SIR ANTONY Shirley HIS RELATION OF HIS TRAVELS INTO PERSIA.  
THE DANGERS, AND DIStresses, which befell him in his passage, both by sea and land, and his strange and unexpected deliverances.  
HIS MAGNIFICENT entertainment in PERSIA, his Honourable employment there-hence, as ambassador to the Princes of Christendom, the cause of his disapointment therein, with his advice to his brother, Sir ROBERT Shirley,  
ALSO, A true RELATION OF THE great Magnificence, Valour, Prudence, justice, Temperance, and other manifold virtues of ABAS, now King of PERSIA, with his great Conquests, whereby he hath enlarged his Dominions.  
Penned by Sr. ANTONY Shirley, and recommended to his brother, Sr. ROBERT Shirley, being now in pro●●cution of the like Honourable employment.  
LONDON Printed for Nathaniel Butter, and joseph Bagfet. 1613.   

TO THE READER  
MAny have been desirous to understand on what hopes, helps, and grounds, Sir Anthony Shirley, with his brother Sir Robert Shirley, and many other friends and followers, of our Nation, could not only be induced to undertake to travel into a kingdom so far remote, and to live amongst a people so far different in Religion, Language, and Manners, as that of Persia is from ours: but also he supplied of all necessaries for life, in a plenteous and magnificent manner; and so highly endear his service and industry to that King and State, as to be esteemed and called a Mirza, or Prince of Persia, and to be employed, within few months after his coming thither, as ambassador from so great a Potentate, in a matter of such main consequence and trust, to many of the greatest Princes and States of Christendom.  
And no less have many marveled, how, after his failing in the accomplishment of so great an enterprise, for want of due correspondence in an Instrument, he had taken unto him, out of that Country for his better credence, his Brother Sir Robert Shirley, whom he left behind him in Persia, could not only maintain his reputation, but win so much credit with that King, as to be honoured with the Title of his ambassador, to the Princes of Christendom, in the like employment newly revived.  
At his late being here in England (where he hath been so accepted as in the Courts of other great Princes of Christendom) a Gentleman of some understanding conversing oftentimes with him, and being desirous of true information, concerning that action (whereof he had formerly heard, and read some incoherent and fabulous reports) conferred with him often, concerning the carriage, and circumstances of their proceed: and thereby gave him occasion to discourse unto him as well of the motives of that enterprise, as of many accidents that befell him and his Brother in the conduct of that affair. Wherein, albeit he received good satisfaction in divers particularities; yet, because the questions, occasioning such discourse, were but incidently moved; and (by many occasions that happened) their conferences were often interrupted: On the entreaty of the said Gentleman, for the better satisfying of himself, and such others of his friends, as might be desirous, out of their curiosity, to understand the whole progress, dependence, and prosecution of the said voyage into Persia, he obtained of the Persian ambassador, a Copy of this discourse, penned by his Brother Sir Anthony Shirley (as it seemeth) since his return out of Persia into Europe, for the better satisfaction of his friends, and preserving the memory of so memorable an action.  
To these labours of his Brother, Sir Robert Shirley himself as time and opportunity shall give him leave, hath promised some addition of his own endeavours: which being not yet in such readiness, as his friends have wished and desired; This discourse being but the former part, yet containing the Register of so rare an attempt (whatsoever the success hath been, or may be) as hath seldom been seen in this, or any former age, by a private Gentleman to have been enterprised, the same being recorded by his own pen who hath been the first and chief Actor in it, hath been thought by men of mature judgement, to whom it hath been communicated, (besides the History itself which is pleasing and delightful) to contain many fruitful advertisements.  
So that having in it both the elevations of a high spirit, and the observations of a man experienced and versed in great affairs: it is the rather unto thee re-commended.   

THE true History of Sir Anthony Sherley's travels into Persia, Penned by himself.  
SINCE men are brought forth upon the earth for good ends, the principallest of which is the glory of God, and then to better the world; in which many have had bands, either of necessity, or other occupations, to have less experience by their knowledge: I think, I should mightily err, if I should not deliver as well to others, what I have seen and learned by my passing so many, and so strange countries; as I should have done, if had not given my time and the expense of it to the first end, which was, and is, God his great glory.  
In my first years, my friends bestowed on me those learn which were fit for a gentleman's ornament, without directing them to an occupation; and when they were fit for agible things, they bestowed them and me on my Prince's service, in which I ran many courses, of divers fortunes, according to the condition of the wars, in which, as I was most exercised, so was I most subject to accidents: With what opinion I carried myself (since the causes of good or ill must be in myself, and that a thing without myself) I leave it to them to speak; my places yet in authority, in those occasions were ever of the best; in which, if I committed error it was contrary to my will, and a weakness in my judgement; which, notwithstanding, I ever industriated myself to make perfect, correcting my own oversights by the most virtuous examples I could make choice of: Amongst which, as there was not a subject of more worthiness and virtue, for such examples to grow from, than the everliving in honour, and condign estimation the Earl of Essex, as my reverence and regard to his rare qualities was exceeding; so I desired (as much as my humility might answer, with such an eminency) to make him the pattern of my civil life, and from him to draw a worthy model of all my actions. And as my true love to him, did transform me from my many imperfections, to be, as it were, an imitator of his virtues; so his affection was such to me, that he was not only contended, I should do so, but in the true nobleness of his mind gave me liberally the best treasure of his mind in counseling me; his fortune to help me forward; and his very care to bear me up in all those courses, which might give honour to myself, and inworthy the name of his friend: in so much, that after many actions, into which, peradventure, he provoked my own slackness, The Duke of Ferrara dying, and leaving Don Cesare D'Este Inheritor of that Principality, who by his birth could, indeed, challenge nothing justly, being a Bastard; notwithstanding, in the world's opinion he was most likely to have been established in that succession, through the long continuance of the government in that name; and the Princes of that name, having ever through their temperate and just condition of Ruling, woven themselves into a sincere affection of that people: which was well proved, by that great league made against it in former time by the Pope, the French, and the Venetians, frustrated by the true devotion of those subjects to their Prince; beside, the great expectation, which was generally had of that Don Cesare, and the extreme bondage of the government of the Church, which those that have lived in another quality do utterly abhor. Which that excellent Earl also considering, and beside (having no thought in him ever separated from those circumstances, which might bring to an happy end his infinite desire of her majesties Honour, service, and prosperous good of his Country,) judging that the Pope would not give his claim unto the duchy without words, and acts, and by the impotency of both those Princes in themselves, both to make and continue so great a war (as that was likely to have been by former examples) but that it must grow to great partialities: The lesser Princes of Italy being not likely to endure the Churches so great increase of Temporality, which error was so greatly reprehended by them all in Lewis the twelfth King of France; And that giving place to the right of that title, they should interest him in the same judgement for Urbine also, and many other places: so that the war, by these reasons, in all appearance likely to be fomented: and that the King of Spain, both in hope to better his estates in Italy by that trouble, and by necessity to preserve those, which he had already, and for being Vicar to the Church, and obliged for his kingdom of Naples, must be embarked fully in that action; which would have been both a great diversion from his other designs, and a facillitating of any enterprise, which that generous spirit of that Earl was ever framing, and undertaking against him: and holding opinion that the Duke's greatest necessity at the first must be of encouragement, and captains, sent me presently (though the least amongst many) accompanied with divers soldiers of approved valour, and procured the Count Maurice, general of the state's Army, to write him letters of as much comfort, as could be given from so brave a Prince, and so famous an Estate: and though my journey was undertaken in the dead of Winter, and I left no pains untaken to accelerate it; yet before I could arrive in Italy, I found the Duke given over to quieter resolutions, and Ferrara yielded to the Pope; himself satisfying himself with Modona, and Rhegium, of which he now beareth the Title. Which when I had advertised the Earl of; as he, who never had his own thoughts, limited, within any bounds of honourable and just ambition; So he also desired, that those whom he had chosen into a nearness of affection should also answer both his own conceit of them, and satisfy the world in his election of them: wherefore, not willing I should return, and turn such a voice as was raised of my going to nothing; as unwilling that I should, by a vain expense of my time, money, and hope, be made a scorn to his and (through him) to my enemies: he proposed unto me (after a small relation, which I made unto him from Venice) the voyage of Persia, grounding of it upon two points.  
First, the glory of God; to which, his excellent religious mind was evermore devote. Then, if God would not please to choose me as a worthy instrument to that great end; yet by making a profitable experience of my seeing those Countries, limiting upon the King of Spain's uniall parts, and answering to her majesties Merchants trades in Turkey, and Muskovy; and beside, being not unlikely but some parts might have been found fit for the Indian navigation, then principiated in Holland, and muttered of in England; It might prove a subject to extract great and good matter out of, for the honour of her majesty, and the particular good of our Country: Besides, some more private designs, which my fortune, being of the condition, which my persecutions have brought it unto, counseleth me not to speak of: though they were most worthy ones, and honourable, and honest in him, as a great subject, and main pillar of that State, which he was bound to serve by all means and all industry. Having with these advertisements received strength to my own mind, large means and letters of favour and credit to the company of Merchants at Aleppo; without opening the secrets of my deliberation to any, as fearing the strange humour of the world, rather inclined to misjudge of all actions, then to give them only a charitable construction: not willing to be scorned if it effected not; and assuring myself of all sort of reputation, if it proceeded well.  
I embarked myself at Venice for Aleppo, in a Venetian ship, called the morizell, the four and twentieth of May 1599 Five and twenty days the Ship was sailing between Malmocko the Port of Venice, and Zant; in which space one of the worst in the Ship, a passenger to Cyprus, used most scandalous speeches of her majesty, which being brought unto me, not only moved with the dutiful zeal which a subject oweth to his Prince; but even with that respect which every Gentleman oweth to a Lady, I commanded one of my people to give him a fit reward for so vile an abuse: which was no sooner done, but the ship was all in an uproar. And though the cause of the act was just, and so understood by divers principal Merchants, which went to Zant, and that the punishment was nothing proportionable to the sceleratnesse of the fact; yet through the instigation of one Hugo de Potso, a Portugal Factor, which was going to Ormus (though they showed all to be satisfied, because they durst do no other, yet) when we were to have departed in the ship from Zant, they would no more receive us, so that we were forced to hire a Carramosall to carry us to Candy, where we received most honourable entertainment, (the coming of strangers thither being a thing so unsuall that the Duke desired to show the Magnificence of the great Signory to us that came first; and peradventure should be the last for a long time.)  
From thence in the same Carramosall we departed to Cyprus, and Paphos, where we found nothing to answer the famous relations given by ancient Histores of the excellency of that island, but the name only, (the barbarousness of the Turk, and time, having defaced all the Monuments of Antiquity) no show of splendour, no habitation of men in a fashion, nor possessors of the ground in a principality; but rather slaves to cruel Masters, or prisoners shut up in divers prisons: so grievous is the burden of that miserable people, and so deformed is the state of that Noble realm. Notwithstanding, the present power (I mean resident in that island, which is the instrument of that great tyranny) is so small, that if the little remnant of people, which is left there had courage; or if they have courage, had also arms; or if the Prince's Christian had but a compassionate eye turned upon the miserable calamity of a place so near them, rend from the Church of God, by the usurpation of Gods and the world's great enemy: and maintained more by the terror, which his name hath stroke into some truly; into others no more, but that they are contented he should be thought terrible, for the better progress of their own more unjust designs; I do not see, in that small judgement which my experience hath given me, but the redemption of that place and people were most facile (being but four thousand Turks in the whole island) and the glory would be immortal to the Actor; besides the profit which must needs follow from so great an acquist; and the preserving of it would also be of no expense, nor hazard: the people's affection binding itself to their redeemer; besides a necessity to keep them united unto him by the means of so abhorred a neighbour, from whom their vindication, into liberty, must be maintained by their own constancy: and his extreme weakness by sea, warranting all tranquillity from fear of a powerful invasion, by which the conqueror might be put in the least hazard. But God (who in his great judgement weigheth man's sins, and appointeth, forth of his treasury of wrath, scourges for their iniquities) perhaps hath not fully satisfied his causeful indignation, yet, with the suffering of that people; and therefore blindeth the eyes of the good understanding, of all his great instruments, whom he hath raised in the world to glorify his name, to administer justice, and to lighten the burden of the oppressed, that they should not see the calamities of that Country, nor that their cries should come into their ears, by which their generous hearts should be moved to condign compassion; nor that their judgements should be free to see their own particular honour, and profit: So God useth to show man that he is a bubble, raised only by his breath, moving by the same, and falling by the same, according to the will of his great providence, to which we in the pride of our nature, yield not the true attribution due unto it: yet the powerful working of it is such, that with the confusion of our foolish pride, it proveth itself an eternal wisdom, which will give laws to the world, and the bridle to all people, and guideth only the hearts of Princes.  
From Paphos we went to the Salines in a little hired bark, 
A strange deliverance.  where we found the morizell, in which we came to Zant. The Portugal, and his complices presently went on shore to the Subbassa of the place (for so is called the governor there) and told him divers pirates, who had lost their Ships, were come into the harbour in a small boat, amongst whom were some boys, and youths, worth much money; beside, I know not what jewels and treasure we had amongst us; with the which he would give him a good present also, if he would send some of his soldiers, and take us.  
At this Oration of his, were present certain Armenian passengers, who had known us in the ship, which moved with the enormity of so vile an act (that Christians should sell and betray Christians to Turks, and that upon no cause of offence, which they were witnesses of, we should be persecuted with such a kind of inhuman cruelty) with all speed possible hired a boat, themselves, for Alexandretta, came with it unto us, provided in it victuals for us, and the masters themselves to lose no time; and beseeched us, with tears in their eyes, to fly from thence with all speed possible; relating unto us the scelerattreason conspired against us, and our imminent peril. Wherefore we instantly changed into that boat, and perceiving a Fregat a far off, rowing towards us, for haste, left most of our things behind us, and yet could not make so much speed, but that the janissaries, which were in the Fregat, and chased us, bestowed some shot upon us, and had peradventure overtaken us, if the night had not ended their chase us, and our dangers.  
This boat, in which we were, was an ordinary passenger between Cyprus and Alexandretta, a small way of only a night and a half sailing, and half a days sailing: So that by reason the master was unlike to mistake his way, much less so just contrary as he did, towards two hours in the night, we met another passage-Boate, put off from Famagusta, holding the course which we intended: The night was fair, with the shining of the moon and starlight; yet, by reason of the difference in sailing, we first lost sight of that boat, then by our different course, the master of ours, instead of Alexandretta, going for Tripoli, which, certainly, was a great work of God to preserve us. The other boat, at break of the day, being taken at the entrance of the port of Alexandretta, by certain Turkish Pirates, who put all to the sword, that were in it, and hearing of us, we had rowed so far into the river Orontes, before they could recover us, that they durst no further prosecute that prey.  
There we found a goodly Country, replete even naturally with all the blessings the earth can give to man, for the most part uncultivated, here and there, as it were, sprinkled with miserable Inhabitors, which in their fashion showed the necessity they had to live, rather than any pleasure in their living.  
From thence we sent our interpreter to Antiochia, to provide us horses to bring us thither, which he returned within two days after, and with them we proceeded thither, full of great care how we should escape from thence: The Turk having given certain scales to trade in, out of which, as it was unlawful for any to converse; so it must needs be an unevitable peril for so great a company, when the same great providence, which at first defended us from the former hazards, gave us the good hap to meet with two janissaries, Hungarish-runnagates, who understanding that we were Christians, compelled against our dispositions into that place, our intention to be a visitation of Jerusalem, and with all our fear of some great prejudice by our being arrived out of the distinguished places for all Christians; having told us first, that they themselves had been Christians, and though they had, for reasons best known to themselves, altered that condition; yet they wished well to those which still were so, and especially to all of those parts: and afterwards cheerfully comforting us, invited us to lodge in their house, securing us, by a number of protestations, from all dangers; which as they courteously offered, so (if I may give so fair a term, to such a people) they honourably performed: For being by the Cady of Antiochia required to present us unto him, they did not only deny us, as bound unto it by the laws of hospitality, in respect of their promise, as they themselves said; but called fifty other janissaries of Damascus, their friends, to defend us, if the Cady should have offered violence.  
And now that I have had occasion to speak of the janissaries of Damascus, which by likelihood, of that they presumed to do in that point, must be men of great authority, both in power and estimation: It will not be amiss, to use so fit an opportunity to discourse of the Turks whole government of those parts, which I did not behold with the eyes of a common pilgrim, or Merchant; which passing only by goodly cities and Territories, make their judgement upon the superficial appearance of what they see: but as a Gentleman bred up in such experience, which hath made me somewhat capable to penetrate into the perfection and imperfection of the form of the State, and into the good and ill Orders by which it is governed. And though it be true, that my weakness in judging may rather do harm then good, to such as will favour me with too much belief; yet it will ever be a help of some feeling to those which know less: Our duties being to further all, and chief those who have most need.  

The course of Turk's Government.  The original of the Turks many have written well of; the maintaining of their state hath been their Subects true, and devote adherence to their religion, without schism or Faction; and obedience to their Princes. They increase the same religion also, (which continually instigateth them to the propogation of it) and the reason of their beginning, which was arms; they, induced by a confidence in them, have ever desired to use them. And to detain such a stirring disposition from civil dissensions, their Princes have ever with foreign enterprises, led them to the exercise of them. The means of the preservation of their States so great, and so many acquisted, have been the securest of any other: the Princes personally inhabiting of the most dangerous; and ruinating, and possessing by Colonies actually, though in another name, the rest. So that where the Dominion joineth with the power of the Christian Princes; his presence keepeth those parts from danger of innovation: Where he is further separated, his Tymarri, (which are certain to whom he distributeth so much land for their desert in virtue, which was their first institution; and by that tenure are bound to find him their persons, and so many horses in his wars) they, I say, having their estates solely depending upon his government, assuring him from all peril of alteration. And beside, to strengthen himself the more, he hath not only destroyed the Noble blood of the Countries; but in most places the cities, towns and Houses, to remove from the very memory of men, by the renewing of those spectacles the apprehension of their former condition of living: and since the government of those states were so far separated, lest the mind of him, to whom he gave such an administration, might lift itself up to higher thoughts, he changeth them continually from time, to time, without any prefixed order; and giveth them by the ancient form, which the vertuouser Princes enacted; but to men of great merit: beside, so dissolveth all strength from their supreme authority in case of absoluteness, that without a special commission for some special cause, the Bassa hath nothing to do with the Souldiory, but those are ordered in their function, by either one Agam or Sarda, the bashaws ends directing themselves to the civil government; from the just administering of which, they were learned heretofore, by terrible examples, not to decline; their faults being brought speedily to the Court, the emulation of which as speedily presented them to the Prince; the main point of whose estate drove him to execute rigorous remedies to confirm his awfulness and obedience, by which he did subsist among his subjects.  
Those janissaries of Damascus, amongst other Garrisons were appointed as those of Cairo against the invasions of the Arabs: who are, through all those provinces, a people dispersed, living in Tents, without a certain place of abode, removing their habitations according to the seasons, and their own commodities: part of which, who are removed on that side of Euphrates, which is of Mesopotamia, now called Diarbech, are peaceable to the Turk, and not much infestious to travellers; their King being a Saniacke of the Turks, and by that title holding Ana and Der, two towns upon the river, which pay him his stipend.  
The other, upon the other side, towards Egypt, through all Arabia, Petra, and Deserta, and spreading as far as the limits of Arabia Felix; being in multitudes, and not possible be brought to a quiet and well-formed manner of living, are dangerous to strangers, and continual spoilers of those parts of the Turks Dominions, which every way border upon them: for the safety of which, as I said, those two garrisons of Cairo, and Damascus were instituted, the first of 12000, the other of 1500 janissaries. Neither must it be thought, since these of Damascus do not only defend that part, but are also distributed through other cities of Soria, As Aleppo, Antiochia, & further in Jerusalem also, that 1500 men are able to sustain, and answer well to such a charge. But these being both janissaries, and by great services heretofore done, proceeding also to be Tymarrie, have many followers, which do augment mightily their number, and every year were accustomed (besides those which stayed to preserve the country) to send great troops, not only warlikely, but pompously provided, into Hungary: but now that through the incapacity of this Prince presently reigning, there are extreme corruptions grown through all the members of his estate: his subjects generally taking example of his weakensse, and particularly his great ones, making their profit thereof. As virtue is generally forgotten, so they which have authority, are so far from industriating themselves to replant it, that they, making a commodity of the ill, are ever desirous it should increase, to increase with it their gain. For as places of government, and of all sort of administration, were anciently given unto those, who by their worthiness grew to a condign estimation with the Prince; This time hath brought things to another condition; that now men are weighed by the abundance of their fortune, not of their virtue: who buying their authority of the Prince, like Merchants, must make their profit of the people under their charge; wherein they rather desire to be vile, base, and offenders, then to have them of better, fit, and honester spirits: the gains being small, if the people were good, by a just caring for them; and greatest, as they are by punishing, by extortion, and oppression, and also as ill as they are by many wrongs: which the people also finding, and withal that mischief increaseth, rather than diminisheth; taking example from so great patterns, add by those more wickedness to the badness of their own dispositions. And as they are all made a prey to the greatest, so every one according to his power, doth deal with the lesser; like a forest of wild beasts, living all upon rapine, without any sense of humanity, more than an appearance.  
This violent humour in them hath brought disobedience (covetousness, and Luxury, dissolving the bonds of all respect; our wills ever carrying us from ourselves, from all awfulness, and all laws, when they are overmaistered by those two mighty enemies to particular men, much more than to general states,) So that the Prince's commandment is no more esteemed in any part, far removed from his own presence, than it fitteth with the honour and profit of him to whom it cometh. From whence have grown so many and so dangerous rebellions, so huge wastes in Countries; and caused through all those parts those janissaries (which were appointed for the safety of the provinces, and had their first privileges, not only for a reward to their virtues; but to bind them by such rewards, to answer the Prince's confidence in them) to obey no authority which calleth them to other wars: but by combining themselves in a strength together, to tyrannize the Countries committed to their charges: in such a sort, that they are not only Princes, as it were, over the people, but do also terrific the greater Ministers. And though this be a great weakness in the very Basis of so huge an estate (which can by no means be held together but by such an unite compaction as may justly, and ever move by the heads intentions; lest it should sway this way, or that way; and so either break, or bend by his own great weight, or bruise itself, which in so overgrown a body must come to dangerous ulcers, where no care is taken for the curing of the parts) Yet it doth not only show, that God's judgement hath determined it a short time of continuance, by that one great sign, but by many other: as their negligence of the maintaining of a strength by Sea;; which did (as it were) knit together many great parts of it, far divided; and gave an essential strength in force and reputation to his whole state: His want of necessary provision for the wars in all those parts; not speaking of those for peace, sithence the ruin of the provinces, for the most part, and the misery of those poor flock of people, which do live in the parts inhabited, are only the means to give him peace. Yet the negligence of the Prince's Christian will not make use of these extreme defects of his to amplify their Dominions, to eternize their Honours; and (that which is the greatest) to glorify God, which hath made them Princes, only to execute his judgements; (none of which now can be more justly inflicted upon any, then upon that great blasphemer against his Holy one, and tyrant of the world) give peace to their inique passions, which give cause to the very earth to sigh, to all good hearts to groan, and kindle God's indignation against them, and their people: and turn first their aspects to that which they own to God; and then to the true ambition of a Prince, to do great and just things; which with their honour might also bring profit to their present estates; and are of such a condition, that the effecting of them is utterly without danger, or difficulty: seeing with the very sight of a complete army, his Souldiary, in those parts, would be terrified, through their inability, to resist; and the people, who cannot change possible to worse fortune, would all follow those ensigns, which their extremity doth already force them to wish for. And let all judgement, give themselves but a small time of truce, with other passions; and we shall see, not only what shame it is to the very Name of Christianity, to suffer that great sepulchre of our Redemption to be possessed, to our eternal ignominy, by his professed enemies, who vouchsafed to give his dearest blood, to buy us from perdition. Religion is that which ever moveth the blindest hearts of men to the most resolute enterprises.: and an awful love hath ever been the strongest band to bind men to their Princes, to their country, and to common society.  
