THE GENERAL HISTORY OF Virginia, New-England, and the Summer Isles: with the names of the Adventurers, Planters, and Governors from their first beginning An: 1584. to this present 1624. WITH THE PROCEDINGS OF THOSE SEVERAL COLONIES and the Accidents that befell them in all their Journeys and Discoveries. Also the Maps and Descriptions of all those Countries, their Commodities, people, Government, Customs, and Religion yet known. DIVIDED INTO SIX BOOKS.  
By Captain JOHN SMITH sometimes Governor in those Countries & Admiral of New England.  
LONDON Printed by I.D. and I.H. for Michael Sparkes. 1624.    

TO THE ILLUSTRIOUS AND MOST NOBLE PRINCESS, the Lady FRANCIS, Duchess of RICHMOND and LENOX.  
MAy it please your Grace,  
This History, as for the rarity and variety of the subject, so much more for the judicious Eyes it is like to undergo, and most of all for that great Name, whereof it dareth implore Protection, might and ought to have been clad in better robes than my rude military hand can cut out in Paper Ornaments. But because, of the most things therein, I am no Compiler by hear-say, but have been a real Actor; I take myself to have a property in them: and therefore have been bold to challenge them to come under the reach of my own rough Pen. That, which hath been endured and passed through with hardship and danger, is thereby sweetened to the Actor, when he becometh the Relator. I have deeply hazarded myself in doing and suffering, and why should I stick to hazard my reputation in Recording? He that acteth two parts is the more borne withal if he come short, or fail in one of them. Where shall we look to find a julius Caesar, whose achievements shine as clear in his own Commentaries, as they did in the field? I confess, my hand, though able to wield a weapon among the Barbarous, yet well may tremble in handling a Pen among so many Indicious: especially when I am so bold as to call so piercing, and so glorious an Eye, as your Grace, to view these poor ragged lines  
Yet my comfort is, that heretofore honourable and virtuous Ladies, and comparable but amongst themselves, have offered me rescue and protection in my greatest dangers: even in foreign parts, I have felt relief from that sex. The beauteous Lady Tragabigzanda, when I was a slave to the Turks, did all she could to secure me. When I overcame the Bashaw of Nalbrits in Tartary, the charitable Lady Call●mata supplied my necessities. In the utmost of many extremities, that blessed Pocahontas, the great King's daughter of Virginia, oft saved my life. When I escaped the cruelty of Pirates and most furious storms, a long time alone in a small Boat at Sea, and driven ashore in France, the good Lady Madam Chanoyes, bountifully assisted me.  
And so verily these my adventures have tasted the same influence from your Gracious hand, which hath given birth to the publication of this Narration. If therefore your Grace shall deign to cast your eye on this poor Book, view I pray you rather your own Bounty (without which it had died in the womb) than my imperfections, which have no help but the shrine of your glorious Name to be sheltered from censorious condemnation. Vouchsafe some glimpse of your honourable aspect, to accept these my labours; to protect them under the shadow of your excellent Name: which will enable them to be presented to the King's royal Majesty, the most admired Prince Charles, and the Queen of Bohemia: your sweet Recommendations will make it the worthier of their good countenances. And as all my endeavours are their due tribute: so this Page shall record to posterity, that my service shall be to pray to God, that you may still continue the renowned of your sex, the most honoured of men, and the highly blessed of God.  
Your Grace's faithful and devoted servant, JOHN SMITH.   

¶ A Preface of four Points.  
THis plain History humbly showeth the truth; that our most royal King james hath place and opportunity to enlarge his ancient Dominions without wronging any; (which is a condition most agreeable to his most just & pious resolutions:) and the Prince his Highness may see where to plant new Colonies. The gaining Provinces addeth to the King's Crown: but the reducing Heathen people to civility and true Religion, bringeth honour to the King of Heaven. If his Princely wisdom and powerful hand, renowned through the world for admirable government, please but to set these now Estates into order; their composure will be singular: the counsel of diverse is confused; the general Stock is consumed; nothing but the touch of the King's sacred hand can erect a Monarchy.  
Most noble Lords and worthy Gentlemen, it is your Honours that have employed great pains and large expense in laying the foundation of this State, wherein much hath been buried under ground, yet some thing hath sprung up, and given you a taste of your adventures. Let no difficulties alter your noble intentions. The action is an honour to your Country: and the issue may well reimburse you your sums expended. Our practices have hitherto been but assays, and are still to be amended. Let your bounty supply the necessities of weak beginnings, and your excellent judgements rectify the proceedings; the return cannot choose in the end but bring you good Commodities, and good contentments, by your advancing shipping and fishing so useful unto our Nation.  
Ye valiant and generous spirits, personal possessors of these newfound Territories, banish from among you Cowardice, covetousness, jealousies, and idleness, enemies to the raising your honours and fortunes; virtue, industry, and amity, will make you good and great, and your merits live to ensuing Ages. You that in contempt of necessities, hazard your lives and estates, employing your studies & labours in these fair endeavours, live and prosper as I desire my soul should prosper.  
For myself let emulation and envy cease, I ever intended my actions should be upright: now my care hath been that my Relations should give every man they concern, their due. But had I not discovered and lived in the most of those parts, I could not possibly have collected the substantial truth from such a number of variable Relations, that would have made a Volume at least of a thousand sheets. Though the beginning may seem harsh in regard of the Antiquities, brevity, and names; a pleasanter Discourse ensues. The style of a Soldier is not eloquent, but honest and justifiable; so I desire all my friends and wellwishers to excuse and accept it, and if any be so noble as to respect it, he that brought New England to light, though long since brought in obscurity, he is again to be found a true servant to all good designs.  
So I ever rest yours to command, JOHN SMITH.   

A Gentleman desirous to be unknown, yet a great Benefactor to Virginia, his love to the Author, the Company, and History.  

STay, read, behold, skill, courage, knowledge, Arts;  
Wonder of Nature: Mirror of our Clime.  
Mars, Vulcan, Neptune strive to have their parts,  
Rare Ornaments, rich honours of our time.   

From far fetched Indies, and Virginia's soil,  
Here Smith is come to show his Art and skill:  
He was the Smith that hammered famines' foil,  
And on Powhatan's Emperor had his will.   

Though first Columbus, Indies true Christofer;  
Cabots, brave Florida, much admirer;  
Meta Incognita, rare Martin Frobisher;  
Gilberts brave Humphrey, Neptune's devourer;   

Captain Amadis, Raleighs' discoverer;  
Sir Richard Grenvill, Zealands' brave coaster:  
Drake, dooms, drown, death, Spain's scorner;  
Gosnolds Relates, Pring prime observer.   

Though these be gone, and left behind a name,  
Yet Smith is here to Anvil out a piece  
To after Ages, and eternal Fame,  
That we may have the golden jasons' fleece.   

He Vulcan like di● forge a true Plantation,  
And chained their Kings, to his immortal glory;  
Restoring peace and plenty to the Nation,  
Regaining honour to this worthy Story.   

By him the Infidels had due correction,  
He blew the bellowes still of peace and plenty:  
He made the Indians bow unto subjection,  
And Planters ne'er returned to Albion empty.   

The Colonies pined, starved, staring, bones so feeble,  
By his brave projects, proved strong again:  
The Soldiers ' lowance he did seek to triple,  
And made the Savage in uncouth place remain.   

He left the Country in prosperous happy state,  
And plenty stood with peace at each man's door:  
Regarding not the Savage love nor hate:  
Themselves grew well, the Indian's wondrous poor.   

This there he did and now is home returned,  
To show us all that never thither go:  
That in his heart, he deeply oft hath mourned,  
Because the Action goeth on so slow.   

Brave, grave, Wise, Rich, prise Benefactors,  
Replant, want, continue still good Actors.  
Be kind, and find, bring eyes to blind;  
By God's great might, give Indians light.  
Spend money, Blood, to do that good,  
That may give Indians heavenly food.  
And God no less, you still shall bless;  
Both you and yours the Lands possess.   
S. M.   


See here behold as in a Glass,  
All that is, or is and was.   
T. T. 1624.   

Samuel Purchas of his friend Captain john Smith, and his Virginia.  

Lo here smith's Forge, where Forgery's Ro●gue-branded,  
True Pegasus is shooed, fetters are forged  
For Silke-sotts, Milksops, base Sloth, far hence landed,  
(Soile-changed, 
* Coelum non attimum mutant  Soule-soiled still) England's dregs, discharged,  
To plant (supplant!) Virginia, home-disgorged:  
Where virtues praise frames good men Stories armour  
Against Time, Achilles-like, with best Arts charged;  
Pallas, alarmed, all-learned, can teach Sword-Grammer,  
Can Pens of Pikes; Arms t' Arts; to Scholar, Soldier, hammer:   

Can Pilgrim make a Maker; all so-well  
Hath taught Smith scour my rusty outworn Muse,  
And so conjured her in Virginian Cell,  
That things unlearned long by want of use,  
She fresh areeds me read, without abuse  
By fabling. Arthur's great Acts little made  
By greater lies she saith; seals Faith excuse  

a These are said a thousand years ago to have been in the North parts of America.  THE Island, Groonland, Estotiland to wade  
After lie-legends; Malgo, Brandon, are Wares braid.   

The Friar of Linne 
b He is said to discover the Pole 1360.  frights her with his black Art;  
Nor British Bards can tell where Madoc 
c Madoc ap Ow●n Planted some remote Western parts. 1170.  planted.  
Cabots, Thorns, Elyots' truth have wen her heart;  
Eldest di●cov'rers of New World's Cont'nent (granted  
So had just Fates.) Colon and Vespuce panted;  
This got the name 
d America named of Americus Vesputius, which discovered les than Colon or Sir S●bastian Cabot, and the Continent later. Colon first found the Isles 1492. the Continent 1498. Above a year after Cabot had done it. He was set forth by Henry 7 and after by Hen. 8. Knighted, and made grand Pilot of England by Ed. 6 Under whom he procured the sending of Sir Hugh Willoughby, & discovery of Greenland and Russia: having by himself discovered on America from 67 North lat. to near ●o South▪ , last, least of Three; the Other  
New World's Isles found first: Cabot is most chanted  
In Three-Mens-song; did more New World discover  
Then both, than any; an hundred degrees coasted over.   

Hail Sir Sebastian, England's Northern Pole,  
Virginia's finder; Virgin Eliza named it,  
Ga●e't Raleigh. (Rutilio, Prat, Hore, I not unroll)  
Amadas rites to English right first framed it.  
Lane planted, returned, nor had English tamed it:  
Greenviles' and Whites men all slain; New Plantation  
JAMES found'st, Sloth confounds, fear, pride, faction shamed it:  
Smith's Forge mends all, makes chains for Savage Nation,  
Frees, feeds the rest; the rest read in his Books Relation.    

Thomas Macarnesse to his worthy friend and Countryman, Captain john Smith.  

WHo loves to live at home, yet look abroad,  
And know both passen and unpassen road,  
The prime Plantation of an unknown shore,  
The men, the manners, fruitfulness, and store:  
Read but this little Book, and then confess,  
The less thou lik'st and lov'st, thou livest the less.   

He writ it with great labour, for thy good,  
Twice over, now in paper, 'fore in blood;  
It cost him dear, both pains, without an aim  
Of private profit, for thy public gain.  
That thou mightst read and know and safely see,  
What he by practice, thou by Theoree.   

Commend him for his loyal loving heart,  
Or else come mend him, and take thou his part.    

To his friend Captain john Smith, and his Worke.  

I Know not how Desert more great can rise,  
Then out of Danger t' one for good men's Good;  
Nor who doth better win th' Olympian prize,  
Than he whose Countries Honour stirs his blood;  
Private respects have private expectation,  
Public designs, should publish reputation.   

This Gentleman whose Volume here is stored  
With strange discovery of GOD'S strangest Creatures,  
Gives us full view, how he hath Sailed, and Oared,  
And Marched, full many miles, whose rough defeatures,  
Hath been as bold, as puissant, up to bind  
Their barbarous strength's, to follow him dog-linde.   

But wit, nor valour, now adays pays scores  
For estimation; all goes now by wealth,  
Or friends; tush ● thrust the beggar out of doors  
That is not Purse-lyned; those which live by stealth  
Shall have their haunts; no matter what's the guest  
In many places; moneys well come best.   

But those who well discern, esteem not so:  
Nor I of thee brave Smith, that hast beat out  
Thy Iron thus; though I but little know  
To what thou'st seen; yet I in this am stout:  
My thoughts, maps to my mind some accidents,  
That makes me see thy greater precedents.   
Io: Done.   

