ADVERTISEMENTS For the unexperienced Planters of New. England, or any where.  
OR, The Pathway to experience to erect a PLANTATION.  
With the yearly proceedings of this Country in Fishing and Planting, since the year 1614 to the year 1630. and their present estate.  
Also how to prevent the greatest inconveniences, by their proceedings in Virginia, and other Plantations, by approved examples.  
With the Country's Arms, a description of the Coast, Harbours, Habitations, Landmarks, Latitude and Longitude: with the Map, allowed by our Royal King CHARLES.  
By Captain JOHN SMITH, sometimes Governor of VIROINIA, and Admiral of NEW-ENGLAND.  
LONDON, Printed by JOHN HAVILAND, and are to be sold by ROBERT MILBOURNE, at the Greyhound in Paul's Churchyard. 1631.   


GENS IN COGNITA MIHI SERVIET    

To the Most Reverend Father in God, GEORGE Lord Archbishop of CANTERBURY his Grace, Primate and Metrapolitan of all ENGLAND: AND The Right Reverend Father in God, SAMVEL Lord Archbishop of YORK his Grace, Primate and Metrapolitan of ENGLAND.  
MY most Gracious Good Lords, I desire to leave testimony to the world, how highly I honour as well the Mitre as the Lance: therefore where my last Book presented three most honourable Earls with a subject of War, and received from them favourable acceptance: the work I now prosecute, concerning the Plantation of New-England, for the increase of God's Church, converting Savages, and enlarging the King's Dominions, prostrates itself humbly to your Graces; who as you are in the name of Prelacy to this Kingdom, so you are to me in goodness both Fathers and Protectors unexpectedly. God long preserve your Gracious lives, and continue favour  
Unto both your Grace's most devoted servant, JOHN SMITH.   

To the Reader.  
HONEST READER,  
Apelles' by the proportion of a foot, could make the whole proportion of a man: were he now living, he might go to schools for now are thousands can by opinion proportion Kingdoms, Cities, and Lordships, that never durst adventure to see them. Malignancy, I expect from those, have lived 10. or 12. years in those actions, and return as wise as they went, claiming time and experience for their tutor, that can neither shift Sun nor Moon, nor say their Compass, yet will tell you of more than all the world, betwixt the Exchange, Paul's and Westminster: so it be news, it matters not what, that will pass currant when truth must be stayed with an army of conceits that can make or mar any thing, and tell as well what all England is by seeing but Milford haven, as what Apelles was by the picture of his great too. Now because examples give a quicker impression than arguments, I have writ this discourse to satisfy understanding, wisdom, and honesty, and not such as can do nothing but find fault with that they neither know nor can amend. So I rest  
Your friend john Smith.   

The Sea Mark.  

Aloof, aloof, and come no near,  
the dangers do appear;  
Which if my ruin had not been  
you had not seen:  
I only lie upon this shelf  
to be a mark to all  
which on the same might fall,  
That none may perish but myself.   

If in or outward you be bound,  
do not forget to sound;  
Neglect of that was cause of this  
to steer amiss.  
The Seas were calm, the wind was fair,  
that made me so secure,  
that now I must endure  
All weathers be they soul or fair.   

The Winter's cold, the Summer's heat,  
alternatively beat  
Upon my bruised sides, that ●ue  
because too true  
That no relief can ever come.  
But why should I despair  
being promised so fair  
That there shall be a day of Dome.    

The Contents.  

CHAP. 1. WHat people they are that begin this plantation, the bane of Virginia: strange misprisions of wise men.  
CHAP. 2. Needless custom, effect of flattery, cause of misery, factions, careless government, the dissolving the Company and Patent.  
CHAP. 3. A great comfort to new England, it is no Island, a strange plague.  
CHAP. 4. Our right to those Countries, true reasons for plantations, rare examples.  
CHAP. 5. My first voyage to new England, my return and profit.  
CHAP. 6. A description of the Coast, Harbours, Habitations, Landmarks, Latitude, Longitude, with the map.  
CHAP. 7. New England's yearly trials, the planting new Plymouth, supprisals prevented, their wonderful industry and fishing.  
CHAP. 8. Extremity next despair, God's great mercy, their estate, they make good salt, an unknown rich mine.  
CHAP. 9 Notes worth observation, miserableness no good husbandry.  
CHAP. 10. The mistaking of Patents, strange effects, encouragements for servants.  
CHAP. 11. The planting Bastable or Salem and Charlton, a description of the Massachusets'.  
CHAP. 12. Extraordinary means for building, many caveats, increase of corn, how to spoil the woods, for any thing, their healths.  
CHAP. 13. Their great supplies, present estate and accidents, advantage.  
CHAP. 14. Ecclesiastical government in Virginia, authority from the Arch Bishop, their beginning at Bastable now called Salem.  
CHAP. 15. The true model of a plantation, tenure, increase of trade, true examples, necessity of expert Soldiers, the names of all the first discoverers for plantations and their actions, what is requisite to be in the Governor of a plantation, the expedition of Queen Elizabeth's Sea Captains.    


SIGISMUNDUS BATHORI D G DUX TRANSILVANIE WAL  
NONONONONONON   
  

ADVERTISEMENTS: OR, The Pathway to Experience to erect a Plantation.  

CHAP. 1.  
What people they are that begin this plantation: the have of Virginia: strange misprisions of wisemen.  
THe Wars in Europe, Asia, and Africa, taught me how to subdue the wild Savages in Virginia and New-England, in America; which now after many a stormy blast of ignorant contradictors, projectors, and undertakers, both they and I have been so tossed and tortured into so many extremities, as despair was the next we both expected, till it pleased God now at last to stir up some good minds, that I hope will produce glory to God, honour to his Majesty, and profit to his Kingdoms, although all our Plantations have been so foiled and abused, their best good willers have been for the most part discouraged, and their good intents disgraced, as the general History of them will at large truly relate you.  
Pardon me if I offend in loving that I have cherished truly, 
No Browaist nor Separatist admitted.  by the loss of my prime fortunes, means, and youth: If it over-glad me to see Industry herself adventure now to make use of my aged endeavours, not by such (I hope) as rumour doth report, a many of discontented Brownists, Anabaptists, Papists, Puritans, Separatists, and such factions Humorists, for no such they will suffer among them, if known, as many of the chief of them have assured me, and the much conferences I have had with many of them, doth confidently persuade me to writethus' much in their behalf.  
I mean not the Brownists of Leyden and Amsterdam at New-Plimoth, who although by accident, ignorance, and wilfulness, have endured with a wonderful patience, many losses and extremities; yet they subsist and prosper so well, not any of them will abandon the Country, but to the utmost of their powers increase their numbers: But of those which are gone within this eighteen months for Cape Anne, and the Bay of the Massachusets': those which are their chief 
what they are that biginne this Plantation.  Undertakers are Gentlemen of good estate, some of 500, some a thousand pound land a year, all which they say they will sell for the advancing this harmless and pious work; men of good credit and wellbeloved in their Country, not such as fly for debt, or any scandal at home, and are good Catholic Protestants according to the reformed Church of England, if not, it is well they are gone: the rest of them men of good means, or Arts, Occupations, and Qualities, much more fit for such a business, and better furnished of all necessaries if they arrive well, than was ever any Plantation went out of England: I will not say but some of them may be more precise than needs, nor that they all be so good as they should be, for Christ had but twelve Apostles, and one was a traitor; and if there be no dissemblers among them, it is more than a wonder: therefore do not condemn all for some; but however they have as good authority from his Majesty as they could desire, if they do ill, the loss is but their own; if well, a great glory and exceeding good to this Kingdom, to make good at last what all our former conclusions have disgraced. Now they take not that course the Virginia company did 
The been of Virginia.  for the Planters there, their purses and lives were subject to some few here in London who were never there, that consumed all in Arguments, Projects, and their own conceits, every year trying new conclusions, altering every thing yearly as they altered opinions, till they had consumed more than two hundred thousand pounds, and near eight thousand men's lives.  
It is true, in the year of our Lord 1622. they were about seven or eight thousand English indifferently well furnished with most necessaries, and many of them grew to that height of bravery, living in that plenty and excess, that went thither not worth any thing, made the Company here think all the world was Oatmeal there, and all this proceeded by surviving those that died, nor were they ignorant to use as curious tricks there as here, and out of the juice of Tobacco, which at first they sold at such good rates, they regarded nothing but Tobacco; a commodity then so vendable, it provided them all things: and the loving Savages their kind friends, they trained so well up to shoot in a Piece, to hunt and kill them fowl, they became more expert than our own Countrymen, whose labours were more profitable to their Masters in planting Tobacco, and other business.  
This superfluity caused my poor beginnings scorned, or 
The differences betwixt my beginning in Virginia and the proceedings of my successors.  to be spoken of but with much derision, that never sent Ship from thence fraught, but only some small quantities of Wainscot, Clap-board, Pitch, Tar, Rosin, Soap-ashes, Glass, Cedar, Cypress, Black Walnut, Knees for Ships, Ash for Pikes, Iron o'er none better, some Silver o'er, but so poor it was not regarded; better there may be, for I was no Mineralist, some Sturgeon, but it was too tart of the Vinegar, which was of my own store, for little came from them which was good; and Wine of the Country's wild Grapes, but it was too sour, yet better than they sent us any: in two or three years but one Hogshead of Claret. Only speading my time to revenge my imprisonment upon the harmless innocent Savages, who by my cruelty I forced to feed me with their contribution, and to send any offended my idle humour to james town to punish at mine own discretion; or keep their Kings and subjects in chains, and make them work. Things clean contrary to my Commission; whilst I and my company took our needless pleasures in discovering the Countries about us, building of Forts, and such unnecessary fooleries, where an Eggshell (as they writ) had been sufficient against such enemies; neglecting to answer the Merchant's expectations with profit, feeding the Company only with Letters and tastes of such commodities as we writ the Country would afford in time by industry, as Silk, Wines, Oils of Olives, Rape, and Linsed, Rasons, Prunes, Flax, Hemp, and Iron, as for Tobacco, we never then dreamt of it.  
Now because I sent not their ships full fraught home with those commodities, they kindly writ to me, if we failed the next return, they would leave us there as banished men, as if houses and all those commodities did grow naturally, only for us to take at our pleasure, with such tedious Letters, directions, and instructions, and most contrary to that was fitting, we did admire how it was possible such wise men could 
A strange mistake is wise men.  so torment themselves and us with such strange absurdities and impossibilities, making Religion their colour, when all their aim was nothing but present profit, as most plainly appeared, by sending us so many Refiners, Goldsmiths, jewellers, Lapidarics, Stonecutters, Tabacco-pipe-makers, Imbroderers, Perfumers, Silkemen, with all their appurtenances, but materials, and all those had great sums out of the common stock: and so many spies and superintendents over us, as if they supposed we would turn Rebels, all striving to suppress and advance they knew not what: at last got a Commission in their own names, promising the King custom within seven years, where we were free for one and twenty, appointing the Lord De-la-ware for Governor, with as many great and stately officers, and offices under him, as doth belong to a great Kingdom, with good sums for their extraordinary expenses; also privileges for Cities, Charters, for Corporations, Universities, Free-schooles, and Glebe-land, putting all those in practice before there were either people, students, or scholars to build or use them, or provision and victual to feed them were then there: and to amend this, most of the Tradesmen in London that would adventure but twelve pounds ten shillings, had the furnishing the Company of all such things as belonged to his trade, such juggling there was betwixt them, and such intruding Committees their associates, that all the trash they could get in London was sent us to Uirginia, they being well paid for that was good. Much they blamed us for not converting the Savages, when those they sent us were little better, if nor worse, nor did they all convert any of those we sent them to England for that purpose. So doting of Mines of gold, and the South Sea, that all the world could not have devised better courses to bring us to ruin than they did themselves, with many more such like strange concoits; by this you may avoid the like inconveniences, and take heed by those examples, you have not too many irons in the fire at once, neither such change of Governors, nor such a multitude of Officers, neither more Masters, Gentlemen, Gentlewomen, and children, than you have men to work, which idle charge you will find very troublesome, and the effects dangerous, and one hundred good labourers better than a thousand such Gallants as were sent me, that could do nothing but complain, curse, and despair, when they saw our miseries, and all things so clean contrary to the report in England, yet must I provide as well for them as for myself.   