Romulus, when his people fled before the Sabines; so that the victory showed itself undoubtedly on their side, and overthrow on his: the very remembering them of leaving Jupiter, and the rest of the Gods in the Capitol, to the possession of their enemies, was sufficient to turn that desperate fortune. And when the French had sacked and burnt a great part of Rome; the same awful reverence to their Gods, and love to their country, could bind them rather to rebuild their ruinated city, then to go to Vejes, a town ready, and magnificently builded. But we can leave, in the Turks possession, not only the country of our saviour, (which should be dearer unto us than our own, for his great name sake;) but this the sepulchre of his precious blood, which he gave freely an oblation, to give us, by that sacrifice, that which is above all, eternal life; without compunction of love or Religion. So much are our hearts hardened against the appearing mercies of God, which hath made him for a great, a weak enemy; to give us courage by such an unhoped foresigne, to produce that supreme act of our duties. Where are those generous spirits of the forepassed Princes, and men; which against all human reason, to revenge injuries, and wrongs done to the holy name of God, thrust themselves into most dangerous enterprises, only trusting in the true worthiness of their cause, which they judged God would miraculously prosper; being undertaken with so good and true hearts for him? The successes of which also, we may read to have been most prosperous: God striving in mercy with man's intentions: And though it be true, that the days of Visions, and such apparent Miracles are finished; yet let us not, by too great preciseness, mistake the things which indeed are: but take this for a great miracle, in regard of our manifold sins, which deserve all bitter vengeance, and no good; that God yet hath pleased, (whilst we devour one another in this poor small; flock of God's Church; and by our cruelly resolving to our civil destruction, do open the breach for the common enemy) to enlarge his power and greatness by his only breath to shake him with such infection, that his overthrow is most facille, if we will use the time pointed unto us by his merciful finger: which also may turn unto us as heavy a judgement, if we do not, with the best council, and most desirous affection of our hearts, and souls, embrace the beams of his compassion. But since Prince's hearts are in the hands of God, and he turneth them either for their own chastisements, or for those of the people, to a certain secret point of direction, from the which they cannot divert; as those which are too great judgements for me to penetrate into, I will leave them, and speak of my janissaries rare disposition unto me; who did not only perform their promise in defending me in Antiochia; but delivered me safely from them into our English Consuls hands in Aleppo: from whom, and from all the Merchants there abiding, I received such an entertainment, with so careful, so kind, and so honourable a respect, as I must needs say, they were the only Gentlemen, or the most benign Gentlemen that ever I met withal: For my company being so great, that it was no light burden unto them; beside, gave an occasion to the Turks condition of getting to make quarrels for that end: so that they were not only at expense by defraying me and mine; but at more by preserving us from oppression amongst them. I had not been fully one month expecting a commodity of passage by carravan into Persia: but that the Morizell arrived, who presently had the advice of my being at Aleppo: And though that Hugo de Potso threatened as much as an ill mind, and great purse could make him hope to prevail against me by; and questionless had raised some great trouble against me, 
the happy deliverance from danger.  if he had come safe to Aleppo: Yet ever the first providence, which saved me before, determined so well also for me then, that four miles from Aleppo he died: By which means I was preserved from peril; and those honest Merchants, my friends, from great trouble. Neither do I speak of these strange escaping with a vain ostentation of pride, as though I would have the world judge more of my person, then of a most ordiry fellow; but only to example to other how much it pleaseth God to favour good intentions: that those which put themselves into the world's dangers, may ever arm themselves with them, as the only preservative against all sort of inconveniences. For though in the corruption of our nature generally, and weakness of our faith, we cannot possibly hope to be defended by such a strong working hand, as God useth for the safety of his Saints: yet no question good intentions have such a sympathy with Gods own disposition, that he will both assist them which have them, for their better encouragement, and for others example, being one of the chief means by which he instructeth the world. After 6 weeks staying in Aleppo (a wearisome time to myself, being drawn from thence continually by the instigation of my desire, which longed for the accomplishment of the end, that I proposed to myself: and as chargeable a time for my friends, which would needs make me a burdensome guest unto them) the Tafterdall, which is the Treasurer, and the great Cady, which is, as it were, the Lord chief justice of Babylon, arrived at Aleppo, from thence to go by the river of Euphrates to the place of their regiment. With those, as divers others went, so did I also, for the more security of my voyage (their company being ever defended, beside with the respect of their persons, with a good company of janissaries) to Birr, which is the place of imbarkment. divers of our Merchants brought me, and left me not until I was boated. Thirty days we were going upon the river to Babylon, resting every night by the shore side: In all which way we found few towns; only Racha, Ana, Derrit, and otherwise as little habitation, except here and there a small village: and one of better reputation, which is the landing place, thirty miles from Babylon, called Phalugium. To tell wonders, of things I saw, strange to us, that are borne in these parts, is for a traveler of another profession than I am, who had my end to see, and make use of the best things; not to feed myself, and the world, with such trifles, as either by their strangeness, might have a suspicion of untruth: or by their lightness add to the rest of my imperfections, the vanity, or smallness of my judgement. But because I was desirous to certify myself truly of the estate of the Turk in those parts, through which I passed, understanding, where we lodged one night, that the camp of Aborisci, King of those Arabies, which inhabit the desert of Messopotamia, was a mile off; I hazarded myself in that curiosity, to go into it; and saw a poor King with a ten or twelve thousand beggarly subjects, living in tents of black haircloth: yet so well governed, that though our clothes were much better than theirs, and their want might have made them apt enough to have borrowed them of us; we passed notwithstanding, through them all in such peace, as we could not have done, being strangers, amongst civeller bred people.  
That day, as it happened, was the day of justice amongst them, which was pretty, and warlike: certain chief Officers of the Kings, mounting on horseback; armed after their manner, with their staves, targets, bows, and arrows; and so giving judgement of all cases which the people brought before them. The King gave us good words, without any kind of barbarous wondering, or other distasteful fashion. But when we returned to our boat, we found the master of his house, master of our boat; with a sort of his Arabs: and in conclusion, we were forced to send his master three verstes of cloth of gold, for beholding his person. This is that King of the Arabs, which I said before, was a Saniake of the Turks; and for that place held of the Turk, Ana, and Dirr, two towns upon the river.  
As soon as we came to Babylon, having put the stock which I had all into jewels, and merchandise, to carry the fashion of a Merchant; at the Dogana, which is the customhouse, all (whatsoever) was stayed for the Bassa: and (as I perceived) not so much for any great use which he meant to make of those things; as for the suspicion which he had of me, and mine extraordinary company bearing much cause thereof with it; and because I gave out I had more goods coming with the carravan by land, to bind me not to start from thence. In the mean time, by very necessity, having left me nothing in the world; what extreme affliction I was in, by that means, for the present; and in what just cause of fear for the future, every man may easily judge. I had my brother with me, a young Gentleman; whose affection to me, had only led him to that disaster; and the working of his own virtue: desiring in the beginning of his best years, to enable himself to those things, which his good mind raised his thoughts unto. I had also five and twenty other, gentlemans, for the most part: the rest, such as had served me long; only carried with their loves to me, into the couse of my fortune. I had no means to give them sustenance to live, 
A hard distress.  and less hope to unwrap them from the horrible snare, into which I had brought them; being far from all friends, and further from counsel, not understanding the language of the people, into whose hands I was fallen; much less their proceed: only thus much I knew, they were turks, inhuman in their natures, and addicted to get by all means just, and unjust.  
But I will leave myself a little in that great strait; and speak of Babylon; not to the intent to tell stories, either of the huge ruins of the first town, or the splendour of this second: but because nothing doth impress any thing in man's nature more, than example, to show the truth of God's word, whose vengeance, threatened by his Prophets, are truly succeeded in all those parts; which were once so swollen with the pride of the greatness of their state, which they possessed, with their felicity, their magnificency, and their riches; that as they were the heads of the world, by their power, and by their excellency; so were they, by that opinion in themselves, blown up to a conceit of eternity: As though any earthly foundation, let it be grounded never so firmly upon council, upon force and reputation, could possibly be perpetual.  
Ninivy (that which God himself calleth, that great city) hath not one stone standing, which may give the memory of the being of a town: one English mile from it, is a place called Mosul, a small thing; rather to be a witness of the others mightiness, and God's judgement, then of any fashion of Magnificency in itself. All the ground on which Babylon was spread, is left now desolate, nothing standing in that Peninsula, between the Euphrates and the Tigris, but only part, and that a small part, of the great Tower; which God hath suffered to stand (if man may speak so confidently of his great impenetrable Counsels) for an eternal testimony of his great work in the confusion of man's pride; and that ark of Nebuchadnezar, for as perpetual a memory of his great idolatry, and condign punishment: nothing else showing the figure of any thing, which hath been, either of ornament, or of greatness, or of place inhabited: So truly doth God judge the huge sins of the world, and maintaineth so justly the credit of his Messengers; that though they speak great things, they never speak vain things.  
The town, which is now called Bagdat, and is on the other side of Tigris, towards Persia (only a small suburb in the Peninsula) but removed from any stirpe of the first; to which men pass ordinarily by a bridge of boats, which every night is dissolved, for fear either of the Arabs, or some storm upon the river, which might carry away the boats, when there were no help ready. The buildings are after the Morisco fashion, low, without stories; and the Castle, where the Bassa is resident, is a great vast place, without beauty or strength, either by Art, or Nature; the people somewhat more abstinent from offending Christians, then in other parts, through the necessity of the trade of Ormus: upon which standeth both the particular, and public wealth of that State. Victuals are most abundant, and excellent good of all sorts, and very cheap; which was a mighty blessing for me, which had nothing but a general wardrobe of clothes, 
A hard distress.  not in our Coffers, but upon our backs; which we were forced to make money of by piece-meal, according to the falling of the lot, and our necessity; and with that lived: and if feeding-well had been all, which we had cause to care for, we also lived well. But after one month was past, and time fastened every man's eyes more firmly upon us; 
A strange providence.  One day a Florentine Merchant (whom I had only known in the way between Aleppo and Babylon by a riding acquaintance) came unto me, and after a little other discourse, told me, that there was a great muttering amongst divers great men there, what I was, and what my designs might be; that he found me to be dangerously spied after: and wished me to have regard, (if not to myself) yet to so many, which he did imagine were impawned in that misfortune by my means. And though it were true, that he came upon the motion of an honest, pious, and charitable heart; yet I was so fearful of an Italian Merchant, that I did rather imagine him to be the spy, then lightly to have been an instrument of his prevention. Therefore agreeing with him in the complement only, I answered determinately in the rest; that I knew no just cause of peril, therefore I feared none; and if there were any curious eyes upon me, because of the number of my company, the Caravan coming, they should see good use made of them all: and until that time I would have patience with their looking and speaking. Him I thanked for his kindness, and offered myself largely unto him, as though I had least suspected him; though in truth I did most: and most unjustly. For, two days after he returned to me again, and as a man moved in his very soul with anguish, told me that within ten days, the caravan of Aleppo would arrive; in the mean time, beseeched me, not to cover myself longer from him, who did truly wish me well, not so much for my person (which he could know little) but because his conceit was, that I would not have hazarded myself in such a journey, but for some great end, which he did believe well of; and beside, in charity to a Christian, and so many Christians with me: saying, that there was a caravan of Persian pilgrims, arrived two days since from Mecca without the town, who were forced to take that way (though the longest) by reason of the Plague, which reigned very exceedingly in those places, by which they should have passed. 
A strange and extraordinary kindness of a Valentine.  He was not ignorant of my wants, for which he also had provided; and taking me by the hand, beseeched me again to believe him, and to go presently with him to the carravan: which I did, not being able to answer, through admiration of so generous a part in him, and an amazement, with a thousand divers thoughts spread upon me. When I came there he brought me to a Vittorin, of whom he had already hired Horses, Camels, and moils for me; and I found a Tent pitched by his servants: and then opening his gown, he delivered me a bag of Chakins, with these very words: The God of heaven bless you, and your whole company, and your enterprise, which I will no further desire to know, then in my hope, which persuadeth me that it is good; myself am going to China, whence if I return, I shall little need the repayment of this courtesy, which I have done you with a most free heart; if I die by the way, I shall less need it: But if it please God so to direct both our safeties with good providence, that we may meet again, I assure myself, that you will remember me to be your friend; which is enough, for all that I can say to a man of your sort. And almost, without giving me leisure to yield him condign thanks (if any thanks could be condign) for so great and so noble a benefit, he departed from me: And as I heard afterward from him by letters from Ormus, he received much trouble after my departure, through his honourable desire to perfect the kindness which he had begone. For imagining, that by the continual spies, which clave to my house, that my flight could not be secret: he had no sooner left me in the Caravan, but that he changed his lodging to mine, saying that I had done the like to his; and went to the Cady, telling him that I was sick, desiring his physician to visit me, knowing well enough that the Cady had none, but only to give colour to my not appearing in the town: The Cady answered, he was sorry for my sickness, and would send to the Bassa for his physician, which signor Victorio Speciero (for so was this honourable Florentine called) would by no means; hoping, as he said, that my sickness would not be so great, as would require the trouble of his highness. By this means five days passed before I was miss; and when I was once discovered to be gone, Fifty janissaries were sent after me, to bring me back again: the caravan having divided itself by the way, whereof one part went a visitation of a Santon in the deserts of Samarone; & the other passed the right way for Persia, by the mountains governed by a Prince of the Courdines, called Cobatbeague. The janissaries hearing of them to be passed, and thinking that all had been so they returned: and that nobleminded Florentine was forced to pay five hundred crowns, to make his peace with the Bassa.  
And though it be a miserable thing for a man to grow an example in cases of affliction, yet it is necessary that some men should be so; and because it pleaseth God, that I should be one, and a great one of these: So I may also be taken, for as great a one of his infinite mercies, and through them his direct pleasure in what sort, he will have men govern themselves. For having fastened my mind to that good purpose, and intermingled some particular intentions of mine own ambitions: as God showed a sensible disposition to favour the one; so by humbling me to the very pit of extremities, he taught me to cast away the other; and to have my sole confidence in him, disposing my mind to his pleasure; not to the counsel of my own frailty, which founded in the perfectest man, moveth to continual errors: not that man doth not more desire to intend good then evil, by a natural reason, (virtue being the health of the mind, and vice the sickness, and all natures abhorring sickness, and the destruction of nature. But the great enemy of mankind cousoneth our weakness with a shadow, and colour of good, in the very extremest ills; and so induceth us to embrace, and desire, them masked in the appearance of good: The true effect of which we afterward feel in the desperate working of the poison, when it hath (for want of due provision) so possessed our vital parts, that were left both to ourselves, and to the world, (to whose benefit the virtues and good parts of good men are appropriated) and (that which is most) to God; which is the great, and only good, to which the end of our life is, or aught to be directed.  
Neither must man think that for many burdens, which God layeth upon him, that he is wholly abandoned, and so leap from an awful humility to a direct despair of his mercies: Since God, like a great Prince, will have men his subjects, so truly his, that all their thoughts shall depend upon his authority, and not upon the swollen bubbles of their own hearts. which if they err in, humility is the true reconciliation of their offence, before that great judge: and desperation, a manifest token of a main rebellious spirit; which, reposed upon a vain assurance of himself, plungeth him in that extremity, upon the contrary proceeding of his intentions: which are so far from power to effect themselves by any ability in himself, that himself can no longer subsist, than God's providence is he should.  
Finally, God is not as man, whom we may abuse, by having divers propositions mingled of good and bad ends: the books of our hearts being laid open before him, in which he readeth our most inward thoughts; for which we must continually give an account, feeling the reward of our good motions by the magnificency of his mercies and our bad by the infliction of calamities; which we may avoid, if we will understand God and ourselves; which we may ever do by making the best use of the wisdom which we have borne in ourselves; by learning of other; and exercitation; which are the acquisters of all Sciences: amongst all which, none is so great in itself, nor so greatly importing man. And though many, in the misunderstanding of the world, are accounted learned and wise without it; let them know, that such are like untimely fruit, which carry with them a temporal wonder, raised through the ignorance of other, which put no distinction between the effects of the world, and the workings of God, when there is so great a one, as permanency in the last, and no more but apparition in the other, showing itself, and dissolving without, almost, any memory, that any such thing was: which should make the judgement of men not to proceed to their absoluteness, by beholding the present fortune of any; but first see the end which God hath appointed him unto; and then to give a definitive sentence; in which they cannot err, drawing their judgement from his, who never erreth. Of most part of which things (as I said) I may be a most present, and a most certain example, both of the mutableness of fortunes workings, of the causes, (which I confess freely) of God's infinite mercies, and of his order of government, under which he disposeth men's actions. And though I had, through the sensible apprehensions of such great lessons, given me by so divers judgements, thrown away all other opinions, than those, which had their aspects only turned to the promotion of his glory: Yet my frailty gave me a continual terror during those thirty days in which we wandered with that company of blind pilgrims through the Deserts; not knowing what God had wrought for my security, and those which were with me, by that good man, signor Vittorio. At the end of which we arrived in the King of Persia's dominions, having first passed a great tract of good and ill Countries, the desert places of which being only sand, gave no means for inhabitants to live: the fruitfuller parts were used by certain people, called Courdines, living in Tents, knowing no other fruit of the earth, but what belonged to the sustenance of their cattle, upon the milk, butter, and flesh, of which they live, ruled by certain particular Princes of their own, which give partly an obedience to the Turk, and part to the Persian, as they are nearest the Confines of the one or the other. Yet in that simplicity of living (not being without that contagion of all Mankind, of all provinces, and of all States, ambition of getting superiority, and larger Dominion) some wars daily grow in amongst them, even to the extirpation of a whole Nation: As we found freshly, when we passed by one of those Princes, called Hiderbeague, all whose people were devoured by the sword, or carried away captive, by Cobatbeague: and himself remained, only with some twenty souls, in certain poor holds in a rock.  
The precise sum, which I received of the Florentine, I set not down, to prevent the scandals of divers, who measuring every man's mind by the straightness of theirs, will believe no act, which doth not symbolise with themselves: but so much it was, that being thirty days upon the way to the Confines; then fifteen from the Confines to Casbine, where we attended one month the King's arrival; it was not only sufficient to give us abundant means for that time, but to clothe us all in rich apparel, fit to present ourselves before the presence of any Prince, and to spend extraordinarily in gifts, by which we insinuated far into the favour of those, which had the authority of that province, during our abode, and expectation of the Kings coming: In which time we were well used, more by the opinion, which they had, that the King would take satisfaction by us, then by their own humours; being an ill people in themselves; and only good by the example of their King, and their exceeding obedience unto him. The governor visited me once; Marganabeague, master of the King's house, (whom I had won unto me by presents) came oftentimes to see me: besides (as it seemed) being more inwardly acquainted with the King's inclination, fitted himself more to that, than others did, which knew it less.  
And now that jam in Persia, & speak of the King's absence; since he is both one of the mightiest Princes that are, and one of the excellentest, for the true virtues of a Prince, that is, or hath been; and having come to this greatness, though by right; yet through the circumstances of the time, & the occasions, which then were, solely his own worthiness, & virtue, made way to his right: beside, the fashion of his government differing so much from that which we call barbarousness, that it may justly serve for as great an Idea for a Principality, as Plato's commonwealth did for a government, of that sort. I hold it not amiss to speak amply first of his person, the nature of his people, the distribution of his government; the administration of his justice, the condition of the bordering Princes, & the causes of those wars, in which he was then occupied; that by the true expression of those, this discourse may pass with a more lively, and more sensible feeling.  
His person then is such, as a wellunderstanding Nature would fit for the end proposed for his being, excellently well shaped, of a most well proportioned stature, strong, and active; his colour somewhat inclined to a manlike blackness, is also more black by the suns burning: his furniture of his mind infinitely royal, wise, valiant, liberal, temperate, merciful, and an exceeding lover of justice, embracing royally others virtues, as far from pride and vanity, as from all unprincely signs, or acts; knowing his power justly what it is; and the like acknowledgement will also have from others, without any gentilitious adoration; but with those respects, which are fit for the majesty of a Prince; which foundeth itself upon the power of his state, general love, and awful terror. His fortunes determining to make proof of his virtue, drove him (in his first years) into many dangerous extremities; which he overcoming by his virtue, hath made great use of, both in the excellent increase of his particular understanding, and general tranquillity, strength of his country, & propagation of his Empire. For the laws, and customs, or both, of that kingdom, being such, that though the king have a large increase of Issue, the first borne only ruleth; & to avoid all kind of cause of civil dissension, the rest are not inhumanly murdered, according to the use of the Turkish government, but made blind with burning basins: & have otherwise all sort of contentment and regard fit for Prince's children. Xa-Tamas King of Persia dying without Issue, Xa Codabent, his brother, was called blind to the kingdom; who had Issue, Sultan Hamzire Mirza the eldest, who succeeded him, and this present King called Abas. In the father's time Sinan Bassa began the enterprise of Persia (which the Turks ever reserve in their times of peace with the Christians, to keep their souldiary in action, and their arms from rusting) Before he could attempt any important action, he was called to the port, and advanced to be principal Viseire: and Mustapha Bassa was appointed his successor, whose industry and valour was accompanied with good fortune, in a short space taking Vannes and Tiphelis, two strong fortresses, & importing much for the entrance of Scieruan; which he with the like felicity conquered. Notwithstanding Synan taking advantage of some sinister accident, happened him by oversight (which is ever most incident to those which sway all things with a happy course of fortune) and being his enemy, bearing his suppositions also against him, by the strength of his authority, caused him to be recalled in the fair course of his victory; and being within some few days travel of Constantinople, whether the cause grew from the pride of his heart, which despised to live after such an injury received from his enemy, whose fortune being so great, gave him neither means, nor hope of revenge; or else for fear of death & disgrace together, at the Port, he poisoned himself. Into whose place was advanced Osman Bassa, a great soldier (borne of that Mamaluckes blood, who had been last Sultan of Egypt) in great estimation with the generalty of the Turks, and as much with the Prince himself; not only through his own valour, which in truth did merit it; but by his mother's favour, who was great with the Prince, and with the Sultana his mother. He instantly acquitted all disorders grown, either by the death or negligence of Mustapba; and intending utterly to subdue all Persia, and to extinguish the reign of the Sophies; judging that the shortest way was to begin with the best parts, went presently against Tauris: and though he were long impeached from taking of it, both by the resolute valour of the Defendants, which was all the obstacle in the place, the walls being only of mud, without art, or strength, and by continual attempts of the king of Persia, sometimes in person (though he saw nothing) but most by his eldest son to secure it: Finally after many victories, and sometimes losses, his fortune concurring with his obstinate resolution, he got the place; in which he had no sooner established a meet garrison, and an order of government in the country about it, which followed the fortune of the place; but having all his care fixed upon his design, for the through accomplishment of his prosperous begun victory, he also died, as it is said, poisoned by Cicala. Whiles the mother cried out at the port for justice; and the ambition of other competitors for so great a place; and so large a breach, already made to enter into honour by; the time ran so far in length, that the peace broke between the Emperor & the Turk, and the wars revived in Hungary: so that the age of the king of Persia, his being broken with those first troubles, and suspicion of intestine, answering just to the desire of the Turk; there was a truce concluded between those two potentates upon no other condition; But that each should be contented with that they had. The eldest son of the king remained at the Court of his father, administering all that, which his father's defect of light unabled him to do. Abas the second son, twelve years of age, under the government of Tutors, held the province of Yasde; and (as Courts are full of rumours, and suspicion never wanteth in Princes, especially which have such imperfections, as they are compelled to take knowledge of) the virtues of Abas, by which he bound to him the hearts of his provincials, spread themselves further, and so to the Court; where they were increased to such a condition, as altered the father, & brothers rejoicing in them, to an opinion that his winning of the affections of the people, proceeded not from any other worthiness, but artifice; which had the intent of it stretching to the crown: which took such hold in the father's mind, worn with age, and grief, and sore with his late misfortunes, that he resolved secretly his death: The news of which being brought to Abas speedily by the means of secret friends, not only to himself, but to his governors (which as they were the greatest of the state, so they were not unfriended in the Court) being so far from any such design, that he had no sort of provision at hand to defend himself; he fled to the king of Corasan, a country of the Tartars, limiting upon the east of Persia, ever infestuous to that state, not more in their own disposition, (being a people given to spoil, unquiet, and which cannot live in rest) then through their dependence upon the Turk, whose religion they profess, (which the Persians do not, but much altered) and whose petnionaries they were, by which they were bound in all seasons, when the Turk was tied to the Christians wars, to divert the Persian from looking to the commodity of such a time; beside, on occasions, the Turk used to transport great forces of them over the Caspian sea into Siruana; and from thence passed them into Hungary; either the longer way by land, or the shorter by sea, over Negropont. To this king Abas was exceeding welcome, and cherished, and honoured like his own son. Shortly after the flight, the father died, and Sultan Hamzire Mirza, his son, succeeded him, who renewed the truce with the Turk, through the necessity which he had to use the most, which his strength and power could yield him, to suppress a great rebellion of the Turcomans: whom, at the last, he so broke with divers battles, and all other sort of afflictions, that they delivered him up their Princes, and then themselves. Their Princes he beheaded, and of them, slew twenty thousand of the ablest for the wars, assuring his peace with them by their extremest ruin; and as he was, by all reports, a most brave, & warlike Prince, having pacified his own state, and desirous to recover, not only what was freshly lost; but all which was formerly taken from the sophy's kingdom, by the power of the Ottomans; united all his thoughts, and all his counsels to that one great end; which all finished with his life, ending itself by treason of his Princes (not without persuasion of the Turk) when he had fit years, mind, and courage; and means joined with occasion, to have made himself the greatest Prince of many ages: all which though they made his death miserable, yet the manner was more miserable; being vilely slain by his Barber, retiring half drunk from a banquet, to which he was provoked by the conspirators, which presently parted the state between them; every man making himself absolute Prince of those provinces, which they had in government; and parting the royal treasure amongst them for their reciprocal maintenance, disposed themselves unitedly to resist the coming in of Abas; whom notwithstanding they did not much fear, having promise of the Turk that he should be detained in Corassan where he was refuged: & knowing that he had neither men nor money, nor years to give him any encouragement to attempt against them, who had soon confirmed themselves, both with giving good satisfaction to the people, and with liberality to the Souldiary; and their entrance into the state being without opposition, and so, without offence, made the foundation both more sure and more facile.  