To my worthy friend Captain john Smith.  
How great a part of knowledge had we lost,  
Both of Virginia and the Summer Isles,  
Had not thy careful diligence and cost  
Informed us thus, with thy industrious style!  
Like Caesar now thou writ'st what thou hast done,  
These acts, this Book will live while there's a Sun.  
Edw: Worseley.   

To his much respected Friend Captain john Smith.  
Envy avant. For Smith, whose Anvil was Experience,  
Could take his heat, knew how and when to Strike,  
Wrought well this Piece; till After-negligence  
Mistaking temper, Cold, or Scorched; or like  
Unskilful workmen, that can never File  
Nor Polish it, that takes in Forge such toil:  
here Noble Smith, thou showest the Temper true,  
Which other Tampering- Tempres never knew.  
Ro: Norton.   

To his loving friend Captain john Smith.  

WHere actions speak the praises of a man,  
There, Pens that use to flatter silent be,  
Or if they speak, it is to scorn or scan;  
For such with virtue seldom do agree.   

When I look back on all thy labours past,  
Thy travels, perils, losses oft sustained  
By Sea and Land; and (which is worst and last)  
Neglect or small reward, so dear gained.   

I do admire thy still undaunted spirit;  
unwearied yet to work thy Country's good.  
This be thy praise then, due unto thy merit;  
For it th' hast ventured life; and lost thy blood.   

1. 2. 3. 1. 2. 3.  
Truth, travail, and Neglect, pure, painful, most unkind,  
1. 2. 3. 1. 2. 3.  
Doth prove, consume, dismay, the soul, the corpse, the mind.   
Edw: Ingham.   

To my dear friend by true Virtue ennobled Captain john Smith.  
MOre than enough I cannot thee commend:  
Whose both abilities and Love do tend  
So to advance the good of that Estate,  
By English charge, and Planters propagate  
Through heaps of painful hazards; in the first  
Of which, that Colony thy Care hath nursed.  
And often that effected but with ten  
That after thee, and now, three hundred men  
Have failed in, 'mong the Savages; who shake  
At bruit of Thee, as Spain at Name of Drake.  
Which well appears; considering the while  
Thou governedst, nor force of theirs, ne guile  
Lessened a man of thine; but since (I rue)  
In British blood they deeply did imbrue  
Their Heathen hands. And (truth to say) we see,  
Ourselves we lost, untimely leaving Thee.  
Nor yet perceive I any got between  
Thee and thy merit; which hath better been  
In praise; or profit much; if counted just;  
Free from the Weals abuse, or wronged trust.  
Some few particulars perhaps have sped;  
But wherein hath the public prospered?  
Or is there more of those Vast Countries known,  
Then by thy Labours and Relations shown  
First, best? And shall we love Thee now the less?  
far be ●t! fit condignly to express  
Thanks, by new Charge, or recompense; by whom,  
Such past good hath, such future good may come.  
David Wiffin.   

Noble Captain Smith, my worthy Friend  
NOt like the Age wherein thou livest, to lie  
Buried in baseness, sloth, or Ribaldry  
(For most do thus) hast thou thyself applied;  
But, in fair Actions, Merits height descried:  
Which (like four theatres to set thee forth)  
The world's four Quarters testify thy worth.  
The last whereof (America) best shows  
Thy pains, and praise; and what to thee she owes,  
(Although thy Summer shone on th'Elder Three,  
In as great Deeds as great variety)  
For opening to Herself Her Self, in Two 
* Virginia now inhabited, and New-England.   
Of Her large Members; Now Ours, to our view.  
Thereby endearing us to thy desert,  
That doubly dost them to our hands impart;  
There by thy Work, here by thy Works; By each  
Mayst thou Fame's lasting Wreath (for guerdon) reach.  
And so become, in after Times t'ensue,  
A Precedent for others, So to do.  
William Grent.   

To his worthily affected Friend, Captain john Smith.  
AMongst so many that by learned skill,  
Have given just praise to thee, and to thy Book,  
Dear friend receive this pledge of my good will,  
Whereon, if thou with acceptation look,  
And think it worthy, rank amongst the rest:  
Use thy discretion, I have done my best.  
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉   

The Contents of the general History, divided into six Books.  

The first Book.  
THE first voyage to the new World, by Madock Prince of Wales. The next by Ha●no Prince of Carthage, and how it was offered K. Hen. 7. by Chr. Cullumbus, that undertook it for the Spaniards. 1492.  
How john Cabot was employed by King Hen. the 7. and found the Continent before Cullumbus. Also Sir Martin Frobisher, and Sir Humphrey Gilbert ranged towards the North. And how Captain Amidas was sent to discover the coast of Florida by Sir Water Raleigh and his associates. And the Country Wingandacoa was called Virginia by Q●cene Elizabeth. Page 1— 4.  
Sir Richard Greenvill sent thither with 108. he left for a plantation. The discovery of the Rivers Chawonok and Moratoc. The treachery of their King, who with eight more were slain, and they all returned to England again the same year with Sir Francis Drake. pag. 5— 9  
The Observations of Master Heriot. Of their commodities, victual, fruits, beasts, fishes, and fowls. Their Religion, and belief of God, of the Creation of the world, and man; the immortality of the soul; the subtlety of their Priests; the people's simplicity, and desire of salvation; and other Accidents. pag. 9— 12.  
Sir Rich: Greenvill sent to supply them. Not finding them, left fifty. Their success. page 13.  
Master White sent to relieve them, found they were all slain, yet left 115. more, and departed.  
Returning the second time, he could not hear of them; his Observations and Accidents. pag. 14— 16.  
A discovery by Captain Gosnoll of Elizabeth's Isles; his Observations, Relations, and return. pag. 17.18.  
The voyage of Captain Pring to the same Coast.  
The discovery of Captain Waymouth; his Observations, Relations, and return. pag. 18— 20.  
A Map of the old Virginia, with the figures of the Savages.   

The second Book. Of Virginia now planted, discovered by Captain SMITH.  
THe Latitude, Temperature, and Capes; a description of Chisapeack Bay, and s●aven navigable Rivers that fall into it, with their several Inhabitants, and diversity of Language, pag. 21— 25.  
Of things growing Naturally, as woods, fruits, gums, berries, herbs, roots; also of beasts, birds, and fishes; how they divide the year, prepare their ground, plant their corn, and use it, and other victual page. 25.— 29.  
What commodities may be had by industry. The description of the people, their numbers, constitutions, dispositions, attire, buildings, lodgings and gardens, their usage of children, striking of fire making their Bows and Arrows, knives swords, targets, and boats: how they spin, make fishhooks, and gins, and their order of hunting. Consultations and order in Wars. pag. 29— 33.  
Their music, entertainment, trade, Physic, Chirurgery and Charms. Their Religion, God, burials ordinary and extraordinary, Temples, Priests, Ornaments, solemnities, Conjurations, Altars, sacrifices, black boys, and resurrection. pag. 34— 36.  
The manner of their government, their Emperor; his attendants, watch, treasury, wives, successors & authority: tenure of their lands, and manner of punishment, with some words of their Language Englished. pag. 37— 40.  
And a Map of the Country of Virginia now planted.   

The third Book. Of the Accidents and Proceedings of the English.  
THeir orders of government, Accidents in going, first landing and government settled. pag. 41.42.  
The Savages assault the Fort, the ships return, their names were left, occasion of sickness, plenty unexpected, the building of james Town, the beginning of Trade, two projects to abandon the Country. pag. 43— 46.  
Their first attempts upon the Savages. Captain Smith taken prisoner; their order of Triumph, and how he should have been executed, was preserved, saved james town from being surprised, how they Contured him. Powhata● entertained him, would have slain him; how Pocahontas his daughter saved him, and sent him to james Town. The third plot to abandon the Country suppressed. pag. 47— 49.  
Their first Supply and Accidents. The Savages opinion of our God. Captain Smith revisits Powhatan; james Town burnt; A conceited gold mine; A needless charge; Captain Newports return for England. pag 50— 53.  
james Town rebuilt, with a Church and Storehouse; The Savages plot to murder all the English; their insolences suppressed. Different opinions among the Council. p. 53.  
Their names landed in this Supply. p. 54.  
The discovery of the Bay of Chriapeack. Their fight and conference with the Kuskarawaoks; Ambuscadoes prevented in the river Patawomek; A mine like Antimony. pag. 55— 58.  
How to deal with the Savages. Smith near killed with a Stingray. With many other Accidents in the discovery. A needless misery at james town redressed. pag. 58— 59  
The second Voyage to discover the Bay. Their Encounter with the Massawomekes and Tockwhoghs; the Sasquesahanoughs offer subiectio to the English. The exceeding love of the Savage Mos●o Their fight with the Rapahanocks; their fight with the Manahokes. The King of Hasla●ing●'s brother taken prisoner; his relation of those mountainers▪ p●ac● 〈◊〉 with all those Nations. pag. 5●-64.  
The discovery of the r●ver Payankatank; then sight with the N●ndsamunds, & Chisapeacks; their return to james town. p. 65.  
The Presidency surrendered to Cap. Smith. The second Supply by Captain Newport, many Presents sent from England to Powhatan, his scorn▪ Consultations; factions suppressed; Cap. Smith visiteth Powhatan; Pocahontas entertains him with a Mask; the Coronation of Powhatan, and Conditions. pag. 68  
The discovery of the Monacans; a punishment for swearing; the Chickahamanians forced to Contribution; the abuses of the Mariners; Master Scrivener's voyage to Werowocomoco. pag. 68— 70.  
Captain Smith's Relation to England of the estate of the Colony: the names of them arrived in this Supply. pag. 71.72.  
Nandsamund forced to Contribution. The first Marriage in Virginia. Apamatuck discovered. pag. 73.  
Captain Smith's journey to Pamaunkee. The discovery of the Chawwonocks. Smith's discourse to Powhatan; His reply and slattery; and his discourse of Peace and War. Powhatans' plot to murder Smith, discovered by his daughter Pocahontas, pag. 77.  
Their escape at Pamaunkee. The Dutchmen deceive Captain Winne, and arm the Savages; sixteen English beset by seven hundred Savages, Smith takes their King Opechankanough prisoner; the Savages excuse & reconcilement. p. 77.— 80.  
Master Scrivener and others drowned; Master Wiffins' desperate journey to Pamaunkee; Powhatan constrains his men again to be treacherous; he is forced to fraught their Ship; Smith poisoned; the Dutch men's treachery. pag. 80— 82.  
The Dutchman's plot to murder Smith. He taketh the King of Paspahegh prisoner, and others; they become all subject to the English. pag. 84.  
A Salvage smothered, yet recovered; three or four Savages slain in drying stolen powder. Great extremity occasioned by rats; Bread made of dried Sturgeon; the punishment for loiterers; the discovery of the Mangoags. Captain Argals' first arrival; the inconveniences in a Plantation. p. 84— 89.  
The government altered; the arrival of the third Supply; mutinies; Nandsamund planted; breach of peace with the Savages; Powhatans' chief seat bought for Copper; Mutinies. pag. 90.91.  
Captain Smith blown up with Gunpowder; a bloody intent; the causes why he left the Country and his Commission; his return for England; the ends of the Dutchmen. Certain Verses of seven Gentlemen. p 95.   

