A DESCRIPTION of New England: OR THE OBSERVATIONS, AND discoveries, of Captain john Smith (Admiral of that Country) in the North of America, in the year of our Lord 1614: with the success of six Ships, that went the next year 1615; and the accidents be fell him among the French men of war: With the proof of the present benefit this Country affords: whither this present year, 1616, eight voluntary Ships are gone to make further trial.  
At LONDON Printed by Humphrey Lownes, for Robert Clerk; and are to be sold at his house called the Lodge, in Chancery lane, over against Lincoln's Inn. 1616.   

TO THE HIGH HOPEFUL CHARLES, Prince of Great Britain.  
SIR:  
SO favourable was your most renowned and memorable Brother, Prince Henry, to all generous designs; that in my discovery of Virginia, I presumed to call two nameless Headlands after my Sovereign's heirs, Cape Henry, and Cape Charles. Since then, it being my chance to range some other parts of America, whereof I here present your Highness the description in a Map; my humble suit is, you would please to change their Barbarous names, for such English, as Posterity may say, Prince Charles' was their Godfather. What here in this relation I promise my Country, let me live or die the slave of scorn & infamy, if (having means) I make it not apparent; please God to bless me but from such accidents as are beyond my power and reason to prevent. For my labours, I desire but such conditions as were promised me out of the gains; and that your Highness would deign to grace this Work, by your Princely and favourable respect unto it, and know me to be  
Your highness true and faithful servant, john Smith.   

TO THE RIGHT HOnourable and worthy Lords, Knights, & Gentlemen, of his majesties Council, for all Plantations and discoveries; especially, of New England.  
SEeing the deeds of the most just, and the writings of the most wise, not only of men, but of God himself, have been diversly traduced by variable judgements of the Time's opinionists; what shall such an ignorant as I expect? Yet reposing myself on your favours, I present this rude discourse, to the worlds construction; though I am persuaded, that few do think there may be had from New England Staple commodities, well worth 3 or 400000 pound a year, with so small charge, and such facility, as this discourse will acquaint you. But, lest your Honours, that know me not, should think I go by hearsay or affection; I entreat your pardons to say thus much of myself: Near twice nine years, I have been taught by lamentable experience, aswell in Europe and Asia, as Africa, and America, such honest adventures as the chance of war doth cast upon poor Soldiers. So that, if I be not able to judge of what I have seen, contrived, and done; it is not the fault either of my eyes, or four quarters. And these nine years, I have bend my endeavours to find a sure foundation to begin these ensuing protects: which though I never so plainly and seriously propound; yet it resteth in God, and you▪ still to dispose of. Not doubting but your goodness will pardon my rudeness, and ponder errors in the balance of good will▪ No more: but sacring all my best abilities to the good of my Prince, and Country, and submitting myself to the exquisite judgements of your renowned virtue, I ever rest  
Your Honours, in all honest service, I. S.   

To the right Worshipful Adventurers for the Country of New England, in the Cities of London, Bristol, Exeter, Plymouth, Dartmouth, Bastable, Totneys, etc. and in all other Cities and Ports, in the Kingdom of England.  
IF the little Ant, & the silly Bee seek by their diligence the good of their Commonwealth; much more aught man.. If they punish the drones and sting them steals their labour; then blame not man.. Little honey hath that hive, where there are more Drones than Bees: and miserable is that Land, where more are idle then well employed. If the endeavours of those vermin be acceptable, I hope mine may be excusable; Though I confess it were more proper for me, To be doing what I say, then writing what I know. Had I returned rich, I could not have erred: Now having only such fish as came to my net, I must be taxed. But, I would my taxers were as ready to adventure their purse●, as I, purse, life, and all I have: or as diligent to furnish the charge, as I know they are vigilant to crop the fruits of my labours. Then would I not doubt (did God please I might safely arrive in New England, and safely return) but to perform somewhat more than I have promised, & approve my words by deeds, according to proportion.  
I am not the first hath been betrayed by Pirates: And four men of war, provided as they were, had been sufficient to have taken Samson, Hercules, and Alexander the great, no other way furnished than I was. I know not what assurance any have do pass the Seas, Not to be subject to casualty as well as myself: but least this disaster may hinder my proceedings, or ill will (by rumour) the behoveful work I pretend; I have writ this little: which I did think to have concealed from any public use, till I had made my returns speak as much, as my pen now doth.  
But because I speak so much of fishing, if any take me for such a devote fisher, as I dream of nought else, they mistake me. I know a ring of gold from a grain of barley, aswell as a goldsmith: and nothing is there to be had which fishing doth hinder, but further us to obtain. Now for that I have made known unto you a fit place for plantation, limited within the bounds of your Patent and Commission; having also received means, power, and authority by your directions, to plant there a Colony, and make further search, and discovery in those parts there yet unknown: Considering, withal, first those of his majesties Council, than those Cities above named, and diverse others that have been moved to lend their assistance to so great a work, do expect (especially the adventurers) the true relation or event of my proceedings which I hear are so abused; I am enforced for all these respects, rather to expose my imbecility to contempt, by the testimony of these rude lines, than all should condemn me for so bad a Factor, as could neither give reason nor account of my actions and designs.  
Yours to command, john Smith.   

In the deserved Honour of the Author, Captain john Smith, and his work.  
Damned Envy is a sprite, that ever haunts  
Beasts, misnamed Men; Cowards or Ignorants.  
But, only such she follows, whose dear WORTH  
(Maugre her malice) sets their glory forth.  
If this fair Overture, then, take not; It  
Is Enuie's spite (dear friend) in men-of-wit;  
Or Fear, lest morsels, which our mouths possess,  
Might fall from thence; or elsetis Sottishness.  
If either; (I hope neither) thee they raise;  
Thy 
* Hioderers.  Letters are as Letters in thy praise;  
Who, by their vice, improve (when they reprove)  
Thy virtue; so, in hate, procure thee love.  
Then, On firm Worth: this Monument I frame;  
Scorning for any Smith to sorge such fame.  
Io: Davies, Heref:   

To his worthy Captain the Author.  
THat which we call the subject of all Story,  
Is Truth, which in this Work of thine gives glory  
To all that tho-hast done. Then, scorn the spite  
of Envy; which doth no man's merits right.  
My sword may help the rest: my Pen no more  
Can do, but this; I'ave said enough before.  
Your sometime soldier, I. Codrinton, now Templar.   

To my Worthy friend and Coson, Captain john Smith.  
It overioyes my heart, when as thy Words  
Of these designs, with deeds I do compare.  
here is a Book, such worthy truth affords,  
None should the due desert there of impair;  
Sith thou, the man, deserving of these Ages,  
Much pain hast ta'en for this our Kingdoms good,  
In Climes unknown, 'mongst Turks and savages,  
T'enlarge our bounds; though with thy loss of blood.  
Hence damned Detraction: stand not in our way.  
Envy, itself, will not the Truth gainsay.  
N. Smith.   

To that worthy and generous Gentleman, my very good friend, Captain Smith.  
MAy Fate thy Project prosper, that thy name  
May be eternised with living fame:  
Though soul Detraction Honour would pervert,  
And Envy ever waits upon desert:  
In spite of Pelias, when his hate lies cold,  
Return as jason with a sleece of Gold.  
Then afterages shall record thy praise,  
That a New England to this I'll didst raise:  
And when thou diest (as all that live must die)  
Thy fame live here; thou, with Eternity.  
R: Gunnell.   

To his friend Cap: Smith, upon his description of New England.  
SIr; your Relations I have read: which show,  
there's reason I should honour them and you:  
And if their meaning I have understood,  
I dare to censure, thus: Your project's good;  
And may (if followed) doubtless quit the pain,  
With honour, pleasure and a treble gain;  
Beside the benefit that shall arise  
To make more happy our Posterities.  
For would we deign to spare, though 'twere no more  
Than what o're-filles, and surfeits us in store,  
To order Nature's fruitfulness a while  
In that rude Garden, you New England style;  
With present good, there's hope in after-days  
Thence to repair what Time and Pride decay  
In this rich kingdom. And the spacious West  
Being still more with English blood possessed,  
The Proud Iberians shall not rule those Seas,  
To check our ships from sailing where they please;  
Nor future times make any foreign power  
Become so great to force a bound to Our.  
Much good my mind foretells would follow hence  
With little labour, and with less expense.  
Thrive therefore thy Design, who ere envy:  
England may joy in England's Colony,  
Virginia seek her Virgin sisters good,  
Be blessed in such happy neighbourhood:  
Or, whatsoever Fate pleaseth to permit,  
Be thou still honoured for first moving it.  
George Whither, è societate Lincol.   

In the deserved honour of my honest and worthy Captain, john Smith, and his work.  
Captain and friends when I peruse thy book  
(With judgements eyes) into thy heart I look:  
And there I find (what sometimes- albion) knew)  
A Soldier, to his Countries-honour, true.  
Some fight for wealth; and some for empty praise;  
But thou alone thy Country's Fame to raise.  
With due discretion, and undaunted heart,  
I (oft) so well have seen thee act thy Part  
In deepest plunge of hard extremity,  
As forced the troops of proudest foes to fly.  
Though men of greater Rank and less desert  
Would Pish-away thy Praise, it can not start  
From the true Owner: for, all goodmen's tongues  
Shall keep the same. To them that Part belongs.  
If, then, Wit, Courage, and Success should get  
Thee Fame; the Muse for that is in thy debt:  
A part whereof (lest able though I be)  
Thus here I do disburse, to honour Thee.  
Rawly Croshaw.   

Michael Phettiplace, William Phettiplace, & Richard Wisfing, Gentlemen, and Soldiers under Captain Smith's Command: In his deserved honour for his Work, and worth.  
WHy may not we in this Work have our Mite,  
That had our share in each black day and night,  
When thou Virginia foildst, yet keptest unstained;  
And held'st the King of Paspeheh enchained.  
Thou all alone this savage stern didst take.  
Pamunkes king we saw thee captive make  
Among seven hundred of his stoutest men,  
To murder thee and us resolved; when  
Fast by the hand thou ledst this savage grim,  
Thy Pistol at his breast to govern him:  
Which did infuse such awe in all the rest  
(Sith their dread Sovereign thou hadst so distressed)  
That thou and we (poor sixteen) safe retired  
Unto our helpless ships. Thou (thus admired)  
Didst make proud Powhatan, his subjects send  
To Iames his Town, thy censure to attend:  
And all Virginia's Lords, and petty Kings,  
Awed by thy virtue, crouch, and Presents brings  
To gain thy grace; so dreaded thou hast been:  
And yet a heart more mild is seldom seen;  
So, making Valour Virtue, really;  
Who hast nought in thee counterfeit, or sly;  
If in the sleight be not the truest art,  
That makes men famoused for fair desert.  
Who saith of thee, this savours of vainglory,  
Mistakes both thee and us, and this true story.  
If it be ill in Thee, so well to do;  
Then, is it ill in Us, to praise thee too.  
But, if the first be well done; it is well,  
To say it doth (if so it doth) excel!  
Praise is the guerdon of each dear desert,  
Making the praised act the praised part  
With more alacrity: Honours Spur is Praise;  
Without which, it (regardless) soon decay.  
And for this pains of thine we praise thee rather,  
That future Times may know who was the father  
Of this rare Work (New England) which may bring  
Praise to thy God, and profit to thy King.   