The Turks council also was exceeding good for his ends; for having dissipated the unite power of that great dominion into so many branches, which though he knew could continue together to maintain their wrong against the true kings right; yet that their own ambitions in short time would stir them to debate amongst themselves: by which, as he was out of doubt of peril, during the travels of his wars, so he was assured that at his convenient occasion, either by their own quarrels, or by his power, they should be all subjecteth to him.  
Abas in the mean time, whose just Title made him king, assured himself that both the murder of his brother, and this parting of the state, had the Turks counsel concurring with those Prince's impiety: and not doubting but the king of Corasan was also persuaded to detain him, resolved notwithstanding by his necessity, began to deal boldly with him for his assistance against his rebels, laying before him how prejudicial the example was to all Princes; and most to him who was chief of all those Tartar Princes, rather by their voluntary election, than his states surpassing them in power; that as ambitions were unlimited generally, so were they ever most in those, which had most power to use them largely; that all the states of the Tartars were held by great Princes, and absolute, which had obeyed him so long, rather because they would, than they could do no other. If this rebellion of natural subjects proceeded to a happy course, much more would they be animated to do the like which were Lords, and no subjects: beside, though the counsel of the Turk had not palesated itself openly, yet in all judgement it might be perceived, that he had only raised this, as a Pageant, to fill the world with gazing, whilst he fitted his designs to impatronize himself of the state; which if he should do, how terrible a neighbour he would be to the King of Corassan, he submitted to his wise consideration. For himself, that he had been so bound to him in his first calamity, that without other reasons, he did not doubt but the same royal and generous spirit, which moved him then to take compassion of him, would also move him to the like now: And the more, having greater hopes of means for a grateful acknowledgement from him; which he which had the management so long of his disposition could not doubt of; and if he had begun to persuade him with other reasons, he did it rather in the duty of a true friend, to lay before him his own interest, then in any diffidence of his free inclination to his good. Whereupon the king of Corasan, though pre-occupied by the Turk, yet desirous to be his friend a far off, and also doubting the success of Abas, neither having years, nor experience, nor friends; In fine, being destitute of all reasonable hope, not to move the Turks displeasure upon such a disaduantagious condition, was notwithstanding contented to see whether something might be moved by such a help as should not appear to given by him, but rather voluntary followers of Abas his fortune: he gave him three thousand horse only to put him in possession of that state, which by his virtue, and fortune, is grown now so great, that it hath devoured all the states of the Tartars, extended itself so far as Cabull to the East; the Arabian gulf down to Ballsarack on the South; within three days journey of Babylon on the West; and to Tauris on the North; embracing the whole circumference of the Caspian sea unto Astracan, which is the uttermost of the Moscovites Dominion, and Seruane of the Turks, which lieth upon that sea: an Empire so great, so populous, & so abundant; that as it may compare with most of the greatest that ever were, so is it terrible to the Turks, which is the greatest that now is; though I do think verily, That in Asia the Persian hath as great an extent of Territories, as the Turk, and better inhabited, better governed, and in better obedience, and affection, I am sure he hath. With this small troup, the King of Persia, guided by his infinite royal courage, entered Persia. But as those which are wicked, are ever so well instructed in the Art of their profession, that they never want instruments in themselves to devise, and in others to act those counsels which must ever be waking, to maintain what they have gotten by their sceleratenesse: So their spies hastened, with such diligence, to give those rebel's notice, of their Kings being on foot, that the next of them to him, had time to arm great forces, and encountered him in a province, called Sistane: and though his invincible spirit, without any spark of fear, made him adventure to fight upon so unequal terms, as was three thousand against twenty thousand; he found by his experience, that Majesty and right, is nothing without power to bear them up: and that no exquisite vigour of the mind, can resist the violence of sinister fortune, nor oppression of many hands. Yet did fortune so much care (for so great virtue) that she gave him way to escape to to the mountains, all the rest of the small troop being cut in pieces.  
This victory assured the Rebels (as they thought) from all further danger; supposing that these small forces, were all, which then their King could, or hereafter should be able to lead against them: Imagining that the King of Corrasan, if he would have succoured him indeed, that he would never have cast a way those few, to increase the strength of their foundation, and to diminish the others reputation, which is so effectual in a not well confirmed Princes first actions, especially in a Prince who must come to his right by his virtue and fortune. But the King of Persia, whose own mind ever comforted him, with a steadfast assurance of his greatness, to which he is now grown, having recovered the mountains, lived amongst the Heardes-men for three months, unknown, changing continually, from place to place, without any certain abode, accompanied only with ten or twelve followers, which were of his first governors, and other young Gentlemen brought up with him from his childhood.  
But being now no longer able to temporize with his great desire, resolving to prove the last, and the uttermost of his fortune, and remembering how much love and affection those of Yasd had showed towards him in the time of his governing them, and how much he had truly deserved of them, determined to show himself in that province; and prove what effect the majesty of his person, the justice of his cause, and former obligation would work in them: which, though it were a foundation proved ever false, almost by all experiences, The people's affections ever raising men's hopes, and ruining their persons: Yet it proved otherwise with this King; who was no sooner certain known in those parts, but numbers of people came flocking to him, armed and appointed for the wars: in such sort, that before any provision could be made against him (this being an accident so far removed from all sort of suspicion) he had a power together, too strong to be easily suppressed; which was no sooner heard by Ferrat Can, a great Prince, and discontented with the alteration of the government (to whose share none of that partition had fallen, his fortune being such, that at the time of the other King's death, he had none of the provinces to administer, and they were parted only between them, which held them) he I say, with his brother, and a company of some ten thousand, came and joined themselves to the forces of the King. Neither were the men so welcome, as that Ferrat Can, being a wise Prince, and a great soldier, grew a party, and such as the King also stood in need of: Neither did the King lose any sort of opportunity, but hearing of the Assembly which certain of the Princes were making in the nearest provinces unto him, with all speed fell upon them, and over-throwing them followed them as far as Casbin.  
In the mean time, those of Shyras, Asphaan, Cassan assisted by the Kings of Gheylan, and Mazandran, gather mighty forces; the Turks armed at Tauris, and the Prince of Hamadan, having called in a strength of the courdives, to his assistance, was marching also towards Casbin: So that the King was likely to be so enclosed with all these Armies, that his first victory would rather have proved a snare to his intrapment; then important, as he hoped, to the some of his affairs: Whence he resolved to help, with Art, that which he was much too weak to accomplish by strength. Wherefore he leaveth Ferrat Can, in Casbin with some five thousand men, accompanied with Zulpher his brother; and himself, with the rest of his power marched towards the Can of Hamadane. Ferrat Can, according to the deliberation taken between the King and him, thewed himself altered from the King's part, writeth to the Rebels, which were all, in a gross, advanced as far, as the midway between Cassan and Casbin, and offereth not only to join that strength which he had with them, but to mutiny the King's army, which was lodged in the mountains towards Hammadane, in a show to keep those straits, to give impeachment to the passage of that other Army; but indeed to protract time only, and to expect the event of his other counsels. The other Cans rebelled easily and desirously embraced Ferrat Cans proposition, hasted the Army towards Casbin, which they entered without difficulty, both by the nature of the place, which is not of any strength, and conveyance of Ferrat.  
There were many days spent in counsel, and at last it was concluded, since the suppression of the King was certain, being abandoned by him which was his only captain and counsellor; by so great a part of his strength; and upon the confidence which Ferrat gave them to mutiny the rest; that it would prove too dangerous, to call in those forces of the Turks, which were in readiness for their succour; Not knowing whether they should so easily free themselves of them again, if they were once entered. They feared the Turks purposes, and as much feared to know them; therefore to avoid the danger of being compelled to experience them, they determined to write to the Bassa of Tauris, that the war was so certain to be finished, by themselves, that they would reserve his favour till a more urgent opportunity: and with that deliberation a principal man was dispatched with a present for the Bassa. Of this, the King had present advice, by a confident messenger, and also that few nights after, the principals of the Army were to meet together at ferrat's house, invited to a great banquet; which being understood by him, electing five thousand of his best men, and best horsing, with great, and close journeys, he came to Casbin; where having secretly disposed his people, in the mountain, covered with the quarter of ferrat's troop, he expected the sign which was to be given him. The Prince (as it was appointed) failed not of coming, nor he of his sign to the King, nor the King to accomplish his resolution: For Ferrat having protracted the banquet the most part of the night, when the whole company was heavy with wine and sleep, the King was received into the house with three hundred men, where without any uproar, he slew all those which were invited, to the number of three score and ten; the servants and Pages being so suddenly taken hold of, and with such dexterity, that without any moving of other rumours, the same fashion of feast of singing and of dancing, continued all the night; and in that space all the rest of those people, which the King had with him, were appointed, in the breaking of the day, to make the greatest show, and the greatest noise that they could under the foot of the mountain, as though all the Army had been there, marching to the town. When the alarm began to be hot in the town, and every man fell to his arms, and repaired to ferrat's lodging, where they supposed their Princes to have been; the King having disposed his three hundred men which were shut fitly in the house, and Zulpher having his five thousand all in a troup, in the great place, the threescore and ten Cans heads were showed all laced upon a string, and hung out of a terrace; upon which the King presently showed himself, accompanied with Ferrat Can; whereas the majesty of the King, the terror of the sight, represented before them, the fear of the Army, which they saw (as they thought) at hand, Zulpher and Ferrat Cans power amongst them, which they perceived turned against them; their being destitute of Commanders, and the guiltiness of their own consciences, for their rebellion, struck them into so dead an amazement, that they stood ready, rather to receive all mischief, then that they had either courage, or minds, or counsel to avoid it.  
The King, as though he had a while advised with himself what he would both say and do; at last after a good pause, seeming that his royal mercy had prevailed against his just indignation; he told them, that the wickedness of their universal conspiracy against him, was such, that he was distracted in himself, what to say or do against them: for though they might excuse themselves upon those Princes which had seduced them; yet they knew, that the others authority, had no more force upon them than their own willing obedience, which called as great a punishment upon the one, as the other. What cause they should have, generally, to desire such an innovation of government, as they, by their own convenence had erected amongst them, he could not devise; his grandfather, Father, and Brother, having ever guided the helm of their State, with that integrity of justice, and that universal satisfaction, that it was not to be wished, of any, to find more tranquillity, for those which desired to live only quietly; nor more just measure of honour, or due reward, than was magnificently given to those which had deserved them; and why they should have less hope of him, he knew not, never having made, willingly, any other demonstration of his mind, than such as might be proportionable to their best expectations. But since his true feeling of human frailty, made him well understand how easy men's minds are to be abused by others artifice, and their own corruption, he to oak so great a compassion of the calamity into which they had, (either wilfully, or misled by others errors) cast themselves; that if he could have any confidence, that they would truly repent of their past wickedness, and bend their minds to serve him with a perfect heart, he could also easily persuade himself to change the severity of the judgement, which they had merited, into mercy, forgiveness, and forgetfulness of their offence; and content himself, that this injurious great disorder (which had happened, as all other of that kind do, through the ignorance of many, and malice of few) should also be expiated by the blood of those few, who had already concluded the greatness of their usurped authority, and their long hopes with a short and just death.  
This being spoken, by the King, with courage and majesty; and being so far from that which their guilty consciences did cause them to apprehend, facilely brought forth the ordinary effects of a multitude, which being easily inclined to hope more than they should, and to suffer less than is fit, as though the King, with his royal merciful speech, had given them as great a present good, as if he had discharged them from the terror of the punishment of almost an unpardonable offence: cried out, let the King live, let the King live; we are all King Abas his slaves, and will not suffer to live any of his enemies: and there was more trouble to defend the poor people of Casbin from sacking by them, (their town ever having been a well-disposed harbour for the Rebels) then to turn their hearts and arms to the King's part. Besides the succours which the Kings of Gheylan and Mazandran had sent the Rebels, were with great difficulty saved, and returned to their countries by the King of Persia, with commandment to tell their Masters, that as the poor men were not culpable, which obeyed their Prince's authority, by whom they were sent against him, and for that innocency, he had given them their lives; so that he would not be long from seeking his revenge upon their Masters, which had more justly deserved it, by his never provoking them to any offence. And when he came with his Army thither, he would prove, by those men's acknowledgement unto him, whether they could discern by the benefits they had already received of him in the gift of their lives, which they had forfeited unto him, by bearing arms with Rebels against him, what better hopes they might conceive of him, if they would dispose themselves to deserve good of him.  
In this mean time, the same of this great success, flew to both the Armies about the mountains of Hamadan: which, as it comforted the Kings with exceeding joyfulness; so it entered into the others with such a terror, that they presently vanished, every man retiring to his best known safeguard, that part of the war ending with the blast only of the fortune of the other, with little expense of time, labour, and blood: which being understood by the King, he raised oliver-dibeague to the title of a Can, and sent him, with those forces which he had, to Hamadan, to settle the Country in a good form of government, and to ease it from the oppression of the other dispersed troops. Zulpher he also called Can, and sent him to Ardoutle which frontireth upon Tauris, with an Army consisting of twenty and four thousand men, in show to quiet the country, but indeed, to prevent any moving of the Turks. And because he knew, that as his state stood then weak, raised (as it were) freshly from a deadly sickness, it was not fit for him (at that time) to bind himself to wrestle with such an enemy, by taking knowledge of his ill disposition towards him; he dispatched ambassadors to Constantinople, to Tauris, and to the Bassa of Babylon, to congratulate with them, as with his friends, for the felicity of his fortune; and to strengthen himself, by alliance, also the more firmly, against the proceeding of any thing which the Turk might design against him, either then or in future time; he required the daughter of Simon Can, one of the Princes of the Georgians, to wife, which was, with as ready an affection performed, as demanded.  
Whiles that Lady was coming from her father, the King understanding that the Cans son of Hisphaan held yet strong the Castle, and whether he gave it out to amaze his Army, which now began to look for satisfaction, for the great travels and dangers which they had passed, or whether he had heard so indeed; true it is, that he gave out, that the most part of the treasure of the former Kings of Persia, was, by the consent of the Rebels, for security, kept together in that Castle: to receive the which, and to chastise that rebel, the King marched thither with a part only of his Army, leaving the rest at Casbin, which was Frontier to Gheylan, against which his purpose carried him. Without much trouble, he expugned the Fort at Hisphaan, being a large circumference only of mudwals, some what thick, with Towers, and certain ill battlements, and suppressed that rebel; but Treasure he found none, for the indignation whereof, he made the world believe, he dismantled the Castle. His own necessity to content the Army, and his army's necessity to ask contentment, drew him suddenly back from thence to Casbin, where he had not stayed many days, (for daily satisfaction with hope having no real means) but that the Queen arrived, honourably accompanied with 2000 horse, and Byraicke Myrza her brother. The Marriage was soon dispatched, those countries using few ceremonies in such cases: and God blessed them both so happily, that within the term of less than one year, she brought him a gallant young Prince who is now living, called Sophir Mirza.  
The King unwilling to oppress his country, and desiring to revenge himself upon the kings of Gheylan, and Mazandran, to enlarge his Empire, and to content his soldiers; having a flourishing Army, both in men, and the reputation of his present victory; resolved, all under one, to increase his stare, honour himself, ease his country, and satisfy his soldiers with the enemy's spoils. Gheylan is a country cut off from Persia, with great mountains, hard to pass, full of woods (which Persia wanteth; being here and there only sprinkled with hills, and very penurious of fuel, only their gardens give them wood to burn, and those hills, which are some faggots of Pistachios, of which they are well replenished) between those hills there are certain breaches, rather than valleys; which, in the spring, when the snow dissolveth, and the great abundance of rain falleth, are full of torrents; the Caspian sea includeth this country on the East: between which and the hills, is a continuing valley, so abounding in silk, in Rice, and in corn, and so infinitely peopled, that Nature seemeth to contend with the people's industry; the one in sowing of men, the other in cultivating the land; in which you shall see no piece of ground which is not fitted to one use or other: their hills also (which are rocks towards Casbin) are so fruitful of herbage, shadowed by the trees, as they show, turned towards the sea, that they are ever full of cattle, which yieldeth commodity to the country, by furnishing divers other parts. In this then lay the difficulty most of the King's enterprise, how to enter the country: for the rest there were great reasons of his hopes, the kings of those countries being amazed with these first great successes of the king of Persia, their people discouraged, many Princes, which though they might unite themselves against a common enemy, yet their deliberations could not be so speedy, as from one alone, nor so firm; many accidents happening, which might either absolutely disjoin, or divert them one from the other, or cast suspicion amongst them, which might give the way to a good occasion against one, by which the victory against the other might be also facilitated: Besides, his own Army was so much raised in courage by their last happy successes, and those so animated, through an opinion in themselves, of that reputation which had first followed the King, and the rest so desirous to wash away the ignominy of their offence, by some great and good act, joined to the hope of rich preys; that there could be almost thought of no obstacle able to withstand their valour and willingness.  
Yet before the king would enter into this action, remembering, that before he had better settled himself in his own state, that he thrust himself upon a cast of fortune, to seek after the winning of others; yet since he was forced unto it, by a certain great necessity, he resolved to take the best ways for the securing all dangers which might rise against himself at home; and setting his country in a reposed state, from so many tempests, which had contrarily moved it, as well as to make due and confident provisions for his intended wars. First then he called unto him to Casbin, all governors, & all administrators of justice, whosoever had occupied those functions, during the usurped rule of the Cans, through all his provinces; with the kinsmen, friends and children of the said Cans: beside, that all men of power, as mirza's, Cans, sultan's, and Beagues, which are principal Titles of Dukes, Princes, and Lords, should repair thither, without excuse of age, 
The means which K. Abas settled the quiet Persia.  sickness, or any other pretence whatsoever: which being done, he appointed new governors and Officers of all sorts; he cleared all his provinces for three years, from paying any tribute-custome, or any other ordinary or extraordinary exaction whatsoever. His chief Viseire he made one Haldenbeague, a wise man, excellently seen in all affairs, of great experience; but such a one as was only his creature, without friends or power: him he commanded to pass through all his provinces, accompanied with the Xa-Hammadaga; who is, as it were, Knight Martial, to clear them from vagabonds, robbers, and seditious persons. Ologonlie, which had followed him in all his adversity (a man of great worthiness) he made bearer of his great seal, which is an office there, liker the Lord privy seal, than Chancellor (The place of the Viseire comprehending in it, the office of Chancellor, and high Treasurer) him he also advanced to the dignity of a Can. Bastana, an ancient approved man, both for fidelity and other worthiness, he made principal Aga of his house; which is as great chamberlain. Curtchibasschie captain of his Guard, which is a general-ship of twelve thousand shot, who attend at the Port by turns, two hundred and fifty every quarter; except when the King goeth to the wars, that they are all bound to be present. Ferrat Can he made his general.  
Thus having wisely and providently placed, through all his estates, those who must be most assured to him, their fortunes depending only upon him, having no more strength, nor authority in themselves, than they received from him: and having all the great ones in his Army with him, or such of them as could not be able to follow him, either by their few, or many years, or sickness, so securely left at Casbin, that they could not by themselves, or any other, move any innovation. And moreover, having dispatched all those, and keeping their persons with him which had any obligation to the former Cans, secured by that means (as much as the counsel of any man could secure him) from peril at home: having called Oliver di Can from Hamadan, and appointed him a successor for that government with ten thousand new men; he set himself forward to his enterprise, with his old troops, and great part of his rebelled Army, with no greater courage and counsel then fortune: for those men which were remitted by him to Gheylan, and Mazandran, (as those which had been somewhat exercised in the wars) having, with some more, adjoined unto them the guard of the straits, from which the main Army of the Kings was some four leagues removed (remembering the benefit of the King, better than their faith to their Princes) at the very sight of the first troops, retired themselves from the places left to their confidence in charge; which advantage being followed by Ferrat, with the alarm given, fell so justly upon that Army, that what with the unexpected terror of the straits abandoning, and their being surprised in disorder, the Army was facilely broken, with the death of two of the Kings, and an infinite slaughter of people, which had been much greater if the woods had not covered them from the fury of their enemies. The greatest of those kings having escaped with much difficulty (accompanied ever with the terror of the peril from which he had escaped) never ended his flight, until he came into Seruane; and from thence went to Constantinople, to desire succour from the Turk, where he yet liveth. The other, which remained, being but one, without any great difficulty, or alteration of fortune, was suppressed.  
The country being first spoiled, and ransomed at a great rate, which they might well bear, by reason of their great riches, which they had gathered together through a long peace, and the King's Army excellently well satisfied; he dispatched, instantly, ambassadors to the Turk, the Georgians and his old friend, the King of Corassan, to give them an account of this new victory: not doubting, but as it would be exceeding pleasant to some; so it would be as bitter to others: and leaving Ferrat Can to govern the country, and Oliver Dibeague, as his assistant, but to be commanded by him, he returned himself full of glory, and great victory into Persia, disposing himself to reduce his state to that excellent form of government which now it hath.  
First then, after his arrival in Casbin, having heard by his Viseire, & the relation of Xa-Hammadaga, of some who had not only spoiled the subjects in their substances; but the country of all orders, & just form of government, which now it hath; and given them, by that means, more matter of disunion, than union; insomuch, that they were full of thieves, of vagabonds, of factions, & such like insolences: he judged it fit, to reduce it the more peaceable and obedient, to give it in those cases, a good condition of government: Whereupon, he presently dispatched that Xa-hammadaga, a terrible, and resolute person, with full power and authority, for the reformation of those disorders; who in short time, though with most terrible examples, reduced all the provinces to a unite tranquillity, with mighty reputation.  
Whilst he was busied in that administration; the King, to show that it was necessity, that counseled to give him that excessive authority, and to preserve it from being odious to himself, appointed in the chief city of every province, a governor elected of those of most valour: to him he joined two judges of criminal and civil causes, a Treasurer, two Secretaries, with an excellent precedent, and two advocates general, for the causes both particular and general of the whole province; Besides the particular advocate of every city, which should be resident in that Metropolis. These determined all causes within themselves of those provinces in which they had the administration; and because they should neither be burdensome to the provinces, nor corrupted in paritializing; the King paid them their stipend, enjoining them upon pain of life to take no other sort of reward. And because such things, and causes might fall out, as by reason of the importance of them, or appellations of the parties might be brought before himself, because he would ever know what he did, and be continually informed, not only of the general state of the provinces, but of their particular administration; he ordained Posts once every weeks from all parts, to bring all sort of relations to the Court; for which cause also he willed that one of the two general advocates should ever be resident there, who receiving those relations presenteth them to the Viseire, and he to the King. The Viseire, sitteth every morning in counsel about the general state of all the King's provinces, accompanied with the King's council, advocates resident, and the Secretaries of State; there are all matters heard, and the opinions of the council written by the Secretaries of State; then after dinner, the council, or such a part of them as the King will admit, present those papers, of which the King pricketh those he will have proceed; the rest are canceled; which being done: the council retire them again to the Viseirs, and then determine of the particular business of the King's house. The King himself every Wednesday, sitteth in the council publicly, accompanied with all those of his council, and the foresaid advocates: thither come a flood of all sorts of people, rich and poor, and of all Nations without distinction, and speak freely to the King in their own cases, and deliver every one his own several Bill, which the King receiveth; pricketh some, and rejecteth other, to be better informed of. The Secretaries of State presently record in the King's book those which he hath pricked, with all other acts, then by him enacted; the which book is carried by a Gentleman of the Chamber, into his Chamber, where it ever remaineth: and woe be to his Viseire, if after the King hath pricked, Bill, or Supplication, it be again brought the second time.  