The fourth Book. With their Proceedings after the alteration of the Government.  
HOw the mutineers proceeded; the Savage, revolt; the planting point Comfort, Them at Nandsamund, and the Falls, defeated by the Savages. Captain Ratliff, with thirty slain by Powhatan. The fruits of improvidence. The arrival of Sir Thomas Gates. james Town abandoned. The arrival of the Lord La War; their actions, and both their returns. pag. 105— 108.  
The government left to Captain Percy; & his proceedings. The arrival of Sir Thomas Dale, and his actions. pag. 109— 110.  
The second arrival of Sir Thomas Gates; the building Henerico, and the Bermudas; how Captain Argall took Pocahontas prisoner. Dales voyage to Pamaunkee. The marriage of Pocahontas to Master Rolfe. Articles of Peace with the Savages. p. 110.— 114.  
The government left to Sir Thomas Dale. Captain Argals' voyage to port Royal. Master Hamers to Powhatan; and their Accidents. pag. 115.116.  
The manner of the Lottery. A Spanish Ship in Virginia. Dale with Pocahontas comes for England. Capt. Yerley left Deputy Governor; his wars and peace with the Chickahamanians, and proceedings. pag. 117— 121.  
A relation to Queen Anne of the quality & condition of Pocahontas; how the Queen entertained her; Capt. Argall sent governor; the death of Powhatan; ten English slain; Argals accidents and proceedings. The Lord de la War sent again governor; his death. A relation of their present estates. Hailstones 8. inches about. pag. 121— 125.  
Sir George Yerley sent governor; Waraskoyack planted. A parliament in Virginia; four Corporations appointed; the adventures of Cap. Ward; the number of ships and men sent this year; gifts given; Patents granted. pag. 125— 127.  
A desperate Sea fight by Captain Chester with two Spanish men of war; the names of the Adventurers. pag. 128— 138.  
Notes and observations. A relation of their estates by Master Stockam. The arrival of Sir Francis Wyatt with nine ships. Master Gockings plantation; and their accidents; the number of ships and men sent this year; gifts given, Patents granted p. 139— 141.  
Master Poties journeys to Pawtuxunt, and other places, with his accidents pag. 141.— 143.  
Capt. Each sent to build Forts and Barks. The cause and manner of the Massacre; the numbers slain; the providence of Cap. Nuse; Cap. Chroshaw his voyage to Patowomek. pag. 143— 151.  
Capt. Smiths offer to the Company to suppress the Savages. Their answer; the manner of the Satlery; Chroshaw stays at Patawomek; the escape of Waters and his wife. Cap. Hamar goes to Patawomek; Chroshaws plot for all their preservations. Capt. Madison sent to Patawomek. Cap. powel kills three Savages. Sir George Yerleys' journey to Acomack. The misery of Captain Nuse. The kindness of the King of Patawomek; a vile policy of a Savage; Madisons mischief unto the Patawomeks. It was not well done to make Opechankanough drink healths. 300. surpriseth Nandsamund and Pamaunkee. The opinion of Cap. Smith how to subject the Savages. The arrival of Cap. Butler in Virginia, and other Accidents. pag. 152— 161.  
The loss of Cap. Spilman and 26. men. A particular of such necessaries as are fit for private persons or families. pag. 161.162.  
A brief relation by Cap. Smith to his Majesties' Commissioners, for the reformation of Virginia. The 7 questions the right Worthy Commissioners demanded, and his answers; how the King hath pleased to take it into his consideration. pag. 163— 168.  
At this present two ships are going; more a preparing; new Commissions sent.  
A Proclamation, no Tobacco be used in England, but what shall come from Virginia, or the Summer Isles; quere the Proclamation.   

The fifth Book.  
A Map of the Summer Isles and Fortresses. The description of the Isles, the fruits, fishes, soil, air, beasts, birds, with the relation of the shipwreck of Henry May. pag. 169— 173.  
The shipwreck of Sir Tho: Gates, and Sir George Somers; their accidents, deliverance and arrival in Virginia. Summer's return to the Isles; his death, and Epitaph, the accidents happened; three men lived there alone two years. pag. 174— 177.  
Master More sent to make a plantation. A piece of Amber Greece found of 80. pound weight; much dissension; Moor's industry in fortifying and weighing Ordnance out of the wracks. Their first Supply; a strange increase of Potatoes. The attempt of 2 Spanish ships; a great mortality; a strange being of Ravens; a new Supply, with their Accidents, and Moors return. pag. 177— 180.  
The rent of the six governor's; a wonderful accident of Hilliard, not much less than a miracle. pag. 181.182.  
The government of Ca Tuckar; Assizes; the strange adventure of 5 men in a boat; plants from the West Indies; the endeavours of Cap. powel; Assizes. The Country near devoured with rats; their strange confusion. The divisions of the Isles into Tribes, and Tribes into shares, by Mr. Norwood; the names of the adventurers, and their shares. p. 182— 189.  
The first Magazine; two exploits of desperate fugitives. The return of Cap. Tuckar. Cap Kendal left deputy-governor, & their Accidents. pag. 189-191.  
The government of Cap. Butler; A platform burnt, and much hurt by a Hurricane. The refortifying the King's Castle. The arrival of two Dutch Frigates. The rebuilding the Mount, and a Tomb for Sir George Somers. The reformation of their laws and officers. Their Assizes. A Parliament. Their acts; their opinion of the Magazine. The building three Bridges. The general Assizes; A strange deliverance of a Spanish wrack. A strange Sodomy; many Ordnances got from wracks. Their estates present. p. 191-199.  
Master Barnard sent to be governor; his arrival, death, and funeral, with the proceedings of Mr. Harrison his successor, & Cap. Woodhouse their governor. pag. 200-201.  
Certain Verses of Master Withers, and other Gentlemen.   

The sixth Book.  
A Map of New-England. How this Country hath been accounted but a miserable Desert. Captain smith's first voyage; what peace and wars he had with the Savages, and within 6. months returned with 1500l. worths of commodities; got Prince Charles to call it New-England. A Table of the old names and the new. pag. 203▪ 205.  
Cap. Hobson's voyage to Capan; the Londoners apprehend it. The situation: notes for ignorant undertakers. The description of the Country. Staple Commodities; present proof of the healthfulness of the clime. Observations of the Hollanders chief trade. p. 209.  
Examples of the altitude comparatively; the reasons why to plant it. An example of the gains every year; a description of 15. several Countries in particular. Of their Kings, rivers, harbours, Isles, mountains, landmarks, fruits, woods, birds, fishes, beasts, etc. and how as well Gentlemen, as mecanicks, may be employed, & get much wealth, with the reasons and causes of the defaylements. p. 206— 221.  
Cap. smith's second voyage; his ship near foundered in the Sea; He reimbarketh himself; incountreth the English Pirates; fought with the French Pirates; is betrayed by 4. French men of war; how he was released; his men ran from him with ship and all; how he lived with the French men; what fights they had, what prizes they took; the French men's ingratitude. 13 sail cast away: how he escaped, proceeded in France, returned for England, and punished them ran from him. pag. 222— 227.  
The yearly trials of New-England; the benefit of fishing, as Mr. Dee, and diverse report, and approved by the Hollanders Records; how it becomes so well apprehended, that more than 150. have gone thither to fish, with an estimate of their gains, with many observations and Accidents. pag. 228-230.  
A Plantation in New-England; their first landing; diverse journeys & accidents; the description of the harbours, bays, lakes, and that place they inhabit, called New-Plimouth; conference with the Savages; and kind usage of the King of the Massasoyts; a strange policy of Tusquantum. pag. 230— 234.  
The Savages make wars for their friendships; the English revenge their friends injuries. Notes and observations. They lived two years without Supplies; the death of Tusquantum; they contrive to murder the English; how the English did cure a King sick to death; two most desperate Savages; the courage of Cap. Standish; the Savages sue for peace. pag. 235— 239.  
A most remarkable observation of God's love. 40 sail fished th●re this year; the religion of the Savages; the government; an answer to objections; considerations; the charge; the order of the Western men. p. 140— 142.  
The effects of shipping; the Pope's order for the East and West Indies How to build a little navy royal; contention for New-england. The necessity of martial power. p. 243-244.  
The charge to set forth a ship of a 100 tuns, both to make a fishing voyage, & increase the plantation. The facility of the fishing lately observed. Their present estate at New-Plimouth, and order of government.   

It's not his part that is the best Translator,  
To render word for word to every Author.    

HOW ANCIENT AUTHOR'S REPORT, THE NEW-WORLD, Now called America, was discovered: and part thereof first Planted by the ENGLISH, called VIRGINIA, with the Accidents and Proceedings of the same.  
❧ The first Book.  
FOR the Stories of Arthur, Malgo, and Brandon, that say a thousand years ago they were in the North of America; or the Friar of Linn that by his black Art went to the North pole in the year 1360. in that I know them not. Let this suffice.  
The Chronicles of Wales report, that Madock, son to Owen Quineth, Prince of Wales seeing his two brethren at debate who should inherit, prepared certain Ships, with men and munition, and left his Country to seek adventures by Sea: leaving Ireland North he sailed west till he came to a Land unknown. Returning home and relating what pleasant and fruitful Countries he had seen without Inhabitants, and for what barren ground his brethren and kindred did murder one another, he provided a number of Ships, and got with him such men and women as were desirous to live in quietness, that arrived with him in this new Land in the year 1170: Left many of his people there and returned for more. But where this place was no History can show.  
The Spaniards say Hanno a Prince of Carthage was the first: and the next Christopher Cullumbus, a Genoesian, whom they sent to discover those unknown parts. 1492.  
But we find by Records, Cullumbus offered his service in the year 1488. to King Henry the seaventh; and by accident undertook it for the Spaniards. In the Interim King Henry gave a Commission to john Cabot, and his three sons, Sebastian, Lewis, and Sautius. john and Sebastian well provided, setting sail, ranged a great part of this unknown world, in the year 1497. For though Cullumbus had found certain Isles, it was 1498. ere he saw the Continent, which was a year after Cabot. Now Americus came a long time after, though the whole Continent to this day is called America after his name, yet Sebastian Cabot discovered much more than them all, for he sailed to about forty degrees Southward of the line, and to sixty-seaven towards the North: for which King Henry the eight Knighted him and made him grand Pilate of England. Being very aged King Edward the sixth gave him a Pension of 166l. 13●. 4d. yearly. By his directions Sir Hugh Willowby was sent to find out the Country of Russia, but the next year he was found frozen to death in his Ship, and all his Company.  
Mr Martin Frobisher was sent in the year 1576. by our most gracious Queen Elizabeth, to search for the Northwest passage, and Meta incognita: for which he was Knighted, honoured, and well rewarded.  
Sir Humphrey Gilbert a worthy Knight attempted a Plantation in some of those parts: and obtained Letters Patents to his desire: but with this Proviso, He should maintain possession in some of those vast Countries within the term of six years. Yet when he was provided with a Navy able to encounter a King's power, even here at home they fell in divisions, and so into confusion, that they gave over the Design ere it was begun, notwithstanding all this loss, his undaunted spirit began again, but his Fleet fell with Newfound land, and he perished in his return, as at large you may read in the third Volume of the English Voyages, written by Mr Hackluit.  
Upon all those Relations and inducements, Sir Walter Raleigh, a noble Gentleman, and then in great esteem, undertook to send to discover to the Southward. And though his occasions and other employments were such he could not go himself, yet he procured her Majesty's Letters Patents, and persuaded many worthy Knights and Gentlemen to adventure with him to find a place fit for a Plantation. Their Proceedings followeth.  
The most famous, renowned, and ever worthy of all memory, for her courage, learning, judgement, and virtue, Queen Elizabeth, granted her Letters Patents to Sir Walter Raleigh for the discovering and planting new Lands & Countries, not actually possessed by any Christians. This Patenty got to be his assistants Sir Richard Grenvell the valiant, Mr William Sanderson a great friend to all such noble and worthy actions, and diverse other Gentlemen and Merchants, who with all speed provided two small Barks well furnished with all necessaries, under the command of Captain Philip Amidas and Captain Barlow. The 27. of April they set sail from the Thames, the tenth of May passed the Canaries, and the tenth of june the West Indies: which unneedfull Southerly course, (but then no better was known) occasioned them in that season much sickness.  

Their arrival.  The second of july they fell with the coast of Florida in shoule water, where they felt a most delicate sweet smell, though they saw no land, which ere long they espied, thinking it the Continent: an hundred and twenty miles they sailed not finding any harbour. The first that appeared, with much difficulty they entered, and anchored, and after thanks to God they went to view the next Land adjoining to take possession of it for the Queen's most excellent Majesty: which done, they found their first landing place very sandy and low, 
●●pundance ●f G●apes.  but so full of grapes that the very surge of the Sea sometimes over-flowed them: of which they found such plenty in all places, both on the sand, the green soil and hills, as in the plains as well on every little shrub, as also climbing towards the tops of high Cedars, that they did think in the world were not the like abundance.  