CHAP. 2.  
Needless custom, effect of flatterr, cause of misery, factions, careless government, the dissolving the Company and Patent.  
THis the Mariners and Sailors did ever all they could 
Thee effect of slaurry the 〈◊〉 of misery.  to conceal, who had always both good fare, and good pay for the most part, and part out of our own purses, never caring how long they stayed upon their voyage, daily feasting before our faces, when we lived upon a little corn and water, and not half enough of that, the most of which we had from amongst the Savages. Now although there be Dear in the woods, Fish in the rivers, and Fowls in abundance in their seasons; yet the woods are so wide, the rivers so broad, and the beasts so wild, and we so unskilful to catch them, we little troubled them nor they us: for all this our letters that still signified unto them the plain truth, would not be believed, because they required such things as was most necessary: but their opinion was otherways, for they desired but to pack over so many as they could, saying necessity would make them get victuals for themselves, as for good labourers they were more useful here in England: but they found it otherways; the charge was all one to send a workman as a roarer, whose clamours to appease, we had much ado to get fish and corn to maintain them from one supply till another came with more loiterers without victuals still to make us worse and worse, for the most of them would rather starve than work; yet had it not been for some few that were Gentlemen, both by birth, industry, and discretion, we could not possibly have subsisted.  
Many did urge I might have forced them to it, having authority that extended so far as death: but I say, having neither 
Take heed of factions bred in England.  meat, drink, lodging, pay, nor hope of any thing, or preferment; and seeing the Merchants only did what they listed with all they wrought for, I know not what punishment could be greater than that they endured; which miseries caused us always to be in factions, the most part striving by any means to abandon the Country, and I with my party to prevent them and cause them stay. But indeed the cause of our factions was bred here in England, and grew to that maturity among themselves that spoiled all, as all the Kingdom and other Nations can too well testify: Yet in the year 1622. there were about seven or eight thousand English, as hath been said, so well trained, secure, and well furnished, as they reported and conceited. These simple Savages their bosom friends, I so much oppressed, had laid their plot how to cut all their throats in a morning, and upon the 22. of March, so innocently attempted it, they slew three hundred forty seven, set their houses on fire, slew their cattle, and brought them to that distraction & confusion within less 
The Massacre in Virginia.  than a year, there were not many more than two thousand remaining: the which loss to repair the company did what they could, till they had consumed all their stock as is said: then they broke, not making any account, nor giving satisfaction to the Lords, Planters, Adventurers, nor any, whose noble intents had referred the managing of this intricate business to a few that lost not by it; so that his Majesty recalled 
How the company dissolved.  their Commission, and by more just cause: then they persuaded King james to call in ours, which were the first beginners without our knowledge or consent, disposing of us and all our endeavours at their pleasures.   

CHAP. 3.  
A great comfort to new England, it is no Island: a strange plague.  
NOtwithstanding since they have been left in a manner, as it were, to themselves, they have increased 
The abundance of victuals now in Virginia.  their numbers to four or five thousand, and near as many cattle, with plenty of Goats, abundance of Swine, Poultry and Come, that as they report, they have sufficient and to spare, to entertain three or four hundred people, which is much better than to have many people more than provision. Now having glutted the world with their too much over-abounding Tobacco: Reason, or necessity, or both, will cause them, I hope, learn in time better to fortify themselves, and make better use of the trials of their gross commodities that I have propounded, and at the first sent over: and were it not a lamentable dishonour so goodly a Country after so much cost, loss, and trouble, should now in this estate not be regarded and supplied. And to those of New-England may it not be a great comfort to have so near 
A great comfort for New England by Virginia.  a neighbour of their own Nation, that may furnish them with their spare cattle, swine, poultry, and other roots and fruits, much better than from England. But I fear the seed of envy, and the rust of covetousness doth grow too fast, for some would have all men advance Virginia to the ruin of New-England; and others the loss of Virginia to sustain New-England, which God of his mercy forbid: for at first it was intended by that most memorable Judge Sir john Popham, than Lord chief Justice of England, and the Lords of his Majesty's Privy Council, with diverse others, that two Colonies should be planted, as now they be, for the better strengthening each other against all occurrences; the which to perform, shall ever be in my hearty prayers to Almighty God, to increase and continue that mutual love betwixt them for ever.  
By this you may perceive somewhat, what unexpected inconveniences are incident to a plantation, especially in such 
The differences betwixt the beginning of Virginia, and them of Salem.  a multitude of voluntary contributers, superfluity of officers, and unexperienced Commissioners. But it is not so, as yet, with those for New-England; for they will neither believe nor use such officers, in that they are overseers of their own estates, and so well bred in labour and good husbandry as any in England, where as few as I say was sent me to Virginia, but these were naught here and worse there.  
Now when these shall have laid the foundations, and provided means beforehand, they may entertain all the poor 
A necessary consideration.  artificers and laborers in England, and their families which are burdensome to their Parishes and Countries where they live upon alms and benevolence for want of work, which if they would but pay for their transportation, they should never be troubled with them more; for there is vast land enough for all the people in England, Scotland, and Ireland: and it seems God hath provided this Country 
New-England is no Island but the main continent.  for our Nation, destroying the natives by the plague, it not touching one Englishman, though many traded and were conversant amongst them; for they had three plagues in three years successively near two hundred miles along the Sea coast, that in some places there scarce remained five of a hundred, and as they report thus it began:  
A fishing ship being cast away upon the coast, two of the men escaped on shore; one of them died, the other lived among the natives till he had learned their language: then he persuaded them to become Christians, showing them a Testament, some parts thereof expounding so well as he could, but they so much derided him, that he told them he feared his God would destroy them: whereat the King assembled 
A strange plague among the Savages.  all his people about a hill, himself with the Christian standing on the top, demanded if his God had so many people and able to kill all those? He answered yes, and surely would, and bring in strangers to possess their land: but so long they mocked him and his God, that not long after such a sickness came, that of five or six hundred about the Massachusets' there remained but thirty, on whom their neighbours fell and slew twenty eight: the two remaining fled the Country till the English came, than they returned and surrendered their Country and title to the English: if this be not true in every particular, excuse me, I pray you, for I am not the Author: but it is most certain there was an exceeding great plague amongst them; for where I have seen two or three hundred, within three years after remained scarce thirty, but what disease it was the Savages knew not till the English told them, never having seen, nor heard of the like before.   

