a glove. It was red in these terms. The Process being extraordinarily made, and examined by the Court and Chambers assembled, & by the Precedents and Councillors that were deputed, by letters patents of the 18. and 19 of june, at the request of the King's Attorney general, against Charles Gontault of Byron, knight of both orders, Duke of Byron, Peer & Marshal of France, Governor of Bourgongne, prisoner in the Bastille, accused of treason: interrogations, confessions & denials, confronting of witnesses, letters, advises & instructions given to the enemy, confessed by him, and all which the Attorney general hath produced. A sentence was given the 22. of this month, by the which it was decreed in the absence of the Peers of France (being called) they should proceed to judgement, the concl●sions of the King's Attorney general being given, and the prisoner being heard by the Court upon the Crimes wherewith he was charged, all considered it was said. That the said Court had declared and did declare the said Duke of Byron guilty of heigh treason, for his conspirecies against the King's person, The crimes for the which the Duke of Bi●on was condemned. enterprises against his Estate, & Treacheries and Treaties with his enemies, being Marshal of the King's army. For reparation of which crimes, they deprived him of all his Estates, Honours and dignities, & condemned him to lose his head upon a Scaffold at the grieve, declaring all his goods movable & immovable wheresoever, to be confiscate unto the King: the signory of Byron to lose the name & title of Duchy and Peer for ever, with all other goods held immediately of the King to be united unto the Crown of France, decreed in the Court of Parliament the last day of july 1602. and signed by Bellivere Chancellor of France, and Fleury Councillor in the Court and Reporter of the process. He falls into choler ●tter the reading of his sentence. He grew into choler thrice in the reading of the sentence: when they said that he had attempted against the King's person, he protested with great Imprecations that it was false. That he had never made any Conspiracy, that he had his head troubled with some enterprises of State, for that he would not live idly in Peace, but give some employment to men of war. But it was above two and twenty months since he had any thought of it; desiring that Voisin might raze that out of the sentence. When he heard that he should be executed at the grieve, he said he would not go thither, but would rather be drawn with ●oure horses, and that it was not in all their powers to lead him. V●is●n said, that they had provided for it, and that the King had done him the grace to change the place of his execution, having appointed it at the Bastille: What grace answered the Prisoner? The third point of his sentence was, that he was troubled for the reunion of the Duchy of Byron to the Crown, the which he said, could not be forfeited to the prejudice of the substitution of his Brethren, and that the King should be satisfied with his life. The Divines after the pronouncing of the sentence spoke more boldly unto him of death, and to free himself of all worldly cares as he had done of his goods, After sentence pronounced they use to ●ind their hands. and that he should have no other thoughts but of his Souls health. He than grew into choler, swearing that they should suffer him in Peace, and that it concerned him only to think of his Soul, with the which they had nothing to do. It is the order in criminal executions to deliver the party condemned into the hands of the Executioner as soon as his judgement is read. They would have done so with him: but Voisin went to speak unto the Chancellor, to know if they should not distinguish him from other prisoners. The Chancellor was in doubt whether they should bind him or not. He asked Sillery what he thought, who understanding by Voisin that the party condemned was well pacified, said, it was to be feared that in seeking to bind his hands they would cause him to break the bonds of patience, and enter into new f●ries, for that they which are in that distress, are distempered for small matters. Yet the Chancellor would have the advice of the first Precedent, who was in an other Chamber, for that he had dined before he came unto the Bastille: He said that it was dangerous to suffer his hands free, and therefore they must bind him. Every one was of Silleries opinion, who considered not so much what should be done as what might be done, for the Party condemned would never have suffered himself to have been led bound to the place of execution but in Fury & Despair. The Executioner (who said since that a young hangman and not experienced would have died for fear) had been in danger to endure that which he would make him to suffer. In this liberty, his spirit was always free in his thoughts for the last disposition of affairs. The Divines entreated him to consider that he was no more what he had been: that within an hour or two he should Be no more: that he must leave this life to live for ever: that his Soul must go before the fearful Throne of the living God, to be rewarded with a more happy and perfect life then that which he had passed in this world, or condemned to infinite pains, in comparison whereof, that which he should suffer was but a light pricking, in respect of the burning flames of the divine justice. He then entered into the examination of his Conscience, in the which he remained above an hour. He confesseth himself. This action required an Humble, Penitent and a Contrite heart, and yet he seemed much more careful of worldly things, and of the affairs of his house, then of his Souls health, and as it were a young apprentice in the first prayers of his Religion, praying unto God not as a devout Christian, but as a Soldier, not as a religious Man, but as a Captain, not as Moses or Elias, but like to josua, who, on horseback and with his sword his hand prayed and commanded the Son to stand still. His confession being made, he walked up and down the Chapel, still casting out some exclamation for his Innocency, and some execration against la Fin, ask i● it should not be lawful for his brethren to cause him to be burnt. Hereupon Voisin comes, who tells him that the Chancellor and the fir●● President were very glad of the constant and generous resolution he had to die, and that they would come presently to see him. He resolue● to die. He answered that he had been long resolved, and that it was not the pain of death, but the manner that did amaze him. Whilst he attended them, there were many notes brought him, touching his affairs, whereunto he answered without trouble or passion. He recommended the payment of some debts, which he did owe to gentlemen, that had nothing to show for it, and among others, to the Ambassador in England: when the Chancellor had dined, he came to see him with the fi●st Precedent, & found that as a troubled water grows clear being settled, so the time which he had given him to think of his affairs, had taken from him the violent agitations of his fantasy, & freed his heart from the fear of death. He commandded all that were in the place to retire, and they sat down together about half an hour, but their discourse is unknown. In the end the Chancellor said unto him, I should do wrong unto your courage, if I should exhort you unto death, she hath presented herself unto you in so many places, as it is not in her power to trouble the Constancy and Patience, whereunto I believe you are disposed. You find it hard to die in the flower and vigour of your age, but if you consider that our days are limited, and that they depend of the foresight of the Governor of the whole world, you will receive this death as by the will of God, who means to retire you out of this world for your own good, before that some great and long misery shall send you. As we may not desire a death which is far off, so may we not reject that which offers itself. No no answered the Party condemned, labour not (my Lords) to fortify me against the fear of death, the●e twenty years it hath not feared me, and knowing not where she would take me, I have expected her euerie where. You have given me forty days to think upon it, yet I could not believe that being not in the power of my enemies to take away my life, I should be so miserable as to be seized on by death, with the consent of my friends. The King (said the Chancellor) hath cu●t of all that might be shameful and ignominous. He then asked him if he would speak with any one. He said that he desired to see La force and Saint Blancart. They told him that they were not in the City, He de●ires to see his friend's. but there was a gentleman of the Lord of Badefous, and after that he had demanded for Prevost (Comptrouler of his house) and that they had answered him that he was gone three days before to a house of his in the Country, he then said, that he ought not to have been there, that he had all his blanks, adding thereunto these words of Compassion. The Chancellor takes his ●●aue of him. All the world hath abandoned me. In these crimes friendship is dangerous, friends fail, and the disease is taken by acquaintance, as well as by infection. He is wise that knows no man, nor no man knows him. At these words the Chancellor and the first Precedent took their leaves of him with tears in their eyes. He entreated them to receive a good opinion of his life, by the assurance which he gave at the point of death, that he had never attempted any thing against the King, & that if he would have undertaken it, the King had not been living three years since. The Chancellor went out of the Bastille with the first Precedent and Sillery, & stayed in the Arsenal until the execution was done. The Duke of Byron entreated the Knight of the Watch to go after him, & to request him that he would suffer his Body to be interred with his Predecessors at Byron, for although Nature hath provided that no man shall die without a Grave, yet men think curiously thereof before they die, and imagine that as glory preserves the reputation of the life, so the Grave maintains the remembrance of the Body. He that had seen him, would have thought he had not been ready to die, so little care he had of death, or else he promised to himself some unexpected effects of the King's mercy, or to escape by some miracle. There is no such deceit as imagination frames in these extremities, when she flatters herself with vain hope, imagining that God doth greater wonders, and that they have seen a pardon come betwixt the Executioners sword and the P●●soners neck. Voisin asked him if he pleased to say any thing else that might serve to discharge his conscience. The Preachers exhorted him not to conceal any thing, & to consider that they could not give him Absolution but for what he should confess. He answered that although the King did put him to death unjustly, yet he had so much loved his service, and had served him with so great love & obedience, never dividing t●e one from the other, as he felt in his thoughts of death, those of his love, to be so lively and ardent, as he would not conceal any thing that he knew to be against his person or S●ate, for a●l the world, no not for the assurance of his life he would not speak any thing t●at was not true. He drew Voisin and his Confessors a part and whispered something vn●o them, the which was presently written. He prays before he goes forth of the cappel. Having continued with his Confessors half an hour (being near five o● the Clock) one came and told him that it was time to part, Gowe● said he seeing I must. He then kneeled down before the Altar, makes his prayer and recommends himself unto God, before he goes out of the Chapel. He asked if there were any one that belonged unto the Marquis of Rhosny, Arnaut was there, whom he willed to present his commendations unto his Master, in remembrance not so much of him that went to die, as of his Kinsfolks which remained alive, and to assure him that he held him for a good servant to the King, and profitable and necessary for his service, and that ●e was sorry he had not followed his Council. He knew one that followed the Duke of Mayenne, and entreated him to say unto him, that if in his life he had given him some cause not to love him, yet he desired him to believe that he died his servant, and the Duke of Esguillons and the Earl of Sommerives his Children. He sends commendations to the ●ount of Auue●●ne. He charged Baranton to deliver his last words of love and affection unto his brethren, commanding them to keep the faith which bond them unto the King's service, not to apprehend his misfortune, nor to come at Co●●t until that time had worn out the S●arres of his ignominious death. He entreated one of them that had guarded him to go tell the Earl of Auvergne that he went to die without grief, but for the loss of his friendship: that if God had given him a longer life he would have done him more service, beseeching him to believe that he had said nothing at his Arraignment that might hurt him, if it were not that he had more want then bad meaning. The Count of Auvergne received this far well as from a true friend, & with a feeling worthy of his friendship, he intreate● him to leave him a base Child of his the which he would bring up with his own. He grows into choler wh●●●e sees the hangman. Going out of the Chapel the Executioner presented himself unto him. He asked Voisin what he was. It is (said he) the Executioner of the sentence. Retire thyself (said the Duke of Byron, touch me not until it be time. And doubting lest he should be bound he added, I will go freely unto death, I have no hands to defend myself against it, but it shall never be said that I die bound like a Thief or a Slave, and tu●ning towards the hangman, he swore that if he came near him he would pull out his throat. He could not endure the sight of the Executioner. He had reason, for they torment the body, as Devils be Executioners of the Soul. And although they be Men and the Instruments of justice, yet they are held execrable, and had no dwelling house allowed them in Rome by the Censors Law. The two Pre●chers led him down, He goes to the Scaffold. entreating him to resist his impatience, which did but distemper his mind, and made him loath to leave the place which he could not hold against his will. Coming into the Court he went five or six paces without speaking a word, but ha, ha, ha. He cast his eyes upon the Lieutenant Civil in whose house la Fin was lodged, to whom he said, I am your friend, beware you b●e not abused with Sorcerers and Magicians, if you free not yourself of them, you will repent it. They had made a Scaffold in a corner of the Court of the Bastille before the portal going into the Garden, six foot heigh and somewhat longer: there were five steps to go unto it. There were no Ornements, no Tapistery, no Distinction. The most stately death is not the least troublesome, the greater the preparation is the more remarkable is the infamy. It is no great honour to kneel upon a velvet Cushion, upon a Scaffold spread with Tapestry, & to have by him an Executioner clad in black velvet, and Crimson Silk, with the sword of gold of Heli●gabalus,. The death which is least ceremonious is the best. The beholders were some at the windows, some in the Court. There were the Provost of Merchants, four Sheriffs, three or four Masters of Requests, some Precedents of the Chambers of Accounts, and some Councillors, the Lieutenants Civil & Cryminal, & the king's Attorney general. The Duke of Byron coming to the Scaffold kneeled upon the first step, praying in few words, and his eyes lift up to Heaven. He was exhorted to kiss the Cross in remembrance of his redemption. He was attired i● russet taffeta with a black ha●t. He cast a furious look upon the Executioner. Vo●sin persuaded him that it was an other, but he knew him well, saying, that they s●ught to deceive him, but he commanded him to stand by, and when it were time, he would call for him. He threw down his hat, and cast his handkerchief to a boy, and presently called ●or it again to use it, seeimg in this act, that he had not the courage to look upon de●th with open eyes. He put of his doublet, & cast it to the same boy, but the Executioners m●n got it, and kept it. The Executioner offered him a cloth to put before his eyes, the which he rejected, saying. That if he touched him, but to give him the stroke of death▪ he would strangle him. He said unto the soldiers which guarded the Port (showing them his naked breast) that he should be much bound unto him that would shoot him with a Musket: what a pity is it said he, to die so miserably, and of so infamous a stroke? They might see by his hollow eyes, that his thoughts were distempered, At these words the tears fell from the soldiers eyes. All those of his profession swore by his Spirit, & by his good Angel, as the Ancients did by that of their Prince. The poorest soldier was cherished by him, at the least he had some good words to assure him of his good liking. The Hargubuziers did wound him at the Heart, through the extreme compassion they had of him. So were the soldiers of Eumenes, moved when they see him bound and manacled entreating them to kill him. He asked if there were no pardon, and directing his words to the standers by, he said, that he had made his Soul ready to present it before the face of God, but he took pity of the King's soul, who put him to death unjustly, that he died an innocent, and that this death was the recompense of his service: Voisin said unto him, That it was the manner to read the sentence He was angry that they would make him to feel death, and to die so often before his death, for he felt himself to die cruelly in the repetition of the crimes of his condemnation, being sufficient that they had brought him thither where he was ready to obey, and that they which did see him were not ignorant of the cause. When as the Register answered him that it could not be otherwise, he gave him leave: but understanding the words: That he had attempted against the King's person and State, he said that it was false. That God was his judge, that he would be deprived eternally of his grace, if it were true, that for two and twenty months passed he had never any thought of it, and that the King had pardoned him. He talked all the while that Voisin read his judgement, so as neither the one nor the other could be understood, the Auditors not knowing to whom to give ear. The party condemned protesting still, and conjuring the Assistants to remember that these two and twenty months he had not attempted any thing against the King's service. No man doth at any time condemn himself. You shall see few of these great Spirits, that die by their own confessions, although they be found guilty. Some confess the Fact, but they hold it no Crime, as that young gentleman who was one of them that murdered the Duke of Milan, being ready to receive the stroke, he cried out, that the Death which he suffered was troublesome, but his Reputation should be everlastingly glorious. His judgement being read, the Preachers persuaded him to call to God for help, and not to think any more on Earth, but to yield his Soul to the immortal disposition of the Creator, and to leave his body to that which justice had decreed. He asked what he should do, and takes his handkerchief with the which he blinds his eyes, ask the Executioner where he should set himself: He answered him▪ there my Lord, there. And where is that? Thou seest that I see nothing, and yet thou showest me as if I did see plainly: and therewith being in choler, he pulled away his handkerchief to see: He blinded his eyes again, and for that it is a kind of grace to be soon dispatched, and a great cruelty to languish in the expectation of a pain, Stantem Imperat●rem excedere terris d●cet. he commanded the Executioner to make an end. He desired to die standing, according to the advise of Vespasian. The Executioner answered him that he must kneel, that he might do nothing out of Order. No no, said the Duke of Byron, if thou canst not do it at One, give Thirty. I will not stir. They priest him to kneel, and he obeyed, willing the Executioner to dispatch, than he start up suddenly again, casting his eyes upon the Executioner, and looking upon the standers by, he asked if there no mercy▪ It was imagined, that either he would have laid hand upon the Executioners sword, or that he presumed that when he should be ready to receive the fatal stroke they would bring him his pardon, and that the King would do him no other harm than fear him, as Papirius Cursor did one of his soldiers ●or breaking of his rank. The Executioner entreated him to suffer him to cut his he●re. At that word he grew into choler again, ●e unbanded himself, and swore that if he touched him he would strangle him. You may see in two persons, two extreme passions. Fear retired the executioner within himself. Choler transported the D●ke of Byron beyond himself. The one trembled for fear, the other for rage. Voisin said unto him, that he had too much care of his body, He swears and grows into choler. which was no more his own. He turned to him in choler with an oath, saying, I will not have him touch me, so long as I shall be living: If they put me into choler, I will strangle half the company that is here, and will force the rest to kill me, I will leap down if you thru si me into despair. His colour did rise, and showed a distemperature in his face. Those that were upon the scaffold went down. The Executioner remained amazed, fearing death more than he that was to die. But this choler prevailed nothing, it was like unto Ctesiphon, to kick against the Mo●●es heels. Res●●e horses get nothing but spurring, they are neither freed from their burden, nor from their journey, he must resolve to go this way, the which he must pass at length. Voisin entreated the Preachers to go up again, and to pacify him, fearing lest he should fall into despair, for his Soul being much troubled, with the violence of so tragical an end, (entering into these furious motives) was subject to great distemperatures. They go up again, and speak some good words unto him in his ear, the which doth temper his furious rage, and calm the choler which the Executioners presence did thrust him into: He had always lived in War, he could not die in Peace. All men found these furious passions strange in the last act of his life, the which required a great constancy of mind, and a perfect judgement to know God, and to call to him for mercy, and to pray him to entreat his Soul more favourably than justice had done his Body. hitherto they believed, that although he were entering into death, yet he thought not to die, and that he would seize upon the Executioners sword. Suddenly he resolves to free this passage, and having received his absolution, he said, My God, my God, my God take pity on me. Then turning to the Executioner, he takes the binder that was in his hand, trusses up his hair behind, and binds it upon his forehead, and with his handkercher he blinds his eyes, and so kneels down. The Preachers comfort him in his last resolution, assuring him that his Soul was ready to see God, and to be partaker of his glory in Heaven. I said he, Heaven is open for my Soul. And this done he bends down his head, presenting it as willingly unto the sword, as Agis did his unto the halter, saying unto the Executioner. Strike, Strike, oh Strike. This was to die in commanding, and to command in dying. The Executioner having seen him to rise, and to unblinde himself thrice, that in turning towards him being not bound, having the sword in his hand, he might wrest it from him, thought that there was no way to execute him but by surprise, and therefore he said unto him that he must say his last prayer to recommend his Soul unto God, entreating the Preachers that were gone down to cause him to say it. At which words the Executioner made a sign to his man to reach him his sword, with the which he cut of his head, even as he was speaking. The blow was so sudden, as few men perceived it, He cuts of 〈◊〉 head. the Head leapt from the scaffold to the ground. The Preachers prayed for the happy departure of the Soul, from so unhappy a Body, the which was presently stripped into his shirt, and covered with a sheet. His heart panted, as if in rising against the Head, it had said as Apolodorus thought that his did when he dreamed that one did hew it in pieces. It is for thee that I suffer. This Head full of the fumes of Ambition, was the cause of the Heart's death. The Executioner struck him so heigh abo●e t●e Nape of the Neck, as he glanced upon his jawebones, and left a great 〈…〉 hair on his Neck. Being dead, he showed Choler in his Countenance, as t●ey write of the Soldiers which died at the Battle of Cannae. Every one departed, commending the King's justice, and lamenting the misery of so Valiant a Man, beleeu●●● that of long time they should not see his equal. His Kinsfolks would think themselves happy, if the Glory of his Life, might wipe away the Infamy of this Death, if the shining of his first actions, were not obsured with the Darkness of the ●●st that for a recompense of all his Services which have made him so famous, they might obtain the favour that they would never speak of him. But there is no Law of Forgetfulness, to deface the memory of that which hath been, and of that which is. About nine of the Clock at night, he was carried to S. Paul's Church and buried in the midst of the Body, before the Pulpit, the Celestins having refused to gi●e him burial, Great Gonsalue dying had a hundred Ensigns hang over his grave. having had no permission nor commandment for it. He was not distinguished from others by his Funeral Pomp, nor by the number of Ensigns (I 〈◊〉 that Great Captain at Granado), but by the Holy water which the Parisians did cast hourly upon his Grave. Such was the end of the Duke of Byron. There is no Ca●me but hath a Storm: one would have said to have seen him at the height of his prosperities; That he had fixed a Nail on Fortune's wheel, that it might not turn, and yet he is suddenly cast down. There past but one night, betwixt his Glory and his Ruin. This Flower being so suddenly blown, the first Northern wind did whither it, and carry it away. His Honours and Greatness were the means to ruin him, like unto Absalon's long Hair, by the which he was hanged. King Lewis then▪ did always say; That Pride carried Ruin behind him, A Heart which knows from whence the good comes which it enjoyeth, is always an enemy to Pride. So there is but a moment betwixt Glory and Ruin. Great Trees are long in growing, but are rooted ●p in an instant. And it is true, if the Duke of Byron had had a Brain, he had not lost his Head, and had not brought it into the hands of his Prince's justice, whom he had so much offended. The marshal Barons Virtues. This Marshal had goodly parts, communicable to few, his Valour was admirable, and happy in all his encounters; of an invincible Courage, infatigable and never tired with any toil, continuing ordinarily fifteen days together on Horseback. He was not inclined to Voluptuousness, nor much to the love of Women, sober enough, the which began to quench that furious humour, as Intemperancy & greatness increased, or that Rest did moderate his boiling passions. He was extremely Vainglorious, His Vanity & Glory. yea sometimes he would refuse his meat, and content himself with little to feed his Fantasy with Glory and Vanity. He was of a mean stature, Black, reasonable gross, hollow eyed, and rough in speech and conversation. He was adventurous in War, Ambitious beyond all measure. The excess of his Ambition made him to brave it without judgement. He became so presumptuous, as he thought that the King, nor France could not subsist without him. He was become ill-tounged, speaking ill of all the Princes, threatening the Parliaments, and the Officers of Just ce, some with death, and to dispossess others of their places. He was advanced from the meanest to the highest degrees of Honours; of a simple Soldier, he became a Captain, than a Colonel, afterwards Admiral and Marshal, and in the end Lieutenant of the King's Armies, and in his Heart he aspired to be Duke of Burgundy, Son in Law to the Duke of Savoy, A comparison betwixt Silla and the Duke of Byron. and Nephew to the King of Spain. If Sylla were Resolute, Cruel, and Bloody, he yielded nothing to all men together: If he were Valiant, this man exceeded him by ten degrees, and all the Roman Princes together. Their Actions and their ends were almost alike, but that Sylla died after he had vanquished: this before he could vanquish, and in the midst of his Course, did feel the Vengeance of God's wrath. His Credit and how he was esteemed. Howsoever he had won the Soldiers hearts, to whom he gave all liberty: he purchased credit with them that had never seen him (for they that had seen and felt him wished him at the Indieses) and made Strangers admire his valour: the Constable of Castille in the Franche-County, the Archduke at Amiens, and the Marquis of Waranbon in Artois, whom he made to pay forty thousand Crowns for his ransom, with many Spaniards which he caused to be hanged suddenly, for that they had called him Baron. Moreover the Kings exceeding favours, the praises wherewith he did publicly honour him: his admirable fortune, his coming to the restoring of the last ruins of the State, like to an other Camillus to deliver the Capitol, had made him not only famous throughout all Europe, fearful to all the neighbours, but necessary for France. Behold a man that was happy, full of content, which held Fortune captive, withal her treasures: he commanded the felicities of this world, he had Glory; Honour, Riches, & those gifts which Fortune imparts to her darlings, He was raised to the top of Fortune's wheel, but he fell, for he that governs the Helm and all her motions, could no longer endure his insolency and vanity. Sequitur superbos ultor a tergo Deus. The causes of his ruin are infinite; Shame followe● Pride. the contempt of piety is the chie●e: this ground taken away, all vices abound, and as the servant said to King Atraeus, O Prince, follow the infallible way of Piety, & your Sceptre shall be durable: for whereas Faith & Holiness hath no place, there is no happiness; the reason is, for that without God we hold all things indifferent, the Law folly, justice frenzy, and Faith a fantasy; we hold the words of virtue & vice to be idle, whereas the fear & trust in God, limits our passions & insatiable desires, so as governing our actions by a just proportion we cannot err. ●e was oftentimes seen to jest at the Mass, & to laugh at them of the Reformed Religion, with whom he had been bred up from his infancy. ●or at the age of eight years the Lady of Brisambourg his Father's sister being of the reformed Religion) did so affect him for his active disposition, as she demanded him of his Mother, the which she granted, & from that time she made him her only heir. Until the age of 16. years he was called Charles of Gontault (for then he had an elder brother which died since at the Duke of Alançons' voyage into Flanders) & bred up at Brisambourg near unto S. jean d' Angely, where he was nothing given to his book, but wholly inclined to Arms, for which consideration, his Father the Marshal Byron▪ a Martial Man, & then a Catholic, ●ooke him from his Aunt & led him for a while with him through the Countries of Xaintonge, Aulins & Angoulmois, where he caused him to be instructed in the Catholic Religion: but upon false principles which he did learn of some Courtiers, he did often mock at all Religion. The second cause of his ruin was the alteration of his Fortune. After the death of his elder Brother, his father caused him to be called Baron of Byron & brought him to Court, where at the first he had a quarrel with the Lord of Carency, son to the Earl of la Vauguion, the which was ended by a Combat of three against three▪ Byron, Loignac & jenissac of the one side, slew Carency Estissac and la dirty: their quarrel grew for the heyer of Caumont, which either of them affected in marriage, yet neither of them had her. The Duke of Espernon got his pardon, the which was confirmed through the credit which his father had then in Court. Some say that being thus in trouble, he went disguised like a Carrier of Letters, He went to a Mathematicien to know his Fortune. unto one la Brosse a great Mathematician whom they ●eid to be skilful in casting of Nativities, to whom he showed his Nativity, drawn by some other. And dissembling it to be his, he said it was a Gentlemen whom he served & that he desired to know what end that man should have La Brosse having rectified this figure, said unto him. That he was of a good house, & no elder than you are, said he to the Baron, ask him if it were his? the Baron answered him, I will not tell you: But tell me (said he) what his Life, his means, & end shall be. This good old man who was then in a little Garret which served him for a Study, said unto him, My Son I see, that he, whose Nativity this is shall come to great Honours, by his industry and Military valour, and may be a King▪ but there is a CAPUT ALGOL which hinders it: And what is that said the Baron of Byron?) Ask me not (said la Brosse) what it is. No (said the Baron● I must know it. In the end he said unto him; My Son, it is, that he will do that which shall make him lose his Head. Whereupon the Baron (as they report) did beat him cruelly, & having left him half dead he went down, & carried away the Key of the Garret door, whereof he bragged when he was gone. They say he had conference with one Caesar, who was a Magician at Paris who told him That only a backe-blow of the Bourguignon would keep him from being ● King. He remembered this prediction being a Prisoner in the Bastille. And entreated one that went to visit him, to learn if the Executioner of Paris were a Bourguignon, and having found it so, he said, I am a dead man. During these last Civil Wars, 〈◊〉 Father being Commander of the King's Army, of a young Baron he was suddenly made a Captain and Marshal of the Campe. After his Father's death at E●pern●●, he was General and Admiral of France, then marshal and Lieutenant of the King's Armies: the defeat of the Spanish succours at Laon, with his exploits in Burgun●y and Picardy, made the King so to love him, as he only was in credit: there remained nothing but to use his happiness modestly. Doubtless he did great services to the King and to the Crown, but he was rewarded with great favours, and 〈◊〉 to the greatest Dignities and Honours of the Crown, the which if he could have used temperately even in the height of his Fortune, he had been too happy. 〈◊〉 reported that his Father said unto him seeing his haughty disposition; Baron I would advice thee when a Peace shallbe made, The marshal birons words unto his Son when he was but Baron of Byron. to go and live privately at thine own house, else thou must leave thy head at the grieve. All Princes that were allied to the Crown of France rejoiced at the discovery of the Duke of Birons' Treason. The Queen of England, and the King of Scotland sent their Ambassadors unto the King to congratulate that God had so happily prevented this last Conspiracy. The King of Spain did the like by Taxis. The archduke said all the blame upon the Count of Fuentes. The Duke of Savoy sent the Count of Viesque unto the King, as well to observe how the Duke of Birons' death had been taken in Court, and in that Great City whereas there was diversity of Humours and Opinions, as to excuse him from the Imputation which was laid upon him to be the first Architect of this Conspiracy, The Ambassadors of England, Scotland and Savoy were received of one day at Monceaux. Ambassadors sent to the King to congratulate. The King in receiving of them made a great difference, for he received them not with one Countenance. The last was not used like unto the first; the King leaning upon a Window, showed by his gesture, that he was not pleased with his excuses, and that words alone could not repair so bad effects, nor make him believe that the Duke of Savoy had not been an Actor to corrupt the Duke of Byron. The Duke's Ambassador made his excuse with a great Grace and Boldness, although it be a very hard thing to discourse of a subject to one, that can give no belief unto it. The Count of Viesque passing through Lions, visited the Governor, and gave him a Letter from his Master, the which he sent unto the King who was very well pleased with his proceeding, The King's Letter to 〈◊〉 de la 〈◊〉 the 1. of September. 1●02. and writ unto him in this sort. It was not needful to send me this Letter, but only to give me a new Confirmation of your loyalty, which I hold so assured, as it needed neither that, nor any other. But the wisest do always observe the ancient forms, whereof that is one of the principal, not to s●e nor hear any thing from foreign Princes without the privity and permission of his Master. The King parted from Mon●eaux to go to Paris, where he dispatched the Ambassadors. That of Savoy came to his Master being newly returned from Vercel, where he had visited the Duke of Saxonies' brother passing into Italy. He presented him with eight Horses richly furnished, and a Hatband with a jewel esteemed at twelve thousand Crowns. Soon after he ●ent to Rivoly for his pleasure of Hunting, leading D' Albigny with him to whom he made shows of extraordinary love. men's conjectures were not able to pierce into the secrets of that which they treated of together; but they will burst forth before the year shall end. The Count of Viesque came to Rivoly in the beginning of October. Every man said at Thurin that his embassage was Gracious, B●u●es of war after the death of th● Duke of Byron. and that the King was we●l pleased with that which the Duke of Savoy would have him believe, yet all Savoy was ●ull of Soldiers and no man knew how they should be employed. Some said that the Duke of Birons' death would breed a new storm in France, but all the choler and threats of them that repined thereat, was but a fantastical lightning. The Count of Fuentes would have done his best to have bred a storm: his spirit which hath no rest but in exercise, thinking (with Teres father to Sital●es) that nothing doth distinguish him from the rest of his masters servants but War, was so much discontented for this death, as he could not sleep. He did meditate of revenge, and the King was well advertised thereof. It was thought that under colour of passing a new army over the Alpes, he would discover some desseine, and the King was advertised from many parts, that the City of Lions was not the last, nor the least in his chollenke thoughts. That three and twenty companies of Spaniards (in the which were●t the least three thousand men) had past the Mountains, and were dispersed in Savoy: that the Duke of Savoy had at Romilly five hundred men, under the Regiment of Valdisers, and at Anissy 1500. Neapolitains; that they attended some Lans●uenets: that near unto Genoa their were thirty Companies of Spaniards landed: and that they fortified Saint Genis (against the last Treaty of Peace) a fit place to execute any desleine upon Lions or Vienne. The King therefore foreseeing that if they sought any advantage upon France, it should be rather for Lions then any other place, he therefore lodged in the Bastions of Saint john and Saint Clair five Companies of the Regiment of Bourg L' Espinasse, and those of Nerestan, at Montlael and Seissel. The opinions of this new Army were as divers as their desseins were secret, yet is seemed that the Duke of Savoy feared, lest his Country should be force Pagaine by the King's army, and that he should not have so good a composition as the first, and therefore he provided for all his places in Savoy, but this hatched another great deslein whereof we will speak in the end of this year. The King was much troubled to search into the depth of the Duke of Birons' conspiracy. La Fin was not acquainted with the last resolutions, the party condemned, would never discover his Complices. All this practice was well known to the Baron of Lux, The Ba●on ●f 〈◊〉 c●mes to the King who came unto the King upon the assurance of his majesties word to go and come freely: yet he was advised not to approach near unto the Court of Parliament, who would not entreat him more mildly than they had done the Duke of Byron▪ seeing he had been embarked with him in the same vessel, and to consider that Princes promise any thing, to discover a Treason, but they never trust the Traitors, and if happily they favour them for a time, the hatred which follows after, is more violent and irreconcilable. That they use men, as a Countryman doth his Bees, when they have drawn out the Honey and Wax, they chase them away with Fire, and Smoke. The King was so well satisfied with that which the Baron of Lux had said unto him (having talked long with him) as entering into his Carosse, he told the Count S●issons, and the Cardinal of joyeuze, that he would not for two hundred thousand Crowns; but have spoken with the Baron of Lux. His pardon passed in the Parliament at Paris, and he was received in that of Dijon, with the same honours he had before, and his charge of Lieutenant in the government of Bourgongne, and of the Country of Bresse. His wisdom did conduct him in a stormy Sea, to a safe Port, and made him to avoid some dangers, whereas any other would have lost both Card and Compass. The greatest indiscretion which the Duke of Byron had committed, (next to the giving ear to the promises and persuasions of Strangers) was that he had written his intentions, and had imparted them to another. It is a Maxim in matters of Conspiracy, not to commit any thing to writing, but all must go by mouth. They could not have condemned the Duke of Byron, but by his own Letters. And of all those of whom he spoke in his Letters, there was no thing found of theirs in writing. Letters serve indifferently for an assurance of the faith that is given, and for a proof of infidelity. He would die with that content, that none of his friends should be touched but himself. Hebert his Secretary endured the Rack, and his patience did justify him, H●bert the Duke of Biron● Secretary put to the ●acke, and Fontanelles b●●k●n upon the wheel. but the King's words were a more violent torture unto him▪ drawing the truth from him, the which he would n●t confess unto the Court. The Baron of Fontavelles, (who was found to have had intelligence with the Duke of Byron) was broken upon the wheel by the decree of a great Council. Mom-barraut Governor of Rennes was committed to prison. S●ch as had known him during the last troubles full of resolution and affection for the reducing of Britain to the King's obedience, lamente● his misfortune. The Earl of Awergne continued two months in the Bastille after t●e execution of the Duke of Byron. The King set him at liberty and received him into favour, after three or four days that he had purged himself and discharged his Conscience to the Chancellor, the Marquis of Rhosny and to Sillery. He grew presently familiar with the King, as if he had never been sequestered from his presence, wherein appeared his majesties good nature and his generous spirit, which doth never remember any Injuries. The Duke of bovillon refuseth to come to the King. But the Duke of Bovillon considering what had been done in the Bastille upon the person of so great a Captain, would not trust to this great mildness, althought he had as great proof thereof as any other. The King sent for him, and he desired to justify himself in the Chamber at Castres'. The King let him understand that the pretext which he took to fly unto the Chamber at Castres' for justice, was without ground, for he was not called into question, and when he should do it, it could not be therefore that he depended not of that jurisdiction, neither could they take knowledge thereof without Commission from his Majesty. He attended not to understand his pleasure more particularly by the Precedent Caumartin, whom he resolved to send unto him, but took the way to Geneva, and so to Heidelberg. The Subject may never capitulate with his Prince, but if necessity doth require it, it must not be betwixt two Bars, like to the Constable of S. Paul, but as far off as he can. The Duke of Bovillon being in his Viconté of Turenne, when as the King sent for him, His letter to the king. he answered him with this letter. Sir, having understood by that of your Majesties own hand of the 18. of this month, that I had been accused by those which had been examined in Council upon the Conspiracies of the Duke of Byron, and that you commanded me to repair presently to Court to justify myself, I sent away him presently that came, with answer to your Majesty that I would follow instantly, the which I had done, if I had not received certain Intelligence who were my accusers. The which made me to change this resolution, and humbly to beseech your Majesty to consider that the Treacheries and Disloyalties against your Person and State are so fully proved against my Accusers, as it disables them to accuse me, and much less to condemn me. They have not, nor cannot have but lying tongues in their accusations, the which having failed them in the execution of their intention (being prevented by your majesties happiness and wisdom) they employ them to make you suspect the second Officer of your Crown, and your household servant, who hath never sought any glory in this world, but what proceeds from your majesties grace & favour, & who hath so long served you. It is to be presumed that having an intent to hurt me, they have incensed your displeasure against me, by the most horrible crimes they could invent. They would make me the Instrument of that which they have promised to the enemies of your Estate to prejudice you. And seeing they cannot now suborn any others, they will accuse them who in the like affairs have made proof of their Innocency's, by so many circumstances, as it is not to be believed they would have any thought to the contrary. They do ill acknowledge your mercy, to continue still culpable, changing only their offence. Seeing that since they are become false witnesses I will say unto you my Liege, as the Psalmist said unto God. Lord come not near me, until I be fortified. I must confess that I fear your Countenance (having admitted such men to accuse me) seeing that your Majesty demands my justification, the which hath retained me, not that my conscience doth accuse me of any fault that is worthy of such an examination. Seeing it doth import your service, it is requisite I should satisfy your Majesty, your Realm & mine Honour, and free them of my Religion from the scandal which they should receive, if my crime were not punished, & mine Innocency known. For the attaining whereof, I assure my ●elfe that your Majesty would not deprive me of the liberty, which all your subjects of the Religion enjoy, and the rather, for that no judges can be more interessed in these affairs, seeing the question is of the decay of your Realm to augment that of Spain, wherein all your subjects have one common loss; but those of the Religion (whereof the Chambers do consist) have a more particular: the which they esteem more dear than their lives, which is the loss of their exercise. They will therefore be severe judges rather than mild. If they shall find me guilty, they will hate me more than any other, from whom they did least expect it. I most humbly therefore beseech your Majesty, to send my Accusers & Accusations, thinking the imputation which is laid upon me heavy, & the time tedious, until your Majesty may be fully satisfied of mine innocency, for the speedy effecting whereof I will attend at Castres' the justification of my fault or innocency. judging that the time which I should have spent in going to your Majesty, would have but prolonged the affliction of my Soul remaining accused, seeing that your Majesty was to send me back to the Chambers, to condemn or absolve me, being the judges which your Edict hath given me. That it would therefore please you to relieve my mind speedily in giving me the means to make my innocency known, and that by this proof you may rest assured of my faithf●ll service, and I of your favour, the which shall be above all things desired of your most Humble, most Obedient, and most Faithful Subject, and Servant. Henry de la tour; The King caused the Prince of Ginuille to be committed to the Duke of Guise his brother. Sillery examined him very carefully, The Prince of Ginuil●● committed. his Majesty relying upon his wisdom and integrity. He advertised the Governors of Provinces why he did it, using these words. I have committed my Nephew the Prince of Ginuille unto my Nephew the Duke of Guise his brother, for that he had rashly and indiscreetly given ear to certain propositions, that were made unto him against my service: I will hold him in the same guard until that matters be made plain. But I assure myself it concerns him only, wherein those of his house have no share, neither is there any one named or comprehended with him, whereof I thought good to advertise you. The King having since been satisfied of the truth, he returned again into favour. Humbert de la Tour Dauphin, gives Daulphiné to the fi●st sonn● o● F●ance. There came 15. or 16. Deputies out of Daulphiné to Paris. This Province was given to the Crown of France, by Humbert Prince of Daulphiné, upon condition, that the King's eldest Son, (the presumptive heir of the Crown) should be sovereign thereof from his birth. Having made great joy for this blessing, and to see that which they had not seen since King Charles the 8, they made