A DESCRIPTION OF New-England, by Captain john Smith.  
IN the month of April, 
My first voyage to new-England.  1614 with two Ships from London, of a few Merchants, I chanced to arrive in New-England, a part of Ameryca, at the I'll of Monahiggan, in 43 of Northerly latitude: our plot was there to take Whales and make trials of a Mine of Gold and Copper. If those failed, Fish and Furs was then our refuge, to make ourselves saviours howsoever: we found this Whalefishing a costly conclusion: we saw many, and spent much time in chase them; but could not kill any: They being a kind of jubartes, and not the Whale that yields Fins and Oil as we expected. For our Gold, it was rather the Master's device to get a voyage that projected it, than any knowledge he had at all of any such matter. Fish & Furs was now our guard: & by our late arrival, and long lingering about the Whale, the prime of both those seasons were past ere we perceived it; we thinking that their seasons served at all times: but we found it otherwise; for, by the midst of june, the fishing failed. Yet in july and August some was taken, but not sufficient to defray so great a charge as our stay required. Of dry fish we made about 40000. of Cor fish about 7000. Whilst the sailors fished, myself with eight or nine others of them might best be spared; Ranging the coast in a small boat, we got for trifles near 1100 Beaver skins, 100 martin's, and near as many Otters; and the most of them within the distance of twenty leagues. We ranged the Coast both East and West much further; but Eastwards our commodities were not esteemed, they were so near the French who affords them better: and right against us in the Main was a Ship of Sir Frances Popphames, that had there such acquaintance, having many years used only that port, that the most part there was had by him. And 40 leagues westwards were two French Ships, that had made there a great voyage by trade, during the time we tried those conclusions, not knowing the Coast, nor savages habitation. With these Furs, the Train, and Corfish I returned for England in the Bark: where within six months after our departure from the Downs, we safe arrived back. The best of this fish was sold for five pound the hundredth, the rest by ill usage betwixt three pound and fifty shillings. The other Ship stayed to fit herself for Spain with the dry fish which was sold, by the sailors report that returned, at forty rials the quintal, each hundred weighing two quintals and a half.  
New England is that part of America in the Ocean Sea opposite to Nova Albyon in the South Sea; 
The situation of New England.  discovered by the most memorable Sir Francis Drake in his voyage about the world. In regard whereto this is styled New England, being in the same latitude. New France, off it, is Northward: Southwards is Virginia, and all the adjoining Continent, with New Granado, New Spain, New Andolosia and the West Indies. Now because I have been so oft asked such strange questions, of the goodness and greatness of those spacious Tracts of land, how they can be thus long unknown, or nor possessed by the Spaniard, and many such like demands; I entreat your pardons, if I chance to be too plain, or tedious in relating my knowledge for plain men's satisfaction.  
Florida is the next adjoining to the Indeses, 
Notes of Florida.  which unprosperously was attempted to be planted by the French. A Country far bigger than England, Scotland, France and Ireland, yet little known to any Christian, but by the wonderful endeavours of Ferdinando de Soto a valiant Spaniard: whose writings in this age is the best guide known to search those parts.  
Virginia is no Isle (as many do imagine) but part of the Continent adjoining to Florida; 
Notes of Virginia.  whose bounds may be stretched to the magnitude thereof without offence to any Christian inhabitant. For from the degrees of 30. to 45. his Majesty hath granted his Letters parents, the Coast extending south-west and north-east about 1500 miles; but to follow it aboard, the shore may well be 2000 at the least: of which, 20. miles is the most gives entrance into the Bay of Chisapeak, where is the London plantation: within which is a Country (as you may perceive by the description in a Book and Map printed in my name of that little I there discovered) may well suffice 300000 people to inhabit. And Southward adjoineth that part discovered at the charge of Sir Walter Rawley, by Sir Ralph Lane, and that learned Mathematician Mr. Thomas Heryot. Northward six or seven degrees is the River Sadagahock, where was planted the Western Colony, by that Honourable Patron of virtue Sir john Poppham Lord chief justice of England. There is also a relation printed by Captain Bartholomew Gosnould, of Elizabeth's Isles: and an other by Captain Waymoth, of Pemmaquid. From all these diligent observers, posterity may be bettered by the fruits of their labours. But for divers others that long before and since have ranged those parts, within a kenning sometimes of the shore, some touching in one place some in another, I must entreat them pardon me for omitting them; or if I offend in saying that their true descriptions are concealed, or never well observed, or died with the Authors: so that the Coast is yet still but even as a Coast unknown and undiscovered. I have had six or seven several plots of those Northern parts, so unlike each to other, and most sodiffering from any true proportion, or resemblance of the Country, as they did me no more good, then so much waste paper, though they cost me more. It may be it was not my chance to see the best; but lest others may be deceived as I was, or through dangerous ignorance hazard themselves as I did, I have drawn a Map from Point to Point, I'll to I'll, and Harbour to Harbour, with the Soundings, Sands, Rocks, & Landmarks as I passed close aboard the Shore in a little Boat; although there bemany things to be observed which the haste of other affairs did cause me omit: for, being sent more to get present commodities, than knowledge by discoveries for any future good, I had not power to search as I would: yet it will serve to direct any shall go that ways, to safe Harbours and the savages habitations: What merchandise and commodities for their labour they may find, this following discourse shall plainly demonstrate.  
Thus you may see, of this 2000 miles more than half is yet unknown to any purpose: no not so much as the borders of the Sea are yet certainly discovered. As for the goodness and true substances of the Land, we are for most part yet altogether ignorant of them, unless it be those parts about the Bay of Chisapeack and Sagadahock: but only here and there we touched or have seen a little the edges of those large dominions, which do stretch themselves into the Main, God doth know how many thousand miles; whereof we can yet no more judge, than a stranger that saileth betwixt England and France can describe the Harbours and dangers by landing here or there in some River or Bay, tell thereby the goodness and substances of Spain, Italy, Germany, Bohemia, Hungaria & the rest. By this you may perceive how much they err, that think every one which hath been at Virginia understandeth or knows what Virginia is: Or that the Spaniards know one half quarter of those Territories they possess; no, not so much as the true circumference of Terra Incognita, whose large dominions may equalize the greatness and goodness of America, for any thing yet known. It is strange with what small power he hath reigned in the East Indeses; and few will understand the truth of his strength in America: where he having so much to keep with such a pampered force, they need not greatly fear his fury, in the Bermudas, Virginia, New France, or New England; beyond whose bounds America doth stretch many thousand miles: into the frozen parts whereof one Master Hutson an English Mariner did make the greatest discovery of any Christian I know of, where he unfortunately died. For Africa, had not the industrious Portugals ranged her unknown parts, who would have sought for wealth among those fried Regions of black brutish Negers, where not withstanding all the wealth and admirable adventures & endeavours more than 140 years, they know not one third of those black habitations. But it is not a work for every one, to manage such an affair as makes a discovery, and plants a Colony: It requires all the best parts of Art, judgement, Courage, Honesty, Constancy, Diligence and Industry, to do but near well. Some are more proper for one thing then another; and therein are to be employed: and nothing breeds more confusion than misplacing and misemploying men in their undertakings. Columbus, Cortes, Pitzara, Soto, Magellanes, and the rest served more than a prenticeship to learn how to begin their most memorable attempts in the West Indeses: which to the wonder of all ages successfully they effected, when many hundreds of others far above them in the world's opinion, being instructed but by relation, came to shame and confusion in actions of small moment, who doubtless in other matters, were both wise, discreet, generous, and courageous. I say not this to detract any thing from their incomparable merits, but to answer those questionless questions that keep us back from imitating the worthiness of their brave spirits that advanced themselves from poor Soldiers to great Captains, their posterity to great Lords, their King to be one of the greatest Potentates on earth, and the fruits of their labours, his greatest glory, power and renown.  
That part we call New England is betwixt the degrees of 41. 
The description of New England.  and 45: but that part this discourse speaketh of, stretcheth but from Pennobscot to Cape Cod, some 75 leagues by a right line distant each from other: within which bounds I have seen at least 40. several habitations upon the Sea Coast, and sounded about 25 excellent good Harbours; In many whereof there is ancorage for 500 sail of ships of any burden; in some of them for 5000: And more than 200 Isles overgrown with good timber, of divers sorts of wood, which do make so many harbours as requireth a longer time than I had, to be well discovered.  
The principal habitation Northward we were at, 
The particular Country's or Governments.  was Pennobscot▪ Southward along the Coast and up the Rivers we found Mecadacut, Segocket, Pemmaquid, Nusconcus, Kenebeck, Sagadahock, and Aumoughaawgen; And to those Countries belong the people of Segotago, Paghhuntanuck, Pocopassum, Taughtanakagnet, Warbigganus, Nassaque, Masherosqueck, Wawrigweck, Moshoquen, Wakcogo, Passharanack, etc. To these are allied the Countries of Aucocisco, Accominticus, Passataquack, Aggawom, & Naemkeck: all these, I could perceive, differ little in language, fashion, or government: though most be Lords of themselves, yet they hold the Bashabes of Pennobscot, the chief and greatestamongst them.  
The next I can remember by name are Mattahunts; two pleasant Isles of groves, gardens and corn fields a league in the Sea from the Main. Then Totant, Massachuset, Pocapawmet, Quonahassit, Sagoquas, Nahapassumkeck, Topeent, Seccasaw, Totheet, Nasnocomacack, Accomack, Chawum; Then Cape Cod by which is Pawmet and the I'll Nawset, of the language, & alliance of them of Chawum: The others are called Massachusets'; of another language, humour and condition: For their trade and merchandise; to each of their habitations they have diverse Towns and people belonging; and by their relations and desriptions, more than 20 several Habitations and Rivers that stretch themselves far up into the Country, even to the borders of diverse great Lakes, where they kill and take most of their Bevers and Ouers. From Pennobscot to Sagadahock this Coast is all Mountainous and Isles of huge Rocks, but overgrown with all sorts of excellent good woods for building houses, boats, barks or ships; with an incredible abundance of most sorts of fish, much fowl, and sundry sorts of good fruits for man's use.  
Betwixt Sagadahock and Sowocatuck there is but two or three sandy Bays, 
The mixture of an excellent soil.  but betwixt that and Cape God very many: especially the Coast of the Massachusets' is so indifferently mixed with high clayey or sandy cliffs in one place, & then tracts of large long ledges of divers sorts, and quarries of stones in other places so strangely divided with tinctured veins of divers colours: as, Free stone for building, Slate for tiling, smooth stone to make furnaces and Forges for glass or iron, and iron o'er sufficient, conveniently to melt in them: but the most part so resembleth the Coast of Devonshire, I think most of the cliffs would make such limestone: If they be not of these qualities, they are so like, they may deceive a better judgement than mine; all which are so near adjoining to those other advantages I observed in these parts, that if the Ore prove as good iron & steel 〈◊〉 those parts, as I know it is within the bounds of the Country, I dare engage my head (having but men skilful to work the simples there growing) to have all things belonging to the building the rigging of ships of any proportion, and and good merchandise for the fraught, within a square of 10 or 14 leagues: and were it for a good reward, I would not fear to prove it in a less limitation.  