CHAP. 4.  
Our right to those Countries, true reasons for plantations, rare examples.  
MAny good religious devout men have made it a 
By what right we may possess those Country's law fully.  great question, as a matter in conscience, by what warrant they might go to possess those Countries, which are none of theirs, but the poor Savages. Which poor curiosity will answer itself; for God did make the world to be inhabited with mankind, and to have his name known to all Nations, and from generation to generation: as the people increased they dispersed themselves into such Countries as they found most convenient. And here in Florida, Virginia, New-England, and Cannada, is more land than all the people in Christendom can manure, and yet more to spare than all the natives of those Countries can use and culturate. And shall we here keep such a coil for land, and as such great rents and rates, when there is so much of the world uninhabited, and as much more in other places, and as good, or rather better than any we possess, were it manured and used accordingly. If this be not a reason sufficient to such tender consciences; for a copper kettle and a few toys, as beads and hatchets, they will fallen you a whole Country; and for a small matter, their houses and the ground they dwell upon; but those of the Massachusets' have resigned theirs freely.  
Now the reasons for plantations are many; Adam and 
True reasons for those plantations.  Eve did first begin this innocent work to plant the earth to remain to posterity, but not without labour, trouble, and industry: Noah and his family began again the second plantation, and their seed as it still increased, hath still planted new Countries, and one Country another, and so the world to that estate it is; but not without much hazard, travel, mortalities, discontents, and many disasters: had those worthy Fathers and their memorable offspring not been more diligent for us now in those ages, than we are to plant that yet unplanted for after-livers. Had the seed of Abraham, our Saviour Christ Jesus and his Apostles, exposed themselves to no more dangers to plant the Gospel we so much profess, than we, even we ourselves had at this present been as Savages, and as miserable as the most barbarous Savage, yet uncivilized. The Hebrews, Lacedæmonians, the Goths, Grecians, Romans, and the rest, what was it they would not undertake to enlarge their Territories, enrich their subjects, and resist their enemies. Those that were the founders of those great Monarchies and their virtues, were no silvered idle golden pharisees, but industrious honest hearted Publicans, they regarded more provisions and necessaries for their people, than jewels, ease and delight for themselves; riches was their servants, not their masters; they ruled as fathers, not as tyrants; their people as children, not as slaves; there was no disaster could discourage them; and let none think they encountered not with all manner of encumbrances, and what hath ever been the work of the best great Princes of the world, but planting of Countries, and civilising barbarous and inhuman Nations to civility and humanity, whose eternal actions fills our histories with more honour than those that have wasted and consumed them by wars.  
Lastly, the Portugals and Spaniards that first began plantations 
Rare examples of the Spaniards, Portugals, and the Ancients.  in this unknown world of America till within this 140. years, whose everlasting actions before our eyes, will testify our idleness and ingratitude to all posterity, and neglect of our duty and religion we owe our God, our King, and Country, and want of charity to those poor Savages, whose Countries we challenge, use, and possess, except we be but made to mar what our forefathers made, or but only tell what they did, or esteem ourselves too good to take the like pains where there is so much reason, liberty, and action offers itself, having as much power and means as others: why should English men despair and not do so much as any? Was it virtue in those Heros to provide that doth maintain us, and baseness in us to do the like for others to come? Surely no; then seeing we are not borne for ourselves but each to help other, and our abilities are much alike at the hour of our birth and minute of our death: seeing our good deeds or bad, by faith in Christ's merits, is all we have to carry our souls to heaven or hell: Seeing honour is our lives ambition, and our ambition after death, to have an honourable memory of our life: and seeing by no means we would be abated of the dignity and glory of our predecessors, let us imitate their virtues to be worthily their successors, or at least not hinder, if not further them that would and do their utmost and best endeavour.   

CHAP. 5.  
My first voyage to new England my return and profit.  
TO begin with the originals of the voyages to those 
My first voyage to Notumbega now called New-England. 1614  coasts, I refer you to my general history; for New-England by the most of them was esteemed a most barren rocky desert: Notwithstanding at the sole charge of some Merchants of London and myself, 1614 within eight weeks sailing I arrived at Mo●ahigan an I'll in America in 43. degrees 39 minutes of Northerly latitude. Had the fishing for Whale proved as we expected, I had stayed in the Country; but we found the plots we had, so false, and the seasons for fishing and trade by the unskilfulness of our Pilot so much mistaken, I was contented, having taken by hooks and lines with fifteen or eighteen men at most, more than 60000. Cod in less than a month: whilst myself with eight others of them might best be spared, by an hour glass of three months, ranging the coast in a small boat, got for trifles eleven hundred Beaver skins beside Otters and Martin's; all amounting to the value of fifteen hundred 
We got 1500. pound in six months.  pound, and arrived in England with all my men in health in six or seven months: But Northward the French returned this year to France five and twenty thousand bevers and good furs, whilst we were contending about Patents and Commissions, with such fearful incredulity that more dazzled our eyes than opened them. In this voyage I took the description of the coast as well by map as writing, and called 
25000. Bevers sent to France.  it New-England: but malicious minds amongst Sailors and others, drowned that name with the echo of Nusconcus, Canaday, and Penaquid; till at my humble suit, our most gracious King Charles, than Prince of Wales, was pleased to confirm it by that title, and did change the barbarous names of their principal Harbours and habitations for such English, that posterity may say, King Charles' was their Godfather; and in my opinion it should seem an unmannerly presumption in any that doth alter them without his leave.  
My second voyage was to begin a Plantation, and to 
My second and third voyage. 1615. 1616.  do what else I could, but by extreme tempests that bore near all my Masts by the board, being more than two hundred leagues at Sea, was forced to return to Plymouth with a Jury-Mast. The third was intercepted by English and French Pirates, by my treacherous company that betrayed me to them, who ran away with my Ship and all that I had, such enemies the Sailors were to a Plantation, and the greatest loss being mine, did easily excuse themselves to the Merchants in England, that still provided to follow the fishing: much difference there was betwixt the Londoners and the Westerlings to engross it, who now would adventure thousands, that when I went first would not adventure a groat; yet there went four or five good Ships, but what by their dissension, and the Turks men of war that took the best of them in the Straits, they scarce saved themselves this year. At my return from France I did my best to have united them, but that had been more than a work for Hercules, so violent is the folly of greedy covetousness.   