choice of some out of the three Estates of the Country, to go & perform their first duties of subjection, & to know their Sovereign Lord. jerosme of Villards Archbishop of Vienne, was the chief of this embassage, the which he governed and ended happily, and with honour. Having done their duties to the King and Queen, and let them understand the charge which he had from the States of the Country with the other Deputies, he was led to S. Germane, to see their new Prince, who was under a cloth of Estate in his Cradle, upon a little bed. The Archbishop of Vi●nnes speech to the Dauphin. The Count Soissons Governor and Lieutenant general of Daulphiné, his Governess and his Nurse were by him. The Archbishop of Vienne spoke unto him standing, all the rest kneeled of one knee. The substance of which speech was. That the joy of France had been infinite by his birth, foreseeing that her felicity should be imperfect without it, and that the blessing of Peace could not continue without his Birth, who should be the death of all pretexts of Civil wars, but your Province of Daulphiné hath far greater cause of joy, ●or that it feels in effect, that which the rest of the Realm hath but in hope. Those which have believed that felicity could not be in the infancy of a Child, Children cannot be● termed happy. seeing it requires a continuance of years and a constant knowledge of virtue and fortune, ment it not by King's Children, and above all of the first borne of the Crown of France, at whose first birth we see all the favours reign upon his head, the which Heaven can power upon them whom it will make happy. The same day my Lord, that you saw the light, the Sun did salute you a great Prince, and the Son of a great King, you are borne our Sovereign Lord, and we are become your faithful vassals, and most humble Subjects, so as this Province which amidest so many afflictions hath sighed above a hundred years, for the day when it should see borne that sacred bud of the Royal flower, holds it the greatest point of glory and felicity, not to know any power more absolute and sovereign than yours, and to obey you before that you know what it is to command. This Cradle (my Lord) about the which the Eternal Providence (which hath a special care over this Realm, and hath appointed his Angels for your grad) is the Throne wherein we adore in your living Image the invisible Majesty of the living God. The rocking of this Cradle hath settled the felicity of France which began to be shaken by furious and dangerous attempts both without and within. It is an extreme grief unto us that the law of this Cradle, will not suffer us to hea●e you, & make us so happy as to understand you. And if you understand not but by the Language of Infants, which be Tears, you shall know the affection of your people's Hearts, by the tears of joy which fall from their eyes, praising God that it hath pleased him to give them a Prince issued from the first Crown of the world, who carries in his Heart the generosity of his Father, and in his eyes the sweetness of the Mother. A Prince which in greatness of courage and in reputation of brave and immortal Actions, shall exceed the glory of all the Princes of the Land and Sea, as the Dauphin in lightness and swiftness passeth all the Creatures, both of Land and Sea. We acknowledge you for our Prince and sovereign Lord under the King your Father, and the Queen your Mother, and we do now offer unto your Highness, our Lives, our Persons and our Fortunes, for homage of our most humble & faithful subjection. These Goodly words were accompanied with a Rich present. It was a Cupberd of Plate richly wrought and beautified with sundry figures of Daulphins, A Present given unto the Dauphin. being valued at twelve thousand Crowns. All that attended upon the Prince had Presents of some value, or else Medailles made for that purpose. The Sons present served for the Mother. The King was the better pleased with this Deputation, for that it was in the first year of his sons Infancy: and it is certain that of all the proofs of Duty & Affection which the Subjects can yield unto their Sovereign, those are most commendable which are done without desseine. As Daulphiné doth acknowledge this Prince for their Sovereign Lord under the King: The G●uernment of Bou●gongne given to the Dauphin. so Bourgongne and the Countries of Bresse, Baugey, Valromey, and Gez, (which are annexed unto it) had him for their Governor: But during his Infancy, and until he were capable to undergo the functions of that Charge, the power of lieutenancy was given to Roger of Bellegarde, first Gentleman of the Chamber, and Master of the King's Horse, who took his oath in the King's hands. His Patent was read in the Parliament of Dijon, the City received him with all sorts of honours, and went to fetch him at the Carthusians where he made his abode, attending the preparation for his reception. The King's desires being seconded with so many prosperities, it pleased him of his own bounty to take pity of the Ruins and Calamities of his Subjects, in revoaking the Imposition of the Sublz upon the Lyure (or two shillings) which they called the Pancarte. Revocation of the Pancarte. He would not that this great relief should surprise his people's hearts, declaring his pleasure some months before it was put in practice, to the end that things being first expected before they were enjoyed, might be the more acceptable. The King raised his coins of Gold and Silver, the Crown to six shillings and six pence, the quarter of the Crown to sixteen Sou, and the Frank to one and twenty and four Deniers, that the coins of silver might be valued after the rate of threescore and four Sou to the Crown. And as that which is held good and profitable at one time, is not so at an other, the counting by Crowns (found in the year one thousand five hundred seventy and seven, profitable and now very prejudicial) was forbidden, and that of the Lyure brought into practice in Contracts, Obligations, and Acts of justice, as it was before, since King Philip the fair, Francis the first, and Henric his Son. There sprung up a new joy for all France. The Heavens which in former times did rain gold at Rhodes for the birth of Minerva, doth now power forth a great shower of joy for the birth of the King's first lawful daughter. The Queen was happily brought in bed on the two and twenty day of November in the morning, and thanks were given unto God according to the usual Custom. The rest of this discourse is reserved for accidents which are never found so perfect nor so happy, but they have still some contrariety, miseries are like unto bad plants, which grow of themselves, the good must have much pain & labour to make them grow. There is great occasion to complain in all places. The famine is so great in Li●onia and Borussia, as heretofore in B●hemia and Polonia, they did run unto the places of execution to take them down that were executed, and to bury them in their living bowels, although they were Censured as unworthy to be buried among the dead. The River of Saonne was overflowed in that sort as the Towns that were seated upon the banks, were in great danger of this Inundation. The Bridge at Lions was so shaken, as if it had not been fortified by the weight that was laid upon it, the two Towns had been divided by the river. There was no worthy act in Hungary, Al●a Reg●lis yielded to the Tu●ke. but the remembrance thereof was fatal and shameful for the Christians. They had the year before taken Alba Regalis by the valour and virtue of the Duke of Mercure, they are now shamefully expelled. As the French had the first glory at the taking of it, so now by despair and fury going to serve the ●urke they had the point of the assault. All that were with in it were put to the sword. They with in the Castle said that the cowardice and small resistance of them within the Town, was the cause of the loss of it, desiring to have the like declaration from the General of the Turks, to save the Honour of their Capitulation. The General sent them word, that seeing they had been resolved not to yield the place, unless the Soldiers had forced them thereunto: It was reason they should remain, so as he caused the Soldiers to departed presently, and kept the captains prisoners. They found all the Artillery there which they had left, and twelve new Cannons, A great booty ●t ●ak●ng of Al●a R●g●lis. four hundred thousand weight of Powder, a great number of Bullets, two hundred Tun of Meal, four score of Biscuit, five hundred of Salt, and ten thousand Florins in ready Money to pay the Soldiers. (The Great Turk was so troubled for the loss of this Town, and so much transported for the recovery thereof, as he promised the Great Visier, his Aunt in Marriage, if he could take it.) After the which he sought to take Pes●a but in vain. The Imperial Army about the end of September, attempted Buda and carried it in recompense of the loss of Alba Regalis. It was thought at Rome, that the taking of the Town, would cause the Castle ●o yield, and that there was no other place of strength but Belgrade, not only in all Hungary, but even unto Constantinople. For this good news which was but half true, the Pope went in Procession with all his College of Cardinals, from the Church of Minerva, unto that of de l' Anima. The siege of Buda not succeeding according to his desire (the Christians having been repulsed at a great Assault which they gave about the end of October, and the D●ke of Nevers sore hurt with shot in the Shoulder) he fell lame of the Gout, and other accidents for a whole month the which kept the Court of Rome in great suspense. The season of the year forced our men to leave Buda and to retire to Strigonia. They left a good garrison in Pes●a, a Town which is separated from Buda by the River of Danowe. They are so near Neighbours as it is impossible they should continue long enemies. The extreme cold in the beginning of the year did so freeze the River of Danowe as the one passed over on dry foot to the other, and skirmishing sometimes upon the Ice. A Captain of the garrison of Pes●a, having intelligence that some of the chief of Buda were gone forth with many women to the Baths which are near unto Buda, he passed the River with threescore shot, and surprised them in such sort, as he died the water of the Bath with their blood, not sparing any but a little Child son to one of the chief of Buda. The women were so amazed, as they fl●d n●ked unto the Town, the fear of death was more powerful in them then shame. The Turks had the advantage this year both by Land and Sea, they recovered what they had lost in Hungary, and disappointed the enterprises of the Sea Army of Spain, the which were more grounded upon the words and assurances of the King of Fez to deliver Algiers unto them, then upon consideration of their forces. Cigale went out of Constantinople with fifty sail to observe and follow them in their course. Cigale goes forth of Constantinople. In the end D. john of Cardona was no happier than the Prince Doria. It had been a miracle if the Affricains had entreated the Spaniards better than the portugals. One may say of them as was said of the Romans'. What may a man hope for of Rome which hath ruined Alba, from whence it is issued? What may one expect of the Kings of Fez, if for the desire of reign the Son hath not spared the Father? Whilst that Muleasses was with the Emperor Charles the fift to treat of his Protection, Amides his Son made himself master of the Realm. The old father returning with forces to enter into Thunis was taken in a passage where his Son had laid an Ambuscadoe, and with him two of his Children, which done, this barbarous wretch pulled out the eyes of them all three. Many thought that this Army had had no design, the Treasons of France being discovered: they had need of it in Flanders, & many wondered to see the Spaniards seek after new Conquests when as the affairs of the Low Countries were in so bad Estate. ostend was not yet ready to yield. Grave besieged. Count Maurice had besieged Grave▪ to draw the Archduke from ostend if he might. There were in Grave fiveteene hundred soldiers besides the Inhabitants. The Archduke commanded the Admiral of Arragon to secure the besieged with all speed, who gathered together what troops he could, and made many attempts upon Count Maurices trenches, the besieged sallying forth of the Town at the same times, but finding that all his enterprises were in vain, he made his retreat in the night, sending his baggage away before, and after that he had stayed some days at Venl●, (the Inhabitants refusing to receive the garrison which he would have given them,) he marched towards V●recht, having lost all hope to raise the siege of Grave: The Admiral's retreat. considering that a great part of his troops were slipped away, especially the Italians, which yielded themselves unto Count Maurice, some continued and served him, others took Passports from him and returned into their Country. The siege of Grave continued still with all violence, the Walls and Rampers were so battered, as they scarce durst show themselves, and the besieged being beaten from their fortifications, seeing all things ready to give a general Assault, they made a composition to yield the nineteenth of September, upon certain conditions. The Count Maurice used the soldiers with all humility, suffering them to carry away their Arms, Enseignes, and all other Moovables. The best troops of the Admiral's Army were mutined, pretending that there was three millions of Livers due unto them, demanding their pay in a very unseasonable time, A mutiny in the Admirals' Army. seizing upon the Castle of Hoochstraten, at such time as the Archduke thought to secure Grave. He held this as a revolt, infidelity and intelligence with the Enemy, for which cause he proclaimed them guilty of high Treason, permitting all men to Kill them without fear of punishment, promising ten Crowns in recompense for every soldiers head, a hundred for an Officers, two hundred for a Captains, & five hundred for that of the Electo. The Mutinadoes published a declaration with injurious terms and reproaches, saying that the Archdukes would pay them with Prescriptions and Banishments, a kind of pay and entertainment that doth neither feed the Belly, A Protestation of the mut●●●●●. nor cover the Back▪ that in demanding that which was due unto them they had done but as others had done in the like occasions, forced by necessity, being no Cameleons to live of the air. That to condemn them to die, which had no fear of death, & which had means not only to defend themselves, but also to offend, was absurd. That their heads being set to sail at ten Crowns a piece, they did hope to defend them so well as their Highnesses should see but few of them. Thus the Mutineers complained, but in the end they found that all complaints were vain against their Superiors. The Archduke was engaged in a second War against his own troops, the which was no less troublesome vn●o him then the enemy, his discontent was much augmented by the defeat of the Gaileies of Spain that came into Flanders. This year their were eight Galleys rigged at Siville, under the Command of Frederic Spinola, there were 400. men in every Galley, besides the slaves, The Galleys o● Spain comm●nded by Spinola. and 800. men which they took in at Lisbonne. These Galleys went toward the Coast of England being sent by the King of Spain to join with others which the Archduke had, to hinder the traffic of England, Holland and Zealand, and to keep Os●end from al●●eleefe. Two of them, the Trinity and the Occasion were sunk by Sir Richard ●uson upon the Coast of Portugal, about the Cape of Sicambre, these Galleys were discovered the 3. of October by two Ships of War of the States, who had them in chase. The same day Sir Robert Mansel discovered them being a thwart Calis, gluing advice unto the State's ships which lay upon the Coast of Flanders, by discharging of his Cannon. The State's ships finding them above the point of Dover, pursued them and fought with them, they flying as fast as they could to recover some of their Ports in Flanders, but they were so ill entreated as four of their Galleys were sunk, the other 4. which remained were so hotly pursued as two of them were cast away upon the Coast near unto Nieuport and an other near Dunkirk, and the eight wherein Spinola was, ran a shore at Calais and was saved with great difficulty, where the Galley slaves being set at Liberty, every one went where he pleased: and Spinola with his Gentlemen and the rest that he could save, went to the Archduke to Bruxell●s. The Admiral of Arragon, having failed in the relief of Grave (and a part of his Army being mutined for their pay, and seized upon Hoochstraten) retired himself into Spain, where he was received with small grace and countenance, having served his Master ill in the Low Countries. This year all the Elements did contribute to the prosperity and blessings of the Peace, the Earth did let the King see a new production of his treasure. Mines of gold discovered. They discovered in many parts of the Realm mines of Gold, Silver Copper and Lead. In the Country of Lionois, near unto ● village called Saint Martin the plain, which depends of the Country of Saint john of Lions, there was a Mine of Gold found by a Countryman who labouring in his Vineyard found a flint stone intermixed with Gold, whereby they gathered an infallible assurance that this member was not without a body. De Vic Superintendant of the justice at Lions, had commandment from the King to set some to work in it. The first production was admirable, and among many goodly pieces, one was showed unto the King very rich, in the which the Gold did appear and put forth like unto the buds of a Vine as fine as that of Caravana, so as it might be said that these five thousand years the Son had made nothing more perfect in the bowels of the Earth. For it was not Gold in Pepin nor in Powder, as in the running streams of the new found Land, nor mixed with sand as in Bohemia, but in Stones and in Rocks, all pure Gold or pure Silver: for always the one goes with the other, perfect of itself without mixture of any other mettles. The King imitating his Predecessors who had always favoured the works of Mines, which bring infinite commodities, made a general Edict for the ordering of the work and workmen. An Edict for the ording of the Min●●. He created a great Master and a controuler general over all the Mines of France, with privileges to draw in foreign workmen which they could not want. Bellegarde was the first great Master of the Mines, who resigned it to Ruse Beaulieu Secretary of State. Bellingin first groom of the King's Chamber, was Controller general. The new alliance with the Swisses being concluded, they deputed forty two among them, to whom they gave power to swear the observation thereof▪ They came into France in September being honourably received in all places. The fourth of October they came to Charanton a League from Paris, where they were Royally feasted at the Kings own charge in Senamys house. After dinner the Duke of Montbazon and the Lord of Montigny Governor of Paris went out of the City with a hundred or sixscore Gentlemen to meet them and to welcome them in the King's name. At S. Anthony's Gate, Bargelone Provost of Merchants, with the Sheriffs, Councillors of the City, Quarter-Maisters, chief Bourgesses, and the three Companies of the Archers of the City, Their reception. received them, and conducted them to their lodging in S. Martin's Street. The next day they dined with the Chancellor, after D●nner he went to his Majesty to the Lovure, desiring them to have a little patience, until the King sent for them. Soon after the Duke of Esguillion accompanied with fifty young Gentlemen of the best Houses that were then in Court, went to fetch them and to conduct them unto the King: entering into the base court of the Lovure, the Duke Montpensier with many Knights of the Holy Ghost, and Noblemen of m●ke, received them in the King's name: at the Stairs foot going up to the Hall, the Count of Soissons with many Governors of Provinces, and old Knights of the Order, received them, and so conducted them into his majesties Chamber, where they did their obeisance, the King taking every one of them by the Hand. Then the Aduoyer of Bearne who was their speaker, said unto him in his own language, That the cause of their coming, was to swear the renewing of the Alliance, and to assure his Majesty of their faithful service. Viger did interpret unto the King, who after he had answered them, and witnessed the content which he had of the Declaration they had made in the behalf of their superiors, he told them, that they were welcome, from thence they went to kiss the Q●eenes hand, who was in her Chamber, with all the Princesses and Ladies of the Court, presenting their service unto her, and the good affection of their Superiors, for the which she thanked them. Before the oath was taken, they entreated the King that it would please him to hear some particular charges they had from their Superiors. The Chancellor was appointed to hear what they demanded: The Swisses demands. the which the Aduoyer of Bearne delivered unto him in three Demands. The first was, that it would please his Majesty to augment the sum of four hundred Crowns, which was appointed to be distributed every year among them, being not sufficient to pay their interests. The second was that the privileges of those of their Nation, which trafficked in France, might be confirmed. The third was, to give them the declarations that were promised, as well unto the five petty Cantons, for the continuance of their alliance with Milan and Savoy, without infringing that of his Majesty, as to the Protestant Cantons, that they might not be forced to give men to make War in France against them of the Religion. To the first his Majesty made answer, that the civil and foreign Wars wherewith his people had been ruined, would not give him means to do better yet, and that they must content themselves with that which had been promised. The second and third were granted, and the declarations required by them, signed. Sunday the 12. of October was appointed for the swearing of the Alliance in our Lady's Church whether the Ambassadors were conducted by Monsieur de Vic. The King being come to the Church and set in State, the Princes of Condé and Conty went to fetch the 42. Ambassadors in the Bishop's Hall and conducted them to their places. All being set, the Archbishop of Vienne approached to his Majesty, carrying a book of the Evangelists in his hands, and at the same instant the Ambassadors drew near also. Before them was Vaguer Secretary of State at Solevure, betwixt M. de Sillery & de Vic, he carried betwixt his arms a Cushion of Crimson Velvet, garnished with Gold, on the which were two treaties of the Alliance, Treaties of Alliance presented to the King. the one in French, the other in the german tongue, sealed with his majesties seal, and those of the Cantons and their Allies. After they had all done their duties and saluted his Majesty, Monsieur de Sillery said unto the King▪ That these Treaties of Alliance were the same which his Predecessors had made with the Seigneuries of the Cantons: and that whatsoever was added, was for the honour and profit of his majesties service. The Aduoyer of Bearne who del●uered the speech, The Aduoyers' speech unto the King. said; that the Seigneours of the Cantons their Superiors, had held it for a great honour, the desire the King had of their alliance, for the which thinking themselves much bound, they had enjoined them to thank his Majesty, & to offer him on their behalf their most humble service in all occasions that should be offered, and of all might be expected of true and faithful allies & confederates, according to the Treaties of their alliance. That they were also sent by their Superiors for the performing of the oath, to the end they might faithfully observe what was contained in the Treaty, and to beseech his Majesty to do the like for his part, as it belongs to good & loyal Friends, Allies, & Confederates. That by his majesties commandment they presented themselves for the performance of the oath, praying God to pour out his blessings upon so good an alliance, to the content of both the Estates: with prayers that it would please God to preserve the King & the Dauphin their new Ally, in all prosperity, long life & happy reign. The King hearing him, stood up with his hat on, & answered him with a great Majesty. The King's answer to the Swiss. That he had desired to renew the treaty of Peace & allia nce with the Signior of the Cantons, for the great esteem he made of the valour of their nation, who had always been partners of the honour of his victories, and had made better trial thereof then any of his Predecessors, having been happily assisted by them. That he did accept the offer of their succours, & did in like sort promise to assist them with all his forces and means against any one that should seek to oppress their liberty. The which he desired them to believe, with assurance, that he had never failed in his promises: being ready to swear the Treaty of alliance with them, and to observe it inviolably. The Chancellor made a long speech unto them to the same purpose, which done the Ambassadors presented themselves to swear the oath, laying their hands by order of their Cantons upon the holy Euamgilistes, to every one of the which, the Chancellor said. You swear & promise upon the holy Euangilist, in the name of your Signior & Superiors, well and faithfully to observe, The 〈…〉 the Treaty of alliance made betwixt his Majesty and your Superiors, without any contradiction or breach directly or indirectly. The order which the Ambassadors held in the oath was, first. The Cantons of Berne, Lucerne, Zuric, Schwits, Venderwald, Zug, Glais, Basle, Fribourg, Sol●urre, Schaffuse and Appentzel. Allies, the Abbot of S. Gall, and the Town of S. Gull. Grisons, the Canton of Grise, the Cades, the Canton of Droituaes, Walais, Mulkuss, Rotweil and Brenne. After all the Ambassadors had taken the oath, the King likewise said. That he did swear and promise to observe the treaty as it had been agreed. Which done they dined in the Bishop's palace. The Prince of Condé▪ sat at the board's end, the Princes of Conty, Soissons and Montpensier, the Constable, the Dukes of Nevers and Esquillon, the Count of Auvergne and Somme●iue, with many others were on the right hand, and the forty two Ambassadors with some French gentlemen on the left. About the end of dinner, his Majesty (who had dined apart) came to see them, commanding every one to keep his place, than he called for wine, and drank to all his Friends and Allies, and so went presently to the Lovure▪ towards the evening bonfires were made and twenty pieces of Cannon shot of in sign of joy. During there abode at Paris they were feasted by the Provost of Merchants the Count of Soissons, the Constable, & the Duchess of Longuevill, & the Friday after the ceremony of the oath, they took their leave of the King, who gave to every one a chain of Gold, and what was appointed for their voyage, stay and return, and so they returned into their Country. Of all religious Orders that have been instituted for the defence of the Christian faith, and to oppose against Mahomet's, those of the Hospital of S. john of jerusalem are the first, and which alone by the divine providence of God have maintained themselves in their beauty, & profession: the Knights and religious of that order exposing themselves continually to infinite dangers, the Island of Malta which is now their place of residence, serving for a strong Bulwark against the incursions of Turks and Barbarians, the Common enemies of Christendom. The Tow●● of Mahomet 〈…〉 of Malta. The enterprise upon the Town of Mahomet in Africa, was plotted & managed by the advice of Adolfe of Wignacourt great Master of Malta, who being loath to su●fer the season of the Somme● to pass away without some worthy exploit, made a design upon this place of Mahomet being 350. miles distant from Malta, being strong & well peopled, in former-times besieged by the King of Thunes with twelve thousand men, and sense attempted by the Prince Doria with forty Galleys but could not take it. The great Master intending to execute this design in the month of May, was diverted, the King of Spain having required them to assist him with fi●e Galleys for the transporting of his footmen from Naples to Genoa, from whence they returned not until the end of july, being come to Malta, they prepared all things necessary for this execution with such speed, as the fourth of August following they set sail with some Frigates, for the easier landing of their men. And bending their course towards the Island of Lampedouze (being distant from that of Malta about 120. miles) they came thither the first day in the night: one of the Frigates being set in guard, discovered two Turkish foists, the which the Galleys followed and took in less than three hours with fifty and eight Turks in them. The said Galleys following their Course, the wind grew heigh, and being to enter into the gulf of Mahomet which was threescore miles long (being so called by reason of the said Town) they kept aloof attending the Calm, because they would not be discovered, so as they arrived there the thirteenth of the said month, being above an hour after the break of day, which was contrary to their intents, The Knights of Malta land nee●e to Ma●omet. desiring to come in the night for the better landing of their men, and at the point of day to begin the execution of their enterprise. The Knights notwithstanding fainted not, but hoping of a happy success, they landed near unto the Town, notwithstanding the difficulty of the place, where there was scarce any footing, and the Artillery which played continually upon them, yet they put themselves into good Order, being (besides those that were left for the guard of the Galleys) seven hundred men, among the which there were two hundred and forty Knights, being all led by the Commander Matha an Auvergnac. This small troop matching courageously and in good Order towards the Town: the Knights of Beau-regard and Canremy advanced, having several charges to plant Petards to two gates, whereof the one was towards the Sea and the other to the Land, either of them being followed by twenty Knights and Soldiers. There did two squadrons advance to support them, either of them consisting of fifeteene Knights and five and twenty Soldiers, the one of them was commanded by the Seigneur of Harle● Son to the Lord of Saint Luc deceased, great Master of the Artillery of France. In the mean time the Knights who had the charge to plant the Ladders were diligent, so as both the one and the other contemning the infinite number of shot which came f●om the Town, in the which there were 800. fight men to defend the walls, in a short time the gat●s were forced and laid open with the Petards. Then came they to hand●e blows with the enemies, as they did in like sort that were appointed, for the Scaladoe who recovered the Walls notwithstanding any resistance the Turks could make: but the Christians increasing both in number and courage, forced them to abandon the Courtine and to retire into the streets and houses; then the body of the Christians advanced, which entering slew many Turks, who seeing themselves still forced, got up to the top of their houses, from whence they did much annoy the Christians with Arrows, Darts and Stones, desiring rather to be slain then to yield themselves Captives: so as after four hours fight, the Christians were Masters of all the Town. During this time, some Turks and Moors had fortified themselves in the Sangiacs house, whether the Seigneur of Harleu came with his troop, he entering the first into the house, the which by his and their valour was soon forced: but neglecting to put on a Cuirasse, he was unhappily thrust through the body with a Lance, and died six hours after, being much lamented of the Christians His body was buried at Malta with a funeral Pomp worthy of his name & reputation. The Christians having no knowledge of a false Port, there were above 2000 per●ons that escaped, The Seigneor o● Harl●● S. Lu●● son slain at Ma●om●●te. so as there remained but 396. prisoners. The Town was sacked, and not being able to keep it for many wants, especially of victuells, they fired it, and made an honourable retreat to their Galleys, in the view of a great number of horse and foot that were come to succour the Town, returning to Malta the sixteenth of August. The great Master went presently with all his Knights to the chief Church, praising and thanking God for so notable an assistance in so dangerous an enterprise, having lost but four Knights, and five and twenty soldiers: and about fourscore and ten hurt; and of the Mahometains there were above three h●ndred slain upon the place. But let us return into France, and observe the tragical History of two famous Murders, which happened this year, by reason of Adultery: the one in Burgundy, Murders happened this year for Adultery. the other at Paris. The first of a Gentlewoman, which caused her Husband to be slain, and his Nephew, by her Ruffians: and the last o● a Gentleman which slew his Wife and her Adulterer, finding them in bed together. In the jurisdiction of the Town of Langres (in a Village called Aprez) claud Berenger Lord of Pont, and Guillemette of Metz his Wi●e made their residence, having also a Nephew of the said Berengers with them named also the Pont. This Woman being suborned by a canons Bastard of Langres, named Chauvitey, Nicholas journeè and john Pernet called the youth, to satisfy their fleshly lust without suspi●ion, and at more liberty, they resolved with her and a Maid of hers to make away her Husband and his Nephew. This plot being laid, they found an easy means for the execution. These three Adulterers seeing the Gentleman gone to Langres, go a hunting with his Nephew, whom they slew in the thick of a Wood, and thr●we him into a deep hollow place betwixt two high rocks, out of the which he could never be drawn. These Murderers seeing themselves rid of this poor young man, reported unto the Gentlewoman what they had done, concluding with her to cut her Husband's throat at his return from Langres, the which they put in practise the same night that he returned, for this poor Gentleman having received a kiss (of this daughter of judas,) being very weary, went to bed and slept, the which she knew, and presently brought these Murderers into his chamber, who coming easily to this poor young man's bed, being a sleep, they cut his throat, and bury him abroad among the Rocks. After this Murder they give it out, that the Lord of Pont was slain in his voyage to Langres. His Wife puts on a Mourning weed, and makes a counterfeit show of heaviness: but God suffers not such offences to be unrevealed, a poor man found out the hole where they had buried him, and gave notice thereof unto the justice, who went to the place, and caused the Gentlewoman to be brought thither, who at the first seemed not to know him, but seeing that he was known by every one, and vanquished by apparent signs, which they showed her, in the end she knew him. But the Officers did not proceed against her with that dexterity that Lugoly did to the wife of claud Anthoine a Merchant of Wines at Paris, who had also caused her Husband Anthoine to be s●aine coming from a house of his, by Soldiers whom one named Ium●au (her Adulterer) had suborned, for the Wife of the said Anthony was hanged, and jumeau broken alive at the place Maubert: but this Gentlewoman du Pont, seeing the justice to proceed against her by Informations, and that they meant to apprehend her, she made an escape with all her Complices and her Servant,, and could never after be taken; yet through their contempt their process was made, and all of them were hanged in Picture. The other accident happened at Paris, One Scipio at Paris slew his Wi●e & her Adulterer together. of a Gentleman which slew his Wife and her Adulterer lying together, in this manner. This Gentleman called Seigneur Scipio, being advertised that his Wife (a fair young Gentlewoman) did abandon herself to lust, and defiled his bed with a young man: he admonished his Wife, and said unto her; That he did willingly pardon what was past, but if she returned any more to her sin, he would kill her with her Ruffian, if he found them together. The Gentlewoman scorns this advice; and to an other given her by a Wise and Virtuous Gentlewoman; That if she did not carry herself more discreetly, without doubt her Husband would do her a shrewd turn. She answered her, That her Husband was too very a Fool to attempt it. Seigneur Scipio advertised of the Impudence & lewd behaviour of his Wife, takes his horse, & makes a show to go into the Country: his wife goes to the Sermon at S. german l Auxerrois, Scipio returns, and shuts himself into his Closet unknown of any one. The Sermon being done, she returned presently to her house, and 〈…〉 her Adulterer of her Husband's absence's, who failed not to come at the 〈◊〉 she gave him, and then they went into the Husband's bed: who 〈◊〉 off his Closet, found them naked together, and slew them, the Adulterer had 〈◊〉 wounds, and the Woman seven and twenty: and ●o their detestable sin was 〈◊〉 by the view of their dead bodies, the which were brought before the justice, being ● lamentable thing, and pietifull to behold. The Husband did easily obtain his 〈◊〉 the which proceeds from the King's bounty. It is a just grief the which may 〈◊〉 transport a Husband, A Pardon promised to all that were of the Duke of Bi●ons conspiracy. finding his Wife with an other, as these poor 〈◊〉 wretches were. The King about this time pardoned all those, that had been 〈…〉 Duke of Birons' Conspiracy, so as they came & declared themselves within two 〈◊〉 and caused their Pardons to be confirmed. The Town of Emden as we have 〈◊〉, was in quarrel with the Earl of East- Friesland, the which increased in 〈…〉 the Inhabitants seeing the Earl to hinder their Navigation, having buil● up 〈◊〉 divers places, The trouble of Emden. and by this means to force them to Obedience: being thus 〈◊〉 they demand succours from the States of the United Provinces, they which they ea●●●y obtain. Entering into the Earl's jurisdiction with these succours, they bring a●l vn●er their command, and press the Earl in such sort, as he is forced to go and purge himself of that which was imputed unto him before the States at the Hage, & to re●●●st them to be a means to end their Controversies, the which they did at his request ●●ping by this means a Peace would be soon made betwixt them. Afterwards there was a Complaint made to the Electors of the Empire, The Earl goes to purge h●m●l●e at the 〈◊〉. (for that Emden is of the inferior Circle) unto whom the States sent to lay open their reasons of the assistance which they had sent to the Inhabitants of Embden. That it was well known the Earl was greatly favoured by the Spaniard, and that he pretended to deliver the Town of Embden to the Archduke, Excuses made by the States of the 〈◊〉 Provinces. to be Master of the Sea by that means, and to annoy the Estates, with their Allies and Confederates. That therefore they held it a part of their duties, to mediate a good accord betwixt them, the which they had propounded at Delfe, where with the Earl in the beginning was well pleased. But since ●e broke off, and hath built Forts upon the River of Amise, the which was never tolerated in any of his Predecessors. ●hat they might justly suspect him, for that one of his brethren followed the Archduke, who had of late sent him into Spain. That the Archduke pretended to be Earl of East- Friesland, as it appeare● by the Peace of Veruins, where he gives himself the Title. Moreover they were duly advertised of the said Archdukes practices against them who sought all means to surprise them, and that it had been resolved on at Bruxelles. They therefore required the said Electors to take in good part what they had done▪ ha●ing no intent to prejudice the ●ights of the Empire, but to assure their Provinces by all means, and in like sort to help their Neighbours and Friends, to maintain their Liberties and Freedoms. These excuses were held by some of the Deputies for available, and by others, that they were not to be regarded, notwithstanding, having consulted upon all the points, The Duke of 〈◊〉 enterprise upon Geneva. and considered of the reasons on either side, the Treaty of Peace was continued betwixt the Earl and the Inhabitants of Embden. The Discourse of the eterprises and intelligences which the Duke of Savoy and his Father have had, to surprise the City of Geneva, with their pretensions, and their defence on the contrary side to maintain their Liberties, would make a good volume. They relied upon the the public assurance of the Treaties of Veru●ns, Paris and Lions, in the which they held themselves to be comprehended, and so assured from all the designs of their neighbours. The Duke of Savoy did not hold himself tied by the Peace, not to seek the means to become Master thereof, and to reign there as his Predecessors had done, and that there was no danger to break his Faith, with People of a contrary Religion. This City doth so much import his Estates, as it deserves, if not to break the Peace, at the least to strain and wrest it. It is situated at the end of Lake Leman, The situation of Geneu●. which serves for a Ditch on the North part: The River of Rhosne passeth by the Town on the West side, and upon the East and South is the Country of Savoy, the Great and Rich Plains of the Baylewikes of Thono● and Ternier, and the Countries of Chablais and Fou●igny. The Duke had great pretensions to it, The Duke's pretensions. as Sovereign of the Country of Geneva, and Vicar perpetual of the Empire. He maintained, that if the Bishop of Geneva had any absolute authority, it was without prejudice to the Sovereignty, the which hath always remained to his Predecessors, as Earls of Morienne or D●kes of Savoy. The City of Geneva (who to maintain her liberty finds all propositions of servitude troublesome and strange, The defence o● the Genevois. hath always detested the Savoyards' command) says; That the Bishops of Geneva have been always sovereign Princes of their City, and that the Earls of Savoy and Geneva, have often done homage to the Bishops of Geneva, for the Barronyes of Terrier, Remilly, Montfaucon, and for the County of Geneva. That the Duke of Savoy can pretend no right, as Vicar perpetual of the Empire, being granted by surprise, and revoked after examination of the cause by the same Emperor, who upon complaint made unto him by a Bishop of Geneva, called Ardutius, declared that he had been surprised in that behalf, The Vicariat obtained by Veod Earl of Savoy in the year 13●6. & r●u●ke● in the year 1383. and disannulled all that he had given to the Earl of Savoy his Cousin, forbidding him to contradict this revocation, upon pain of his indignation, and a thousand Marks of pure Gold. The parties differing upon the main point, the question could not be decided without proof. The Duke would have no other production, but his Title of Duke and Sovereign of Geneva, to maintain the which he besieged the Town, and brought it to extremity, as hath been showed elsewhere. It is true, that without the King's protection this city could not long resist the forces of the Duke of Savoy. Being abandoned by the King, there is no defence for them, but will prove weak, against so mighty a Neighbour, who shall be always assisted by the greatest Forces of Italy and Spain. And if they be succoured by them of Bearn with whom they have an equal alliance, they shall ruin the hazard of Common weals, which in the end have been recompensed with a forced subjection. The Swisses propound not bare words in their Amity's, they ground them upon equality of profit. The humour of this City is to be free, there is not any Citizen but speaks freely to any Prince how great soever, as Demosthenes said, when they talked of the mild and easy command of Antipater. We will have no Master how gentle soever. The Inhabitants of this City have an hereditary hatred against the Duke, the which is so rooted in them, as if he did press them by force to the extremities of a Siege, they would resolve with them of Xanthe to mingle their Ashes with the smoke of their Houses. The Duke having attempted what he could by Force, resolves to surprise them now by Policy. He made an enterprise as full of proofs of his Courage, judgement and good Conduct, as of his Misfortune. It had been long in hand, and yet nothing was discovered, yet was it well known, that he had caused Ladders to be made. That from all parts he drew unto him Men of Resolution; that he had good numbers at Chambery well paid, and well entertained, attending the full ripeness of this design, and yet they knew not how he would employ them, preparing only their Hearts and Arms for the execution of their Prince's Commandments, referring the Conduct thereof to his wisdom. Yet could they not believe that this design was against them of Geneva, for that he Treated with them of the Liberty of Traffic, having some few days before sent Precedent Rochette to let them understand that it was expedient to Treat of some manner how to live for the ease of the people. They were so well pleased with this motion and his assurances, that although Cities of this condition do not easily believe them that make War against them, yet they were lulled a sleep therewith, and neglected their preservation, thinking that there was nothing of more power to defend them, than the Treaties of Peace betwixt France, Spain and Savoy. In like sort the Duke's Subjects went so freely to Geneva, as the Eve before this execution, certain Gentlemen who knew something of this design, being come into the City to buy Horses said▪ That they would come the next day to conclude the bargain: and others had used the like speeches for other Merchandise, believing that the victory was assured▪ but Heaven which laughs at the presumptions of these Imaginations, had resolved to humble them. The Governor of Lions had speedy intelligence, that the Duke of Savoy was come on this side the Alpes, and that he had brought scaling Ladders: he advertised the King thereof, and made provision for the City of Lions. D' Albigny Lieutenant General for the Duke on this side the Alpes, had drawn them down, and lodged them in Towns nearest to Geneva, The Rendezvous was at Chambery, the time of the execution was referred to the General. The Troops began to march about six of the clock: Brignolles Governor of Bonnes had been a chief actor in this design, holding it so certain, as he said. He would die if he did not live in Geneva. D' Albigny had set guards upon all the ways to stay all passengers, that no report might go before them, and that the D●ke of Savoys marching might be unknown, to whom they represented the execution to be so easy & certain, as he would needs be there himself in pe●son to reap the fruit, and the triumph which his Grandfather had begun. He passed the Alpes but ●ith five in his company, & came the same day near unto Tremblieres, a village but a league distant from Geneva. They which should execute the enterprise and attempt first, went along the river of Albe, that the noise of the water might keep the Sentinels from hearing them as they marched. Two things happened that were predictions of ba● success. Bad signs. There appeared unaccustomed fires in the air. A Hare crossed them many times in their way, and gave them a false Alarm. Many things were seen that night that troubled their imagination, causing them to take Groves for squadrons of Men, & Thistles for Lances, as it happened once before Paris. About eleven of the clock at night, they discovered certain stakes, on the which the Serge-makers of Geneva did dry their Serge. Those that were in the foremost ranks would have charged them, thinking it was some Ambuscado. From thence they pass along the River of Rhosne, placing the body of their Troops in the meadow of Plainpallais, Brignolet with those that were appointed for the Scaladoe, follow D' Albigny who leads them into the D●tches by the Counterscarpe, on the side of Corratiere, without being discovered by the Sentinels, although the Du●kes in the D●tch made what noise they could to awake them of Geneva, as the Geese had done at Rome against the Gauls. They passed the Ditch upon Hurdells, and planted three Ladders against the Walls, they were of a strange Invention, being portable upon Moils, and to be made as long and as short as they pleased, and yet they were as strong as if they had been but of one piece. If they had been as fortunate, as they were well furnished of all things necessary, they had executed their design happily. They had made provision of Hatchets, Hammers and Pincers, to cut in sunder Chains of Iron, break open Locks and to pull out great Nails and bars of Gates. They had many Petards, and ●ewe that could use them. Fortune which is powerful in such enterprises failed them, after that she had brought them into the midst of the Town, and made them Masters of the streets above two hours. There were almost two hundred men mounted by one of these Ladders. Brignolet was the first, carrying himself more valiantly then wi●ely. Having recovered the Wall, he surprised the Soldier that stood Sentinel, he got the Word from him and slew him, and cast him into the Ditch, staying in his place for him that went the Round, that he might do as much to him, the which he effected, coming to give him the word in his ear. The first discovery