When he goeth abroad to take the air, or to pass the time in any exercise, the poorest creature in the world may give him his Supplication: which he receiveth, readeth, and causeth to be registered; and one request, or complaint, is not, ordinarily, brought him twice: and though these be great ways, wise ways, and just ways, to tie unto him the hearts of any people; yet the nature of those is so vile in themselves, that they are no more, nor longer good, than they are by a strong and wisely-tempered hand made so: The country not being inhabited by those nobly-disposed Persians, of which there are but a few, and those few are as they ever were: But being mightily wasted by the inundation of Tamburlaine, and Ishmael afterward making himself the head of a Faction, against the Ottomans, and by that reason, forced to repeople his country to give himself strength of men against so potent an adversary, calling in Tartars, Turcomans, Courdines, and of all scum of Nations; which though they now live in a better country, yet have not changed their bad natures: though as, I said, so careful and true Princely a regard of the King for the establishment of good and just orders, for the government of this country, in equity, general security, and tranquillity; had been of sufficient ability to have bound the hearts of people unto him: Yet knowing what his were, and to leave no means unacted which might both assure them more, and himself with them; because he knew, that their own dispositions, which were evil, would never, rightly, judge of the cause of many rigorous examples that had passed, which by that fault in them, had engendered him hatred amongst them; to purge their minds from that sickness, and gain them the more confidently, he determined to show, that if there were any cruel act, brought forth, it did not grow from himself, but from necessity. Wherefore he displaced, by little, (finding particular occasions daily against some or other) all the whole Tymarri of his estate; as though from them had grown all such disorders, as had corrupted the whole government, sending new ones, and a great part of them Gheylaners to their possessions, with more limited authority, and more favourable to the people; the old ones part he casherd, part he distributed in Gheylan and Mazandran, which he had new conquered: so that by that Art, the people began to rest exceeding well satisfied, and himself the more secured; those which succeeded them being bound to his fortune; and those which were removed also, being disposed in the new conquered provinces, which they were bound to maintain in security, for their own fortunes, which depended only upon their preserving them for the King.  
When all these things were done, and the King began to think himself, thoroughly established, for a long time, both from intrinsicke and extrinsicke dangers, The Turks forces being so occupied in the wars of Hungary, that he had no leisure to look to his increasing; the Tartarres of Corrasan, his friends, by the old hospitality which he had received from their King; and if not his friends, yet cold enemies, such as would be long resolving, before they would attempt any thing to his prejudice: There fell out a new occasion to trouble, both the peace of his mind and country, if it had not been prevented with great dexterity, celerity, and fortune. For Ferrat Can, not regarding his benefits done to the King, knowing too well his own worthiness, and attributing unto that, the successes of all the King's fortunes, and for so great causes, not being able to limit his mind within any compass of satisfaction, not resting contented with the place of general, nor government of Gheylan, nor with the honour to be called the King's Father, but despising that Haldenbeague should be Viseire, and not himself all; which had given the king all; began to take counsel, to innovate, and alter things with the bassas of Seruan, and Tauris. So dangerous are too great benefits from a subject to a Prince, both for themselves and the Prince, when they have their minds only capable of merit, and nothing of duty.  
These practices of his, were most dangerous, for which he did more assure himself, to have laid a strong foundation for the discontentment of those Timari which the King had sent into his government; and so had they been, questionless, if Oliver dican, through his true zeal to his masters service; and, perhaps, a little envy at the others greatness, had not made him so watchfully diligent, that having gathered his intentions by very momentuall circumstances, he gave the King, from time to time, notice of them; which at the first were negligently received, and rather taken as matter of emulation, than truth: But when those very same advertisements ever continued, and Oliver di Can, was not at all terrified from sending of them; neither by the kings neglecting them, nor rebuke, and that Mahomet Shefia was also secretly arrived in the Court, with more particular and certain advice, that the Bassa of Seruan had sent a great sum of money to Ferrat, which was received on a certain day, and in a certain place. The king hereupon presently sent Alexāder Coolibeague, his chief favourite, to will Ferrat Can, for very important affairs, for the determining of which his presence was requisite, to repair to the Court; which he excused, through his indisposition, which he said to be such, that he could not possibly travel: so that persisting in that denial, when Xa-Tamas Coolibeague perceived that he would not be persuaded, he returned with all expedition to the king; who assuring himself the more by the denial, of the former related accusations, instantly commanded his guard of twelve thousand Courtchies to be in a readiness; with which, and a thousand of the Xa-Hammagaes he used such celerity, that he prevented the news of his coming, and was sooner arrived at ferrat's house than he had almost opinion that his messenger had been returned: yet, although amazed with his own guiltiness, and the kings sudden coming, he made shift to make great show of the indisposition which he had so long counterfeited.  
The king, as soon as he came unto him, said; that he had taken a great journey to visit him in his sickness, and to bring him the cure thereof; and having commanded all out of the Chamber, but themselves only alone (as the king himself told me) he used such like speeches unto him: Father, 
The kings gracious speech to Ferrat.  I do acknowledge, that first from God, then from you, these fortunes which now I have, have received their being; And I know, that as a man, I may both err in my merit to God, and in my well deserving of your service. But my intention, I can assure you, is most perfect in both: the time of my establishment in my estate, hath been so small, that I could scarce use it sufficiently to perform my general duty towards my people, over whom (by God's permission) I am appointed; much less to provide for every particular satisfaction, as I mind, and will do; which you principally, as a Father to me, both in your years, and my election should have borne withal. But since some ill spirit hath had power to mislead your wisdom, so far as to make you forget your great virtue; you shall once receive wholesome counsel from me, as I have done often from you: And because that all counsels, as well in public, as private deliberations, require a reposed spirit, free, and pure from wrath, fear, all perturbation or particular interest; for a troubled mind is more apt to err, then to aduse justly, and hath more need of proper medicines for itself, than it hath properly in itself to apply any comfort to others; and is fit to receive, then to give counsel: from which, as from a great and violent current, are carried all those errors and disorders which are brought upon rash deliberations, the which have ever long repentances, and disasters, as the perpetual memories of their having been; and are most of all detestably blamable, when such an imprudency is accompanied with that infinite damage, as to think of alteration in a state, which cannot proceed without injustice, seeleratenesse, blood, and a thousand mischiefs: an act in itself wonderful difficult, wonderful wicked, and proceeding from an incomparable vile quality. But he that can restrain himself from being transported by untemperate appetites, and can dominate his passions, and give a just rule to himself, to his cupidities and desires, doth ever give the best time to all deliberations, by mitigating heat and fury; and so altereth all counsel, from that nature which it receiveth, from an unquiet and troubled mind: Which if you had done, you would not have entered into a thought only of so dangerous an action against yourself, nor so dishonourable as to have machinated the ruin and trouble of your own King, Friend, & Country; which though it be palesated, it is but to myself only, who rather desire to chastise you as a friend, with good admonition, then by rigour. Therefore, though it be ever incident to all men, to have this great defect, to fear chiefly nearest dangers, and to esteem much less, than they ought, of the future: Yet be you most assured, that the peril which you might fear from my person, is much less than that which you had thrown yourself into, if you had, or should prosecute your enterprises. From my person you shall never, (except by great constraint from yourself) look for any thing of other condition, than a true Princely love, and a royal regard of your services: In the other course, you called against my will, upon yourself, the rigour of justice, and fury of the sword, which in the war consumeth all alike. And because in that adversity which a man's mind bringeth upon himself, the fears and terrors are ever greater than the evils which concur with them; be you of good comfort without the feeling only of any such conditioned thing, and call strength from your mind to your body, that you may endure to go with me to Hisphaan, where you shall have cause to digest all these melancholies. Ferrat neither excused, nor confessed; but indifferently answered the king, as sorry to have given cause of offence, and infinitely rejoicing (as he seemed) that the king had so royally pacified himself with him: and not daring to refuse to go with the king, desired him to use some few days in the visiting of the country; in which time, he hoped that God, and the comfort of his presence, would raise him from his infirmity. The king certainly (as I before said) was by all necessity in the world, either forced to execute him, or to reconcile him perfectly unto him: for any middle course had but made him desperate, and aggravated all sort of peril, which he might have feared from him; his services already done, his valour and virtue were of great moment to persuade the king to the easier way; being joined to his own excellent mind, which I have seen the rarest proofs of, that may be brought forth by Prince, or man living.  
But Ferrat Can (who knew, that true justice never weigheth offences, and deserts, but severally, and without intermingling them together, rewardeth the one, and chasticeth the other; and that benefits are more easier forgotten, than injuries) feeling the weight of his offence, and measuring the King's heart by his own, gave the wickedness of his mind power over his virtue; And, though he seemed altered to all good intentions, yet his heart was still swollen with that poison which shortly brought him to destruction. The king having stayed some eight, or ten days in the country, was sooner hastened thence, than he thought, by the news of the Queen's death, who was deceased by a sudden and violent sickness, after his departure: so that with great speed, taking Ferrat with him; and leaving Lieu-tenant in the country, for Ferrat, Mahomet Shefia, he returned to Hisphaan; where, after some days spent in sorrow, for his great loss, he sent to Alexander, the other Can of the Georgians, to demand his daughter, by that means to bind again that league, which might have been dissolved by the death of the other Queen: In that Embassage went Xa-Tamas Coolibeague, who returned with the Lady within few months.  
In the mean time, the brother to that king of Corasan, who had so royally and carefully brought up the king of Persia, when he fled from the wrath of his father, rebelled against his brother, slew him, and all his children; but only one; whose tutors fled with him into the mountains, & so escaped the present danger, & persecution of that tyrant. divers other also, as they had been in estimation or favour with the old king, fearing for that, the violence of the present authority, and others, only discontented with the alteration, and the wicked means of it, fled into Persia; by whom the king having largely and perfectly understood the state of things, having so fair a way both to show an infinite royal point of gratitude to that one poor posterity of the murdered king, for great obligations to the father; and withal, to assure himself in future times and occasions, from that certain enemy, which had ever hung, like a dangerous cloud over his state, usually breaking into terrible tempests, as it was, or should be carried against him by the breath of the Turk: though he knew those Tartars so obstinate enemies to his government, and Religion, that if they had the most odious reasons of dis-union amongst themselves, yet that they would combine against him; without reposing himself upon any hope to be helped by those partialities, which the refuged unto him seemed to promise; but confident only in the justice of the cause which he intended, in his own force, virtue, wisdom and fortune; he resolved to gather his army, and to go for those parts; to which he was, besides his own disposition, mightily instigated by Ferrat Can, whose fear & ambition, being without means of end, gave him assurance, by the place of general which he held, to have some fair opportunity given him to end them, with the King's ruin, and without his own danger.  
Thirty thousand men the king took with him for that war, twelve thousand arquebusiers, which bore long pieces, half a foot longer than our Muskets, slightly made; the bullet of the height of caliver, which they use well and certainly: and eighteen thousand horse, which may seem a small troop in these places, where the wars are carried with innumerable multitudes. But the king of persia's judgement agreeth with that of the best experienced Captains, that multitudes are confusers of orders, & devourers of time, and of those means which nourish the wars; and are good for no other use, but to make a war soon break off, and to consume the world. This army being chosen out from all his forces, of elected good men, he carried into Corasan with wonderful expedition; & had taken it utterly unprovided, if Ferrat Cans advertisement had not prevented his celerity; who had not only given notice to them, but to the Bassa of Tauris, of the King's purpose, and his own resolution, promising them a certain victory, and the delivery of the kings own person. A days journey the king passed peaceably into the country, without the sight only of an enemy: himself with five thousand of the best men, accompanied with divers of the principal jest, was a kind of vanguard to the rest, which followed with Ferrat Can, Zulphir Can, and Oliver dican, which marched softly. The king by that means, was far advanced; and being almost assured in himself, that through the celerity of his coming, he should find yet no enemy sufficiently able to resist him, & more confidently, by the persuasion of Ferrat Can: some six hundred horse, under the leading of Vseph-Aga (which were sent to discover before the King's troup) fell upon fifty thousand of the enemy; upon which sight he would feign have retired: but being so far engaged, that he could not, and unable to resist so great a force, with the loss of almost all his company, he was beaten back to the King's gross: who by the dust rising a far off, and the great noise following, imagining what it was indeed, with a great & ready courage provided himself ready to fight, and dispatched Messenger upon Messenger, to command Ferrat Can to advance unto him. To the first Ferrat answered, that it was but a troup of some few rascals, and desired the king to march on, and not trouble himself nor his Army, and to divers the like. At the last, when young Hassan-Can came from the king, and told him the King's danger, and that certainly the whole force of the enemy had charged him; he began to show fear, & to call a council of the Commanders, then to know what they were best to resolve of, for the saving of the Army, since the king had so rashly lost himself. Which when Oliver dican heard, upbraiding him of treason, called upon all those which loved the king to follow him; and putting spurs to his horse, being followed by Courtchibassa, & most of the King's Guard, & many other, with all possible haste, sped to the king; who, by this time, was forced to sustain, and retire, as well as he could, without disorder, or show of fear. But when this troup, of Oliver dican was seen, his men received new courage; and the enemy, which depended more upon ferrat's treason, than their own valour, began to be exceeding amazed, doubting that it had been the whole Army, and that Ferrat had exchanged his treason from his master to them: Wherefore slacking their first fury, and rather standing at a gaze, then fight, the king commanded Vseph-Aga to charge them thoroughly afresh, and not to give them time to take new courage: which he did, with so good fortune, that lighting upon the usurper of Corasan, and his son, he slew them both with his own hands; from which grew the first main flight of the enemy, and the beginning of the victory for the king. The chase was desperately followed, so that in that battle, & the chase were slain 30000 men, with the usurper king and his son; and divers of the principal of the country taken. That night the king pitched his Tents in the place of the battle; and being informed, by Oliver dican, and the whole army, which cried out, with open mouth, of ferrat's treason, tempering the outward show of his indignation with a compassionate feeling of man's errors, and frailty; excused the constraint, and necessity, of the justice which he was forced to do: protesting, that though for his states, and own preservation he was at last compelled to give his justice place, above the power of his love, and obligation: yet what the father had rend from himself, by the violence of his own misdeeds; his son should find ripened for him, who should be heir of what his father had well merited by his former services, as he hoped he would be of his virtue; praying God, that his father's vices, only, might die with himself. Which when he had said, he gave Oliver Di-Can the Generalship of his Army, and appointed him to do execution upon Ferrat, who being resolved of that judgement, which his double offence had brought upon him, attended ready in his Tent, without fear, to die, or desire to live; and there received that punishment, which was unworthy of his excellent parts, if he had made that true use of them which he should.  
Zulpher Can, his brother, knowing that he had as highly and as much offended as his brother had, yet wanting the same courage to receive the judgement, which he had to offend, fled to the port of the King's Tent, and there prostrated himself on the ground; whence being called by Oliver Di-Can, he denied to die any where, but there; that the King when he should come forth, might tread upon that blood, which had so vilely, and undeservedly offended him: which being brought to the King, by a Page that wished well to Zulpher, and had some good hope of the King's nature, that he might do the poor Prince some good; after a little pause, the King came forth, and beholding Zulpher lying grovelling on the ground, pitied him, and despising, withal, his little valour: Behold, said he, to those which stood by, how weak a foundation reputation hath, which is not erected from a man's own virtue. This man was so great yesterday, that you all honoured him, and now lieth despised before you all, through his own wickedness. He hath been advanced by me, for his brother's virtues, and with the death of his brother, he doth show you all, that no worthiness of his own, but that which abounded in his brother, if he could have made good use of it, gave him courage also to seem capable of those honours which I bestowed on him. Zulpher, God forgiveth me as great sins hourly, which I commit against him, as thy fault can be to me: and since it hath pleased him, that I hold so great a place by him here, I will also use the example of his infinite goodness, for the pattern of this mercy, and refer my vengeance to him, and give thee time to repent; and the rather, because thy abjectness taketh all apprehension from me of cause to doubt thee: He never dareth hurt a King, which feareth to die. And remember that this is the first day of thy life, in which thou must take more virtuous ways, than thou hast hitherto walked in, that I may have honour by the mercy which I have showed thee, and profit by thy good services; and thyself, Mayst cast away far from thee, by honest and good deeds, the shameful memory which men will have of thy past wicked Treason. This was the end of that great and foul conspiracy, which gave great hope to the King's enemies; and ending by such a providence, was the means of the King's greater and better security, which could never have been perfect so long as so great a man had lived, both having cause to fear, & by that giving continual cause to be feared. Next day, the King marched farther into the country, and so daily advanced on without obstacle; the keys of all their towns meeting him by the way; and at the last, an Embassage from the whole state, with a general submission: which when he had received, having spent some time, in the settling of such a government as was securest for himself, and having received the young Prince, son to the first King, and divers others of the principal of the country, having left order with Xa-Endibeague, whom he left there with the best part of his Army, which he increased afterwards to 30000 men, to extirpate all those which were likeliest, either through their obligation to the usurper, or through their own particular interest, to make innovation, he returned with that young Prince, and those prisoners into Persia.  
The most part of this time I was at Casbin, courteously used by Marganobeague, the master of the King's house, and not amiss by any. When the King was come within six miles of Casbin, he stayed there, some three days, to the intent to make his entry with such an estimation of his victory, 
The King's Triumphant entry into Casbin after his victory.  as was fit for so great and happy a success of fortune: and, in truth, I think that he did it most, to declare the greatness of it to us that were strangers, by such a strange demonstration. The night before he entered, there were 30000 men, sent out of the town on foot with horseman's staves, upon which were fastened vizards of so many heads: All those in the morning, when we were commanded to meet him, (the governor having provided us horses) we found marching in battle array towards the town; and before the two heads of the King, and his son, four Officers of arms, such as they use, bearing in their hands great Axes of shining steel, with long helves; after those battalions, followed the Xa-Hammadagacs horsemen; after those, a number of Gentlemen of the King's Court; after those, a 100 spare-horses, with as many of the King's Pages; after those, the prisoners, accompanied with Bastan-Aga; then a great rank of his chief Princes; amongst whom, were all the ambassadors, which used to be resident in his Court; then followed the young Prince of Corazan, accompanied with Xa-Tamas-Coolibeague, the King's principal favourite; and then the King himself alone; and after him, some five hundred Courtiers of his Guard. Marganobeague was with us, and making us large passage, through all those troops.  

Sir Anthony herleiss first salutation, and speech to the ●ing.  When we came to the King, we alighted, and kissed his stirrup: my speech was short unto him; the time being fit for no other: That the fame of his royal virtues, had brought me from a far country, to be a present spectator of them; as I had been a wonderer at the report of them a far off: if there were any thing of worth in me, I presented it with myself, to his majesties service. Of what I was, I submitted the consideration to his majesties judgement; which he should make upon the length, the danger, and the expense of my voyage, only to see him, of whom I had received such magnificent and glorious relations.  

The King's answer.  The King's answer unto me was infinite affable: That his country, whilst I should stay there, should be freely commanded by me, as a Gentleman that had done him infinite honour, to make such a journey for his sake; only bid me beware that I were not deceived by rumours, which had, peradventure, made him other then I should find him: It was true, that God had given him both power and mind to answer to the largest reports which might be made good of him; which if he erred in the use of, he would ask counsel of me, who must needs have much virtue in myself, that could move me to undergo so much, and so many perils to know that of another. And that he spoke smiling, willing me to get on horseback: which when I had done, he called Haldenbeague, his Viseire, and Oliver Di-Can his general, and commanded them to take my brother and me betwixt them; and my company was disposed by Marganobeague, amongst the rest of the King's Gentlemen of his Court: and in that order, the King entered Casbin, and passing to the great place, he alighted with the chiefest of his Princes & Officers, whom he caused to bring us with them, & went into a kind of banqueting house, in which there were stairs to ascend by into a terrace, where the King sit down, & the greatest of those Princes, & we among them. This terrace looked upon the place, where after we had been a little, & beheld some of the Court exercising themselves at givoco-di-canna, that great troop was suddenly vanished, so without all sort of rumour, that it bred infinite wonder in me, considering how much tumult we made in these parts in the disposing of a far less company. Whilst we sat there, the King called me again unto him; & when I had confirmed in more words, the very same I had before said unto him: Then, said he, you must have the proof of time to show you, either the errors, or the truth of these rumours, since you can make no judgement of what you have yet seen, which is but the person of a man, and this eminence which God hath given me, for any thing you know, may be more through my fortune, than my virtue. But since your pains & travel hath had no other aspect, but to know me, we must have a more intrinsicke acquaintance to perfect that knowledge; & how you will endure the fashions of my country, you can judge best yourself which are master of your own humour: This I will assure you of, you shall want no respect from my people, nor honour from myself; & therewith bid me farewell, for that present, committing me & my company to Bastan-Aga to be conducted to my lodging.  
Next morning I sent the King a present, 
Sir Anthony Sherleis present to the King of Persia  of six pair of Pendants of exceeding fair emeralds, and marvelous artificially cut; and two other jewels of Topasses, excellent well cut also; one cup of three pieces, set together with gold enameled; the other a salt, and a very fair Ewer of crystal, covered with a kind of cutwork of silver and gilt, the shape of a Dragon; (all which, I had of that Noble Florentine) which his majesty accepted very graciously: and that night, I was, with my brother, invited by him to a banquet, where there was only Byraicke Myrza, and Sultan Alye, with Xa-Tamas-Coolibeague, his chief Minion; there he had divers discourses with me, not of our apparel, building, beauty of our women, or such vanities; but of our proceeding in our wars, of our usual arms, of the commodity and discommodity of Fortresses, of the use of artillery, and of the orders of our government: in which, though my unskilfulness were such, that I knew my errors were greater than my judgement; yet I had that felicity of a good time, that I gave him good satisfaction, as it seemed. For in my discourse, having mentioned the having of certain Models of Fortification in some books at my lodging, which were only left me in the spoil which was made of me at Babylon: Next day, after dinner, he came thither, with all the principallest of the Court, where he spent, at least, three hours in perusing them, and not unproperly speaking of the reasons of those things himself. Next night he sent for me again, into a place which they call Bazar, like our Burze; the shops, and the roof of which were so full of lights, that it seemed all of a fire. There was a little Scaffold made where he sat, and as every man presented him with divers sorts of friuts, so he parted them some to one, some to another, and there he continued some four hours; in which time, he took me aside, with my Interpreter, and asked me, very sadly, whether I would content myself to stay with him; not for ever, for that were too a great wrong to my friends, who should lose me from their comfort, being divided so far from them; for my own fortune he would not speak of, but only thus much; since I had told him I was a subject to a Prince, he knew, that then my fortune also must depend upon the will and favour of that Prince; and he assured himself, that he was as able, and more desirous to do me good than any: therefore if I would resolve to give him that little satisfaction; he should persuade himself the more confidently, that the cause of my coming was such, as I told him, the love of his person and nothing else. I answered him, I could say no more to his majesty than I had already done; that a report, only, of his excellent virtues, had brought me thither, that a better experience had bound me so fast to him and them, that as he was master of my mind, so he should be of my person and time, which were both subject to his command. For those things of fortune, they were the least things that I regarded, as his majesty well saw by my great expense thither, only to satisfy my sight: but as I knew myself infinitely honoured by his majesty vouchsafing to serve himself of me; so that was to me above all other fortunes and satisfactions. His majesty seemed wonderfully well content with my answer; and that night began to show me extra-ordinary public favour, and so continued all the time of his being in Casbin, daily increasing by some or other great demonstration.  