And surely by reason of those sandy cliffs and cliffs of rocks, 
A proof of an excellent temper.  both which we saw so planted with Gardens and Corn fields, and so well inhabited with a goodly, strong and well proportioned people, besides the greatness of the Timber growing on them, the greatness of the fish and the moderate temper of the air (for of twenty five, not any was sick, 
A proof of health.  but two that were many years diseased before they went, not withstanding our bad lodging and accidental diet) who can but approve this a most excellent place, both for health & fertility? And of all the four parts of the world that I have yet seen not inhabited, could I have but means to transport a Colony, I would rather live here then any where: and if it did not maintain if self, were we but once indifferently well fitted, let us starve.  
The main Staple, from hence to be extracted for the present to produce the rest, 
St●ple commodities present.  is fish; which howevet it may seem a mean and a base commodity: yet who who will but truly take the pains and consider the sequel, I think will allow it well worth the labour. It is strange to see what great adventures the hopes of setting forth men of war to rob the industrious innocent, would procure; or such massy promises in gross: though more are choked then well fed with such hasty hopes. But who doth not know that the poor Hollanders, 
The Hollanders fishing.  chiefly by fishing, at a great charge and labour in all weathers in the open Sea, are made a people so hardy, and industrious? and by the venting this poor commodity to the Easterlings for as mean, which is Wood, Flax, Pitch, Tar, Rosin, Cordage, and such like (which they exchange again, to the French, Spaniards, Portugals, and English, etc. for what they want) are made so mighty, strong and rich, as no State but Venice, of twice their magnitude, is so well furnished with so many fair Cities, goodly Towns, strong Fortresses, & that abundance of shipping and all sorts of merchandise, as well of Gold, Silver, Pearls, Diamonds, Precious stones, Silks, Velvets, and Cloth of gold; as Fish, Pitch, Wood, or such gross commodities? What Voyages and Discoveries, East and West, North and South, yea about the world, make they? What an Army by Sea and Land, have they long maintained in despite of one of the greatest Princes of the world? and never could the Spaniard with all his Ours of gold and Silver, pay his debts, his friends, & army, half so truly, as the Hollanders still have done by this contemptible trade of fish. divers (I know) may allege, many other assistances: But this is their Mine; and the Sea the source of those silvered streams of all their virtue; which hath made them now the very miracle of industry, the pattern of perfection for these affairs: and the benefit of fishing is that Primum mobile that turns all their Spheres to this height of plenty, strength, honour and admiration.  
Herring, Cod, and Ling, is that triplicity that makes their wealth & shipings multiplicities, such as it is, and from which (few would think it) they yearly draw at least one million & a half of pounds starling; 
Which is fifteen hundred thou and pound.  yet it is most certain (if records be true): and in this faculty they are so naturalised, and of their vents so certainly acquainted, as there is no likelihood they will ever be paralleled, having 2 or 3000 Busses, Flat bottoms, Sword pinks, Toads, and such like, that breeds them Sailors, Mariners, Soldiers and Merchants, never to be wrought out of that trade, and fit for any other. I will not deny but others may gain as well as they, that will use it, though not so certainly, nor so much in quantity; for want of experience. And this Herring they take upon the Coast of Scotland and England; their Cod and Ling, upon the Coast of Iceland and in the North Seas.  
Hamborough, & the East Countries, for Sturgeon and Caviar, gets many thousands of pounds from England, and the straits: Portugal, the Biskaines, and the Spaniards, make 40 or 50 Sail yearly to Cape-blank, to hook for Porgos, Mullet, and make Puttardo: and New found Land, doth yearly fraught near 800 sail of Ships with a silly lean skinny Poore-Iohn, and Corfish, which at least yearly amounts to 3 or 400000 pound. If from all those parts such pains is taken for this poor gains of fish, and by them hath neither meat, drink, nor clothes, wood, iron, nor steel, pitch, tar, nets, leads, salt, hooks, nor lines, for shipping, fishing, nor provision, but at the second, third, fourth, or fifth hand, drawn from so many several parts of the world ere they come together to be used in this voyage: If these I say can gain, and the Sailors live going for shares, less than the third part of their labours, and yet spend as much time in going and coming, as in staying there, so short is the season of fishing; why should we more doubt, than Holland, Portugal, Spaniard, French, or other, but to do much better than they, where there is victual to feed us, wood of all sorts, to build Boats, Ships, or Barks; the fish at our doors, pitch, tar, masts, yards, and most of other necessaries only for making? And here are no hard Landlords to rack us with high rents, or extorted fines to consume us, no tedious pleas in law to consume us with their many years disputations for justice: no multitudes to occasion such impediments to good orders, as in popular States. So freely hath God & his Majesty bestowed those blessings on them that will attempt to obtain them, as here every man may be master and owner of his own labour and land; or the greatest part in a small time. If he have nothing but his hands, he may set up this trade; and by industry quickly grow rich; spending but half that time well, which in England we abuse in idleness, worse or as ill. Here is ground also as good as any lieth in the height of forty one, forty two, forty three, etc. which is as temperate and as fruitful as any other parallel in the world. 
Examples of the altitude comparatively.  As for example, on this side the line West of it in the South Sea, is Nova Albion, discovered as is said, by Sir Francis Drake. East from it, is the most temperate part of Portugal, the ancient kingdoms of Galazia, Biskey, Navarre, Arragon, Catalonia, Castilia the old, and the most moderatest of Castilia the new, and Valentia, which is the greatest part of Spain: which if the Spanish Histories be true, in the Romans time abounded no less with gold and silver Mines, than now the West Indies; The Romans then using the Spaniards to work in those Mines, as now the Spaniard doth the Indians.  
In France, the Provinces of Gasconie, Langadock, Avignon, Province, Dolphin, Pyamont, and Turyne, are in the same parallel: which are the best & richest parts of France. In Italy, the provinces of Genua, Lombary, & Verona, with a great part of the most famous Sat of Venice, the Dukedoms of Bononia, Mantua, Ferrara, Ravenna, Bolognia, Florence, Pisa, Sienna, Urbine, Ancona, and the ancient City and Country of Rome, with a great part of the great Kingdom of Naples. In Slavonia, Istrya, and Dalmatia, with the Kingdoms of Albania. In Grecia, that famous Kingdom of Macedonia, Bulgaria, Thessalia, Thracia, or Romania, where is seated the most pleasant and plentiful City in Europe, Constantinople. In Asia also, in the same latitude, are the temperatest parts of Anatolia, Armenia, Persia, and China, besides divers other large Countries and Kingdoms in these most mild and temperate Regions of Asia. Southward, in the same height, is the richest of gold Mynes, Chily and Baldivia, & the mouth of the great River of Plate, &c: for all the rest of the world in that height is yet unknown. Besides these reasons, mine own eyes that have seen a great part of those Cities and their Kingdoms, as well as it, can find no advantage they have in nature, but this, They are beautified by the long labour and diligence of industrious people and Art. This is only as God made it, when he created the world. Therefore I conclude, if the heart and entrails of those Regions were sought: if their Land were cultured, planted and manured by men of industry, judgement, and experience; what hope is there, or what need they doubt, having those advantages of the Sea, but it might equalize any of those famous Kingdoms, in all commodities, pleasures, and conditions? seeing even the very edges do naturally afford us such plenty, as no ship need return away empty: and only use but the season of the Sea, fish will return an honest gain, beside all other advantages; her treasures having yet never been opened, nor her originals wasted, consumed, nor abused.  
And whereas it is said, 
The particular staple commodities that may be had.  the Hollanders serve the Easterlings themselves, and other parts that want, with Herring, Ling, and wet Cod; The Easterlings, a great part of Europe, with Sturgeon and Caviate; Cape-blanke, Spain, Portugal, and the Levant, with Mullet, and Puttargo; New found Land, all Europe, with a thin Poor john: yet all is so overlaid with fishers, as the fishing decayeth, and many are constrained to return with a small fraught. Norway, and Polonia, Pitch, Tar, Masts, and yards; Sweathland, and Russia Iron, and Ropes; France, and Spain, Canvas, Wine, Steele, Iron, and Oil; Italy and Greece, Silks, and Fruits. I dare boldly say, because I have seen naturally growing, or breeding in those parts the same materials that all those are made of, they may as well be had here, or the most part of them, within the distance of 70 leagues for some few ages, as from all those parts; using but the same means to have them that they do, & with all those advantages.  
First, 
The nature of ground approved.  the ground is so fertile, that questionless it is capable of producing any Grain, Fruits, or Seeds you will sow or plant, growing in the Regions afore named: But it may be, not every kind to that perfection of delicacy; or some tender plants may miscarry, because the Summer is not so hot, and the winter is more cold in those parts we have yet tried near the Sea side, than we find in the same height in Europe or Asia; Yet I made a Garden upon the top of a Rocky I'll in 43. ½, 4 leagues from the Main, in May, that grew so well, as it served us for salads in june and july. All sorts of cattle may here be bred and fed in the Isles, or peninsula's, securely for nothing. In the Interim till they increase if need be (observing the seasons) I durst undertake to have corn enough from the savages for 300 men, for a few trifles; and if they should be untoward (as it is most certain they are) thirty or forty good men will be sufficient to bring them all in subjection, and make this provision; if they understand what they do: 200 whereof may nine months in the year be employed in making marchandable fish, till the rest provide other necessaries, fit to furnish us with other commodities.  
In March, 
The seasons for fishing approved.  April, May, and half june, here is Cod in abundance; in May, june, july, and August Mullet and Sturgeon; whose roes do make Caviar and Puttargo. Herring, if any desire them, I have taken many out of the bellies of Cod, some in nets; but the savages compare their store in the Sea, to the hairs of their heads: and surely there are an incredible abundance upon this Coast. In the end of August, September, October, and November, you have Cod again, to make Cor fish, or Poor john: and each hundred is as good as two or three hundred in the Newfound Land. So that half the labour in hooking, splitting, and turning, is saved: and you may have your fish at what Market you will, before they can have any in Newfound Land; where their fishing is chiefly but in june and july: whereas it is here in March, April, May, September, October, and November, as is said. So that by reason of this plantation, the Merchants may have fraught both out and home: which yields an advantage worth consideration.  
Your Corfish you may in like manner transport as you see cause, to serve the Ports in Portugal (as Lisbon, Auera, Porta port, and divers others, or what market you please) before your Islanders return: They being tied to the season in the open Sea; you having a double season, and fishing before your doors, may every night sleep quietly a shore with good cheer and what fires you will, or when you please with your wives and family: they only, their ships in the main Ocean.  
The Mullets here are in that abundance, you may take them with nets, sometimes by hundreds, where at Cape blank they hook them; yet those but one foot and a half in length; these two, three, or four, as oft I have measured: much Salmon some have found up the Rivers, as they have passed: and here the air is so temperate, as all these at any time may well be preserved.  
Now, 
Employment for poor people and fatherless children.  young boys and girls savages, or any other, be they never such idlers, may turn, carry, and return fish, without either shame, or any great pain: he is very idle that is past twelve years of age and cannot do so much: and she is very old, that cannot spin a thread to make engines to catch them.  