of the surprise. The Boy which carried the Lantern fled, and advertised the Corpse de guard what had happened to his Master, wherewith notwithstanding they were not greatly moved. This was betwixt one and two of the clock, attending the hour of four, for than they had propounded to begin the execution, meaning to give more time to them that were to second them, and to have the day draw near, for that in all executions of war which are done in the night, there is confusion. The Assailants had a good hours respite to mount, and as much time more before they encountered any that made resistance. If D' Albigny had been within to use the benefit of the time, and to dispose more wisely of things, then Sonas, Brignolet, or Attignac had done, they might boldly have said the Town had been won. Half an hour after two of the clock, a sentinel in the Tower of the mint, having heard some rustling in the ditch, shot off his piece to give the Alarm, and forced Brignolet to discover himself, charging all that were at the Corpse de guard of the new gate, to plant the Petard there, and to make an entry for the body of the army which was in Plainpalais. The Portcullis at the new gate cut down. They forced the Corpse de guard being but five and twenty men▪ but against the Maxims of war, which commands them to kill all, they let one escape, who ran up and let down the Portcullis. to make their Petard unprofitable. The Town was full of cries and fearful exclamations, whereof the Savoyards' should have made their profit, & increased their courages, as it did daunt the Inhabitants, who knew not which way to run, some criing to one gate, others running to an other. But the Assailants lost themselves in the appearance of so happy a success. Those without should have given an Alarm at some gate, to divide the ●orces of the Town. Those that were within, made no use of their Hatchets, Hammers, and Pincers: they did forget to ●ire some houses, and they were surprised with a dullness of spirit, thinking more of booty and spoil, then to make perfect their Conquest. In the mean time, the Consul cries as they did sometimes at Rome. He that loves me, let him follow me. Some Countrymen of the neighbour villages which kept guard in the townhouse by turns, being led by some Captains and Townsmen, presented themselves to the new gate, they were valiantly repulsed, and yet the first shot they made, slew their Petardiar, Brignolet slain● who was busy about his Petard. This first charge had not dislodged them, if the whole strength of the Inhabitants had not come, and charged them so furiously, as they began to give way, showing neither conduct nor courage. Necessity which breeds assurance, even unto them that are borne without courage, made the Townsmen so resolute in this defence, as the Savoyards' did presently turn their backs. The nimblest were forced to return to their ladders, which now could no longer serve them, for a Cannon planted upon the Bulwark de l' Oye against the d●tch, had broken them in such sort, as they left four and diffie dead upon the place, along the Curtyne of Corrate●re, and thi●teene that were taken alive. If the Townsmen had had soldiers enough to have made a fallie in this Confusion, those that were at Plainpalais had not returned in so good order. There were thirteen taken alive, upon promise that was given them that they should be prisoners of war, for else they would have preferred an honourable death, before any promise's that was made them, to take them alive, and to disarm them. Attignac was among them, who fought courageously, and gave the order of Saint Maurice (which he wore) to his servant, willing him to save himself, The resolution of the B●ron of Attignac. being resolved to die with his sword in his hand. It had been better for him to have been slain at the Combat of D. Philippin, then to be reserved for so ignominious a death. The Seigneurie would not entreat them as prisoners taken in the war, but like thieves that had entered the Town by the wall, against the Law of Nations, and the public faith. The prisoners are entreated like thieves. They said that the D●ke was too noble a Prince to advow so wicked and treacherous an Act. There were many opinions upon the judgement of their death. The most modest concluded to have them put to ransom, others to keep them prisoners, that they might serve for exchange if occasion required, through the continuance of the war: ●ut the most violent stirred up the people, representing unto them their Religion, the ravishing of their Wives, and Daughters: the Murder, Sack and perpetual slavery concluded against them, and the lamentations of their Widows & Children that had been slain, the which being well considered off, made the mildest opinions seem unjust. So as they were condemned to be hanged. They requested their Heads might be cut off like Gentlemen, They were conde●●ed to be hanged. the which was granted them, but it was after they had been strangled. The threescore and seventeen Heads, as well of those that had been hanged, as of the others that had been slain, were planted upon the Galloes', and their bodies thrown into the River of Rhosne. On the Tuesday after they made a general Fast for their delivery. They presently sent to all their neighbours for Succours. They published in all places, the wonders of this delivery. They writ unto the Governor of Lions in this manner. Letters from the signory of Geneva to Mon●ieure de la Guic●● Governor of Lions. My Lord, you have understood heretofore, by many of our Letters, how his Highness of Savoy, notwithstanding that he knew, and had confessed▪ that we were comprehended in the Peace made in january 1600. betwixt his royal Majesty of France and him: yet he hath oppressed us in sundry sorts, not only by the detaining of our Revenues; forbidding of traffic and other Violences and Extortions, yielding nothing to the many and just admonitions of his Majesty, but also hath attempted often to invade and surprise us in this time of Peace. So it is, that to glut his pernicious design, the Lord of Albigny on Saturday last the eleventh of this month, about Midnight, had brought before our Town, on the side of Plainpalais, about two thousand choice men, Horse and Foot, and had cast about two hundred into our Ditch, near unto the old Gate of Corratiere, and having planted Ladders one within an other, he had caused them to mount about three of the clock on the Sunday morning the twelfth of the month, encouraging them, being himself in the Ditch, so as being entered into the Town, some went to the Newegate to plant the Petard, and to draw in the body of their Troops, which made a stand in the Meadow of Plainpalais, others would have seized upon the Minte-gate, and so have entered into the midst of our Town. But it pleased our good God to look upon us with a favourable eye, and to give courage to our Men, so as they have repulsed them so valiantly, as they have slain the be●t part of them upon the place, and some others have been taken, and since hanged by our commandment. The rest have cast themselves headlong down the Walls, so as we hear that many of them are dead or grievously hurt. But it is likely that the Lord of Albigny will continue his hatred against us; having also intelligence, that his Highness is not far from us. We therefore most humbly pray and entreat you withal our affections, that it would please you duly to consider the prejudice which the taking of our Town would bring unto his Maiest●es service, and to continue your favour towards us, and assist us, with your Wise and Grave advice. etc. Many judged of the end of this enterprise by the beginning, and were more diligent to write then they had been to execute it well. They believed in Court, that Geneva was taken. The King had intelligence, that the Duke was Master of the Town, and the manner of the execution was represented with so great ease and happiness, as there was less reason to doubt it then to believe it. The truth was not known but by Letters from the Governor of Lions, the which came before any discourse that was published by the Town that was delivered. The Duke repast the Mountains in post, his Troops remained a league from Geneva in three places, The Duke returns in post. at To●non, F●ssigny and Ternier. He commanded his Ambassador to give the Senate of Berne to understand, that he had not made this enterprise to trouble the quiet of the Cantons, Hi● declaration by his Ambassador to the Senate of B●a●ne. but to prevent L'Esdiguieres from being Master thereof, who intended to deliver it up afterwards unto the King, who had been too mighty a Neighbour, and would have given them altogether occasion to fear him. The issue o● this Enterprise did show, that God will not have Treaties violated, for the assurance whereof his Name hath been invocated, notwithstanding any pretext of Religion. Witness Lewis King of Hungary in the unfortunate battle of Varne against the Turks, where he had broken his Faith. The King promiseth to secure them of Geneva. The King advertised of the success of this enterprise, he sent word unto the Magistrates of this Commonweal, that if their Enemy did attempt by a settled siege, or by open War any thing against them, he would assist them, and employ all his forces for their defence, 1603. commanding the Governors and Lieutenant's General of the nearest Provinces, to aid them all they could. The Cantons of Bearne and Fribourg allied to Geneva, being advertised of this attempt, sent twelve hundred Swisses, and the King who had an interest that it should not fall under the command of any other Prince or Commonweal, sent also six hundred French. All prepares to War, the Genevois made some courses into the Duke of Savoyes' Country, and surprised S. Geny of Adust, they imagined upon a little good success, to extend their limits unto Mont Cenis. The King commanded De Vi● his Ambassador in Suisserland, (who returned then to his charge) to pass by them, to assure them, that he was not of their humours, which frame not their affections, nor bind not the duties of friendship but upon good events, loving Friends no longer, than they draw profit from them. That he would never fail them for their defence and protection desiring to know of them, what means they might have to make an offensive War, to the end, the succours he should send them, might be profitably employed. Monsieur ●e Vi●, ●entto Geneva. They received De Vic with a public applause, sending forth the French Horse and Foot, to meet him: but as he was deceived in this unexpected Ceremony, so were many others which thought that he came to encourage them to War. They heard his Propositions in a pri●ate Conference, exhorting them rather to a long and durable Peace, then to a short War. They entreated him to propound the like in their general Assembly, which no man else durst do, every one holding it a Crime, and a sign of Baseness, not to prefer the councils of War, War is pleasing to men that know it not. before any Accord, and not to enter in Hostile manner into the Duke's Country. Some which had never seen War, but in the Idea, conceived Victories in their imaginations, building upon the Snow of Mont Cenis. I hat it would not continue above six months; that the War would be no less profitable for the good of their Common weal, nor less happy, than it had been to their Neighbours, in the time of Duke Charles: and that all that had any interest in their preservation would assist them. That all those great Spirits which delighted in the exercise of War, would come and offer them their Arms and Lives. De Vic through the truth and excellency of his discourse, gave them to understand; That Peace was so necessary for them, and War so prejudicial, as they had great reason to embrace the one, and to fly the other. That although the causes of War, be always goodly, and the means made easy, yet the effects were no less terrible, the success being not always answerable to their hopes. That a foreign War was profitable, and to be undertaken when as Civil Wars could not be otherwise avoided: but a well settled Estate, which hath always lived happily by Peace, should not seek these storms, nor take delight to be at War with her Neighbours. Thus he persuaded them to embrace Peace, but a Peace with these three qualities, Assured, Profitable, and Honourable. A Peace confirmed by an equal Commerce of all Commodities, and which should root out all occasions of War. They entered into some Truce with the Duke, but having required assurances for the observation thereof, it being not honourable, they proceeded no farther, and the Duke gave them to understand that it was indifferent to him, whether they were his friends or enemies. The King who is a Prince full of justice and Integrity, foreseeing that this War would not be ended by them that did begin it, Desired to maintain the Peace which was so necessary for all Christendom, for the which he had laid aside Arms, The Cant●●s of the Swisses mediators of a Peace. when as he might hope for most fruit for the increase of his Estates His Ambassador therefore in Suisserland persuaded the Cantons of Glaris, Bas●e, Soleurre, Schaffouze and Appenzel, as least suspected and interessed, to be the mediators of this Accord. There was some difficulty, but the signory wearied with a War▪ the profit whereof could not repair the ruins which the want of Peace should cause, and having tried that all the profit they could hope for, depended on their neighbours succours. That hope which is not maintained but by foreign supports, is always ruinous: That they had no means to revenge the wrong that was done unto them: That there was no likelihood that the Catholic Swisses would break with the Duke of Savoy for their respect: That being so near they must of force apply themselves to some quiet and equal kind of living▪ Gen●ua resolves to a Peace. They yielded to the persuasions of their friends and Allies, and by their advice relinquished many demands which their Council had resolved, and the Duke had rejected as unjust and dishonourable. The Conference of the Treaty was at Rovilly with D' Albigny; and the Conclusion at Saint julien, betwixt the deputies of either part. If the issue hath been happy and profitable to both parties, A Peace concluded betwixt the Duke of Savoy and the Town of Geneva in july 1603. they are bound to none but the grace of God and to the King's wisdom, who desiring to entertain the public quiet hath made a peaceful union of those wills that were so much divided, for at his Instance the Swisses had laid a side more Musket's and Pikes which they had provided, then had been seen in Savoy in ten years before, and they of Geneva did moderate their demands, not so much for any respect of their enemy, as to please the King, yet the malicious gave it out that the King had incensed them to War by his Ambassadors. The Consulate of Lions had obtained of the King (at the Queen's entreaty, and in consideration of the Honour done her at her entry) a Privilege, by the which none might come to be Sheriffs, that were not Towne-borne Children, A Primledge granted to the City of Lions. it was the same prerogative which Pescenius Niger had given unto the Romans', forbidding any person to be admitted to public charges that was not borne and bred a Roman. Every Privilege which causeth an inequality among Citizens (living under the same Laws) is the Apple of discord and cause of division, like unto that of the Bianchi and Neri at Florence. This new distinction of persons must needs cause dangerous innovations in a City, where the inner part is more to be feared then the outward. Those which pretended to be from their beginning, by birth and affection of the Country of Lions, seeing themselves perpetually excluded from the most honourable charges within the City, had recourse unto the King, laying before him the inequality of this Privilege, the disgrace which they received, and the ruin which should fall upon the City, when the Inhabitants should abandon the place of their abode, and that they might not remain in a place where without offence or any just cause, they were for ever deprived of that little Honour they might hope for, after they had served the Public in many burdensome charges. Those which were originally borne at Lions said, that the Inhabitants of the Country coming thither, laboured more for their own profit, then for the good of the public, & did not much affect the public good, if they did not hope for their own private commodities, having no hands but for themselves. That it was neither profitable nor commendable to impart the chief Honours, and to commit the government of the City to new men, for many reasons which have been set down by the wise, but especially lest they confound the ancient Order & Gournement with strange Customs and Manners. The King considering that a small matter doth trouble a multitude (as the encounter of a ditch doth disorder the ranks of an Army when it marcheth) he gave them to understand that he desired they should agree together, The King will not have this privilege to be the cause of any division. sending them to la Guiche Governor of Lions to reconcile these wills divided only upon this subject, but united in all other points that concerned the obedience and service of his Majesty. This division began to decrease when as they understood that his majesties pleasure was to content both parties, to reduce things to the ancient order wherein they had lived happily, and not to suffer the good correspondency which had been betwixt the Inhabitants of one City, to be lost by the inequality of this Privilege, the which by fruitless Innovations did alter that which the Ancients had allowed & maintained. The King decl●res that his meaning was not to exclude his subjects but strangers only from the office of Consul. The King therefore commanded that the reasons of either part should be carefully examined & considered of in his Council. The Precedent janin was reporter of this Controversy. The Council having understood the King's intention, and considered of the Governor of Lion's advice, thought, that as they might not change the Ancient Customs in the which they had lived well, so it was just and reasonable to gratify the Original families of the City, for that they had suffered most in these last troubles, and had opposed themselves most resolutely against the faction. They therefore thought it good that there should remain a distinction with some mark or prerogative of honour, reserving the charge of Provost of Merchants for such as were Citizens borne, and that those of the Country which had continued there for ten years Heads of families, should be capable of the Consulship, to enter indifferently with them that were borne there. By this Declaration both the one and the other had part of their demands. The King sending them back, recommended unto them Obedience▪ & Respect to their Governor, and Concord and Unity among themselves. And for that in the last Consular Elections there had been something done indiscreetly, the Chancellor used some words upon that subject, both Grave, Just, and worthy the greatness of his Charge. It is my opinion (said he) that as the King hath an interest that none should be chosen for Magistrates of a Town, but those, The Chancellor's speech. of whose Loyalty his Majesty is well assured, so the more the liberty of election is left unto them, the more obedience should his Majesty, the Governors and Lieutenant's General of Provinces find in the Inhabitants, in that which it should please him to command them. The King desiring to increase the commodities of the Realm, Invention to make silk in France. and to inditch his Subjects, having tried in his royal houses of Fontainbleau, Madril, and the gardens of the Tuielleries, that silk worms might be bred and brought up as happily in France, as in any part of Europe, he resolved to add the art of silk to the felicities of the peace, a speedy and fit remedy to avoid the transport of gold and silver. Hereupon he had the advice of Commissioners deputed for the establishing of the traffic, the which he had chosen as well out of his Council, as of the Sovereign Courts of Parliament, Chamber of Accounts, and Court of aids. They gave his Majesty to understand, that for the more speedy bringing in of this new work, he must of necessity begin by the planting of Mulberry trees, to feed the worms that weave and make the silk, And therefore some expert in that Art, did bind themselves to furnish a great number of white Mulberry trees, and grains to make Nurseries, in 4. parts of his Realm, at Paris, Orleans, Tours, & Lions, who were bound to make their divisions by the first day of April this year, with instructions how to sow and plant Trees and kernels, to govern the worms, to draw and spin the silk, to prepare it, The profit of the art of silk. and make it ready to be sold. There could not be found in this age a more profitable husbandry. The people of Languedoc, Provence, & Daulphiné, have found this labour so successful within these few years, as the only revenue of silk doth now bring more money to these Provinces, than the Corn, Oil, and Woade, although they have great abundance. It doth also begin very happily at Lions, and if it continues, this City will be as famous for silk, as Tyre and Bulis were for Scarlett. The beginning of this year was remarkable by a great and tragical Mutiny in the great Turk's Court. In Turkey all the mischeefs which fall out in the public government, the Spahis and jannissaries impute unto the Baschas, and if they do not their duties, they blame him from whom they have their authority. The Serivano who commanded in Asia, being revolted against the great Turk, Rebel on in Asia against the Turk. had found such weak resistance as he thought nothing could fail him in his enterprise, so as resolution which is tried in war, more than in any other action did not fail him. He was so hardy as he came in arms within 3. or 4. days journey of Constantinople, wherewith the Spahis and jannissaries were so moved, as they thought this boldness proceeded, for that he had too much of that, whereof their Emperor had too little, and from the treachery of his Ministers. They conceived so great a despite, as they assembled to the number of thirty five thousand with the people, and presented themselves before the Divan or Tribunal of justice, the which is held in the great Turk's Palace, the four first days of the week. Having set guards at the gates, that they might execute their re●olution more safely, they named ten Spahis, and ten jannissaries to deliver the reasons of this mutiny, and what they desired. As soon as they were entered before the Baschas, whereof the most courageous was not without fear, thinking that the greatest courtesy they could expect from these Barbarians, was that which Ulysses attended of Poliphemus, to be devoured last. They first demanded to have Ass●n Bascha delivered unto them, who thinking his head should serve for a sacrifice to pacify this fury, went all amazed through this mutinous multitude, protesting of his Innocency, and calling upon his Prophet to discover the truth. Having heaped injuries and reproaches on him, they asked him rudely whence it proceeded, that whilst the chief forces of the Empire were in Hungary to recover Alba Regalis, they had altogether neglected to stay and ruin the proceed of the Rebels in Asia. He answered that he had done his duty whilst that he had the charge of the army in Asia, but seeing himself ready to die, he desired that his death might profit the public, and that in discharging his Conscience, he might declare the causes of these ruins. He said that it proceeded only from the bad government of the emperors Mother, and of his Cipiaga. At these words they demanded to speak with the Emperor, who presented himself in the Imperial seat with the high Priest of the Law 〈◊〉 Mophty: the Emperor having commanded the Mophty, Presidents, the chief of the justice, and the Doctors of the Law to sit down, (so great the respect is to men of that sort, in a Nation of so small respect) the Baschas standing up, the chief of the seditious presenting himself, demanded leave to speak, which being granted, he said thus. Great, Mighty, and most Happy Emperor, the Spahis and jannissaries your obedient slaves, full of gree●e and compassion to see your highness Estate in danger to be lost, desire to know the cause why your greatness doth not remedy it, and employ the means which God hath given you. They suppose that the rebels courses in Asia are unknown unto you, seeing they have been so hardy as to come in arms so near unto your Imperial abode, without le●t or resistance. They desire to know, if all hath been made known unto him, and if he will take upon him the care of the government of this Monarchy, the which by his negligence, is like unto great members well proportioned, but have little or no vigour, or if he be contented that all be dismembered, and every one to take what share he can. The jannissaries power in Turkey. The jannissaries are they, which may speak boldest in Turkey, they are the reins of the Empire: the Prince's children acknowledge no other Father, nay rather the great Turk is their Creature, for they raise them up unto the Empire, and are bound unto them, as a Cup of gold is unto the file, the scissors, and the hammer that works it. If Mahomet had done as one of his Predecessors advised in the like mutiny, if he had opposed virtue and courage to this furious multitude, it had dispersed of itself. He carried himself too couldly, and framed his countenance with a Majesty full of mildness, smoothing the choler he had in his heart, with the best words his tongue could deliver, imputing the disorder of his affairs, to the Infidelity of his Ministers, and the disguising of the truth. That before their complaint, he had resolved to redress it, and to take from them all occasion of complaint, or to use any such speech, which was not befitting them, whose example of obedience and respect, should profit the rest of his Subjects. Then they demanded of Assan Bascha, why he had not given an account of the Rebels proceed unto his Highness? He answered that he had never failed of his duty, but that the Cipiaga had always hindered him from doing it, saying, that it was not needful to give him that distaste, but to repair the disorders as well as they could. That the cause of all the disorder, proceeded from the Empress his Mother, and from his C●piaga. Then the mutineers said, that they were there assembled to require their heads, being resolved to take a course if he refused it, meaning thereby to make an other Emperor. The great Tur●e answered, that he would not for their humours, put such as they demanded innocently to death, but they should rest contented to have it examined by justice, if they deserved death: and then he would give them his own Son if he were culpable. The Mutyners replied, that he had not put his Brethren to death by justice, but for the preservation of the State: that those which they demanded, were so guilty, as the deserved not to have their Process made; that the Laws how just soever should be unprofitable, and justice injury, if they did not punish them, and therefore it must be so, else they would provide for it themselves. As for the Emprese his Mother, they were contented she should be confined to some place a far of. It is a strange thing to see a Prince forced by the sedition and mutiny of his subjects, A Prince forced to please a seditious multitude. to deliver an Officer at their discretions. It had been more Honourable and just to have suffered them to take him by force, or to have given him means to escape. The violent resolution of these mutineers, made the Emperor wisely to yield to what they demanded, causing his Cipyaga and the others to be brought forth▪ who presented themselves like men half dead. The great Turk doth what he can to save them, and the mutineers made a terrible and fearful cry to have them dispatched. When as they saw their heads, they were satisfied and commended the Prince's justice, who being moved with the los●e of them that were so dear unto him, he commanded the Executioner to proceed, and that he should do unto the chief Baschas (who he knew were beloved and respected of the jannissaries) as he had done unto his Aga, but their murmurs and mutiny were doubled, and the Emperor was forced to temper his choler with patience. The emperors Mother was reserved for the seed of an other revolt▪ She alone commands in this Empire whilst the Prince doth drown the warlike virtues of the Ottomans in Delights and voluptuosness. The King of Persia considering the authority of his resolutions, instead of sending an Ambassador to his Court, two years since sent a great Lady, supposing that being brought into the Serrailias, A woman sent in Ambassage. she of herself in speaking to the Empress should do that which Ambassadors could not Treat but by the participation of many. This Accident was seconded soon after by an other much more tragical. The great Turks wife being of an Ambitious and insolent humour, (qualities common to that sex, especially when it is accompanied with great power) seeing these ordinary mutines against a Prince of small courage and of less revenge, ●hee cast forth some words among her familiars to know i● her son should succeed his Father. This was reported unto Mahomet, who believed that she carried more the desire of a bad Wife then the affection of a good Mother. It thrust him into choler, and choler into such fury, as he imagined she had an intent to poison him, and condemning her (of that whereof nothing but jealousy and his suspicion did accuse her) he caused her to be drowned, and his Son to be strangled in his own presence, The great Turks cruelty to his wife and Son. with some men and women to the number of fourteen that did serve them. He sought to disguise this cruelty with an other reason, saying, that finding the disability of his Son for generation, he would not have him succeed in the Empire, to the end that the race of the Ottomans which had held the Sceptre so many years, should not fail for want of a successor, and that the Law of his Prophet, which doth allow the Turks (like unto the Medes) o have as many Wives as they can maintain should not be unprofitable to him. A prodigious jealousy of sovereign Command, more violent among the Ottomans, then among all the other Princes of the world. They cannot endure the just hopes of their Children, and deprive themselves whilst they live of that content which the Father reaps by the presence of his posterity, being the Images of his life. It must needs be an extreme passion, when as it forceth them so brutishly to ●eare in pieces the Laws of Nature, & thrusts both Fathers & Children on to such horrible crimes. Parricids and ●ratricids are not strange in Turkey. Parricides and ●ratricid●s ordinary in Turkey. It seems their Empire was built up on this barbarousness, to murder all that might hinder their Command, as you may read at large in the Turkish History. This blow being given to the greatest person of the Empire, amazed all the rest. The Scrivano seeing this Prince to seek him by all mild courses, dared not refuse it, fearing to try his cruelty, and as the one promised to forget what was past, so the other swore all obedience & fidelity to come, and to serve him against the Emperor in his Army in Hungary, whether he marched by the strait of Dardanelles with twelve thousand men, having first taken possession of the government of Bosne, wherewith Mahomet did recompense his coming in, and his return. The Scrivano reconciled. The taking of Lepanthe did as much amaze the great Turk, as the loss of a Battle in the same place did his Grandfather. They believed at Constantinople, that Don ivan of Austria (whom Spain calls the terror of the Turks) was risen again. The two castles of Lepanthe taken by the Knights of Malta. All that made resistance, were slain, and all that yielded to save their lives, lost their liberties. This was the third victory gotten by the valour of the great Master of Malta and of his Knights, in the third year of his Command. The King went to Metz and took the Queen with him. The cause of his voyage was the bad Intelligence betwixt Sobole commanding in the Citadel, and the Inhabitants of the Town. The Duke of Espernon showed in this trouble, as in many other more dangerous, The voyage to Metz. that of the two best things of our life, Happiness is the first, and Wisdom the second. Sobole was one of them to whom he had yielded a part of that great and incomporable favour which he had during the reign of the deceased King. Having the Government of Metz from the King, he made Sobole his Lieutenant of the Town and Citadel, in whom he had as much confidence, as he had vowed his affection unto him. As the great troubles in the year 1589. had made France like unto a troubled River, fit for Ambitious men to fish in, so those which held places of importance began to raise their authorities as high as the liberty of the time, and the forgetfulness of the French would suffer them. Two or three years after the Duke of Espernon was troubled in Provence, and his credit cracked with the King. They say that Sobole began then to carry himself more proudly than he was wont, using no moderation, which is the perfect ornament of prosperity. He suffered himself to be called Governor. A title which did add nothing to his profit and commodity, and did breed him jealousy with his equals, bad opinion in the judgement of his Superiors, and hatred and fear in the hearts of his Inferiors. There was an other occasion which made his carriage more odious, which was the Pursuit he made against the principal of the Town, for Treason and Conspiracy. They were freed from prison being Innocent, but they took this resolution to free themselves from the command of Sobole▪ It is the humour of the people to write any good they have received upon the Water, and to engrave the wrongs are done them in brass. The Duke of Espernon passing by Metz to go to the Spawe, heard great complaints against Sobole, the which he did but hear, finding that there was some jealousy of his abode at Metz, for as often as he sent for him to eat or play with him, and to bring his Brother with him, the one or the other remained still in the Citadel. Yet the Duke of Espernon entered into the Citadel, and was received with all the honours he could desire, Sobole presented him the keys at the gate, protesting of his affection, and complaining of those which said he would re●use him the entry: the soldiers stood with their pikes up, and their Harguebuses and musket's upon their shoulders, and the Halberds behind them. The D●ke of Espernon returned to Court, to understand the King's pleasure touching these troubles. The Duke of 〈◊〉 goes 〈◊〉 to 〈◊〉 He made a second voyage to Metz. Their murmuring against Sobole was turned into public complaints, and their complaints into Barricadoes betwixt the Citadel and the Town: the Inhabitants were transported with so strange a passion, as they submitted themselves to any thing, so as they might not be commanded by the two brethren. This commotion had not lasted long, if it had not been supported. The presence of the Duke of Espernon gave them courage, who else would have been much amazed. The King first sent Boissize, and then Varane, both which served his Majesty according to his intentions, and disposed Sobole to do whatsoever he should command him, declaring notwithstanding that he would not deliver the place but to himself. This was the occasion of the King's voyage, who went thither in a very unseasonable time. Upon the brute of his going many Princes of Germany sent to take up their lodgings at Metz, who notwithstanding (hearing that the King would make but small abode, and the time being troublesome) came not out of their Stoves, so as there came not any but the Duke of Deux Ponts, the Landgrave of Hesse, & the Prince of Brandebourg. The King finding the hatred betwixt Sobole and the Inhabitants to be irreconcilable, was advised to give the charge of the Citadel to Arquien, Lieutenant of the Colonels Company, of the Regiment of his majesties guards, and the Lieutenancy of the government of the Town and of the Country of Messin to Montigny his Brother, to hold them as Lieutenants of his Majesty in the absence of the Duke of Espernon. The King would not enter into Metz before that Sobole was out of the Citadel. Sob●le delivers up the Citadel. Some thought he would not have been ●o obedient, but he showed he had no design beyond his duty. This was a disgrace unto him: He blamed his ●ortune, and Fortune accused his bad carriage. The way he took to mainta●ne himself, overthrew h●m. Men must hold great Commands l●ke simple Commissions, and not as Inheritances. They must desire them without Passion, and receive them without Insolency. The King past the feast of Easter at Metz. Where he herd the jesuits requests for their restablishment. They could not find a better opportunity to speak unto the King, then that which Varenne (controller general of the Posts of France) gave them▪ Four● jesuits come to Metz ●o the●● restablishment. giving them Intelligence that the King would come to Metz and their spend the Easter. Hereupon four jesuits of Pont a Mouzon, were deputed to go and do their dutie● unto his Majesty, and to renew the request ●or their return unto those places from the which they had been expelled. They came to Metz on the Wedensday before Easter day, and the next day in the afternoon they had audience in the King's Cabinet, where as the Duke of Espernon, Villeroy, Geure and Varennes were present. The King received them graciously and would not suffer them to kneel, but commanded them to stand up: and although he takes no delight in long speeches, knowing that they come prepared with goodly words. Yet he herd father Ignace Armand with patience and attention, who made a long and eloquent Oration as you may read a lar●e in the Originals. The King answered them very graciously, I wish no harm to the jesuits, and all the ill that I wish to any living Creature, let it happen unto myself. My Court of Parliament hath done some thing against you, but not without good consideration. He received that in writing which they had delivered by mouth, delivered into Villeroy, and having considered thereof, he declared unto them expressly how desirous he was, and what care he would take for their return. If your business (said he were not in the Pope's hands, The Jesuits second 〈◊〉. I would dispatch you presently, but you know it is not expedient to do any thing without him. I will have you. You are profitable for the public and for my Estate. He added moreover that being at Paris he would think seriously of their affairs. They demanded if his Majesty would not be pleased that the three Provincials of their Company in France, accompanied by three others, should attend there at his return, and receive his Commandments. There needs not so many said the King, it shallbe sufficient that you and father Cotton come. The King made this voyage partly to pacify some tro●ble grown betwixt the Cardinal of Lorraine and the Prince of Brandebourg for the Bishopric of Strausbourg, and this was the cause of their quarrel. A Controversy betwixt the Cardin●● of Lo●●a●ne and the Prince of Bra●●ebourg for the Bishopric of Strausbourg. The Bishopric of Strausbourg being void by the decease of their Bishop (who was a Catholic) the Cardinal of Lorraine obtained the grant thereof from his Holiness. But for that they of Strausbourg since the stirs in Germany, had held the confession o● Ausbourg, the deceased Bishop had retired himself out of the City, and lived at a house of his in the Country in his Religion, & yet notwithstanding he received his temporal revenues ●rom them of Strausbourg. On the other side the Marquis of Brandebourg Elector of the Empire, had obtained an Election from them of Strausbourg for one of his Sons, who being named to the Bishopric and received by them of Strausbourg, he will enjoy the Bishop's rights without any other ceremony. Th● Cardinal on the other side having observed the accustomed Order therein, demanded the Bishop's rights of them of Straus●ourg, such as his Predecessor enjoyed, who died a Catholic, and according to the Article of the Interim set down by the Confession of Ausbourg. Hereupon they of Strausbourg made some difficulty, & the rather for that being neighbours unto the Duke of Lorrains' terretories, they have often many controversies to decide as it doth commonly fall out betwixt Neighbours. They had also given their consent to the nomination of the Prince of Brandebourg for superintendant or Administrator, that is to say Bishop after their manner, for these and other private reasons they refused the cardinals demand. The Prince of Brandebourg gets possession, and prepares to withstand the Cardinal, all things tending unto Arms. Many and great Levies of men were made on either side. Those of Strausbourg were also in Alarm, seeking to prevent all disorders if it were possible, yet favouring the Prince of Brandebourg more than the Cardinal of Lorraine. The Emperor had written unto them both, declaring that his Intention was, that neither of them should have wrong. The King was entreated to interpose his authority as a Friend to both parties, for the avoiding of all scandal. The Prince of Brandebourg named Bishop of Strausbourg, was come into France some months before: And they say he remained some days at Troy's, until his Majesty had assigned him a time and place to have the Honour to come & kiss his hands, the which was done at Loges near to Saint german in Say, where the King gave him audience, and so the said Prince was dispatched, with promise of all favour, to compound the Controversy betwixt him and the Cardinal. During the King's abode at Metz, the said Prince of Brandebourg came accompanied with the Landgrave of Hesse, the Duke of Deux Ponts, and a Deputy from the Archbishop of Treves Elector of the Empire: and by their advice it was determined, that the Cardinal should have a portion out of the said Bishopric, and the rest should remain unto the Prince, and by that means they should continue friends as before. Thus a Peace was made betwixt them, the which might el●e have been prejudicial to the whole Empire and to all Christendom. The King went from Metz to Nancy to see the Duchess of Bar his sister, and the Duke of Lorraine. At that time a marriage was concluded betwixt the Duke of Deux Ponts and the Lady Katherine of Rohan, The King returns to Paris. remaining then with the King's sister, and so having provided for all things necessary for the frontier, he took his way to Paris the 7. of April. It is a sign of a happy Reign when the subject rejoiceth to see his King: Provence had been possessed with this desire fifteen years, The King resolved to go into Provence. being the only Province of all France that had not yet seen the King. He was expected there with great Impatiency, having promised after his return from Metz to go thither. As it was reasonable to give comfort to that Province, so was it necessary to fortify that Coast, and to have an eye to the designs of the Sea Army of Spain, which under colour of attempting something upon Algiers, This journey o● Algiers managed by a Franciscan Friar. might fall upon that Coast, by which the Emperor Charles the fift held it the easiest to invade France. The Honour of Christendom made all men to wish that this enterprise had been more happy than the rest. But as oftentimes bad designs prosper better then good, the success depending much upon blind fortune, this enterprise of Algiers had no better success than the two former. It was managed by a Franciscan Friar, who promised unto himself as great Glory in expelling these petty Kings of Africa as Aratus received having purged Sicyonia from Tyrants. He had a promise from the King of Cucco, not only to favour it, but also to declare himself openly, and to reduce Algiers to what extremity they would. Upon this assurance the Viceroy of Maiorque approached with four Galleys. He landed four score men to deliver forty thousand Crowns unto the Moors upon the bargain, and to put their design in execution, but they were, (either by hazard, or for that they wanted courage to do as they had said) taken and delivered unto the enemies. Many thought it was a cross Treason. The Princes of Piedmont go into Spain. Treachery is as inseparable to a Moors Heart, as blackness is to his Body. It was wisely done of the Viceroy to retire himself, without bragging. This disappointed the King's pretended voyage into Provence. It is true that the passage of the three Princes of Savoy into Spain, whereof the Duke gave the King intelligence by the Count of Viesque revived many jealousies. The Duke was at Nice with them expecting the commodity of their embarking, the Princess Marguerite, his eldest Daughter commanding in Piedmont. They attended the King's commandments at Barcelona, and were there received with all the Honours that might be done to Princes so allied. The King of Spain sent D. Henriquez Guzman unto them, to congratulate their arrival, and to advise them to make small journeys for the heat of the season. He gave unto Prince Victor the Duke's second Son, the Viceroys place of Portugal, the portugals rejoicing much to see the fruits of D. Beatrix of Portugal his great Grandmother. At the same time report which carries all things abroad without distinction or judgement, did publish throughout Europe, Brute of the King's sickness. a News happily false; which was that the King had been extremely sick. He was indeed sick, but not so extremely as they should so judge of him. He was soon restored to his natural health, and returned to his ordinary manner of living. The actions of Princes must be always great: not busying themselves in making of Lanterns like to that King of Macedonia. The exercises of ● Prince. They m●st alwa●es hold their Subjects in this opinion that in doing nothing, they do some great work. It was a great precept, which the Emperor Charles the fift, gave to King Philip his Son, always to exercise himself in some virtue, agreeing with the d●tie of a King to hold the subjects as it were in admiration of his effects, and not to give their thoughts any time to full them with other affections. When occasions of War cease, they must apply themselves to those of Peace, as to the administering of justice and ordering of his Realm. To conclude, all the actions o● a Prince must tend to the good and health of his people, for whom he lives more than for himself, as the Son doth not shine and give heat but for Men and the Elements. During the War no man inquired what the King did, his great affairs provided store of work, the end of one enterprise was the beginning of an ot●er. Now that these seditious storms are appeased, that the waves are smooth and the Sea c●lme; ●hat Peace gives him a rest worthy of his labours, that so many pains past, make his pleasures more sweet, and that the reward of virtue makes his Triumphs seem more glorious, their passeth no day but some one asketh, what doth the King? They need not study for an answer, he is always in action far from Idenesse. The chief action is never to be without action, he hath been so bred up from his Cradle, he cannot be other wise: Bees never become drones, great spirits do never degenerate, we shall see him on Horseback at the age of Massanissa, he willbe fearful to his enem●es at that of Agesilans, he will show himself in the head of his Armies at the age of four score years, like unto Photion, his valour will never grow old no more than his memory. He contents himself notwithstanding to enjoy the fruits of Peace, and not to think any more of War unless he be wronged. O●e of the greatest contentments the Peace doth yield him is that of his buildings, Building i● a wor●e worth● of ● 〈◊〉 which 〈◊〉 at Peace. and there is no exercise more worthy of a King then to repair the ruins of time, when as they be buildings which regard the Glory of the Prince, and the common profit of the people, when as the Mortar is not made with the blood and sweat of his poor subjects. At one time the King had Masons in divers places, in the great Church of Orleans, at Fontambleau, at Saint german, at Monceaux, and at the new bridge at Paris. A●l great works, whether that we consider the building by the design, or the design by the building. Among many merue●les of his life that was admirable, that he did build and make War both together. The first day he entered into the Lovure he did design and set down what he hath since continued. He hath made Saint G●rmaine and Fontainbleau (two houses of the Kings his Predecessors) royal and stately Palaces. He finished in the hottest of the Wars and foreign tempests, that which they ●ad undertaken in a calm and Peaceful season. We have seen what the King does, we must also know where unto the Court is inclined. How can they live without War, that thi●ke it a dishonour to die in their beds, who are accustomed to triumph over Idleness, and rest not but to take new breath. What do so many Noblemen, Exercise of Noblemen in Court. which cannot endure rest but with impatiency? Some go a hunting, others dwell and die among Ladies: Many give themselves to the knowledge of Tongues and the Mathematics: the most quarrellous strip themselves ●nto their shirts, notwithstanding any prohibition of Duels or Combats: the most temperate retire themselves from great expenses. Some there are who loath that ease should triumph over their reputations go out of t●e Realm with the King's permission. It is a sign