Six weeks he stayed there, giving his accustomed audience to the people; In which time I saw the notablest example of true unpartial royal justice, that I think any Prince in the world could produce. The governor of Casbin was appointed to that administration, 
A memorable punishment of extortion extortion.  in the main service of the King's state when the Rebels were first suppressed; A man exceedingly and particularly favoured of the King: he taking the adantage of the time, which being troubled, gave him lively colour, to make great profit upon the people, and confident in the King's favour, abused both the one and the other by extreme extortions; thinking (because of his own greatness, and the country's offence against the King, the memory of which every man would fear to receive) that what he did by violence and force should by as great power of terror remain unknown: but some, to whom he had offered so much that they thought no extremity could happen them of a worse condition, made desperate through that hazard to put up lamentable supplications to the King; who having read them (as his fashion is) commanded the parties to-speake freely; with this caution, that they should beware that they charged nothing falsely; for as he would not that any minister of his should abuse his authority, by any unjust burden, upon the worst of the people; so he would also provide by severe example, that none should presume to impose false accusations upon any, whom he had thought worthy to carry authority under him. Notwithstanding, those poor men did not only maintain their accusations, but brought forth divers witnesses; and others, perceiving so just a course held by his majesty, emboldened by it, laid before him also, in their humble sort, their own oppressions, suffered by the like violence: upon which he commanded Marganobeague to be sent for, who was the master of his house in Casbin, demanding of him whether he had heard of those things; he answered no, being private acts of the governor, (public causes, which were brought before the precedent, judges, advocates, and his majesties council, appointed for the good of the province, having ever taken those direct ways which were fit for his majesty, and benefit of the province) if the governor, in his particular acts, had taken counsels with his particular appetites, and executed them according to the same, neither he, nor any of the council were blamable; never having heard a voice only to that effect: which those men also, (who were a great number) falling down upon their faces, confessed to the King; and that their long silence had given the governor the more boldness to use the utermost of extortion, and tyrannous exaction upon them.  
The governor denied some, maintained other to be done upon just causes: but all so confusedly, and with so unstable a fashion of proceeding, as he bewrayed his own guiltiness: notwithstanding the king stayed his judgement, either of him or the causes, until another day of hearing.  
In the mean time he appointed Marganobeague, Bastan-Aga, and one Maxausebeague; (which is, as it were, Treasurer of his house) to take some secret ways to find the true carriage of the governor, during the whole time of his function; Which they did with great uprightness and dexterity. And having related what they had approvedly found, there were so many, and so great causes brought against him, I mean of wresting of Money, bribery, monopolising, and such things, as more could not be imagined: which had been small matters in a Prince's state, whose favours and graces are privileged above the common good of the people; and who change by their own connivence, their royal estate to a tyranny of favourites, and a few Counsellors: who concurring in the spoil of the people, concur also in so cruel a suppression of their just cries, that their lifting up their voices, for justice, is as great a sin, as almost a perfect Rebellion: and the same justice, which should protect them against inique oppression, inflicteth severe chastisement; only for presuming to palesate such oppressions: A miserable calamity for the poor flock, where the shepherds heareth the wool, and the Brambles rend the flesh.  
But this King (whom we call barbarous, though from his example we may learn many great and good things) knowing that the true care of a Prince, must be ever the public good; and the capableness of his ruling, would be judged by his true justice, and election of his Ministers, and distribution of his favour upon the worthiest (which also should make a worthy use of it) The next day that he sat in judgement, he called the governor: then having told him that he which had lived with him in the time of his greatest calamity, must needs be so well acquainted with the inwardness of his disposition, that all the world would imagine, as Princes ever are examples of good or evil to their subjects; so they are most to those which are neereliest conversant with them. And according to that opinion, he had given him his authority, for the great favour and confidence he reposed in him, that he knew well the error which they had both committed, the one not making a true judgement of the others disposition. That the transgression of laws, and Orders in any State, was the first natural corruption which grew in it: to provide for which, good Princes did both watchfully industriate themselves, and dispersed part of the care, which grew too great for themselves, to the trust they had in the virtue of their Ministers, who should ever, as the very greatest and truest causes, beware of those courses of justice, which should be of least terror, and procure themselves and their Princes most hatred, which was to pill the subjects goods: a thing of no example, but to evil, and of infinite odiousness, especially when there was no just cause why any sort of punishment should be inflicted.  
And because these acts, of so great a Minister, as he was, both for the place he held of authority, and favour with him; might give the world cause to suspect his own inclination; the which since no former example could make him know, he would now show the world, and teach him, that the wickedness of Princes, and great Men, are worse in the example, than in the fault; since, by the evil custom of the world to follow them, they generate great corruptions by the imitation of others. And because in a man of his place, there could be no more wicked acts than he had committed; nor, in a Prince, nothing more proportionable with his place, nor fit for his security, than the chastisement of such wicked acts; And if he should pardon so great extortions, and scelerate wrongs as he had inflicted upon the poor people, committed to his charge, beside, that he should verify the worst suspicions men might have of him, he should, by so ill a precedent, trouble the minds of his whole state, cast many good men, and their goods, into ruin; multiply the like, or worse scandals, oppressing the causes of justice; and so draw into the world, without shame or fear, all sort of excesses: this should be his judgement; 
The King of Persia's judgement upon an Extortioner.  That all his Goods, and Lands, should be sold, for the satisfaction of those men, whom he had spoiled: And if any thing wanted, since the King, by giving him that Authority, was partly the cause of those excesses, he condemned himself to pay the residue out of his Treasury. That if any thing advanced, it should be given to his Children, with a grievous Edict, that no succour should be ministered unto himself. For that, since Death was a concluder of his offence, shame, and the memory of it, he should not die; but go, during his life, with a great yoke, like a Hoggesyoke, about his neck, have his Nose and ears cut off, and have no charitable relief from any, but what he gained with his own hands: that he might feel in himself the misery which poor men have to get, and what a sin it is to rend from them by violent extortion, the birth of their sweat and labour.  
This judgement struck a mighty amazement into all the great men present, and gave an infinite joy and comfort to the people. The Turks ambassador, which was there, after he had stood silent a great while, as a man half distracted, swore publicly, that he saw before his eyes, his masters ruin: being impossible that such fortune and virtue, as the king was accompanied with, could receive any obstacle.  
That night he made Marganobeagus governor of Casbin, being well admonished by that great example of his duty. Constantino, a brave young Gentleman, being a Christian of Georgia, he called Mirza, and gave him the government of Hisphaan; and me also he called Mirza: 
Sir Anthony made a Mirza.  telling me, that he would provide condignly for me. And because he had an urgent occasion to go post to Cassan, I should receive his pleasure by Marganobeague; who brought me, the next morning, a thousand Tomanas, 
The rich present sent him by the King.  which is sixteen thousand ducats of our Money: forty horses all furnished; two with exceeding rich Saddles, plated with gold, and set with Rubies and Turkesses, the rest either plated with silver, or velvet embroidered, and guilt; sixteen moils; twelve camels, laden with Tents, and all furniture both for my house and voyage; telling me withal, that this was but a small demonstration of the King's favour, by which I might (notwithstanding) conceive what better hopes I might gather: And that it was his majesties pleasure I should follow him to Cassan: In the house where I was I should leave a keeper, being his majesties pleasure to bestow it on me: and that there were ten Courtchies which should attend me the next morning, to serve me in my journey.  
All this while I moved nothing to the King of that which was the main purpose of my coming, both because I had no fit opportunity; and if I had, yet it was too soon: and beside, it was too great a business to expose, without such an occasion as might help my good intention, with the goodness of itself.  
Moreover, though I knew little; yet so much I knew, that in handling with Princes especial affairs, of such momentuall importance, I ought not so much to repose myself upon the good, and just property of my proposition, as in the direct knowledge of the nature of the Prince; who either might grow jealous of the hazard, or having his ambitions turned to other ends, might mistake, or not regard my advertisements. Both which would have been the ruin of what I intended: A business hardly rising again, and recovering grace, which hath been once foiled. Therefore I took time to deem by the proceeding of other deliberations, of the way which I should take; and to make myself learned in the purpose of his actions, by his nature, and inclination; beside, not only to get, first a kind of possession in his own affection, but of all his great men; especially of those whom I did imagine would be best and strongest assisters of my purpose: which I did judge to be Oliver dican, his general, and Xa-Tamas Coolibeague, both which were Georgians; and though they were made Mahometans by the father of the King, to whom they were brought young, yet they had ever Christians hearts, and infinitely well-inclined to all those things which might promove the Christians enterprises, publicly wishing well to their proceed, and taking all offered occasions, to give them honour and reputation.  
Then Constantino Mirza, who was a Christian, and in great favour with the King: Yet for all this, that I meant to make those the main helpers of my design, I left no sort of fashion forgotten which might procure me favour from all the other: though I soon found their appearances answered not with their minds, which were only contained from ill demonstrations against me, by the King's favour to me, and their fear of offending him; not only through the ordinary envy which followeth all Courts, but by the great hatred which they had to the very name of a Christian, being in their soul's turks: though not daring to palesate it for their own certain danger.  
For the king knowing how potent a uniter of men's minds the self-same Religion is for the tranquillity of an Estate: and the like dis-uniter several Religions are for the disturbance of the peace of an Estate, he is exceeding curious and vigilant to suppress, through all his Dominions, that Religion of Mahomet, which followeth the interpretation of Vssen and Omar, and to make his people cleave to that of Aly: Not (as I judge) through any Conscience, which carrieth him more to the one than the other; but first to extirpate intrinsicke factions, then to secure himself the more firmly against the Turk, who being head of that part which followeth Omar and Vssen, should have too powerful a way into his country, if his people's hearts were inclined unto him by the force of Religion. Therefore he doth not only strive to root it out, but to defile it, and make it odious; having in use, once a year, with great solemnity, to burn publicly, as main heretics, the Images of Vssen and Omar: then doth he cause his great men publicly (in scorn of their institution) to go with a Flagon of Wine, carried by a footman, and at every Village, or where they see any Assembly of people, to drink; which himself also useth, not for the love of the Wine, but to scandalise so much more the contrary Religion: that by such a kind of profaning of it, they may wear the respect of it out of the people's hearts: Which when it faileth with reverence in Religion, the pillars thereof are utterly broken. Yet (as I say) there are of the very greatest, exceeding precise turks, if they durst do other for their own fortune sake, then cover, with all artifice, that infection.  
Ten days I was between Casbin and Cassan, where arrived, I received more gracious demonstrations from the King, than I could hope for, or wish: being far beyond my present merit, and my judgement how to deserve it at all.  
Four days his majesty stayed there, after my coming; in which time there passed many triumphs at givoco-di-canna in the day, & good fireworks in the night: at which I was ever present with himself, with no less respect, then if I had been his brother, as he also called me, and continued that name afterward, all the time of my being in Persia.  
The second day of his journey, from thence, towards Hisphaan, he called me unto him, my Brother and my Interpreter; and (after some few discourses) he began to tell us the whole history of those his fortunes which I have discoursed: and joined that he understood, the Turk had sent him a fair sword (he did believe) to cut off his head withal, if Ferrat Cans treason had well succeeded: for after the Messenger arrived at Tauris, understanding how God his great providence, had not only mightily preserved, but given him that famous victory over his enemies, he had sent for new order to Constantinople, which came to no other end, but to call him back again. But the best was, the more the Prince hated him, the more his subjects loved him, having received news at Cassan, of ten thousand souls of Courdins which had abandoned their possessions under the Turk, and required some waste land of him to inhabit in; which he had given them.  
And though this discourse opened somewhat largely the King's heart unto me, I durst be no bolder, at that time, then to say, It was ever, almost impossible to preserve a quiet amity between two so great Potentates, as himself, and the Turk; especially being so near neighbours: that I doubted not, but his majesty, in his great wisdom, provided his counsel and strength always ready against any danger which might grow from him, of which there was no present doubt, as long as he was so powerfully diverted by the wars of Hungary; which if they were ended, I saw no Obligation of faith, or any thing else, which could secure his majesty from those arms, which had been ever so ready against his State, in all occasions; especially now that his majesties virtue, and fortune ministered to the Turks will too great main causes; First to stop the course of his too fast rising greatness, which he could by no reason willingly suffer; Then to recover his reputation, which his majesty had taken from him, by assubiecting the Tartars, which were under his protection. And if with both these he saw his subjects also fall from him to his majesty, in so great troops, it might be a mighty effectual working-reason to hasten him to a conclusion, upon indifferent terms of those wars in Hungary; his majesty being much more dangerous unto him, not only through his power, the reputation of his late victories, and such a flood of fortune, joined to his great virtue and wisdom, but also by the symbolizing of religion, which would more facilitate an entry into his state, than the sword, when there should grow no more mutation in the main points of government, laws, nor orders, but the person of the Prince only. The obstinate wars, and resistances of the progress of the one and the other, between the Turks and the Christians, grew from the main alterations of all laws, Orders, and form of government, with the utter ruin of the conquered, being so diverse in all those; and more in the principal point of religion, by which he was evermore assured of us, generally infestuous to the very apprehension of his subjects. But his majesty, from whom there was none of these general dangers, was, questionless, the more particularly feared by him: And ever he that is feared wrongeth his judgement, if he live into great and careless security. I concluded, it would please his majesty to pardon me that I said so much, that if I had erred, it was in my judgement, not in my zealous affection unto him; neither had I presumed to look into such high matters, if his majesty, by his discourse, had not directed my sight; which if it had been amiss, his majesties benignity and great wisdom could pardon the fault, for the true affection which caused it.  
He answered, that he was so far from mis-liking my liberty of speech that he thanked me for it, desiring me to continue it. For Princes (said he) are, indeed more than men, when they find faithful friends which will freely advise them; and less them men when they are without such: the brightness of their greatness so dimming their sight, that they have much more need of help, then private men; who being conversant in all things, gather experience of every thing, which a Prince cannot have; Nature, only, bringing forth a man, his perfection following by his own virtue, learning and experience; the two first a Prince might have, the last hardly, and ever unperfect. Which made him ever carefully desire such, friends, as might minister a faithful help to that defect; but because we are now in journey we shall leave those things for a more reposed time, to be spoken of at Hisphaan, where we shall have leisure enough both to deliberate and resolve of some good things; and with that called some other, who entertained him with discourses of Hunting, and hawking, in which he is much delighted, and useth them with great magnificence: never going to any of those sports, but that he carrieth forth above five hundred dogs, and as many hawks, nothing rising before him but it is game. For flies he hath sparrows; for Birds, Hobbies and Marlins; for the greatest sort some hawk or other; and for Roe-deare Eagles; he hath particular Agaes for his hawks and dogs, and other Officers to them a great number.  
The next day, I singled out Oliver Di-Can, with whom, (after a few compliments) I communicated the King's discourse with me, of his first troubles, and latter fortunes; extolling his majesty as it was fit; and beside, giving the greatest honour to himself, without flattery, that I could devise; then I told him of my answer to the King, and on purpose I said, I feared, that it might turn to my harm, being newly planted in the King's favour, subject to the envy of the Court, and wanting a tongue to speak for myself: and that to intermeddle in so great and perilous matters, it could not choose but awake some covered malice, to take occasion to work me some damage. But my confidence was such, first in the heroic mind of the King himself, then in the generous disposition of his excellency, that I should be protected from peril for this fault, as I would preserve myself with more cautel hereafter.  
He answered me, that the King's affection unto me was such, that no man durst lift up a thought against me: which the Court knew well. For himself, as he knew not the conditions of our Courts, so I might mistake those of theirs: if envy bore so great a sway with us, we had lighter Princes, and men of more presumption. In this Court there was not a Gentleman but the King: the rest were shadows which moved with his body. But in this which I had said to the King, if I had intended it, to move him to war in so fit a time against the Turk, I had done well; and assured me that both he, and Xa-Tamas-Coolibeague would with all their powers concur with me to bring it to an essential deliberation; though, said he, there be three dogs, Haldenbeague, Bastan-Aga, and Courtchy Bassa, that will mainly oppose themselves against it: yet in the conscience of my duty, which I own to his majesty, I assure myself, that there is no secure way, either for the preservation of his person, or state, but that. Therefore since you have begun in so happy an hour, to break the Ice of so great and so good an enterprise, follow it without fear, since God will prosper your good intention in it, and we will second you, with all the strength and industry which we have. This was all which I desired, to be assured of some friend; especially such a one, as might have both opinion and credit of wisdom and favour with the King. For being a stranger, if I had undertaken the bearing of so weighty a business myself alone, I should hardly have escaped the being over-weighed with it, knowing that the best propositions have ever oppositions, men's humours never concurring all to one end, and the nature of men being always opposite to a stranger's advancement: Which since it must proceed in such a place from a special act of his own virtue, which could never be produced without a subject to work by, the next way to wash away insensibly such a growing reputation, was to keep me from any other means of establishment, then bare favour, which as it is very transitory in private men, so is it much more in Princes; the volubility of whose natures maketh them easily glutted, and most mutable in their kinds of satisfaction: and if once I had declined in the height of my fortune, I knew there was no baiting place, between mediocrity, and precipitation: so dangerous are the ways of Princes, and all men so foolish to strive to run in them.  
The King's entrance into Hisphaan was there of the same fashion that it was at Cassan; differing only in this, that for some two English miles, the ways were covered all with velvet, satin, and cloth of Gold, where his horse should pass. After he had been settled there fourteen days, remembering what Oliver Di-Can had said unto me, I determined to lose no more time, but to try the uttermost of my fortune, in bringing to a resolution, that enterprise; the imagination of which, had cost me so much time, and so much danger; and was the chief moving-cause at the first, and now the only moving cause of coming thither. And I was the more encouraged to do it by the fresh memory of God his mighty providence over me past, and by the exceeding great favour of the King; which I knew to be his great work, who moveth the hearts of Princes to make them instruments of his judgements, which by all apparent demonstrations, I conceived, determined against the Turk: Therefore taking the opportunity of the Kings being alone with me and my brother in a Garden, with my Interpreter only and Xa-Tamas-Coolibeague, I spoke unto him to this effect; 
Sir. Anthony Sherleies persuasive to the Persian, to ●●ke war against the Turk.  That my affection, grown only upon the fame of his majesty, had guided me from a far country into his presence; by which I found his royal virtues, so far exceeding the relation which I had heard, that as I did admire them, so I had a kind of forcible moving in my nature to desire condign fortunes to accompany them: Besides, my particular obligation to his majesty was so great, that I was bound, not only, to say what I thought fit for his service; but to do as much, as my life might accomplish for the same. Moreover being emboldened by his royal gracious answer unto me upon the way, (which I did take for a kind of commandment) I would presume to say something more largely than I did then, of that which I took to concern his majesty, as much as any thing else could. Neither would I speak any thing of other condition, than such, as he in his great judgement should find so well grounded; that nothing could be added, either to the just cause, honour, utility, or facility of the enterprise, which I would propose. And because I would clear all clouds, which might hang about it, myself which propounded it, was such, that I was only a shadow, which, by the urging of my own nature, and delight, should follow the body of his victories, rather than have, or hope, for any other particular interest in them myself. For the first points, There could no deliberation be grounded upon a greater foundation of equity, then that which had his end only directed to the recovery of that, which was by force and violence usurped from his State: nor nothing more honourable for a Prince then to be able, without hazard, not only to revenge private and public wrongs; but to recover their members again to his seats, by his wisdom and virtue, which have been separate either by the defect, or fortune of his Predecessors; All this, both public and private profit, followed so great an increase of State (increasing in all points the force of his State) and his poor subjects, which were thrown out of their possessions, either through their true devotion to his majesty, which could give them no peace under another government, or through the extreme tyranny of the Turk, should be recovered again to their own, with his infinite glory, and utility. The facility showed itself divers ways; principally in his own fortune, wisdom, and virtue; against which, there was no likely resistance, especially when there was no equal obstacle; then the reputation of his late victories, joined with the other, would find, or make a way through all difficulties; then his Militia which was fresh and uncorrupted; then the incapacity of the Turk, his corruptions of government, want of obedience, sundry rebellions, and distractions from any possibility of being able to make any potent resistance against his majesties proceed, by his wars in Hungary, which his majesty might assure the continuance of; if it pleased him to invite the Prince's Christian to his amity, which he should offer upon that condition: by which also, he should receive one other worthy benefit fit for such excelling parts, as he was most richly abundant in, not to conclude the true knowledge of them, in that one corner of the world: but with making these great Princes known unto himself, he should make his own worthiness, likewise, known unto them. Neither, (as I said at the first to his majesty) though these were great points to move so high a spirit, intending to glory, and great things, as his was, that they were so important as other were. For these might either be deferred, or not at all acted, being bound unto them by no greater necessity than his own will, counseled by good reason. But his case was such, that he must resolve, both for the security of his estate and person, to make or endure a war.  
As I was proceeding, Haldenbeague the Viseire, Bastan-Aga, and Oliver Di-Can came in: the King presently called them, and told them what I was propounding unto him; upon which, the Viseire swelling against me, answered instantly.  
Your majesty may now perceive that true which some of your servants have been bold to tell you, 
The viziers dissuasive opposition.  at the first coming of these Christians, and many times since, that they were sent to disquiet your majesties tranquillity of your state; and to embark you in dangerous enterprises for others interresses. For what likelihood was there, that a Gentleman of quality, without some great disaster fallen him, should take such a voyage, so full of dangers and expenses, upon a fame of a Prince, spread by ordinary Merchants? Since I know, he could never have spoken with men of better quality in those parts, which could have known your majesty: And if it were true, that such a motion, only, had brought him; why should he not give time to the growing of his better fortunes, by your majesties Munificencies and favours; without drawing himself into the danger, to be a persuader of a perilous enterprise: than which, he cannot be so ignorant, as to understand no way to be so precipitious for himself; But because it is enjoined him, he must do it; without regard to your majesty, to whom he is only, newly, bound, for present benefits; which he careth but to enjoy, until he hath entangled you in his designs: and then will he rely upon those, to whom he oweth greater obedience, for more permanent benefits, and greater through so great a merit. God keep your Maiestly from giving care to his persuasions, which carry nothing with them but extreme peril: The Turk having been a heavy neighbour to your majesties state, when it was found through a long peace, and when your predecessors were abundant in money, which is the heart of the wars, and the sinews which bind together an estate. Your majesty hath now a certain peace with him, and that the more certain through his necessity, which assureth you of time to gather treasure and all kind of strength against him, if he should break the faith of his truce, or move against you hereafter. That it is just, honourable, and profitable for your majesty, perhaps I may agree; though it be a question, whether it be just, or honourable, to break a peace, without a just occasion given. But howsoever, it is more wisdom for your majesty to find a better, and more fit time which shall furnish you with all necessary provisions for so great an enterprise: And further, I say, if the Turks government be corrupted, give it more time, and the sickness will increase. Is he incapable? his years are too many to make him amend; therefore by giving yourself time, you lose nothing; he will be incapable still. But Sinan Bassa was a great name; So was Mustapha; and so was Osman; and so hath he many now; so that his state doth neither stand nor decline, with his defects, as long as he hath worthy men to maintain it. His Countries are full of rebellion; These are Rumours with which wise men are never moved: since they grow by reports, and diminish by experience. And if they be true, let him consume with his own malady: and your majesties designs, (whensoever you shall resolve of them) will pass with the more facility. How dangerous a thing it is to embrace divers and continual action, your majesties greatest wisdom can better tell you then I; your Tartars have but newly felt the offence of your arms; they are far from being well tasted, or at all secured with your majesties government: begin a war with the Turk, (in which must be engaged the uttermost of your strength) what other opinion is to be had of them, but that, like old enemies, and freshly more than ever offended they will rebel, and infest you with the greatest resolutions that extreme enemies can? And again, Where is your majesties treasure? where is your munition? and where is your Artillery: all which must be had for a war; and though your fortune, and the nature of the country (which hath no strong places) did not require them against the Tartars, yet of necessity, you must have them against the Turk, who hath a fortress in Tauris, Tifflis and Vannes, strong places; and never moveth his Armies, but full of Artillery: which you must also have, if you mean to proceed honourably, and with condign fortune against him.  
Moreover, for you to send, and beg an Amity of the Christian Princes, what a sit persuasion is it for your majesties greatness? which notwithstanding, if you were compelled by necessity, somewhat from yourself, yet necessity would make it tolerable: But for you to seek them which have need of you, there is so little reason, that he hath sinned against your power, person, and state, which hath propounded it. Your majesty may, in your too great benignity, pass over your just indignation for such acouncell: but we know what it meriteth.  
There is behind you, Lar, and Ormus, the one a kingdom fomentated as a bar between you and the Portugals: and the other, which is usurped, from a king anciently tributary to your predecessors. Whilst your majesty maketh yourself ready for the greater, begin with the lesser enterprise. Nothing will give you more honour than that; First, to vindicate those places, in which your religion is oppressed; and by that, justify the more whatsoever you shall enterprise. If this Christian can give you these; if he can give you abundance of all other wants, if he can give you Hostages from his Kings, that they shall not in Hungary alone, but in other places also, fasten upon that huge body of the Turk; and that they shall neither make peace nor truce with him, except your majesties consent concur, that nothing may be defective in so great an action: And that your majesty may be secure, that the weight of all shall not wholly fall upon yourself; then your majesty shall have some foundation to deliberate on. Otherwise, I think neither his persuasions to be hearkened to, nor himself to be retained: who showeth by his sudden beginning, that no favour, grace, nor benefits from your majesty, can acquit his mind from stirring you against your own peace, tranquillity and security of your state and person.  