For their transportation, 
The facility of the plantation.  the ships that go there to fish may transport the first: who for their passage will spare the charge of double manning their ships, which they must do in the Newfound Land, to get their fraught; but one third part of that company are only but proper to serve a stage, carry a barrow, and turn Poor john: notwithstanding, they must have meat, drink, clothes, & passage, as well as the rest. Now all I desire, is but this; That those that voluntarily will send shipping, should make here the best choice they can, or accept such as are presented them, to serve them at that rate: and their ships returning leave such with me, with the value of that they should receive coming home, in such provisions and necessary tools, arms, bedding and apparel, salt, hooks, nets, lines, and such like as they spare of the remainings; who till the next return may keep their boats and do them many other profitable offices: provided I have men of ability to teach them their functions, and a company fit for Soldiers to be ready upon an occasion; because of the abuses which have been offered the poor savages, and the liberty both French, or any that will, hath to deal with them as they please: whose disorders will be hard to reform; and the longer the worse. Now such order with facility might be taken, with every port Town or City, to observe but this order, With free power to convert the benefits of their fraughts to what advantage they please, and increase their numbers as they see occasion; who ever as they are able to subsist of themselves, may begin the new Towns in New England in memory of their old: which freedom being confined but to the necessity of the general good, the event (with God's help) might produce an honest, a noble, and a profitable emulation.  
Salt upon salt may assuredly be made; 
〈◊〉 commodities.  if not at the first in ponds, yet till they be provided this may be used: then the Ships may transport Kine, Horse, Goats, course Cloth, and such commodities as we want; by whose arrival may be made that provision of fish to fraught the Ships that they stay not: and then if the sailors go for wages, it matters not. It is hard if this return defray not the charge: but care must be had, they arrive in the Spring, or else provision be made for them against the Winter.  
Of certain red berries called Alkermes which is worth ten shillings a pound, but of these hath been sold for thirty or forty shillings the pound, may yearly be gathered a good quantity.  
Of the Musk Rat may be weil raised gains, well worth their labour, that will endeavour to make trial of their goodness.  
Of Bevers, Otters, martin's, Black Foxes, and Furs of price, may yearly be had 6 or 7000: and if the trade of the French were prevented, many more: 25000 this year were brought from those Northern parts into France; of which trade we may have as good part as the French, if we take good courses.  
Of Ours of Gold and Silver, Copper, and probabilities of Lead, Crystal and Alum, I could say much if relations were good assurances. It is true indeed, I made many trials according to those instructions I had, which do persuade me I need not despair, but there are metals in the Country: but I am no Alchemist, nor will promise more than I know: which is, Who will undertake the rectifying of an Iron forge, if those that buy meat, drink, coals, over, and all necessaries at a dear rate gain; where all these things are to be had for the taking up, in my opinion cannot lose.  
Of woods seeing there is such plenty of all sorts, if those that build ships and boats, buy wood at so great a price, as it is in England, Spain, France, Italy, and Holland, and all other provisions for the nourishing of man's life; live well by their trade: when labour is all required to take those necessaries without any other tax; what hazard will be here, but do much better? And what commodity in Europe doth more decay than wood? For the goodness of the ground, let us take it fertile, or barren, or as it is: seeing it is certain it bears fruits, to nourish and feed man and beast, as well as England, and the Sea those several sorts of fish I have related. Thus seeing all good provisions for man's sustenance, may with this facility be had, by a little extraordinary labour, till that transported be increased; and all necessaries for shipping, only for labour: to which may be added the assistance of the savages, which may easily be had, if they be discreetly handled in their kinds; towards fishing, planting, and destroying woods. What gains might be raised if this were followed (when there is but once men to fill your store houses, dwelling there, you may serve all Europe better and far cheaper, then can the Iceland fishers, or the Hollanders, Cape blank, or New found Land: who must be at as much more charge, than you) may easily be conjectured by this example.  
2000 
An example of the gains upon every year or from one thes return.  pound will fit out a ship of 200. & 1 of a 100 tuns: If the dry fish they both make, fraught that of 200. and go for Spain, sell it but at ten shillings a quintal; but commonly it giveth fifteen, or twenty: especially when it cometh first, which amounts to 3 or 4000 pound: but say but ten, which is the lowest, allowing the rest for waste, it amounts at that rate, to 2000 pound, which is the whole charge of your two ships, and their equipage: Then the return of the money, and the fraught of the ship for the vintage, or any other voyage, is clear gain, with your ship of a 100 tuns of Train and oil, besides the bevers, and other commodities; and that you may have at home within six months, if God please but to send an ordinary passage. Then saving half this charge by the not staying of your ships, your victual, overplus of men & wages; with her fraught thither of things necessary for the planters, the salt being there made: as also may the nets & lines, within a short time: if nothing were to be expected but this, it might in time equalize your Hollanders gains, if not exceed them: they returning but wood, pitch, tar, and such gross commodities; you wines, oils, fruits, silks, and such Straits commodities, as you please to provide by your Factors, against such times as your ships arrive with them. This would so increase our shipping and sailors, and so employ and encourage a great part of our idlers and others that want employments fitting their qualities at home, where they shame to do that they would do abroad; that could they but once taste the sweet fruits of their own labours, doubtless many thousands would be advised by good discipline, to take more pleasure in honest industry, then in their humours of dissolute idleness.  
But, 
A description of the Countries in particular, and their situations.  to return a little more to the particulars of this Country, which I intermingle thus with my projects and reasons, not being so sufficiently yet acquainted in those parts, to write fully the estate of the Sea, the Air, the Land, the Fruits, the Rocks, the People, the Government, Religion, Territories, and Limitations, Friends, and Foes: but, as I gathered from the niggardly relations in a broken language to my understanding, during the time I ranged those Countries etc. The most Northern part I was at, was the Bay of Pennobscot, which is East and West, North and South, more than ten leagues: but such were my occasions, I was constrained to be satisfied of them I found in the Bay, that the River ran far up into the Land, and was well inhabited with many people, but they were from their habitations, either fishing among the Isles, or hunting the Lakes and Woods, for Deer and Beners. The Bay is full of great islands, of one, two, six, eight, or ten miles in length, which divides it into many fair and excellent good harbours. On the East of it, are the Tarrantines, their mortal enemies, where inhabit the French, as they report that live with those people, as one nation or family. And Northwest of Pennobscot is Mecaddacut, at the foot of a high mountain, a kind of fortress against the Tarrantines, adjoining to the high mountains of Pennobscot, against whose feet doth beat the Sea: But over all the Land, Iles, or other impediments, you may well see them sixteen or eighteen leagues from their situation. Segocket is the next; then Nusconcus, Pemmaquid, and Sagadahock. Up this River where was the Western plantation are Aumuckcawgen, Kinnebeck, and divers others, where there is planted some corn fields. Along this River 40 or 50 miles, I saw nothing but great high cliffs of barren Rocks, overgrown with wood: but where the savages dwelled there the ground is exceeding fat & fertile. Westward of this River, is the Country of Aucocisco, in the bottom of a large deep Bay, full of many great Isles, which divides it into many good harbours. Sowocotuck is the next, in the edge of a large sandy Bay, which hath many Rocks and Isles, but few good harbours, but for Barks, I yet know. But all this Coast to Pennobscot, and as far I could see Eastward of it is nothing but such high craggy Cliffy Rocks & stony Isles that I wondered such great trees could grow upon so hard foundations. It is a Country rather to affright, then delight one. And how to describe a more plain spectacle of desolation or more barren I know not. Yet the Sea there is the strangest fishpond I ever saw; and those barren Isles so furnished with good woods, springs, fruits, fish, and foul, that it makes me think though the Coast be rocky, and thus affrightable; the Valleys, Plains, and and interior parts, may well (notwithstanding) be very fertile. But there is no kingdom so fertile hath not some part barren: and New England is great enough, to make many Kingdoms and Countries, were it all inhabited. As you pass the Coast still Westward, Accominticus and Passataquack are two convenient harbours for small barks; and a good Country, within their craggy cliffs. Angoam is the next; This place might content a right curious judgement: but there are many sands at the entrance of the harbour: and the worst is, it is inbayed too far from the deep Sea. here are many rising hills, and on their tops and descents many corn fields, and delightful groves. On the East, is an I'll of two or three leagues in length; the one half, plain morish grass fit for pasture, with many fair high groves of mulberry trees gardens: and there is also Okes, Pines, and other woods to make this place an excellent habitation, being a good and safe harbour.  
Naimkeck though it be more rocky ground (for Angoam is sandy) not much inferior; neither for the harbour, nor any thing I could perceive, but the multitude of people. From hence doth stretch into the Sea the fair headland Tragabigzanda, fronted with three Isles called the three Turks heads: to the North of this, doth enter a great Bay, where we found some habitations and corn fields: they report a great River, and at least thirty habitations, do possess this Country. But because the French had got their Trade, I had no leisure to discover it. The Isles of Mattahunts are on the West side of this Bay, where are many Isles, and questionless good harbours: and then the Country of the Massachusets', which is the Paradise of all those parts: for, here are many Isles all planted with corn; groves, mulberries, savage gardens, and good harbours: the Coast is for the most part, high clayey sandy cliffs. The Sea Coast as you pass, shows you all along large corn fields, and great troops of well proportioned people: but the French having remained here near six weeks, left nothing, for us to take occasion to examine the inhabitants relations, viz. if there be near three thousand people upon these Isles; and that the River doth pierce many days journeys the entrails of that Country. We found the people in those parts very kind; but in their fury no less valiant. For, upon a quarrel we had with one of them, he only with three others crossed the harbour of Quonahassit to certain rocks whereby we must pass; and there let fly their arrows for our shot, till we were out of danger.  
Then come you to Accomack, an excellent good harbour, good land; and no want of any thing, but industrious people. After much kindness, upon a small occasion, we fought also with forty or fifty of those: though some were hurt, and some slain; yet within an hour after they became friends. Cape Cod is the next presents itself: which is only a headland of high hills of sand, overgrown with shrubby pines, hurts, and such trash; but an excellent harbour for all weathers. This Cape is made by the main Sea on the one side, and a great Bay on the other in form of a sickle: on it doth inhabit the people of Pawmet: and in the bottom of the Bay, the people of Chawum. Towards the South and south-west of this Cape, is found a long and dangerous shoal of sands and rocks. But so far as I encircled it, I found thirty fathom water aboard the shore, and a strong current: which makes me think there is a Channel about this shoal; where is the best and greatest fish to be had, Winter and Summer, in all that Country. But, the savages say there is no Channel, but that the shoals begin from the main at Pawmet, to the I'll of Nausit; and so extends beyond their knowledge into the Sea. The next to this is Capawack, and those abounding Countries of copper, corn, people, and minerals; which I went to discover this last year: but because I miscarried by the way, I will leave them, till God please I have better acquaintance with them.  