of a great and Noble courage to go and make War upon a foreign Theatre, and to see the diversity of People and N●tions, that he may settle his judgement and Arm himself with experience. When we speak of them that have well employed the ease and liberty of Peace, we must remember the Duke of Nevers. He went into England Flanders and Hungary, and through a great part of the North. He passed to the King of Denmark, who (●or the respect of those two great and famous houses, of Gonzago allied to the greatest houses of Europe and of Nevers, which carries the title of Dukes of Brabant and Limbourg but much more for the Love of this Crown) received him with great and famous Honours. The King was advertised that the signory of Venice would renew a negotiation which they had attempted and left unperfect twenty years since, A League concluded betwixt the Venetians and the Grisons. which they now sought to conclude. De Vic Ambassador for the King in Suisserland having discovered that both parties had begun without the King, gave them to understand that they could not finish nor conclude that without his Majesty. The Count Fuentes did also cross it, for that this new League should make him to lose the hope of that which the Spaniards had pursued so many years. As soon as the King had given them to understand that he was well pleased therewith, it was concluded: neither party respecting the threats of the Count Fuentes, who swore that he would take ●rom the Grisons the traffic which they had in the Duchy of Milan, and the relief of Corn which they received from thence. The Articles of this Alliance are set down at large in Peter Mathewe. The Count Fuentes discontented with this League, made the Grisons repent it, having cut of their Commerce and all commodities which they dre●e out of the territories of Milan, without the which they could not well live. The two Countries join together, and the barrenness of the one is supplied by the Fertility and abundance of the other. To bring them under the yoke of Spain, and to force them to break with the Venetians, he built a fort at the entry of their Country, whereof shallbe spoken hereafter. An Ambassador sent from Venice. An Ambassador sent from Venice into France about the same time passed by Lions, a grave and wise man, and well practised in affairs of State. The Governor of Lions did visit him, & among other discourses understood from him that the Seigneures of that Commonweal d●d hold themselves more bound unto the Count Fuentes then to any man living, for that they had made use of his threats to sharpen their courrages which time had made blunt and dull. His braveries had made them to take resolution's for the good of the State which they had never dreamed of, drowning their councils in the delights of Peace, and presuming that they should not fear any storm in so great a Calm, but having seen the Count's humour to stir up War in Italy, and that he bragged he had Instruments to draw them in that had no will to dance, they had so well provided for their affairs, as they feared his hand no more than his tongue. The last year the Lord of Pont had been in new France (called Canada) from whence he had brought two Savages, The navigation o● the ●rench to new ●●ance or Canada. which he presented unto the King: they learned of them that the great R●uer which they thought to have been but a Gulf (for that it is eighteen leagues broad where it enters into the Sea) was above four hundred leagues long, and past through many goodly Countries and Lakes, into the which many other goodly Rivers did run, and that he might go up into it in Canowes', which the Savages do use to sail in that River. He re●olued with some other Sea Captains (with the King's good liking) to return, and to search into the hart of the Country by means of the Savages, as well as he had discovered along the Sea Coast, where is nothing but Rocks and high Mountains, and sands full of Pynetrees, Sapins, Cypress and Holley. He parted from Honfleur the 15. of March, carrying the 2. Savages back with him, and the 18. of April he came into the great River of Canada, where having entered a 100, leagues, in the end he came to Tadousae the 24. where he found many Savages in Cabins. Going on land, he went with some of his company to the Cabin of the great Sagamo, called Anadabijon, where they found him, with some four score or a hundred of his companions, which made Tabagie that is to say, a Feast) who received them very well, according to their custom, and made them to sit near him, all the Savages being placed one by another on either si●e of the Cabin. One of the Savages which he had carried with him, began to make his oration, of the good reception which the King had made them, and of the good usage which they had received in France, and that his Majesty wished them well▪ and desired to people their land and to make peace with their enemies (which be the Irocois) or to send them forces to vanquish them. He told them of the goodly Castles, Palaces, houses and people that he had seen, and the manner of living of the French. The Savages gave him audience with great silence: When he had done speaking, the great S●g●mo▪ began to take Tobacco, and gave some unto the Seigneur of Pont Graué of S. Malo, and to his company, and to some other Samagos that were near him▪ having taken it well, he began to make his Oration to them all, speaking deliberately, staying sometimes a little, and then beginning again, he said. That in truth they had reason to be greatly contented to have such a King for their great friend: Whereunto all the other Savages answered with one voice, ho, ho, ho; that is to say, I, I. Then the Sagamo said again, That he was very glad the King of France should people their Land, and make War against their enemies: That there was no Nation in the world to whom they desired more good, then unto the French: Then he gave the Savages to understand, what profit they might receive from his majesty. After that he had ended his speech, Du Pont and his company went out of the Cabin, and then they began to make their Tabagie or feast, the which is done with the flesh of Orignac, that is like unto Beef of Bears, Sea Wolves, and Beavers, which is the ordinary meat which they have, with great store of wildfowl. When they eat, they sit of either side of the Cabin, every one having a Dish made of the Bark of Trees: the meat being sodden, there is one that gives to every one his portion in his Dish, where they eat very grossly, for when their hands a●e greasy, they either rub them upon their hair, or upon their Dogs, (whereof they have great store to hunt withal. Before they eat they dance about their Pans, and after they ha●e eaten, ●hey return to their dancing, every one taking the head of his enemy which he hath slain in Battle, the which hangs behind him. They made this Feast together, for the victory which they had obtained of the Irocois, of whom they had slain some hundred. Three Nations of Savages were there assembled, that is to say, the Estechemins, Algonmequins, and Montagnez, to the number of a thousand, all enemies to the Irocois, against whom they make cruel war by surprise, for that they are more in number than they. The 1●. day of the month, the said Savages which were then ●t the point of Saint Matthew, came to Camp at the Port of Todousac, where the Frenchmen were. At the break of day, their great Sagamo going out of his Cabin, went about all the other Cabins, crying with a loud voice, that they must dislodge ●o go to Todousac, where their good friends were. Suddenly every one pulled down his Cabin, and the great Sagamo began first of all to take his Canow, and to carry it to the River, in the which he embarked his Wife and Children, with great store of Furs, so as they were near two hundred Canowes', which go exceeding swiftly, for although Du Ponts Shippe-Boare were very well manned, yet they went faster than it. The Savages Canowes'. There are but two persons that do row, the man and the woman. Their Canowes' are eight or nine paces long, and one broad, they are very subject to overturn, if they be not well guided: They are made of Barks of ●rees, strengthened within with little hoops artificially made, and they are so light, as a man may carry one easily: and every Canowe will carry the weight of a Pipe. Their Cabins are ●owe made like Tents, The manner of their Cabins. covered with Barks of Trees, leaving a hole open in the top, to let in the light: they make many fires in the midst of the Cabin, 1604. whereas sometimes they 〈…〉 famelies together. The manner of their Cabins. They lie upon skins one among an other, and their dogs 〈◊〉 them. All these people are of a pleasant humour, they laugh most commonly, yet 〈◊〉 are somewhat Saturnists: they speak deliberately, as if they would be well understood, and stay suddenly, studying a good space, and then they speak again. They use these Customs in their Orations in Council, whether none come but the Principal, which are Ancients, the women and Children assist not. All these Nations endure so much sometimes, as they are in a manner forced to eat one an other through the great cold and snow, for the Beasts and Fowl which they use, retire themselves into the hotter Countries. They are apt enough to learn to till the ground or any other work, if they may be taught. Many of them are of good judgement, and will answer directly to any question. They are full of revenge and great Liars, in whom there is no trust, they promise much and perform little, for the most part they have no Law, & believe that after that God had made all things, he took a number of Arrows and sticked them in the Earth, from the which sprung Men and Women which have multeplied in the world unto this day, Their belief. and are grown in this sort. That there is one God, one Son, the Mother and the Sun which shines which are four, yet that God is above all, and that the Son and the shining Son are good, by reason of the benefit which they receive, but the Mother is nothing worth, for that she eats them. In like so●t they hold that the Father is not very good. They have an infinite number of other foolish opinions, and they have certain Savages among them, whom they call Pilotova, which speak visibly unto the Devil, and tells them what they should do, as well for matters of War as other things: They talk unto the D●uill. to whom they obey at their first command. They also believe that all their dreams are true, and many say that they have seen & dreamed what should happen, but to speak truly they are illusions of the Devil which abuseth them. They are all well proportioned, without any deformity of their bodies, and nimble. Their women are well fashioned, Their complexions apparel, marriage's and interments. replete & somewhat full: they are yellow by reason of the painting wherewith they anoint themselves, which makes them of an Olive colour. They apparel themselves with skins, one part of their bodies is covered and the rest bare. In winter they cover themselves with good Furs, whereof they have great store, where there is great store of snow, they use a kind of racket, the which is twice or thrice as big as that of France, which they tie unto their feet, and so go in the snow without sinking, for else they could not hunt, nor go in many places. They have a kind of marriage, when a maid is fourteen or fifteen years old she may have as many servants & friends, and accompany with as many as she please; then after five or six years, she will take whom she likes best for her Husband, and live together till death, unless after sometime they have no Children, than the Man, may be unmarried and take an other Wife. After they be once married they are chaste, and the Husbands are for the most part jealous, giving presents to the Father or kinsfolks of the Woman whom they have married. As for their Interments or Funerals, when a man or a Woman dieth, they make a pit, into the which they put all the goods he hath, as Kettles, Furs, Hatchets, Bows, Arrows, Apparel and other things, and then they put the body into the pit and cover it with Earth, on the which they lay great pieces of wood, and one piece they set right up, the which they paint red on the ●oppe. They believe the immortality of the Soul, and say that they go to rejoice in other Countries with their kinsfolks and friends when they are dead. The Seigneur of Pont having spent sometime to discover the great River of Canada, and some other particularities of the Country, returned the 24. of August, and arrlued at Newe-haven the 20. of September. Du Pont returns into France. In the beginning of this year Moses Sikel being revolted from the Emperor, entered into Transiluania with great troops of Turks, Tartarians and Polonians. Many Gentlemen of the Country more through base cowardice then through treachery joined with him, and through their Intelligence Alba julia was surprised, 1603. but God who never shows the greatness of his power in small things, and who sends help when there is least hope, would not suffer his enemies to be long proud with the prosperity of their affairs. In September George Basta and Raduil Va●oide of Valachia, came to fight with him. The Battle was furious and bloody. Basta said unto his soldiers before the charge, that it was not needful to persuade great resolutions, but he did encourage them more by his example, pressing into those places where there was most peril, necessity and glory. The Christians had the victory. They had the field, The Turks defeated. the triumph & the spoil. They sent a hundred & two & twenty Enseignes to the Emperor being at Prague, the which were carried by three and three in a rank. There were two with the white Eagle of Polonia, the which were not set▪ up for the respect of the Polonians. The booty was great in Prisoners, Horses, Aims and Cannon. They had found no place of retreat, if the victor had not stayed the course of his victory contenting hi●selfe to preserve that in safety, which he could not advance but with danger. They retired themselves to Temeswarr a Town which had been held these fifty years by the Turks, whereof the Emperor of Turkey never speaks, but he gives it the title of Invincible. Bas●a was resolved to besiege it, or to raise up his sepulchre vnde● the ruins thereof. But he could not keep Buda from being victueled, where about the end of September they lost above 2000 men which was the flower of all their horsemen. The great Turk (seeing the great exploits which the French had done in the Wars of Hungary and Transiluania) had ofte● entreated the King not to suffer any French to go to the Wars of Hungary, and t● tie him to make a strict Prohibition, he granted all and more t●en his Majesty could desire for the reparation of puplicke and private Injuries, against the liberty of the Commerce, and the safety of the navigation in the Le●ant Seas, the which were greatly molested by Pirates. He sent a Chaours (which is a General or a Conductor of a Caravane) unto the King in September, with very kind letters, and of a stile not usual for the Princes of the house of Ottomans, who speak as Turks, and Glory to speak proudly and Imperiously to the Potentate's of Christendom, giving him this title. To the most Glorious magnanimous and great Lord of the belief of jesus. Elected among the Prince's of the Nation of Messias, the Compounder of controversies which happen among Christians, Lord of greatness, Majesty and riches, and the clear guide of the greatest, The Turks title to the Frence King. Henry the fourth Emperor of France, that he may end his days with Peace and Happiness. The letter I omit for breui●es sake, being not greatly pertinent to this subject. And for that the great Turk was informed, that the Pirates of Algiers and of Thunis, made markets of the French, which they took, an● sold them unto the Moors (who were always cruel and merciless unto the Christians, being forced to endure all without complaining, and to murmur against the rigour which Fortune allows the M●ster over his s●aue) he writ to Amest King of Fez, and entreats him to prevent this ●ale, as against the justice that was left them by their Prophet, and to set all the Frenchmen that were in his dominions at liberty. The King laboured to convert the War of Hungary into a long truce or an Honourable Peace for the Christians. He disposed Mahomet thereunto by the dexterity of his Ambassador; and if the house of Austria had trusted that of France, they had reaped the fruits of this Negotiation. Mahomet to show that he had a desire to lay a side Arms, presented the Emperor with Arms and Horses', and to Mathias▪ the Archduke he sent a Rich robe for a present. This Mahomet had so abandoned himself to all voluptuosness and pleasures, as he had no other feeling but for the taste and delights of the flesh. He had a body as big as a hogshead of Wine, in the which his spirit could never be dry, A quarrel betwixt the Count Soissons and the Marquis of ghosty. to make use of Wisdom and Rea●on. To this Mahomet the third, his Son Amet the first (being a young infant) succeeded. There was no talk in Court but of the quarrel betwixt the Count Soissons and the Marquis of Rhosny, the which was very hard to reconcile. It grew upon words reported and disavowed. The Count Soissons was much offended, many framed divers Metheors in their heads, upon the consequence of this question, some there were that were made damnable vows, the which were as Odious and as punishable, as those sellers of Funeral stuffs that were punished by the Senate of Athens upon the Accusation of Demades. The King foreseeing that his service did suffer in this division, gave him to understand by the Chancellor and Sillery, and afterwards by the Count of Saint Paul, and the Duke of Mont●●son, that he desired this trouble were ended and he satisfied. he answered them all after one sort, That he should hold himself unworthy of the honour to be as he was a near Kinsman to so great and courageous a King, if he had no feeling of so bloody an Injury. The King considering that this quarrel did nothing advance his service, he made himself the instrument of this reconciliation. He sent for the Count Soissons and the Marquis of Rhosny to the Lovure. They came both well accompanied. They are reconciled by the King. The Presence, Authority, and entreaty of his Majesty, was of Force to smother the remembrance of all injuries, and to reconcile their wills. Let us now see what they have done in the Nationall Synod held at Gap, held by them of the reformed Religion, A Synod held at Gap. whereas many believed that in giving audience to Ambassadors, and receiving Letters from Foreign Princes and Common weals, they had done more than their condition would allow, and had taken the way to make an Estate in the Estate. I will say no more. The passion of Religion might diminish the belief of the Truth. Peter Matthew The Synod began the first of October. It Treated of things touching Doctrine, Discipline, and the Government of the Churches, giving a good Testimony that there are among them men full of zeal to the advancement of their Religion, and who in their Resolutions can join Wisdom with Doctrine, causing them to blush that have so much suffered the ancient constitutions of the Church to degenerate, and have so much neglected the Government and Discipline, as the synodal Assemblies of Dioceses, so necessary and profitable, are nothing but vain and fond Ceremonies, where they do only exhort them to do well hereafter, not caring to correct or amend the ill that is gone and passed. Of many means which the Church (in her infancy) did use to preserve this spirit of Peace and Charity, which gave life unto all the members, and entertained the Cement and bond of the whole building, The profit of Synods. that of these Assemblies hath been held the most fruitful, and should be made twice a year, if they will follow the Canons of the Apostles and the Decrees of Nice and Sardinia. Th●re they conferred of the Order and Direction of all affairs. There the Pastors taking knowledge one of an other entertained their friendships, renewing the bonds of their affections. It served for a blood-letting, and a good purgation for bad humours in a corrupted Body, to preserve and keep it in Health, purity, and Chasterye of the Faith. There they showed the power of the Spiritual Sword upon the incorrigible, who in the end found the paps of the Church dry for them, when through Error, Malice, or Obstinacy, they made themselves unworthy of the sweetness of her Milk. There in the end they did strain the strings of the Policy and Discipline of the Church, the which being through negligence grown slack made no Sound nor Harmony. In this assembly of Gap, (after that all the Deputies of the Provinces of the Realm had showed their Commissions) they began by the Invocation of the name of GOD, the which was followed by the reading of the confession o● the Faith, wherein they did expound those things that were not plain enough. The common desire of the Ministers te see the schism pacified that was betwixt them and the other Congregations of Germany, England and the Low Countries, made them resolve that the Assembly should write unto the Vniversityes both Lutherans and Caluinists, to devise some means to reconcile these contrarieties in some points of their confession. This year the King did grave in the register of his virtues, a memorable example of justice. The cause is considerable and the subject of consequence. A young gentlewoman of Normandy visited and courted by her Brother, disdained her husband, A memorable example of a crime and of justice. by whom she had two Children, for that he was somewhat aged and made no profession of Arms. This inequality of age together with his condition, made the Conjugal affection like unto a small Brook, whereof when the spring is stopped the bed remains dry, and there is nothing left but filth for Toads and Frogs. The green gra●●e that was upon the banks withereth: yea the trees that were planted along, die. This marriage, having lost the radical humour of Love, it made all pleasure and content to whither, produced nothing but noise, disdain, contempt and quarrel. This miserable woman cared no more for her husband, b●t to draw means from him to make herself more pleasing in the eyes of an other, delighting in Lux●riosnesse and excess o● Apparel, under the which the Devil is accustomed to make open War to Chasterie, and to ravish the Honour of a woman, without the which her life is a life without a Body, a Bod●e without a Soul, a Soul with out a Spirit, a Spirit without Breath, and a Breath without A●re. It seemed that the first acquaintance of this woman with her Brother, was nothing but a perfect Love, such as Honour and that which they were one unto another might well allow. Who so had seen the familiarities of this Sister with her Brother, would not have believed that they had made Love, the Law of Nature being of greater force than Reason, or Truth it sel●e. In the mean time this fury proved Adultery and Incest, making the Wife to abandon the Company of her Husband to cleave unto her Brother, who forgetting nothing that might be said or done to cover ●i● crime and to avoid punishment, wa●d●ed up and down the Country with h●r under disguised names, but carrying still in his Conscience the sting and ulcer of so execrable a pleasure. She grew big with Child, and believing that in hiding her great Belly, her off●ence should be also hidden, she caused herself to be conducted into that great forest of Paris, where she continued with her Brother the exercises of Cupid and Psyche's. The fig leaves could not cover their shame. The all-seeing eye o● the divine justice discovers them, and will not suffer that so Infamous a Lust should contin●e. These violent streams being run out, the Mud and filth that was in the bottom appeared presently. The husband oppressed, with so justa grief, (as the Law doth not hold him pu●nishable, whom it forceth to kill, the Wife being surprised in Adultery) came to Paris, and discovered those which had deprived him both of rest and Honour, he causeth them to be apprehended and committed prisoners, the one in the great Chastelet, the other in Four l' Euesques. The Sister confesseth herself guilty of Adultery to free her Brother from Incest, laying the Child to one that was altogether innocent. Upon the difficulty of proofs the Lieutenant criminal condemned them both to the rack. He might well have proceeded to sentence. A sentence given by the Lieutenant Criminell. B●t considering that they must deliberate well, before they judge of the life of a Man which is not made without care, he desired rather to proceed coldly therein then overboldly. The Husband whose heart could not be moved to pity, by the consideration of his two Children, appeals from this sentence of the rack. The Court considering that mildness doth norrish and gives more scope to vice, declares the appellation and sentence from the which he had appealed to be void, and amending it, A sentence o● the Court. they judge the accused sufficiently convicted of the crimes of Adultery and Incest, for satisfaction whereof they condemn them to lose their heads. The King during the Process was often sued unto for their pardon. But considering that in such Crimes it were impiety to show pity: that mildness was severity, and clemency cruel, and that the most holy and the most just of his Predecessors, revoked a pardon which he had given to a malefactor, falling upon that verse of the Prophet David in his praier-booke. Do justice at all times. Said, that he re●er●ed it to the justice of his Court of Parliament. The Father desired to change the infamy of the punishment into a death less shameful, but longer and more cruel, the which the Emperor Opilius Macrinus used, causing such as were condemned for crimes to be shut up betwixt four Walls. He offered all his Lands to procure his Children that manner of punishment. The execution of the parties condemned. This could not be, for that by the doom of the judgement, the execution was to be done at the grieve, where it moved pity and compassion in many, lamenting the youth of the Brother, the beauty of the Sister and the misery and blindness of them both. The year ended in Peace as it had begun in pleasures and sports, there was no new occasion offered, but the passage of the Constable of Castille to go into England for the conclusion of the Treaty of Peace betwixt the Kings of England and Spain. The Constable of Castills passage. The King advertised of his passage by Bourdeaux, sent to the Marshal d' Ornano to receive him, the which he did, going to meet him with a great number of Noblemen and Gentlemen of the Country. The Emperor Charles the 5. passing through France, admired the great and goodly Trains of Governors of Provinces which came to receive him, commending them very much. The Constable of Castille (fuller of these Spanish fumes) made no great account thereof, and received these honours after a Spanish manner. The Marshal d' Ornano entertaining him with the singularities of this Realm, told him. That heeshould see a Country, yea a World in seeing Paris. He answered him. That he had left behind his back the goodliest Cities of Christendom. But they are not so Great nor so well peopled, said the Marshal D' Ornano. The People answered the Constable, Add nothing to the excellency of Cities, although it helps something for the strength of the State. The Marshal asked him, If he would not see the King. He showed by his answer, Thas he was not greatly curious, yet must he see him, with the respect that was due to that Majesty. He came to Paris with a great Train. The King of Spain spares no cost in such occasions, and thinks no expenses more royal, than those which makes his Gold to glister in the Eyes of strangers. In like sort, his Ministers and Ambassadors seeing themselves so well followed and served, take delight in showing the greatness of their Master, and are not silent when they must publish his power. Mendoza who never went out off his Lodging but on Horseback, in Litter, or in Carosse, with all his Train, although it were but to go to the Church, the which was very near his Lodging, he never spoke three words, but two were for the greatness of his Master, saying often; Mendozas speech. That God was mighty in Heaven, and the King of Spain on Earth. An other going out of Rome to accompany the Pope, went with six Litters, six Carosses, every one having six Horses, two hundred Grooms, and threescore Carts for baggage, and all for a small journey. The Prince of Parmas' Train, was admirable and royal, showing by his equipage the greatness of his Master whom he served. The Constable of C●stille did not hide it, neither in his Words, nor in his Train, he had always some words of ostentation to show it. The Constable comes to visit the King. He went to the Louvre and did see the King in his Cabinet, he entered with a good Grace, but stately and proud, the which was suddenly converted into great humility, for approaching near unto his Majesty (who was sitting in a Chair) he kneeled upon one knee, and continued so a little longer than he thought. The King took him up, embraced him, and showed him a very good Countenance. He spoke much to assure him, that the King of Spain held nothing more dear, than the preservation of the Peace; H● lets him understand his Master's affection to the Peace. and unless that time should greatly force his will, he had no other power, but to continue it in this Resolution, and to bring forth fruits of great Love and Friendship, the which is firm and constant betwixt equal powers. He heard from the King words of the same affection: then he took his leave to go see the Queen. Going down to cross the Court, where he was attended by his people with forty Torches of white Wax, he said to some of his Company, That the King had received him with the Majesty of a King, He salutes the Queen ●nd the Dauphin. and had embraced him as his Kinsman. Having done his duty unto the Queen, he demanded leave to go and see the Dauphin. The King caused him to be conducted the next day to S. German. Being arrived there, the gave notice to his Governess, that the Constable was there with a great Train of Spaniards. At that word of Spaniards, the little Prince opened his eyes and makes them speak it again. They be Spaniards that come to see you, Spaniards said the Prince? ça ça give me my sword. Who so had not known that this word came from his own motion, would have thought that they had printed in his fantasy the same opinion which King Charles the seventh, Lewis the eleventh, and Charles the eight had had in their infancy of the English and Bourguignions'. And if the Spaniards had heard him, the strangeness of such a word would have caused them to apprehend new work, and to fear and believe that which the French soldier saith, that they must present Milan for the first trial of this young Eaglet. The Constable admired his constant eye, and his Physiognomy, and was amazed at so great a boldness in that age, and so much judgement in that Infancy. Monsieur the Daulpin told him tales in his language, and according to his understanding, as Alexander did to the Ambassadors of Persia. All the Spaniards did marvel, and the more for that the door was open for the least of the train. They see about him a goodly company of young Noblemen. Alexander Monsieur, the Prince of Longueville, and the three sons of the Duke of Espernon. The Constable of Castille passed on to go into Flanders, he came to Bruxelles and descended at the Archdukes Palace, where he was well received, and from thence he passed into Flanders. Although the subject ought not to reckon the years of his Prince, but to wish him a long and prosperous life, yet we must say that with the end of the last year the King began the four and fifth year of his age, a term which Cato held to be ripe and well advanced, whereunto few Kings of Franc● had attained, The King's age. and yet it hath nothing abated the vigour and strength of this Prince, who is active and disposed, and as lively as he was at the age of thirty years. Cares and years having only made his beard white, it is true that now he gins to feel some fl●x of the gout. A disease which breeds with ease, and which comes to Princes rather by excess, then by travel in their youth, and which is sooner gotten by the case of Venus, then by that of Diana, there being no pleasure in the world which doth not carry some displeasure behind it. The best course is to repent the evil before they commit it, that is to say, to have only intended it, and the means to grow old is neither to do nor to eat any thing through voluptuousness. A great Condition or Quality to whom all things are lawful that please, will find this rule of government very hard. Great men commit great excess, and in the end they taste the fruits which they have sown. It is rea●on that after a time infirmities should cease, and clear the troubles of their souls, as thunder and lightning doth purge the air, that diseases as foreruners of death, and porters of the prison, wherein they are enclosed▪ should teach them that are men, and subject to humane miseries, that they are not raised upon the clouds, to be free from a world of miseries, that are dispersed upon the earth, and that they should remember that the more their delights abound, the more their strength decays, and that he that doth least, doth least harm, and passeth the last years of his life with more content and less grief. The King would not complain much of that little touch of the gout, for that it had been but gentle, and when that after his recovery, the Courtiers did see him to wear furred boots, they sa●ed it was more to hold the grief in some reputation, then for any need he had. He did a public Act which hath particularities worthy to be known. I do not forget these occasions, for that they supsupplie the discourse of this History, Peter 〈◊〉 without the which it should be constrained to seek for matter far without the Realm, for of secret things and which are treated of in the Council of the Cabinet, we must attend the knowledge thereof by the events which time shall discover, and not trouble ourselves to seek out the springs of Nilus. A father how great & powerful soever, cannot think too soon nor to often, to breed up the youth o● his child in virtue, nor to assure his fortune: I say a child without distinction, for although the Law doth distinguish Bastards from them that are lawfully begotten, yet nature makes no difference. The King having determined to make Alexander Monsieur (his Bastard Son,) of the order of the Knights of Malta, resolved to do it in time, that he might receive the name & the effect. The great Master reputing it an honour to have a Prince of their Company issued from so valiant and courageous a race, 1604. sent all necessary expeditions. The King having received them, would have the execution to be accompanied with a sumptuous and stately ceremony. An Assembly of the Knights of Malta. He caused the great Commander of France and that of champaign to come to Paris, and commanded them to call the greatest number of Commanders and Knights they could thither. The King had chosen the Augustine's Church for this effect, but the Commander of Villedieu (being Ambassador of their Order) beseeched him that it might be in that of their Temple, There were at this Ceremony 2. Grand-priors', twelve Commanders and sixteen Knights. as one of the chief houses of the Order. On the Sunday morning the King and the Queen went in one Carosse, having Alexander Monsieur betwixt them, who was delivered by the King unto the Grand-Prior, who attended him at the first gate with all the Commanders and Knights. As the Church was hung with the richest Tapestry that could be found, so was it filled with that which was of greatest worth in Paris. The Princes, the Princesses, the Cardinal of Gondy, the Pope's Noncio, many Bishops, the Ambassadors of Spain and Venice▪ the Constable, the Chancellor, the seven Pesidents of the Parliament, and the Knights of the order of the holy Ghost. The Ceremony began by the blessing of the sword, and by the change of his habits, to let the Knight understand that he did bind himself to change his life, and to take upon him the true ornaments of virtue, without the which a●l the pomp and felicity of the world is but wind and vanity, for being attired in white ●atten, laid thick with gold lace, the sleeves, whereof were garnished with rich Medailles, a Carcanet of stones cross under his arm, a black velvet Cap with a little white feather, and a band covered with great pearls, he put on a robe of black taffeta, and was conducted near vn●o the great Altar, being accompanied by the Duke and Duchess of Vendosme, and followed by the Commander for the conduct of this Ceremony. Saint Foy Bishop of Nevers made him a little admonition, of the greatness and excellency of the order whereinto he entered. It is the first of Christendom, as that of the Germans is the second. O● Calatrava, the third. Of S. jaques in Spain, the 4. Of Saint Marie de la Mercede in Arragon the fift. Of jesus Christ in Portugal, the sixth. Of Saint Lazare and Saint Maurice in Savoy the 7. Of Saint Stephen in Toscane the eight. This exhortation ended, the Mass began, and after the Gospel, Alexander Monsieur presented himself upon his knees before the Grand-Prior of France, with a burning torch of white wax in his hand, to demand the Order. Hereat the King (who was ●et under a rich cloth of Estate of Purple velvet embroidered, in the midst of the quire) left his place, and coming near to help him to answer, he said aloud, that he left the rank of a King to do the office of a Father. The Grand-Prior gave him the Order after the accustomed manner, and after Mass was done, as a new Knight he presented himself the second time to make profession. The King advanced again, and promised for him, that coming to the age of sixteen years, he should make the vows and profession perfect. The King doth the office of a Father. They be the same vows which religious men do make, Obedience, Povertie, and Chastity. He did his Obedience in the same place, and then being disrobed, the Grand-Prior set upon his breast, a plastron of black satin, with a great white Cross, and so the Ceremony ended with great joy and sounding of trumpets. The new Knight feasted the Grand-priors' of France and Champagne, with the Commanders and Knights at the Temple, and the King went to dine with Zamet. This order hath always affected two kinds of Knights, some for service, and others for honour, The Order of Malta hath of the chee●e houses of Chr●s●endom. and both for the greatness, defence, and support of the Order. There have been children of the greatest and mightiest houses of Christendom, who although they do no service in effect, (being dispensed withal) yet they profit their profession much, by the entertainment and communication of friendships and respects of their houses, to the common good of the Order. Others that are issued from the noblest families of all the Nations of the world, are bound unto actual service in the Island, they have all the Mediterranean Sea for the Carire of their exercise, and all the world for witnesses of their glory. After that they have done the service which they own unto the Order, they cannot grow old in poverty, and in this assurance they go more willingly to all occasions that demand a proof of their valour, being reasonable to hazard themselves in great enterprises, to merit great recompenses. The Knights never grow old & poor. ●he season is fair under the new reign of the Emperor of the Turks, who although he were a child, and entering into the fourteenth year of his age, yet he gave generous proofs of his disposition to War, The Turkes ●h●n●● their Emperor will prove an other Soliman. and the Turks think to see spring up in him the Hatred and Fury of Sultan Soliman against the Christians, and that he should begin his reign by the Conquest of Maltha, as the other did by Rhodes. Although ●he desire of these Barbarians to subdue the Christians be insatiable; yet if they could get Maltha, they would hold themselves content. There is none but this Morcel● that can satisfy them: the Wolf would be no more a Wolf if he were full: La Valette great Ma●●er forced Seli● to 〈◊〉 the siege in the year 1565. but Selim thinking to swallow it once, had like to have choked, and so may all they do, that do attempt it. Amet then the new Emperor of the Turks, presently after the death of Mahomet his Father, (who ended his life with the end of the last year:) went to the Mosque, near unto Constantinople to put on the Sword of his Forefathers. By their example he should have put his brother to death, Amet Emperor of the Turks. but he reserved him until he was of age, to have children, so as the birth of the first child of this Prince, shall be the inevitable death of the brother. He let them presently see that his youth should not be incapable of affairs as they thought. He seizeth upon his Grandmothers Treasure. He caused his Grandmother to be sequestered, who would rule, as she had done in the life of Mahamet her Son, being Ambitious, Proud, and Imperious in her passions: having great authority, and great Treasure to maintain it, and to get more: being supported in her designs by the worst and most factious of the E●pire. He said, that he would go to the Wars of Hungary in person: he made many goodly Orders to reform the Discipline and to ease the people. He fell sick of the small pocks, and kept his Chamber for some days. After his recovery he showed himself often unto his people. The present he gave unto his Soldiers (as the new Emperors do) was of two Millions and a half; The Saphis which are the Horsemen, had ten Crowns a man, and five Aspres a day more, to increase their pay, the janissaries had thirty Crowns, and one Aspre more of pay. The chief Officers of the Court did also taste of this liberality. His Father had caused his first Visier to be strangled. Aly Bascha Governor of great Cairo entered into this charge, the Fall and Ruin of the one, was the rising and setting up of the other. There is no place so great among the Turks, as the dignity of the first Visier. He alone holds the reins and Helm of the Empire. He is the first of the Baschas, whose name is a Diminutive of Padachaas, that is to say, Great Emperor. Cygale represented unto this young Prince, the quality of his deserts, to merit this charge: but he was answered; That it was reserved for Aly Bascha, and that he should content himself with the Admiralty of the Seas. That which did much help to raise Aly Baschas fortune, was the treasure which he brought out of Egypt; and the great reputation of justice and Wisdom that he had gotten in that Province, the government whereof is no less affected among the Turks, than it was in former times among the Romans'. In his way he had caused a Rebel of some countenance and authority to be strangled, who had presented himself unto him to have a pardon. He entered into this charge, & settled the affairs with great order, in the conduct whereof he left great proofs of his Wisdom and justice. But he presently left the place unto another. The death of Mahomet was not published in the Army of Hungary by any other then by the General. Great accidents may not be suddenly delivered unto the people, nor without good consideration, for the Inconveniences which the sudden amazement doth cause. This death did not break of nor any thing alter the Treaty of a Truce or of a Peace in Hungary. The negotiation was continued in an Island above Buda and Pes●e, but with small effect. The Emperor distrusting the King of France, who only had the means to end it happily and profitably: But it were to Treat of impossibilities to make the Princes of the house of Austria trust unto the Counsels of the French, and it is an act of great indiscretion in Christians, to trust unto these Barbarians who have neither Faith nor Truth. The first enemy that showed himself against Ameth was the King of Persia, The King of Pe●sia in arms. who came near unto Babylon, giving the Soldiers to understand that were within it, that it was only to deliver them from the yoke and oppression of the Turks, to change their condition into a better, and their servitude into Liberty. This made the people of Asia to conceive some hope of better usage, under the reign of this young Prince. But every one desired to change his Master, upon a conceit that this change should be profitable, notwithstanding that any alteration in an Estate is mortal: He took Tauris (the chief City of Persia) and Anziron a strong place in the Mountains of the Georgians, and others which remained to the Turks by the Treaty of Peace. This year died the Archbishop of Mentz. Whereupon the Chapter took upon them the Administration of the archbishopric, The Archbishop of Mentz dies. according to the ancient rights, and gave a day to assemble for the election. Many Noblemen were there present, the Bishop of Wirtzbourg came, not upon an Ass, like unto the Patriarch of Constantinople, not on foot, as S. Hillarye entered into Rome, but on Horseback, followed by two hundred Horse. The Prelates of Germany are dispensed of the condition which Chrisostome desired in a good Bishop, not to ride on Horseback, not allowing Bishops to ride upon Asles or Moils, nor to be followed by many servants. The Election was made in the Cathedral Church of Mentz, whereas all the people were assembled, not to give any voice, A new Election but to see the liberty of Suffrages, and the Order and Ceremony of this action. The Chanoins began it, calling upon the Holy Ghost to giude their resolutions. 