The I'll of W●kokon.  We passed by the Seaside towards the tops of the next hills being not high: from whence we might see the Sea on both sides, and found it an I'll of twenty miles in length, and six in breadth, the valleys replenished with goodly tall Cedars. Discharging our Muskets, such a flock of Cranes, the most white, arose by us, with such a cry as if an Army of men had shouted altogether. This I'll hath many goodly Woods, and Decree, Coneys, and Fowl in incredible abundance, and using the Authors own phrase, the Woods are not such as you find in Bohemia, Moscovia, or Hercinia, barren and fruitless, but the highest and reddest Cedars of the world, 
In Lybanus are not many.  bettering them of the Assores, Indies, or Libanus: Pynes, Cypress, Saxefras, the Lentisk that beareth Mastic, and many other of excellent smell and quality. Till the third day we saw not any of the people, then in a little Boat three of them appeared, one of them went on shore, to whom we rowed, and he attended us without any sign of fear; after he had spoke much though we understood not a word, of his own accord he came boldly aboard us, we gave him a shirt, 
Conference with a Savage.  a hat, wine and meat, which he liked well, and after he had well viewed the barks and us, he went away in his own Boat, and within a quarter of a mile of us in half an hour, had loaden his Boat with fish, with which he came again to the point of land, and there divided it in two parts, pointing one part to the Ship, the other to the Pinnace, and so departed.  
The next d●y came diverse Boats, and in one of them the King's Brother, 
The Arrival of the King's brother.  with forty or fifty men, proper people, and their behaviour very civil; his name was Granganame●, the King is called Wingina, the Country Wingandacoa. Leaving his Boats a little from our Ships, he came with his train to the point: where spreading a Matte he sat down. Though we came to him well armed, he made signs to us to sit down without any show of fear, stroking his head and breast, and also ours, to express his love. After he had made a long speech unto us, we presented him with diverse toys, which he kindly accepted. He was greatly regarded by his people, for none of them did sit, nor speak a word, but four, on whom we bestowed presents also, but he took all from them, making signs all things did belong to him.  
The King himself in a conflict with a King his next neighbour and mortal enemy, was shot in two places through the body, and the thigh, yet recovered: whereby he lay at his chief town six days journey from thence.  
A day or two after showing them what we had, 
Trade with the Savages.  Granganamco taking most liking to a Pewter dish, made a hole in it, hung it about his neck for a breastplate: for which he gave us twenty Dear skins, worth twenty Crowns; and for a Copper Kettell, fifty skins, worth fifty Crowns. Much other truck we had, and after two days he came aboard, and did eat and drink with us very merrily. Not long after he brought his wife and children, they were but of mean stature, but well favoured and very bashful; she had a long coat of Leather, and about her privities a piece of the same, about her forehead a band of white Coral, and so had her husband, in her ears were bracelets of pearl, hanging down to her middle, or the bigness of great Pease; the rest of the women had Pendants of Copper, and the Noblemen five or six in an ear; his apparel as his wives, only the women wear their hair long on both sides, and the men but on one; they are of colour yellow, but their hair is black, yet we saw children that had very fair Chesnut coloured hair.  
After that these women had been here with us, there came down from all parts great store of people, with Leather, Coral, and diverse kind of dyes, but when Granganameo was present, none durst trade but himself, and them that wore red Copper on their heads, as he did. When ever he came, he would signify by so many fires he came with so many boats, that we might know his strength. Their Boats are but one great tree, which is but burnt in the form of a trough with gins and fire, till it be as they would have it. For an armour he would have engaged us a bag of pearl, but we refused, as not regarding it, that we might the better learn where it grew. He was very just of his promise, for oft we trusted him, and he would come within his day to keep his word. He sent us commonly every day a brace of Bucks, Coneys, Hares, and fish, sometimes Melons, Walnuts, 
Note.  Cucumbers. Pease, and diverse roots. This Author saith, their corn groweth three times in five months; in May they sow, in july reap; in june they sow, in August reap; in july sow, in August reap. We put some of our Pease in the ground, which in ten days were 14. inches high.  
The soil is most plentiful, sweet, wholesome, and fruitful of all o●her, there are about 14. several sorts of sweet smelling timber trees: the most parts of the underwood, Bays and such like: such Oaks as we, but far greater and better. After this acquaintance, myself with seven more went twenty mile into the River Occam, that runneth toward the City Skicoack, and the evening following we came to an I'll called Roanoak, from the harbour where we entered 7. leagues; 
The Isle Roanoak.  at the North end was 9 houses, builded with Cedar, fortified round with sharp trees, and the entrance like a Turnpik. When we came towards it, the wife of Granganameo came running out to meet us, (her husband was absent) commanding her people to draw our Boat ashore for beating on the billows, 
The great courtesy of a Woman.  other she appointed to carry us on their backs a land, others to bring our Oars into the house for stealing. When we came into the other room, (for there was five in the house) she caused us to sit down by a great fire; after took off our clothes and washed them, of some our stockings, and some our feet in warm water, and she herself took much pains to see all things well ordered, and to provide us victual.  

A banquet.  After we had thus dried ourselves, she brought us into an Inner room, where she set on the board standing a long the house somewhat like frumenty, sodden venison, and roasted fish; in like manner melons raw, boiled roots and fruits of diverse kinds. There drink is commonly water boiled with Ginger, sometimes with Saxefras, and wholesome herbs, but whilst the Crape lasteth they drink wine. More love she could not express to entertain us; they care but only to defend themselves from the short winter, and feed on what they find natural in summer. In this feasting house was their Idol of whom they ●ould us uncredible things. When we were at meat two or three of her men came amongst us with their Bows and Arrows, which caused us to take our arms in hand. She perceiving our distrust, caused their Bows and Arrows to be broken, and they beaten out of the gate: but the evening approaching we returned to our boat, where at she much grieving brought our supper half boiled, pots and all, but when she saw us, but put our boat a little off from the shore and lie at Anchor, perceiving our jealousy, she sent diverse men & 30. women to sit all night on the shore side against us, and sent us five Mats to cover us from the rain, doing all she could to persuade us to her house. Though there was no cause of doubt, we would not adventure: for on our safety depended the voyage: but a more kind loving people cannot be. Beyond this I'll is the main land and the great river Occam, 
Skicoac a great town.  on which standeth a Town called Pomeiock, and six days higher, their City Skicoak: those people never saw it, but say there fathers affirm it to be above two hours' journey about. Into this river falleth an other called Cipo, where is found many Mustells wherein are Pearls: likewise another River called Nomapona, on the one side whereof standeth a great town called Chawanock, the Lord of the Country is not subject to Wingandacoa. Beyond him an other king they call Menatonon. These 3. are in league each with other. Towards the south. 4. days journey is Sequotan, the southermost part of Wingandacoa.  
Adjoining to Secotan beginneth the country Pomovik, belonging to the King called Piamacum, 
Pomovik.  in the Country Nusiok upon the great river Neus. These have mortal wars with Wingina, King of Wingandacoa. Betwixt Piemacum and the Lord of Secotan, a peace was concluded: notwithstanding there is a mortal malice in the Secotuns, because this Piemacum invited diverse men, and 30. women to a feast, and when they were altogether merry before their Idol, which is but a mere illusion of the Devil, they suddenly slew all the men of Secotan, and kept the women for their use. Beyond Roanoak are many Isles full of fruits and other Natural increases, with many Towns a long the side of the Continent. Those Isles lie 200. miles in length, and between them and the main, a great long sea, in some places. 20. 40. or 50. miles broad, in other more, somewhere less. And in this sea are 100 Isles of diverse bignesses, but to get into it, you have but 3. passages and they very dangerous. Though this you see for most part be but the relations of Saluages, because it is the first, I thought it not a mis●e to remember them as they are written by them that returned & arrived in England about the midst of September the same year. This discovery was so welcome into England that it pleased her majesty to call this Country of Wingandacoa, Virginia, by which name now you are to understand how it was planted, 
How the Country was called Virginia.  dissolved, reuned, and enlarged,  
The Performers of this voyage were these following. 

Philip Amadas. Captain  
Arthur Barlow. Captain  
William Grenuill.  
john Wood  
james Browewich.  
Henry Greene.  
Beniamen Wood  
Simon Ferdinando. Of the Company.  
Nicholas Peryman. Of the Company.  
john Hewes. Of the Company.    

Sir Richard Grenuills voyage to Virginia, for Sir Walter Raleigh. ●●85.  
THe 9 of April he departed from Plymouth with 7. sail: 
Sir Richard Grenvils, voyage. 1585.  the chief men with him in command, were Master Ralph Layne, Master Thomas Candish Master john Arundel, Master Stukley, Master Bremige, Master Vincent, Master H●ryot and Master john Clarke. The 14. day we fell with the Canaries, and the 7. of May with Dominico in the West Indies: we landed at Portorico, after with much a do at Izabella on the north of Hispaniola, passing by many Iles. Upon the 20. we fell with the main of Florida, and were put in great danger upon Cape Fear. The 26. we Anchored at Wocokon, where the admiral had like to been cast away, presently we sent to Wingina to Roanoak, and Master Arundel went to the main, with Manteo a savage, and that day to Croo●on. The 11. The General victualled for 8. days, with a selected company went to the main, and discovered the Towns of Pomeiok, Aquascogoc, Secctan, and the great Lake called Paquipe. At Aquascogoc the Indians stole a silver Cup, wherefore we burned the Town and spoilt their corn, so returned to our fleet at Tocokon. Whence we weighed for Hatorask, where we rested, and Granganimeo, King Wingina's brother with M●nteo came aboard our Admiral, the Admiral went for Weapomeiok, & Master john Arundel for England. Our General in his way home took a rich loaden ship of 300. tunns, with which he arrived at Plymouth the 18. of September. 1585.  

These were left under the command of Master Ralph Layne to inhabit the Country, but they returned within a year.  
Philip Amidas Admiral.  
Master Thomas Heryot.  
Master Acton.  
Master Stafford.  
Master Thomas Luddington.  
Master Maruyn.  
Cap. Vaughan.  
Master Gardiner.  
Master Kendal.  
Master Predeox.  
Master Rogers.  
Master Haruy.  
Master Snelling.  
Master Antony Russee.  
Master Allen.  
Master Michael Pollison.  
Master Thomas Bockner.  
Master james mason.  
Master David Salter.  
Master james Skinner.   
With diverse others to the number of 108.  
Touching the most remarkable things of the Country and our proceeding from the 17 of August 1585. till the 18. of june 1586. 
Their first Plantation.  we made Roanoack our habitation. The utmost of our discovery Southward was Secotan as we esteemed 80. leagues from Roanoacke. The passage from thence was thought a broad sound within the main, being without kenning of land, yet full of flats and shouldst that our Pinnace could not pass, & we had but one boat with 4. oars, that would carry but 15. men with their provisions for 7. days: so that because the winter approached we left those discoveries till a stronger supply. To the Northward; our farthest was to a Town of the Chesapeacks, from Roanoack 130. miles. The passage is very shallow and dangerous by reason of the breadth of the sound and the little succour for a storm, but this teritory being 15. mile from the shore, for pleasantnest of seat, for temporature of climate, fertility of soil and commodity of the Sea, beside bears, good woods, Saxefras, Walnuts etc. is not to be, excelled by any other whatsoever.  
There be sundry other Kings they call Weroances as the Mangoacks, Trypaniks and opposians, which came to visit us.  
To the northwest our farthest was Chawonock from Roanoack 130. 
Chawonock.  miles our passage lieth through a broad sound, but all fresh water, and the channel Navigable for a Ship, but out of it full of shoules.  
The towns by the way by the water, are Passaquenock the women's town, Chepanoe, Weapomciok; from Muscamunge we enter the river and jurisdiction of Chawonock, there it beginneth to straiten, and at Chawonock it is as Thames at Lambeth: betwixt them as we passed is goodly high land on the left hand, and there is a town called Ohanock, 
Chawonock 700. men.  where is a great corn field, it is subject to Chawonock, which is the greatest Province upon the river, and the Town itself can put seven hundred men into the field, besides the forces of the re●t. The King is lame, but hath more understanding than all the rest.  
The river of Moratoc is more famous than all the rest, and openeth into the sound of Weapometok, and where there is but a very small currant in Chawonock, it hath so strong a currant from the South-west, as we doubted how to row against it. Strange things they report of the head of this river, and of Moratoc itself, a principal town on it, & is thirty or forty days journey to the head. This lame King is called Menatonon. 
Menatonon his Relations of the I'll of Pearl, and a rich Mine, & the Sea by it.  When I had him prisoner two days, he told me that 3. d●yes journey in a Canow up the river Chawonock, then landing & going four days journey Northeast, there is a King whose Country lieth on the Sea, but his best place of strength is an Island in a Bay environed with deep water, where he taketh that abundance of Pearl, that not only his skins, and his nobles, but also his beds and houses are garnished therewith. This king was at Chawonock two years ago to trade with black pearl, his worst sort whereof I had a rope, but they were naught; but that King he saith hath store of white, and had traffic with white men, for whom he reserved them; he promised me guides to him, but advised me to go strong, for he was unwilling strangers should come in his Country, for his Country is populous and valiant men. If a supply had come in April, I resolved to have sent a small Bark to the Northward to have found it, whilst I with small Boats and 200. men would have gone to the head of the river Chawonock, with sufficient guides by land, inskonsing myself every two days, where I would leave Garrisons for my retreat till I came to this Bay.  
Very near unto it is the river of Moratoc, directly from the West, the head of it springeth out of a main Rock, which standeth so near the Sea, that in storms the Sea beats over it into this fresh spring, that of itself at the surse is a violent stream. I intended with two Wherries and forty persons to have Menatonons' son for guide, to try this presently, till I could meet with some of the Moratocks, or Mangoaks, but hoping of getting more victual from the Saluages, we as narrowly escaped starving in that Discovery as ever men did.  