The Massachusets', 
A good Country.  they report, sometimes have wars with the Bashabes of Pennobskot; and are not always friends with them of Chawun and their alliants: but now they are all friends, and have each trade with other, so far as they have society, on each others frontiers. For they make no such voyages as from Pennobskot to Cape Cod; seldom to Massachewset. In the North (as I have said) they begun to plant corn, whereof the South part hath such plenty, as they have what they will from them of the North; and in the Winter much more plenty of fish and foul: but both Winter and Summer hath it in the one part or other all the year; being the mean and most indifferent temper, betwixt heat and cold, of all the regions betwixt the Line and the Pole: but the furs Northward are much better, and in much more plenty, then Southward.  
The remarkeablest Isles & mountains for Landmarks are these; 
The landmarks.  The highest Isle is Sorico, in the Bay of Pennobskot: but the three Isles and a rock of Matinnack are much further in the Sea; Metinicus is also three plain Isles & a rock, betwixt it & Monahigan: Monahigan is a round high I'll; and close by it Monanis, betwixt which is a small harbour where we ride. In Damerils Isles is such another: Sagadahock is known by Satquin, and four or five Isles in the mouth. Smyth's Isles are a heap together, none near them, against Accominticus. The three Turks heads are three Isles seen fa● to Seaward in regard of the headland.  
The chief headlands are only Cape Tragabig●anda and Cape Cod.  
The chief mountains, them of Pennobscot: the twinkling mountain of Aucocisco; the great mountain of Sasanon; and the high mountain of Massachusit: each of which you shall find in the Map; their places, forms, and altitude. The waters are most pure, proceeding from the entrails of rocky mountains; 
Herbs.  the herbs and fruits are of many sorts and kinds: as alkermes, currants, or a fruit like currants, mulberries, vines, respices, gooseberries, plums, walnuts, chestnuts, small nuts, etc. pompions, gourds, strawberries, beans, pease, and mayze; a kind or two of flax, wherewith they make nets, lines and ropes both small and great, very strong for their quantities.  
Oak, 
Woods.  is the chief wood; of which there is great difference in regard of the soil where it groweth. fir, pine, walnut, chestnut, birch, ash, elm, cypress, cedar, mulberry, plum-tree, hazel, saxefrage, and many other sorts.  
Eagles, 
Birds.  Gripes, diverse sorts of Hawks, Cranes, Geese, Brants, Cormorants, Ducks, Sheldrakes, Teal, Meawes, Gulls, Turkeys, Dive-doppers, and many other sorts, whose names I know not.  
Whales, 
Fishes.  Grampus, Porkpisces, Turbut, Sturgeon, Cod, Hake, Haddock, Cole, Cusk, or small Ling, Shark, Mackerel, Herring, Mullet, Base, Pinacks, Cunners, Perch, Eels, Crabs, Lobsters, muscles, Wilkes, Oysters, and diverse others &c.  
Moos, 
Beasts.  a beast bigger than a Stag; dear, red, and Fallow; Bevers, Wolves, Foxes, both black and other; Aroughconds, Wild-cats, Bears, Otters, martin's, Fitches, Musquaslus, & diverse sorts of vermin, whose names I know not. All these and diverse other good things do heese, for want of use, still increase, & decrease with little diminution, whereby they grow to that abundance. You shall scarce find any Bay, shallow shore, or Cove of sand, where you may not take many Clampes, or Lobsters, or both at your pleasure, and in many places load your boat if you please; Nor Isles where you find not fruits, birds, crabs, and muscles, or all of them, for taking, at a low water. And in the harbours we frequented, a little boy might take of Cunners, and Pinacks, and such delicate fish, at the ships stern, more than six or ten can eat in a day; but with a casting-net, thousands when we pleased: and scarce any place, but Cod, Cuske, Holybut, Mackerel, Scate, or such like, a man may take with a hook or line what he will. And, in diverse sandy bay, a man may draw with a net great store of Mullets, Bases, and diverse other sorts of such excellent fish, as many as his Net can draw on shore: no River where there is not plenty of Sturgeon, or Salmon, or both; all which are to be had in abundance observing but their seasons. But if a man will go at Christmas to gather Cherries in Kent, he may be deceived; though there be plenty in Summer: so, here these plenties have each their seasons, as I have expressed. We for the most part had little but bread and vinegar: and though the most part of july when the fishing decayed they wrought all day, lay abroad in the Isles all night, and lived on what they found, yet were not sick: But I would wish none put himself long to such plunges; except necessity constrain it: yet worthy is that person to starve that here cannot live; if he have sense, strength and health: for, there is no such penury of these blessings in any place, but that a hundred men may, in one hour or two, make their provisions for a day: and he that hath experience to manage well these affairs, with forty or thirty honest industrious men, might well undertake (if they dwell in these parts) to subject the savages, and feed daily two or three hundred men, with as good corn, fish, and flesh, as the earth hath of those kinds, and yet make that labour but their pleasure: provided that they have engines, that be proper for their purposes.  
Who can desire more content, 
A note for men that have great spirits, and small means  that hath small means; or but only his merit to advance his fortune, then to tread, and plant that ground he hath purchased by the hazard of his life? If he have but the taste of virtue, and magnanimity, what to such a mind can be more pleasant, then planting and building a foundation for his Posterity, got from the rude earth, by God's blessing & his own industry, without prejudice to any? If he have any grain of faith or zeal in Religion, what can he do less hurtful to any; or more agreeable to God, then to seek to convert those poor savages to know Christ, and humanity, whose labours with discretion will triple requite thy charge and pains? What so truly suits with honour and honesty, as the discovering things unknown? erecting Towns, peopling Countries, informing the ignorant, reforming things unjust, teaching virtue; & gain to out Nativemother-countrie a kingdom to attend her; find employment for those that are idle, because they know not what to do: so far from wronging any, as to cause Posterity to remember thee; and remembering thee, ever honour that remembrance with praise? Consider: What were the beginnings and end of the Monarkies of the Chaldeans, the Syrians, the Grecians, and Romans, but this one rule; What was it they would not do, for the good of the commonwealth, or their mother-city? For example: Rome, What made her such a Monarchesse, but only the adventures of her youth, not in riots at home, but in dangers abroad? and the justice and judgement out of their experience, when they grew aged. What was their ruin and hurt, but this; The excess of idleness, the fondness of Parents, the want of experience in Magistrates, the admiration of their undeserved honours, the contempt of true merit, their unjust jealousies, their politic incredulities, their hypocritical seeming goodness, and their deeds of secret lewdness? finally, in fine, growing only formal temporists, all that their predecessors got in many years, they lost in few days. Those by their pains & virtues became Lords of the world; they by their ease and vices became slaves to their servants. This is the difference betwixt the use of Arms in the field, & on the monuments of stones; the golden age and the leaden age, prosperity and misery, justice and corruption, substance and shadows, words and deeds, experience and imagination, making Commonwealths and marring Commonwealths, the fruits of virtue and the conclusions of vice.  
Then, who would live at home idly (or think in himself any worth to live) only to eat, drink, and sleep, and so die? Or by consuming that carelessly, his friends got worthily? Or by using that miserably, that maintained virtue honestly? Or, for being descended nobly, pine with the vain vaunt of great kindred, in penury? Or (to maintain a silly show of bravery) toil out thy heart, soul, and time, basely, by shifts, tricks, cards, & dice? Or by relating news of others actions, shark here or there for a dinner, or supper; deceive thy friends, by fair promises, and dissimulation, in borrowing where thou never intendest to pay; offend the laws, surfeit with excess, burden thy Country, abuse thyself, despair in want, and then cozen thy kindred, yea even thine own brother, and wish thy parent's death (I will not say damnation) to have their estates? though thou seest what honours, and rewards, the world yet hath for them will seek them and worthily deserve them.  
I would be sorry to offend, or that any should mistake my honest meaning: for I wish good to all, hurt to none. But rich men for the most part are grown to that dotage, through their pride in their wealth, as though there were no accident could end it, or their life. And what hellish care do such take to make it their own misery, and their Country's spoil, especially when there is most need of their employment? drawing by all manner of inventions, from the Prince and his honest subjects, even the vital spirits of their powers and estates: as if their Bags, or Brags, were so powerful a defence, the malicious could not assault them; when they are the only bait, to cause us not to be only assaulted; but betrayed and murdered in our own security, ere we well perceive it.  
May not the miserable ruin of Constantinople, 
An example of secure covetousness.  their impregnable walls, riches, and pleasures last taken by the Turk (which are but a bit, in comparison of their now mightiness) remember us, of the effects of private covetousness? at which time the good Emperor held himself rich enough, to have such rich subjects, so formal in all excess of vanity, all kind of delicacy, and prodigality. His poverty when the Turk besieged, the citizens (whose merchandising thoughts were only to get wealth, little conceiving the desperate resolution of a valiant expert enemy) left the Emp. so long to his conclusions, having spent all he had to pay his young, raw, discontented Soldiers; that suddenly he, they, and their city were all a prey to the devouring Turk. And what they would not spare for the maintenance of them who adventured their lives to defend them, did serve only their enemies to torment them, their friends, and country, and all Christendom to this present day. Let this lamentable example remember you that are rich (seeing there are such great thieves in the world to rob you) not grudge to lend some proportion, to breed them that have little, yet willing to learn how to defend you: for, it is too late when the deed is adoing. The Romans estate hath been worse than this: for, the mere covetousness and extortion of a few of them, so moved the rest, that not having any employment, but contemplation; their great judgements grew to so great malice, as themselves were sufficient to destroy themselves by faction: Let this move you to embrace employment, for those whose educations, spirits, and judgements, want but your purses; not only to prevent such accustomed dangers, but also to gain more thereby than you have. And you fathers that are either so foolishly fond, or so miserably covetous, or so wilfully ignorant, or so negligently careless, as that you will rather maintain your children in idle wantonness, till they grow your masters; or become so basely unkind, as they wish nothing but your deaths; so that both sorts grow dissolute: and although you would wish them any where to escape the gallows, and ease your cares; though they spend you here one, two, or three hundred pound a year; you would grudge to give half so much in adventure with them, to obtain an estate, which in a small time but with a little assistance of your providence, might be better than your own. But if an Angel should tell you, that any place yet unknown can afford such fortunes; you would not believe him, no more than Columbus was believed there was any such Land as is now the well known abounding America; much less such large Regions as are yet unknown, as well in America, as in Africa, and Asia, and Terra incognita; where were courses for gentlemen (and them that would be so reputed) more suiting their qualities, then begging from their Princes generous disposition, the labours of his subjects, and the very marrow of his maintenance.  