CHAP. 6.  
A description of the Coast, Harbours, Habitations, Landmarks, Latitude, Longitude, with the map.  
THis Country we now speak of, lieth betwixt 41. 
A description of the Country.  and 44½ the very mean for heat and cold betwixt the Equinoctial and 〈◊〉 North Pole, in which I have founded about five and twenty very good Harbours; in many whereof is Ancorage for five hundred good ships of any burden, in some of them for a thousand, and more than three hundred Isles overgrown with good timber, or diverse sorts of other woods; in most of them (in their seasons) plenty of wild fruits, Fish, and Fowl, and pure springs of most excellent water pleasantly distilling from their rocky foundations. The principal habitations I was at Northward, was Pennobscot, who are in wars with the Terentines, their next Northerly neighbours. Southerly up the Rivers, and along the Coast, we found Mecadacut, Segocket, Pemmaquid, Nusconcus, Sagadahock, Satquin, Aumughcawgen, and Kenabeca: to those belong the Countries and people of Segot igo, Pauhuntanuck, Pocopassum, Taughtanakagnet, Wabigganus, Nassaque, Masherosqueck, Wawrtgwick, Moshoquen, Waccogo, Pasharanack, etc. To those are allied in confederacy, the Countries of Aucocisco, Accominticus, Passataquak, Augawoam and Naemkeck, all these for any thing I could perceive differ little in language or any thing, though most of them be Sagamoes, and Lords of themselves, yet they hold the Bashabes of Pennobscot the chief and greatest amongst them. The next is Mattahunt, Totant, Massachuset, Paconekick, than Cape Cod, by which is Pawmet, the Isle's Nawset and Capawuck, near which are the shoules of Rocks and sands that stretch themselves into the main Sea twenty leagues, and very dangerous betwixt the degrees of 40. and 41.  
Now beyond Cape Cod, the land extendeth itself Southward to Virginia, Florida, the West-Indies, the Amazons, and Brasele, to the straits of Magelanus, two and fifty degrees Southward beyond the Line; all those great Countries, differing as they are in distance North or South from the Equinoctial, in temper, heat, cold, Woods, Fruits, Fishes, Beasts, Birds, the increase and decrease of the night and day, to six 
Under the Equinoctial, twelve hours' day, and twelve night.  months day and six months night. Some say, many of those Nations are so brute they have no Religion, wherein surely they may be deceived, for myself I never saw nor heard of any Nation in the world which had not Religion, Dear, Bows, and Arrows. Those in New-England, I take it, believe much alike as those in Virginia, of many divine Powers, yet of one above all the rest; as the Southerly Virginians call their chief God Kewassa, and that we now inhabit, Okae, but 
Their Religion.  all their King's Werowances. The M●ssichusots call their great God Kichtan, and their King's Sachemes; and that we suppose their Devil, they call Habamouk. The Pennobscots', their God, Tantum, their Kings, Sagamoes. About those Countries are abundance of several Nations and languages, but much alike in their simple curiosities, living and workmanship, except the wild estate of their chief Kings, etc.  
Of whose particular miserable magnificence, yet most happy in this, that they never trouble themselves with such variety of Apparel, Drinks, Viands, sauces, Perfumes, Preservatives, and niceties as we; yet live as long, and much more healthful and hardy: also the deities of their chiefest Gods, Priests, Conjurers, Religion, Temples, Triumphs, Physic, and Chirurgeric, their births, educations, duty of their women, exercise for their men; how they make all their Instruments and Engines to cut down Trees, make their clothes, Boats, Lines, Nets, Fishhooks, Wears, and Traps, Mats, Houses, Pots, Platters, Mortars, Bows, Arrows, Targets, Swords, Clubs, Jewels, and Hatchets. Their several sorts of Woods, Serpents, Beasts, Fish, Fowle, Roots, Berries, Fruits, Stones, and Clay. Their best trade, what is most fit to trade with them. With the particulars of the charge of a fishing voyage, and all the necessaries belonging to it, their best countries to vent it for their best returns; also the particulars for every private man or family that goeth to plant, and the best seasons to go or return thence, with the particular description of the Savages, Habitations, Harbours, and Land marks, their Latitude, Longitude, or several distance, with their old names and the new by the Map augmented. Lastly, the power of their Kings, obedience of their subjects, Laws, executions, planting their Fields, Hunt, Fishing, the manner of their wars and treacheries yet known; and in general, their lives and conversation, and how to bridle their brute, barbarous, and savage dispositions: of all these particulars you may read at large in the general History of Virginia, New-England, and the Summer Iles, with many more such strange actions and accidents, that to an ordinary capacity might rather seem miracles than wonders possibly to be effected, which though they are but wound up as bottoms of fine silk, which with a good needle might be flourished into a far larger work, yet the Images of great things are best discerned, contracted into smaller glasses.   

CHAP. 7.  
New England's yearly trials, the planting new Plymouth, supprisals prevented, their wonderful industry and fishing.  
FOr all those differences there went eight tall ships before I arrived in England, from France, so that I spent 
1617. Eight ships to fish.  that year in the West Country, to persuade the Cities, Towns, and Gentry for a Plantation, which the Merchants very little liked, because they would have the coast free only for themselves, and the Gentlemen were doubtful of their true accounts; oft and much it was so disputed, that at last they promised me the next year twenty sail well furnished, made me Admiral of the Country for my life under their hands, and the Colonels Seal for New-England; and in renewing their Letters Patents, to be a Patentee for my pains, yet nothing but a voluntary fishing was effected for all this air.  
NEW ENGLAND The most remarqueable parts thus named by the high and mighty Prince CHARLES, Prince of great Britain  
At last, upon those inducements, some well disposed Brownists, as they are termed, with some Gentlemen and Merchants of Layden and Amsterdam, to save charges, would try their own conclusions, though with great loss and much misery, till time had taught them to see their own error; for such humorists will never believe well, till they be beaten with their own rod.  
They were supplied with a small Ship with seven and thirty 
1621.  passengers, who found all them were left after they were seated, well, all but six that died, for all their poverties: in this ship they returned the value of five hundred pounds, which was taken by a Frenchman upon the coast of England.  
There is gone from the West to fish five and thirty sail, 
1622. Seven and thirty sail to fish.  two from London with sixty passengers for them at New-Plimoth, and all made good voyages. Now you are to understand, the seven and thirty passengers miscarrying twice upon the coast of England, came so ill provided, they only relied upon that poor company they found, that had lived two years by their naked industry, and what the Country naturally afforded; it is true, at first there hath been taken a thousand Bayses at a draught, and more than twelve hogsheads of Herrings in a night, of other fish when and what they would, when they had means; but wanting most necessaries for fishing and fowling, it is a wonder how they could subsist, fortify themselves, resist their enemies, and plant their plants.  
In july, a many of straggling forlorn Englishmen, whose wants they relieved, though wanted themselves; the which to requite, destroyed their Corn and Fruits, and would have done the like to them, and have surprised what they had; the savages also intended the like, but wisely they slew the savage Captains, and revenged those injuries upon the fugitive English, that would have done the like to them.   

CHAP. 8.  
Extremity next despair, God's great mercy, their estate, they make good salt, an unknown rich mine.  
AT New-Plimoth, having planted there Fields and 
1623.  Gardens, such an extraordinary drought ensued, all things withered, that they expected no harvest; and having long expected a supply, they heard no news, but a wrack split upon their Coast, they supposed their Ship: thus in the very labyrinth of despair, they solemnly assembled themselves together nine houses in prayer. At their departure, the parching fair skies all overcast with black clouds, and the next morning, such a pleasant moderate rain continued fourteen days, that it was hard to say, whether their withered fruits or drooping affections were most revived; not long after came two Ships to supply them, with all their Passengers well, except one, and he presently recovered; for themselves, for all their wants, there was not one sick person amongst them: the greater Ship they returned fraught with commodities. This year went from England, only to fish, five and forty sail, and have all made a better voyage 
Five and forty sail to fish.  than ever.  
In this Plantation there is about an hundred and fourscore 
1624.  persons, some cattle, but many Swine and Poultry: their Town contains two and thirty houses, whereof seven were burnt, with the value of five or six hundred pounds in other goods, impailed about half a mile, within which within a high Mount, a Fort, with a Watchtower, well built of stone, lome, and wood, their Ordnance well mounted, and so healthful, that of the first Planters not one hath died this three years: yet at the first landing at Cape Cod, being an hundred passengers, besides twenty they had left behind at Plymouth for want of good take heed, thinking to find all things better than I advised them, spent six or seven weeks in wand'ring up and down in frost and snow, wind and rain, among the woods, cricks, and swamps, forty of them died, and threescore were left in most miserable estate at New-Plimoth, where their Ship left them, and but nine leagues by Sea from where they landed, whose misery and variable opinions, for want of experience, occasioned much faction, till necessity agreed them. These disasters, losses, and uncertainties, made such disagreement among the Adventurers in England, who began to repent, and rather lose all, than longer continue the charge, being out of purse six or seven thousand pounds, accounting my books and their relations as old Almanacs. But the Planters, rather than leave the Country, concluded absolutely to supply themselves, and to all their adventurers pay them for nine years two hundred pounds yearly without any other account; where more than six hundred Adventurers for Virginia, for more than two hundred thousand pounds, had not six pence. Since they have made a 
They make store of good salt.  salt work, wherewith they preserve all the fish they take, and have fraughted this year a ship of an hundred and fourscore tun, living so well they desire nothing but more company, and what ever they take, return commodities to the value.  
Thus you may plainly see, although many envying I should bring so much from thence, where many others had been, and some the same year returned with nothing, reported the Fish and Bevers I brought home, I had taken from the French men of Canada, to discourage any from believing me, and excuse their own misprisions, some only to have concealed this good Country (as is said) to their private use; others taxed me as much of indiscretion, to make my discoveries and designs so public for nothing, which might have been so well managed by some concealers, to have been all rich ere any had known of it. Those, and many such like wise rewards, have been my recompenses, for which I am contented, so the Country prosper, and God's name be there praised by my Countrymen, I have my desire; and the benefit of this salt and fish, for breeding Mariners and building ships, will make so many fit men to raise a Commonwealth, if but managed, as my general history will show you; it 
An incredible rich mine.  might well by this have been as profitable as the best Mine the King of Spain hath in his West Indies.   