〈…〉 of the house of C●ombu●g chosen Archbishop of Mentz the 7 of Feb. 1604. The went into the Chapter, and came not forth until two of the clock in the Afternoon, where by plurality of voices the Election was concluded in favour of one of the House of Crombourg. The Bishop of Wirtzbourg led him before the great Altar, where he was set, wiping away the tears of joy, whilst that the Clergy gave thanks for this Election. This done, the Chapter gave him a little note in his hand, with the which he went towards the Castle, being followed by the Pope's Nuntio, the Emperor's Ambassador, the Bishop of Wirtzbourg, and many Noblemen that were there assembled, to honour the election of the first Prelate of Germany. Being come unto the Castle gate, he found it shut, and the Governor asked him what he would. As soon as he had seen the note from the Chapter, he did his duty to him, and presently all the Gates were opened, and the Artillery discharged. This form of Election which is done with Order, Liberty, and knowledge of Merits, is more profitable unto the Church, than all that which is done by the authority of Princes, who many times commit great charges to men unknown, and of small merit: or by the tumultuary opinions of people, The death of the Duchess of Barnes. who have nothing to do in it. Seeing that our way to return into France, is to pass by the territories of the Duke of Lorraine, we shall find all there in tears and mourning, for the death of the Lady Katherine of Bourbon, Duchess of Bar, and the King's only Sister, she had been tormented with a continual Fever, and there were some signs of being with child. All the Physicians said, she was not with child, one only maintained the contrary, and she believed his opinion, for that he was of the Religion, neither would she take any thing but from his hands, for that we believe that easily which we desire. She grew in choler against them which imputed her disease to any other cause, saying; That they neither desired her contentment nor her Husbands. She thought she could not endure too much to become a Mother. This belief that she had a child in her body made her to bring forth death, rejecting all kinds of remedies to preserve her fruit. If the Physician which had ministered to her as a Woman with child, had not fled to Metz, and from thence to Sedan, all his Physic could not have kept him from death. The profession of Physicians hath this Privilege; The privilege of Physicians. that the Sun sees their practice, and the Earth hides their faults. The Duke of Lorraine did her no less honour after her death, than he had witnessed it in her life. He sent unto the King an Inventory of her jewels. He caused the body to be conducted unto the frontier of France, in a Carosso well appointed, covered with black Velvet, and drawn with four Horses. The funeral Pomp of the Duchess of Bar. The four bailiffs of Lorraine carried the four corners of the Cloth which covered the Coffin: threescore Gentlemen marched before with the Guards. The Earl of Chaligny and some Noblemen of the Country went after it. There were twelve Swisses which marched on either side. It was received upon the frontier by those whom the King had appointed. The Inhabitants of Troy's would have received it with a Canopy, but Tinteville thought it not fit, neither would the King have taken it well. She was much lamented by the Duke of Bar, who could not have been Husband to a better Wife, nor she Wife to a better Husband. The fift year of their Marriage was with as great respect and love as the first. The affections of this Prince and this Princess, A marriage of great content. were in such harmony that besides the diversity of Religion, you would have said they were but one Soul, not in two bodies, but in one called by two names, for they spoke with one mouth and thought with one heart. And i● there be any content in dying amidst the contents of this world, this Princess protested that she had never content in this world more perfect than in Lorraine. The Duke of Lorraine and the Duke of Bar desired as well to see her satisfied for doubts of religion. They conjured her in the extremity of her sickness to think of her Souls health, After five years instances made by the King, the Pope granted a dispensation of the marriage. but she said unto them that she would die as she had lived. She was no more forced in the exercise of her Religion at Nancy then at Nerac▪ True it is that she went to receive the Communion without the Town, and had preaching and Prayers in her house but for herself only and her followers, without the which she had been much honoured of the Lorrains', and at that time more than before, the Pope having granted a dispensation of the marriage. When the news of her death was brought unto the King, the chief of his Council came presently to apply some remedy to this wound. He found that they came to that end, The King's sorrow for the death of his ●ister. & therefore he commanded them to leave him alone, & that he would resolve with God. He caused the Doors and Windows of his Cabinet to be shut, casting him else upon his bed, to weep more freely, and to ease his grief in the liberty of his sigthes. All the Court did morn, and the Ambassadors presented themselves in that habit unto the King, to condole this death in the behalf of their Masters. The Pope's Noncio was somewhat troubled in this complement, & would not mourn at an accident for the which those of his profession could not weep. The King said that he would not tie him to it against his liking, but he would be glad not to see him, until his time of mourning were passed. Some other would not have spoken so mildly, & we know that Princes have shown strange effects of their choler against Ambassadors, The Duke of Muscovy caused an Ambassadors Hat to be nailed to his head. that have failed in the honour and respect of these compliments. The Noncio being better advised resolved to apply himself to the time and to do as the rest, thinking that it would not be taken ill at Rome, knowing that he did it only to please the King and to have audience. But he had some difficulty to decipher himself when he was to speak unto the King, for he could not under one habit play two contrary personages, neither had he words in his mouth nor tears in his eyes for this sorrow. He that will ease an others grief must show that he hath a part & feeling thereof. He went after an other manner, and his spirit did fit him with an other kind of complement, the which although it were free, yet was it not unpleasing. He said unto the King that such as knew what he was, and in whose name he spoke, would wonder at the office which he did, but he had more occasion than any other, for that all lamented the loss of the Body, but his Master the loss of the Soul. The King said unto him, that he believed his Sister was saved, for that in the last gasp an extreme grief might carry her right into Heaven, the Noncio replied. My Lord that discourse is more Metaphysical than Physical, and so they both entered into other talk. The great Duke of Tuscany had an enterprise profitable & glorious for Christendom. The Knights of his Order presented unto him often many occasions, which might fill their hands with palms and charge the Turks with blows and shame: The burning of the Turks galleys at Algiers. he made choice of the most difficult & important, in burning of the Turks galleys at Algiers, that he might make all that season fruitless and his preparation unprofitable. The time did hasten the execution, but the wisdom of the great Duke did judge, that the stay was more safe than the hazard, & if a Diomedes were fit to do this enterprise, an Ulysses was as necessary to conduct it, Policy & Wisdom being better than Force. An English Captain arrived happily with a Ship laden with Merchandise, for a Merchant of Pisa. The great Duke informs himself of him, in what estate the Galleys were in the Port of Algiers. He told him that they were eight in number, ready to set sail in the beginning of April, & to scour along that coast. The great Duke discovered his design unto him; the Captain gave him some reasons to make this enterprise easy, and the great Duke ●eanes to execute it. He laded his ship with Salt, under the which he had hidden his Fireworks, Powder, & Arms, and to the end that (if the execution succeeded not as he hoped) the King of England should not be offended, he left the English Flag, and took that of the Estates of Holland and Zealand. He entered the P●r● of Algiers, making a show that he would unlade his Sal●; Where finding too other English Vessels, he discovered his design unto the Captain, offering them part of the Honour and Profit of the execution, if they would hazard themselves in the same danger. They agree, and prepare for it happily, taking such good opportunity to cast the fire, as if the great Duke had been as well served by them which made the artificial fires, as by them which cast them, the Turk had saved nothing of his Galleys but the ashes, which the Wind had left upon the Port, and the spoils of this Pirate had been prevented. He had another Enterprise against the Turk, where in he was not hindered but by the Infidelity of those to whom he had given the Word & Faith of a Prince to dwell safely in his Estates. another enterprise of the great Dukes in Negrepo●t. The jews which live at Livorno did discover it, giving intelligence thereof so soon, as the Mariners (which came from the Le●ant and passed by the Port) said, that they attended the great Duke's Galleys in Negrepont. The great Duke did but laugh at it. The●e be the affects of Fidelity and Affection which Princes may expect in nourishing those Serpents in their bosoms. The jews be the Turks best spies, who knows that they are mad against Christians with an implacable fury. Cursed Dogs are kept tied all day, and let lose at night. But these People should be straightly guarded at all times. And in all places, they should be still kept in servitude, as their rebellion against the Truth hath deserved. The King of Spain discontent. The King of Spain is offended that the French go to serve Prince Maurice, to hinder his brother the Archduke in the taking of Ostend: That he lends them money, & that he prohibits his Subjects to traffic into Spain and Flanders. The King says, that he hath not thereby any cause to complain. For the first, he doth not advow them that go to serve the States. For the second he re●tores that which they have lent him, & pays in small sums the gross which he had received in his necessity. But the King hath two great occasions to be offended with the King of Spain. The one was that he refuseth to revoake the imposition of 30. in the 100 which he hath set upon all Merchandise that goes in or comes out off Spain. Discomodities upon the Inhibition of Traffic. Upon this refusal he was counseled to forbid the French to Traffic into Spain or Flanders. The Merchants of the Towns of Traffic, made great suit to have it taken away, and delivered in reason that deserved consideration, if the King had not had others of greater importance, the which made him to continue constant, although he in his own private received more prejudice than any other▪ by the great dimynution of his Customs. But he respected not this loss in regard of a greater good, having found that the continuance of the Traffic which the French made into Spain & into the Archdukes Countries, would be more ruinous than profitable unto than, for the great and insupportable impositions which they lay upon the Merchandise that went in or out off their Estates. An Ambassador f●om the King of Cusco at Valence. The King of Spain should have pleased many, if he would have made show of this discontent upon this Interdiction. But he had other thoughts. And having had some speech with the Ambassador of the King of Cusco at Valence, many believed that he would again attempt Algiers, for that he caused him to be conducted by a Master of the Camp & an Engineer, with great store of munition and wild fire laden in three Frigates. This Inhibition did nothing alter the Peace of Veruins, as they desired which cannot carry their Hands but upon the pomells of their sword, their Feet but upon a breath and their eyes, but upon a place of Battle, but a wise Prince doth never undertake any War lightly, considering that the time of friendship is more sweet than that of revenge. Treason discovered. The other cause of offence was that he did withdraw the King's subjects from their faith and loyalties, and that he always entertained some Traitors in ●rance. Desbarraux the King's Ambassador in Spain complained often by his letters, that he was all informed of the affairs, and so late as the King of Spain's ministers understood them before him. The King was much troubled to discover this treachery, which came fion a place that was without all suspicion. Villeroy had a young man in his service, in whom he trusted, for that he must of force trust some one, and this confidence tried by many years seemed to be the more certain, for that he was Son to a Father who never had other Master nor better Fortune. He gave him unto Rochepot going to remain Ambassador in Spain, to serve him for a Secretary, and in a small time he grew so capable both of the Language and Manners of the Spaniards, as he did write, speak & treat like unto a natural Spaniard. He was somewhat discontented with his Master, & so upon a despite he resolved to betray him, discovering his intention to a Frenchman called Raffis, who was retired into Spain for some crime that was not pardoned nor abolished by the Edict of Peace. He presents himself unto one of the King of Spain's Secretary's, and offers his Honour and his Conscience to his service. He made no great esteem thereof, thinking it to be but the wandering liberty and fantasies of a young man, & the first motion of his defection a heat of youth, a fire of straw for some discontent, a French inconstancy fit to receive all sorts of forms and changes, & in a word, a bad Servant for a good Master. He said unto him that the King of Spain resolved not to study any more in the Books of an others heart, having so good Intelligence with the King of France, as he desired not to understand his affairs by any other Instrument them his Ambassadors. This answer which did not satisfy his opinion, made him not to change his resolution. He addressed himself unto an other who was one of the chief of the King of Spain's Council, who considering how much it doth import a Prince to know his neighbours secrets, and that he could not give to much for a good Intelligence, a faithful Spy, and a confident Traitor (which they must seek out by all means) he gave ear to this young man, and judging that a Traitor may be made of any metal and that in the like occurrents they must taste and hear all, he gave him good entertainment, incorraging him to continue in his resolution, making him great promises in recompense of his treacheries. He sent him back to him to whom he had first discovered himself, assuring him that he should give him satisfaction. He returned to the first, who being advised by the second, that the neglect of such an occasion did wrong the King's service and the duty of his charge, he considered more exactly of his of●e●●, assuring him that he did willingly embrace it, & that his service should be respected, b● the King of Spain. He makes him to speak with the Duke of Lerma, whom (for the first proof of his devotion, and of that which he could do) he did acquaint with the King's letters sent to the Ambassador his Master. Here the bargain was concluded, & the Treason framed and favoured with a present of twelve hundred Crowns, L'osté the traitor returns into France and serves Mons Villeroy. & an assurance of the like yearly pension, & more according to his service. Rochepot finishing not the time of his embassage, the miserable wretch was out of hope to enjoy ●r deserve that which was promised, if he did not continued to give them intelligence; He therefore works so as he returns into service with his first Master, after that Rochepot had assured him that he had served him well & faithfully in his embassage. In his Cabinet s●ring all desseigns, all executions are framed, there is the Table of all that passeth throughout the world, he alone knows the affairs of France, he is acquainted with the most secret and doth manage the greatest. The first Law for such as enter into his service (and there is not any one that is not well known and tried: the King's chief servants holding it an Honour to place their Children in this Academy of affairs o● State) is secrecy and loyalty, for that the most important expeditions for the King's service, or of this State come out of his head, and pass through the hands of such as he ●rusts, to reduce them into form. The advices which they give or receive from the King's Ambassadors and Agents that reside with Princes and Potentates▪ both within and without Christendom, He h●d secret conference with Taxis Ambassador of Spain. being always in Cipher, they are left to such as have the counter-Cipher to decipher, relying upon their fidelities. This young man being returned to his first condition, but not to his first duty, continued to give intelligence to the Ambassador of Spain, of that which he did see & learn by the dispatches which he did cipher and decipher, and to advance the King of Spain's service, he hindered the Kings, giving Taxis the Spanish Ambassador, and after his departure, Suniga his successor in that charge, means to dispatch their Posts with such advantage, as the King of Spain was still advertised before the Ambassador of France, whereof he complained. He discovered it more plainly upon this occasion. The King had written a letter to his Ambassador to acquaint the Pope's Nuncio with a part thereof, and to keep the rest secret. Having received it, he commanded one of his servants to show the King's letter unto the Nuncio, unto a certain place & to conceal the rest. He goes unto the Pope's Nuncio, who had been already informed of the business, by one of the King of Spain's Secretaries. Hered the letter, and passed not the place which the Ambassador had marked. The Nuncio seeing that he stayed there, told ●im that he knew the rest, & that the King of Spain's Secretary had acquainted him therewith. This being reported to the Ambassador, he knew well that he was sold, and the King betrayed. He could not but advertise the King thereof. R●ffis taking this occasion for the surest means to work his peace, goes unto the Ambassador, & tells him that ●e had means to discover a Traitor unto the King, who revealed his secrets. The Ambassador gave him letters, and assured him of what he desired for his pardon, and of a greater recompense. He takes post to return into France; the King of Spain's ministers were presently advertised of his departure, they speedily dispatch a Courtier to the Ambassador, to assure him that there was one gone out of Spain, by who●e means the King might discover the treacheries of Losté, commanding him to do what he could to save him, and to charm him to silence, that being taken he might no● reveal that which could not be known nor discovered but by his own mouth. The Ambassador gives him notice thereof 2. hours before the King was advertised, telling him that he was undone if he did not fl●e. It is easy to persuade a miserable man to fl●e, who fears the pain of his wickedness, and cannot endure the testimony of his conf●●ence. He fled, but the evasion of the body was his ruin, and to save his head, he l●st both body & soul: for the King having sent divers Provosts to p●u●sue him, & having been overtaken by him of Meaux, at Fay, The Traitor Lost drowns hims●l●e. n●er unto La Ferte unde: jovarre, upon the way to Lorraine, the which he took to get out of the Realm, he cast himself into the river of Marne, and so was drowned. A just reward for such a treachery. A miserable d●spaire f●r him, but happy for those who had lost the hope of their safety if ●e had had time to discover their practices. T●e King was sorry that he was not taken alive, from whom he might have drawn some light for the good of his service. But his master was so extremely greeue●, that he wished a more exemplary justice for so great a disloyalty, Villerois' letter to La Guiche the 29. of April▪ 1604. and a more perfect knowledge of the effects, and of the complices of this treachery. doubtless this was a great affliction unto him, the which he did not dissemble in his letters written to his friends, thanking the Governor of Lions, for that he had kept good guard, lest this wretch should pass through his government: he said that he was ●uch greeue●, that this disloyal Traitor, who had betrayed his King, his Country and his Master, had wilfully drowned himself, for he deserved a more severe and shameful end, in regard of the King's service and his own particular. Execution of a dead body. The body of this wretch (who had sold himself unto the Spaniards) was drawn in pieces by four horses. The punishment was without any feeling for him, but it did torment the wicked with a shameful fear, and did trouble the good with a pitiless horror. Soon after the King discovered a new practice against his service and the Daulphins. The winds are invisible, but they that blow them to gather these clouds together were well known, and from what coast they came. They were but sparks of fire, as soon quenched as kindled. The King did write unto some of his chief and principal servants in these terms. You must take it for a good sign, that you hear so seldom from me by letter, for it is a sign that all is well God be thanked, as well for my person as for my affairs. The Spaniards would willingly have more matter & oftener, for they cannot desist from their ordinary practices to corrupt my servants. I have of late discovered some new design, in the which my Nephew the Count of Auvergne and Seigneur of Entragues are named, the which they have willingly advowed and confessed. But I have taken so good an order as no inconvenience shall happen. The ninth of june the Pope created eighteen Cardinals, Creation of new Cardinals. not according to the passion of great Princes that had entreated him, nor to the liking of his kinsmen, knowing that his Predecessors had conferred those dignities upon unworthy persons, set Scarlet hats upon heads without understanding, and given Pasquin occasion to complain, that some approached near unto Saint Peter's chair that were more stones, and had less brains than he had: The King had recommended many great Prelates of France to be remembered at the first promotion, to supply their places that were dead. Among them that were newly created, there were two French and two Spaniards. The Spanish Ambassador made great instance to have more, and not to have his Master equalled by the King of France. The first in the list was Seraphin Olivari patriarch of Alexandria, by race an Italian but borne at Lions, one of the most judicious Prelates of his age. Only virtue advanced him to this dignity, and the King made great instance for him by Bethunes his Ambassador. jeames Davy Bishop of Eureux received the like Honour by the King's recommendations. His services in reconciling the King with the Pope, his learned writings and his knowledge in Divinity, did worthily purchase him this Honour. The rest were all Italians except Bernard Maeziciowschi Bishop of Cracovia a Polonian. Cardinal Aldobrandin did also advance Herminio his Secretary to this Honour, of whom there is so much spoken in the discourse of the Wars of Savoy. Anselme Marzat a Capuchin of Monopoli was forcebly drawn into the number by the Pope's express commandment, having once refused this dignity, and protesting with tears of the injury that was done unto Saint Francis and the strict-rules of his Order. Of all the eighteen that were made Cardinals, Troubles betwixt the Grisons and the Count of Fuentes. their was not any but this Capuchin but did affect it, and many others that did expect it were disappointed. There was some fear lest the Controversy betwixt the Count of Fuentes and the Grisons should draw a civil War into Italy, under the pretext of Religion. The reason of this trouble grew, for that he would force the Grisons to break the alliance they had made the last year with the Venetians, and to make that which they had with France fruitless. The King advertised of these practices, commanded de Ʋio his Ambassador to go unto Coire, and to represent unto that people the wrong they should do unto their reputations in forsaking the faith and observation of their Treaties. De Vic discovers unto the Grisons. Out of the discourse which de Vic did use unto them, to persuade them to the keeping of their word, these points were collected of the inviolable firmness of their Word and oath. There must be many acts of virtue to purchase and maintain a great and good reputation, one only action to the contrary doth overthrow it, and smothers the remembrance thereof. It is gotten by many commendable and virtuous actions, but that which proceeds from Constancy and Generosity in the observation of promises, is so much the more commendable, for that it is grounded upon Faith and Religion which be the two pillars that do assure and maintain Estates. Religion one of the pill●rs of a State. The Ancients have said that Faith was the foundation of justice, the Honour of Heaven and Earth, without the which the World could not continue in Peace, and they erected her Altar near unto that of thundering jupiter, to show that God is the revenger of the breach of Faith. And Religion is so proper to Man and to the society of Men, that as Man cannot be Man without it, so there is no Nation how barbarous soever, that lives without some shadow of Religion. As they have the best part of essence and the solemnity of alliances and Confederations, in the which God is called on as a witness and judge of their Intentions that do promise and bind themselves; so is he greatly wronged in the breach of promises. And therefore the commendations that are given to many Nations are held vain and ridiculous being separated from this constant and immutable affection of keeping their faith. As the Greeks have been commended for many actions of Valour and Virtue, the which notwithstanding vanish away shamefully, in the reproach which hath always been made unto them, to deny their words easily, and never to bind themselves, but with an intent not to hold. And contrariwise the memory of the Faith and Constancy of the Romans is immortal, who abhorred the breach of promises, and held it an inexpiable Crime to violate Treaties. It is not Arms alone, but the constancy of Religion and their faith given, that had raised them to so great a power, as they held in their hands the reins of all the Provinces of the habitable Earth. In the beginning, the neighbour people did not esteem them as a City but rather a camp of thieves, a nest of Tyranny, and a Citadel in the midst of them, to trouble and practise all the furies of their Ambition. The estate of ancient Rome. But when as they understood that Faith only and a simple oath (all fear of punishment laid aside) did govern the City, they grew to such Reverence and Respect, as they held it a greater happiness, to obey a people so generous in their actions, so constant in their Words, and so religious in their oaths, then to command over others. The forms of the Common weal of the Grisons have great conformities with the politic and military Laws of the Romans': and as it yields nothing unto them in Valour and Generossity, so hath it always preserved (like unto them) the Religion of their Word and Promise; holding public Faith the Foundation and Groundwork of Estates, as Treacheary is the Plague and Ruin thereof. This sufficeth to show how odious the Persuasions or rather Practices and enchantments of those should be, that council them to revoke the Alliance made and sworn with the Commonweal of Venice. Which be good Counsels. We must cherish and respect the councils and Remedies of such as love the sick Patient, but we must suspect all things that come from the hand of a Neighbour that is an enemy, they minister nothing how sweet soever, which causeth not great Motions and Alterations in the Body. His Honey is worse than that of Cholchos, which did not infect the Heart, nor trouble the Understanding but for a day. In the distinction and choice of advice, we must prefer those that prefer Honour and augment Posterity, before those that dissolve the Concord and Quiet of an estate. Those (said a great Orator to the Athenians) are to be credited that Counsel to entertain Alliances with friends, for there is nothing more befitting a free City then the care and love of Equity and justice. Those that by their policies and roughness, would separate the Grisons from the Alliance of their friends, have happily some designs upon their liberty, the which they cannot execute better then by cutting off the number of their friend's, the which can never be too great how great and mighty soever he be. And if they have not this design, yet their Council is always unjust, seeing the effect concerns the shame and ignominy of this Nation, which cannot go from the truth of their promises, unless they will be generally taxed for treachery and baseness. A reproach so much the more to be feared, being certain that as soon as a Commonweal hath given any subject to doubt of her Faith, she must invent new forms of Religion to purchase credit with other Estates, and unknown people, to trust unto their promises: for such as know the deceivers will avoid the deceit. And although among the corruptions of our age feigning and dissembling be esteemed virtues, & have in the opinion of the vulgar notable qualities, yet among those that have contained themselves within the bounds of ancient Integrity▪ and know not the policies and deceits of the newcome. The people that are defamed for treachery and disloyalty lose all their friends. And in the end this Alliance hath been sworn by the most solemn acts of Religion. The name of the living God (who should not be taken in vain, and is polluted by the lightness of an oath) hath been called upon. It is an extreme Impiety, to make that Sovereign Spirit, that Infinite Immutable and Incomprehensible Essence, who is all justice and all Truth, a witness of our baseness and lying, that the Holiness of his name should cover our Dissembling, his justice our Wrong, his Truth our Deceit, and approve that which natural Reason cannot allow of. And this bond of Faith given, is of such necessity, as it must be kept even with Enemies, whereof that great Captain josua hath left a memorable example, refusing to break the Treaty which he had made with the Gabionits', Pagan Infidels; Although he had discovered their deceit, and was entreated by the chief of the Army to lose their Alliance. The answer he gave them was grounded upon Reason, saying; That they had given them their Faith, and that they must fear lest the fury of God (by whose Name they had sworme) should come upon them. There was great difficulty to retain these people inclining to change, upon the huge promises made them by the Count of Fuentes. The great promises o● the Count of F●ente● to the Grisons. They could not resolve in their councils. The weight of will and hope carried them away. He would reduce them to extreme necessity, taking from them the Commerce of Milan, without the which, they could not live. The Grisons' Estate is merely popular, consisting of six and twenty Comunalties, the which are d●uided into three Cantons. It is a difficulty to find any thing equal, constant, or well advised among so many Heads bred up in the Maxims of a Democrati●. The Count of Fuentes had debauched four; who had like to have corrupted the rest, as a little Leua●ne mar●es a great lump of D●we. For they stuck only upon Money, which the one demanded and the other offered. He gave so good entertainment to the Ambassadors that came to him to M●lan, as they passed so many Articles as he pleased, applying themselves to his humour of Peace, which being dishonourable is of worse condition for Free men then War itself. But when at their return they would have drawn the people to allow thereof, the Ambassador of France arrived so happily as he let them understand the prejudice and wrong that they did unto themselves. So as the best advised being informed of this surprise, resolved not to stray from the observation of the Alliances of France and Venice, Resolution of the Grisons. nor to depend for their passages, upon the advice and command of the Count of Fuentes nor of his successors, as he had bound them by his Articles, presuming that he could defend with the Sword, that which he had gotten with Gold. True it is that they made offer to enter into a new Capitulation of all that might be without prejudice to their Alliances, to assure a good Neighbourhood with the State of Milan, so as the Count o● Fuentes would demolish the Fort● within six months upon their Frontier. The great Cantons of the Swisses were Actors in this business, persuading the Grisons to trust rather to Courage then to the safety of their mountains. Matters continued in great suspense. They sent often to Milan, and what was concluded there was dissolu●d in the Assembly of the People, by the friends of this Crown, and by the Wisdom of the King's Ambassador, who said plainly that his Majesty would leave their Alliance, if they made not a Declaration that might content him. Those judgements that were sound & not prejudicate, found it reasonable, & in this reason the honour of their faith & the reputation of their estate, as contrariwise they thought it could not be an act of glory to sell their Alliance, as it was not commendable for the Spaniards to b●ye it, if they were, of the Romans humour, who never sought that by Gold, which they might do by the sword But against these apparent reasons, An Alliance pu●chased dishonourable. the Count of Fuentes had so many Tricks and Devises, as the Ambassador of France had much ado to retain this people, who promised in words not to forsake the alliance of France and Venice, doing the contrary in effect. In former times it was incredible that the Suisse so great an enemy to the house of A●stria, from whose subjection they had revolted, and the Grison so contrary to the Spanish fashions, would incline that way, and contradict the very feeling of Reason and Nature▪ The Truth hath freed the doubt, and let us see that it is of this people as of Vinegar, the which never freezeth for that it is extremely cold. The Swisses and Grisons (for that they are enemies to the Spaniards) will not have the power of Spain to be their enemy. The bad success of this business did not concern France and the Venetians alone; the best advised did foresee that it might draw a Civil War into Italy, under the pretext of Religion. Many Commanders and Captains Grisons, not able to endure the Rigour and Threats of the Count Fuentes, were solicited by them of their Belief and Religion (lurking in Italy) to hold good, and to attend until the Lord came from Edom to disperse their enemies, and to believe that as there is no Wa● more glorious than that which is undertaken to free their Country from servitude, so there is none more just than that which is made to deliver Consciences from Tyranny, and that both in the one and the other occasion it is a great happiness to sacrifice their Lives. The King sent advice thereof to Rome for the Consequence and Danger of Religion. He did also pacify the division of the people of Valais, who were in Arms and ready to come to a general Combat for the same quarrel. In the mean time the Grisons remained betwixt the doubtfulness of War and the discommodities of Peace, and as in the breeding of such divisions, free and curious spirits cannot retain their passions, they made Pasquins in Italy upon this subject, and the Spanish braveries were not mute, the which the Grisons answered with the like humour. If the Venetians who were the cause of all the mischief, would have spoke and set their hand to the work as they ought, the Count of Fuentes (who did more by example then by any authority) would have entreated the Grisons more mildly. But besides that Commonweals are not good for an offensive War, these Seigneures who would not hazard anything, but prefer present and assured things before that which was past and perilous, would have been content to have enjoyed that which they desired without any trouble. There was a general assembly held at Illant, at one of the Corners of the Grisons, where af●er great diversity of opinions, it was concluded by the greater part, that (seeing the Ambassadors had through their Avarice defamed their Legation, and suffered the Count of Fuentes to bind the liberty of their advice with chains of Gold, and had exceeded the instructions that were given them) the la●t Treaty made at Milan should be declared void, and of none effect, if the Alliance of France and that of Venice were not expressly reserved. The Dobles of Spain, had wrought wonders, giving motion to the most heavy, and speech unto the Dumb, to favour the Count of Fuentes intentions, with a Nation that loves money beyond all measure. But in the end the consideration of their own health, and the ruins of their liberty were of more ●orce, making them to choose the hazard of Arms, and of all discommodities, rather than to suffer the Fort which the Count of Fuentes had caused to be built, to stand unruined. And for that (incensed with this resolution) he had made show to seize upon Valteline, they made a levy of eighteen hundred Men in six companies to oppose against him. The King's intention was, that the treaty of Milan should not alter the Alliances of the Crown of France and of Venice. But if the Grisons should break with the French, & dishonour their reputation with so foul a defection, the French had no great reason to regard it, seeing it were a loss but of inconstant friends, whose faith was ruined by the same means it was preserved. True it is they should lose a goodly passage into Italy, but when they had any desire to go thither, it should not be by the Grisons. The French Armies were never led that way to pass the Alpes. It is true that when the Kings of France held Milan, this passage was necessary for them to draw in Swisses and Germans, for their service. But enjoying this no more, they need not to care much to lose that which cost them so dear to maintain. This was the beginning of the thirteenth year of Pope Clement the eights sitting in the Pontifical Chair. In his youth a Mathematician told him, that he should be a Cardinal than Pope, and should sit in the seat twelve years. A Friar had told Leo the tenth as much (having saved himself in Mantova after the battle of Ravenna) assuring him that he should be Pope, predictions of ●riar Seraphin of Montova. before he came to the age of forty years. A Term which made this prediction seem ridiculous and impossible, and yet it was true, for after the death of julio the second the young Cardinals being banded against the old, choo●e him Pope. The Astrologian, hath spoken very truly in the two first adventures of this Pope, but he hath misreckned himself in the third, yet some fear it is but one year, for this which we shall shortly begin is full of bad constellations upon that Sea, as they hold that have studied the book of the Abbot joachim. Curious questions. About that time there was a jesuite that maintained an opinion that was held very bold throughout all the Catholic Church, but most dangerous at Rome. That it was no point of the essence of Faith to believe that Clement the eight was the true and lawful successor of Saint Peter. He was committed to prison, and if the Ambassador of Spain had not dealt in it, he had sped worse, and tried that the Body hath often reason to complain of the pain which the Spirit causeth. another jesuite propounded a proposition which was held very strange for the Novelty and the Consequence thereof. Which was. That Confession might be done by Letters and by Posts. These with some other questions were decided before the Pope and the Cardinals in the following year. There fell out half a sedition in Rome by the means of Cardinal Farneze. Half asedition at Rome. One being pursued by the Officers to be carried to prison, fled into the cardinals Palace as into a Sanctuary, where he found a back door to escape. This flight was favoured by the encounter of some of the cardinals Gentlemen, who walking in the Court and seeing the Sargents make a noise at his escape whom they thought to apprehend, they gave them bad words with some threats, for the small respect they had borne unto their masters house. The Pope was advertised thereof, and the Governor of Rome went thither with his Officers. The Cardinal Farneze believed that all the Consistory was offended at this affront, the which troubled all Rome. They had given the Pope to understand that this did concern the authority of his justice, without the which the City could not continue happy. They had laid open this boldness unto him by many considerations of his own private interest. They said that this did but increase the discontents which many had conceived against the house of Aldebrandin. The tumult grew so great, as one sword drawn had put all the City in Arms. The Ambassador of Spain came to the cardinals Palace with all his friends, and there spent the whole night, looking on the Roman gentlemen that played in the Hall: and ask who had won or lost, they told him that the Duke Gactan had lost six hundred Crowns: Seigneur Duke (said he in Spanish) assure yourself that you lose nothing this night for the notable service you do unto the King. He was often herd to say these words, the which were fuller of vanity, then of necessity or reason, A qui quiero morir, as if the Pope who had no forces would come to besiege him. The next day the Cardinal Farneze retired himself to a house of his called Caprarola five & twenty miles from Rome, whether he was accompanied with the principal men in Rome: The Pope sent the Governor unto him, to receive his government from him, as if he had lost it for that he had entered into his Palace with his Sargents. He quenched the heat of those fiery Spirits with his tears, and complained that they did not love him as he did love, and that therein the intention of true friendship was deceived. But he commanded his Noncio in Spain to compiaine of the King of Spain's Ambasador, who had openly discovered his passion against him. In the end the Duke of Parma brought back the Cardinal to Rome, & all was pacified. As he came from Monte-cavallo where the Pope was, he was well accompanied & followed into the Court of his Palace, with cries of joy. Viva la Casa Farneza. These were the people's violent passions not so much for any love of him, as in hatred of the Cardinal Aldobrandin. But none of them trusted to this reconcyliation. The Cardinal, the Duke Gaetan, and many others of the greatest of the City went out of Rome. The Pope caused six hundred Corpse's to come, and two hundred Harquebusiers on Horseback for the guard of Saint Peter Bourg, and if he had had the Spirit of Sixtus the fift, or of Popes that were Predecessors to Paul the third, this small beginning had been the cause of great accidents. In the beginning of the year the Emperor sent his Ambassador to show to the Pope An Ambassador from Emperor. and Consistory, the great occasions that were lost in Hungary for want of means to attempt and execute them. for although the Bascha were arrived with two millions of Gold, they found that this Army mass more capable to consume this provision, then to do any great effect, and that they would only seek to waste and spoil. The Pope told him that he had no money, and that he should be constrained to impose a ●enth upon the Clergy of Italy to that effect. The Emperor's Ambassador wondered, that the Pope said he had no money, for every man knoweth what his Treasure is, in the Castle S. Angelo. It is not touched but is wholly reserved for the necessities of Rome. The Emperor did also command his Ambassador to go to the Prince's of Italy, and to entreat the like succours from them, but it was without effect. He was angry that the D●ke of Savoy (Vicar of the Empire) did refu●e to contribute to the charges o● this War. He was not in so good terms with t●e Venetians, as to hope for any secret succours of money. The controversy grew for the confines of the Earl of Tyrol, for the Venetians complained, that they had usurped upon certain Mountains of the Alpes upon the passage of Trent, for the recovery and maintenance of their jurisdiction, they made some courses through the Mountains with their Soldiers to make reprisals of Men and cattle, and doing other acts of possession. The Emperor was not ●o much troubled for this usurpation, as he was extremely grieved for the loss of Pes●a, Pes●● abandoned by the Christians. the which happened through want of Courage, unworthy the Glory and Reputation of Christians▪ for there are sinister accidents in War, which may ●ather be imputed to the rigour of ●ortun●, and to want of foresight then to cowardice, but this yielding of the place was mere baseness. Those of Buda having received a great Convoy or some news thereof, shot off all their Artillery, and ma●e great shouts o● joy after thei● manner, the Christians thinking it was some great assault or some furious charge that would be given them, were so amazed, as they forsook the Town without the sight of any enemy. But as Christian Princes were cold in so holy and just a War, God makes use of an Infidel Prince, to their own confusion. The Persians had been long oppressed by the Turks, but now it seems they can and will seek their revenge. If a part of the Turks Forces were kept occupied in Hungary, they would easily prevail over the rest, and force the Turks to giu● them Water and Earth in sign of their subjection. For this occasion the K●ng of Persia, sent an Ambassador to the Emperor entreat him not to make any Peace with Amet, assuring him to secure him with many th●usandes of M●n and C●ownes. He passed by Lions and did see the Governor to whom he reported wonders of the greatness and power of the King of Persia, who he sa●d had taken above fouresco●e Towns from the Turk, that he had defeated Cigale in Battle, and that now he held Aleppo besieged, and that they could not pass his Countries in three months▪ that he could raise two hundred thousand Foot, and a hundred tho●sand Horse for his defence. After that he had discoursed long with him upon this subject, he asked the Governor by his Interpreter, What profit he had by his charge, and the Governor asked Why he demanded it? Because (answered the Ambassador) that the King of Persia my Master neu●r reaps any profit of that which is lea●ied in his Provinces, but leaves the disposition thereof to the Go●ernors, who for that respect are bound in time of War to furnish a certain number of Men and a propotion of Money out of the revenues of their Governments. We must believe them which come from far, for that the great d●stance makes the proof difficult. The Persian joins upon the North with the Medes, Description of 〈◊〉 on the West side it hath Susiane, upon the East Caramania, and towards the South, it is bounded with the Sea. The powers of the World have their revolutions and periods as well as Men. It hath been seen in the Monarchy of the Persians. They held the Monarchy two hundred and five and twenty years, the Medes expelled them, these were chased away by the Macedonians, and they by the Romans', and the Romans' by the Saracins. S●nce they have freed themselves from any others command, and reserved some piece of the ancient Monarchy. But the Turks entreated them very ill, who after many long Wars granted them in the end so infamous a Peace, as they retained their capital City, and so injurious, as the worst conditions of war had been better. As peace is to be desired for them that are at ease, and war for the miserable. This Persian took the way of Suisserland to perform his embassage, he went from Lions to Baden, during the assembly of the thirteen Cantons of Swisses, he had but one more on horseback with him, and five or six men on foot, and one cart for his baggage. When as the King's Ambassador saw him in his equipage he said, he did not think his charge should have any great train, seeing he himself had so small. The King having promised to restore the jesuits. The jesuits restored. Father Cotton came to Paris by his majesties command, with father Armand the Provincial, and father Alexander. They not only found all things easy, but beyond their conceived hopes: for the King grew presently into such a liking with Father Cotton, as he did nothing but he was called, & in the end his Majesty granted their return upon certain conditions, and the Edict made for their establishment, (notwithstanding any oppositions made unto the Court to hinder the confirmation thereof) was confirmed in the beginning of this year, and their Colleges restored at Lions, Rovan, Bourges, and Dijon. The Seigneur of Varenne (Controller General of the Posts, jesuits at L● Flec●●. and now Governor of the Town and C●stell of Angers, who loved them of this company) besought the King to build a new College at La Fleche in Anjou, with privileges like to the other Universities of this realm, the which the King made of a royal foundation, and gave them his own ho●se, with pensions, ●or the instruction of a good number o●●ong gentlemen, whom his Majesty would have bred up, and instructed there in all Professions, Tongues, & Exercises. During these great royal favours, Father Cotton tasted o● some private disgrace, Father Cotton wounded. for returning one night somewhat late (about the end of february) and passing by the street of the new bridge, to go unto the Lovure, there were certain Page's and Laquays, which calling for him at the door of the Carosse, wounded him with their rapiers, having one great wound in the shoulder going towards the neck & the throat, whereof notwithstanding he was soon after c●red. There was great search made for this attempt, but the King himself discovered presently whence it might proceed. The Pages & Laquais of the Court had been whipped by commandment for their insolency, in crying with derision, Old will, old Cotton (upon the complaint of certain Princes and Noblemen.) Those that say this blow was premeditated by the enemies of the jesuits, were deceived, and his majesties only opinion (who judged that it came from the Pages and Laquais) was true. Some were taken and examined, the King himself heard the examination, first they excused themselves of the fact, than they said that they meant only to strike the Coachman, to whom they had cried to go farther off▪ and that he would hurt them, coming so near the wall, the which he would not do, and that thinking to strike the Coachman, they had hurt Father Cotton. If ●ather Cotton had not been an earnest suitor unto the King to pardon them, it had gone ill with them, but notwithstanding they were banished the Court, and forbidden ever to come there upon pain of death. This year the King besides his goodly buildings, which shall make his memory commendable to posterity, A Channel from the river of Seine to Loire. would also show unto future ages, that he had a care of the good of his subjects, who for the commodity of their commerce & traffic, caused a channel to be made, by the which all merchandise should be carried from the ri●er of Loire into the river of Seine. At the same time he began his channel from Seine to Loire, which costs a hundred and fourscore thousand Crowns in 3. years. They propounded unto his Majesty, an enterprise of greater difficulty, to join the two Seas together, & to make the navigation from the one to the other through France, & not to pass by the strait of Gibraltar. By the means of a channel more easy to be made betwixt the two rivers, which pass the one from Tolouse into the Ocean, & the other from Narbone into the Mediterranean Sea, than that which is made to join the rivers of Seine and Loire together. The undertaker offered Cantion to ●oi●e the navigation of the ●aid two Seas by this C●anel, within one year for 40000. Crowns only, the which should carry a vessel of four fathom wide from one Sea unto the other, for a certain proof of his desseine. Which was to make ships to pass afterwards, within a ●mall time, and for little more charge. There were many new inventions for works devised and brought into France this year by strangers, New inventions of works brought into France. Making of Cipers. as weaving of gold after the manner of Milan, and the making of cloth and lines of the bark of white Mulberry trees, more easily then of nettles or any other trees, and more strong and of longer continuance than any other, the which was invented by Monsieur Serres in Province. The making of all sorts of Cypress both curled and smooth, and of all other sorts, which were not made before but in Italy, is now established in the Castle of Nantes. Gilt hangings Hangings of gilt leather, o● all sorts and colours that may be wished, fairer than Imbrodorie, better cheap, and of greater continuance, for the easiness and invention to make them clean, and to amend, they are in great shops in Saint Honours, and Saint james suburbs, to set poor people on work. Cutting m●lls. There were cutting mills invented, and set upon the river of Estampes, where they cut iron into many pieces, and into what form they will, the which was not done before but by the Smiths The turning of iron, (whereof France abounds) into fine steel, Turning o● iron into