I have not been so ill bred, but I have tasted of Plenty and Pleasure, 
The Author's conditions.  as well as Want and Misery: nor doth necessity yet, or occasion of discontent, force me to these endeavours: nor am I ignorant what small thank I shall have for my pains; o● that many would have the World imagine them to be of great judgement, that can but blemish these my designs, by their witty objections and detractions: yet (I hope) my reasons with my deeds, will so prevail with some, that I shall not want employment in these affairs, to make the most blind see his own senselessness, & incredulity; Hoping that gain will make them affect that, which Religion, Charity, and the Common good cannot. It were but a poor device in me, To deceive myself; much more the King, & State, my Friends, and Country, with these inducements: which, seeing his Majesty hath given permission, I wish all sorts of worthy, honest, industrious spirits, would understand: and if they desire any further satisfaction, I will do my best to give it: Not to persuade them to go only; but go with them: Not leave them there; but live with them there. I will not say, but by ill providing and undue managing, such courses may be taken, may make us miserable enough: But if I may have the execution of what I have projected; if they want to eat, let them eat or never digest Me. If I perform what I say, I desire but that reward out of the gains may suit my pains, quality, and condition. And if I abuse you with my tongue, take my head for satisfaction. If any dislike at the years end, defraying their charge, by my consent they should freely return. I fear not want of company sufficient, were it but known what I know of those Countries; & by the proof of that wealth I hope yearly to return, if God please to bless me from such accidents, as are beyond my power in reason to prevent: For, I am not so simple, to think, that ever any other motive than wealth, will ever erect there a Commonweal; or draw company from their ease and humours at home, to stay in New England to effect my purposes. 
The planters' pleasures, and profits.  And lest any should think the toil might be insupportable, though these things may be had by labour, and diligence: I assure myself there are who delight extremely in vain pleasure, that take much more pains in England, to enjoy it, than I should do here to gain wealth sufficient: and yet I think they should not have half such sweet content: for, our pleasure here is still gains; in England charges and loss. Here nature and liberty affords us that freely, which in England we want, or it costeth us dearly. What pleasure can be more, than (being tired with any occasion ashore) in planting Vines, Fruits, or Herbs, in contriving their own Grounds, to the pleasure of their own minds, their Fields, Gardens, Orchards, Buildings, Ships, and other works, etc. to recreate themselves before their own doors, in their own boats upon the Sea, where man woman and child, with a small hook and line, by angling, may take diverse sorts of excellent fish, at their pleasures? And is it not pretty sport, to pull up two pence, six pence, and twelve pence, as fast as you can hale and veare a line? He is a very bad fisher, cannot kill in one day with his hook and line, one, two, or three hundred Cod: which dressed and dried, if they be sold there for ten shillings the hundred, though in England they will give more than twenty; may not both the servant, the master, and merchant, be well content with this gain? If a man work but three days in seven, he may get more than he can spend, unless he will be excessive. Now that Carpenter, Mason, Gardiner, Taylor, Smith, sailor, Forgers, or what other, may they not make this a pretty recreation though they fish but an hour in a day, to take more than they eat in a week: or? if they will not eat it, because there is so much better choice; yet sell it, or change it, with the fisher men, or merchants, for any thing they want. And what sport doth yield a more pleasing content, and less hurt or charge then angling with a hook, and crossing the sweet air from I'll to I'll, over the silent streams of a calm Sea? wherein the most curious may find pleasure, profit, and content. Thus, though all men be not fishers: yet all men, whatsoever, may in other matters do as well. For necessity doth in these cases so rule a Common wealth, and each in their several functions, as their labours in their qualities may be as profitable, because there is a necessary mutual use of all.  
For Gentlemen, 
Employments for gentlemen.  what exercise should more delight them, then ranging daily those unknown parts, using fowling and fishing, for hunting and hawking? and yet you shall see the wild hawks give you some pleasure, in seeing them stoop (six or seven after one another) an hour or two together, at the skulls of fish in the fair harbours, as those ashore at a foul; and never trouble nor torment yourselves, with watching, mewing, feeding, and attending them: nor kill horse and man with running & crying, See you not a hawk? For hunting also: the woods, lakes, and rivers, afford not only chase sufficient, for any that delights in that kind of toil, or pleasure; but such beasts to hunt, that besides the delicacy of their bodies for food, their skins are so rich, as may well recompense thy daily labour, with a Captains pay.  
For labourers, 
Employments for labourers.  if those that sow hemp, rape, turnips, parsnips, carrats, cabbage, and such like; give 20, 30, 20, 50 shillings yearly for an acre of ground, and meat drink and wages to use it, and yet grow rich: when better, or at least as good ground, may be had and cost nothing but labour; it seems strange to me, any such should there grow poor.  
My purpose is not to persuade children from their parents; men from their wives; nor servants from their masters: only, such as with free consent may be spared: But that each parish, or village, in City, or Country, that will but apparel their fatherless children, of thirteen or fourteen years of age, or young married people, that have small wealth to live on; here by their labour may live exceeding well: provided always that first there be a sufficient power to command them, houses to receive them, means to defend them, and meet provisions for them; for, any place may be overlain: and it is most necessary to have a fortress (ere this grow to practise) and sufficient masters (as, Carpenters, Masons, Fishers, Fowlers, gardiner's, Husbandmen, sawyer's, smith's, Spinsters, Tailors, Weavers, and such like) to take ten, twelve, or twenty, or as there is occasion, for Apprentices. The Masters by this may quickly grow rich; these may learn their trades themselves, to do the like; to a general and an incredible benefit, for King, and Country, Master, and Servant.  
It would be an history of a large volume, 
Examples of the Spaniard.  to recite the adventures of the Spaniards, and Portugals, their affronts, and defeats, their dangers and miseries; which with such incomparable honour and constant resolution, so far beyond belief, they have attempted and endured in their discoveries & plantations, as may well condemn us, of too much imbecility, sloth, and negligence: yet the Authors of those new inventions, were held as ridiculous, for a long time, as now are others, that do but seek to imitate their unparallelled virtues. And though we see daily their mountains of wealth (sprung from the plants of their generous endeavours) yet is our sensuality and unto wardness such, and so great, that we either ignorantly believe nothing; or so curiously contest, to prevent we know not what future events; that we either so neglect, or oppress and discourage the present, as we spoil all in the making, crop all in the bloominig; & building upon fair sand, rather than rough rocks, judge that we know not, govern that we have not, fear that which is not; and for fear some should do too well, force such against their wills to be idle or as ill. And who is he hath judgement, courage, and any industry or quality with understanding, will leave his Country, his hopes at home, his certain estate, his friends, pleasures, liberty, & the preferment sweet England doth afford to all degrees, were it not to advance his fortunes by enjoying his deserts? whose prosperity once appearing, will encourage others: but it must be cherished as a child, till it be able to go, and understand itself; and not corrected, nor oppressed above it strength, ere it know wherefore. A child can neither perform the office, nor deeds of a man of strength, nor endure that affliction He is able▪ nor can an Apprentice at the first perform the part of a Master. And if twenty years be required to make a child a man, seven years limited an apprentice for his trade: if scarce an age be sufficient to make a wise man, or a State's man, and commonly, a man dies ere he hath learned to be discreet: If perfection be so hard to be obtained, as of necessary there must be practice, as well as theoric: Let no man much condemn this paradox opinion, to say, that half seven years is scarce sufficient, for a good capacity, to learn in these affairs, how to carry himself: and who ever shall try in these remote places the erecting of a Colony, shall find at the end of seven years occasion enough to use all his discretion: and, in the Interim all the content, rewards, games, and hopes will be necessarily required, to be given to the beginning, till it be able to creep, to stand, and go, yet time enough to keep it from running, for there is no fear it will grow too fast, or ever to any thing; except liberty profit, honour, and prosperity there found, more bind the planters of those affairs, in devotion to effect it; then bondage, violence, tyranny, ingratitude, and such double dealing, as binds free men to become slaves, and honest men turn knaves: which hath ever been the ruin of the most popular commonweals; and is very unlikely ever well to begin in a new.  
Who seeth not what is the greatest good of the Spaniard, 
The bliss of Spain.  but these new conclusions, in searching those unknown parts of this unknown world? By which means he dives even into the very secret of all his Neighbours, and the most part of the world: and when the Portugal and Spaniard had found the East and West Indies; how many did condemn themselves, that did not accept of that honest offer of Noble Columbus? who, upon our neglect, brought them to it, persuading ourselves the world had no such places as they had found: and yet ever since we find, they still (from time to time) have found new Lands, new Nations, and trades, and still daily do find both in Asia, Africa, Terra incognita, and America; so that there is neither Soldier nor Mechanic, from the Lord to the beggar, but those parts afford them all employment; and discharge their Native soil, of so many thousands of all sorts, that else, by their sloth, pride, and imperfections, would long ere this have troubled their neighbours, or have eaten the pride of Spain itself.  
Now he knows little, that knows not England may well spare many more people than Spain, and is as well able to furnish them with all manner of necessaries. And seeing, for all they have, they cease not still to search for that they have not, and know not; It is strange we should be so dull, as not maintain that which we have, and pursue that we know. Surely I am sure many would taste it ill, to be abridged of the titles and honours of their predecessors: when if but truly they would judge themselves; look how inferior they are to their noble virtues, so much they are unworthy of their honours and livings: which never were ordained for shows and shadows, to maintain idleness & vice; but to make them more able to abound in honour, by heroical deeds of action, judgement, piety, and virtue. What was it, They would not do both in purse and person, for the good of the Commonwealth? which might move them presently to set out their spare kindred in these generous designs. Religion, above all things, should move us (especially the Clergy) if we were religious, to show our faith by our works; in converting those poor savages, to the knowledge of God, seeing what pains the Spaniards take to bring them to their adulterated faith. Honour might move the Gentry, the valiant, and industrious▪ and the hope and assurance of wealth, all; if we were that we would seem, and be accounted. Or be we so far inferior to other nations, or our spirits so far dejected, from our ancient predecessors, or our minds so upon spoil, piracy, and such villainy, as to serve the Portugal, Spaniard, Dutch, French, or Turk (as to the cost of Europe, too many doo●) rather than our God, our King, our Country, & ourselves? excusing our idleness, and our base complaints, by want of impioiment; when here is such choice of all sorts, and for all degrees, in the planting and discovering these North parts of Amemerica.  
Now to make my words more apparent by my deeds; 
My second voyage to New England.  I was, the last year, 1615. to have stayed in the Country, to make a more ample trial of those conclusions with sixteen men; whose names were 