CHAP. 9  
Notes worth observation: miserableness no good husbandry.  
NOw if you but truly consider how many strange 
Notes worthy observation.  accidents have befallen those plantations and myself, how oft up, how oft down, sometimes near despair, and ere long flourishing; how many scandals and Spanolized English have sought to disgrace them, bring them to ruin, or at least hinder them all they could; how many have shaved and cozened both them and me, and their most honourable supporters and well-willers, cannot but conceive Gods infinite mercy both to them and me. Having been a slave to the Turks, prisoner amongst the most barbarous Savages, after my deliverance commonly discovering and ranging those large rivers and unknown Nations with such a handful of ignorant companions, that the wiser sort often gave me for lost, always in mutinies, wants and miseries, blown up with gunpowder; A long time prisoner among the French Pirates, from whom escaping in a little boat by myself, and adrift, all such a stormy winter night when their ships were split, more than an hundred thousand pound lost, we had taken at sea, and most of them drowned upon the I'll of Ree, not far from whence I was driven on shore in my little boat, etc. And many a score of the worst of winter months lived in the fields, yet to have lived near 37. years in the midst of wars, pestilence and famine; by which, many an hundred thousand have died about me, and scarce five living of them went first with me to Virginia, and see the fruits of my labours thus well begin to prosper: Though I have but my labour for my pains, have I not much reason both privately and publicly to acknowledge it and give God thanks, whose omnipotent power only delivered me. to do the utmost of my best to make his name known in those remote parts of the world, and his loving mercy to such a miserable sinner.  
Had my designs been to have persuaded men to a mine 
Goods ill gotten ill spent.  of gold, as I know many have done that knew no such matter; though few do conceive either the charge or pains in refining it, nor the power nor care to defend it; or some new invention to pass to the South sea, or some strange plot to invade some strange Monastery; or some chargeable Fleet to take some rich Charaques, or letters of mart, to rob some poor Merchant or honest fisher men; what multitudes of both people and money would contend to be first employed. But in those noble endeavours now how few, unless it be to beg them as Monopolies, and those seldom seek the common good, but the commons goods, as the 217. the 218. and the 219. pages in the general history will show. But only those noble Gentlemen and their associates, for whose better encouragements I have recollected those experienced memorandums, as an Apology against all calumniating detractors, as well for myself as them.  
Now since them called Brownists went, some few before them also having my books and maps, presumed they knew 
Miserableness no good husbandry.  as much as they desired, many other directors they had as wise as themselves, but that was best that liked their own conceits; for indeed they would not be known to have any knowledge of any but themselves, pretending only Religion their governor, and frugality their counsel, when indeed it was only their pride, and singularity, and contempt of authority; because they could not be equals, they would have no superiors: in this fool's Paradise, they so long used that good husbandry, they have paid sound in trying their own follies, who undertaking in small handfuls to make many plantations, and to be several Lords and Kings of themselves, most vanished to nothing, to the great disparagement of the general business, therefore let them take heed that do follow their example.   

CHAP. 10.  
The mistaking of Patents, strange effects, encouragements for servants.  
WHo would not think that all those certainties 
1625. 1626. 1627. 1628.  should not have made both me and this Country have prospered well by this? but it fell out otherways, for by the instigation of some, whose policy had long watched their opportunity by the assurance of those profitable returns, procured new Letters Patents from King james, drawing in many Noblemen and others to the number of twenty, for Patentees, dividing my map and that tract of land from the North Sea to the South Sea, East and West, 
The effect of the last great Patent.  which is supposed by most Cosmographers at least more than two thousand miles; and from 41. degrees to 48. of Northerly latitude about 560. miles; the bounds Virginia to the South, the South Sea to the West, Canada to the North, and the main Ocean to the East; all this they divided in twenty parts, for which they cast lots, but no lot for me but Smith's Isles, which are a many of barren rocks, the most overgrown with such shrubs and sharp whins you can hardly pass them; without either grass or wood, but three or four short shrubby old Cedars. Those Patentees procured a Proclamation, that no ship should go thither to fish but pay them for the public, as it was pretended, five pound upon 
A Proclamation for New-England.  every thirty tuns of shipping, neither trade with the natives, cut down wood, throw their ballast over board, nor plant without commission, leave and content to the Lord of that division or Manor; some of which for some of them I believe will be tenantlesse this thousand year. Thus whereas this Country, as the contrivers of those projects, should have planted itself of itself, especially all the chief parts along the coast the first year, as they have oft told me, and chiefly by the fishing ships and some small help of their own, thinking men would be glad upon any terms to be admitted under their protections: but it proved so contrary, none would go at all. So for fear to make a contempt against the Proclamation it hath ever since been little frequented to any purpose, nor would they do any thing but left it to itself.  
Thus it lay again in a manner vast, till those noble Gentlemen 
Memorandums for masters.  thus voluntarily undertook it, whem I entreat to take this as a memorandum of my love, to make your plantations so near and great as you can; for many hands make light work, whereas yet your small parties can do nothing available; nor stand too much upon the letting, setting, or selling those wild Countries, nor impose too much upon the commonalty either by your maggazines, which commonly eat out all poor men's labours, nor any other too hard imposition for present gain; but let every man so it be by order allotted him, plant freely without limitation so much as he can, be it by the halves or otherways: And at the end of five or six years, or when you make a division, for every acre he hath planted, let him have twenty, thirty, forty, or an hundred; or as you find he hath extraordinarily deserved, by itself to him and his heirs for ever; all his charges being defrayed to his lord or master, and public good: In so doing, a servant that will labour, within four or five years 
Encouragements for servants.  may live as well there as his master did here: for where there is so much land lie waste, it were a madness in a man at the first to buy, or hire, or pay anything more than an acknowledgement to whom it shall be due; and he is double mad that will leave his friends, means, and freedom in England, to be worse there than here. Therefore let all men have as much freedom in reason as may be, and true dealing, for it is the greatest comfort you can give them, where the very name of servitude will breed much ill blood, and become odious to God and man; but mildly temper correction with mercy, for I know well you will have occasion enough to use both; and in thus doing, doubtless God will bless you, and quickly triple and multiply your numbers, the which to my utmost I will do my best endeavour.   

CHAP. 11.  
The planting Bastable or Salem and Charlton, a description of the Massachusets'.  
IN all those plantations, yea, of those that have done least, yet the most will say, we were the first; and so every 
1629. The planting Salem.  next supply, still the next beginner: But seeing history is the memory of time, the life of the dead, and the happiness of the living; because I have more plainly discovered, and described, and discoursed of those Countries than any as yet I know, I am the bolder to continue the story, and do all men right so near as I can in those new beginnings, which hereafter perhaps may be in better request than a forest of nine days pamphlets.  
In the year 1629. about March, six good ships are gone with 350. men, women, and children, people professing themselves 
Their provisions for Salem.  of good rank, zeal, means and quality: also 150. head of cattle, as horse, mares, and neat beasts; 41. goats, some coneys, with all provision for household and apparel; six pieces of great Ordnance for a Fort, with Muskets, Pikes, Corslets, Drums and Colours, with all provisions necessary for the good of man. They are seated about 42. degrees and 38. minutes, at a place called by the natives Naemkecke, by our Royal King Charles, Bastable; but now by the planters, Salem; where they arrived for most part exceeding well, their cattle and all things else prospering exceedingly, far beyond their expectation.  
At this place they found some reasonable good provision 
The planting Salem and Charlton.  and houses built by some few of Dorchester, with whom they are joined in society with two hundred men, an hundred and fifty more they have sent to the Massachusets', which they call Charlton, or Charles Town: I took the fairest reach in this Bay for a river, whereupon I called it Charles river, after the name of our Royal King Charles; but they find that fair Channel to divide itself into so many fair branches as make forty or fifty pleasant Lands within that excellent Bay, where the land is of diverse and sundry sorts, in some places very black and fat, in others good clay, sand and gravel, the 
A description of the Massachusets' Bay.  superficies neither too flat in plains, nor too high in hills. In the Isles you may keep your hogs, horse, cattle, coneys or poultry, and secure for little or nothing, and to command when you lift, only having a care of provision for some extraordinary cold winter. In those Isles, as in the main, you may make your nurseries for fruits and plants where you put no cattle; in the main you may shape your Orchards, Vineyards, Pastures, Gardens, Walks, Parks, and Corn fields out of the whole piece as you please into such plots, one adjoining to another, leaving every of them environed with two, three, four, or six, or so many rows of well grown trees as you will, ready grown to your hands, to defend them from ill weather, which in a champion you could not in many ages; and this at first you may do with as much facility, as carelessly or ignorantly cut down all before you, and then after better consideration make ditches, pales, plant young trees with an excessive charge and labour, seeing you may have so many great and small growing trees for your main posts, to fix hedges, palisadoes, houses, rales, or what you will; which order in Virginia hath not been so well observed as it might: where all the woods for many an hundred mile for the most part grow straight, like unto the high grove or tuft of trees, upon the high hill by the house of that worthy Knight Sir Humphrey Mildmay, so remarkable in Essex in the Parish of Danbery, where I writ this discourse, but much taller and greater, neither grow they so thick together by the half, and much good ground between them without shrubs, and the best is ever known by the greatness of the trees and the vesture it beareth. Now in New-England the trees are commonly lower, but much thicker and firmer wood, and more proper for shipping, of which I will speak a little, being the chief engine we are to use in this work, and the rather for that within a square of twenty leagues, you may have all, or most of the chief materials belonging to them, were they wrought to their perfection as in other places.  
Of all fabrics a ship is the most excellent, requiring more art in building, rigging, sailing, trimming, defending, 
The masterpiece of workmanship.  and moaring, with such a number of several terms and names in continual motion, not understood of any landman, as none would think of, but some few that know them; for whose better instruction I writ my Sea-Grammar, a book most necessary for those plantations, because there is scarce any thing belonging to a ship, but the Sea-termes, charge and duty of every officer is plainly expressed, and also any indifferent capacity may conceive how to direct an unskilful Carpenter or Sailer to build Boats and Barks sufficient to sail those coasts and rivers, and put a good workman in mind of many things in this business he may easily mistake or forget. But to be excellent in this faculty is the masterpiece of all the most necessary workmen in the world. The first rule or model thereof being directed by God himself to Noah for his Ark, which he never did to any other building but his Temple, which is tossed and turned up and down the world with the like dangers, miseries, and extremities as a ship, sometimes tasting the fury of the four Elements, as well as she, by unlimited tyrants in their cruelty for tortures, that it is hard to conceive whether those inhumanes exceed the beasts of the Forest, the birds of the Air, the fishes of the Sea, either in numbers, greatness, swiftness, fierceness or cruelty; whose actions and varieties, with such memorable observations as I have collected, you shall find with admiration in my history of the Sea, if God be pleased I live to finish it.   