Pemissapan his treachery.  For Pemissapan who had changed his name of Wingina upon the death of his brother Granganameo, had given both the Chawonests, and Mangoaks word of my purpose: also he told me the Chawonocks had assembled two or three thousand to assault me at Roanok, urging me daily to go against them, and them against us; a great assembly I found at my coming thither, which sudden approach did so dismay them, 
The discovery of the river Morat●c.  that we had the better of them: & this confederacy against us was procured by Pemissapan himself our chief friend we trusted; he sent word also to the Moratoks and the Mangoaks, I came to invade them, that they all fled up into the high Country, so that where I assured myself both of succour and provision, I found all abandoned. But being thus far on my journey 160. miles from home, and but victuals for two days, besides the casualties of cross winds, storms, and the Saluages treachery, though we intended no hurt to any: I gave my Company to understand we were only drawn forth upon these vain hopes by the Saluages to bring us to confusion: 
A noble resolution.  a Council we held, to go forward or return, but they all were absolutely resolved but three, that whilst there was but one pint of Corn for a man, they would not leave the search of that river; for they had two Mastiff Dogs, which boiled with Saxefras leaves (if the worst fell out) upon them and the pottage they would live two days, which would bring them to the sound, where they should find fish-for two days more to pass it to Roanock, which two days they had rather fast then go back a foot, till they had seen the Mangoaks either as friends or foes.  
Though I did foresee the danger and misery, yet the desire I had to see the Mangoaks was, for that there is a province called Chaunis Temoatan, frequented by them and well known to all those Countries, where is a mine of Copper they call Wassador; they say they take it out of a river that falleth swiftly from high rocks in shallow water, in great Bowls, covered with leather, leaving a part open to receive the mettle, 
The strange Mine of Chaunis Temoatan.  which by the change of the colour of the water where the spout falleth, they suddenly chop down, and have the Bowlefull, which they cast into the fire, it presently melteth, and doth yield in five parts at the first melting two parts mettle for three of Ore. The Mangoaks have such plenty of it, they beautify their houses with great plates thereof: this the Savages report; and young Skiko the King of Chawonocks son my prisoner, that had been prisoner among the Mangoak●, but never at Chaunis Temoatan, for he said that was twenty days journey ove● and from the Mangoaks.  
Menatonon also confirmed all this, and promised me guides to this mettle Country; by Land to the Mangoaks is but one days journey, but seven by water, which made me so willing to have met them for some assay of this mettle: but when we came there we found no creature, only we might see where had been their fires. After our two days journey, and our victuals spent, in the evening we heard some call as we thought Manteo, who was with me in the boat; this made us glad, he made them a friendly answer, which they answered with a song we thought for welcome, but he told us they came to fight. Presently they did let fly their Arrows about the boat, but did no hurt, the other boat scouring the shore we landed: but they all were fled, and how to find them we knew not. 
The great currant of the river Morat●●.  So the next morning we returned to the mouth of the river, that cost us four days rowing up, and here our dog's pottage stood us in good stead, for we had nothing else: the next day we fasted being windbound, and could not pass the sound, but the day following we came to Chippanum, where the people were fled, but their wires afforded us fish: thus being near spent, the next day God brought us to Roanocke. I conclude a good Mine, or the South sea will make this Country quickly inhabited, and so for pleasure and profit comparable with any in the world: otherwise there will be nothing worth the fetching. Provided there be found a better harbour than yet there is, which must be Northward if there be any. Master Vaughan, no less hoped of the goodness of the Mine, than Master Heriot that the river Moratocks head, either riseth by the Bay of Mexico, or very near the South Sea, or some part that openeth near the same, which cannot with that facility be done as from the Bay of Pearls, by ensconcing four day's journey to the Chawonoks, Mangoaks, and Moratocks, etc.   

The conspiracy of Pemissapan; the Discovery of it; and our return for England with Sir Francis Drake.  
ENsenore a savage, father to Pemissapan, the best friend we had after the death of Granganimeo, when I was in those Discoveries, could not prevail any thing with the King from destroying us, that all this time God had preserved, by his good counsel to the King to be friendly unto us. 
The Conspiracy of Pemissapan.  Pemissapan thinking as the brute was in this last journey we were slain and starved, began to blaspheme our God that would suffer it, and not defend us, so that old Ensenore had no more credit for us: for he began by all the devices he could to invade us. But in the beginning of this brute, when they saw us all return, the report false, and had Manteo, and three Saluages more with us, how little we esteemed all the people we met, and feared neither hunger, killing, or any thing, and had brought their greatest Kings son prisoner with us to Roanock: it a little assuaged all his devices, and brought Ensenore in respect again, that our God was good, and we their friends, and our foes should perish, for we could do● them more hurt being dead, then living, and that being an hundred miles from them, shot, and struck them sick to death, and that when we die it is but for a time, than we return again. But that which wrought the most fear among them was the handiwork of Almighty God. For certain days after my return, Menatonon sent messengers to me with Pearl, and Okisco King of Weopomcoke, to yield himself servant to the Queen of England. Okisco with twenty-foure of his principal men came to Pemissapan to acknowledge this duty and subjection, and would perform it. All which so changed the heart of Pemissapan, that upon the advice of Ensenore, when we were ready to famish they came and made us wires, and planted their fields they intended to abandon (we not having one corn till the next harvest to sustain us). 
The death of a most rare Savage.  This being done our old friend Ensenore died the twenty of April, than all our enemies wrought with Pemissapan to put in practise his devices, which he easily embraced, though they had planted corn by us, and at Dasamonpeack two leagues from us. Yet they got Okisco our tributary to get seven or eight hundred (and the Mandoages with the Chisapeans should do the like) to meet (as their custom is) to solemnize the Funeral of Ensenore. Half of whom should lie hid, to cut off the stragglers, seeking crabs and provision: the rest come out of the main upon the Signal by fire. Twenty of the principal of Pemissapans men had charge in the night to beset my house, put fire in the Reeds that covered it, which might cause me run out so naked and amazed, they might without danger knock out my brains. The same order for Mr Heriots, and the rest: for all should have been fired at an instant. In the mean time they should sell us nothing, and in the night spoil our wires, to make nenessitie disperse us. For if we were but ten together, a hundred of them would not meddle with us. So our famine increased, I was forced to send Captain Stafford to Croatan, with twenty to feed himself, and see if he could espy any sail pass the coast; Mr Predeox with ten to Hatarask upon the same occasion: and other small parties to the Main to live upon roots and Oysters.  
Pemissapan sequestering himself, I should not importune him for victual, and to draw his troops, found not the Chawonests so forward as he expected, being a people more faithful and powerful, and desired our friendships, and was offended with him for raising such tales, and all his projects were revealed to me by Skico my prisoner; who finding himself as well used by me, as Pemissapan told me all. These troubles caused me send to Pemissapan, to put suspicion in his head, I was to go presently to Croatan to meet a Fleet came to me, though I knew no such matter: and that he would lend me m●n to fish and hunt. He sent me word he would come himself to Roanock; but delaying time eight days that all his men were there to be assembled, not liking so much company, I resolved the next day to go visit him, but first to give them in the I'll a Canvisado, and at an instant to seize on all their Canoes about the I'll. But the town took the Alarm before I meant it. For when I sent to take the Canoes, he met one going from the shore, 
A slaughter of two Savages.  overthrew her and cut off two Savages heads; whereupon the cry arose, being by their spies perceived: for they kept as good watch over us, as we of them. Upon this they to their Bows, and we to our Arms: three or four of them at the first were slain, the rest fled into the woods. The next morning I went to Dassamonpeack and sent Pemissapan word I was going to Croatan, and took him in my way to complain Osocon would have stole my prisoner Skico. Hereupon he did abide my coming, & being among eight of the principal est. I gave the watchword to my men, and immediately they had that they purposed for us. Himself being shot through with a Pistol fell down as dead, 
Pemissapan slain and ●. others.  but presently start up and ran away from them all, till an Irish Boy shot him over the buttocks, where they took him and cut off his head.  
Seven days after Captain Stafforton sent to me he descried twentie-three Sail. The next day came to me himself (of whom I must say this, from the first to the last, he neither spared labour, or peril by land or sea, fair weather, or foul, to perform any serious service committed to him.) He brought me a letter from Sir Francis Drake, whose generous mind offered to supply all my defects, of shipping, boats, munition, victual, clothes, and men to further this action: and upon good consultation and deliberation, he appointed me a ship of 70. tuns, 
A most generous courtesy of Sir Francis Drake.  with an hundred men, and four months victuals, two Pinnaces, four small Boats, with two sufficient Masters, with sufficient Gangs. All this being made ready for me, suddenly arose such a storm for four days, that had like to have driven the whole Fleet on shore: many of them were forced to the Sea, whereof my ship so lately given me was one, with all my provision and Company apppointed.  
Notwithstanding, the storm ceasing, the General appointed me a ship of 170. tuns, with all provisions as before, to carry me into England the next August, or when I had performed such Discoveries as I thought fit. Yet they durst not undertake to bring her into the harbour, but she must ride in the road, leaving the care of the rest to myself, advising me to consider with my Company what was fittest, and with my best speed return him answer.  
Hereupon calling my Company together, who were all as privy of the General's offer as myself; their whole request was, (in regard of all those former miseries, and no hope of the return of Sir Richard Grenvill,) and with a general consent, they desired me to urge him, 
Virginia abandoned.  we might all go with him for England in his Fleet; for whose relief in that storm he had sustained more peril of wrack, then in all his honourable actions against his enemies. So with praises to God we set sail in june 1586. and arrived in Portsmouth the 27. of july the same year: Leaving this remembrance to posterity.  

To reason lend me thine attentive ears, Exempt thyself from mind-distracting cares:  
Lest thats here thus projected for thy good; By thee rejected be, ere understood.   Written by Mr Ralph Layne, Governor.  

The Observations of Mr. Thomas Heriot in this Voyage.  

For Merchandise and Victuals.  
WHat before is writ, is also confirmed by that learned Mathematician Mr Thomas Heriot, with them in the Country, whose particular Relation of all the Beasts, Birds, Fishes, Foules, Fruits, and Roots, 
Commodities.  and how they may be useful; because I have writ it before for the most part in the Discourse of Captain Amidas, and Captain Layne, except Silk grass, Wormesilke, Flax like Hemp, Alum, Wapeith, or Terra sigillata, Tar, Rosen, & Turpentine, Civet-cats, Iron over, Copper that hold Silver, Coprose and Pearl: Let those briefs suffice, because I would not trouble you with one thing twice.   

Dies.  
For Dyes., Showmack, the herb Wasebur, little roots called Chapacor, 
Dies.  and the bark of a tree called by the Inhabitants Tangomockonominge, which are for diverse sorts of Reds.  
What more than is related is an herb in Dutch called Melden, described like an Orange, growing four foot high; the seed will make good broth, 
A strange Salt.  and the stalk burnt to ashes makes a kind of Salt: other Salt they know not, and we used of it for Potherbs. Of their Tobacco we found plenty, which they esteem their chief Physic.  

Rootes.  Ground nuts, Tiswaw we call China roots; they grow in clusters, and bring forth a briar stalk, but the leaf is far unlike, which will climb up to the top of the highest tree: the use known is to cut it in small pieces, than stamp & strain it with water, and boiled makes a jelly good to eat. Cassavia grows in Marshes, which the Indians oft use for bread and broth. Habascon is like a Parsnip, naught of itself, except compounded: and their Leeks like those in England.  

Fruits that's strange.  Sequenummener, a kind of Berry like Capers, and three kind of Berries like Acorns, called Sagatamenor, Osamenor, and Pummuckoner.  