The Persian general his answer to the viziers dissuasive.  Oliver dican answered, that there was difference between a proposition which was only moved to be counseled of, and a persuasion. That he thought I counseled nothing, (much less persuaded) but only propounded that to the king, which if it were not then fit to be executed, for reasons that I knew not in the present condition of the King's affairs; yet I deserved not so bitter a censure: since Princes ought to hear all, and elect the best; and for that elections sake, to animate all to speak freely. And because it hath pleased his majesty to give you, and me, and all of us, leave to speak, as it is all our duties to say what we think: so our places are of such a condition, that our powers are nothing in resolving: but only in discoursing before his majesty, those things which in the truth of our consciences, we think meetest for his service. And if convenient and necessary things be propounded, by a Christian, by a Jew, or by the worst man living; not only in religion, but the very disposition of his life, I see no cause why you, nor I, nor any should reject that which is good for the ills sake; since Princes must, and aught, make their benefit of all men: not regarding what they are, but how they may serve them. This Christian hath come from far, and through great dangers (he faith) through his affection, growing from the excelling fame of his majesty; and should not I think, that his glory is worthy to be carried as far as tongues of men go? And shall not I think, also, that a Merchant speaking of his virtues, is not enabled beyond his spirit, raised by such a subject, to show it like itself, not like his own merchandise? And why should I judge him sent by any, when he hath not assumed to himself the honour, dignity, nor privileges of an Embassdour in a strange country, where no man would neglect any thing which might advance his quality, or security? But he hath only put himself upon the King's favour; and what he hath proposed, hath proceeded rather from a mind, to merit by some good act, that favour, than a demonstration of other dependence: for having given himself to the king, to serve him without limitation of time, but as long as it shall please his majesty to serve himself of him, he showeth plainly, that he hath included his hope of fortune, and benefit by this, or any other action, within the compass only of his majesties gracious benignity. And serving his majesty in this, or any other employment, which his majesty will vouchsafe to make use of him, If he do it as a stranger, he hath no hope, but in the merit of his own virtue, which must be discerned and rewarded by his majesty; if he serve as a Prince of his majesty (as now by his great magnificency he beareth the title and place; the same virtue must ever confirm and advance his favour, and the same king must judge and reward it. And this I have said in a double duty; first, to maintain the act of his majesties great judgement, which cannot mistake itself in the distribution worthily of his favours; then in that of hospitality, to answer justly for a Gentleman, come to our home, where we are all bound to defend him from wrong: especially bearing about him so great a privilege as a true affection to our king.  
But now to speak of the proposition, the Viseirs objections against it: as I do think them worthy of so wise a man; yet because particular factions do sometimes blind men, both in counciling, and deliberating: So questionless his great judgement hath been much clouded with some of those; which have made him err directly in the judgement of some things; and to misconceive of the main purpose generally of the proposition. For no man's intention is to be judged to stretch beyond possibility: So that whatsoever was propounded to his majesty as necessary, honourable, and profitable for him, and his state, included withal that wellunderstanding intention, that it would please his majesty to provide, in the firmness of his wisdom and council, condignly for it: if he want treasure, to gather it; if he want munition & artillery, to make quantity of both: which must indeed require a time for the act; not the resolution upon the act. Without which his majesty (as he shall have no great cause himself) & his Ministers will be less diligent in the expedition of all such provisions; of which (to say the truth) that huge mass of money is of least importance; his majesty being able to make in the time of this Turks distraction (and if his whole power were also united) a sufficient Army of his Timarri, and such as he already payeth, upon the Frontier, to proceed with any great design against him. For admit he should (upon the moving of the King's Armies) come to any foul conditions of peace in Hungary, as it is unlike that he will; yet there must be so much time between the proposition and concluding of the peace, and removing of his Army thence, and transporting it hither, that any great thing will be first effected, before any obstacle will appear against it. But in reason, he should rather endure any unreasonable loss this way, than the least there: For (besides that his principal parts are altogether disposed on that side; in so much that the danger of Hungary doth extend itself to Constantinople) we are even of the self same, or little different religion, so that the wars cannot proceed with a mortal hatred and desire of extirpation, which beareth with it so much the less danger: and as it is the more facile to be satisfied, so easier and less perilous conditions will ever end it. That Tauris, Tistis, Vannes, are strong places, I do not deny it; but withal I know that the strength of no place can maintain itself against the power & fury, and the ordinary miseries brought by the wars, without a certain succour; which I cannot see how they can be confident of. The Tartars you say are newly conquered, and will rebel with such a great opportunity: surely I take that opportunity the only direct means to answer them, nothing breeding discontentments to a dangerous breaking forth, so much as idleness, and the continual sight of that which they take to be their oppression. Therefore his majesty having an army of thirty thousand men there, and from thence drawing forth thirty thousand Tartars of the best able for the wars, the province must be most assured; the means and chief actors of innovation being in his majesties army; and their wives, children, and parents, in pawn with their country for their true serving his majesty in his wars: which he did think so necessary for the King to undertake, that he made no difference between putting his state in extreme peril, and the not undertaking of them; counseling his majesty to do in that point, as all wise Princes use to do, not only to have regard to the present evils but to the future, and to repair them with all industrious providence: because that by seeing them, and preventing them a far off, the remedy might be applied with great facility and good effect; but by expecting them until they bear down all by their great weight with them, their cure will be taken & used out of time, the sickness being grown to incurable terms: as the physicians say of the hectic fever, which in his first entrance into the body is easy to be cured and hard to be known, but through the continuance of time with the rancour of the disease by not having known it, & applied remedy in the beginning, it changeth the first order, and groweth itself facile to be known and impossible to be remedied: so doth it occur in matters of state; for foreseeing with wise providence, the evils which rise toward it, there is no difficulty in avoiding them; but when from either neglect or ignorance of preventing them they palisate themselves to every man's understanding, there is no more remedy familiar with our reason securely available against them. Which maketh me be bold to say, that since the inconveniences which his majesty must suffer by the Turk are so apparent, he must resolve and strengthen his mind and means to remove them, and not to give them greater power to follow him by avoiding a war: since you may know that the war cannot be absolutely taken away, but deferred only with the enemy's advantage. Neither will I ever be advised by that which is always in the mouth of the wise men of these days, which is to enjoy the benefit of time; but will say and ever think, that Every Prince, and every man should make use of his own virtue and wisdom, seeing time driving every thing before it doth ordinarily produce as often good as ill, & ill as good. And why it should at any time diminish the reputation of his majesties greatness to invite the Prince's Christian to so honourable and great an action, I cannot discern, when it is one of the greatest foundations of a Prince's reputation to raise himself to the greatest enterprises, in which his judgement may not be mistaken in the possibility of effecting them. And since it is necessary for his majesty to combine himself with them for his own strength and reputation, if either he attempt the Turk, or be attempted by him, why should it not be more honourable and more facile for him, for the accomplishment of his ends, to speak unto them in their necessity (if there be any of either part) and so to link himself the stronglier with them by such a bond; then in his own necessity, in which condition there is a great question whether he shall be heard. Lastly, how strange a conclusion you have made, I will desire you to behold with better consideration. You will not have the King to make war with the Turk, to avoid expense of money and munition, where the best parts and most plentiful of both countries are confining, which would give abundance, and cheaper living to an army; but you will have him go to Larre, to Ormus, sterile countries far removed, where the charges only of supplying victuals to an army, would be of more cost than all other munition and expense of the army beside. And beside; there is no danger of the King of Spain, who hath ever held a fashion of maintaining himself rather then increasing. Besides the nature of his force is of a contrary quality to give us fear of his too great enlargement, having neither abundance of horse nor men, but only galleys which assure his forts, with which also he is sufficiently contented. And how wearying out a war to his majesties treasure, and men, that must be where he must fight but at the enemy's pleasure and advantage, the strength of his enemy standing upon the Sea, in which the King hath no sort of show of power, he submitted to his majesties wisest consideration: besides the infinite danger by the nature of the lying of the state of the Turks and the King of Spain's, and the essential of their potenties were of such a condition, that whatsoever was diminished from his majesties, or the King of Spain's, was an absolute addition to the Turk; who by that advantage of the weakening each others forces, should have a more facile entry upon any one or both of them. And that it was well proved by his majesties predecessors, that there was not a more main upholder of the beginning, and foundation of their state nor manner of preserving it (which was all they could do) than that league which united both their forces ever against the common enemy. And now that God and the great virtue of his majesty had so augmented the limits of his dominion, that he had power joined with true justice and necessity, to recover those usurped provinces which the Turk held from him (In which action nothing could more secure him, than first, an assured relative friendship between the Prince's Christian and him generally, and particularly the forces of the King of Spain's by Sea in those parts) it should be a strange counsel to persuade his majesty to make war with him whom he had ever profited by, and to offend all in offending him; and voluntarily to enable the Turk in whatsoever he would undertake against him: which must needs be by all reason & judgement his enemy. Which made him beseech his majesty to continue that so commodious friendship unto him, and to strengthen himself with new, to fomentate those rebellions, which were no rumours, (one of those that were in arms being Moombaregue a Prince tributary to his majesty; the others, though no men of great quality, yet of great happiness in their proceed) and to provide for all things necessary for so great an enterprise: for which, though the Vicesire were otherwise persuaded, nothing did more facilitate the judgement of his good success, than the Prince of the Turks own incapacity; Nothing having ever been proved more certain, then that the Ministers of any Prince do ever symbolise with their master's virtues or vices; and that men of extraordinary virtue with them, have ever little power, or little time: suspicion being the best preserver of their defects, which ever aimeth at those who have more virtue than themselves, as fearing them most. A discourse proved true by the miserable end of all those named, and by many examples which he would leave unrehearsed, as things that never bore more credit than the faith of the hearer gave them. And so left off, humbly beseeching his majesty to pardon his boldness and freeness which were ever the birth of true zealous devotion: he had only expressed what he thought, his majesty might please to resolve of that he thought honourable, secure, and profitable for his state and person. The causes of his danger from the Turk he spoke not of, first touched by me, and apparent to all. The king than commanded Baslan-Aga to speak freely also what he thought, who after a reverence unto him, having repeated the arguments past, commended them all (as it is his fashion apparently to offend no body: but what he doth in that quality is secretly) and then as though he meant no such matter, dividing what he would speak into two points, 
The great Chamberlain's speech.  the war, and my person, he proceeded thus. This proposition by the wisdom of his majesty resting doubtful, so that none of us by knowing which way his own disposition inclineth, have any sort of constraint, either by fearing to oppose our opinions against what his will intended, or by a desire to raise our judgements into a better conceit of favour, by making them to symbolise with his, giveth us so great liberty of deliberation, that if we speak not well to the purpose, at least we shall speak truly what we think. I say then that all wars are either made upon the Confines of the States which move them: or far from the Confines of the maker of them, by penetrating further into the main body of him upon whom they are made. And it is not possible for any to use great arms or small a long time, which have not a fountain of great revenues from at home, and a foundation of great plenty in the field. For as without sinews the members of this compact of our body cannot move; and if they do, show a stirring only, for a testimony of their life, which may be in them; yet that moving is unperfect both in vigour and continuance: So arms neither can be gathered, neither can they be appropriated to necessary designs, nor maintained united in any enterprise without a river of money which may refresh them in convenient time, and make swim after them munitions, victuals, and other necessary provisions both for the sustenance of every particular body, and importing to the good purpose and effect of the management of their arms. And because the revenues of just and good Princes, (as the faculties of the subjects from whom they are derived) are limited; and drawing without measure for one year or two huge quantities of money out of their estates, their countries will remain poor and exhausted of gold and silver. From whence proceedeth that wars of such a condition as cannot be ended near at hand, but draw (through the necessity of perfecting them well when they are once begun) the Prince and the army a far off; neither can be undertaken nor continued, but by Princes who have infinite treasures acumulated through long times providence, or never-ending mines (for other sort of ordinary abundance of what greatness soever it be, will be dried up and vanish; and a short time bringeth it to an end) the times of peace gathering by minutes that which the war spendeth by hours: and one year of war consumeth the fruits of many years of peace. Mustapha Bashaw, when Soliman deliberated of the wars which he made with our great king Ishmael, told him that before he resolved of it, that there were four torrents to be opened; the one of men, the other of victuals, the other of munition, the other of money: and in all he said well, but in the last best. For if every sort of war require mighty expense, questionless such a one doth it most, which is carried far from your own home, where the nourishment of your own country may subminister abundance and cheapness to your people: which the Turk proved true: for having undertaken that war more upon the Confidence of his resolution then good council, being a Prince of so great power, he so consumed his treasure that he was compelled to abase the allay of his Gold and silver: and for all that to raise the price to the double value: and to comport it with the falsification of money, and many such great inconveniencies; for which the janissaries rushed into strange mutinies, and many perilous successes followed: yet had he Timarri as your majesty hath; but when the length & quality of the war devoured them faster than their ability was to bear, the Prince was constrained if he would use them, to give them means of sustenance also: & your majesty which hath a state as yet exceeding feeble, and scarce recovered from a mortal sickness, is so much unable to bear the burden of such a war, that by over weakening it in drawing from it that small vital sustenance which it hath, it may (which God forbidden) occasion the last ruin of it; like a sick body, which aggravated with the ill of the disease, looseth his natural vigour. Therefore great fortunes and victories sometimes when they meet not with the mind of that excellent wisdom and virtue, that is able to use them judiciously and temperately, are the most powerful means of the ruin of the Prince and state: when being carried away with the confidence solely of a continuing felicity, they embrace more than they can possibly clasp: and the mischiefs which succeed of such ill measured wars fall not only upon the Prince, but are pernicious also to his poor people, when through their ambitions and cupidities they are Authors and stirrers of new perturbations. Your majesty hath now assured yourself from all such ruins, as heretofore kept you from uniting yourself either for your defence against the Turk, or offence when your general force might make you able for such a resolution; and that which is more, those men, which were accustomably used against you, are added to your own power: your wants are money, munitions, artillery, which you have time enough to provide abundantly, by the greatness, unity, and wealth, of your own Dominions: and the Turks present distractions, troubles, and general corruptions, which in natural discourse are likelier to increase by time then decrease. For Good and I'd have in the government of men this difference between themselves, that Good though it be brought forth by time, yet it is not renewed by time; and though by our studies and industries it be maintained, it corrupteth notwithstanding by degrees of itself, and finally of itself, also extinguisheth; as we may read and see in the succeedings of all states and of all Sects: the contrary of which appeareth in Ill, since it doth not waste by little and little through the wearing of time, as Good doth; but rather increaseth to a more powerful validity, and by easy passages riseth to the extremity of declination. So that having such assurance of the working of time in that quality with which the Turk is already infected, Your majesty may reponder and resolve at leisure of the proceeding of your enterprise: only provide means to establish and perfect it when it shall be concluded. This Christian hath brought with him a Founder of artillery: let him be useful to your majesty in something; and let us your servants have the comfort to see some good fruit of your infinite magnificency. In the mean time, by deferring your deliberation, Your majesty shall ever have advantage to determine by the progress and success of things, and so shall you either move or stand what way soever you incline unto, more surely founded. For your majesties sending to the Prince's Christian, I give also the same counsel to beware of error by acceleration, since if they be great, and have need of colligating themselves with your majesty (as your need of them shall never be without theirs of you, both rising from the same, either the Turks potency to sustain him jointly, or his impotency to dissolve him jointly) they I say without once measuring obligations, honour done, or benefits past, for their present interest will ever embrace your favour and friendship, at what time soever it shall be offered. If they be Princes of no great power in themselves, their suspicion, fear, and jealousy will naturally induce them to combine themselves with your majesty, or any Prince of a porportionable power for such an effect, for the ruin and destruction of a more powerful enemy. That this Christian doth insist to have it done now, I cannot discern his reason; for if his condition be good in his own country, it is unlikely that for the enjoying of any other fortune he will perpetually banish himself from thence, and would be glad to have such a demonstration there of his valour and fortune, to have been able to persuade a great King of Persia to such an act: in which if the books of our former Kings err not, many great Kings, or at least Kings, have failed. For the present using of your majesties soldiers to keep them in practice and not to suffer their courage to be overcome with too much and too long ease, You have two ways; one to change often your army in Corassane; the other to employ them toward Larr and these parts; which is a most just, facile, and profitable enterprise. For taking of Larr, you shall bring those of Ormus to an acknowledgement both of tribute and homage to you, which will give a great satisfaction to your subjects, by that beginning conceiving a hope of greater things: and be the more assured of them and their help, if you need it hereafter, by the nearer you are to prejudice them, if they should not be apt to serve you: and the expense can be nothing against a small King, the Tymarri only of Syraz sufficing for that enterprise. But as I have said thus much by your majesties commandment only, so I will never make myself an obstinate author of a council: but humbly submit what I have said to your majesties excelling judgement, and the resolution of your determination to God's direction, and your wisdom; and the execution to his great providence and your majesties infinite virtue. And (laughing upon me) Son (said he) have I not said true of your mind? When he had ended, I beseeched his majesty to vouchsafe to hear me once more; which he said was needless, & the day far spent: therefore since every man had already spoken their opinion he would also say somewhat of his own, and refer the farther deliberation of things until an other time. The proposition which Beza Antonio (saith he) made unto me, 
The King's censure & conclusion of the consultation.  is questionless in itself such an one, as I must not only thank him for propounding it, by which it hath received life, but I must also provide for the execution of it, that the life which it hath may be used to good purpose. The force of the Turk consisteth in cavalry, infantry, galleys, artillery, munitions, money. And the cause why they proceeded not in their war against this state in my father's time, was not either the death of Osman Bassa, nor their diversion into Hungary, but that ancient art by the which they ever carried their wars; which hath been always to offend and prevent an enemy; to use exceeding celerity in all their enterprises; to have their forces in perpetual readiness; not to attempt two enterprises at one time, and if it were possible, not to be troubled with them at one time; not to spend the benefit of time, and their men & treasure upon matters of small importance: and not to continue a war long with any, to avoid by such a means the informing by practise any Prince or his people in the exercise of arms. Which if it have otherwise happened in Hungary, it proceedeth rather from the obstination of the Prince's Christian, then from any part of his own desire. I (said the king) want footmen, artillery, and money, which I must make ready; the Turks never having advantage upon my people through their valour, but only by that defect. Galleys I have none; therefore since they must be necessary for some purpose, of which the wars may bring forth the occasion; and perhaps also of necessity; and I can only hope for them of the Portugeses: it will be an ill counsel to offend them in any point, and then afterward upon a new treaty to rely upon them in so great a case, and in which my necessity may also concur. For the Turks present state, and the judgement of his future, it is a thing facile to make, and hard to err in; since, by the ordinary course of the working causes of mutations of states, when a government doth proceed from suffering the first abuses, to confirm them in the most part of the state, a few intelligent instruments are not sufficient to bear the weight of the disorders, and to correct them; being the nature of men, when they fly from one extreme to run headlong without any mediocrity into another: by which the Turks extreme obedience is become a direct despisablenesse of his person and authority. And this Prince's incapacity must be in this point the ruin of their state, diffusing the like infection into the members, for such as is the Prince, such are his greater ministers, & such are his people. Then whether I give myself time or no time, for what belongeth unto him, that may perhaps be all one, since his being as he is, or worse, showeth facility enough for the well proceeding of any enterprise fundamentally designed against him. Yet many times general rules fail in particular subjects, and a new Prince may & can reform those disorders; but the time in truth which my own wants force me to take (and not these arguments which are no other than arguments) shall show that I am not defective in those points, in which he is. But that which I begin shall have the extract of it from sound counsel, and the ending from as perfect virtue, if I or my people have it. For the flame of our war once breaking forth (believe it) will not be so facilely extinguished, both, because great Princes difficilly speak of peace while they feel themselves able to make wars; and the diversity of our religion will strive with a more mortal rancour than contraries. Therefore I must strengthen myself by all possible ways to bear the fury of it: which must be done by the enabling and augmentation of my forces, changing the orders of my own militia, to such as are properest for the enemy which I propound to myself; establishing the government of my country in such a sort, that the general abundance may without the feeling of a heavy exaction replenish my treasures; cause plentiful provisions of artillery, arms and munitions; and add to these internal powers of my own, those of the Princes either by protection or league: of which the first sort, I mean I have already the Georgians being all under my protection: but it is a weak help, I being bound by that condition to defend them upon my charge, and they unable to assist me, except upon the same also. And though it be true that they bring me a fashion of reputation, yet is it such a reputation as hath no essential point of foundation: but only serveth me by ignorance of the quality, in which they are unto me, rather than in the substance and strength. Leagues are usually of more appearance than effect, and of more splendour in the beginning, then of profit or durableness in the end (so many accidents causing disunion, suspicion, or some other ill quality amongst confederates) yet when a league is made for preservation against the common peril rising from a potent enemy, and when divers bodies are moved to one end, and with one consent, and not one body with divers consents, and every one of these having particular respect to a divers end, and when if there be any thing acquisited the distribution of the members of that body is such, upon whom the acquest is to be made, that there is no possible pretendence from one to the others getting; I do not see but that such a league must bring substantial reputation, and general commodity that will not be subjecteth to any common accident of dissolution. For the Tartars which I have as subjecteth if I were Oliver Di-Chan, Haldenbeague, ●r Bas●an-Ag●, I could think of few better means to assure myself of their rebellions, than those which they have propounded: except one addition of suffering them to enjoy their ancient order, laws, and their particular course of justice. But as I am borne with a mind of another constitution, I can secure them better by giving them to their own natural Prince, and him to them. For to whose father I was so much bound, that through the royalty of his disposition I hold my life, & had the beginning of what I am, I can do little for the son, & no grateful act at all for the memory of the father, if I cannot give him a kingdom which is the least part of what I am. 
The King's conclusion of the consultation..  To conclude as good deliberations in their many points, must be grounded upon the example of the past, the experience of the present, and the judgement of the future and the Turk hath been ever heavy to my State in long passed, and late passed times, and is now by some accidents partly proceeding from himself, partly from others (in all likelihood) easy to be perpetually assured: which point of time that giveth so good an occasion if it be let pass, may give him power (for a mind he can nor will never want) to be untolerable again hereafter; or if not untolerable, at the least dangerous. We have two great powers of our minds, the one a wise power of understanding, by which we penetrate into the knowledge of things; the other a strong power of resolving, by which we execute things well understood: and now that we have judged of all, we must resolve of somewhat; and of that which is probabliest best. Therefore our necessity, our honour, and our justice calling us against the Turk, and since with all these concurreth so good an opportunity: he must be the main end of which we will determine: and because to prepare us to that end amongst many other circumstances, the sending to the Prince's Christian hath been intimated as one of the most necessary: we shall do well in the general good use which we must make of this interposition of time, to do also that. For though it be true, that their interesses will ever make such a proposition acceptable: yet where there is a proffer of such a condition, as beareth with it a kind of Obligation, as it is of mere honourable fashion for us, so it addeth grace and reputation and more strength to it, or any such like purpose. For neither will I rely so much upon my own power, or fortune, or the present benefit which I mean to bestow upon these of Corasan, that I will forget I have offended them, and to arm myself with all the best advise I can against the sinister working of any fortune. Neither will I so much prejudicate the opinion, which I desire the world (without vain ostentation) should hold of me, & my ministers, as that my enterprises should not have a way given them by the wisest & best weighed counsel, and perfect concurrence made between my fortune well judging of my counsel, and all proper occasions. As for Mirza Antonio (for so he ever called me) what he is to me vou all must know, and my estimation of him: which I assure myself to be grounded upon a good and true judgement, since he hath been the first and only propounder of the manifest point of all other, which doth or may concern me most. So for that matter of sending in which there is more diversity of opinions about the form of circumstance, then essential matter of substance, I will remit it to his fidelity and true affection to me, to dispose as he shall in those two great works in a noble mind, find meetest for my honour, and convenient, & certainest for the effecting. Yet this must I tell you and him, which hath not yet been thought of, That a great Prince, as I am, must receive a denial for an injury: and I had rather not know them at all, then with knowing them to be also offended by them; though (this I say also) that he cannot be judged to have authority to command their wills, therefore must be blameless in all, except in the lightness of his imagination, upon which slender occasion he ought not, for the credit of his own judgement, to have form a counsel. Before I could frame one word of reply, he rose, and having talked a little while alone with Xathmascolibeague, he called my interpreter, and held him some quarter of an hour in a very earnest speech: which was, to command him (as he afterwards told me) not to let me know what his Viseire had said against me, but charged him to animate me to love his people, and also to confirm (in all he could) my affection & well-hearted intention to his own service. 