CHAP. 12.  
Extraordinary means for building, many caveats, increase of corn, how to spoil the woods, for any thing, their healths.  
FOr the building houses, towns, and fortresses, where shall a man find the like conveniency, as stones of most 
Extraordinary means for buildings.  sorts, as well lime stone, if I be not much deceived, as Iron stone, smooth stone, blue slate for covering houses, and great rocks we supposed Marble, so that one place is called the marble harbour: There is grass plenty, though very long and thick stalked, which being neither mown nor eaten, is very rank, yet all their cattle like and prosper well therewith, but indeed it is weeds, herbs, and grass growing together, which although they be good and sweet in the Summer, they will deceive your cattle in winter; therefore be careful 
Caveats for cattles.  in the Spring to mow the swamps, and the low Lands of Auguan, where you may have harsh sheare-grasse enough to make hay of, till you can clear ground to make pasture, which will bear as good grass as can grow any where, as now it doth in Virginia; and unless you make this provision, if there come an extraordinary winter, you will lose many of them & hazard the rest, especially if you bring them in the latter end of Summer, or before the grass be grown in the Spring, coming weak from Sea. All things they plant prosper exceedingly: but one man of 13. gallons of Indian corn, reaped that year 364. bushels London measure, as they confidently report, at which I much wonder, having planted many bushels, but no such increase.  
The best way we found in Virginia to spoil the woods, 
How to spoil the woods for pasture and corn.  was first to cut a notch in the bark a hand broad round about the tree, which pill off and the tree will sprout no more, and all the small boughs in a year or two will decay, the greatest branches in the root they spoil with fire, but you with more ease may cut them from the body and they will quickly rot: betwixt those trees they plant their corn, whose great bodies do much defend it from extreme gusts, and heat of the Sun, where that in the plains, where the trees by time they have consumed, is subject to both; and this is the most easy way to have pasture and corn fields, which is much more fertile than the other: in Virginia they never manure their overworn fields, which is very few, the ground for most part is so fertile: but in New-England they do, sticking at every plant of corn, a herring or two, which cometh in that season in such abundance, they may take more than they know what to do with.  
Some infirmed bodies, or tender educats, complain of 
A silly complaint of cold, the reason and remedy.  the piercing cold, especially in January and February, yet the French in Canada, the Russians, Swethlanders, Polanders, Germans, and our neighbour Hollanders, are much colder and far more Northward, for all that, rich Countries and live well. Now they have wood enough if they will but cut it, at their doors to make fires, and train oil with the splinters of the roots of fir trees for candles, where in Holland they have little or none to build ships, houses, or any thing but what they fetch from foreign Countries, yet they dwell but in the latitude of Yorkshire, and New-England is in the height of the North cape of Spain, which is 10. degrees, 200. leagues, or 600. miles nearer the Sun than we, where upon the mountains of Bisky I have felt as much cold, frost, and snow as in England, and of this I am sure, a good part of the best Countries and kingdoms of the world, both Northward and Southward of the line, lie in the same parallels of Uirginia and New-England as at large you may find in the 201. page of the general history.  
Thus you may see how prosperously thus far they have proceeded, in which course by God's grace they may contitinue; 
Provisoes for passengers and sailors at sea.  but great care would be had they pester not their ships too much with cattle nor passengers, and to make good conditions for your people's diet, for therein is used much legerdemain, therefore in that you cannot be too careful to keep your men well, and in health at Sea: in this case some masters are very provident, but the most part so they can get fraught enough, care not much whether the passengers live or die, for a common sailer regards not a landman, especially a poor passenger, as I have seen too oft approved by lamentable experience, although we have victualled them all at our own charges.   

CHAP. 13.  
Their great supplies, present estate and accidents, advantage.  
WHo would not think but that all those trials had 
1630. Their presnnt estate.  been sufficient to lay a foundation for a plantation, but we see many men many minds, and still new Lords, new laws: for those 350. men with all their cattle that so well arrived and promised so much, not being of one body, but several men's servants, few could command and fewer obey, lived merrily of that they had, neither planting or building any thing to any purpose, but one fair house for the Governor, till all was spent and the winter approached; then they grew into many diseases, and as many inconveniences, depending only of a supply from England, which expected Houses, Gardens, and Corn fields ready planted by them for their entertainment.  
It is true, that Master john Wynthrop, their now Governor, a worthy Gentleman both in estate and esteem, went so well provided (for six or seven hundred people went with him) as could be devised, but at Sea, such an extraordinary storm encountered his Fleet, continuing ten days, that of two hundred cattle which were so tossed and bruised, threescore and ten died, many of their people fell sick, and in this perplexed estate, after ten weeks, they arrived in New-England at several times, where they found threescore of their people dead, the rest sick, nothing done, but all complaining, and all things so contrary to their expectation, that now every monstrous humour began to show itself. And to second this, near as many more came after them, but so ill provided, with such multitudes of women and children, as redoubled their necessities.  
This small trial of their patience, caused among them no 
The fruits of counterfeits.  small confusion, and put the Governor and his Council to their utmost wits; some could not endure the name of a Bishop, others not the sight of a Cross nor Surplice, others by no means the book of common Prayer. This absolute crew, only of the Elect, holding all (but such as themselves) reprobates and castawaies, now make more haste to return to Babel, as they termed England, than stay to enjoy the land they called Canaan; somewhat they must say to excuse themselves.  
Those he found Brownists, he let go for New-Plimoth, who are now betwixt four or five hundred, and live well without want, some two hundred of the rest he was content to return for England, whose clamours are as variable as their humours and Auditors; some say they could see no timber of two foot diameter, some the Country is all Woods, others they drunk all the Springs and Ponds dry, yet like to famish for want of fresh water; some of the danger of the rattle Snake; and that others sold their provisions at what rates they pleased to them that wanted, and so returned to England great gainers out of others miseries; yet all that returned are not of those humours.  
Notwithstanding all this, the noble Governor was no way disanimated, neither reputes him of his enterprise for all those mistakes, but did order all things with that temperance and discretion, and so relieved those that wanted with his own provision, that there is six or seven hundred remained with him, and more than 1600. English in all the Country, with three or four hundred head of cattle, as for Corn they are very ignorant: If upon the coast of America, they do not before the end of this October (for toys) furnish themselves with two or three thousand bushels of Indian Corn, which is better than ours, and in a short time cause the Savages to do them as good service as their own men, as I did in Virginia, and yet neither use cruelty nor tyranny amongst them; a consequence well worth putting in practice: and till it be effected, they will hardly do well. I know ignorance will say it is impossible, but this impossible task, ever since the massacre in Virginia, I have been a suitor to have undertaken, but with 150. men, to have got Corn, fortified the Country, and discovered them more land than they all yet know or have demonstrated: but the Merchant's common answer was, necessity in time would force the Planters do it themselves, and rather thus husbandly to lose ten sheep, than be at the charge of a half penny worth of Tar.  
Who is it that knows not what a small handful of Spaniards in the West Indies, subdued millions of the inhabitants, 
Note well.  so depopulating those Countries they conquered, that they are glad to buy Negroes in Africa at a great rate, in Countries far remote from them, which although they be as idle and as devilish people as any in the world, yet they cause them quickly to be their best servants; notwithstanding, there is for every four or five natural Spaniards, two or three hundred Indians and Negro, and in Virginia and New-England more English than Savages, that can assemble themselves to assault or hurt them, and it is much better to help to plant a country than unplant it and then replant it: but there Indians were in such multitudes, the Spaniards had no other remedy; and ours such a few, and so dispersed, it were nothing in a short time to bring them to labour and obedience.  
It is strange to me, that English men should not do as much as any, but upon every sleight affront, in stead to amend it, we make it worse; notwithstanding the worst of all those rumours, the better sort there are constant in their resolutions, and so are the most of their best friends here; and making provision to supply them, many conceit they make a death here, which is nothing so; for they would spend more here than they transport thither. One Ship this Summer with twenty cattle, and forty or fifty passengers, arrived all well, and the Ship at home again in nine weeks: another for all this exclamation of want, is returned with 10000 Corfish, and fourscore Kegs of Sturgeon, which they did take and save when the season was near passed, and in the very heat of Summer, yet as good as can be. Since another ship is gone from Bristol, and many more a providing to follow them with all speed.  
Thus you may plainly see for all these rumours, they are in no such distress as is supposed: as for their mischances, misprisons, or what accidents may befall them, I hope none is so malicious, as attribute the fault to the Country nor me; yet if some blame us not both, it were more than a wonder; for I am not ignorant that ignorance and too curious spectators, make it a great part of their profession to censure (however) any man's actions, who having lost the path to virtue, will make most excellent shifts to mount up any way; such incomparable connivenoy is in the Devils most punctual cheaters, they will hazard a joint, but where God hath his Church they will have a Chapel; a mischief so hard to be prevented, that I have thus plainly adventured to show my affection, through the weakness of my ability, you may easily know them by their absoluteness in opinions, holding experience but the mother of fools, which indeed is the very ground of reason, and he that contemns her in those actions, may find occasion enough to use all the wit and wisdom he hath to correct his own solly, that thinks to find amongst those savages such Churches, Palaces, Monuments, and Buildings as are in England.   