Beasts extraordinary.  Saquenuckot and Maquowoc, two kind of beasts, greater than Coneys, and very good meat; in some places such plenty of grey Coneys, like hairs, that all the people make them mantles of their skins. I have the names of 28. several sorts that are dispersed in the Country: of which 12. kinds we have discovered and good to eat; but the Savages sometimes kill a Lion and eat him.  

Fish.  There is plenty of Sturgeon in February, March, April, and May; all Herring in abundance; some such as ours, but the most part of 18.20. or 24. ynche● long, and more. Trout Porpisses, Rays, Mullers, Old-wives, Pla●ce, Tortoises both by Sea and Land: Crabs, Oysters, Mussels, Scalops, Periwinkles, Crevices, Secanank: we have the Pictures of 12. sorts more, but their names we know not.  

Foules.  Turkeys, Stockdoves, Partridges, Cranes, Hernes, Swans, Geese, Parrots, Falcons, Merlin's I have the names in their language of 86. several sorts. Their woods are such as ours in England for the most part, except Rakeock a grea● sweet tree, whereof they make their Canowes': and Ascopo, a kind of tree like Laurel, and Saxefras.   

Their Natures and Manners.  
Their Clothing, Towns, Houses, Wars, Arts, Tools, handy crafts, and educations, are much like them in that part of Virginia we now inhabit: which at large you may read in the Description thereof. But the relation of their Religion is strange, as this Author reporteth.  

Their Religion.  Some Religion they have, which although it be far from the truth, yet being as it is there is hope it may be the easier reform. They believe there are many gods which they call Mantoac, but of different sorts and degrees. Also that there is one chief God that hath been from all eternity, who as they say when he purposed first to make the world, 
How the world was made.  made first other gods of a principal order, to be as instruments to be used in the Creation and government to follow: And after the Sun, Moon, and Stars, as petty gods; and the instruments of the other order more principal. First (they say) were made waters, out of which by the gods were made all diversity of creatures that are visible or invisible.  

How man was made.  For mankind they say a Woman was made first, which by the working of one of the gods conceived and brought forth children; and so they had their beginning, but how many years or ages since they know not; having no Records but only Tradition from Father to son.  

How they use their gods.  They think that all the gods are of humane shape, and therefore represent them by Images in the forms of men; which they call Kewasowok: one alone is called Kewasa; them they place in their Temples, where they worship, pray, sing, and make many offerings. The common sort think them also gods.  

Whether they go after death.  They believe the immortality of the Soul, when life departing from the body, according to the good or bad works it hath done, it is c●rried up to the Tabernacles of the gods, to perpetual happiness, or to Popogusso, a great pit: which they think to be at the furthest parts of the world, where the Sun sets, and there burn continually.  
To confirm this they told me of two men that had been lately dead, and revived again; the one happened but few years before our coming into the country; of a bad man, which being dead and buried, the next day the earth over him being seen to move, was taken up, who told them his soul was very near entering into Popogusso, had not one of the gods saved him and gave him leave to return again, to teach his friends what they should do to avoid such torment. The other happened the same year we were there, but sixty miles from us, which they told me for news, that one being dead, buried, & taken up as the first, showed, 
Two men risen from death.  that although his body had laid dead in the grave, yet his soul lived, and had travailed far in a long broad way, on both sides whereof grew more sweet, fair, and delicate trees and fruits, than ever he had seen before; at length he came to most brave and fair houses, near which he met his Father, that was dead long ago, who gave him charge to go back, to show his friends what good there was to do, to enjoy the pleasures of that place; which when he had done he should come again.  
What subtlety so ever be in the Weroances, and Priests; this opinion worketh so much in the common sort, that they have great respect to their Governors: 
The subtlety of their Priests.  and as great care to avoid torment after death, and to enjoy bliss. Yet they have diverse sorts of punishments according to the offence, according to the greatness of the fact. And this is the sum of their Religion, which I learned by having special familiarity with their Priests, wherein they were not so sure grounded, nor gave such credit, but through conversing with us, they were brought into great doubts of their own, and no small admiration of ours: of which many desired to learn more than we had means for want of utterance in their Language to express.  
Most things they saw with us as Mathematical Instruments, Sea Compasses; 
Their simplicity.  the virtue of the Loadstone, Perspective Glasses, burning Glasses: Clocks to go of themselves; Books, writing, Guns, and such like; so far exceeded their capacities, that they thought they were rather the works of gods than men; or at least the gods had taught us how to make them, which loved us so much better than them; & caused many of them give credit to what wespake concerning our God. In all places where I came, I did my best to make his immortal glory known. And I told them, although the Bible I showed them, contained all; yet of itself, it was not of any such virtue as I thought they did conceive. Notwithstanding many would be glad to touch it, to kiss, and embrace it, to hold it to their breasts, and heads, and struck all their body over with it.  
The King Wingina where we dwelled, would oft be with us at Prayer. Twice he was exceeding sick and like to dye. And doubting of any help from his Priests, 
Their desire of salvation.  thinking he was in such danger for offending us and our God, sent for some of us to pray, and be a means to our God, he might live with him after death. And so did many other in the like case. One other strange Accident (leaving others) will I mention before I end, which moved the whole Country that either knew or heard of us, to have us in wonderful admiration.  
There was no Town where they had practised any villainy against us (we leaving it unpunished, because we sought by all possible means to win them by gentleness) but within a few days after our departure, they began to dye; 
A wonderful Accident.  in some Towns twenty, in some forty, in some sixty, and in one an hundred and twenty, which was very many in respect of their numbers. And this happened in no place (we could learn) where we had been, but where they had used some practice to betray us. And this disease was so strange, they neither knew what it was, nor how to cure it; nor had they known the like time out of mind; a thing specially observed by us, as also by themselves, in so much that some of them who were our friends, especially Wingina, had observed such effects in four or five Towns, that they were persuaded it was the work of God through our means: and that we by him might kill and slay whom we would, without weapons, and not come near them. And thereupon, when they had any understanding, that any of their enemies abused us in our journeys, they would entreat us, we would be a means to our God, that they, as the others that had dealt ill with us, might dye in like sort: although we showed them their requests were ungodly; and that our GOD would not subject himself to any such requests of men, but all things as he pleased came to pass: and that we to show ourselves his true servants, ought rather to pray for the contrary: yet because the effect sell out so suddenly after, according to their desires, they thought it came to pass by our means, and would come give us thanks in their manner, that though we satisfied them not in words, yet in deeds we had fulfilled their desires.  

Their strange opinions.  This marvelous Accident in all the Country wrought so strange opinions of us, that they could not tell whether to think us gods or men. And the rather that all the space of their sickness, there was no man of ours known to die, or much sick. They noted also we had no women, nor cared for any of theirs: some therefore thought we were not borne of women, and therefore not mortal, but that we were men of an old generation many years past, & risen again from immortality. Some would Prophesy there were more of our generation yet to come, to kill theirs and take their places. Those that were to come after us they imagined to be in the air, yet invisible and without bodies: and that they by our entreaties, for love of us, did make the people die as they did, by shooting invisible bullets into them.  
To confirm this, their Physicians to excuse their Ignorance in curing the disease, would make the simple people believe, that the strings of blood they sucked out of the sick bodies, were the strings wherein the invisible bullets were tied, and cast. Some thought we shot them ourselves from the place where we dwelled, and killed the people that had offended us, as we listed, how far distant soever. And others said it was the special work of God for our sakes, as we had cause in some sort to think no less, whatsoever some do, or may imagine to the contrary; especially some Astrologers by the eclipse of the Sun we saw that year before our Voyage, and by a Comet which began to appear but a few days before the sickness began: but to exclude them from being the special causes of so special an Accident, there are farther reasons than I think fit to present or allege.  
These their opinions I have set down, that you may see there is hope to embrace the truth, and honour, obey, fear and love us, by good dealing and government: though some of our company towards the latter end, before we came away with Sir Francis Drake showed themselves too furious, in slaying some of the people in some Towns, upon causes that on our part might have been borne with more mildness; notwithstanding they justly had deserved it. The best nevertheless in this, as in all actions beside, is to be endeavoured and hoped; and of the worst that may happen, notice to be taken with consideration; and as much as may be eschewed; the better to allure them hereafter to Civility and Christianity.  

Calling.  Thus you may see, How  

Nature herself delights herself in sundry Instruments,  
That sundry things be done to deck the earth with Ornaments;  
Nor suffers she her servants all should run one race,  
But wills the walk of every one frame in a diverse pace;  
That diverse ways and diverse works, the world might better grace.   Written by Thomas Heriot, one of the Voyage.   

How Sir Richard Grenvill went to relieve them.  
IN the year of our Lord 1586. Sir Walter Raleigh and his Associates prepared a ship of a hundred tun, fraughted plentifully of all things necessary: but before they set sail from England it was Easter. And arriving at Hatora●k, they after some time spent in seeking the Colony up in the Country, and not finding them, returned with all the provision again to England.  
About 14. or 15. days after, Sir Richard Grenvill accompanied with three ships well apppointed, arrived there. Who not finding the aforesaid ship according to his expectation, nor hearing any news of the Colony there seated, and left by him as is said 1585. travailing up and down to seek them, but when he could hear no news of them, and found their habitation abandoned, unwilling to lose the possession of the Country, 
Sir Richard Grenvill left fifty ●en.  after good deliberation he landed fifty men in the I'll of Roanoak, plentifully furnished with all manner of provision for two years: and so returned for England.  
Where many began strangely to discant of those cross beginnings, and him; which caused me remember an old saying of Euripides.  
Who broacheth aught that's new, to fools untaught,  
Himself shall judged be unwise, and good for naught.   

Three Ships more sent to relieve them by Mr. White.  
WE went the old course by the west Indies, 
Master White his Voyages. 1687.  and Simon Ferdinando our continual Pilot mistaking Virginia for Cape Fear, we sailed not much to have been cast away, upon the conceit of our all-knowing Ferdinando, had it not been prevented by the vigilancy of Captain Stafford. We came to Hatorask the 22. of july, and with forty of our best men, intending at Roanoack to find the 50 men left by Sir Richard Grenvill. But we found nothing but the bones of a man, and where the Plantation had been, the houses unhurt, but overgrown with weeds, and the Fort defaced, which much perplexed us.  
By the History it seems Simon Ferdinando did what he could to bring this voyage to confusion; but yet they all arrived at Hatorask. They repaired the old houses at Roanock, and Master George How, one of the Council, straggling abroad, 
One of the Council slain.  was slain by the Savages. Not long after Master Stafford with 20. men went to Croatan with Manteo, whose friends dwelled there: of whom we thought to have some news of our 50 men. They at first made show to fight, but when they heard Manteo, they threw away their Arms, and were friends, and desired there might be a token given to be known by, lest we might hurt them by misprision, as the year before one had been by Master Layne, that was ever their friend, and there present yet lame.  
The next day we had conference with them concerning the people of Secotan, Aquascogoc, and Pomeiok, willing them of Croatan to see if they would accept our friendship, and renew our old acquaintance: which they willingly embraced, and promised to bring their King and Governors to Roanoak, to confirm it. We also understood that Master How was slain by the men of Wingina, of Dassamonpeack: and by them of Roanoack, that the fifty men left by Sir Richard Grenvill, were suddenly set upon by three hundred of Secotan, Aquascogoc, 
How the fifty men were slain●.  and Dassamonpeack. First they intruded themselves among 11 of them by friendship, one they slew, the rest retiring to their houses, they set them on fire, that our men with what came next to hand were forced to make their passage among them; where one of them was shot in the mouth, and presently died, and a Savage slain by him. On both sides more were hurt; but our men retiring to the water side, got their boat, & ere they had rowed a quarter of a mile towards Hatorask, they took up four of their fellows, gathering Crabs and Oysters: at last they landed on a little I'll by Hatorask, where they remained a while, but after departed they knew not whether. So taking our leaves of the Croatans', we came to our Fleet at Hatorask.  
The Governor having long expected the King and Governors of Pomeiok, Secotan, Aquascogoc, and Dassamonpeack, and the 7. days expired, and no news of them, being also informed by those of Croatan, that they of Dassamonpeack slew Master How, and were at the driving our men from Raonoack he thought no longer to defer the revenge. Wherefore about midnight, with Captain Stafford, and twentie-foure men, whereof Manteo was one, for our guide, (that behaved himself towards us as a most faithful English man) he set forward.  