The Persian viziers complement with Sir Anthony Sherley.  After he was retired, the Viseire came unto me, and having saluted me with a goodly fashion of courtesy, he began to desire me not to be offended, that his being curious of his majesties good, had stirred in him so violent a desire, that through it he had mistaken me, and the true aspect of my ends. But as there was ever a good remedy for all known errors, and especially for the most accelerated, so there should be in his towards me all the best and careful service, which he might possibly do unto me. And though I stood in need of little help to put forward the King's affection towards me, yet he assured me, that in all due and fit opportunities he would not be wanting to perform the uttermost part of a true friend, in that or any thing else which might protend my good. I did make all the show I could to believe him; commended his zeal to his king; and withal desired him to have a constant opinion, that my good intention to his service also might misled my judgement of some things, but the truth of my heart never. Therefore I desired him, that if I did err also in such a point, it would please him to correct me as a father, and not to oppose against the rising of my fortune as an enemy, since I knew my hopes to be of small time or expectation if they must wrestle with his power and wisdom: also that I knew his virtue too great to envy a man which could not grow at all, but under him, and that I knew a good desert of myself towards him in the conscience of my most affectionate respective disposition, which would never fail to make very perfect demonstrations of itself unto him, in all worthy occasions which should either offer themselves, or he should command. And so were parted with a mutual show of great satisfaction, which I know now of us both had.  
That night Courchi Bassa arrived at the Court; and next day as the king told me, accompanied with the Viseir & Bastan. Aga persuaded him again, not against making him ready for the war against the Turk, if he should be counseled unto it by any good advantage, or forced by the Christians peace with him: but (because his majesty was almost determined that way) to use all the best means, first to weaken him without showing himself purposely an actor in it. (And that was to be done by encouraging his rebels, and by breaking as much as he could the trade and commerce into his dominions, which subministred unto him both the sinews of his war, and those also which did bind the body of his state together.) That Mombarecke (which held of his majesty the principality of Sustane; of the Turk Giziwr, and the deserts from Balsaracke to Damascus with the least convenence of his majesty, would continue his arms against the Turk, and make all those passages so infestuous, that neither Bagdet nor Damascus should receive the commodity, of any of those caravans of Merchants which usually came to them from Balsarah: by which the Turk should lose every year two millions of Entrata. For the Portugeses (if his majesty would please to judge indifferently) it was as likely that they would mislike his too great increase as the Turk, and so much the more as they were less able to resist him, than the Turk was; Larr and Nicolow joined together: whereof by taking the one, he did more assure any moving of theirs against him; and if they meant him well they could not be offended at the nearness of his neighbourhood. And engaging the other in some actions against the Turk as to rob, spoil, and hinder the traffic of the Arabian gulf, and such like should by such an act make him desperate of the Turk; and so join him through his own necessity surely to him: and though he were otherwise of no great importance, yet by his bordering upon the sea, & his men's expertness of the sea, he was to be made in that point very profitable hereafter, and a good instrument for the present (and every small addition of force, or means gathereth reputation to all great actions) when the time were fit that they should appear partials to to his majesty. And for sending an Ambassador to the Prince's Christian, he thought it first against his dignity to offer himself unto them, who in their need of him through their pride neglected once to speak unto, or with his majesty. Then in the well carrying of his other purposes, which would be palesated by so main a cause of suspicion. Therefore that his majesty must either determine to break presently with the Turk, not which he could; or else to give him no apparent suspicion of any such inclination or carriage of things: by which he should win time to make his own provisions with good foundation, and keep the Turk unfurnished; ever, nourishing him with so wise artifice, that he might be secured from any opinion of such moving the time nor nothing else promising felicity to his actions so much as the wise using of the time, and of those things which, were offered him.  
What the king replied I know not (having received this opinion of Courtchi Bassa from the king himself, who by that and other eternal contrary counsels was so much distracted in his own resolution as a prince that desireth to do great things, and them also well determines not suddenly upon fair hopes, but carrieth his hopes to perfection by the working of his wisdom: so that many days after, when I would begin to enter into a new discourse of those deliberations, he would presently turn himself to speak of other matters. In this fashion more than one month passed, in which I had no comfort of my desire, but only that which Xa-Thamas Colibeague & Oliver Diego Chan gave me, and the kings exceeding favour which rather increased then decreased towards me.  
In this time (as though all the strength of that ill spirit, who ever raiseth the uttermost of his skill and power to prevent all good purposes had conspired to overthrow the well proceeding of this good business) There came news to the Court, that Mahomet-Aga general of the janissaries of Bagdat was entered into the King's Confines, as Ambassador from the Turk, with a rich present, and marvelous honourable train: And that those of Ormus had stayed by force sixteen slaves which were sent by the great Mogore to the king; with nine other which Oliver Di-Chan had bought in those parts, and the merchants for their more security had sent them with those of the kings. This raised the courages of those which opposed themselves to the main business, alienated mightily the hearts of Oliver Di-Chan, and Xa-Tamas Colibeague from all, and exasperated the king himself so much against them, that his ordinary speech was no other, but that he would shortly learn them to have a respect unto him, which did so exceedingly fill my very soul with perplexity, and anxiety, that I fell into a very dangerous sickness, in which the king never failed daily to visit me himself; and finding that the recordation of those things did aggravate both the grief of my mind, and unquiet of my body, he forbade that any in my presence should speak more of it, but only comfort me with all sort of discourse of recreation, with so royal and so gracious a regard, that he showed apparently enough, that few accidents could dispose his mind from any reasonable contentment which he might give me. In the mean time Mahomet-Aga arrived at the Court, whom the king sent his Viseire and Courtchibassa to meet accompanied with a thousand horse of the principal of the Court, and of the city. These (no question) gave him large instructions, and as large hopes; which if he had guided also rightly, he might have done his Master great service, and himself infinite honour: but through his own too hasty greediness, assurance, and desire, he prevented himself whilst he strived first beyond that which was indifferently good, then beyond that which was better, and at the last beyond all reasonable (and I think his own) hopes. For first being proudly confident upon the greatness of his Master; then upon the difficulty of the king of Persians present estate, to be moved to offend so potent a neighbour; then upon so great and strong a faction in the Court; besides having heard by them that the King's mind was altered from those of Ormus, and that Oliver Chan also was then likewise alienated from his first censure through the particular wrong done unto himself, or else that he changed the inclination of his mind according to the corrupt condition of all Courts, in which the love of obsequiousness to the Prince, and fitting themselves to their appetites (by that means to strengthen their own emulations) is more power-able than the fear to do ill, and the working of their own consciences: or else that in all things there is a certain revolution; and as there are movings of times, so there are also vartations in our minds and fashions. Making himself strong in his assurance upon these foundations, etc. upon the weakness of his opposition, which was left much enfeebled by the distraction of Oliver Di-Chan, he left the right way of moving by degrees so great a business to carry it even without agitation or danger: And as though with knowing the circumstances he had attained the end, he overthrew his master's intention, his own honour, and almost lost his life, if the kings infinite clemency had not either despised or pitied his error.  
Neither do I set down these things with so particular a care for my own sake to make either my work the greater, or to make an ostentation of any thing which was not, but because in all discourses which I have seen given forth for the world's better understanding of those things which one man hath compiled out of the largeness of his reading or experience, it hath been a good and necessary use to set down the nature of the people treated of, & in what sort they might be or were temperately governed, and how much was learned of the Princes and great men's disposition, judgement and skill in ruling; by which course, they which observed it, were accounted wise and prudent understanders of the times & places which they conversed in: so in this time of greater corruption where all contrary examples not seen, nor known by us, may breed a wonder, by that rareness of others virtues, and by that, a detestation of our own familiar vices, which give few amongst us the wisdom to make a true distinction of honesty from dishonesty, & that which is justly profitable from that which is unjustly harmful; by which means may be gathered more and better profit by other men's foreign experience, than those examples in which they are daily exercised. But as such a fashion of declaration will be of the best sort of use, so I am not ignorant with how little delight and credit, it will be accompanied. For to relate the situation of of countries, the variable events of the acts of great Princes and captains, these do detain and revive, as it were the minds of the readers. I speak only of a good intention, tossed with the tempests, first of many desperate calamities; then with many potent oppositions; the justice, wisdom, temperance, liberality, valour, mercifulness, and generality of all excellent virtues in a Prince esteemed by us barbarous, and yet indeed fit to be a pattern and mirror to some of ours, who have Christ in our mouths, and not the least of his Saints in our hearts. Besides the variety of his fortune's disposition, bridled and brought to a good inclination by the force of his wisdom and goodness, and true experience of the power of fortune: in which discourse there is no alteration of matter; the subject being ever the person of the king, and his excelling virtues: which I had rather speak of, to point out by them the happiness of his state, then to see a far off the miseries of some of ours swimming in blood, full of cruel commandment, continual accusations, false friendships, the ruin of innocents, implacable factions, and pernicious ends of things: contrary to that which ought to be with us of a better profession; and is with those which we despise.  
But to return to my purpose. Mahomet-Aga being arrived at the Court: and refreshed some small time, the day of his audience was honoured with all the Princes of the King's Court, and myself being too weak through my long sickness, the king commanded that my brother should be present also; where after a magnificent oration of his master's potency in all conditions of force, he told the king, 
The proud message delivered by the Turks ambassador to the King of Persia  that he was sent to admonish him to remain constant in the truce with his Master; to require restitution of those Courdines which without licence had abandoned their possessions in his master's provinces, and contrary to the terms of amity were entertained by him. That his Master also demanded the restitution of Corassan to the former government in the alteration of which, though he knew his greatness and majesty violated, yet he could yield so much from what he ought to do to the king of Persias years and heat of valour; that he would content himself with that satisfaction. Then he advised him to force his nature, and cover this vain glimmering of fortune with judgement and good counsel; which ever would advise him to maintain and preserve his estate, rather with wary then violent counsels. This his Master demanded of him to obliterate (by the facile granting of it) all greater injuries; wished his majesty to consider well of the demand, the condition of the demander and his own: Denials ever to such Potentates being received for main offences; that it was ever a wise determination to yield to the authority of time, and necessity, and to avoid by that good judgement, urgent perils, and sinister conditions: nothing being a more secure repair, then to strike satle against insupportable tempests, it many times happening that the too great valour of men used with too great confidence is bitterly persecuted, and sometimes oppressed with an unhappy course of fortune: against the current of which, when once through error it breaketh, forth no human force, or wit can make any resistance. And because all men for the most part are blind in discerning the judgement of good or ill counsels, from their end, celebrating them when they prosper with a false argument from the success: his majesty should give a great example of true wisdom, not to be so much overborne with the present delight, or future hopes, extracted from those first prosperous successes, as not to be able to lift up his eyes to see the clouds which he had raised by some of them: which if they were not prevented, would break forth into extreme tempests. To conclude, he said that his majesty must be so far from thinking to weaken his master by cunning and by artifice, and so to keep his arms far from him; that he must resolve such courses to be servile: and to execute apparently and presently only, princely, and like himself; so that either he must prove himself a friend, or declare himself an enemy. The first would merit any private grace, which should be no sooner deserved then attained; the other would give glory and honour to the victor, ever dear and honest to the winner, precipitious and shameful to the loser. And not speaking of the invinciblenesse of his Master, God himself would judge the first unjust infringer of an amity sworn to his great name.  
The King without any thing moving from his accustomed gravity, tempering the justice of his indignation with the true magnanimity of his mind, answered him to this effect. 
The King of Persia's his answer to the Turk's ambassador.  That as the greatness of riches and treasure were oftentimes pernicious to Princes; so were abundance of men, and largeness of dominions, to such as were too weak to govern them: therefore that extolling the magnificency of his Master (which might breed wonder and terror in those who were not capable of greatness, was no mover of him to decline from any part of that which belonged to his own greatness. He had received the Courdines (oppressed by the tyranny of cruel ministers) into his protection; and as their coming to him proceeded of their own will, so their return from him should be voluntary, and not through his constraint. Corasan he had justly taken from an usurper, and would restore the lawful Prince, who should receive the benefit from his munificence: and not from any point of the Turks instance. But wherefore should he be bound to give a stricter account of his actions to the Turk, then became equal Princes to ask the one of the other; as though the laws of ruling had but one moderator, before whose tribunal they should be all presented? Tauris belonged to his predecessors; so did Sicruan, so did Dierbech; and what justice had his king to detain them? If none other but by the potency of his arms; the same point of justice he had also to preserve what he had already gotten: and to vindicate also those unjustly detained from him. If he will break the truce made between my father and him, and continued by my brother and me, upon so manifest unjust causes; as the war was never prosperously provoked against our state by his predecessors nor himself, but through some strange accident, error, or our own disunion: so believe that it will now break forth to his own destruction. Yet I do not deny but that I had rather, both to preserve what I have, and to recover what my ancestors have lost, by equity then blood; and by the force of reason, rather than of arms: which if I cannot, I will certainly amend by virtue what I have erred in by cunctation. My power and glory is yet sound whole, and more increased through the merit of Modesty, which was never yet despised by the greatest which have been among men: and is esteemed by God himself. Wresting of acts could not deceive others; which as they were made to God; so the judgement of their breaking or abusing would ever be in God, and his memory, care, and power. For Mahomet-Aga himself; though he had forfeited the privileges of an ambassador, by executing under that title a contrary office; if I should (said he) presently and condignly punish you, both the memory of your present fortune (into which pride and folly hath thrown you) and my glory would be darkened; and the punishment would be followed with a sudden forgetfulness; but if I free you (as I will) from your punishment, though I cannot from the fault, I shall be an eternal memory to the world of clemency, and leave you a great precept either of more judgement, or less employment: until you can make yourself fit for such a one as this, to which you have been unworthily elected.  
As I said before if he had used the opportunities (which he had) discreetly, he might have done his Master a notable service, and honoured himself much. Tor the King's great discontentment with those of Ormus, & the strong opposition of most of his counsel to any proposition against the Turk, did facilitate a way for him to have fashioned the king to any condition of firmer terms with his Master, than they had hitherto stood in. And though it was not likely that there could have been mediated a restitution of those Courdines, yet the loss of them had been small, being a people ever unstable in any certain habitation, neither having understanding of good, nor care of ill; proper ministers only of rapine, and to possess unproper places for civiller inhabitants: and he might easily have procured a restraint that none other hereafter should have done the like; if he had propounded it from his Master, disobliged him to the king of Persia, and restored the people's minds to their first dependence, being a Nation, though otherwise of doubtful faith, both through their own nature, and situation of their country, yet more inclined to the Turk then any both by the bond of the same religion, and hatred to the Persians.  
The next morning the king came unto me, and after some other discourses, 
The King of Persia agreeth to the persuasion of Sir Anthony Shirley.  he told me he had well considered of my proposition, which though otherwise he had no great inclination unto, both, because of the great separation by distance, and difficult means of correspondency, which could be made between the Prince's Christian & himself, besides the small necessity he had of them, (God having given him so ample, so rich, and so warlike a dominion) and if he had, their own disunion amongst themselves gave him small hope of any great good effect in what he should propound unto them: Besides the derogation from his own greatness to be a demander of their amity, whose predecessors had sought it of his by divers means, and upon great conditions. Yet to show me how dear an estimation he held of me, he was contented not to see what belonged to himself, but only to regard my satisfaction: which he willed me to determine of, and assured me of the effecting of it whatsoever it was.  
And after I had given his majesty thanks which were convenient for so high a favour, 
Sir Anthony Sherley c●●firmeth the King in hi● purpose of sending to the Prince's of Christendom.  I told him that I had propounded nothing but that which the future experience, and present reason of things would prove not only infinitely available, but also necessary for his honour, profit and security: to which counsel I was ready and desirous to add my own peril, which could by no other means bring an answerable benefit to the greatness of itself, but only in the true estimation which I made of the merit of his majesties virtue, and my infinite affection to his service.  
The necessity of his state, I knew either counseled him to provide for a war; or to make a war: Private cogitation having their progress of such a condition, that they may take (as themselves will) either more of less of fortune; but those which had raised their thoughts to the sublimity of dominion are no more in their own power: having no mean to step upon between the highest of all, and precipitation. For his majesty to sleep longer, called upon by so main reasons which did evidently demonstrate unto him the inevitable danger, (if not rain) of his state, and contrariwise, the certain addition which his majesty might make to his glory and state, would seem to those that did not rightly understand the excellency of his majesties heart, such a weakness in him, as is incident to those which have not power to temper felicity, from glutting themselves with the abundant fruits of present prosperity; though they have a patiented forced vigour to withstand adversity. That the Turk was to be vanquished, his own rebels had showed, which have overcome with small forces his great power in sundry encounters. If his Militia hath had heretofore more vigour and valour; it is now changed through pleasure, ease, and surfeiting by (their Prince's example) with great corruptions; which a more virtuous Prince may reduce to their soundness: his majesties wisdom should work immediately upon the present general defect and error. Neither should he make a proportionable concurrence between his facts, and wisdom, if he did lose time in doubtful deliberations, in such a case which did evidently show him that if he might securely continue in peace, yet that peace was more pernicious unto him then war: losing so many fair occasions of propagating his empire, and making his estate eternally invincible, and to dangerous to be attempted again by the Turk: when there should be so equal a balance of potency, as would be between them, but by the recovery of his own, if his desire and fortune, and virtue disposed no more unto him than that which was justly his own, and was unjustly detained from him. For those rebellions of the Turks they were likely rather to increase then diminish: such manner of people evermore easily consenting in unity, in war, then in peace to be commanded, or yield obedience: And the greatest powers which are, have been, or may be, which united bear all before them, the violence of their strength, once divided either by time, by patience, or by diversity of fortune, (which cannot be at all times, and in all places alike) may be and are subverted. The war itself will open and disclose many hidden and swelling wounds, which are now only covered by ignorance, and others detracting of their determination.  
And though it be true that the Princes Christian be far divided; and some of them encumbered with particular designs amongst themselves, through the passions of their private interests; yet the Emperor (who is the greatest in title, and by his alliance of the most power) is already engaged against the Turk: which war he will more or less prosecute according as he shall have more or less hopes. And what greater (almost assurance of prosperous success can be have then the conjunction with your majesty, whose power and virtues he shall know? And the moving of both your ends being the same can lose no property in their working, by the large separation or distinction of places. The Pope also (who carrieth a Supreme authority among Princes to move them to those things which shall best preserve, or augment the limits of his Church) animated by your majesties great name and offer; will assuredly use the uttermost of the strength, of his authority, and industry, to reconcile all particular enmities, and to combine all hearts to that general war, in which every particular is truly much interessed; if they consider their conscience to their profession, and the danger wherewith they all have been threatened, by that great enemy's potency: divers Princes having already by it suffered the uttermost of ruin.  
Neither shall your majesty despair, but that all may be persuaded to so honourable and pious an action being a property in man's nature to follow, that which hath been contrary to their disposition to begin: And if they all should not; yet the Emperor, Pope, and King of Spain absolutely will embrace the amity, honour the name of your majesty, and unite themselves in any terms of Princely alliance: and your majesty shall have an eternal glory amongst all; for inviting them all to so Noble, Generous and royal an action: and at the least, draw great intercourse of Merchants of all those parts; which will give an entrance to a kind of sociableness, and that will proceed to a common respect, and so to a mutual friendship which will give the communication and knowledge of many things hidden (both in the knowledge, use and profit of them) for want of such an intercourse.  
Your majesty also wisely desireth to take away all reputation from the Turkish Religion, through your Dominions, both by scandalising it publicly, & punishing it in particular persons: since Heresy in all Religion causeth division, & the corrupted part becometh a pernicious enemy to the Prince who supporteth the contrary; From it arise as from a main turbulent Spring, Treasons, Conspiracies, secret Conventicles, and Seditions.  
Besides the greatest and largest way, which the Turk hath into your Dominions, is the faction of his Sect; as Ishmael your Predecessor had, of that which your majesty professeth, to divide your state from him: He is an absolute and Tyrannous enemy to the Christians; Your majesties Religion, hath a charitable opinion of them: and if drinking of Wine, burning of their prophet's Images, and such less appearances be in your majesties opinion effectual things to estrange the people's hearts from that Religion, by a contrary use, with those opprobries, to the other; a greater means your majesty may work by: in giving liberty of Christian Religion, so much abhorred of their part, and security of trade, goods and person to Christians, by which you shall bind their Princes, express the charity of your Law, serve yourself in divers things of them which have been hidden unto you, both for your utility, strength and pleasure: and more invre your people to despise the other Religion, by so contrary, so apparent and so great effect. Neither can they ever be dangerous to your majesty, their increase being always to be limited by your will. This also will give your majesty great fame, since by their means you shall recover available instruments both to preserve and augment your estate by: as Founders of Ordinance, Makers of all sorts of arms, and Munition. So that though it may seem a strange act in your majesty to be contented to enlarge to Christians, so new and so great a favour, yet since all great examples ever have in them some thing of an extraordinary quality, those are to be made use of that repair by public profit, those particular disgusts which private men may receive of them: I know that it is for the most part a fallacious ambition which embraceth greedily new and dangerous things; but to determine and execute fit and convenient things, is the proper effect of wisdom and courage. Your majesty knoweth your present estate, remembreth the courses of the times past; and the excellency of your judgement weigheth, that which may succeed hereafter. No man receiveth harm but from himself; nor your majesty can suffer none but from that which yourself will determine of yourself: you are invited to no act depending upon fortune, but such a one as shall have his foundation upon council, reason, and judgement. My satisfaction shall be above all other greatest if your majesty resolve of that which will be most secure, honourable and commodious for your person, state, and particular Subjects.  
Well said the King you would then have me to write to as many of the Christian Princes as are greatest amongst them, 
The King of Persia's Resolation to employ Sir antony Sherley as ambassador ambassador.  who if they will apply themselves to our purpose may draw all other lesser unto it, by the example of their authority; or at the least (if they will not consent in that point) will command their merchants to repair to our Dominions: so that we and they may have some good friendly use the one of the other. The letters you shall appoint to be written to as many and to whom, you will; with privilege for merchants, and the secure profession of their Religion and peaceable possession of their goods, and persons, in as ample sort as yourself will devise; and not only for them but for all Christians whatsoever, which for curiosity to see, or love to me, will take pains to come hither; or for any purpose so ever: being impossible their purpose can at any time be ill towards us, which wish them in all things so well. And because you have been the mover and persuader of this business, you also shallbe the Actor of it, assuring myself that my Honour cannot be more securely reposed many man's hands, than your own: both in that I judge of your own disposition; and more, in that which I know of your obligation to me; beside, There is none so proper an Executor of any enterprise, 
Sir Anthony Sherley Sherley acceptance of the employment.  as he which is the first deviser of it: I humbly thanked his majesty for his confidence; and excused my inability to perform so great a charge; Many men being more fit to propound then to execute: That requiring a particular valour and experience, which I had not. Notwithstanding, since I would not give his majesty cause to suspect, that I had intimated such a thing unto him, as either was so dangerous to carry, or impossible to effect, that I durst not for those causes undertake it: I would only beseech of his majesty one of his Princes, either to be my superior or equal in the embassage, or such a one as might be absolutely my inferior, for a testimony, only of my assured coming from his majesty. The first I did require because equal authority where there is the self same power, is commonly pernitions to all actions, 
〈…〉  being impossible to fit two minds of so evem a temper, that they should not have some motions of dissenting. Yet if I must be joined, through the gracious favour of his Majesty (who had no more end of his honouring me, than my affection had in serving him:) I desired it might be a noble man, whose mind being made to greatness could not feel the ill working of a sudden alteration. The last I required, not, that such a one could hold any condition in the former reason, but as an armour against envy and malice: being a thing incident, and almost certain in all men's natures to behold with sore eyes the new grown felicity of others, and to exact a sharp account of their fortunes, especially in home they have seen, either inferior, or in equality with themselves. All which he promised: commended my reason and providence in that point; and offering also presents of great value, and worth to accompany his Letters, which should be goodly Carpets, Swords and Daggers covered with Gold, and jewels, Plumes according to their country fashion, and other things worthy to be esteemed, both for the price and rareness. Then he told me I must recover myself, strengthen my mind and come abroad, that he might feast me before my departure. And though it is likely that the disposition of the World (evermore inclined to detraction, then to a generous beholding of men's actions) will in the iniquity of that nature, hardly believe the magnificent fashion of that King held towards me then in all points, and confirmed by his infinite royal favour, continued and increased to my brother now: Yet the act he did, doth plainly demonstrate, part of the one, and amongst Honourable minds, I shall be believed for the rest. And though that viper of malice which I so much feared, did bite me in a main member of my Honour, and enfeebled it so much, that it remained lame from being able to pass forward in that pace of reputation, which so great a labour, so many dangers, so great an enterprise, and so pious an action merited; yet it is impossible that malice itself, much less the infusion of it in wicked spirits can take from me, the true knowledge to this time, and memory to posterity, that I was a zealous author of so Christianlike a purpose: They much mistaking my mind, which judged it rather capable and desirous of apparent than the true substance of things; though it be true that every man will contend for both, when both are his right.  