Gent.  
Thomas Dirmir.  
Edward Staling.  
Daniel Cage.  
Francis Abbot.  
john Gosling.   

Soldiers.  
William Ingram.  
Robert Mitre.  
David Cooper.  
john Partridge,  
and two boys.   

Sailors.  
Thomass Digbie.  
Daniel Baker.  
Adam Smith.  
Thomas Watson  
Walter Chissick  
john Hall.    
I confess, I could have wished them as many thousands, had all other provisions been in like proportion: nor would I have had so few, could I have had means for more: yet (would God have pleased we had safely arrived) I never had the like authority, freedom, and provision, to do so well. The main assistance next God, I had to this small number, was my acquaintance among the savages; especially, with Dohannida, one of their greatest Lords; who had lived long in England. By the means of this proud savage, I did not doubt but quickly to have got that credit with the rest of his friends, and alliants, to have had as many of them, as I desired in any design I intended, and that trade also they had, by such a kind of exchange of their Country commodities; which both with ease & security in their seasons may be used. With him and diverse others, I had concluded to inhabit, and defend them against the Terentynes; with a better power than the French did them; whose tyranny did enforce them to embrace my offer, with no small devotion. And though many may think me more bold than wise, in regard of their power, dexterity, treachery, and inconstancy, having so desperately assaulted & betrayed many others: I say but this (because with so many, I have many times done much more in Virginia, than I intended here, when I wanted that experience Virginia taught me) that to me it seems no danger more than ordinary. And though I know myself the meanest of many thousands, whose apprehensive inspection can pierce beyond the bounds of my abilities, into the hidden things of Nature, Art, and Reason: yet I entreat such give me leave to excuse myself of so much imbecility, as to lay, that in these eight years which I have been conversant with these affairs, I have not learned there is a great difference, betwixt the directions and judgement of experimental knowledge, and the superficial conjecture of variable relation: wherein rumour, humour, or misprision have such power, that oft times one is enough to beguile twenty, but twenty not sufficient to keep one from being deceived. Therefore I know no reason but to believe my own eyes, before any man's imagination, that is but wrested from the conceits of my own projects, and endeavours. But I honour, with all affection, the counsel and instructions of judicial directions, or any other honest advertisement; so far to observe, as they tie me not to the cruelty of unknown events.  
These are the inducements that thus drew me to neglect all other employments, and spend my time and best abilities in these adventures. Wherein, though I have had many discouragements by the ingratitude of some, the malicious slanders of others, the falseness of friends, the treachery of cowards, and slowness of adventurers; but chiefly by one Hunt, who was Master of the ship, with whom oft arguing these projects, for a plantation, however he seemed well in words to like it, yet he practised to have robbed me of my plots, and observations: and so left me alone in a desolate I'll, to the fury of famine, and all other extremities (lest I should have acquainted Sir Thomas Smith, my Honourable good friend, & the Council of Virginia) to the end, he and his associates, might secretly engross it, ere it were known to to the State: Yet that God that always hath kept me from the worst of his dissimulations. Notwithstanding after my departure, he abused the savages where he came, and betrayed twenty seven of these poor innocent souls, which he sold in Spain for slaves, to move, their hare against our Nation, aswell as to cause my proceedings to be so much the more difficult.  
Now, returning in the Bark, in the fifth of August I arrived at Plymouth: where imparting those my purposes to my honourable friend Sir Ferdinando Gorge, and some others; I was so encouraged, and assured to have the managing their authority in those parts, during my life, that I engaged myself to undertake it for them. Arriving at London, I found also many promise me such assistance, that I entertained Michael Cooper the Master, who returned with me, and others of the company. How he dealt with others, or others with him I know not: But my public proceeding gave such encouragement, that it became so well apprehended by some few of the Southern Company, as these projects were liked, & he furnished from London with four ships at Sea, before they at Plymouth had made any provision at all, but only a ship chiefly let out by sir Ferdinando Gorge; which upon Hunt's late treachery among the savages, returned as she went, and did little or nothing, but lost her time. I must confess I was beholden to the setters forth of the four ships that went with Cooper; in that they offered me that employment if I would accept it: and I find, my refusal hath incurred some of their displeasures, whose favour and love I exceedingly desire, if I may honestly enjoy it. And though they do censure me as opposite to their proceedings; they shall yet still in all my words and deeds find, it is their error, not my fault, that occasions their dislike: for having engaged myself in this business to the West Country; I had been very dishonest to have broke my promise; nor will I spend more time in discourie, or fishing, till I may go with a company for plantation: for, I know my grounds. Yet every one that reads this book can not put it in practice; though it may help any that have seen those parts. And though they endeavour to work me even out of my own designs, I will not much envy their fortunes: but, I would be sorry, their intruding ignorance should, by their defailements, bring those certainties to doubtfulness: So that the business prosper, I have my desire; be it by Londoner, Scot, Welch, or English, that are true subjects to our King and Country: the good of my Country is that I seek; and there is more then enough for all, if they could be content but to proceed.  
At last it pleased Sir Ferdinando Gorge, 
The occasion of my return.  and Master Doctor Sutliffe Deane of Exeter, to conceive so well of these projects, and my former employments, as induced them to make a new adventure with me in those parts, whither they have so often sent to their continual loss. By whose example, many inhabitants of the west Country, made promises of much more than was looked for, but their private emulations quickly qualified that heat in the greater number; so that the burden lay principally on them, and some few Gentlemen my friends, in London. In the end I was furnished with a Ship of 200. and another of 50. But ere I had sailed 120 leagues, she broke all her masts; pumping each watch 5 or 6000 strokes: only her sprit sail remained to spoon before the wind, till we had reaccommodated a jury mast, & the rest, to return for Plymouth. 
My reimbarkment, encounters with py●●●s and imprisonment by the French.  My vice-admiral being lost, not knowing of this, proceeded her voyage: Now with the remainder of those provisions, I got out again in a small Bark of 60 tuns with 30 men (for this of 200 and provision for 70) which were the 16 before named, and 14 other sailors for the ship. With those I set sail again the 24 of june: where what befell me (because my actions and writings are so public to the world, envy still seeking to scandalise my endeavours, & seeing no power but death, can stop the chat of ill tongues, nor imagination of men's minds) lest my own relations of those hard events, might by some constructors, be made doubtful, I have thought it best to insert the examinations of those proceedings, taken by Sir Lewis Stukley a worthy Knight, and Vice admiral of Devonshire; which were as followeth.  
The examination of Daniel Baker, late Steward to Captain john Smith in the return of Plymouth; taken before Sir Lewis Stukley Knight, the eight of December 1615.  
Who saith, 
Captain Fry 〈…〉  being chased two days by one Fry, an English Pirate, that could not board us, by reason of foul weather, Edmund Chambers, the Master john Miner, his mate, Thomas Digby the 〈◊〉, and others importured his said Captain to yield; holding it unpossible he should defend himself: and that the said Captain should send them his boat, in that they had none: which at last he concluded upon these conditions, That Fry the Pirate should vow not to take any thing from Captain Smith, that might overthrow his voyage, nor send more Pirates into his ship then he liked off; otherways, he would make sure of them he had, and defend himself against the rest as he could.  
More: he confesseth that the quartermasters & Chambers received gold of those Pirates; but how much, he knoweth not: Nor would his Captain come out of his Cabin to entertain them; although a great many of them had been his sailors, and for his love would have wasted us to the Isles of Flowers.  
At Fyall, 
The one of 200, the other 20.  we were chased by two French Pirates, who commanded us amain. Chambers, Minter, Digby, and others, importuned again the Captain to yield; alleging they were Turks, and would make them all slaves: or Frenchmen, and would throw them all over board if they shot but a piece; and that they were entertained to fish, and not to fight: until the Captain vowed to fire the powder and split the ship, if they would not stand to their defence; whereby at last we went clear of them, for all their shot.  
At Flowers, 
The Admiral 140 tuns, 12 pieces, 12 murderers, 90 men, with long pistols, pocket pistol, musket, sword and poniard, the vice-admiral 100 tuns, the Rereadmiral 60, the other 80: all had 250 Men most armed as is said.  we were chased by four French men of war; all with their close fights afore and after. And this examinant's Captain having provided for our defence, Chambers, Minter, Digby, and some others, again importuned him to yield to the favour of those, against whom there was nothing but ruin by fight: But if he would go aboard them, in that he could speak French, by courtesy he might go clear; seeing they offered him such fair quarter, & vowed they were Protestants, and all of Rochel, and had the King's commission only to take Spaniards, Portugals, and Pirates; which at last he did: but they kept this examinate's Captain and some other of his company with him. The next day the French men of war went aboard us, and took what they listed, and divided the company into their several ships, and manned this examinate's ship with the Frenchmen; and chased with her all the ships they saw: until about five or six days after upon better consideration, they surrendered the ship, and victuals, with the most part of our provision, but not our weapons.  
More: he confesseth that his Captain exhorted them to perform their voyage, or go for New found Land to return fraughted with fish, where he would find means to proceed in his plantation: but Chambers and Minter grew upon terms they would not; 
The gentlemen and soldiers were ever willing to fight.  until those that were Soldiers concluded with their captains resolution, they would; seeing they had clothes, victuals, salt, nets, & & lines sufficient, & expected their arms: and such other things as they wanted, the French men promised to restore, which the Captain the next day went to seek, and sent them about loading of commodities, as powder, match, hooks, instruments, his sword and dagger, bedding, aqua vitae, his commission, apparel, and many other things; the particulars he remembreth not: But, as for the cloth, canvas, and the captains clothes, Chambers, and his associates divided it amongst themselves, and to whom they best liked; his Captain not having any thing, to his knowledge, but his waistcoat and breeches. And in this manner going from ship to ship, to regain our arms, and the rest; they seeing a sail, gave chase until night. The next day being very foul weather, this examinate came so neete with the ship unto the French men of war, that they split the main sail on the others sprit sail yard. Chambers willed the Captain come aboard, or he would leave him: whereupon the Captain commanded Chambers to send his boat for him. Chambers replied she was split (which was false) telling him he might come if he would in the admirals boat. The captains answer was, he could not command her, nor come when he would: so this examinate fell on stern; and that night left his said Captain alone amongst the French men, in this manner, by the command of Chambers, Minter, and others.  
Daniel Cage, Edward Staling, Gentlemen; Walter chisel, David Cooper, Robert Miller and john Partridge, being examined, do acknowledge and confess, that Daniel Baker his examination above written is true.  
Now the cause why the French detained me again, 
A double treachery.  was the suspicion this Chambers and Minter gave them, that I would revenge myself, upon the Bank, or in New found Land, of all the French I could there encounter; & how I would have fired the ship, had they not overperswaded me: and many other such like tricks to catch but opportunie in this manner of leave me. And thus they returned to Plymouth; and perforce with the French I thus proceeded.  
Being a Fleet of eight or nine sail, 
A ●●eet of nine French men of war, and ●ights with the Spaniards.  we watched for the W'est Indies fleet, till ill weather separated us from the other 8. Still we spent our time about the Isles near Fyall: where to keep my perplexed thoughts from too much meditation of my miserable estate, I writ this discourse; thinking to have sent it you of his majesties Council, by some ship or other: for I saw their purpose was to take all they could. At last we were chased by one Captain Barra, and English Pirate, in a small ship, with some twelve pieces of ordinance, about thirty men, and near all starved. They sought by courtesy relief of us; who gave them such fair promises, as at last we betrayed Captain Wolliston (his Lieutenant) and four or five of their men aboard us, and then provided to take the rest perforce. Now my part was to be prisoner in the gun-roum, & not to speak to any of them upon my life: yet had Barra knowledge what I was. Then Barra perceiving well these French intents, made ready to fight, and Wolliston as resolutely regarded not their threats, which caused us demur upon the matter longer, some sixteen hours; and then returned their prisoners, and some victuals also, upon a small composition. The next we took was a small English man of Pool from New found Land. The great cabin at this present, was my prison; from whence I could see them pillage those poor men of all that they had, and half their fish when he was gone, they sold his poor clothes at the main mast, by an outcry, which scarce gave each man seven pence a piece. Not long after, we took a Scot fraught from Saint michael's to Bristol: he had better fortune than the other. For, having but taken a boats loading of sugar, marmalade, suckets, and such like, we descried four sail, after whom we stood; who forling their main sails attended us to fight. But our French spirits were content only to perceive they were English red crosles. Within a very small time after, we chased four Spanish ships came from the Indies: we fought with them four or five hours, tore their sails and sides; yet not daring to board them, lost them. A poor C●ruell of Brasile, was the next we chased: and alter a small fight, thirteen or fourteen of her men being wounded, 
A prize worth 16000 crow●  which was the better half, we took her, with 370 chests of sugar. The next was a West Indieses man, of 160 tuns, with 1200 hides, 50 chests of cutchanell, 14 coffers of wedges of silver, 
A prize worth 200000 crowns.  8000 rials of 8, and fix offers of the King of Spain's treasure, besides the pillage and rich coffers of many rich passengers. Two months they kept me in this manner to manage their fights against the Spaniards, and be a prisoner when they took any English. Now though the Captain had oft broke his promise, which was to put me ashore on the Isles, or the next ship be took; yet at last, he was entreated I should go for France in the carvel of sugar: himself resolved still to keep the Seas. Within two days after, we were haled by two West India men: but when they saw us wave them for the King of France, they gave us their broad sides, shot through our main mast and so left us. Having lived thus, near three months among those French men of war; with much ado, we arrived at the Gulion, not far from Rochel; where instead of the great promises they always fed me with, of double satisfaction, and full content, they kept me five or six days prisoner in the carvel, accusing me to be him that burned their Colony in New France; to force me give them a discharge before the judge of the Admiralty, and so stand to their courtesy for satisfaction, or lie in prison, or a worse mischief. To prevent this choice, in the end of such a storm that beat them all under Hatches, 
My escape from the French men.  I watched my opportunity to get ashore in their boat; whereinto, in the dark night, I secretly got: and with a half pike that lay by me, put a drift for Rat isle: but the Current was so strong and the Sea so great, I went a drift to Sea; till it pleased God the wind so turned with the tide, that although I was all this fearful night of gusts and rain, in the Sea, the space of 12 hours, when many ships were driven a shore, and diverse split (and being with sculling & bailing the water tired, I expected each minute would sink me) at last I arrived in an oazie I'll by Charowne; where certain fowlers found me near drowned, and half dead, with water, cold, and hunger. By those, I sound means to get to Rochel; where I understood the man of war which we left at Sea, and the rich prize was split, the Captain drowned and half his company the same night, within seven leagues of that place, from whence I escaped alone, in the little boat, by the mercy of God; far beyond all men's reason, or my expectation. Arriving at Rochel, upon my complaint to the judge of the admirality, I found many good words, and fair promises; and ere long many of them that escaped drowning, told me the news they heard of my own death: these I arresting, their several examinations did so confirm my complaint, it was held proof sufficient. All which being performed according to the order of justice, from under the judges hand; I presented it to the English Ambassador then at Bordeaux, 
Sir Thomas Edmunds.  where it was my chance to see the arrival of the King's great marriage brought from Spain. Of the wrack of the rich prize some 36000. crowns worth of goods came a shore & was saved with the carvel, which I did my best to arrest: the judge did promise me I should have justice; what will be the conclusion as yet, I know not. 
They betrayed me having the broad seal of England and near twenty sail of English more, besiles them concealed in like manner were betrayed that year  But under the colour to take Pirates and West-Indie men (because the Spaniards will not suffer the French trade in the West-Indies) any goods from thence, though they take them upon the Coast of Spain, are law full prize; or from any of his territories out of the limits of Europe.  
Leaving thus my business in France, I returned to Plymouth, to find them that had thus buried me amongst the French: and not only buried me, but with so much infamy, 
My return for England, 1615  as such treacherous cowards could suggest to excuse their villainies: But my clothes, books, instruments, Arms, and what I had, they shared amongst them, and what they liked; saying, the French had all was wanting; and had thrown them into the Sea, taken their ship, and all, had they not run away & left me as they did. The chieftains of this mutiny that I could find, I laid by the heels; the rest, like themselves, confessed the truth as you have heard. Now how I have or could prevent these accidents, I rest at your censures. But to the matter.  
Newfoundland at the first, I have heard, was held as desperate a fishing, as this I project in New England. Placentia, & the Bank, were also as doubtful to the French: But, for all the disasters happened me, the business is the same it was: and the five ships (whereof one was reported more than three hundred tons) went forward; & found fish so much, that neither Izeland-man, nor New foundland-man, I could hear of hath been there, will go any more to either place, if they may go thither. 
The success of my vice Admiral and the four ships of London, from New England.  So, that upon the return of my Vice-admiral that proceeded on her voyage when I spent my masts, from Plymouth this year are gone four or five sail: and from London as many; only to make voyages of profit: where the Englishmen have yet bneene, all their returns together (except Sir Fr. Popphames) would scarce make one a saver of near a dozen I could nominate; though there be fish sufficient, as I persuade myself, to fraught yearly four or five hundred sail, or as many as will go. For, this fishing stretcheth along the Coast from Cape Cod to Newfoundland, which is seven or eight hundred miles at the least; and hath his course in the deeps, and by the shore, all the year long; keeping their haunts and feedings as the beasts of the field, & the birds of the air. But, all men are not such as they should be, that have undertaken those voyages: and a man that hath but heard of an instrument, can hardly use it so well, as he that by use hath contrived to make it. All the Romans were not Scipio's: nor all the Geneweses, Columbuses: nor all Spaniards, Corteses: had they dived no deeper in the secrets of their discoveries, than we, or stopped at such doubts and poor accidental chances; they had never been remembered as they are: yet had they no such certainties to begin as we. But, to conclude, Adam and Eve did first begin this innocent work, To plant the earth to remain to posterity: but not without labour, trouble & industry. No, and his family, began again the second plantation; and their seed as it still increased, hath still planted new Countries, and one country another: and so the world to that estate it is. But not without much hazard, travel, discontents, and many disasters. Had those worthy Fathers & their memorable offspring not been more diligent for us now in these Ages, than we are to plant that yet unplanted, for the after livers: Had the seed of Abraham, our Saviour Christ, and his Apostles, exposed themselves to no more dangers to teach the Gospel, and the will of God than we; Even we ourselves, had at this present been as savage, and as miserable as the most barbarous savage yet uncivilized. The Hebrews, and Lacedæmonians, the Goths, the Grecians, the Romans, and the rest, what was it they would not undertake to enlarge their Territories, every their subjects, resist their enemies? Those that were the founders of those great Monarchies & their virtues, were no silvered idle golden pharisees, but industrious iron-steeled Publicans: They regarded more provisions, and necessaries for their people, than jewels, riches, ease, or delight for themselves. Riches were their servants, not their Masters. They ruled (as Fathers, not as Tyrants) their people as children, not as slaves: there was no disaster, could discourage them; and let none think they encountered not with all manner of encumbrances. And what have ever been the works of the greatest Princes of the earth, but planting of countries, and civilizing barbarous and inhuman Nations, to civility and humanity? whose eternal actions, fill our histories. Lastly, the Portugals, and Spaniards: whose everliving actions, before our eyes will testify with them our idleness, and ingratitude to all posterities, and the neglect of our duties in our piety and religion we owe our God, our King, and Country; and of want charity to those poor savages, whose Country we challenge, use and possess; except we be but made to use, and mar what our Forefathers made, or but only tell what they did, or esteem ourselves too good to take the like pains. Was it virtue in them, to provide that doth maintain us? and baseness for us to do the like for others? Surely no. Then seeing we are not borne for ourselves, but each to help other, and our abilities are much alike at the hour of our birth, and the minute of our death: Seeing our good deeds, or our bad, by faith in Christ's merits, is all we have to carry our souls to heaven, or hell: Seeing honour is our lives ambition; and our ambition after death, to have an honourable memory of our life: and seeing by no means we would be abated of the dignities & glories of our Predecessors; let us imitate their virtues to be worthily their successors.  
FINIS.  
At London printed the 18. of june, in the year of our Lord 1616.   