An ill misprision.  The next day by break of day we landed, and got beyond their houses, where seeing them sit by the fire we assaulted them. The miserable souls amazed fled into the Reeds, where one was shot through, and we thought to have been fully revenged, but we were deceived, for they were our friends come from Croatan to gather their corn, because they understood our enemies were fled after the death of Master How, and left all behind them for the birds. But they had like to have paid too dear for it, had we not chanced upon a Weroances wife, with a child at her back, and a Savage that knew Captain Stafford, that ran to him calling him by his name. Being thus disappointed of our purpose, we gathered the fruit we found ripe, left the rest unspoyled, and took Menatonon his wife with her child, and the rest with us to Roanoak. Though this mistake grieved Manteo, yet he imputed it to their own folly, because they had not kept promise to come to the governor at the day appointed. The 13. of August our Savage Manteo was Christened, and called Lord of Dassamonpeack, in reward of his faithfulness. And the 18th, 
A child borne in Virginia.  Ellinor the Governors' daughter, and wife to Ananias Dare, was delivered of a daughter in Roanoak; which being the first Christian there borne, was called Virginia.  
Our ships being ready to depart, such a storm arose, as the Admiral was forced to cut her Cables: and it was six days ere she could recover the shore, that made us doubt she had been lost, because the most of her best men were on shore. At this time Controversies did grow betwixt our Governor and the Assistants, about choosing one of them 12. to go as Factor for them all to England; for all refused save one, whom all men thought most insufficient: the Conclusion was by a general consent, they would have the Governor go himself, for that they thought none would so truly procure there supplies as he. 
A controversy who to send for Factor to England.  Which though he did what he could to excuse it, yet their importunity would not cease till he undertook it, and had it under all their hands how unwilling he was, but that necessity and reason did doubly constrain him. At their setting sail for England, weighing Anchor, twelve of the men in the flyboat were thrown from the Capstern, by the breaking of a bar, and most of them so hurt, that some never recovered it. The second time they had the like fortune, being but 15. they cut the Cable and kept company with their Admiral to Flowers and Coruos; the Admiral stayed there looking for purchase: but the flyboats men grew so weak they were driven to Smerwick in the West of Ireland. The Governor went for England; and Simon Ferdinando with much ado at last arrived at Portsmouth. 1587.  
The Names of those were landed in this Plantation were, 

john White Governor.  
Roger Bayley.  
Ananias Dare.  
Simon Ferdinando.  
Christopher Couper.  
Thomas Stevens.  
john Samson.  
Thomas Smith.  
Dionis Harvey.  
Roger Prat.  
George How.  
Antony Cage.    
With diverse others to the number of about 115.   

The fifth Voyage to Virginia; undertaken by Mr. john White. 1589.  
THe 20. of March three ships went from Plymouth, 
Master White his return to Virginia.  and passed betwixt Barbary and Mogadoro to Dominico in the West Indies. After we had done some exploits in those parts, the third of August we fell with the low sandy Isles westward of Wokokon. But by reason of ill weather it was the 11, ere we could Anchor there; and on the 12. we came to Croatan, where is a great breach in 35 degrees and a half, in the North-east point of the I'll. The 15. we came to Hatorask in 36. degrees & a terse, at 4. fathom, 3 leagues from shore: where we might perceive a smoke at the place where I left the Colony, 1587. The next morning Captain Cook, Captain Spicer, & their companies, with two boats left ●ur ships, and discharged some Ordnance to give them notice of our coming, but when we came there, we found no man, nor sign of any that had been there lately: and so returned to our Boats. The next morning we prepared again for Roanoack. Captain Spicer had then sent his Boat ashore for water, so it was ten of the Clock ere we put from the ships, which road two miles from the shore. The Admiral's boat, being a mile before the other, as she passed the bar, a sea broke into the boat and filled her half full of water: but by God's good will, and the careful stearage of Captain Cook, though our provisions were much wet we safe escaped, the wind blew hard at North-east, which caused so great a current and a breach upon the bar; Captain Spicer passed half over, but by the indiscreet steering of Ralph Skinner, their boat was overset, the men that could catch hold hung about her, the next sea cast her on ground, where some let go their hold to wade to shore, but the sea beat them down. 
Captain Spicer and seven others drowned.  The boat thus tossed up and down Captain Spicer and Skinner hung there till they were drown; but 4. that could swim a little, kept themselves in deeper water, were saved by the means of Captain Cook, that presently upon the oversetting of their boat, shipped himself to save what he could. Thus of eleven, seven of the chiefest were drowned. This so discomfited all the Sailors, we had much to do to get them any more to seek further for the Planters, but by their Captain's forwardness at last they fitted themselves again for Hatorask in 2 boats, with 19 persons. It was late ere we arrived, but seeing a fire through the woods, we sounded a Trumpet, but no answer could we hear. The next morning we went to it, but could see nothing but the grass, and some rotten trees burning. We went up and down the I'll, and at last found three fair Roman Letters carved. C.R.O. which presently we knew to signify the place where I should find them, according to a secret note between them & me: which was to write the name of the place they would be in, upon some tree, door, or post: and if they had been in any distress, to signify it by making a cross over it. For at my departure they intended to go fifty miles into the main. But we found no sign of distress; then we went to a place where they were left in sundry houses, but we found them all taken down, and the place strongly enclosed with a high Palizado, very Fortlike; and in one of the chief Posts carved in fair capital Letters CROATAN, without any sign of distress, 
They find where they had buried their provisions.  and many bars of Iron, two pigs of Lead, four Fowlers, Iron shot, and such like heavy things thrown here and there, overgrown with grass and weeds. We went by the shore to seek for their boats but could find none, nor any of the Ordnance I left them. At last some of the Sailors found diverse Chists had been hidden and digged up again, and much of the goods spoilt, and scattered up and down, which when I saw, I knew three of them to be my own; but books, pictures, and all things else were spoilt. Though it much grieved me, yet it did much comfort me that I did know they were at Croatan; so we returned to our Ships, but had like to have been cast away by a great storm that continued all that night.  
The next morning we weighed Anchor for Croatan: having the Anchor apike, the Cable broke, by the means whereof we lost another: letting fall the third, the ship yet went so fast a drift, we failed not much there to have split. But God bringing us into deeper water; considering we had but one Anchor, and our provision near spent, we resolved to go forthwith to S. john's Isle, Hispaniola, or Trinidado, to refresh ourselves and seek for purchase that Winter, and the next Spring come again to seek our Countrymen. But our Vice Admiral would not, but went directly for England, and we our course for Trinidado. But within two days after, the wind changing, we were constrained for the Western Isles to refresh ourselves, where we met with many of the Queen's ships our own consort, and diverse others, 
The end of this Plantation.  the 23. of Seeptember 1590. And thus we left seeking our Colony, that was never any of them found, nor seen to this day 1622. And this was the conclusion of this Plantation, after so much time, labour, and charge consumed. Whereby we see;  

Not all at once, nor all alike, nor ever hath it been,  
That God doth offer and confer his blessings upon men.   Written by Master john White.  

A brief Relation of the Description of Elizabeth's Isle, and some others towards the North part of Virginia; and what else they discovered in the year 1602. by Captain Bartholomew Gosnoll, and Captain Bartholomew Gilbert; and diverse other Gentlemen their Associates.  

12. years it lay dead.  ALL hopes of Virginia thus abandoned, it lay dead and obscured from 1590. till this year 1602. that Captain Gosnoll, with 32. and himself in a small Bark, set sail from Dartmouth upon the 26. of March. Though the wind favoured us not at the first, but forced us as far Southward as the Asores, which was not much out of our way; we ran directly west from thence, whereby we made our journey shorter than heretofore by 500 leagues: the weakness of our ship, the badness of our sailors, and our ignorance of the coast, caused us carry but a low sail, that made our passage longer than we expected.  
On friday the 11. of May we made land, it was somewhat low, where appeared certain hummocks or hills in it: the shore white sand, but very rocky, yet overgrown with fair trees. Coming to an Anchor, 8 Indians in a Baske shallop, with mast and sail came boldly aboard us. It seemed by their signs & such things as they had, some Biskiners had fished there: being about the latitude of 43. But the harbour being naught, & doubting the weather, we went not ashore, but weighed, and stood to the Southward into the Sea. The next morning we found ourselves embayed with a mighty headland: within a league of the shore we anchored, 
Their first landing.  and Captain Gosnoll, myself, & three others went to it in our boat, being a white sand & a bold coast. Though the weather was hot, we marched to the highest hills we could see, where we perceived this headland part of the main, near environed with Lands. As we were returning to our ship, a good proper, lusty young man came to us, with whom we had but small conference, and so we left him. Herein 5. or 6. hours we took more Cod than we knew what to do with, which made us persuade ourselves, there might be found a good fishing in March, April, and May.  
At length we came among these fair Isles, some a league, 
Martha's Vineyard.  2.3.5. or 6. from the Main, by one of them we anchored. We found it four miles in compass, without house or inhabitant. In it is a lake near a mile in circuit; the rest overgrown with trees, which so well as the bushes, were so overgrown with Vines, we could scarce pass them. And by the blossoms we might perceive there would be plenty of Strawberries, Respises, Gousberries, and diverse other fruits: beside, Dear and other Beasts we saw, and Cranes, Hernes, with divers other sorts of fowl; which made us call it Martha's Vineyard.  
The rest of the Isles are replenished with such like; very rocky, 
Elizabeth's Island.  and much tinctured stone like Mineral. Though we met many Indians, yet we could not see their habitations: they gave us fish, Tobacco, and such things as they had. But the next Isle we arrived at was but two leagues from the Main, & 16. mile about, environed so with creeks and coves, it seemed like many Isles linked together by small passages like bridges. In it is many places of plain grass, and such other fruits, and berries as before were mentioned. In mid-May we did sow Wheat, Barley, Oates, & Pease, which in 14. days sprung up 9 inches. The soil is fat and lusty: the crust thereof grey, a foot or less in depth. It is full of high timbered Oaks, their leaves thrice so broad as ours: Cedar strait and tall, Beech, Holly, Walnut, hazel, Cherry trees like ours, but the stalk beareth the blossom or fruit thereof like a cluster of Grapes, forty or fifty in a bunch. There is a tree of Orange colour, whose bark in the filing is as smooth as Velvet. There is a lake of fresh water three miles in compass, in the midst an Isle containing an acre or thereabout, overgrown with wood: here are many Tortoises, and abundance of all sorts of fowls, whose young ones we took and eate at our pleasure. Grounds nuts as big as eggs, as good as Potatoes, and 40. on a string, not two inches under ground. All sorts of shell fish, as Schalops, Mussels, Cockles, Crabs, Lobsters, Welks, Oysters, exceeding good and very great; but not to cloy you with particulars, what God and nature hath bestowed on those places, I refer you to the Authors own writing at large. We called this Isle Elizabeth's Isle, from whence we went right over to the main, where we stood a while as ravished at the beauty and dilicacy of the sweetness, besides diverse clear lakes, whereof we saw no end, & meadows very large and full of green grass, etc.  
Here we espied 7. Savages, at first they expressed some fear, but by our courteous usage of them, they followed us to the neck of Land, which we thought had been severed from the Main, but we found it otherwise. Here we imagined was a river, but because the day was far spent, we left to discover it till better leisure. But of good Harbours, there is no doubt, considering the Land is all rocky and broken lands. The next day we determined to fortify ourselves in the Isle in the lake. Three weeks we spent in building us there a house. But the second day after our coming from the Main, 11. Canoes with near 50. Savages came towards us. Being unwilling they should see our building, we went to, & exchanged with them Knives, Hatchets, Beads, Bells, and such trifles, for some Bevers, Lyzards, Martin's, Foxes, wild Cat skins, and such like. We saw them have much red Copper, whereof they make chains, collars, and drinking cups, 
A ' Copper Mine.  which they so little esteemed they would give us for small toys, & signified unto us they had it out of the earth in the Main: three days they stayed with us, but every night retired two or three mile from us: after with many signs of love and friendship they departed, seven of them staying behind, that did help us to dig and carry Saxafras, and do any thing they could, being of a comely proportion and the best condition of any Savages we had yet encountered. They have no Beards but counterfeits, as they did think ours also was: for which they would have changed with some of our men that had great beards. Some of the base sort would steal; but the better sort, we found very civil and just. We saw but three of their women, and they were but of mean stature, attired in skins like the men, but fat and well favoured. The wholesomeness and temperature of this climate, doth not only argue the people to be answerable to this Description, but also of a perfect constitution of body, active, strong, healthful, and very witty, as the sundry toys by them so cunningly wrought may well testify. For ourselves, we found ourselves rather increase in health and strength then otherwise; for all our toil, bad diet and lodging; yet not one of us was touched with any sickness. Twelve intended here a while to have stayed, but upon better consideration, how meanly we were provided, 
Their return.  we left this Island (with as many true sorrowful eyes as were before desirous to see it) the 18. of june, and arrived at E●mouth, the 23 of july.  