CHAP. 14.  
Ecclesiastical government in Virginia, authority from the Arch Bishop, their beginning at Bastable now called Salem.  
NOw because I have spoke so much for the body, give 
Ecclesiastical government in Virginia.  me leave to say somewhat of the soul; and the rather because I have been demanded by so many, how we began to preach the Gospel in Virginia, and by what authority, what Churches we had, our order of service, and maintenance for our Ministers, therefore I think it not amiss to satisfy their demands, it being the mother of all our Plantations, entreating pride to spare laughter, to understand her simple beginning and proceedings.  
When I went first to Virginia, I well remember, we did hang an awning (which is an old sail) to three or four trees to shadow us from the Sun, our walls were rales of wood, our seats unhewed trees, till we cut planks, our Pulpit a bar of wood nailed to two neighbouring trees, in foul weather we shifted into an old rotten tent, for we had few better, and this came by the way of adventure for new; this was our Church, till we built a homely thing like a barn, set upon Crotchets, covered with rafts, sedge, and earth, so was also the walls: the best of our houses of the like curiosity, but the most part far much worse workmanship, that could neither well defend wind nor rain, yet we had daily Common Prayer morning and evening, every Sunday two Sermons, and every three months the holy Communion, till our Minister died, but our Prayers daily, with an Homily on Sundays; we continued two or three years after till more Preachers came, and surely God did most mercifully hearens, till the continual inundations of mistaking directions, factions, and numbers of unprovided Libertines near consumed us all, as the Israelites in the wilderness.  
Notwithstanding, out of the relics of our miseries, time and 
Their estates at this day.  experience had brought that Country to a great happiness, had they not so much doted on their Tobacco, on whose fumish foundation there is small stability: there being so many good commodities beside, yet by it they have builded many pretty Villages, fair houses, and Chapels, which are grown good Benefices of 120. pounds a year, besides their own mundall industry, but james town was 500 pounds a year, as they say, appointed by the Council here, allowed by the Council there, and confirmed by the Archbishop of Canterbury his Grace, Primate and Metrapolitan of all England. An. 1605. to master Richard Haeclutt Prebend of Westminister, who by his authority sent master Robert Hunt, an honest, religious, and courageous Divine; during whose life our factions were oft qualified, our wants and greatest extremities so comforted, that they seemed easy in comparison of what we endured after his memorable death.  
Now in New-England they have all our examples to teach 
Their order of teaching in Salem.  them how to beware, and choice men, we most ignorant in all things, or little better, therefore presage not the event of all such actions by our defailements: For they write, they doubt not ere long to be able to defend themselves against any indifferent enemy; in the interim, they have Preachers erected among themselves, and Gods true Religion (they say) taught amongst them, the Sabbath day observed, the common Prayer (as I understand) and Sermons performed, and diligent catechising, with strict and careful exercise, and commendable good orders to bring those people with whom they have to deal withal into a Christian conversation, to live well, to fear God, serve the King, and love the Country; which done, in time from both those Plantations may grow a good addition to the Church of England; but Rome was not built in one day, whose beginnings was once as unhopefull as theirs, and to make them as eminent shall be my humble and hearty prayers.  
But as yet it is not well understood of any authority they have sought for the government & tranquillity of the Church, which doth cause those suspicions of factions in Religion, wherein although I be no Divine, yet I hope without offence 
The miserable effects of faction in Religion.  I may speak my opinion as well in this as I have done in the rest. He that will but truly consider the greatness of the Turks Empire and power here in Christendom, shall find the natural Turks are generally of one religion, and the Christians in so many divisions and opinions, that they are among themselves worse enemies than the Turks, whose disjoyntednesse hath given him that opportunity to command so many hundred thousand of Christians as he doth, where had they been constant to one God, one Christ, and one Church, Christians might have been more able to have commanded as many Turks, as now the Turks do poor miserable Christians. Let this example remember you to beware of faction in that nature; for my own part, I have seen many of you here in London go to Church as orderly as any.  
Therefore I doubt not not but you will seek to the prime authority of the Church of England, for such an orderly authority 
The necessity of order and authority.  as in most men's opinions is fit for you both to entreat for and to have, which I think will not be denied; and you have good reason, seeing you have such liberty to transport so many of his Majesty's subjects, with all sorts of cattle, arms, and provision as you please, and can provide means to accomplish, nor can you have any certain relief, nor long subsist without more supplies from England. Besides, this might prevent many inconveniences may ensue, and would clearly take away all those idle and malicious rumours, and occasion you many good and great friends and assistance you yet dream not of; for you know better than I can tell, that the maintainers of good Orders and Laws is the best preservation next God of a Kingdom: but when they are stuffed with hypocrisy and corruption, that state is not doubtful but lamentable in a well settled Commonwealth, much more in such as yours, which is but a beginning, for as the Laws corrupt, the state consumes.   