To his worthy Captain, the Author.  
OFt thou hast led, when I brought up the Rear  
In bloody wars, where thousands have been slain.  
Then give me leave, in this some part to bear;  
And as thy servant, here to read my name.  
'tis true, long time thou hast my Captain been  
In the fierce wars of Transiluania:  
Long ere that thou America hadst seen,  
Or led waste captived in Virginia;  
Thou that to pass the world's four parts dost deem  
No more, than 'twere to go to bed, or drink,  
And all thou yet hast done, thou dost esteem  
As nothing. This doth cause me think  
That thou I'ave seen so oft approved in dangers  
(And thrice captived, thy valour still hath freed)  
Art yet preserved, to convert those strangers:  
By God thy guide, I trust it is decreed.  
For me: I not commend, but much admire  
The England yet unknown to passers by-her.  
For it will praise itself in spite of me;  
Thou it, it thou, to all posterity.  
Your true friend, and soldier, Ed. Robinson.   

To my honest Captain, the Author.  
MAlignant Times! What can be said or done,  
But shall be censured and traduced by some!  
This worthy Work, which thou hast bought so dear,  
Ne thou nor it, Detractors need to fear.  
Thy words by deeds so long thou hast approved,  
Of thousands know thee not thou art beloved.  
And this great Plot will make thee ten times more  
Known and believed, than ere thou wert before.  
I never knew a warrior yet, but thee,  
From wine, Tobacco, debts, dice, oaths, so free.  
I call thee Warrior: and I make the bolder;  
For, many a Captain now, was never Soldier.  
Some such may swell at this: but (to their praise)  
When they have done like thee, my Muse shall raise  
Their due deserts to Worthies yet to come,  
To live like thine (admired) till day of Doom.  
Your true friend, sometimes your soldier, THO. CARLTON.