fine steel. the which they were forced to seek in Piedmont, in german, and in other strange Countries, for five or six sou the pound, having never found any thing in France but iron, the which for the excellency they call course steel of Brie or of Saint Desire, the which is sold for two or three sou the pound, at the most. The fournaises are to be seen in Saint Victor's suburbs, upon the mouth of the river of Bieu●e, the which deserves to be admired for the excellency thereof. The making of white Lead, White Lead. the which is a kind of drogue or quintessence, drawn out of Lead, very necessary and common for Painters, Farriars, and many other uses, the which they were forced to seek and buy dearly out of France, is new made there, better and better cheap. The like invention there is of pipes of Lead, as long and as big as you will, Pipes of Lead without solder beaten, and as light as iron for Cuirasses, stronger and more lasting than the ordinary pipes of Lead, and better cheap, and which make the waters that pass through them more wholesome for the body of man, by reason of the ingredients of the soldering which corrupts the water that passes by them. Besides the solder doth still leave some little tongs or drops pierced, the which stays the slime of the water, and makes the pipe to bend, with many other secrets and commodities that depend thereon, invented by Ferrier, dwelling in the suburbs of Saint German. Some parts of France as well as of Sicilia were this year much afflicted for want of Corne. Scarcity of Corne. The Dukes of Guise and Vantadour besought the King that he would be pleased to suffer Province and Languedoe to be supplied by the other Provinces of his Realm, where there was abundance. The King having given liberty, there passed great store by the City of Lions, who fearing to fall into the like want, besought the King to revoake his grant of the passage. The King's answer seemed to proceed from the heart, not of a Prince only, but of a Father, who desires to provide equally for all the necessities of his family, and hath a care that nothing be wanting. The principal reasons were, Communication necessary among Provinces. that there is nothing more necessary for the well ordering of an estate, then to entertain communication betwixt Provinces to secure one another, and to have the traffic as free and as easy as may be: Nature having so framed them, as they have need one of another, for if the one restrains of the one side, the other may do the like on the other side, so as if one Province annoys an other, it may also receive the like annoyance from them: as if they stop the passage of Corn at Lions, they of L●nguedo● and Province, No Region Province or C●t●●● can p●sse without thei● neighbour's. may keep from them, Oils, and Spice, and many other necessary commodities. That the City of Lions hath no interest in this passage, being lawful for them, to make what provisions of Corn they please, in Bourgongne, and other places. That he must also have care of other Provinces which have need of relief, whom they might easily persuade that this liberty of passage, depended upon the favour and good will of them of Lions, and not upon his commandment. Discommodities by the 〈◊〉 of the commerce There wanted nothing in France, but permission to traffic in the King of Spain's & the Archdukes dominions. The sea towns endured great discommodities, and in the end, if this prohibition had continued, they would have said of the greatest, as was said of Megalopolis a great City in circuit of walls, and little in number of Inhabitants. M●gna Civitas, magna solitudo. A great City, a great wilderness. The Spaniards found this Inhibition much more grievous & insupportable: there was nothing to be heard among them but public complaints, for that all things grew extremely dear, and the Artisans desperate. This grievance depending upon the execution of the Treaty to Veruins, the Pope commanded his Nuncio to deal in it. The King would not yield to any thing, before that the Spaniards who had troubled the water, did make it clear again in revoking the Imposition of thirty on the hundred. Therein he forced his nature, for being so good, God never tired wi●h doing good. as he desired only the good of his people, and feels in his soul that content wherewith God himself cannot be satisfied, he could not hear speak of this Commerce, if the King of Spain did not discharge that Impost of thirty for the hundred, which made the liberty of traffic an extreme servitude, and the profit an assured loss. This was most severe and rigorous. There is not any but is bitter to the Merchants, Covetousness having changed the first cause as well as the quantity of Impositions and Customs. In former times they were not paid, but for the safety and liberty of the passage from one place to another, and for that Princes have public ways in their protection, which for that reason are called The King's high ways, they have acknowledged this right of protection with some consideration. In like sort when the Navigation was undertaken to the Indies, Navigation to the 〈◊〉. into Arabia and Ethiopia, the Emperor for the purging of the Sea of Pirates and Rovers, imposed the Gabell or Custom of the red Sea, for the entertaining of ships of war against the attempts of Pirates, with the money that should be raised thereby. Such Impositions for so necessary occasions cannot be but just. Others are not so, and yet they must bear them, being no more lawful for the subject to murmur against the Customs, and Imposts, wherewith his Prince doth charge him, t●en against the Hail, rain, storms and Tempests of Heaven. Obedient Children kiss the ●odd wherewith they have been whipped. Revenge is reserved unto God, who forbids the Sovereign Magistrates to oppress the people with such charges. He let Pharaoh know so much, when as Moses turned his rod into a Serpent, to let him understand that his Sceptre and his reign was changed into tryanny and extreme Cruelty. Some said that (Spain which deliberates long, and resolves constantly) would never revoake this Imposition, for that they would not lose the reputation of the constancy and firmness of their Laws, and not to be taxed of lightness, applying themselves to the time and occasion. But they must endure it, and the Deputies of the two Kings, and of the Archduke being resolved upon that point, there was no difficulty but that the Commerce was restored to the first liberty. The Constable of Castille returning into Spain, came to the King at Fontainbleau. The traffic open with Spawn. The King sent to receive him at the entry of Paris, by the Duke of Montbasson, who was well accompanied, and the next day at the entry of the forest of Fontainbleau, he found fiveteene Carosses full of Gentlemen of the Court, who left them to offer them to him and to his train, and so mounted upon their horses which did attend them. The Constable of Castille comes to the King. It cannot be spoken ho● royally the King received him. Among many testimonies of honour and affection, this was not ordinary. Zamet invited him to supper, being ready to wash, the King accompanied only with Bellegarde and Roguelare enters, saying that he would sup with them. The Constable offered him his napkin, and would have kneeled, The Kings receives him with all ●on●● He su●s with the Constable the which the King would not suffer, saying unto him that it was not for him to yield honours but to receive them, for he was of that house, being allied to the house of Velasques, to whom the dignity of the Constable of Cas●ille and Leon is hereditary, and is an honour in a manner equal with a Sovereign; The house o● Velasques. the Emperor Valentinian finding no other place wherewith to honour and advance his Brother Valence. The Commerce which had been forbidden for some months, being restored, there was nothing contained in the Treaty of Veruins but was duly executed, ●ut 〈◊〉 with concerned the private interest of the Earl of Saint Paul. As for the General▪ 〈◊〉 went so well, as it might be said the two Kings had never had better correspondency, and that their wills although contrary had been like unto wine and water which cannot be separated. As for the affairs of the Realm, the King found so great respect and obedience in all places, as if there remains any passion in the hearts of his Predecessors, they must be grieved that they were never so well obeyed. This year the States of the united Provinces had provided an Army of two thousand five hund●ed sail great and small, to relieve Ostend ●f it were possible, or else to attem●ty 〈◊〉 Sluse, which is the chief port of Flanders, with this resolution the Count Maurice, Landed his Army, took the Isle of Casandt, Isandike, and all the sorts upon the 〈◊〉 Land near unto the Town: so as they of Slice despairing of relief seeing the Marquis Spinola repulsed from Cassant, Lost by the v●nity of Mattheo Serrano the governor. made a sign of yielding, they delivered up the Town upon Honourable Conditions, the Capitulation was made the nineteenth of August 1604. The archdukes forces returned again to Ostend to press the besieged w●ile● the season of the year would suffer them, the which was defended with great Constancy and Resolution. The tediousness of this siege cost the States more than the entertainment of a great Army, Ostend yielded by composition the 15. of September. and therefore Count Maurice sent express commandment to the Governor to Capitulate and leave that ruin which cost them so many Men and so much Money. Before they entered into Capitulation they sent away their Artillery and all their stuff by Sea. After three years siege and more they yielded up the Town upon as Honourable conditions, as if they had delivered up the best place in Europe. The Archduke entered it, and they that went with him were amazed to see that they h●d conquered nothing but a Churchyard after so long time and so great expenses, and had made an other without that was better peopled. It was a great Glory for the Archduke to have taken this Town after so long a patience of three years. In matters of War they consider not the time that is spent but the success. The Archduke enters it. He lost three years time, but the gain of the thing desired, did recompense his loss. The Beseegers spent much Powder to have a heap of Sand, they lost an incredible number of Men to get a Churchyard. It is all one, the victor's Glory is not impaired having that which he would have, there was never seen the like For t●●e of a Fort nor so great resolution to asaile and defend a Town without houses yea without ground, and which promised to the Conqueror nothing but a Barren heap of dust. ●t seems that War hath made choice of the Low Countries, to continue there all this age, as it hath done the best part of the precedent. O●●er Provinces have been ruined by War, and especially by civil War, where the Conqueror smarts and sed●s the losie, but they increase and grow Rich by their War. They had not been so Rich if they had not taken Arms against their Prince, who in the end will find it true, that it is dangerous to make long War with any people, The Low Countr●●s 〈…〉 by war. for that the assiduity and continuance of this exercise makes them warlike, and Capable to vanquish them, who in the beginning durst not encounter his forces. After they have once put a sword into the People's hands, it is hard to wrest it from them. The sword makes the feeble and the strong equal and can hurt and wound in any hard. Agesi●laus being beaten and wounded by them whom he had forced to take Arms, was mocked by Antale●das, saying that the Thebans had paid him the hire of that which he taught them against their wills. And although the King of Spain and the archdukes powers be far greater than that of the States, yet they make War with greater commodity and safety than he. Among many remarkable considerations of the situation of the Country, they have the Sea free, by the which they may conduct what numbers and what quantity of munition and equipage for the War they please, and to any place they please, the which cannot be carried by land but with exceeding great charge and by great marches. So as we may say of them, as Taxiles said of the Romans' that their Armies are invincible, and we need not to manuel that they have so much Artillery, Munition, Carriages and Men, seeing they have so many Ships in their ports: And at their door two great Kingdoms full of warlike Soldiers, which cannot live in Peace, but Glory in the encounter of dangers, to whom there is no pain that is strange, nor place in accessible, nor enemy redoubtable. The King of Spain hath great difficulties in this War. Advantages of the united Provinces for the War. They say there is no Spanish Soldier but costs him a hundred Crowns, before he arrives in Flanders. And that those Countries which are of the Ancient Patrimony of the house of Bourgondie have consumed above a hundred Millions of Gold. It is almost forty years that it hath continued. Those mountains of Gold and Silver of the Indies have been made plain and almost drawn dry with this War. He hath been often constrained to fly to the Genoats purse. His great revenues have been consumed with the incredible charge. The Mines of Silver of Potozzi, discovered with in threescore years, which brought unto the King every day for his fift part six thousand Pesoes every Peze being valued at thirteen Rials & one forth part, have not been sufficient to feed the flames of this Mount Aetna. The Marquis of Rhosny, going to take possession of his government of Poitou, was at Rochel, where he was received with all sorts of Honours, causing his majesties intentions to be entertained with so great affection as it did amaze them that knew that since King Francis the first this Town had not been so obedient as the rest. There are secret murmurings, discontents and distrustes; but they are Clouds without Water. These are ulcers which draw unto them bad humours, but the disposition of the Body is no whit altered and changed: In show all goes well, and we have nothing else to care for, for men are commonly satisfied with that which seems, as well as with that which is. It sufficeth that a Prince be well obeyed, be it either for fear or for love. France being never so miserable as when she had Kings that cared not to be well obeyed and I oved. And what wants a Prince, that is at Peace with in his Realm, The Marquis of Rho●●y goes into Poit●u. admired of Strangers and redoubted of his enemies, who hath so great designs in hand, for the increase and beautefying of this Estate, as his Predecessors durst never think of them? One Arsenal alone can furnish him a hundred Cannons, with powder and munition for a hundred thousand shot, Arms for ten thousand Horsemen, and fifty thousand foot, and treasure ready to pay a greater number. This Prince who knew what it was to make War without money, will never undertake it without a just cause, not being in want. War which is a attempted without cause is seldom happy and successful, and although they be justifiable yet is there always some scruple. The D●●●●phins 〈◊〉 vo●●ge to Fo●ntainble●. He spent the best part of the year at Fontainbleau, and found his abode there so pleasing and the season so fair, as he sent for the Dauphin. It was the first voyage to the place of his birth, and the second by Paris. He made show that he did participate of the Father's good disposition, for he neither feared not felt Son nor Serein, although it be much felt in that place. Thus the year past, when as France could not furnish wherewithal to make a perfect Narration. We may now say as it was heretofore said of the Gauls that they were more given to Tillage and to the Government of their families, then unto War and Arms. Then most factious think of nothing now but of planting of their Orchards. The Crisons do still pursue the demolition of the fort. They talk of a truce in Hungary, and of a Treaty of Peace in the Low Countries. This willbe matter to write on the next year following. Entervewe of the Dukes of Sau●● and Mantova. But we may not forget the entervewe of the Duke of Savoye with the Duke of Mantova. It ministered matter of discourse, and made the Princes of Italy somewhat jealous: to see two Princes send Ambassadors which had continued so long in bad terms, and two Princes that were Neighbours, which had this advantage to have made War in person, was not without scruple. And although in show they talked only of Peace, yet are they not the first, that have had Peace in their mouths and War in their hearts. Machiavelli saith that a Prince of his time, never talked but of a Peace and Faith, and if he had kept either of them he had lost his Estate and his Reputation. These two Princes have Lands lying of either side of the River of ●o. The Duke of Savoy was discontented that the Duke of Mantovas' people had usurped something upon his subjects. This was a great dispute of their confines, the which notwithstanding was soon reconciled, the Accord is never difficult betwixt persons near allied. The Duke of Mantova came to Montferrat, which gave the occasion of this entervewe, whereof the cause is unknown, if it be not for the marriage of his Son to the Duke's second Daughter. They met in the open field on Sunday the 12. of December. The Duke of Savoy was in Carosse, and the Duke of Mantova and his Son on Horseback: They lighted to entertain and salute on an other. The Noblemen and Gentlemen which followed them made a great ●ing, in the which these two Princes did walk and talked together two or three hours. The Duke of Savoy feasted him at dinner the Tuesday following, in a little house upon the fronter of the Marquisate of Salusses. They continued together until night, when parting the Duke of Savoye gave unto the Duke of Mantova four goodly Horses with very rich furniture. To conclude this years work there was new matter presently, but it is always bad, when as the Princes Clemeny is forced to yield unto his justice, when as France doth bring forth Spirits so easy to corrupt, as intelligences with the Enemies of this Crown are not held for crimes, and their Honour as vain smoke, the which notwithstanding should be so carefully preserved, that rather than to see it blemished or charged with any reproach, they should desire and offer themselves to death. The King offended with the practices of the Count of Auvergne, commanded him to come unto him, and to trust unto his Clemency, the which was not unknown unto him. The King sends for the Count of Auvergne. Descure made some journeys unto him, from whom he brought nothing but delays and excuses. The King's justice was once contented to make him change the air for a time. It was the best Council his friends could give him: it was the surest resolution he could take: for it was better to be absent with the King's good liking, then to be retired and in disgrace. The King was wonderfully grieved at this relapse, and did impute it to an error which great courrages detest more, and pardon less, than all other faults: for compare Vice with Vice and Evil with Evil, Ingratitude is the most odious and the worst. This Prince notwithstanding (who cannot leave pardonning) sent Descure back unto him to cause him to come. He promised to go if they would bring him a pardon formally made. The King disliked of this kind of Capitulation, whereas his own Authority was wronged and his word held deceitful. A great King so much feared and obeyed, and of so great Authority, should have his words as much credited as an others oath. It is not with this Prince as with some of his Predecessors, who under the most smile and calm countenance smothered most dangerous and troublesome tempests. He sent him his Abolition in the same form and virtue that he desired, containing all the evil that he had done, and all that he would have done. A Pardon granted with a condition. It teacheth the Honour of a Prince to justify himself, when as his innocency is any thing mistrusted or suspected of his King. In these Encounters he must leave the charges which he holds, as Caius Menevius did: he must return in the midst of his voyage like unto Mar● Anthony, he must quite all Legations to prevent all Accusations, and he must oppose his innocency boldly and courageously, unto slander. But he that hath once offended his Prince he hath no other remedy or refuge but to his Clemency, or to flight. This pardon had a condition that he should come unto the King, without the which the effect thereof should be suspended and without assurance. He refuseth to go. He got nothing in growing obstinate not to go out of Clermont, representing unto himself that he could find no better Council then in the remembrance of his last Imprisonment, as Croesus did in his miseries. Adversity doth instruct. He did build much upon the Love of the Inhabitants of Clermont and of the Country. But he did not consider that although he had many hearts at his devotion, yet should he hardly draw them all together to oppose them against the King's commandments, when it should please him to seize upon him in that City, and that it were more safe for him to be free without the Vineyard, The King gives order to have him taken. then to remain there, not being absolute Master thereof. The King therefore seeing that he would not come but with conditions that did not agree with a perfect obedience, resolved to have him, by one means or other. The first overtures were made to the two Brothers of Murat, the one Lieutenant General in the presidial Court at Rion, the other Treasurer extraordinary of the Wars, both vehemently affected to the King's service, and for this reason greatly suspected by the Count of Auvergne, who to let them understand the actions that he would have known, did often confer with them of his affairs, but in like manner as Princes do communicate with Ambassadors and Spies, and the more freely for that he thought they were not men to lead him to Paris. But there were others to execute his commandments, and more than of one condition, all resolute to take him, yea though he were shut up in a Tower of brass. Nothing c●n be kept secret that many know. So there must be some to take him and other to conduct him when he was taken. It was necessary that such as had the King's authority in the Province▪ and the disposition of his forces and of justice should deal in it. The King's intention was imparted to the Vicont of Pont du Chasteau, to d' Eurre Lieutenant of the Duke of Vandosmes company, to the Baron of Camilac, to la Boulaye Lieutenant to the company of the Marquis of Vernevil, to Nerestan Colonel o● a Regiment of foot, and to so many others as it is a wonder it was not divulged being in so many heads. In this action all showed the duties and affections of good men which respected their Honours. Many means were attempted, but they were encountered with great difficulties and crosses. The King's patience moved. True it is that if Nerestan had not come with revocation of the King's first commandments, his taking had been certain when as he went a hunting to la Tour of Buissiere, where as a Gentleman should have bidden him to dinner. The Order was changed for that he had given the King to understand that he had means to do him a great piece of service in the discovery of great secrets. Some days passed in the expectation of this miracle, but in the end it proved nothing. The King's patience being wronged would believe no more, but commanded that they should force him to come, and if his Bounty had not restrained him, They resolved to take him by what means soever. we should have seen him as extreme in revenge, as he hath always been Bounty and Clemency. He earnestly recommended unto his subjects the execution of this prize, as a thing of great importance for his service, for the preservation of the State and the assurance or safety of my Lord the Dauphin. The surest means (& that wherein there was least trouble and scandal) was the mustering of the Duke of Vandosmes Company, who by the advice of the Count of Auvergne himself, and to please a Lady who desired to be revenged of some Countrymen, dislodged from Saint Porcin to come to Balsac and to Vormie, where they entreated their Hosts in such sort as they left not provision for three days to some one that had been furnished for three years. D' Eurre who priest Murat (Treasurer extraordinary of the Wars) to pay his company a muster, entreated the Count of Auvergne to see it, to the end he might assure the King that he had Gallant men and good Horses, and that all his Companions should be wonderfully Honoured with the presence of their Colonel. I will part to morrow said the Count of Auvergne to hunt at Alezou, and will return again on Monday at night, I pray you be here at supper and lodge your company at Normain, to the end that the next day after that we have drunk, run at the ring and dined, we may see it. This was done as he had appointed, and it seems he was an Actor in his 〈◊〉 misfortune, and an instrument of his misery, not being able to discover the bitterness of those Golden-pills which they presented unto him. D' Eurre came to Clermont on Monday at night, and goes unto him where he supped in one of their houses that managed this business. The Duke of Vendosmes company was not in good order at the voyage of Me●z. When as he espied D' Eurre a far off, he said unto hi●; Now Sir, am I not a Man of my word? D' Ewer thanked him for the pain it had pleased him to take to see his Companions, beseeching him to think that he desired it wit● great affection, to the end the King might know they were not in so bad estate ●s at the voyage of Metz. The next day the ninth of November the morning was 〈◊〉 in running at the Ring; of four courses he took three. He had intelligence that they meant to ta●e him, and distrusting all, he had resolved to come so early to the place of musters, as not finding the company there ready, he should be excused if he did not attend them, ●ean●ng to pass on a league farther, where a Lady that loved him did expect him. D' Eurre having foreseen all, leaving nothing to hazard that might be governed by judgement, He is prevented by the diligence of De Eu●re. used such preventions, as the subtleties of this spirit prevailed nothing. He commanded La Bady Marshal of the company to see his Companions in order. He advertised Nerestan and the Captains that did assist him, of the place whether they should come, & wrought so, that Diligence and Courage which are the wings of great executions, were so supported by the secret of discretion, as none of the Troop once dreamed of that which was to be done. They went to dinner, and it was well observed that the Count of Auvergne had some distrust. He hath since confessed that he was ready to call the two Brothers of Murat into his Cabinet, and to cause them to be searched, for that he was well advertised that they always carried the King's Letters and his commandments. But a great resolution thinking that there is no more harm in fearing, then in the thing that causeth fear, fears extremely to make show that he hath any fear. After Dinner D' Eurre asked If it pleased him to go to horse to see the Musters. He goes to Horse with two more with him. He answered him; That it should be presently, and that he should use speed. He retired himself soon after into his Cabinet, and went down being followed by Maisonuille only and Liverne, mounted upon a Scottish Horse (which Vitry had given him) the which would have outrun all the Horses of France. He would not attend the other Noblemen for that he disinherited them, having an intent to pass on, if he found them not ready. But being come to the place, he found the company in battle. This great diligence made him somewhat jealous, and they might perceive him, that pulling up his Cloak, he drew his Sword four fingers out, yet without any amazement. D' Eurre ●eeing him make even the reins of his Horse, came to him trotting, with his H●t in his hand, and hearing him swear with a great oath that he had been very diligent. You may see my Lord (answered he) I have caused my Companions to advance, for that I would not trouble you with attendance Monsieur D' Eurre (replied the Earl) you are one of my Friends, I cannot make any long stay here. To whom D' Eurre said. All my Companions are not yet here, but if it please you, you shall see this Troop, and judge of the whole by a part. Hereupon he sees some Horsemen come and demands what they were. D' Eurre told him; That it was Nerestan who had been at Rion about a suit of his daughters. He believed it, for he knew that Nerestan had stayed some days at Rion and yet his heart began to suspect more. But it was too late, he was environed on every side, and hardly can one resist many. Ner●stan lighted to salute him, and having entertained him with some discourse upon the occasion of his stay at Rion, or of his return to Court, he went presently to Horseback, and thrust on one of the Lackquays with his ●oote, for a sign and token of the beginning of the execution. One of Nerestans' three Lackquays takes hold of his Horse by the Bridle. D' Eurre seeing that Nerestan had taken the right side to salute the Count of Auvergne went unto the left, and laying hold with his Hand upon the Hilt of his Sword he said unto him that he had commandment from the King to take him, The other two Laquais pulled ●im so roughly from his horse, as he had like to have fallen to the ground, he was moved to see himself so entreated by Laquais, entreating D Eurre to cause two of his companions to light, and that he might not see those rascals any more: Nerestan said unto him that they were soldiers so attired to serve the King in this action. A piece short into the air by c●ance made him to doubt worse measure, so as he entreated D' Eurre that he would not use his 〈◊〉. D' Eurre freed him from these apprehensions, entreating him to resolve upon the Kings will, and not to force them to entreat him otherwise then they desired. Well said he, I yield, what will you have me to do? That you mount upon the trumpets horse, said D' Eurre. They set him upon the trumpets horse. It was feared that he would not have suffered himself to be taken so easily nor so quietly, as we have seen many grea● courages choose rather to be cut in pieces, then to see themselves reserved fo● some shameful end, and others that have willingly died, for that they would not die by force. When as he sees himself in the Toil environed on all sides, Liverne his confident follower in ●light, & his friends the ministers of his Captivity, he said, Ah in the devils name, I doubted all this. Being mounted upon the trumpets Nag, they conduct him presently to A●gueperse. They conduct him to A●●uepers●. Before he had gone a hundred paces, he entreated D' Eurre to lend him one of his troop, to car some message of his remembrance, and of his misery, to a Lady that attended him. De Pleche had the charge. She who had not prepared her heart to withstand the assaults of a most extreme and sensible grief, took D' Eurre for the object, against whom she poured forth the ●urie of her passions. The extreme great of ● Lady tha● loved him. If I knew (said she unto this Gentleman,) that I might save him in forcing through your troop, I would willingly do it, and if I had but ten Men of my courage and resolution, you should not carry him where you think. But I ●●ll never die until I have given D' Eurre a hundred shot with a pistol, and to Murat a hundred blows with a sword. These were the passions of her love, transported with a resolution beyond her sex, and which did participate of a Man, of a troubled mind, and of love. This last makes miracles of m●ruells, and marvels of miracles, in wills that are equally touched with his inspirations. So it is never perfect, if it be not full and nearly touched with the accidents of both fortunes, as the Moon is not pleasing, but when it is at the full. She loved him well, and was well beloved: for the Count of Auvergne hath been heard say, that if the King did set him at liberty, and send him back to h●s house, upon condition that he should not see this Lady, he would rather desire to die. She presently ordered the affairs of her house, the disposition of her furniture, and the retreat of her seraunts. This passion going from the memory to the thought, from the thought to the heart, from the heart to the eyes, made her to pour forth so many tears, as she lost the sight of one eye for a tyme. Being at Aigueperses he writ unto the King. The Count of Auvergne writs unto the King. At the same place he told the Baron of Camillac, that he was acquainted with the desseine of his taking. It is true said he, I knew it well, and I believe you think I am a very honest man. He said that he submitted himself to all the rigours of the King's justice, if he had said, done, thought, or attempted any thing since his Abolition. All the way he seemed no more afflicted, then when he was at liberty. He told youthful and idle tales of his Love, and the deceiving of Ladies. He shot in a harguebuse at birds, wherein he was so perfect and excellent, as he did kill Larks as they were flying. Sometimes he would cast forth words of apprehension to enter into that great heap of stones of the Bastille, where he had already tried his patience for the space of four or five months. Descure met him at Briarre, and there he entered into a Carosse, and was guarded and led unto Montargis, and from thence he was embarked upon the river, and presently conducted unto the Bastille, without passing by the Arsenal: And entering into the Duke of Birons' chamber, he knew his bed with some feeling of grief, and taking leave of them that had conducted him, He assures them of his innocency. he assured them that he would go out of that place as he had entered, and if they found him more guilty than he had said, he desired them not to pity him. Entering in he said unto Ruvigny, that he had rather lodge in any Taphouse in Paris, then in the Bastille. Those that believe that he is not lodged there to get out, so soon as he did the other time, think also that it is the worst that can happen unto him. But it shall be an incomparable misery to be always deprived of the King's grace and favour, without the which the best conditions are most lamentable, and a life of this manner how short soever, is a tedious and a languishing Life, it is no Life, it i● to languish and to abuse Life. The happy discovery and so fitly, of all that was done, and in a manner thought against the King's service, is no small sign of the prosperity of his Reign, and of his Fortune; A happy discovery of Conspiracies. and an assurance that those heads which shall strike against this rock of Diamant will prove Glass. The designs of his enemies have sometimes showed themselves like unto fixed Stars in the Firmament of their ambition, and in the end they have proved but Comets & exhallations, which drawn out off the Earth, have been lost in the Air of their Vanity and Imagination. All these practices in the end were like unto those poor wretched Cottages, built up of Dirt and covered with Stubble. And if all the Conspirators be not yet taken yet they do nothing, being discovered and known to the eyes of the Kings justice. Conspiracies are like unto Co●les, The Conspirators amazed which in the shadow do flame, but when as the Sun shines on them they ●all into ashes. It is not the severity nor the Rigour of his justice, neither the terror of examples and punishments, that hath discovered these Conspiracies. He hath not caused the Bell of Ramire King of Spain, to be rung to terrify all the Conspirators with the sound thereof. This King being offended with the Conspiracies of his Subjects, said, D. Rami●es Bell. that he would show them a Bell, the which he had caused to be cast, the ●ound whereof might be heard throughout all the whole world. Curiosity made them go, and they found in a great place the Heads of the principal men of the Realm, set one upon an other in form of a Bell. It is the great obedience that is yielded unto the King, even by them that are least enured to obey, that hath discovered these practices: It is the great Wisdom of his carriage, & the Order he hath taken to be advertised of all and to know all. It is the Authority and respect which never was so absolute and perfect in his Predecessors as in him. This apprehension was a famous precedent. For the time was when he must have had more men to take the Count of Awergne and to conduct him unto Paris without let. Considerations upon his taking. We may observe in this apprehension many things that may breed Admiration and amazement, and which show that Men do in vain furnish themselves with Wisdom against Heaven, and with Intelligences against the King. The Count of Awergne had advertisements from all places that they should take him, and that the King's Pensioners were in the field to that effect. His most inward and nearest friends, and among others Florac knew it, and said nothing unto him, preferring his duty to his Prince before all affection. The Constable was also as well informed thereof as any other, and yet he made no show thereof. A show of great Wisdom. Wisdom of the Constable His duty prescribed him a Law to all the bounds of Nature; so there is not any one but is more bound to the service of the King and his Country, then to his own health, or to that of his Children. A Gentleman being at his Table speaking of this taking, said, Sir if the King should command me to take you I would do it, although I be your most humble servant, that you march in the first ranks of Greatness in the Realm, and that all things touching Arms, depend upon your commandments. I believe it (answered the Constable) else you should do ill, for the King is both your King and mine. I am your Friend. There is no love nor affection to dispense any one from the King's Commandments. The Count of Auvergne long before and since his taking, hath not said nor done any thing whereof the King's servants have not kept register. He complained of those that were daily about him, that they said nothing unto him, and they all answered, that they were too honest to tell him anything. He is a Prince of great understanding, capable of all sorts of desseins, of a quick disposition, warlike, vigilant, and full of inventions and subtleties. But all this availed him nothing against the King, of whom we may say that he hath wicked wretches enough in his Kingdom that would deceive him, but they are not cunning enough to do it. Soon after that the Count of Auvergne was lodged in the Bastille, D' A●trague● committed to p●ison, and his daughter, the Marquis of Vernevil restrained. D' Antragues Governor of Orleans was committed to the Concergerie of the Palace, and the Marquis of Vernuill his daughter guarded in her house, by the Knight of the wa●ch. S●ee tried, that he that is capable to love earnestly, may also hate extremely. We can say nothing of the causes of this change, but what may be learned by the issue of the Process. They be affairs which concern the King, his Person and his State, and if it be tolerable to hear what is said, yet is it not lawful to speak or publish it. His Majesty himself hath not yet declared the cause of the Count of Auuergues restraint, and in the letter which he did write unto the Governor of Lions upon that subject, he did only send him these words, The King's letters to la Guiche from Fontainbleau. the 15. of Novemb. 1604. You have understood how that I have again caused the Count of Auvergne to be apprehended, being advertised that he continued still in his bad practices, and that having s●nt often for him, he would not come. At the least, I will keep him from doing ill if I can. (At the same time, when as the Count of Auvergne was taken, the brute was that the Duke of Bovillon had like to have been surprised. When as he could find no other refuge for his affairs, but to retire himself out of the Realm, he hath used the liberty of his retreat wisely, and hath always sought the King's favour, for the assurance of his return. Some foreign Prince of his friends advised him not to return to Court, to hold all reconciliation suspect, and to believe, that when a Prince is o●ce offended, he is never quiet until the offence be revenged. That he must not trust to that which he promiseth, nor to that which he swears, holding both the one and the other lawful for revenge. That the word of a Prince that is offended, is like unto Zeuzis' cluster of grapes, which takes Birds, but his oath is like unto Parrasius veil, which deceives Men. Those which have lost the favour of their master▪ (for that they had intelligence with them, whom they could not serve without crime) are always in continual distrust, the which follows the offence, as the Boat doth the Ship, until they have quenched and smothered the cause, and made it known that they are divided, and enemies to all their wills, that would distract them from their duties, for Men that are double and dissemblers, are never tamed, no more than a Bat, which is half a Rat, and half a Bird, or the Chastor which is flesh, and fish. The Duke of Bovillons' patience having given the King time enough to consider of his intentions, The Duke of Bovillon. is ready through the King's Clemency, to obtain all that he could desire, to return to a greater fortune, in the which less is allowed then to a meaner estate. The Duke Tremoville ended his fortune by death. He might have died when as the King would have lamented the los●e of him more, Death of the Duke of Tr●m●uille. for he was not now well pleased with certain words which had been reported unto him, and if he had lived, he would have been in pain to excuse himself of the commandment he had made him to come unto him to answer it: From hence spring two fruitful considerations, the one, that there is nothing so fearful and terrible as the threats and disgrace of his King▪ the other, that it is always dangerous to speak ill of his Prince. For the first, Cassander greatlly feared Alexander, even when he was dead, for that he had seen him once transported with choler against him. And although that after the death of Alexander he was advanced to the Throne of Macedon, yet walking in the City of Delphos, and having seen an Image of Alexander's, who was now rotten in his grave, he did so tremble as his Hair stood right up, his knees failed him, and the paleness of his countenance showed his amazement, and the terrible assault which his memory gave him: for the second, when a free speech hath once escaped against the respect of the Prince, he must have a great and a strong City as Lisander said to defend his liberty of speech. They have neither Friends not Council against the King, and if their misery finds any shadow or protection, it is but like unto jonas Gourd of one night. Let them not flatter themselves in the greatness of thei● houses nor their alliances, this quality doth but increase their offence. Princes are not so much moved with that which the common people do, as with the Licentious words of great men. Caius disguised himself into as many fashions as he imagined there were Gods. A Cobbler seeing him set in his Palace like jupiter, with a sceptre in one hand, a Thunderbolt in the other, and an Eagle by his side, burst out in a great laughter. Caius causing him to come near, asked him why he laughed. I laugh at this foolery, answered the Cobbler. The Emperor laughed also, suffering it to pass freely without choler, yet punishing other speeches severely which came from persons better qualified. Thus ends the seventh year after the conclusion of the Peace. FINIS. ❧ A TABLE OF THE MOST memorable things contained in this History. Pharamont the first King of France. THe fundamental date of the French Monarchy. Folio 1 The estate of the Empire at the beginning thereof. ibid. The time of his reign. fol. 2 The estate of the Church. ibid. The French can endure no government but a Royalty. ●ol. 3 The Royalty of France successive, and the efficacy of a successive Royalty. ibid. A successive Royalty the best kind of government. fol. 4 The manner of the receiving of a new King in old time. ibid. The people consent not to prejudice the King's prerogative at his first reception. fol. 5 In France the Male is only capable of the Crown. ibid. The fundamental Law, which they call Salic. ibid. The practice of the Salic Law. ●ol. 6 Of the word Salic, and what the Saliens were. ibid. The death of Pharamont. fol. 7 Clodion or Cloion the hairy, the second King of France. THe first attempt of Clodion. fol. 8 The estate of the Empire. fol. 9 A Law ●or wearing of long hair. ibid.▪ The Estate of the Church. ibid. M●ro●●è the third King of France. HE enters France. ●ol. 10 The French join with the Romans and Goths. fol. 11 Orleans besieged by Attila, he is overthrown, but not quite vanquished. ibid. The happy reign of Me●ou●è. fol. 12 The estate of the Empire and the Church. ibid. Childeric or Chilperic, 4 King of France. HE is expelled for his vice. fol▪ 13 He is called home again. ibid. Clovis 1. the 5. King of France and the first Christian King. HE aspires to the Monarchy of all Gaul. fol. 15. The fi●st rooting out of the Romans. ibid. Clovis becomes a ch●istian. fol. 16 Religion the only true bond of affection's. ibid. Gaul called France. ibid. Wars against the Wisigothes. fol. 1● Wars in Burgundy and the cause why. ibid. Clovis conquests in Burgundy. foe 18 A treacherous attempt of Gond●bault, he is justly punished for his murders. ibid. The first winning of Burgundy, Dauphin and Provence. ibid. Alaric slain by the hand of Clovis. ibid. The Emperor sends Ambassadors to Clovis. fol. 19 Clovis being conqueror is conquered. ibid. He looseth divers Provinces and many men. ●ol. 2●. His cruel practices to become great. ibid. Horrible murder committed by Clovis. ibid. The death of Clovis. fol. ●1 His virtues and his vice. ibid. The Estate of the Church. ibid. The 6. reign under the ●oure sons of Clovis, Childebert Clodamir Clotaire. Thierry. Who reigned together 42. years as Kings of France, but with particular titles under this general, but the eldest bears the name. Childebert the 6. King of France. HOrrible confusion among brethren. fol. 23 Clodamir takes and is taken. Cruelty of brethren. ibid. War betwixt brethren. fol. 24 A happy reconcilement. ibid. A good and happy war. ibid. War rashly undertaken, proves unfortunate. fol. 25. Austrasia now called Lorraine. ibid. A horrible punishment of a rebellious Son▪ ibid. Clotaire 1. the 7. King of France. PRinces ought not to thrust their subjects into despair. fol. 26 Cherebert 8. King of France. Division of portions bre●ds a division of hearts. fol. 28. Horrible confusions betwixt brethren, and by their wives. One makes war against another, ibid. Sig●bert ●laine. fol. 29 Chilperic 1. the 9 King of France. THe father kills his son through the practices of a woman. fol. 30 The husband puts away one wife, and kills another. ibid. He oppresseth his subjects, and the punishment of his crimes. ibid. Impiety the spring of all evil. fol. 31 Clotaire 2. the 10. King of France. THe efficacy of the law of State. fol. 31 Notable subtlety of a woman. fol. 32 An imaginary King. ibid. A King in his cradle a Conqueror. fol. 33 Tragical practices of two women. ibid. ●red●gonde dies with her victory. ibid. Brun●hault incenseth one brother against another, ●ol. 34. The husband against the wife. ibid. The brother kills the brother. ibid. Brun●hault murders her son. fol. 35 She is put to a horrible death. ibid. Mildness fit to repair a decayed estate. fol. 36 The greatness of the servant is a blemish to the master. ibid. Too great facility hurtful to an estate. ibid. Dagobert 1. the 11. King of France. HE forceth his subjects to obedience. fol. 37 The jews banished France. ibid. He was blamed for his adultery. ibid. He did great exploits of arms under the conduct of Pepin. fol. 38 He preferred his younger son before the elder. ibid. Clovis 2. the 12. King of France. THe manners of the idle King. fol. 38 The Mayor of the Palace governs the whole State. ●ol. 39 The brethren's portions, and their good agreement. ibid. The religious life of Queen Baudour. ibid. Clovis careful to relieve the poor. ibid. Clotaire 3. the 13. King of France. CLotaire a cruel and a wicked King, oppressed his subjects. fol. 40 Childeric, or Chilperic 2. the 14. King of France. HE takes his brother, and makes him a Monk. fol. 41. He grows proud and cruel. The French hate him. ibid. He is murdered by his subjects, his Queen being with child. fol. 42 Thierry 1. the 15. King of France. OF a Monk he is made a King. fol▪ 42 He is taken prisoner by his subject. i●●d. A treacherous murder. f●l. 43 Ebroin Mayor of the Palace grows cruel and revengeful: he is murdered by a French G●●tleman. ibid. Pepin Mayor of the Palace, governs with g●ea● credit. ibid. Clovis 3. the 16. King of France. HE reigned four years, and died without memory. fol. 44 Childebert 2. the 17. King of France. HE reigned 17. years, and did nothing worthy to be spoken of. fol. 45 Dagobert 2. the 18. King of France. PEpin commanded in a manner absolutely 44. years. ●ol. 46 Princes must look to whom they commit the charge of affairs. ibid. Pippins behaviour during his majoralty. fol. 47 He was incontinent, Charles Martell his bastard. ibid. Charles Martell chosen Mayor of the Palace. fol. 48. A second victory to use it well. ibid. Chilperic 3. the 19 King of France. A Prince of no valour, simple and voluptuous. fol. 49. Thierry 2. the 20. King of France. Charles' Mart●ll chosen Prince of the French. ●ol. 50. Multiplicity of Masters, a ruin to an Estate. ibid. The Saracens invade France with 400000. men. fol. 50. Martel encounters them, and encourageth his men. ibid. A memorable defeat of Abd●rame the Sarazen, and his death. fol. 52 The fidelity of the Viennois to the F●ench. fol. 53. The courage of a Bishop. ibid. New attempts of the League. ibid. A new army of Saracens in France. ibid. Languedoc severely punished by Martell. fol. 54 Martel forceth the ●risons to be christened. ibid. Childeric 5. the 21 King of France, the last of that race. THe disposition, children, and death of Martel. f●●. 