For thirty days continually, the King made that feast in a great garden of more than two mile's compass, 
The Persian magnificence in in their solemn feasts.  under tents pitched by certain small courses of running water, like divers rivers, where every man that would come, was placed according to his degree, either under one or other Tent, provided for abundantly with meat, fruit, & wine, drinking as they would, some largely, some moderately without compulsion. A royalty and splendour which I have not seen, nor shall not see again but by the same King: Our Princes abhorring such vain expenses, desiring rather to have the power of dominion, then to make those sorts of ostentation; but such is and hath been anciently the custom of that Country (as the holy book of God showeth us.) And if with so great authority, it were needful, or comely to produce other histories, there are divers which speak also of many magnificences of those Kings, and of that amongst the rest: & therefore it is ever to be praised for the constant antiquity, if not for the reason of the expense. The joy of the feast was much augmented by two great fortunes, 

Two great fortunes which befell the king during his feast.  
1. The submission of the Tartars to his crown.   which gave themselves at that time to the King; which were these: The Tartars of Buckehawrd, (which have ever been of greatest reputation amongst all those of the Orient, both for their valour in arms and wealth) moved unto it through their own divisions; the captains of which being of validity and proper industry, to inflame the civil dissensions, and unfit to temper their alternate good successes, (It being the condition of troubles and disorders to give most power and authority to those of the worst sort, and most mischievous spirits: whereas to appease them requireth great art, and reposed spirits,) wearied with the vexation of their own troubles in such a state of things, as produced nothing but disorders amongst the factious, a desperate rage amongst the vanquished, and no authority amongst the victors: neither the vigour of the laws standing, none almost of the Princes living: when all these extremities could not bring them to consent to the erecting of their own estate, as it first was of an absolute principality, yet by the fame of the king of persia's justice in government, & the felicity which followed all his enterprises, they were brought to consent unitedly in one to send, and deliver themselves, and their Country under his subjection. 
2. The rich present with the alliance of the great Mogor offered to the Persian.  And the great Moghor King of labour moved by the like fame, sent a great Ambassador to desire a marriage between his eldest sons daughter, and Cephir Micza, a eldest▪ son to the King of Persia, with a mighty present, and as mighty offers both of ready money, & to pay 30000. men in any war, which the King of Persia should undertake for seven years. Such a quality hath prosperity, when it beholdeth a man, or State, with affectionate eyes to intrude itself upon him or it, though themselves would not: and sometimes in things which the wisdom of men holdeth impossible to be intimated, and unfeasible to be executed, which maketh wise men often rather to desire them, then to hope for them.  
In this time came unto me a Portugal Friar, named Alphonso Cordero, 
The coming of two friars to insinuate with Sir Anthony Sherley.  of the order of the Franciscans Secular, and an other Armenian friar of Jerusalem, with a message from an other friar of better estimation, called Nichola Di-Meto: the effect of which was this, that he had been Inquisitor general of the Indies, and his time being finished, as also, having received commandment from the Pope and King of Spain to return, & for some other important causes to the christianity of these parts not being willing to attend the tedious voyage of the Porting all Fleet by sea, chose rather the hazard to go over Land: to which he was the more animated having heard of the favour and estimation which certain Christians held in that Court, which he did not doubt would christianlike honour him, being so great an instrument of the Church, and of so great a Potentate as the King of Spain.  
For though we were English and he Portugese, and by the private interresses of our Princes, their names were made enemies in the ordinary sort of our Nation, Yet Religious men were ever privileged, from common malice; and that place which was opposite of itself to the profession of Christ, would be a persuading argument enough, for any Noble or Pious mind, to honour, in all persons our oppressed faith, without regarding the title or country of the profession thereof. But when he came, though this insinuation of his were like a good mean; and showed to proceed from the best condition of spirits; Yet he did so much degenerate from the name of a Christian, much more of a Religious man, of a true Subject to his Prince, and of a Pious wisher to those things which tended to the general good of the whole commonwealth of Christendom, that he forgot not only the honour which I had freely, and with a good heart done him (waking again the names of those enmities which he desired to have suppressed) at the first secretly, at the last openly, setting forth many pretences against me: which if it had proceeded from the ordinary imperfections of nature, (which runneth more headingly to the revenge of injuries even in opinion, then to the recordation of essential and civil benefits: gracious acts being a burden, revenge esteemed a game to us) though the cause of it had proceeded from that imperfection had been ill; yet being natural it, had been somewhat tolerable: and if he had not also added to that fault another inexcusable one, not only to neglect, but even to despise all those other greater duties: which if they bond him not in affection; yet they must have bound in awfulness and fear any Creature, which had not been utterly given over to the worst temptations of the wicked spirit, and enemy to Mankind and substantial subvertor of all godly purposes.  
For I (though otherwise unobliged) willing in the beginning of the foundation which the King permitted me to lay, of God his true knowledge in those parts, to show all devout respects to God and to all his Ministers and knowing that the name of division amongst ourselves, would but scandalise all) used him with all those duties and reverences which I could possibly devise, or any ambitious heart could desire: which gave (as it fell out) but a freer passage to the iniquity of his soul; to my great grief, prejudice of the estimation in those parts of Religious men, and to the most infinite affliction of the other Franciscan, that can be expressed; he being certainly a good man, and as far as his understanding guided him zealous to persuade others to be so, helping to express by a sincere and holy example office life what he wanted in discourse. But ubi Dei numen praetenditur sceleribus, subit animum timor, ne fraudibus humanis vindicandis, divini juris aliquid immixtum violemus. For which reason I will say only this: that to free myself from the unexpected crosses which daily rose against my business, I pressed the King as hotly (as civilly I could) for my dispatch: which he granted me at the thirty days end: having appointed Assan, Chan a gallant young Prince to go with me: so complete in all worthy graces that if God had pleased, that he had proceeded in the business, he had brought great honour to the King, reputation to his country, & had established the affairs to the universal good of the World. But the beginnings of all great things being derived from God, so their ends are either perfected or disannulled by his determination. For though nature hath given us as men great and excellent faculties, yet GOD will have us know, and acknowledge him to be GOD: and that nothing is properly our own, or gotten by our own power but given us only through his munificency. And therefore peradventure, 
The enterprise of Sir Anthony Sherley overthrown by his own Instrument.  GOD would not so much satisfy the pride which the very love of affecting so great and glorious a business had swollen me in: but made me myself find an instrument to overthrow my labours and wrestle against my proceed (which durst not almost stand in my presence) and forced me to ask him of the King, and to be the author of my own harm. So strangely doth God correct the errors and sins of our humanity's, and taketh from the strong imagination: which stir in us (through the innated iniquity of our hearts.) the thoughts of any other causes of those inflictions, than that true working of his very judgements: by which we may see if we will not be obstinate against ourselves, that the full use of those things which we possess, the very light which we enjoy, the spaces of the Earth which our feet tread over, whatsoever we can do, say, or think, is raised, distributed and guided, by God his counsel, will and providence. For when it was concluded that Assan Chan should go, and his provisions were all ready, my commission and parent (for the principal points of my business) sealed; the King married him to an Aunt of his much against his Princes will and more to my grief; none other of the great ones having a spirit to apprehend only such a voyage, much less a heart to perform it.  
So that being instantly sued to by Cuchin-Allibi a Courtchie of six Thomans stipend by the year, and in disgrace also, for some ill part that he had played, I (pressed thereunto by the Viseir and Bastan Aga) spoke unto the king that he might go with me, in the form only of a testimony, though honoured with some good words in the letters, for the better reputation of the business: which the King was exceeding backward in consenting unto, desiring me either to go alone, or better accompanied. The last I told him lay in his majesties power to command; the other I could not do, and promise him, or hope myself for good success: nothing being more frail than such a reputation (as would suddenly grow by such a business) unsupported by any sort of strength, so that it would be an object for all sort of malice to work upon, his majesty being too far removed to give just proof of my employment from him, if it should be opposed. And the more strange it was, and less hoped for, as it would be the more joyfully embraced by the good. So it would give the more colour and strength to bad minds against me. At the last (I think through the secret working of those which were ever enemies to the proceeding of this business, & the main scarcity of others which had minds fit for such employment, & qualities also fit for such minds.) I was urged to take that fellow, & the king content to let him go. But would bestow on him no more than 50. Tomans for the whole expense: which he called also cast away. Him I left to bring the appointed present after me; and the letters to the particular Princes; which were then ready at my departure not sealed, and the present not thoroughly provided: myself desiring to free myself from the Court, where every occasion was received by those which were contrary to the enterprise to hinder it.  
After I had taken my leave of the king, the morning before my departure he came to find me again at my house: 
The causes for which the King of Persia detained Sir Robert Sherley.  and after a little other speech he said unto me, that my absence from him would exceedingly grieve him, his affection to me being true, and his hopes of me many. If he had been furnished of any sit to have undergone the management of this affair, he would never have enjoined me to so much travail, and so many perils, but that I knew his Court to be ignorant of the language and properties of our parts, and since he was provoked by me to send thither, he knew that I would be contented with my labour to keep him, and his from all sorts of scorn. That my brother was young, and therefore the more to be tendered, and not every day to be exposed to new labours: his love to us both made him careful in that point, but more particularly his infinite desire of my return; which he thought would be more assured by so dear a pawn: And by daily relation which I should receive of his royal usage, I should also be daily invited to return howsoever. If I met with such fortunes as would be worthy to make me stay from him; or such accidents as had power to hinder me by their necessity; the company of my brother should give him great satisfaction in my absence. And if the worst should happen unto me, he did desire ever to have a subject so near unto me, upon whom he might make a declaration unto the world, both of what quality his own mind was; and of what condition his true and royal affection towards me was.  
Before I could answer this infinite favourable and and gracious speech of his: my Brother (whose mind, ever disposed him to the best things) having by his own nature, and excellent spirit (which in his younger years he bettered with higher studies, not as many who under a magnificent title, love slothful idleness, but using them in their true property) to confirm our ordinary weakness against the tempests of fortune, 
The abuse with the true and proper use of studies.  and to learn by the goodly precepts of wise men, that which the frailty of man's constitution blindeth from our sight: and to esteem only good that which is honest, and evil those things which do participate with viciousness. And though he might arrogate as m●ch to the nobility of his blood, as the best borne Gentleman may, 
Sir Anton, Sherley's commendation of his brother Sir Robert Sherley.  yet (ever making estimation of that, and other such qualified ornaments as were without the mind, neither to be accounted amongst the special good or ill things which a man should truly behold in himself) he hath and doth contend more with himself to be worthy of the best titles, then to be esteemed by those he hath, contemning equally riches and superfluity, and poverty which groweth by a man's own vice: being steadfast and just in good things, and constant against all fear: and if he be guided by the height of his mind to strive with more fervour than wariness, for glory and reputation, the best judging sort of the world know that the covetousness of that point of eternity is the last appetite which the wisest men despoil themselves of. Neither am I induced to celebrate so much the memory of so many virtues as I know in him, because he is my brother: but absolutely am led unto it without favour or ambition, by the persuasion only of a good conscience, for the sole merit and reward of the same. That mind I say of his ever counseled by such thoughts, apprehending that his staying with the king, might be of wonderful effect, to keep his mind constant in the resolution which he had taken: and guessing at many occasions which might happen in my absence, the well using of which might confirm him more: some also if they were not tempered might cool his resolutions (which he knew to be taken rather to satisfy me, and with an intent to see the success of the proceeding of things, than a more constant determination) answered the king, 
Sir Robert Sherleys answer to the King of Persia.  presently thus. That our two souls were so unitedly conjoined, that our wills were divided in nothing, our affections to his majesty, and our desires to serve him were the same, and such as they could not be separated from his commandments. And though the promise of favours from him which could command, did bring ever with it the force of necessity, yet we both were so clear in the judgement of the royal disposition of his majesty that he would neither absolutely will, nor seem to desire of us any thing but that which should be honourable for his authority, and convenient for our obedience to be done by us. The parting of both our bodies from his presence was nothing, in respect of our best parts which ever should attend his majesty with vows, and proffers, and wishes which were worthy to proceed from his true servants and friends. And as worthy of his infinite virtues. But because he did desire to have one of us which was himself to remain with him, he would do it, and give his majesty so much greater occasion to love us both by that effect of virtue which he should prove in him, tempering the necessity of his passion, for his majesties satisfaction, & better purposes which time & such occasions as must needs be brought forth, should show his majesty. Neither did he incline at all to do this for any feeling which he would have in that point of his majesties munificences promised, but only for the sensibleness of doing well which he thought and knew he should do by obeying his majesty in that commanding request. He did confess notwithstanding that the world could not lay upon him a greater adversity, then to be separated from me: yet he would never be so broken with any fortune, (though it should rise from other causes) as to lose the least title of the dignity of his mind. His years were but few, but neither grey heirs nor wrinkles should (with so wise an understanding judgement as his majesties) give more authority to any then the good fruits proceeding from an honest and virtuous spending of the time which a man hath passed: he did desire no more favour with his majesty for his staying then his other merits should be worthy of: yet because he was left alone without other comfort then what his own heart gave him, he would be confident that his majesty would not forget what he owed to himself as a Prince, nor to him as a Gentleman which had freely matched obedience with affection. What my brother shall effect with the Prince's Christian, as it is a thing uncertain; so he nor I will promise any thing: but I know he will industriate himself to his uttermost for your majesties honour and service, and I will hope well of the end of his labours. In the mean time I beseech God, since the Turks love cannot apply itself by no means to your majesty, that their hatreds may continue one against the other: no destiny being able to urge faster forward the greatness of your Dominion, nor no fortune being of more validity to make an even way unto it, than the amity of our Princes, and eternal discord amongst your enemies. I was almost saying, that God would prosper your majesty in all things; but certainly I trust he will: and I say so, since it belongeth more rightly to his great holiness, and to our reverence to believe constantly of his deeds then to know them. And this great reason I have of my confidence, the greatness which God hath given your majesty joined to so great and excellent virtues which questionless are appointed to some great & extrordinary end. Then that your majesty hath pleased not to deceive yourself in this withering peace which you have with the Turk, which is more delighting for the present, then safe for the future: that rest being ever false, which is taken amongst inopulent and strong neighbours.  
The Ambassador having showed by his arrogancy in speaking, that when there shall be given a fit opportunity for doing, modesty and honesty will be only names of times past. And your just and good proceeding in an adversity of fortune, will be esteemed such a weakness as is far from you and their good success, will be attributed to their valour and wisdom. And though your majesty in the sublime excellency of your royal mind do ever number fortune amongst doubtful things, and virtue amongst the certain: yet true wisdom of the world will always care to strengthen the one with the other, by so proper a concurrence, that your virtue shall ever have the attendance of fortune, to fill your majesty with good and glorious acts, and the world with good and famous words, and relations.  
These words of his were graciously & tenderly received of the king, & after some tears on all parts, the king and himself having brought me some six miles, we all parted they for the Court, myself for my journey, having first left with my brother, my heart certainly, not only for the conjunction which nature had made between us, but also for those worthy sparks, which I found in him likely to be brought to great perfection by his virtue, which cannot leave working in any, which will give them way, much more in him, who will make way for them.  
And besides divers instructions (which though heeded not) yet the common duty of those which are bound in so near respects as we are, 
Sir Anthony Sherleys instructions and advice to his brother Sir Robert Sherley, when he left him in Persia.  required not deeds of want, but abundance all benefits losing much of their splendour, both in the giver and receiver, that do bear with them an exprobrative term of necessity:) first, I desired him to remember, that his fortune & safety in that place subsisted only upon the king's favour, which in virtuous princes was ever to be maintained by virtue: That Prince's ears and eyes were in every place, Courts being full of spies, and nothing hidden from emulation; which by how much more it would be carried covertly; so much more would it be dangerous, against which he could prevail of nothing better than his own innocency, and patience, the one of which would preserve him from all fault; the other from peril; the wisdom of men overcoming more by working of time, than by violent passions which do never remove the ill, but only open secret imperfections, which give power to our enemies to work upon, and the more courage by prevailing themselves upon error and weakness. But because for what belonged to the good government of himself, I knew that he could have no better precepts than those which his own mind would give him, I would only desire him that neither absence, nor opinions, which might rise through the tediousness of long absence, nor ill instruments might prevail so far with him as to make any breach in his affection towards me: our perfect union tending to both our preservations, and reciprocal increase of both our fortunes. 
The bond of Nature and blood.  Time, Fortune, or sometimes ambition, & other errors might diminish, change, and dissolve private friendships; but our own blood was ever unalterably the same & though in the freeness of our natures, others usually participite of our prosperities: yet none so fully as those which are bound by so dear titles of nature, and our adversities no man would ever feel but ourselves, neither could the King's affection increase, or be constant to any of us both, if it were not endeared by our own example. The cause of his staying with the King, though his commandment and desire bore the colour of it; yet essentially and truly it was to advance the great work, of which God had laid the foundation & had chosen us, for true instruments, not moving it by Emperors, Kings or Princes, but by so humble Agents, questionless for the greater retribution of his glory: for which we must care as his servants and creatures in all things: but most in this as particularly directed by him to it. And though it was likely that God his infinite wisdom would not fail to subminister eternally to his understanding, proper and convenient means of proceeding for the perfection of his own work: yet we should find, that some great part of those means are insensibly infused into our reasons, the instruction of which in good things we must ever follow as his, and though that we speak, and speak always as men, notwithstanding when it pleased God to prosper the effect of our conceptions: questionless, there is a greater power predominant then man's. What, we have divers times projected secretly together, God you see hath perfected, and therefore we may boldly say, more intending to that end, upon the same confidence and assurance: Wherefore, when you shall either by the Kings own motion or others importuned occasions fall in discourse with him upon any point of these affairs: you must know, 
Negotiation with Princes.  that as all Princes ought to lay the foundation of all their enterprises upon these three main rocks, the justice of the cause, Facility of the enterprise, and fruit of the victory: so in negotiations with them you must never be so confident upon those points, especially, the best of equity and justice, as upon the true experience & knowledge of the Prince's disposition, who either jealous to hazard or ambitious to get, attendeth ordinarily to interest and profit, and not to what he ought to do, neither in the uprightness of this honour, or faith given, or obligation of precedent favour or benefit: Therefore since being too secure doth but give way, to danger and the knowledge of the worst is the best means to prevent all that may be ill, let not your desires of promoving this great and good business, blind you from foreseeing all sorts of preoccupations, which we both have tasted of, and you alone may perchance find greater, but not beholding too fixed and steadfastly what the King in equity, and the truth of the cause should do: penetrate into the soul of the action, the stability, or mutableness of his nature: his ordinary or forced inclinations.  
Finally into his present humours or future likely pretences, and then present him with those reasons which your best judgement, shall have provided for him in fit time and with a well understanding dexterity.  
The factions of the Court you must make yourself learned in and bear yourself wisely and uprightly between both; 
Factions of the Court.  you having no strength to add power to any of both: but any of those having power to subvert you; so that by showing to understand those that are against you, you shall but make them your more apparent enemies and by depending absolutely upon the other procure no assured strength to ourself, but a demonstration without effect, & whensoever they shall join together for their own interesses (which often happeneth between factions in Courts) you shallbe left a prey to those which hate you; whose revenge shallbe certain, the others faith nothing. The corruptions of all Courts giving a licence to great men to serve their turns upon lesser, in all things and more than for that to regard them in nothing. Besides the ordinary dispositions of such is to wink at our private friends mischief, and as you must not declare yourself solely for the one, nor wholly against the other; so you must not covertly bear them both in hand that you are theirs: such artifice being of the poorest and weakest condition, nothing being able to be hid from the spying eyes in Court, and such an illusion once perceived, is so far without remedy as every man will hate you and no man trust you. You must then bear yourself equally to all, keeping all friends and making no enemies depending upon no man, 
Factions.  but your own virtue and worthiness, and his affection, which in the perfection of his own royal mind, is only to be preserved by honest ways.  
In cases of your business you shall need use no such diligence as frame, partialities, factions being already made and animated and armed, watching with the very strength of their desires to advance their Honours by the good or ill success of it.  

Rumours.  You must be constant against rumours, and beware to be noted a willing bearer of such reports as may either touch any in Honour or otherwise to be taken for an offence, and may give yourself cause of suspicion, for any of those bring extrinsicke danger, or intrinsicke errors from both which you must live free and unattained. You shall hear many speak sometimes through their own imperfections sometime to prove yours, 
Speeches.  and sometimes to please (as they think) the company: but you must know that all hearts are not of one complexion: and you shall hazard ever to Card ill, that play to please one by displeasing another, since benefits ever be more easily forgotten then injures, and though the respect of common friendship (and almost societiere) choir otherwise; yet such wrongs are without means of revenge, and good turns are without memory of recompense. 
Inconstancy.  You must avoid inconstancy and the very appearance of lightness as a dangerous downfall: for where it is, there is neither understanding or judgement to discern the actions of others nor gravity to measure that which properly belongeth to yourself: besides the world by taking notice of your infirmity will always fear volubility in all your actions.  
Finally, though I am most assured virtue hath so great power in your mind, and your own understanding so full of all good things, that you may be an example to my precepts: Yet I will say this, not as needing, but in the necessity of my love; which desireth more than it doubteth of. Give yourself (dear Brother) to learn of the best: fashion yourself to the most worthy examples which you have seen, aspire to nothing for vanity or ostentation, neglect no good thing for fear, and mingle equally awfulness to offend, and diligence to proceed worthily in all your actions: And you shall have favour from the King, love from the best, hatred from none, security from all, honour from the effects which will proceed from your doings; and God will bless you with his mercy, directing your ways to his glory, to good ends: and so to good example among these misbelievers, with whom for a time it is your fortune to live, and to raise from this place, a long lasting glory and reputation to yourself; and name for ever.  
And this was all my exceeding sorrow could force itself to utter: and the King returning also (whom my Brother must follow) interrupted the course of any longer discourse of mine, or his answer.  
But when I came to Casbin, though I knew his mind both by nature, and learning, as plentifully furnished as a Gentleman might be, who had hopeful conditions in himself, and all the additions which the tender care of friends, and his own diligently well-spent time could give him: Yet understanding well in how dangerous a sea his young years were to navigate, and that no addition of providence could be superfluous firmly to support his own security, and the main end of our great business: having compiled (as well as the shortness of the time of my abiding in that place would suffer me, and as much as I could bring to any sort of fashion out of so imperfect a mould as that of my little understanding) these remnants of the chief properties of all estates, to give him the better light how clearly to see into that wherein he was; and to help the way of his business, according to the motives which it was like) he might receive by the commandment of some of our Princes from hence: desiring him with all to remember, that Court carriages were riddles, which though seen, could not be resolved without exceeding patience, and well judging experience. And that by no means he should fly from his own virtue, to make his foundation upon the King's favour, Princes ever having this imperfection almost inseparable to their greatness, to be infinite voluble, and as their minds are large, so they easily overlook their first favours, which they purposed, and can as hardly love truly, as acknowledge a benefit: their disposition being to be easily glutted with the present, and hope better of the future, especially having no other necessity in the constant carrying of their affections, than their own satisfactions. And these other trifles which I lent him, I did wish him to overlook as grounds, only for his spirit to discourse more largely upon: desiring by them to point unto him that exercise, which the cause that we were entered in, made not only fittest for his mind to use, but most necessary; our fortune having then given into our management the good or ill of divers states, according to the success of our employment. And since there is a certain judgement of the event of things, according to the perfect or imperfect disposition of the body, by which those things are to be effected: his judgement would be the better to discourse, and discern what the proceeding of this business was like to be, by understanding the principal elements, by which the body of all estates are compacted, and then by dilating with himself the good or defective mixture in every particular state, which he knew by his own experience and others relation.  
Those Elements which give both matter and being, to those huge bodies, were counsel, Force, and Reputation.  
The form, were the laws which Aristotle calleth Mens sine appetitu.  
The Organ by which this work, and the whole body moveth to his end, is the Prince and his Ministers. But because the time I had was so short as I could but briefly speak of all these, I did conclude them in the Discourse which I gave him of these three main foundations, Counsel, Force, and Reputation.  
FINIS.