CHAP. 15.  
The true model of a plantation, tenure, increase of trade, true examples, necessity of expert Soldiers, the names of all the first discoverers for plantations and their actions, what is requisite to be in the Governor of a plantation, the expedition of Queen Elizabeth's Sea Captains.  
IN regard of all that is past, it is better of those slow proceedings 
The effect of a Citadel, or 〈◊〉 true model of a Plantation.  than lose all, and better to amendlate than never; I know how hateful it is to envy, pride, flattery, and greatness to be advised, but I hope my true meaning wise men will excuse, for making my opinion plain; I have been so often and by so many honest men entreated for the rest, the more they mislike it, the better I like it myself.  
Concerning this point of a Citadel, it is not the least, though the last remembered: therefore seeing you have such good means and power of your own I never had, with the best convenient speed may be erect a Fort, a Castle or Citadel, which in a manner is all one; towards the building, provision, and maintenance thereof, every man for every acre he doth culturate to pay four pence yearly, and some small matter out of every hundred of fish taken or used within five or ten miles, or as you please about it, it being the Centre as a Fortress for ever belonging to the State, and when the charge shall be defrayed to the chief undertaker, in reason, let him be Governor for his life: the overplus to go forward to the erecting another in like manner in a most convenient place, and so one after another, as your abilities can accomplish, by benevoleuces, forfeitures, fines, and impositions, as reason and the necessity of the common good requireth; all men holding their lands on those manners as they do of Churches, Universities, and Hospitals, but all depending upon one principal, and this would avoid all faction among the Superiors, extremities from the commonalty, & none would repine at such payments, when they shall see it justly employed for their own defence and security; as for corruption in so small a Government, you may quickly perceive, and punish it accordingly.  
Now as his Majesty hath made you custome-free for seven years, have a care that all your Country men shall come to 
The condition of trade and freedom.  trade with you, be not troubled with Pilotage, Boyage, Ancorage, Wharfage, Custom, or any such tricks as hath been lately used in most of new Plantations, where they would be Kings before their folly; to the discouragement of many, and a scorn to them of understanding, for Dutch, French, Biskin, or any will as yet use freely the Coast without control, and why not English as well as they: Therefore use all comers with that respect, courtesy, and liberty is fitting, which in a short time will much increase your trade and shipping to fetch it from you, for as yet it were not good to adventure any more abroad with factors till you be better provided; now there is nothing more inricheth a Commonwealth than much trade, nor no means better to increase than small custom, as Holland, Genua, Leghorn, and diverse other places can well tell you, and doth most beggar those places where they take most custom, as Turkey, the Archipelagan Isles, Cicilia, the Spanish ports, but that their officers will connive to enrich themselves, though undo the State.  
In this your infancy, imagine you have many eyes attending your actions, some for one end, and some only to find fault; neglect therefore no opportunity, to inform his Majesty truly your orderly proceedings, which if it be to his liking, and contrary to the common rumour here in England, doubtless his Majesty will continue you custom free, till you have recovered yourselves, and are able to subsist; for till such time, to take any custom from a Plantation, is not the way to make them prosper, nor is it likely those Patentees shall accomplish anything; that will neither maintain them nor defend them, but with Countenances, Counsels, and advice, which any reasonable man there may better advise himself, than one thousand of them here who were never there; nor will any man, that hath any wit, throw himself into such a kind of subjection, especially at his own cost and charges; but it is too oft seen that sometimes one is enough to deceive one hundred, but two hundred not sufficient to keep one from being deceived.  
I speak not this to discourage any with vain fears, but could 
The Spaniards glory.  wish every English man to carry always this Motto in his heart; Why should the brave Spanish Soldiers brag. The Sun never sets in the Spanish dominions, but ever shineth on one part or other we have conquered for our King; who within these few hundred of years, was one of the least of most of his neighbours; but to animate us to do the like for ours, who is no way his inferior; and truly there is no pleasure comparable to a generous spirit; as good employment in noble actions, especially amongst Turks, Heathens, and Infidels, to see daily new Countries, people, fashions, governments, stratagems, relieve the oppressed, comfort his friends, pass miseries, subdue enemies, adventure upon any feasible danger for God and his Country: it is true, it is a happy thing to be borne to strength, wealth, and honour, but that which is got by prowess and magnanunity is the truest lustre; and those can the best distinguish content, that have escaped most honourable dangers, as if out of every extremity he found himself now borne to a new life to learn how to amend and maintain his age.  
Those harsh conclusions have so oft plundered me in those perplexed 
Prouisoes for exercise of arms.  actions, that if I could not freely express myself to them doth second them, I should think myself guilty of a most damnable crime worse than ingratitude; however some overweining capricious conceits, may attribute it to vainglory, ambition, or what other idle Epithet such pleased to bestow on me: But such trash I so much scorn, that I presume further to advise those, less advised than myself, that as your fish and trade increaseth, so let your forts and exercise of arms, drilling your men at your most convenient times, to rank, file, march, skirmish, and retire, in file, manaples, battalia, or ambuskadoes, which service there is most proper; also how to assault and defend your forts, and be not sparing of a little extraordinary shot and powder to make them mark-men, especially your Gentlemen, and those you find most capable, for shot must be your best weapon, yet all this will not do unless you have atleast 100 or as many as you can, of expert, blooded, approved good Soldiers, who dare boldly lead them, not to shoot a duck, a goose, or a dead mark, but at men, from whom you must expect such as you send. The want of this, and the presumptuous assurance of literal Captains, was the loss of the French and Spaniards in Florida, each surprising other, and lately near the ruin of Mevis and Saint Christopher's in the Indies: also the French at Port rial, and those at Canada, now your next English neighbours: Lastly, Cape Britton not far from you, called New-Scotland. Questionless there were some good Soldiers among them, yet somewhat was the cause they were undone by those that watched the advantage of opportunity: for as rich preys make true men thiefs; so you must not expect, if you be once worth taking and unprovided, but by some to be attempted in the like manner: to the prevention whereof, I have not been more willing at the request of my friends to print this discourse, than I am ready to live and dye among you, upon conditions sating my calling and profession to make good, and Virginia and New-England, my heirs, executors, administrators and assigns.  
Now because I cannot express half that which is necessary for your full satisfaction and instruction belonging to this business in 
A reference to the action of all our prime discoverers and plonters.  this small pamphlet, I refer you to the general history of Virginia, the Summer Iles, and New-England; wherein you may plainly see all the discoveries, plantations, accidents, the misprisions and causes of defailments of all those noble and worthy Captains; Captain Philip Amadas, and Barlow; that most renowned Knight Sir Richard Greenvile, worthy Sir Ralph Layne, and learned Master Horiot, Captain john White, Captain Bartholomew Gosnold, Captain Martin Pring, and George Waymouth, with mine own observations by sea, rivers and land, and all the governor's that yearly succeeded me in Virginia. Also those most industrious Captains, Sir George Summer, and Sir Thomas Gates, with all the governor's that succeeded them in the Summer Iles. Likewise the plantation of Sagadahock, by those noble Captains, George Popham, Rawley Gilbert, Edward Harlow, Robert Davis, james Davis, john Davis, and diverse others, with the maps of those Countries: with it also you may find the plantations of Saint Christopher's, Mevis, the Berbades, and the great river of the Amazons, whose greatest defects, and the best means to amend them are there yearly recorded, to be warnings and examples to them that are not too wise to learn to understand.  
This great work, though small in conceit, is not a work for 
What is requisite to be in a Governor of a plantation.  everyone to manage such an affair, as make a discovery, and plant a Colony, it requires all the best parts of art, judgement, courage, honesty, constancy, diligence, and industry, to do but near well; some are more proper for one thing than another, and therein best to be employed, and nothing breeds more confusion than misplacing and misemploying men in their undertake. Columbus, Curtez, Pitzara, Zotto, Magellanus, and the rest, served more than an apprenticeship to learn how to begin their most memorable attempts in the West Indies, which to the wonder of all ages, successfully they effected, when many hundreds far above them in the world's opinion, being instructed but by relation, scorning to follow their blunt examples, but in great state, with new inventions came to shame and confusion in actions of small moment, who doubtless in other matters, were both wise, discreet, generous and courageous. I say not this to detract any thing from their nobleness, state, nor greatness, but to answer those questionless questions that keep us from imitating the others brave spirits, that advanced themselves from poor Soldiers to great Captains, their posterity to great Lords, and their King to be one of the greatest potentates on earth, and the fruits of their labours his greatest glory, power, and renown.  
Till his greatness and security made his so rich remote and dispersed 
The expeditions of Queen Elizabeth's Sea-Captaines.  plantations such great booties and honours, to the incomparable Sir Fr. Drake, the renowned Captain Candish, Sir Richard Luson, Sir john Hawkins, Captain Carlisle, and Sir Martin Furbisher, etc. and the most memorable and right honourable Earls, Cumberland, Essex, Southampton, and Nottingham that good L. Admiral, with many hundreds of brave English Soldiers, Captains and Gentlemen, that have taught the Hollanders to do the like: Those would never stand upon a demur who should give the first blow, when they see peace was only but an empty name, and no sure league, but impuissance to do hurt, found it better to buy peace by war, than take it up at interest of those could better guide penknives than use swords; and there is no misery worse than be conducted by a fool, or commanded by a coward; for who can endure to be assaulted by any, see his men and self imbrued in their own blood, for fear of a check, when it is so contrary to nature and necessity, and yet as obedient to government and their Sovereign, as duty required. Now your best plea is to stand upon your guard, and provide to defend as they did offend, especially at landing: if you be forced to retire, you have the advantage five for one in your retreat, wherein there is more discipline, than in a brave charge; and though it seem less in fortune, it is as much in valour to defend as to get, but it is more easy to defend than assault, especially in woods where an enemy is ignorant. Lastly, remember as faction, pride, and security, produces nothing but confusion, misery and dissolution; so the contraries well practised will in short time make you happy, and the most admired people of all our plantations for your time in the world.  
john Smith writ this with his own hand.   
FINIS.   

Errata.  
Page 3. The Company in England say 7. or 8. thousand: the Counsel in Virginia say but 2200. or there about.   

Errata.  
COurteous Reader, by reason of the false transcribeing of the Copy these faults are past, which we desire you to mend with your Pen.  
In the Epistle to the Reader l. 9 for detractnesse read detractment. in the Contents. Chap. 7. l. 3. the Sants, r. them Pheasants. page 1. l. 14. desirous, r. desired. p 2. l. 28. denied not, r. denied it, not. p. 24. l. 25. the Sants r. them Pheasants. p. 26. l. 26. Cattanents, r. Catavents. p. 27. l. 16. with, r. to which. p. 28 against line 22. R. B. wants in the margin. p. 32. l. 28. Almond, r. Allom. p. 44. against line 7. R. B. wants in the margin. p. 52. l. 22. accord▪ r. action. p. 54. in line 14 and 15. blot out Cutters to have made India Tobacco. p. 55. l. 4. then for mine, r. then mine for. p. 61. l. 3. shaviva, r. aleavina. p. 66. l. 23. imitation, r. initiation. p. 67. l. 4. come, r. am. p. 71. against line 29. R. B. wants in the margin. p. 72. l. 6. 7. 8. 9 for  

Neva disant ma main faict cest aennre,  
On ma vertut cebel aennre ae par faict;  
Mais does ainsi dien par moy a faict,  
Dieu est santheur dei peu de bien que je ' onre.   
read,  

Ne va disant ma main a faict cest oewre,  
Ou ma vertu ce bel oewre a par faict;  
Mais does ainsi dieu par moy l'our a faict,  
Dieu est l'autheur du peu de bien que je'oure.