55 Pepin arms against the Saracens, and prescribes them a Law. ●●l. 56 He repairs the ruins of the Saracens. ibid. The estate of the Church. ibid. Pepin means to make himself King. ibid. The Pope dispensed the French from their oath of obedience to Childeric. fol. 57 Pepin the short the 23. King of France, and the fi●st of the second race. PEpin chosen King by the Parliament, and Childeric rejected. ●ol. 60 Sovereign causes of this change. fol. 61 The estate of this second race. ibid. Instruction for great men. ibid. Pepin strives to win the French by good deeds. ib. The Saxons rebel and are subdued. ibid. Pepin provides for the affairs of Italy. ●o●. 62 His wisdom in undertaking a war. ibid. Astolpho breaks his faith and besiegeth Rome. ibid. Pepin confirms his authority by a Parliament. fol. 63 He makes a foreign war to avoid a civil. ibid. Ieff●r●y of Guienne slain by his servant. fol. 64 Pepin resigns the crown to Charles. ibid. His children, his death, and his Manners. ibid. The estate of the Empire. ibid. Italy made desolate by the Goths, and by the Lombard's. f●l 65 They are expelled by the French. ibid. The beginning of Mahomet's sect in the East. ibid. The estate of the Church at Rome. ●ol. 66 Contention for Primacy: A worthy speech of S. Gregory: Dispute for Images: At the first but a politic invention. ibid. Estate of the ancient church: Insolency of Popes at this day. ●ol. 67 Charles the Great or Charlemaigne the 24. King of France. Pippins children divide the Realm. fol. 68 Charles the pattern of a great King. ibid. His manners, his studies, and his arms. ibid. The success of his reign. fol. 69 Carolomans jealousy against his brother. ibid. Troubles at Rome. 〈◊〉 deeds in 〈◊〉 of his 〈…〉. fol. 70 The L●mbards dissimulation, and his presumption in hanging of the Pope's Secretaries. ibid. Rebellion in Guienne by Hurault. ibid. Instruction for Princes. fol. 71 Caroloman dies. ibid. Charlemagnes wives and his children. ibid. Carolomans' widow joins with the Lombard's against him. 〈◊〉 deeds 〈…〉 ●ntill he 〈◊〉 Empe●●●. ibid. Didier king of the Lombard's makes war against the Pope. fol. 72 Charles opposeth himself against the Lombard. ibid. Charles makes war with the advice of his estates, and de●eates the Lombard twice. ibid. He takes Verona, and is entertained at Rome. fol. 73 Pavia taken, and Didier in it. ibid. A memorable war in Germany, and the cause of this war. fol. 74 Charles subdues the Saxons, and persuades Witichind to be a christian. ibid. The offspring of Witichind. f. 75 The Institution of the twelve Peers of France. fol. 76 Treachery of Idnabala the Sarazin. ibid. Pampalune taken, and the Saracens victory. ibid. The Saracens enter into Gascoine. ibid. Conditions propounded by Aigoland, and accepted by Charles. fol. 77 Saracens defeated in Spain. ibid. The treason of Ganelon. fol. 78 Roland defeated at Roncevaux, he dies for thirst. ibid. Charles revengeth this treachery. ibid. The end of the Spanish war. fol. 79 Baviere incorporated to the crown for rebellion. ibid. The limits of the French Monarchy in Germany. ibid. The occasion why Charlemain was proclaimed Emperor. fol. 80 Contention in the East ●or Images. ibid. The tragical death of Constantine. fol. 81 Irene his mother banished. ibid. Division of the Empire. ibid. War in Italy and in Saxony. fol. 82 Charles h●s d●edes while he was Emperor. Charles repulsed at Venice. He divides his possessions to his children, and settles an order for their laws. The Danes revolt. ibid. Charles looseth two of his best sons. ibid. Rebellion against Charles. fol. 83 The Empire confirmed to him: his care to rule the Church. ibid. A good Instruction for princes to love piety. ibid. New war in Spain crossed by secret practices. ib. A happy conclusion of Cha●lemagnes life. ibid. Charles makes his Will and dies. fol. 84 The true praises of Charlemain, and his vices. ibid. Lewis the gentle the 25. king, and Emperor of the West. THe declining of this race. fol. 85 Lewis his wives and children. fol. 86 His base facility. ibid. A furious cruelty: his indiscretion. ibid. Tragical rebellion of children. ibid. Abuse in the Clergy. fol. 87 Lewis imprisoned by his children, he is forced to give them portions, and he dies. ibid. Division among the brethren, and the cause. fol. 87 The estate of Lewis his children a●te● his death. Lo●haire thinking to surprise his brethren, is surprised and defeated. fol. 88 He dies a Monk. ibid. An accord betwixt Charles and Lewis. fol. 89 Hermingrade daughter to Lewis, married to Bosan king of Arles. fol. 90 Charles the bald, the 26. King, and Emperor. A Confused and an unhappy reign. fol. 91 Charles seeks to deceive his Niece. ibid. He is diverted from the war of Italy, where he dies. fol. 92 Lewis 2. called the stuttering, the 27. King and Emperor. THe princes of Italy oppose against him. f. 92 The Pope usurps the imperial rights in Italy. ibi. Lewis dies, and leaves his wife with child. fol. 93 Regent's crowned as Kings. ibid. Charles borne after his father's death. ibid. The minority of Charles called the Simple, the which continued 22. years, under 4. Regent's, whom they call Kings. The 28. reign under Lewis and Caroloman, Bastard's. LEwis is defeated by the Normans, and dies for grief. fol. 94 Caroloman dy●s of a violent doth. fol. 95 Charles called the Gross, 29. King and Emperor. GReat hopes of his good government. fol. 96 Neustria called Normandy. ibid. Charles defeated by the Normans, yields to a prejudicial peace. ibid. He is extremely hated and dejected both from Empire and Realm. ibid. He dies poorly in a village. fol. 97 Eudes or Odon named Regent by Lewis the 2. the 30. King of France. THe race of Eudes, from whence Hugh Capet sprung. fol. 98 Eudes maligned in his Regency. fol. 99 France full of factions. ibid. Eudes resigns the Regency to the King a little before he died. ibid. Charles 3. called the Simple, the 31. King of France. A Memorable League made by Robert brother to Eudes against King Charles. fol. 100 Charles put from the Crown. fol. 101 Robert the head of the League, and in arms. ibid. Robert causeth himself to be crowned King. fol. 102. The errors of King Charles. ibid. Robert defeated and slain by Charles. ibid. Charles taken prisoner by Hebert, he dies for grief. ibid. Queen Ogina flies into England with her son Lewis. ibid. Raoul the 32. King, but in effect an usurper. RA●ul an Usurper, reigns unfortunately. fol. 103. Necessary observations for great Estates. fol. 104 Confusions in France, Italy, and Germany. ibid. Confusion in the East and in the Church. ibid. Pope joan delivered of a child in the open street. fol. 105. Lewis 4. the 33 King. LEwis a disloyal prince. fol. 106 He marrieth one of the emperors sisters, Hugue father to Hugh Cap●t, marrieth another. ibid. The duke of Normandy traitorously sla●●e. 〈◊〉 107. Lewis deals treacherously in oppressing the normans. 〈◊〉. The King of Denmark comes to succour t●e Duke of Normandy. fol. 1●9 Lewis taken prisoner at a parley, and set free upon conditions. ibid. Richard Duke of Normandy marries the daughter of ●ugue● the great. ibid. L●wis seeks to ruin Hugue his brother in Law. ●ol. 1ST. Treachery punished with treachery. Count Hebert hanged. ibid. Lewis dies hated of his subjects. ibid. Lothaire 34. King of France. LOthaire a treacherous king. f●l. 111 He attempt war against Richard of Normandy, but in vain. ibid. Lothaire makes war against the Emperor. 〈◊〉. 112. Lorraine given to Charles of France by the Emperor. ibid. Lothaire dies detested of all men. ibid. Lewis 5 the 35. King, and the last of the s●cond ●ace. THe last King of the race of Charlemaigne, f●l. 113. God the disposer of Kingdoms and States. ibid. Hugh Capet the 36. King, and the first of the third Race. Charles' Duke of Lorraine, heir presumptive, rejected from the Crown, and Hugh Capet chosen King of France. fol. 117 The reason why Cha●les was rejected. fol. 118 Hugh Capet held most worthy of the Crown. ibid. His father's wise proceeding. fol. 119 His offspring. ibid. Why he was called Cap●t. ibid. Hugh Capets proceeding to attain to the Crown. fol. 120. A parliament at No●on ●or his election. ibid. Hugh Capet crowned at Rheims. fol. 121 Charles of Lorraine gins war, and surpriseth towns. ibid. Hugh Cap●t defeated, and in danger. ibid. Charles promiseth unto himself a happy reign. ibid. He is taken in Laon, & carried to Orleans, where he dies in prison. ibid. Hugh Capet no usurper. fol. 122 The subjects do homage unto him. ibid. He doth renew the orders of the twelve Peers of France. He suppresseth the Mayor of the Palace. ibid. Hugh crowns his son Rob●rt King. fol. 123 Roberts virtues. ibid. The Constable succeeds the Mayor, the Constable's authority. ibid. Hugh decrees, that the eldest should reign alone among his brethren. ibid. He suppresseth the Mayor of the Palace. ibid. The French cannot subsist but under a Royalty. ibid. Paris the chief place of Hugh's residence. ibid. His proceeding against Arnulph bastard of Lothaire, who is deposed from his bishopric. ibid. The manners of Pope john the 12. fol. 125 The estate of the Church and Empire. ibid. Hugh Capet dies. ibid. The Monarchy of France of greater continuance than ever any. fol. 126 An order for the use of this reign. ibid. The names of 13. Kings of the first royal branch of Capets, placing Hugh Capet for the stem & foundation of the third royal race, which reign at this day. Robert▪ Philip the ●i●st. L●wis 7. called the Long. L●wi● the eight. Philip 3. called the bardy Lewis 10. called Hu●in. Henry. Lewis 6. called the gross. Philip 2. called Augustus. Lewis 9 called S. Lewis. Philip 4. called the fair. Philip 2. surnamed the long. Charles the 4. called the Fair, the last of this fi●st branch. Robert the 37. King of France. THe reign of Robert long & happy. fol 129 He prefers Henry his younger son to the Crown before the elder. ibid. His disposition. ibid. Wise Kings and of long life are happy for an Estate. fol. 130 He gives Burgundy to Robert his eldest son. ibid. Robert makes an agreement with the emperor for Lorraine. ibid. He reconciles the Duke of Normandy, and the Earl of Chartres. ibid. Henry 1. the 38. King of France. HIs reign. fol. 131 Contention betwixt the brethren. ibid. Odo earl of campaign seeks to seize upon Burgundy. fol. 132 Robert Duke of Normandy prefers his bastard before his lawful children. fol. 133 Happy success of the Normans in Italy. ibid. Henry dies. ibid. Philip 1. the 39 King of France. BAldwin Regent in Philip's minority. fol. 134 He punisheth the rebels of Gascoine. ibid. He dies much lamented. fol. 135 The disposition of Philip. ibid. Philip forsakes Baldwins children. ibid. William bastard of Normandy advanced to the Crown of England. Philip discontented at his advancement. ibid. The Levaine of dissension betwixt France and England. fol. 136 The English enter Guienne. ibid. Confusions in Italy betwixt the Emperor and Popes. ibid. The Pope incenseth the son against the father, and takes both Empire and life from him. fol. 137. The beginning of the states of Dauphin, Savoy, Provence, and Franche County. ibid. A voyage to the Holy land, and the motive of this enterprise. ibid. The names of such as went to the Holy land. fol. 138. The number of the Army. ibid. The Mahometans command. fol. 139 The Christian troops twice defeated by the Turks. ibid. Godfrey conquers the greatest part of Asia. ibid. He is chosen King of jerusalem. ibid. The sons of William King of England. fol. 140 Philip dies, his disposition. ibid. Lewis 6. called the Gross, the 40. King. THe estate of this reign. fol. 141 Rebels suppressed and punished. fol. 142 The Emperor grieved for the ill usage of his father, comes to Rome, and forceth the Pope to take an oath. ibid. The Emperor degraded by the Pope's decree. ibid. The Emperor and King of England join against France. ibid. The French King and the Emperor reconciled. fol. 143. Great troubles in Flanders. ibid. Cruelty in the city of Bruges. ibid. Lewis King of France punish the rebels. fol. 104 Pretendants for the Earldom of Flanders. ibid. William of Normandy made Earl of Flanders. ibid. The Flemings choose them a new Earl, and Thierry the new Earl of Flanders defeated. ibid. William of Normandy slain in Flanders. ibid. Troubles in Bourbonois. fol. 145 The stock of the house of Bourbon. ibid. Philip eldest son to Lewis, died by a strange accident. ibid. Lewis the young marries the heir of Guienne. ibid. Lewis the 6. dies. fol. 146 Lewis 7. called the young, the 41. King of France. THe estate of his reign. fol. 146 The Christian● affairs in the East. ibid. God●fr●y of Bovillon dies: and the Christians lose all in the East. fol. 147 The Emperor and King of France resolve to secure the Christians. ibid. A horrible massacre committed by the soldiers of Lewis and by his consent. fol. 147 The Emperor and Lewis go into the East. ibid. The Emperor of Greece deals treacherously with the Emperor and the King. ibid. The Emperor and King of France make a shameful return from the East. fol. 149 Queen Elinor unchaste. ibid. Lewis pretends a cause to be divorced from Elinor, and restores her Guienne. ibid. Elinor marries with Henry King of England. ibid. The first War betwixt France and England for the Earldom of Tholouse. ibid. Great troubles in England betwixt the Father and the Son. fol. 150. Prince Henry ●ealous of his own Father. ibid. The Sons make War against the Father and Lewis supports his Son against him. fol. 151. Henry King of England reconciled to his Sons. ibid. Fr●derike the Emperor ruins Milan, takes Rome and creates a new Pope. ibid. The Emperor subjects himself basely unto the Pope. fol. 152. Lewis dies. ibid. Complaints against the abuses of the Church. ibid. Philip the 2. called Augustus the 42. King of France. An excellent King and an excellent reign. fol. 153. His disposition. The jews banished out of France. ibid. Competitors for the government of the State. fol. 154. Troubles in Flanders for the Earldom of Vermandois. ibid. Henry Prince of England dies before his Father. ibid. Phi●lip of France and Richard of England make a Peace. ibid. The miserable Estate of the Christians in Asia. ibi. The Christians in Asia at Civil war. fol. 155. The Emperor of Greece murdered by his Tutor. ibid. King Philip and Richard King of England make a voyage to the Holy Land. ibid. Richard exploits in Asia. ibid. Philip stirs up john against his Brother Richard King of England. fol. 156. Richard makes a truce with ●el●din. ibid. He is kept prisoner by the Emperor and put to ransom. ibid. An unknown Advocate pleads against the King for his wife G●lb●rge. ibid. Philip● war against the King of England and the Earl of Flanders. fol. 157. Rich●rd King of England dies. fol. 158. john succeeds Richard and makes a Peace with Philip. ibid. War betwixt john King of England and Arthur his Nephew. ibid. 〈◊〉 murders his Nephew 〈◊〉. ibid. john declared guilty of murder and felony by Phili●. ibises, Philip takes Normandy and Poitou from john. ibises▪ Great enemies against Philip and a dangerous League against him. ibid. His Victory at Bovines against the Emperor. fol. 159. The Emperor dies for grief of his disgrace. ibid. john makes the Realm of England tributary to the Pope. ●ol. 160 He doth homage to the Pope's Legat. 〈◊〉. john's oppression of his subjects is t●e cause of his ruin. 〈◊〉. The English reject john and offer the Realm to Philip. 〈◊〉. Lewis of France received by the English 〈◊〉. King john dies for grief. ●●l. 161. The English change their opinion. They ●●ce●ue Henry the Son of john and dismiss 〈◊〉 of France. 〈◊〉. Philip's Actions, Testament and his Lands united to the Crown. fol. 162. His death and his conditions. 〈◊〉. The Estate of the Empire. 〈◊〉. The Pope opposeth against the Emperor. 〈◊〉 The Emperor mu●thered by Otho who succeeded him. ibid. The faction of Guelphs and Gibelius. f●l. 163. The Pope's seeks to have sovereign authority over Christendom. 〈◊〉. Orders of Religious men. ibid. Lewis the eight Father to Saint Lewis 43. King of France. HIS reign and death. fol. 164. His manners. ibises. Languedoc returns to the Crown. ibid. divers opinions of the Albigeois and their opinions as some writ. ibid. The Earl of Tholouse head of the Albigeois in the reign of Philip Augustus. fol. 165. The Pope's Legate slain by the Albigeois. ibid. An A●my against the Albigeois & a great slaughter of them by Sym●n o● Monfort. ibises. Count Raymond and his confederates defeated by Sym●● of Monfort. 〈◊〉. 167 The Council of Latran. The Earldom of Tholouse given to Simon of Montfort. ibid. Symo● hated by his subjects of languedoc, is slain before Tholouse Count Raymond is received again into languedoc. ibid. War in Guienne against the English. fol. 168. Lewis compounds for languedoc with the Sons of Simon of Monfort. ibid. Count Raymond submits himself to the Pope. Desolation of the Albigeois. ibid. Lewis dies. ibid. Lewis the ninth called Saint Lewis the 44. King of France. Queen Blanch Regent of the King and Realm. fol. 169. Afection in France for the Regency. ibid. languedoc annexed to the Crown by marriage. fol. 170. Blanch prevents the discontented princes. ibid. Lewis in danger to be surprised by his rebels. ibid. Provence comes to Charles of Anjou a son of France. fol. 171 Lewis his disposition: the pattern of an excellent prince. fol. 172 A happy peace in the reign of Lewis: the rest of of the Albigeois. fol. 173 Estate of the Empire, and of the Church. ibid. The Pope seeks to drive the Emperor out of Italy. ibid. The Emperor goes with an army against the Pope, and his confederates. ibid. The Pope draws the French to his succour. fol. 174 The Pope's policy to supplant the Emperors. ibid. frederick's happy success in Asia. ibid. The Pope's hatred against the Emperor irreconcilable. ibid. The Emperor enters Italy with a great army. fol. 175 Gregory turns enemy to Frederick being chosen Pope. ibid. The Emperor Frederick excommunicated and degraded: the Germans choose another Emperor. ibid. The death of Frederick. fol. 176 Conrades son poisoned by Manfroy his bastard brother: he usurps Sicilia and Naples. ibid. Lewis refuseth Sicilia and Naples offered him by the Pope. ibid. Charles Earl of Provence defeats and kills Manfroy in Sicilia. ibid. The Empire without an Emperor by their civil confusions. fol. 177 Charles of Anjou vicar of the Empire and king of Naples and Sicilia. ibid. Conradin seeks to recover his realm, and is defeated. ibid. He is cruelly beheaded by Charles with many others. ibid. Lewis resolves to go into Asia: the confused estate of the Empire there. ibid. The Empire of the Greeks translated to the French. ibid. Three Emperors at one instant in the East. 178 Lewis goes with an army into the East. ibid. The Tartars refuse the Christian religion, by reason of their ill life. fol. 179 Lewis takes Damiette. ibid. He besieged Cairo indiscreetly. The plague falls into his camp. ibid. Lewis is distressed, taken by the Sultan of Egypt, and pays his ransom. ibid. The French generally lament for their King. fol. 180 Lewis makes good laws. ibid. Blanch his mother dies. ibid. The English rebel against their King. ibid. Lewis reconciles the English to their King. ibid. Division in Flaunders pacified by Lewis. ibid. Lewis goes into Barbary. fol. 181 Makes a league with England. ibid. In danger at Sea. ibid. His army infected with the plague. ibid. Lewis being sick gives his son instruction. 182 His death, virtues, reign, children, and posterity. ibid. The house of Orleans called to the Crown. ibid. Philip 3. called the Hardy, the 45. king of France. Queen Isabel dies. fol. 183 Richard son to Henry king of England slain traitorously. ibid. Great contention for the election of a new Pope. fol. 184 Lewis eldest son to Philip poisoned: And the County of Tolouse annexed to the crown. ibid. The French expelled Constantinople by the Greeks. fol. 185 Philip's disposition, and why called hardy. ibid. Charles king of Sicilia a turbulent Prince. ibid. Peter of Arragon levies an army to invade Sicilia. fol. 186 Sicilian Evensong where all the French are slain. ibid. Peter of Arragon, Charles being expulsed, enters Sicilia, and is crowned king. fol. 187 The Pope supports Charles against Peter. fol. 188 Philip succours his uncle Charles, and the Sicilian● seek to make peace with Charles, but Peter politicly auoides all danger. ibid. A combat appointed betwixt two kings. ibid. Peter fortifies himself in Sicilia. fol. 189 Charles the son, called the Lame, taken prisoner, and Charles the father's death. ibid. Philip makes war against Peter of Arragon, is defeated and dies. ibid. Philip set upon unawares in danger, with his death and children. fol. 190 Philip the 4. called the Fair, the 46. King of France. Philips' disposition and issue, unhappy in the marriage of his sons. fol. 191 The Parliament of Paris erected, the Palace, and the college of Navarre built. fol. 192 Cause of war in Flaunders and Guienne. ibid. Occasions to renew the war with the English ib. A league betwixt Edward of England, Guy of Flanders, the Emperor & the Duke of Bar, against Philip. fol. 193 Philip seizeth upon the Earl of Flanders daughter. ibid. The English affairs succeeded ill. ibid. A great assembly of Princes against Philip. fol. 194 Pope Boniface enemy to Philip. ibid. The Pope makes a decree against Philip, and he prepares to defend himself. fol. 195 Philip having admonished the Earl of Flanders of his duty, invades his country, and defeats the Flemings, seizeth upon all Flanders, the Earl being forsaken by his confederates. ibid. Guy put into prison, and Flanders annexed to the crown of France. fol. 196 The people of Flanders oppressed, revolt and join with the Nobility, and kill the French. ibid. Battle of Courteay famous for the great defeat of the French. fol. 197. A notable affront done by Pope Boniface to Philip. ibid. Arrogancy of the Pope's Nuntio. fol. 198. Philip subdues and makes peace with the Flemings. ibid. Guy Earl of Flanders and his daughter died fol. 199. Isabella the daughter of Philip married to Edward king of England. ibid. Adolph the Emperor deposed, and the Pope practiseth against Philip ibid. Pope Boniface his death and disposition. fol. 201 The College of Cardinals apply themselves wholly to please Philip. ibid. Pope Clement the 5. crowned at Lions and removes his seat to avignon. ibid. Philip's death, and the fruits of the Eastern voyages. fol. 202 The Christians lose all in the East. fol. 203. The estate of Sicilia. ibid. Lewis the 10. call●d Hutin, the 47. king of France. THe manners of Lewis Hutin, & his wives. f. 204 Enquerand of Ma●●gny unjustly put to death. ib. jone the daughter of Lewis Hutin pretends the realm. fol. 205 The Parliament made ordinary. ibid. Philip the 5. called the long, the 48. king of France Controversy for the crown of France. fol. 206 Philip's coronation, children & disposition. ibid. Rebels calling themselves Shepherds. fol. 207. Flanders pacified. ibid. Charles the 4. called the fair, 49. King of France. Charles' crowned without opposition. fol. 208 His disposition and issue. ibid. Isabel complains of her husband Edward king of England. fol. 209 The second parcel, of the third race of the Capets, containing 13. kings, in the second royal branch, called of Valois, from Philip of Valois, to Henry the third. The names of the 13. kings of the second royal branch of Capets, called of Valois. Philip. john. Charles the 5. Charles the 6. Charles the 7. Lewis the 11. Charles the 8. Lewis the 12. Frances the 1. Henry the 2. Frances the 2. Charles the 9 Henry the 3. and last of this royal branch. Philip of Valois the 50. king of France. fol. 1 His controversy with Edward the king of England. ibid. Preferred to the Crown, and installed king. ibid. Settles his affairs in France. f●l. 2. Suppresseth the Flemings. ibid. A notable suit of the Parliament against the Clergy. ibid. Takes homage of Edward king of England▪ for Guienne. ibid. King Edward's oath to Philip. ibid. He resolves to go to the holy land. fol. 3 The Pope discontented with Philip. ibid. Edward king of England makes war with Philip. ibid. Robert of Artois the firebrand of war f●l. 3 He flies into England. fol. 4 War in Guienne and Scotland. ibid. james of Artevill, ringleader to the seditious Flemings. ibid. Edward's practices in Flanders and Germany. ibid. Battle of Scluse, in favour of the English fol. 5 The English and French Army retire without fight, Edward taketh on him the title of King of France. fol. 6 jone Queen of Naples kills her husband, and the kingdom is taken by Lewis King of Hungary. fol. 7 Artevil slain by the Flemings f●l. 8 The French defeated at Blanquetaque ibid. The battle of Crery with many particular accidents that happened in it fol. 10.11 King Edward besieges and takes Calais. fol 12.13 Dolphin incorporate to the crown fol. 14 Monpelier purchased to the crown ibid. Queen jone of France dies. ibid. Philip's death, and disposition fol. 15 Estate of the Empire and Church. ibid. john the 1. and 51. king of France. COnsiderable observations in his reign. fol. 16 His children, and most remarkable personages in his reign. fol. 17 Charles of Navars' humours and discontents. ibid. Charles of Spain, Constable of F●ance, slain in his bed by the king of Navarre ibid. Navars' practices and force against the king. fol. 18 Navarre taken prisoner by the king, and four of his complices beheaded. fol. 19 War in Normandy and Guienne, between john and the Prince of Wales, son to Edward the 3. fol. 19 and 20 The battle of poitiers, where the French were overthrown by the English, and king john taken Prisoner, with the number slain and taken. fol. 21. and 22 Assembly of the Estates for john's delivery, with the insolencies of the people during his imprisonment. fol. 23 The K●ng of Navarr set at liberty comes to Paris, and the Dolphin yields to him. fol. 24 john's generous answer to King Edward. fo. 25 The Parisians comes into the Dolphin's lodging▪ solicit the Cities to rebel, but they refused them. fol. 26 The Dolphin leaves Paris fol. 27 The Navarrois seeks to ruin him. ibid. A Parliament Compiegne, and the Dolphin declared Regent. fo. 28. Two French armies one against another. fol. 29. The Parisians mutiny with the English that had served them, who beat them back in sight of the Navarrois. fol. ●0 The Regent is received into Paris, with the Navarrois attempts against him. fol. 31 Edward reputes an opportunity neglected. ibid. The desolate estate of France. fol. 32 The Dolphin executes the Parisians, and pacifies the rest. ibid. Conditions for the King's delivery, and preparation to defend the Realm ibid. Edward enters France with an Army: besiegeth Paris, but in vain fol. 33 Edward amazed with a thunder, concludes a peace with john at Bretigny. ibid. The two Kings swear a mutual league of friendship. fol. 34 King john brought to Calis, and after received by his son with great joy. ibid. john received into Paris fol. 35 Difficulties in the performance of the conditions of peace. ibid. john's death in England, the 8. of April 1●64. with his disposition. ibid. Charles the 5. called the wise, the 52. king of France. HIs reign and manners, with the augmentation of his brethren's portions. fol. 36 His Marriage, and children. fol. 37 War in Britanny, where the French are defeated by the English. ibid. He reconciles the pretendants for Britain. fol. 38 Wars received in Britain, Flanders, and between France and England. ibid. The Emperor seeks to reconcile them. fol. 39 Charles proclaims war against the King of England. ibid. The success of the French army in Guienne, with the exploits of the Prince of Wales, called the Black Prince. ibid. Peter king of Castille murders his own wife. fol. 40 Charles sends an army against him as a murderer, and a Tyrant. ibid. The king of England restores Peter, and defeats the French. ibid. Peter forsaken by the English, taken prisoner and beheaded. fol. 41 The English second passage through France, under the Duke of Clarence. ibid. Troubles in Flanders pacified by Philip. fol. 42 Sedition at Monpelier, punished by the Duke of Berry, with the sentence against them, but moderated. fol. 43 Charles his death, & disposition, with some observations worthy to be observed by Princes. f. 44 The state of the Empire and Church with the original of the Canto in Switzerland. fol. 45 Division at Rome for the election of a new Pope: And an Antipope chosen. fol. 46 Charles the sixth 53. King of France. Necessary observations for the understanding of this reign. fol. 47 The minority of K. Charles the sixth. Strange events in the beginning of his Reign. fol. 48. L●wis of Anjou Regent, and Oliver Clisson Constable. fol. 49 Controversy between his uncles, at his coronation for precedence. ibid. Tumults in France. ibid. And in Flanders between the Earl, and the Gantois. fol. 50.51 King Charles succours the Earl of ●landers against the advice of the Regent and his counsel. fol. 52 He overthrows the Flemings, and kills threescore thousand of them. fol. 53 The Gantois appeased, and a peace in Flanders. fol. 54. Charles marrieth Isabella of Baviere, and concludes a peace in Britain. ibid. He sends men and munition into Scotland, and resolves to make war upon England, which the Regent dislikes of. fol. 55 Preparation in France and England for war. fol. 56 The Regent opposeth against this war. ●ol. 57 The enterprise broken o●, and Naples offered to the Regent. fol. 58 The seditious and cruel insolencies of the Parisians, but they faint, and ●ue to the King for pardon. fol. 59 Lewis of Anjou crowned King of Naples. fol 60 A schism in the Church. fol. 61 Queen joan 〈◊〉 Naples taken and smothered, and Lewis Duke of Anjou, and adopted King of Naples, dies. ibid. The English enter Picardy, and Charles makes a truce with them. fol. 62 The King having consulted what course to take with the mutinous Parisians, enters the city with an army, executes many, they cry for mercy, and he pardons them. fol. 63.64.65. Charles out of his uncles government, who grew discontented. fol. 66 HE gives the Duchy of Orleans to his brother Lewis, and visits Burgundy. fol. 67 The mai●i●i● of K. Charles the s●xt. Complaints against the Duke of Berry, and B●tzac his Treasurer burnt. fol. 68 THe tragical end of Charles King of Navarre. ibid. ●ema●keabl● f●r ●is health f●●m t●● years 1●88. unto 1●9● Peter of Craon being disgraced in court, is persuaded by the Duke of Britain● to murder the Constable, whom he assaults, but kills not. fol. 71 He is condemned for his attempt. fo●. 72 Charles being distempered with choler, his Uncles, and Physicians dissuade him from the war in Britain, yet he marcheth on against the Duke ibid. The duke labours to pacify the king, who parting from Man's, a strange accident befell him. fol. 73 CHarles falls into a frenzy, the court in a pitiful case, with a general censure of this accident. fol. 74. The second season remarkable f●r his sickness from the year 1393 unto 1422. The second causes of his frenzy, his army dissolved, and care taken of his person. fol. 75 An order taken for the government of the realm. fol. 76 The disposition ●f Philip Duke of Burgundy. ibid. FActions and alterations in Court. fol. 77 Philip Duke of Burgogne advanced to the government of the realm, by a decree of the Estates. The kings Minions ill entreated. ibid. The Constable flies from Paris, and is condemned being absent. ibid. Charles falls into a relapse by a strange accident. fol. 79 Richard king of England marrieth with Isabella of France. fol. 80 Is put from his government. fol. 81 The French succour the Hungarians, and are defeated. ibid. Charles his children during his infirmity. fol. 82 Hatred between the house of Orleans and Burgundy. fol. 83 The Duke of Britain and the Constable reconciled. ibid. Dissensions between the Dukes of Burgundy and Orleans. The beginning of the civil war. fol. 85.86.87.88 The duke of Orleans murdered by the Burguignon. fol. 89 The sequel of this treacherous murder. fol. 90.91.92. The faction of Burgundy and Orleans, after some civil war, appeased by the Dauphin, who dispossesseth the Burguignon, and restores them of Orleans, from the year 1409. to 1413. fol. 93 94.95.96.97.98. john of Burgundy (crossed by the Dauphin, and the house of Orleans, stirs up new troubles, from 1412. to 1417. when as the Dauphin died, but troubles ceased not. The estate of the Court under Lewis the Dauphin. fol. 100 The Dauphin takes upon him the name of Regent. fol. 101 The Duke of Burgundy disgraced and banished, not admitted into Paris, proclaimed guilty of high treason, the King marcheth against him, and he sues for peace. fol. 102.103 Henry the 5. King of England enters France with an army, demands Katherine the King's daughter and marcheth into Picardy. fol. 103 The King of England forced to fight, and gets the victory at the battle at Agincourt. fol. 104 The Emperor Sigismond comes into France. fol. 105. The Dauphin john favours the Burguignon, and his death. ibid. john of Burgundy joins with Isabella the Queen, who takes upon her the regency, and makes war against her son, Charles the Dauphin seizeth upon Paris, kills the Constable of Armagnac, & Henry of Marle Chancellor of France, but is slain in the end by the Dauphin, from the year 1415. to 1419. fol. 106 A strange confusion, the Mother against the Son, fol. 106. The Burguignon arms, and draws in the English. fol. 107 The Dauphin encountered by three great enemies: The Burguignon, the English, and his mother. ibid. The King dislikes of the Queen, and the Burguignon joins with her. fol. 109 The Queen declares herself Regent of France, erects new courts and officers. fol. 110 Paris surprised, the King taken, and the Dauphin saves himself. fol. 111 The Dauphin seeks to recover Paris. fol. 112 A horrible massacre at Paris, with the number murdered, and a plague ensues it. fol. 113 Rouen besieged and taken, and all Normandy yields unto the English. fol. 114 The Burguignon and the Queen seek to reconcile themselves to the Dauphin. fol. 115 The Duke of Britain leaves the English, and joins with the Dauphin. fol. 116 The Parisians mutiny, and kill the Burguignons' servants. fol. 117 A peace between the Dauphin and john of Burgundy. ibid. The Daulphins' proceed, reasons, and resolution to kill the Duke of Burgundy. fol. 118.119 The Dauphin causeth the Duke of Burgundy to be slain. fol. 120 Blood punished with blood, with the Catastrophe of this miserable reign. fol. 121 During these occurrents Henry the 5. & Charles the 6. dies, leaving the Crown in question between Charles the 7. and Henry the 6. proclaimed King of France at the funerals of Charles the 6. from the year 1419. to 1422. fol. 122. The exploits of the Dauphin, and of Philip of Burgogne after this murder. fol. 122 Queen Isabella hates her son deadly. ibid. Henry the 5. proclaimed heir of France, with his proceeding in his new royalty. fol. 123 The English defeated, and the Duke of Clarence slain. fol. 124 The great exploits of Henry the 5. ibid. His sickness and death. fol. 125 Charles the 6. dies. ibid. Henry the 6. proclaimed King. ibid. Charles the 7. the 54. King of France. NOtable particularities of this reign. fol. 127 Charles his reign, his children, manners, and disposition. fol. 128 The miserable estate of this Realm unto the Coronation of Charles the 7. during 7. years. England, Burgundy, Savoy, Britain, enemies unto Charles. fol. 129 Charles advanceth Scottishmen, and makes a guard of them for his person. ibid. The Dukes of Bedford and Burgogne conclude a great league against Charles. fol. 130 War against Charles in divers places, defeated by the English, and Meulan taken. fol. 131 The cause of the division between the Dukes of Bedford and Burgundy. f●l. 132. The notable battle of Crevant, where the French and Scottish were overthrown, by the Duke of Bedford. ●●l. 133. 〈◊〉 11. the eldest Son of Charl●● borne 〈◊〉. 134 New supplies ●ome out off Scotl●d & the French growing weary of the English: complot against th●m. 〈◊〉. 135 The Duke o● Bedford sends a challenge to the F●ench Army, who are in division. 〈◊〉 136. The French defeated at the battle of Ve●nuill. f l. 137. The number taken prisoner's and slain. fol. 138. C●arl●● hi● miserable ●state & discontents. fol. 139. Bedford and Richmont, brothers in law at variance. f l. 140. C●arl●● sends an embassage to Philip of Burgundy. 〈◊〉. 141 The Duke of B●ittai●e comes to Charles, and 〈…〉 English. ●ol. 142 Th●●●●ttons defeated by their error. f●l. 14●. The King● m●gno●s sloane by his Councils. 144. 〈◊〉 Duke of burgundy made heir of 〈◊〉. Hamault. Holl●nd ●nd Zel●nd. 〈◊〉. 145. The Duke of ●edford brings new forces out of England. 〈◊〉 Montargis besieged by the English, relieved by the French, and the English defeated. f●l. 146 Pontarson taken by the English. f●l. 147. The famous s●●ge of Orl●ans, from 〈◊〉 148. 〈◊〉 156. THE Coronation of Ch●rl●s the 7. at Rheims. 156. The design of the ●urguignon and Savoyard, against Dauphin, and Languedoc. fol. 1●7 All Champagne yields to King Charles. fol. 159 The ●state of the Empire and church. A horrible Schism with the cause thereof. f●l. 160.161.162.163.164.165. The English se●ke to cross Charles in his affairs fol. 166. Jeer 〈…〉 the Pucelle) dissuades 〈◊〉 from fight is sore wounded▪ and her me● defeated. fol. 167. The Institution of the order of the Golden-fleece by the Duke o● Bu●gundy. ibid. I 〈…〉 the Virgin (called the Pucelle) taken at Cōpieg●e sent to Rouen, condemned for a W●ch and bu●●t. fol. 168 Compeigne relieved by the French & the 〈…〉. fol. 169. The Duchess 〈◊〉 Bedfor● dies. fol. 170. 〈…〉 by the English, and Charters by the 〈◊〉. ibid. Henry King of England ●rowned at Paris. ibid. A Treat● 〈◊〉 the French and English. fol. 172 A quarrel between the Dukes of Bourbon, Bourgo●nge and Bedford. ibid. King 〈◊〉 goes into Dauphin and 〈…〉, takes arms against the English. fol. 173. The English defeated and the Earl of A●undell slain. 〈◊〉 174 The Accord of Philip Duke of Bourgoing with King 〈◊〉 the 7, ibid. Wa● very violent against the English. fol. 176. Queen Isabella, and the Duke of Bedford dies. 〈◊〉. The City of Paris ye●ldes to the King and expels the English. 〈◊〉. 177. The Constable r●c●iu●d into Pa●is. 〈◊〉. 178. The Dauphin 〈◊〉 married to a Daughter of Scotland. 〈◊〉. 179 The Duke of Savoye becomes a Monk. 〈◊〉. 180. 〈◊〉 Son of 〈◊〉 of Bou●gongne 〈…〉 of France. 〈◊〉. 182. 〈◊〉 calls a Parliament at Orleans to treat of a g●n●rall Peace. fol. 181. The P●●nces of the blaud mak● a League to advance th● Dauphin. 〈◊〉. 183. King 〈◊〉 goes with an Army against the Duke of Bou●bon, and the Dauphin flies into Burgundy. 〈◊〉. 184 The 〈◊〉 of 〈…〉 Sorcery. 〈◊〉. 185 A Treaty 〈◊〉 the 2. Ki●gs for a P●a●e but fruitless. ibid. A●●er the 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 of the Duke of O l●a●c●, the Duke of Bou●g●nge and he become● gre●t friend's. 〈◊〉. 186 The memorable siege of Penthouse. f●l. 187. The Parliament of Tholouse erected. 〈◊〉. 192. A general Truce, and the French and English make War in Suisse●land, with the causes thereof 〈◊〉. 193. The Swisses ●ight valiantly, but are defeated. f●l. 194. The English break the truce and su●prize Fougers. fol. 195. 〈◊〉 and the Duke of Britain combine against the English, and take towns in Guienne and Normandy. fol. 196. Charl sends his Army to Rouen. 〈◊〉. 197. Takes it, and b●seegeth the English in their Forts. fol. 198. The Earl of Somerset, and Talbot yield and come to King Cheerless. ibid. King C●arl●● deals honourably with Talbot. fol. 199. The English defeated at 〈◊〉. fol. 200. All Normandy yields to C●arles. ibid. Gui●●ne returns to the Crown of France. fol. 201. THE French Army in Guienne takes Blay, Bourg, Liborne, Fronsack, Boud●aux, and Baionne. fol. 202.203. Talbot enters with new English troops and takes Bourdeaux and all the Towns again. fol. 204. The English defeated, and Talbot slain. fol. 205. Troubles in England. fol. 206. The Council of Basill, with the miserable Estate of the Church. fol. 208.209. Constantinople taken by the Turk, and Constantine the Emperor smothered. fol. 210. Printing invented. fol. 221 King Charles and the Dolphin discontented one with another. ibid. The king sends an army against his son. fol. 212. Lewis the Dolphin marries again to the great dislike of his father. fol. 213 Charles his waywardness, his loves. fol. 214 An enterprise upon England, and Sandwich taken. fol. 215. The tragical death of Charles. fol. 216 Lewis the 11. the 55. King of France. HIs wives and children. fol. 218 He purchaseth the County of Rousillon. fol. 219. The Commonweal makes a league against him which he discovers. fol. 220.221. The wars of the Commonweal fol. 222. The battle of Montlehry. fol. 223. Famous for running away. fol. 224 Paris beleaguered. fol. 225 The confederates and Lewis after much trouble make a peace at Co●●ans. 226.227 Difference between the Duke of Britain and Charles Duke of Normandy. fol. 228 Lewis discontent with the duke of Brittany. fol. 229 He makes a league with the Liegeois. ibid. A horrible outrage committed by them of Dinan fol. 230. He supports the rebellious Liegeois against their Duke. fol. 231. He makes a peace with the Duke of Bourgogne. fol. 233. Duke Charles besieges, takes, and ruins the rebellious city of Liege. fol. 234.235. Edward king of England and the Earl of Warwick divided. fol. 236. Warwick flies into France. fol. 237. Is slain and his whole army defeated by Edward. ibid. Charles the 8. borne at Amboise. ibid. S. Quintin taken by the duke of Bourgogne and by and by the king. fol. 238. Charles of Bourgogne abandoned by his friends. ibid. Submits himself and obtains a truce. fol. 239. A new league against Lewis. fol. 240 The Duke of Guienne dies by poison. fol. 241 The Bourguigons practices against Lewis. fol. 242 Perpignan delivered by treason to the king of Arragon. fol. 243. The Duke of Alonson condemned, but pardoned by king. fol. 244 The king and the Burguignon conspire the Constable's death. fol. 245 The Burguignon seeks to poison the king. ibid. He marrieth his two daughters. fol. 246 Adolfe the son of the Duke of Gueldres an unkind son. fol. 247 The English prepare for France. fol. 24● The Duke of Burgogns Lieutenant executed by the Swisses. fol. 249 Open war between the Duke of Bourgog●● and the Swisses. ibid. Mournful presages to the Constable. fol. 25● Lewis sends an ambassador to the Emperor. fol. 251 Charles in great perplexity leaves the siege of Nuz ibid. Edward King of England defies Lewis. f●l. ●52 Lewis sends a counterfeit Herald to King Edw●●d. fol. 253. Ambassadors sent from both Kings with ●he Articles of agreement between them. 〈◊〉. 254 The Duke of Burgogne reproacheth King Edward for making a Truce. ibid. Edward King of England discovering the Constable's disseins, rejects him. f●l. 255. An interview of the kings at Picqugny with Lewis, his politic proceed. f●l. 256 King Edward protects the Duke of Britain and returns home into England. ●ol. 257 King Edward being discontent with the Burguignon, offers Lewis aid against him. ●ol. 258 The last act of the Constable's tragedy, with his pitiful and desperate estate. fol. 259 The Constable yields to the Burguignon, is delivered to the king, and beheaded. fol. 260 Campobachio (a traitor to Charles of Burgogne) offers Lewis to kill him, which Lewis discovers to Charles. fol. 262 Charles Duke of Burgogne makes war against the Swisses ibid. Is overthrown at Granssen, and loses all his baggage esteemed at 3. millions. fol. 263. The Swisses revenge the cruelty of Charles at Granssen. fol. 264. Charles arms again, besiegeth Morat, and is overthrown. fol. 265. The battle of Nancy, where Charles is overthrown and slain. fol. 267. Lewis discovers the Duke of Brittanes practices with his Chancellor. fol. 269. Towns in Pycardie yield to the king fol. 270 The Duke of Nemours beheaded. fol. 271 Lewis his health decay. fol. 272 Arras, Hedin, Therovenne and Montrevill yield to Lewis. fol. 273 The insolency and barbarous cruelty of the Gantois, fed by Lewis his policy. fol. 274.275. The Gantois overthrown, and Adolfe Duke of gelders slain. fol. 276 Maxmilian and Marie married. fol. 277 The politic liberality of Lewis. fol. 278 The disposition of Edward King of England. fol. 279. Is fed by Lewis his dilatory hopes. ibid. He neglects Marie of Burgogne. ibid. Affects greatly the alliance with France. ibid. A treacherous attempt at Florence, against the house of Medicis. fol. 280 The mutiny appeased, and the murderer hanged. ibid. The battle of Guingaste, where many were slain, and the French left the field. fol. 281 L●wis seeking to reform his Realm is hindered by infirmities, yet is jealous of his authority even in sickness. ibid. The death of Mary of Burgogne pleasing to Lewis. fol. 282. Edward the fourth King of England dies. fol. 283 R●●hard murders his two nephews, & usurps the Crown. ibid. Lewis his disposition in his declining age. fol. 284 His inventions to make believe he lived still. fol. 285. His death and disposition. ●●l. 286 The Estate of the Church under Lewis. ●●l. 286.287. The Estate of the Empire. fol. 288.289. The Turks overthrown twice in Asia, win the third battle. fol. 290 Scanderbag his death and virtues. ibid. Charles the 8. the 56. King of France. A Brief rehearsal of his reign. fol. 291 His disposition and education. fol. 292 Contention between the Duke of Orleans▪ and the Earl of Beauieu for the Regency. ibid. Landais governs the Duke of Britain insolently. ibid. King Charles his coronation. fol. 293 The Duke of Orleans being put from the Regency, discontented leaves the Court. fo. ●94 The Duke of Britain being troubled, is forced to deliver Landais, who is hanged. fo. 295 Charles seeks to divide the Britons from their Duke, and makes a secret treaty with the Nobility. fol. 296 The Britons reconciled to their Duke, and Rieux reuoults from the French. fol. 298 Ancenis, Casteaubriant, Vennes taken for the Britons. fol. 299 Division in the British Army. fol. 300 The Battle of St. Albin where the Duke of Orleans and the Earl of Dunois are taken prisoners. fol. 301 divers Towns in Britain yielded to the French fol. 302 The Duke of Britain after a peace made with the King dies. fol. 303 The pitiful estate of Britain fol 304 Anne of Britain succoured by the English and Spanish. foo. 305 The Marshal of Riux and the English beseedge Breast and Conquett. fol. 306 Maxmilian made Arbitrator between king Charles and Anne of Britain. fol. 307 Nantes and Guingam taken by the French. fol. 308 A final peace in Britain, by Charles his marriage with Anne. fol. 309 The practices of the English upon Britain. ibid. Arras betrayed to Maxmilian. fol. 310 Motives for the voyage of Naples, with the wants for the voyage. ●o●. 31● Lodowick S●orza usurps Milan, and surpriseth the Castle. fol. 312 The estate of Italy in 1490. fol. 31● The peace of Italy ruined by Peter of Medicis. ●ol. 314 A league between the Pope, the Venetians and the Duke of Milan. f●l. 3●5 Charles his right to Naples and Scicilia. ibid. He could not be dissuaded by his counsel from the enterprise of Italy. fol. 316 His voyage to Naples undertaken without money. fol. 31● Lodowick's persuasions to Charles with the death of john Galeat Duke of Milan. f●l. 318 The florentines, and Peter de Medicis offer king Charles their city withal other his demands. ●ol. 319 Peter de Medicis and his brethren expelled ●l●rence. fol. 32● King Charles enters Florence. ibid. The Pope perplexed having many enemies, sends to the King. fol. ●●● The walls of Rome and of the Castle St. Angelo fall alone at the king's entrance. ●ol. 322 Alphonso frighted with horrible visions for his cruelties, crowns his Son and ●lyes. fol. 323 Upon the first entry of the French into the kingdom of Naples, Capna, Averse, Nola, (Naples yields. fol. 324 Zemin being thrice overthrown by Baia●et ●lyes and is poisoned by Pope Alexander. fol. 326 The Venetians discover to the Turk an enterprise upon Scruta●y. fol. 327 A league concluded against the French. fol. 328 King Charles takes order for Naples, and goes towards Rome, and the Pope ●lye●. fol. 3●9 Savanoccllas' predictions. fol. 330 Milan and the whole Duchy ready to revolt against Lodowick●. fol. 331 A foul revenge by the Swisses, repaired by a notable piece of service. fol. 332 The Battle of Fornone where the King is in great danger. fol. 3●3 The Army of the league overthrown. fol. 334 Ferdinand defeated by Aubigny enters Naples, and the most part of the kingdom revolts from the French. fol. 336 Caiette sacked by the French. ibid. The marquess of Pescara slain. fol. ●37 The new Castle at Naples compounds with Ferdinand. ibid. Twenty thousand Swisses at Verceil for the king. fol. 339 The Swisses practise to seize upon the King. ibid. The Venetians propositions to the King. fol. 340 The beginning of the Pox. ibid. The treachery and covetousness of Entraques. fol. 341 A new French fleet in the kingdom of Naples. fol. 343 Ferdinand's lansquenets defeated by the French. fol. 343 A truce betwixt the kings of France and Castille. ibid. Charles greatly affects the enterprise of Italy, but is dissuaded by the Cardinal of S. Malo. fol. 344 The last act of this tragedy, and the French defeated. fol. 345 A dishonourable composition made by the French. fol. 346 The Earl of Mountpensier dies with most of his troops. ibid. King Ferdinand dies. fol. 347 The Duke of Orleans refuseth to make war against the Duke of Milan in his own name. ibid. The Duke of Milan perplexed, is succoured by the Venetians. fol. 348 Reasons to draw the King into Italy. fol. 349 The castle of Amboyse built by Charles. ibid. His death and disposition. fol. 350 Lewis the 12 the 57 king of France. THe happiness of his reign. fol. 351 The genealogy of Lewis the 12. fol. 352 Lewis his title to the Duchy of Milan. ibid. The Pope capitulates with the King. fol. 354 The Venetians and Florentines congratulate his coming to the crown. ibid. Borgia comes to court and commits a treacherous murder. ibid. King Lewis associates with the Venetians. fol. 355 Milan mutines against Lodowicke, and he flies shamefully. fol. 356 Milan being yielded, Lewis makes his entry. fol. 357 Vitelli besiegeth Pisa, is taken and beheaded at Florence. ibid. Our Lady's Bridge at Paris falls. fol. 358 The estate of the East. ibid. Milan and the Swisses revolt, and Sforza recovers it again. fol. 359 L●dowicke S●orza taken. fol. 360 Milan pardoned by the King. fol. 361 The potentates of Italy reconciled to the King. fol. 362 The exploits of C●sar Borgia. fol. 363 The pitiful death of the Lord of Faenza murdered by Borgia. fol. 364 The wars of Naples revived. fol. 365 The realm of Naples divided betwixt the Kings of France and Arragon. ibid. Frederick king of Naples simplicity. fol. 366 The lamentable taking of Capua with the soldiers insolencies. fol. 367 The capitulation of Frederick, who of king of Naples is made Duke of Amou. ibid. A treaty betwixt the Emperor and Lewis. fol. 368 The beginning of division betwixt Lewis and Ferdinand. fol. 369 Gonsa●ue the great captains virtues. ibid. New broils in Italy. fol. 370 The Duke of Valentinois cruelty. ibid. The exploits of the French in the kingdom of Naples. fol. 371 The Valentinois fearful to the potentates of Italy. ibid. The Venetians oppose against him. fol. 372 The King discontented with the Pope and his son. fol. 373 A counterfeit peace with the Spaniard, but not ratified. fol. 374 The Duke of Atri defeated by the Spaniard. fol. 375 A general overthrow of the French and the Duke of Nemours slain. fol. 376 The kings new army for Naples. fol. 377 The estate of the church, and the death of Pope Alexander the 6. fol. 378 The Vrsins and Colonnois reconciled, bandy against the Valentinois. fol. 379 julius the 2. chosen Pope. ibid. Borgia the Valentinois a prisoner. fol. 380 A truce between France and Spain, & the wars of Naples revived. ibid. The Marquis of Mantova general of the French gives over his charge of the army. fol. 381 The realm of Naples wholly lost by the French. fol. 382 Lewis makes peace with the Spaniard and Emperor▪ against the Venetian. fol. 383 The death of Frederick of Naples. fol. 384 Lewis seeks by all means to cross the Emperor and his son Philip. fol. 385 B●ntiuoll delivers Bolonia to the Pope. fol. 386 The death of Philip Archduke of Austria. ibid. The death of Borgia duke of Valentinois. ibid. An interview of the Kings of France and Arragon. fol. 387 The Swisses forsake the Emperor and Maximilian is defeated. fol. 388 King Lewis goes into Italy. fol. 389 The Venetians excommunicated by the Pope, and overthrown at Agnadell by the French. fol. 390.391 The Venetians begin to recover their losses, take Padua, and surprise the Marquis of Mantoa. fol. 392 Padua besieged again by the Emperor. fol. 393 The Venetians make war against the Duke of Ferrara. fol. 394 The Swisses forsake the alliance of the French, and join with the pope. fol 395 A French army enters Italy, and the pope seeks to expel them. fol. 396, 397 The Swisses retire, and the Venetians make an attempt against Genoa. fol. 398.399 Eight conclusions made by the French Church, against the pope. fol. 400 The siege of Bolonia. fol. 401 The death of Charles of Amboyse Lord of Chaumont. fol. 402 A Council gins at Pisa, and is transported to Milan. fol. 403 Bolonia besieged by the Spaniards where there happened a miracle. fol. 404. Br●●●e taken by the Venetians and recovered by the French. fol▪ 405. The French Army in Italy gets the battle of Ravenna, where 〈◊〉 of Fo●x is slain. fol. 406.407. Ravenna taken and sacked. fol. 408. The French Army disordered, they lose Milan. fol. 409. Lodowick Sforze restored to the Duchy of Milan. fol. 410. Navarre usurped by the Arragonois. fol. 411. A royal Army in the Duchy of Milan, and Genoa taken. fol. 413. The memorable valour of Robert de la Mark. fol. 414. Terovenne and Tournay taken by the English. fol. 415. Charles the Emperor affects to be Pope. fol. 416. Queen Ann● of France dies and L●wis marries Mary of England. fol. 417. The death of Lewis the 12. and his virtues. fol. 418.419. Francis the fi●st of that name, the ●8. King of France. HE goes with a Royal Army into the Duchy of Milan, and takes Genoa. fol. 421. His first passage over the Alpes. fol. 422. The inconstant treachery of the Swisses, with the battle of Marignan. ●ol. 423. Milan yields to the French. fol. 424. A League against the King broken by the death of Ferdinand. fol. 425. Brescia and Verona taken by the French, and delivered to the Venetians fol 426. Francis Maria chased from Urbin, and Laurence of Medicis invested in the Duchy. fol. 427. Fran●●▪ the Dauphin borne. fol. 428. A peace concluded with the English and Spaniards. fol. 429. Charles the 5. elected Emperor 1520. f●l. 430. The beginning of Lut●ers doctrine. fol. 431. Troubles in Spain. f●l. 432. The Pope capitulates with the Emperor. fol. 433. The King and the Emperor at open war, Tournay & Meziers besieged, and Mouson taken. fol 4●4. 4●5. Mouson recovered & Fontarab●e taken. f●l 4●6. The Emperor retreating dishonourably; Hedin and Turney are recovered by the French. fol. 4●7. The Pope declares himself against France. fol. 4●9. An ominous sign to the French at Milan. Ibid. Errors of the French Army. fol 440. Lautr●ch odious to his Army. fol. 441. Milan taken and sacked. i●id. Pope Leo his death, with the alt●r●tions afterwards. fol. 442 Ad●ian the 6▪ created Pope, and the war revived. fol. 443. Milan and Pavia besieged by the French, and Novarre taken fol. 444. L●utrech forced to fight by the Swisses, and is overthrown. f●l. 445. laud and Cremona taken from the French. fol. 446. The Venetians forsake the French, & Genoa is taken by the Spaniards. fol. 447. Fontarabie beeseeged by the Spaniard, and ●eleeued by the French. ibid. Wars in Picardy, Dovilans besieged, & Te●igny slain. fol. 448. The English land in France, take Hedin and return. f●l. 449. Rhodes taken by the Turk. ibid. The Castle of Milan yielded. fol. 450. A League between the Emperor and the Venetians. fol. 451. The Duke of Bourbon revolts and flies disguised fol. 452.453. The Milannois f●aude with the siege of their Town. fol. 454. The Castle of Cremona relieved, Baionne besieged. ibid. Fontarabie taken from the French. fol. 455. The valour of 〈◊〉, with the taking of Roy and Montdidier by the English. fol. 456. Pope A●ria● di●s and Pope Clement the 7. chosen in his place. ibid. john de Medicis stratagems, with the death of Pros●er Colon●●, fol. 457. The French charged and overthrown by the imperials. fol. 458. Briares taken by the Milannois, and the Admiral defeated. fol. 459. Marseilles besieged by the Imperials, from whence they retreat in disorder. fol. 460. King ●rancis goes into Italy and takes Milan. ibises. The Estate of the imperials. fol. 461. The Pope makes a League with the King who sends an Army into Naples. fol. 462. A notable victory gotten by the Marquis of Salusses. ibid. The death and worthy exploits of Pontdormy. fol. 463. The Imperial and French Army approach. ibid. sad forerunners of an overthrow. fol. 464. Battle of Pavia, where the French King is taken prisoner. fol. 465. The King of England offers all love to the French King being a prisoner. fol. 466. The Emperor's unreasonable demands with the King's reasonable offers. fol. 467. King Francis carried prisoner into Castille. ibid. King Francis released, fol. 468. The Marquis of Pescara dies. fol. 469. The miserable estate of Milan, and Cremona taken by the Confederates. fol. 470. Rome surprised and sacked by the imperials, where the Duke of Bourbon is slain. fol. 471.472. A new League against the Emperor. fol. 473. Genoa, Alexandria, and Pavia taken by th● King, and the Pope delivered. fol. 474. The King of England and France proclaim war against the Emperor. fol. 475. King Francis challengeth the Emperor to the Combat. fol. 476. Henry the eight King of England defies the Emperor, and puts away his Wife. ibid. The siege of Naples, with the discommodities there of. fol. 477. Phillipin Doria gets a victory at Sea, and the success thereof. fol. 478 The revolt of Andrew Doria with the great constancy of Lautrech. fol. 479. Lautrech dies, and the siege of Naples is raised fol. 480. The French Army wholly ruined with the number that died at the siege of Naples fol. 481. Genoa recovered from the French. fol. 482. A Peace concluded at Cambray betwixt the Emperor and the French King. fol. 483. The Kings children's ransom paid, the Emperor. returns into Italy. fol. 484. The Prince of Auranges' slain. fol. 485. Causes of the King's discontent. fol. 486. A League of the Princes of Germany against the Emperor ibid. A League and interview between the Kings of England and France. fol. 487. The Duchy of Britain incorporate to the Crown of France. fol. 488. The Kings of England and France, complain of the Pope. ibid. The cardinals means to win the Pope. fol. 489. The first motive of the separation of the Church of England from the Church of Rome. fol. 490 The Pope excommunicats the King of England. ibid. An interview betwixt the Pope & King. fol. 492. The estate of England in 1534. fol 493. Charles the Emperor's dissimulation. fol. 494. The King discontent with the Duke of Savoye conquers his Country. fol. 495 Wars begin in Piedmont. fol. 496. The Emperor's entry into Rome. fol. 497. The Emperor's protestation at Rome. fol. 498. The King's preparation for War, with the treachery of the Marquis of Salusses. fol. 499. Anthony de L●ua forced to fly out off his Campe. fol. 500 The Emperor's conceit of his passage into France fol. 502. Francis the Dauphin poisoned. ibid. The Emperor's passage into Provence, and the King's order against him. fol. 503 The defeat and taking of Monteian and Boisy. fol. 504. The Earl of Nassaw in Picardy, takes Guise and beseeges Peronne. ibid. The imperials defeated. fol. 506. Marseilles surprised by the Emperor in imagination. fol. 507. The Dauphin comes to the Campe. fol. 508. Exploits in Piedmont. fol. 509. The imperials retreat, and burn Aix. ibid. The cause of War betwixt 〈…〉. fol. 511. Pursuit against the 〈…〉 〈◊〉 512 Hedin▪ S. Paul, and 〈…〉 S. Paul. besieged by the 〈…〉 Recovered by assault, and 〈…〉. fol. 515. Therovenne victualled and the 〈…〉 and beaten. Francis Marquis of Salusses slain. The imperials attempt 〈◊〉 and are 〈◊〉. fol. 518. Piedmont being like to be lost for wa●t ●f money, first the Dauphin, and afterwards, the King, goes thither. 〈◊〉. 51● An interview at Nice, with a Truce for ten yea●s fol. 520. The Emperor's passage through France. fol. 521. The King's Ambassadors surprised and murdered. ●ol. 522. Ferdinand's Army defeated by the Turk. ibises. The Emperor goes to Algiers without success. ibid. The reasons that moved the King to Wa●●●. fol. 523. War in Luxenbourg, and in Rossillion with 〈◊〉 causes thereof. ●●l. 524. Attempt of Rossillion fruitless. fol. 526. War in Picardy and Piedmont. 〈◊〉 A gallant stratagem of Monsieur de L●ng●y. fol. 527. A new French Army in Piedmont, where Monsieur de Langey dies. fol. 528 The rebellion of the Rochellois, and the King's Clemency. fol. 529. Exploits in Picardy with the taking of Landrecy and other places by the French. fol. 530. The Castle of Emery taken. fol. 531. The imperials surprised at Bains. fol. 532. The imperials charge the French in their lodging and are repulsed. fol. 5●●. The King sends to secure the Duke of Cleves, & he yields to the Emperor. fol. 534. Landrecie besieged, distressed, and victualled. fol. 535. A brave Retreat made by the French. fol. 5●6 Nice attempted by Barbarousse and taken, but not the Castle. Mont-devis yielded and the Capitulation b●●ken. ●ol. 5●7 The imperials design, the French pre●●preparations to fight, with the sonn● of 〈◊〉 two Armies. fol. 5●8. 5●9. The battle of S●risoles which the Duke of Anguien wins after he had been in gr●at danger, with the number of the dead and prisoners. fol. 540.541. Effects following the victory. 〈◊〉 542. Truce in Piedmont & war in Picardy. ●ol. 54●. Saint Desire besieged after a furious assault yielded. fol. 544. The King of England takes Bullen and Montrue●l and defeats the French. fol. 546.547. The French Kings Army against England. fol. 548. The French consult to take the I'll of wight and to fortify it. fol. 550. Death of the Duke of Orleans. fol. 551. Description and sack of the Land of Oye. fol. 552. A great plague in the fort before Bullen. fol. 553. The death of the Duke of Anguien. fol. 554. Of Henry the 8. King of England. Ibi● Of Francis the 1. King of France. Ibid. Henry the 2. of that name the 59 King of France. THe Constable restored. fol. 555. Henry the 2. crowned, sends an Army into Scotland. fol. 556. Cruelties committed by the rebels in Bourdeaux▪ La Vergn● drawn with four horses. Ibid. Troubles in England. fol. 557. Peace with the English and war with Italy. fol. 559. A leauge betwixt the King and the Protestants of Germany. fol. 560. The King's Army enters into the Country of Metz. fol. 561. Metz yielded to the French and besieged again by the Emperor. fol. 562. The imperials spoil Picardy, recover Hedin, & retire from Metz. fol. 563. Terovenne and Hedin taken and sacked, and the Duke of Arscot taken. fol. 564. The two Armies meet. fol. 565. The Arrierband of France defeated and war beyond the Alpes. fol. 566. Sienna in Italy besieged. fol. 567. The Emperor resigns his Kingdom to his son. fol. 568. Valence and Ostia with other places recovered by the French. fol. 569. The Battle of S. Laurence lost by the French. Ibid. The Pope reconciles himself unto the Spaniards. fol. 570. A great Inundation at Rome. Ibid. Calais recovered from the English Anno. 1558. fo. 571. Francis the Dauphin married to Mary Queen of Scotland. Ibid. Persecution for religion & certain Councelors of the Parliament Imprisoned. fol. 572. The death of Henry the 2. his children and dispotition. fol. 573. Francis the 2. of that name the 60. King of France. Factions and alterations in Court. fol. 574. Anthony King of Navarre and the chief Officers of the Crown disgraced in Court. fol. 575. Anne de Bourg executed and a tumult at Amboyse. fol. 576.577. The Protestants petition to the King. fol. 579. An Assembly of Princes and Noblemen. fol. 580. The King comes to Orleans and the Prince of Condo Imprisoned. fol. 581. Commissioners to arraign the Prince and condemn him. fol. 582. The death of King Franci● the second. fol. 583. Charles the 9 of that name the 61. King of France. A Parliament held at Orleans put of to Ponthoise. fol. 584.585. The King's Coronation & a conference at Poisy. fol. 586. A Petition and Protestation made by the Protestants. fol. 587. The King of Navarre forsakes the Protestants. fol. 588. The massacre at vaissy. fol. 589. The first civil troubles. fol. 590. The death of the King of Navarre, Rouen taken & the Protestants beaten in sundry place. ibid. The Battle of Dreux where both Generals are taken. fol. 591. The Duke of Guise beseegeth Orleans and is slain by Poltroon. fol. 592. A peace concluded at Orleans. fol. 593▪ Sundry particular troubles, at Meaux, Chalons. Bar, S. Estienne, Sens, Corbigny, Antraia, La charity, Chastillion upon Loire, Gyen, Montargis, Aurilliac, Issodun, Man's, Vendosme, Angiers, Blois, Mer, Tours, Poitiers, Rouen twice besieged and taken, deep. fol. 595.596.597, 598. New-haven delivered to the English. fol. 599. Duras in Guienne twice defeated, with the exploits of Piles and Riviere. fol. 600.601. Particular troubles ●n 1562. and 1563. from fol. 601. to 615. A general Council at Trent Anno 1564. fol. 615. The Edict of Peace ill observed. fol. 616. Murder of the Protestants at Crevan & Tours. ibid. Process against the Jesuits. fol. 617. A royal league. fol. 618. The Turks army at Malta. ibid. The death of the Pope and Emperor. ibid. A Parliament at Moulins. fol. 619. The Protestants discontent resolve to Arm with the success of their enterprise· ibid. The beginning of the second troubles. fol. 620. The battle of S. Denis, the Constable hurt whereof he died. fol. 621. A treaty of peace renewed but in vain. fol. 622. Charles besieged. fol. 623. A second Peace, with the Catholics discontents and the Protestants complaints. fol. 624. The King makes an Army against the Protestants. fol. 625. An Encounter at jassenuille with small slaughter fol. 626. Succours of money and ●●●ition from England. fol. 627. The Battle of Brissac the Prince of Conde slain. fol. 628.629. The Duke of Deux-ponts comes into France and dies there, La charity taken by the Germans. fol. 630. Encounter at Roche-abeile. fol. 631. La charity, Poitiers and Chasteleraud besieged. fol. 632. The Battle of Moncounter. and victories after the Battle. fol. 634. Nismes taken by the Protestants. ibid. Vezelay besieged, shameful to Sansac. fol. 635. A treaty of peace anno 1570. in February. fol. 636. War in Poitou, Guienne Xantonge, and Angoulemois. fol. 637. The Protestants fortified, the Prince makes a voyage after the Battle. fol. 637. Encounter at Rene-le-Duc, truce in the Armies, war in Guienne and the fort of Luson besieged. fol. 639. The third Edict of Peace. fol. 640. King Charles marries the Emperor's daughter. ibid. A treaty of marriage betwit the Prince of Navarre and Marquis of Valois. ibid. The King's dissimulation with the Princes and Admiral. fol. 641. Peace with the English and the Queen of Navarre comes to Court. fol. 642. The Admiral comes to Paris. fol. 643. The Queen of Navarre (suspected to be poisoned) dies▪ ibid. Negotiation of Poland. fol. 644. The King resolves and the Duke of Guise gives order for the massacre of the Protestants, with the names of the chief murderers and murdered. fol. 646.647. The King advowes the murder, with the Noble resolution of the young Prince of Conde. fol. 648. The Guisians deny to take the Massacre upon them. fol. 649. War against the Rochelois. fol. 651. A decree against the Admiral. fol. 652. A Comet in November. 1572. ibid. Sancerre besieged and in great distress for victuals. fol. 653. Sancerre delivered by an Admirable means, yielded after by composition. fol. 654. The Duke of Anjou comes to camp and the Duke of Aumaule slain. fol. 655. Rochel after the enduring of nine assaults makes a Peace. fol. 656. War in Lanquedoc, Quercy, & siege of Sommiers. fol. 657. In Gascony, Vivaretz & Dauphin fol. 658. The Protestants order in Languedoc, with their Petitions & Admonitions to the King. fol. 659. Cha●les fa●ls dangerously sick, and new practices in Court▪ fol. 660. Beginning of the fourth troubles. fol. 661. The Marshal Mommorency put into the Bastile & Count Montgomery taken. fol. 662. The Prince of Condies' retreat into Germany. fol. 663. Charles his death and disposition. ibid. Henry the 3. of that name 62. King of Franc●. COnfirmation of the Queen's regency. fol. 665▪ danvil suspected at Tholouse, associates himself with the Protestants. 〈◊〉 666. War in Dauphin, Vivaretz, Poitou, Fontenay surprised. ibises. Lusignan yielded and Pousin besieged. fol. 668 Estate of languedoc, & Liuron honoured with a second siege. fol. 669. Cardinal of Lorraine dies. fol. 670. War between the marshal danvil and the Duke of Vsez. fol. 671. The King's Coronation and marriage. ibid. Negotiation of Peace. fol. 672. Sedition at Marseilles Monbrun defeats Gord●●, is afterwards overthrown, taken and unjustly put to death. fol. 673. L'Edigueres chief in Dauphin. fol. 674. The Duke of Alencon discontented. ibid. The Duke's declaration. fol. 675. The Queen Mother goes to the Duke of Alencon. fol. 676. The Queen mothers second voyage to the Duke. fol. 677. The King of Navarre escapes from Court. fol. 678. The fifth Edict of Peace. ibid. Breach of Peace & preparatives of new troubles. fol▪ 679. The practices & designs of the house of Guise at Rome and in Spain. fol. 680. The first League at Peronne. fol. 681. The Duke of Alencon reconciled to the King & the beginning of the parliament. fol. 682. The King of Navars' request to the Estates. ibid. The Prince of Condes answer 〈◊〉 683. The sixth civil war by the Dukes of Anjou and Mayenne. ibid. The Peace of poitiers, Articles of hard Execution. fol. 684. The King's behaviour during the Peace. fol. 685. The Order of the Holy Ghost erected. ibid. Prolongation of Towns granted to the Protestants, and new motives of Rebellion. fol. 686. The King● of Navarre solicits to join with the League and the Duke of Anjou dies. ibid. The League presented to the Pope but not approved. fol. 687. Duke Espernons' voyage in Gascony, and new motives of the League. fol. 688. The Kings, & the King of Navares declaration. fol. 689. The League weak and the Duke of Guise fortified by a Peace. fol. 690. War against the Protestants. fol. 691. Pope Sixtus the 5. excommunicates the King of Navarre and the Prince of Conde. fol. 692. The voyage of Angers and the Castle taken. fol. 693. The Prince of Conde in rout. fol. 694 The Prince of Condes second marriage. fol. 695. The death of 4. Brethren of Lavall. ibid. The Queen mother's conference with the King of Navar. fol. 696. The Duke of Bovillon chief of the german Army. fol. 697. The King desires Peace, the Duke will have war which is concluded, the King's Army, the Protestants army, with the causes of the affliction of France. fol. 698. Entry of the strangers, with the errors of their Army. fol. 699. Battle of Coutras where the Duke of joyeuse is slain. fol. 700. The German Army in Because, charged at Vimorry. fol. 701. Death of the Duke of Bovillon. fol. 703. Disposition of the Duke of Guise. ibid. Death of the Prince of Conde. fol. 704. The Duke of Guise leaves the war of Sedan & comes to Paris. fol. 705. Barricadoes at Paris. fol. 706. The King retires from Paris. fol 707. The Duke of guise seeks to return into favour. fol. 708. The Queen mother Employed for a peace, seven demands of the League and the King's answer. fol. 709 The Duke of Espernons' justification, Deputies of the Parliament with the King, and his answer. fol. 710.711. The defeat of the Spanish Armado in 1588. with the Duke of Medinaes' excuses. fol. 712. The King refuseth to go to Paris, with new resolutions of the League. fol. 713. The King's Councillors dissmissed the Court, & troubles against Espernon in Angoulesme. fol. 714. Convocation the Estates at Blois, the King's speech. fol 715. The Marquisate of Salusses. surprised by the Duke of Savoy. fol. 718. The Duke of Guisses' dissembling fol. 719 Assembly and Petition of the Protestant's. ibid. Objections against the Duke of Guise, and the King's last resolution. fol. 723. The Duke of ●●ise slain. fol. 724 Death of the Queen mother. fol. 725. N●ort taken by the King of Navar. ibid. The Par●sians Insolencies. fol. 726. The Duke of Mayennes cou●ses: & the King's letters to him. fol. 727. The Estates at Blois dissolved, with the Archbishop of Bourges & others speeches fol. 728.729. A general Council of the union with their Insolencies and revolts. fol. 730. The Duke of Mayennes attempts. fol. 731. Reconciliation of the the 2. Kings. fol. 732. Paris besieged. fol. 733. The Death of Henry the 3. his last speech and manners. fol. 736.737. The 3. parcel of the 3. race of Capets in the Royal branch of Bourbon, beginning with Henry before King of Navarre and the 63. King of France. THe Genealogy of the King S. Lewis. fol. 740.741. The King raiseth his siege from Paris, goes into Normandy and the Duke of Mayenne follows him. fol. 742. Notable exploits at Arques against the League. fol. 743. The King approacheth to Paris. fol. 745. The siege of Dreux and disposition of the king's army. fol. 748. The Battle of Yury where the Leaguers are overthrown with the loss on both sides. fol. 749.750. The siege of Par●s with their miseries. fol. 752. Deputies sent to the King with his answer to them. fol, 753. The siege of Paris raised and the Duke of Parmas' retreat. fol. 754.755. Rouen besieged and succoured by the Duke of Parma. fol. 759. A treacherous decree of the Court Parliament of Rouen. fol. 760. Death of the Duke of Parma and the Marshal Byron. fol. 762. A sentence of the Court Parliament against the Bull of Pope Clement the 8. fol. 765. The King's declaration against the Leaguers. fol. 767. The King's Conversion. fol. 769. By what means the towns of the League returned to the King's obedience and the Spaniards chased out. fol. 771. The King's Coronation. fol. 772. The miraculous reduction of Paris to the King's obedience. fol. 773 A decrree against the League and the Duke of Mayenne. fol. 775. The Duke of Guise reconciled to the King. fol. 777. Process against the I●suites renewed. ibid. The King hurt in the face by john castle. fol. 778. War proclaimed against the Spaniard. fol. 779. Spaniards in Pycardie, great service done by the Constable. fol. 780. Wonderful efects of the King Armies with the wisdom and valour of the Marshal Byron. fol. 782. Ha● surprised for the King and Humieres slain fol. 784. Cambra● besieged & yielded to the Spaniard. fol. 785. The Pope blesseth the King and the Dukes of Mayenne and Nemours are received into grace. fol. 786. Calais and Ardres taken by the Spaniard and La Ferte by the King. fol. 790. Amiens surprised by the Spaniard. fol. 791. besieged again by the King with the effects of the war in Brittany and Champagne. fol. 792. War in Savoy, and Maurienne taken. fol. 793. The Duke of Savoy defeated in sundry places. fol. 795. Amiens yielded and the Spaniards departed. fol. 799. Crequi taken prisoner and the Fort of Saint Bartholomewe taken by L' Edigueres. fol. 801. The reduction of the Duke Mercure, and Britain to the King. fol. 882. The most memorable things contained in the continuation of the general History of France. THE wisdom, justice and piety of Pope Clemen● the 8. fol. 805. Three Popes in 17. months. ibid. The Pope exhorts the two Kings to Peace. ibid. Reasons that moved the King of Spain to a Peace. fol. 806. The Prince of Spain rejects the Council of Peace. ibid. The Infanta desirous of a Peace. ibid. The Archduke applies his mind to Peace. ibid. He sends Arms unto the King. fol. 807. The King of Spain doubts of a Peace. ibid. A long Peace prejudicial to a warlike nation. ibid. The King's generous resolution. fol. 808. The General of the Friars return in despair of a Peace. ibid. The first negotiation of a Peace at 5. Quinti●. fol. 809. The King of Spain resolves to yield up all places. ibid. Veruins chosen for the conference. ibid. The Precedence yielded unto the French. fol. 810. An Agent from the Emperor to the states of the united Provinces. ibid. The Admiral of Arragon sent Ambassador to the Emperor. ibid. The Duke of Savoy desires to be comprehended in the treaty of Peace. fol. 813. A Peace concluded. ibid. Ambassadors to swear the Peace and Hostage● for the restitution of places. fol. 814. The King of Spain signs and swears a Peace. 〈◊〉. His Son signed it not till the treaty of Savoy. Anno. 1601. ibid. Deputies sent from the King to the Archduke to take is oath. fol. 815. Charles Gontault of Byron created Duke of Byron and Pee●e of France. 〈◊〉 A feast made at Paris by the Duke of B●ron. ibid. The Archduke swears the Peace. 〈◊〉 816. He gives presents to the Duke of 〈◊〉▪ ibid. The King is advertised of the Duke of Birons' practices. 〈◊〉 The Duke of Savoy swears the Peace. 〈◊〉 laquiline Contesse of Antremont wif● to the Admiral, was prisoner at lur●e and 〈◊〉 died. fol. 817. Her Letter to Peter Matthew. 〈◊〉 Complaints from the town of Geneva. 〈◊〉 The Duke of Savois pretensions. 〈◊〉 Donation of the Low Countries to the 〈◊〉 of Spain. fol. 818. The conditions. The Prince ratefies the donation. ibises. The Infanta sends Procuration to the Archduke to take possession of the Low Country's. ibid. An Assembly at Bruxelles upon the donation made to the Infanta. fol. 819. The Archduke leaves his cardinals habit. ibid. The Archduke writes to the united Provinces. ibid. Letters from the Prince of Orange to Count Maurice. ibid. A Diet at Ratisbone. fol. 820. Execution of the Imperial sentence against the Town of Aix. ibid. javarin recovered from the Turk. ibid. The looseness of a Lady of Naples. ibid. The life and death of the King of Spain. fol. 821. Don-Carlo conspired against his Father. fol. 822. The divers reports of his death. ibises. The sentence of the Inquisitors against D. Carlo. fol. 823. The death of the Prince of Spain. ibid. The death of the Queen of Spain. ibid. Instruction of the King of Spain to the Prince his Son. 〈◊〉 824▪ The carrying of Arms forbidden in France. ibid. The Clergy of France make a petition unto the King. fol. 827. The King's answer unto the Clergy. ibises. The jesuits seek to be restored. ibid. The King's only Sister fianced to the Prince of Lorraine. fol. 828 Troubles for the Duchy of Ferrara. 〈◊〉 Duke C●●sar prepares to arms. fol. 829. The Pope's entry into Ferrara. ibid. The Archduke Albert meets with Marguerite of Austria. ibid. They pass through the Venetians Country▪ fol. 8●0. The Duke of Mantova meets them. ibid. The Pope and Legates receive them. ibid. The Duke of Sessa Ambassador for Spain attended her. ibid. The Queen's entry into Ferrara. ibid. The King of Spain's marriage. ibid. Four of one Family, of the same Name, and bearing the same Arms married together. fol 8●1. The Pope's nuptial gift to the Queen of Spain ibid. The Admiral of Arragon's exploits in the Duchy of juilliers. ibid. Prince Mau●ice his exploits. fol. 832 The Archdukes Answer to the Ambassadors. ibises. The Earl of Bro●ke taken by the Spaniards in his Castle and then murdered. i●i●. weasel forced to furnish Money and Come. f●l. 833. The Electors writ unto the Emperor. ibid. War in Sueden. fol. 834. The Turk beeseegeth Varadin in vain. fol. 8●5. B●da attempted in vain by the Christians. ibid. An Inundation at Rome. ibid. The Pope creat● 16. Cardinals. ibid. A treaty at Boulogne. fol. 836. The King sick at Monceaux. i●id. The Deputies of the Princes and States of the Empire assemble at Collen. fol. 837. The Elector of Mexic answer to Cardinal And●ew. ibid. The admirals Letter to the Deputies at Collen fol. 838. He excuseth the murder of the Earl of Brouk, and his other outrages. ibid. The King's Sister married to the Duke of Barfoll. f●l. 839. She refuseth to change her Religion, and why ibid. The King desires his Sister should become a Catholic. f●l. 840. The Prince of Lorraine comes unto Paris. ibid. Complaints made by them of the Religion. fol. 841. Exclusion from public charges ignominious. ●●l. 842. No man is held a Citizen, if he be not partaker of the honours of the City. ibises. The last Edict for Religion at Nantes. ibid. Contestation touching their Synod with strangers. ibid. The Court of Parliament opposeth against the edict of Religion. fol. 843 The King's speech to the Court of Parliament ibises. A Prince gives no reason of his Edict. fol. 844. Necessity the fi●st and essential cause of an Edict. ibid. The King's sister pursues the establishment of the Edict. fol. 845 The In●●ntas proclamation against the States of the united Provinces. ibid. An answer made by the United Provinces. ●●l. 847. The Archduke comes to Genoa with the Queen of Spain. fol. 848. The magnificence at the King of Spain's marriage at Valentia. ibid. Knights of the Golden-Fleece. fol. 849, The life and death of Monsieur de Pina●, Archbishop of Lions. ibid. Barricadoes at Lions against the Duke of N●mours fol. 850. The Duke of joyeuze returns to the Capuchins fol. 851. The se●ond Duke of joyeuze drowned. fol. 852. The Earl of Bouchage left his habit of Capuchin by the Pope's dispensation, and is Duke of joyeuze. ibid. His mother desires his return to be a Capuchin and the King commends his resolution. ibises. Jesuits incapable of Spiritual dignities. fol. 853. The Marquisate of Salusses in question. ibid. The Duke of Savoy se●k●s to be reconciled unto the King. ibid. The Pope made judge of the Controversy. ibid. Bravery of the French. f●l. 854▪ The Arbiterment broken. The King of Spain repairs all. fol. 855. The Duke complains o● the Spaniards. ●b●d. Death of 〈…〉 Marquis of Monceaux and Duchess of Beaufort. ibid. A quarrel betwixt D. Phillipp●n of Savoy, and Monsieur Crequi. f●l. 856. They fought twi●e, and at the second combat D. Phil●●p●● was slain. fol. 857. A●●ig●ac demands D. Phil●ppins life. fol. 858. The Estate of the King's affairs in Suisse. ibid. The petty Catholic Cantons allied to Spain. ibid. Monsieur Sillery Ambassador in Suisse. fol. 859. The King sends money to the Swisses. ibid. The Duke of Lerma favourite to the King of Spain. ibid. Assembly of the Deputies of some Princes of the Empire at Con●●ance. fol. 860. The justifications of the United Provinces▪ ibid. Propositions of the Deputies o● Westphalia. fol. 862. A Decree made at Con●●ance. ibid. The Count of Lip General of the german Army, they besiege Rees. ibid. Prince Maurice assures them of bommel by his presence. fol. 863. The Admiral takes Crevecaeur, ibid. The Spanish A●●ye, and that of the States retire out off the limits of the Empire. ibid. The archdukes passage into Flanders. fol. 864, Isabelle of Valois, mother to Isabelle of Austria called the Queen of Peace▪ ibid. The entry of silks forbidden in France. ibid. The King at the Queen's request, revoaked the Edict for silk. fol. 865. Martha Brossier possessed with a Devil ibid. The Bishop of Angers discovers her to be a Sergeant▪ ibid. A decree made by the Court against her, ibid. An Attempt against the King discovered, ibid. Complaint made by the King of Spain. fol. 866 The Archdukes send unto the King. fol. 867. An Army defeated at Dunkirk. ibid. The death of the Chancellor Chiverny▪ Complaints against him▪ ibid. Pompone de Bell●●re Chancellor of France. ibid. The death of the Elector of Treues. fol. 868. Death of the young Princess of Conde. ibid. The Marquis of bell I'll, becomes a religious Woman. ibid. Execution of the Edict of Pacification. ibid. The Duke of juilliers marries the Daughter of the Duke of Lorraine. fol. 869. The Court of Parliament persuades the King to marry. ibid. Monsieur de la Gues●les speech unto the King. ibid. The King of France never dies. fol. 870. A Letter from Queen Marguerit unto the King. ibid. Her request unto the Pope. ibid. Pope gregory's dispensation was after the King's marriage. fol. 871. The King's age. ibid. The King's Letter to Queen Marguerit. Her answer. ibid. ●oure Knights of the Golden-Fleece made by the Archduke. fol. 872. The Archdukes Army retires out off the I'll of bommel. ibid. The States answer to the Emperor's Deputies. ibid. The Duke of Savoy resolves to go into France. i●id. He seems to be discontented with Spain. fol. 873. The Council of Spain, demands the Duke's children. ibid. The King of Spain offended with the Duke ibid. The King gives order for the receiving of the Duke of Savoye at Lions. fol. 874. The Duke of Savoye comes to Fontainbleau. fol. 875. The Duke of Mercures voyage into Hungary. f●l. 876. The Tartars demand a Peace fol. 877. They are defeated by Pa●fi. ibid. Rede● and ●eb●sse made Knights by the Emperor. fol. 878 Ambassadors from the Moscovite to the Poland ibid. The great Duke of Moscovie sends presents to the Emperor. ibid. Duke Charles hangs up the Nobles of Suedland, that served the King. And makes seven demands unto the Estates of Sueden▪ 〈◊〉 879. The Christians enterprises in Honga●y 〈◊〉 the Turk. A Parle of Peace betwixt the Christians▪ Turk●●, and Tartars. 〈◊〉 Cardinal Andrew Battory defeated, and 〈◊〉 by the Null. 〈◊〉 8●1. Publication of the jubilee, the beginning thereof. 〈◊〉 882. newyears gifts sent by the King and Duke. ibid. The Duke of Byron refuseth a present f●om the Duke of Savoy. 〈◊〉 The chief cause of the Duke's voyage ●nt● France. ibises. The Duke of Nemours his affection to the K●ngs service. fo●. 883. The Duke of Savoyes' policy. ibises. The Duke of Byron impatient to hear an othe●s praise. ibid. The King leads the Duke of Savoye to the Court of Parliament to hear a cause pleaded. ibid. Anne Robert Advocate for the Plaintiff. f●l. 884. Anthony Arnault for the Defendresse. fol. 888. L. Seruin for the King's Attorney general. fol. 891. Monsieur d' Alincourt comes to Genoa. fol. 899. He comes to Rome. ibid. The Duke of Bar goes to Rome disguised. ibid. Deputies for the King and Duke of Savoye. fol. 900. The Pope's Nuncio entreats the King to leave the protection of Geneva. ibid. Exchange demanded instead of the restitution of the Marquisate of Salusses. ibid. The Emperor of Ge●many hath little more than the Title. fol. 901. The Duke of Savoy demands the Marquisate for one of his Sons. i●id. The Duke of Savoye perplexed. fol. 902. A pretext of the Duke's stay. f●l. 903. Articles of the treaty of Pa●is. ibid. The Duke of Savoyes' departure and his discontent. f●l 905. The Duke going out off Bourg shed tears. fol. 906. The Archdukes men mutiny in Saint Andrew's Fort. i●●d. The Fort of Creveeaeur besieged and yielded to Count Maurice. ibid. S. Andrew's Fort besieged. ibid. And yielded. fol. 907. Briaute kills his enemy. fol. 908. He is murdered. ibises. An Ambassador from the Turk to the Palatin of Valachia. ibid. George Basta and the Palatin of Valachia hate one another. fol. 909. Th● Null demands of the Emperor. ibid. The Moldavian and Battory defeated. ibid. The Valachian abandoned by his friends for his cruelty, ibid. Basta received Vaivode of Transiluania for the Emperor. ibid. The Valachian defeated. fol. 910. The Treason of two hundred soldiers in Pappa, and th●ir punishment. ibid. Schuartzbourg slain before Pappa. ibid. A treaty of the King's marriage. fol. 911. The Qu●enes picture sent to the King. ibid. A Conference at Fontainbleau. ibid. The manner of their sitting at this Conference▪ fol. 912. The Duke of Savoyes' irresolution. ibid. He sends Ambassadors into Spain, their answer to him. ibid. The King comes to Lions. ibid. The Duke's Ambassadors come to Lions. fol. 913 The Kings answer to the Ambassadors ibises. Monsie●r de Sillery and President janin, Deputies for the King. ibid. Difficulties invented by the Duke. ibid. An attempt to poison the King. ibid. She is burnt alive. fol. 914 Four enterprises against the King. ibises▪ T●e States resolve to make ware in the County of Flanders. ibises. Count Maurice prepares for it, and lands at the Fort of Philip●n in Flanders. fol. 915 Oudenbou●g abandoned by the Spaniard. ibid. Count Ernestus and his Troops defeated. ibid. The order of the Prince's Army. fol. 916 The battle of Niewport. The Admiral of Arragon prisoner. Men of Account slain on the Archdukes side. The chief prisoners. ibid. The Prince returns to the siege of Nieuport. fol. 917. He beseegeth Isab●llas Fort. ibid. The Archduke relieves it, and raiseth the siege ibid. Count Maurice returns into Holland. ibid. The exploits of the vice-admiral of Flanders. ibid. The Admiral of Arragon set at liberty. fol. 918. Ea●le Goury's attempt to kill the King of Scotland. ibid. The Duke of Savoy refuseth to sign the Articles concluded by his Ambassadors. ibid. The King's preparatives for War. fol. 919 The Duke sends the Patriarch of Constantinople unto the King. fol. 920 The Kings answer to the Patriarch. ibid. The Duke demands two Legates of the Pope. fol. 921. The King offers mercy to the Inhabitants of Chambery. fol. 922 The King comes to Con●●ance and batters it▪ ibid. The King of Spain's Ambassador in Suisse complains of the King. fol. 923 Two desperate men sen● to kill the King. fol. 924. The siege of the Castle of Montmelian, it is summoned, The Earl of Brandis answer. ibid. The vaunting of the Savoyards'. fol. 925. Cardinal Aldobrandin sent Legate unto the French King. ibid. He comes to Turin and is received by the Duke. fol. 926. The Duke of Savoy resolves to fight. ibid. The King returns to Montmellian. fol. 927 The Capitulation of the Castle of Montmelian. ibid. Hermi● i● returns to the Legate. fol. 928. The Duke's Letters to the Earl of Brandis ibid. The Legates speech unto the King. ibid. The King's answer. fol. 929. The situation of S. Kath●rins Fort. fol. 930. The Capitulation of the Fort. ibid. The Cardinal Al●●brandin comes to Florence. fol. 931. His speech unto the Queen. ibid. The Queen's answer unto the Cardinal. ibid. The Queen parts from Florence, to go into France. ibid. The Queen enters into Lions. ibid. The Kings fi●st s●ght of the Queen. fol. 932. The Duke of Mercure Lieutenant general to the Emperor▪ Canisia besieged. The Duke's answer to the Ve●ir. ibid. Canisia yielded to the Turk. fol. 933. The Governor of Canisia beheaded at Vienna, ibid. The Duke's deputies demand Peace of the King. and his answer. fol. 934 The King's speech to the Ambassador of Spain. ibid. Bouvens' letter to the Duke's Ambassadors. fol. 935. Monsieur de Rhosny renews the Treaty of peace. ibid. A Peace concluded. ibid. The Ambassadors of Savoy consult with Taxis. fol. 936. Bourg yielded to the King. fol. 937. The Marquisate of Salusses transported to the Duke. ibid. The King and Queen go to Paris. ibid. The Legate is Advertised that the Duke refused to sign the Peace. fol. 938. The King grants a prolongation of the truce. ibi. The Legate discontented with the Duke of Savoy. ibid. The Count of Fuentes excuse. fol. 939. The Legate and the Duke of Savoy meet. ibid. divers opinions of the Peace. fol. 940. Commodities which the Duke got by the Peace, ibid. The death of Queen Loise, of the Princess of Condy, the Princess of Conty, and the Duchess of Eguillion. ibid. The Queen comes to Paris. ibid. An Enterprise upon Marseilles: discovered by the complices. fol. 941 An enterprise upon Metz. ibid. Berk besieged by Count Maurice, & yielded. ibid. Maeurs taken by Count Maurice. fol. 942 A Christian Renegado sent by the Turk unto the King. fol. 943. The Scrivano revolted in Asia. fol. 944. The King of Persia sends his Ambassador to the Pope, Emperor and King of Spain. ibid. The Duke of Byron sent into England. His coming to the Queen. The Queen's speech. fol. 945. The Duke of Byron returned out off England. fol. 946. The Queen in travel. The Princes of the blood may be then in the Chamber. ibid. The Dauphin borne. ibid. The Queen of Spain delivered of a Daughter. ibid. The Spanish Army at Sea, goes to Naples. ibid. Cigala at Sea. fol. 947. Cha●teauneuf in Morea taken by the Galleys of Malta, ibid. The Prince of Parmas' speech to Prince Doria, & his answer. ibid. The policy of Count Fuentes, fol. 948 Troubles at Constantinople. ibid. The Valachian committed to prison. fol. 949. Alba Regalis taken by Duke Mercure. ibid. The siege of Canisia raised. fol. 950. The Duke of Byron returns out off England to Court. ibid. The Daulphins' first entry into Paris. ibid. A Conference to instruct the King's sister. ibid. A Chamber royal erected. fol. 951. Sebastian King of Portugall's speech to the Seigneury of Venice, fol▪ 953. D. Sebastian delivered after two years imprisonment ibid., He was stayed by the Duke of Florence, & sent prisoner to Naples, where he was condemned to the Galleys. fol. 954. His speech to the Duke of Medina Sidonia. fol. 955. The Duke of Byron sent to the Cantons to confirm the Treaty. His speech to the Swisses. fol. 957. The Marquisate of Final surprised. ibid. An Army at Sea in Calabria. fol. 958. The King disquieted touching the Duke of Byron. ibid. The death of the Duke of Mercure. ibid. The Duke of Birons' conspiracy discovered. fol. 959. He contemns the King's advice. fol. 961. The Duke of Byron craves pardon of the King. fol. 962. Instructions given by the Duke of Byron to la Fin. fol 963. The King expects repentance only of the Duke of Byron. ibid. An Army at Sea for the King of Spain. fol. 964 The Precedent janin sent to the Duke. fol. 966 divers advices given to the Duke of Byron, not to come to Court. Bad signs of his voyage. ibid. The Duke of Byron comes to Fontainbleau. ibid. He excuseth his stay. The King's favour to him grown cold. He is not respected. He seeks to justify himself. fol. 967. The Duke of Byron praised the King of Spain. He plays at Primiero with the Queen. fol. 968 He will not submit himself to the King's clemency. He is seized on at the King's Chamber door. fol. 969. False brutes of the causes of the Duke's impris●ment. fol. 970. The King comes to Paris. fol. 971. The Duke's words in prison, fol. 972. The Duke is amazed to see Renazé. fol. 973. His Process reported. fol. 974. The Duke pleads for himself in the Golden Chamber. ibid. Accusations of the Duke of Byron. fol. 975. The Duke's answer. ibid. Proof by writing of the continuance of his practices. fol. 977. The King did give him his word without demanding it. fol. 978. The judgement of the Process. fol. 979. In Treason intents are punishable. fol. 980. Evil unpunished is suffered. fol. 981. They that reveal conspiracies are to be rewarded. fol. 983 The Chancellor pronounceth the sentence of death. ibid. The Duke of Byron desires to see Monsieur de Rhos●y. ibid. The Chancellor comes to the Bastille. The Duke's words unto him. ibid. The Duke of Byron delivers up the King's Order. fol. 986. He falls into choler at the reading of his sentence. fol. 987. He resolves to die. fol. 988. He sends commendations to the Count of Auvergne. fol. 989. The Duke of Byron in choler when he sees the Executioner. ibid., His Head cut off. fol, 991. Honours done to great Gonsalue at his death. f●l. 992. The Duke of Birons' Virtues, his Vanity and his Glory, and compared with S●●la. ibid. He went to a mathematician to know his Fortune fol. 993. The Marshal Birons' words unto his son being but Baron. fol. 994. The Duke of Savoy leuyes Forces for Geneva. fol. 995. The Duke of Birons' Secretary racked, and fontanelles broken upon the wheel. ibid. The Duke of Bovillon refuseth to come unto the King, his Letter unto his Majesty. fol. 996. The Prince of Ginuille committed. fol. 997. Deputies sent out of Dauphin to the Dauphin of France, A Present given unto the Dauphin fol. 998. Alba Regalis yielded to the Turk. fol. 999 Cigale goes forth of Constantinople. fol. 1000 The Galleys of Spain commanded by Sp●●cla. fol. 1001. Mines of Gold discovered. ibid. An Edict for the ordering of those Mines. ibid. Deputies from the Swisses to swear the new alliance. ibid. The town of Mahomet taken by the knights of Malta. 〈◊〉 1003. Murders committed this year for Adultery. fol. 1005. A Pardon promised to all of the Duke of Birons' conspiracy. 〈◊〉 1006. The Duke of Savoys enterprise upon Geneva. ibid. The Duke's pretensions, and the Genevois defence. 〈◊〉 1007. The first discovery of the surprise of Gen●ua. fol. 1008. The Duke's forces repulsed, and some of his men are slain and some taken. fol. 1009. Letters from the signory of Geneva to the Governor of Lions. fol. 1010. Monsi●ur de Vi● sent to Geneva. fol. 1011. Geneva resolves to a Peace, the which is concluded betwixt the Duke and them. fol. 1012 The Invention to make silk, and the profit thereof. fol. 1013. Rebellion in Asia against the Turk. ibid. The janissaries power in Turkey. fol. 1014 A woman sent in embassage. fol. 1015. The two Castles of Lepanthe taken by the Knights of Malta. fol. 1016. The King's voyage to Metz. ibid. Sobole delivers up the Citadel of Metz. fol. 1017. Four jesuits come to Metz for their restablishment. ibid. A Controversy for the Bishopric of Strausbourg. ibid. The King returns to Paris. fol. 1018. The Princes of Savoy go into Spain. ibid. Brute of the King's sickness. fol. 1019. A League concluded betwixt the Venetians and the Grisons. fol. 1020. The navigation of the French to new France or Canada. ibid. A quarrel betwixt the Count Soisons and the Marquis of Rohsny. fol. 1023. A Synod held at Gap by them of the refomed Religion. fol. 1024 The Constable of Castille passeth through France. fol. 1026. Alexander Monsieur made Knight of Malta. fol. 1028. The death of the Duchess of Bar the King's Sister. fol. 10●0. The King's sorrow for the death of his Sister. f●l. 1031. The burning of the Turks Galleys at Algiers▪ ibid. another enterprise of the great Dukes in N●grepont. fol. 1032. Treason discovered and L os●● the Traitor returns into France and ser●es 〈…〉. fol. 1033. The Traitor ●●oste drowns himselve. fol. 1034. Creation of new Cardinals. fol. 10●5. The great promises of the Count Fuentes to the G●●sons. fol. 1037. Half a Sedition at Rome. fol. 1039. P●sta abandoned by the Christians. fol. 1040. The Jesuits restored in France, and a new college built for them at La flesh in Anjou. fol. 1041. A channel from the river of Seine to Loire. ibises. New Inventions of works brought into France. fol. 1042. The Constable of Castille comes to the King, is received with all Honour, and the King sups with him. fol. 1043. Sluse lost by the vanity of 〈…〉 the Governor. fol. 1044. Ostend yielded by composition the 15. of September. ibid. Advantages of the united Provinces for the war. fol. 1045. The Marquis Rohsny goes into Poitou. ibid. The Daulphins, second voyage to Fontainbleau. ibid. Interview of the Dukes of Savoy and Mantoa. ibid. The King sends for the Count of Auvergne to Ciermont, who refuseth to come but with conditions▪ He is taken and brought prisoner to the Bastille at Paris from. fol. 1045. to 1050. A happy discovery of a Conspiracy, the Conspirators amazed. fol. 1050. Monsieur D' Antragues Governor of Orleans committed to prison, and the Marquis of Vernuill restrained. fol. 1051. The King's Letter to La Guiche from Fontai●bleau the 15. of November. Anno 1604. ibid. The Duke of Bovillon in danger to be surprised. ibid. The death of the Duke of Tremoville. ibid. FINIS.