But yet man's mind doth such itself explay,  
As Gods great Will doth frame it every way.  
And, Such thoughts men have, on earth that do but live,  
As men may crave, but God doth only give.   Written by john Brierton one of the Voyage.  

A Voyage of Captain Martin Pring, with two Barks from Bristol, for the North part of Virginia. 1603.  
BY the inducements and persuasions of Mr Richard Hackluite, Mr john Whitsun being Maior, with his brethren the Aldermen, & most of the Merchants of the City of Bristol, raised a stock of 1000l. to furnish out two Barks, the one of 50. tuns, with 30. men and boys, the other 26. tuns, with 13. men and boys, having Martin Pring an understanding Gentleman, and a sufficient Mariner for Captain, and Robert Salterne his Assistant, who had been with Captain Gosnoll there the year before for Pilot. Though they were much crossed by contrary winds upon the coast of England, and the death of that ever most memorable, miracle of the world, our most dear sovereign Lady and Queen Elizabeth: yet at last they passed by the western Isles, and about the 7. of june, fell upon the north part of Virginia, about the degrees of forty three. Where they found plenty of most sorts of fish, and saw a high country full of great woods of sundry sorts. As they ranged the coast at a place they named Whitsun Bay, they were kindly used by the Natives, that came to them, in troops, of ten, twenties, & thirty, and sometimes more. But because in this Voyage for most part they followed the course of Captain Gosnoll, and have made no relation but to the same effect he writ before, we will thus conclude;  
Lay hands unto this work with all thy wit,  
But pray that God would speed and perfect it.  
Robert Salterne.   

A relation of a Discovery towards the Northward of Virginia, by Captain George Waymouth 1605. employed thither by the right Honourable Thomas Arundel, Baron of Warder, in the Reign of our most royal King JAMES.  
Upon tuesday the fifth of March we set sail from Ratcliff, but by contrary winds we were forced into Dartmouth till the last of this month, then with 29. as good sea men, & all necessary provisions as could possibly be gotten, we put to sea; and the 24 of April fell with Flowers and Coruos. We intended as we were directed towards the Southward of 39 But the winds so crossed us we fell more Northwards about 41. and 20. minutes, we sounded at 100 fathom, 
Dangerous shoules.  & by that we had run 6 leagues we had but 5. yet saw no land; from the main top we descried a whitish sandy cleft, West Northwest some 6. leagues from us, but ere we had run two leagues further we found many shoules and breaches, sometimes in 4. fathom and the next throw 15. or 18. Being thus embayed among those shoules, we were constrained to put back again, which we did with no small danger, though both the wind and weather were as fair as we could desire. Thus we parted from the Land, which we had not before so much desired, and at the first sight rejoiced, as now we all joyfully praised God that he had delivered us from so eminent danger. Here we found excellent Cod, 
Cod and Whales.  and saw many Whales as we had done 2. or 3. days before. Being thus constrained to put to sea, the want of wood & water caused us take the best advantage of the wind, to fall with the shore wheresoever: but we found our Sea cards most directly false. The 17. of May we made the Land again, but it blew so hard, we durst not approach it. The next day it appeared to us a main high land, but we found it an Island of 6. miles in compass: within a league of it we came to an anchor, and went on shore for wood & water, 
Their first landing.  of which we found sufficient. The water gushing forth down the rocky cliffs in many places, which are all overgrown with Fir, Birch, Beech, & Oak, as the Verge is with Gousberries, Strawberries, wild Pease, and Rose bushes, and much foul of diverse sorts that breed among the rocks: here as in all places else where we came, we found Cod enough.  
From hence we might discern the main land and very high mountains, the next day because we road too open to the Sea, we weighed, and came to the Isles adjoining to the main: among which we found an excellent road, defended from all winds, for ships of any burden, in 6.7.8.9. or 10. fathom upon a clay oze. This was upon a Whitsonday, wherefore we called it Pentecost Harbour. 
Pentecost harbour.  Here I cannot omit for foolish fear of imputation of flattery, the painful industry of our Captain, who as at Sea he was always most careful & vigilant, so at land he refused no pains: but his labour was ever as much or rather more than any man's; which not only encouraged others with better content, but also effected much with great expedition. We digged a Garden the 22. of May, 
The Captain's diligence.  where among our garden-seeds we sowed Pease and Barley, which in 16. days grew up 8. inches, although this was but the crust of the ground, and much inferior to the mould we after found in the main.  
After we had taken order for all our necessary businesses, we marched through two of these Isles. The biggest was 4. or 5. miles in compass; we found here all sorts of ordinary trees, beside, Vines, Currant, Spruce, Yew, Angelica, and diverse gums: in so much many of our company wished themselves settled here. Upon the 30. our Captain with 13. went to discover the main: we in the ship espied 3. Canowes' that came towards the ship. Which after they had well viewed, one of them came aboard with 3. men, and by our good usage of them not long after the rest, two days we had their companies, in all respects they are but like them at Elizabeth's Isles, therefore this may suffice for their description. In this time our Captain had discovered a fair river, trending into the main 40 miles, and returned back to bring in the ship. The Savages also kept their words and brought us 40. Bever, Oter, and sable skins, for the value of 5. shillings in knives, 
Trade with the Savages.  glasses, combs, and such toys, and thus we used them so kindly as we could, because we intended to inhabit in their Country, they lying aboard with us and we ashore with them; but it was but as changing man for man as hostages, and in this manner many times we had their companies.  
At last they desired our Captain to go with them to the main to trade with their Bashabes, which is their chief Lord, which we did, our boat well manned with 14. yet would they row faster with 3. Oars in their Canowes' then we with 8. but when we saw our old acquaintance, would not stay aboard us as before for hostage, but did what they could to draw us into a narrow c●ke, we exchanged one Owen Griffin with them for a young fellow of theirs, 
Their treachery.  that he might see if he could discover any treachery, as he did, for he found there assembled 283. Savages with bows & arrows, but not any thing at all to trade as they pretended. These things considered, we conceited them to be but as all Savages ever had been, kind till they found opportunity to do mischief. Wherefoer we determined to take some of them, before they should suspect we had discovered their plot, lest they should absent themselves from us, 
Five Savages surprised.  so the first that ever after came into the ship were three which we kept, and two we took on shore with much ado, with two Canowes', their bows and arrows.  
Some time we spent in sounding all the Isles, channels, and inlets thereabouts, and we found 4. several ways a ship might be brought into this Bay. In the interim there came 2. Canowes' more boldly aboard us, signifying we should bring our ship to the place where he dwelled to trade. We excused ourselves why we could not, but used them kindly, yet got them away with all the speed we could, that they should not be perceived by them in the howl, than we went up the river 26. miles, 
A description of the river.  of which I had rather not write, then by my relation detract from it, it is in breadth a mile, near 40. miles; and a channel of 6.7.8.9. or 10. fathom, & on both sides every half mile gallant Coves, to contain in many of them 100 sail, where they may lie on Oze without Cable or Anchor, only mored with a Hanser, and it floweth 18. foot, that you may make, dock, or carine ships with much facility: besides the land is most rich, trending all along on both sides in an equal plain, neither rocky nor mountainous, but verged with a green border of grass, doth make tender to the beholder her pleasant fertility, if by cleansing away the woods she were converted into meadow.  
The woods are great, and tall, such as are spoken of in the Islelands, and well watered with many fresh springs. Our men that had seen Oranoque so famous in the world's ears, Reogrande, Loyer, & Slion, report, though they be great & goodly rivers, yet are not comparable to it. Leaving our ship we went higher, till we were 7. miles higher than the salt water flowed; we marched towards the mountains we had seen, but the weather was so hot, & our labour so great, as our Captain was contented to return: after we had erected a cross we left this fair land and river, in which the higher we went the better we liked it, and returned to our ship. By the way we met a Canow that much desired one of our men to go up to their Basshabes, but we knew their intents, and so turned them off; and though we had both time and provision to have discovered much more, and might have found peradventure good trade, yet because our company was but small, we would not hazard so hopeful a business as this was, either for our private, or particular ends, being more regardful of a public good, and promulgating Gods holy Church by planting Christianity, which was the intent of our adventurers so well as ours; returning by the Isles in the entry of the Sound we called them St George's Isles, & because on sunday we set out of England, on sunday also the 16. of june we departed hence. When we had run 30. leagues we had 40. fathom, ●hen 70. then 100 After 2. or 3. watches more we were in 24. fathoms, where we took so much Cod as we did know what to do with, and the 18. of july came to Dartmouth, and all our men as well God be thanked as when they went forth.  
Thus may you see;  

God hath not all his gifts bestowed on all or any one,  
Words sweetest, and wits sharpest, courage, strength of bone;  
All rarities of mind and parts do all concur in none.   Written by james Rosier one of the Voyage.  


VIRGINIA     

❧ The second Book.  
THE sixth VOYAGE. 1606. To another part of Virginia, where now are Planted our English Colonies, Whom God increase and preserve: Discovered and Described by Captain JOHN SMITH, sometimes Governor of the Country.  
BY these former relations you may see what inconveniences still crossed those good intents, and how great a matter it was all this time to find but a Harbour, although there be so many. But this Virginia is a Country in America between the degrees of 34. and 45. of the North latitude. 
The latitude.  The bounds thereof on the East side are the great Ocean: on the South lieth Florida: on the North nova Francia: as for the West thereof, the limits are unknown. Of all this Country we purpose nor to speak, but only of that part which was planted by the English men in the year of our Lord, 1606. And this is under the degrees 37.38. and 39 The temperature of this Country doth agree well with English constitutions, being once seasoned to the Country. Which appeared by this, that though by many occasions our people fell sick; yet did they recover by very small means, and continued in health, though there were other great causes, not only to have made them sick, but even to end their days, etc.  
The Summer is hot as in Spain; the Winter cold as in France or England. 
The temperature.  The heat of summer is in june, july, and August, but commonly the cool Breeses assuage the vehemency of the heat. The chief of winter is half December, january, February, and half March. The cold is extreme sharp, but here the Proverb is true, that no extreme long continueth.  
In the year 1607. was an extraordinary frost in most of Europe, and this frost was found as extreme in Virginia. But the next year for 8. or 10. days of ill weather, other 14. days would be as Summer.  
The winds here are variable, 
The winds.  but the like thunder and lightning to purify the air, I have seldom either seen or heard in Europe. From the South-west came the greatest gusts with thunder and heat. The Northwest wind is commonly cool and bringeth fair weather with it. From the North is the greatest cold, and from the East and Southeast as from the Bermudas, fogs and reins.  
Some times there are great droughts, other times much rain, yet great necessity of neither, by reason we see not but that all the rarity of needful fruits in Europe, may be there in great plenty, by the industry of men, as appeareth by those we there Planted.  
There is but one entrance by Sea into this Country, 
The entrances. Cape Henry.  and that is at the mouth of a very goodly Bay, 18. or 20. miles broad. The cape on the South is called Cape Henry, in honour of our most noble Prince. The land white hilly sands like unto the Downs, and all along the shores great plenty of Pines and Firres.  
The north Cape is called Cape Charles, in honour of the worthy Duke of York. 
Cape Charles.  The Isles before it, Smith's Isles, by the name of the discover. Within is a country that may have the prerogative over the most pleasant places known, for large and pleasant navigable Rivers, 
The Country.  heaven & earth never agreed better to frame a place for man's habitation; were it fully manured and inhabited by industrious people. Here are mountains, hills, plains, valleys, rivers, and brooks, all running most pleasantly into a fair Bay, compassed but for the mouth, with fruitful and delightsome land. In the Bay and rivers are many Isles both great & small, some woody, some plain, most of them low and not inhabited. This Bay lieth North and South, in which the water floweth near 200. miles, and hath a channel for 140 miles, of depth betwixt 6 and 15 fathom, holding in breadth for the most part 10 or 14 miles. From the head of the Bay to the Northwest, the land is mountainous, and so in a manner from thence by a South-west line; So that the more Southward, the farther off from the Bay are those mountains. From which fall certain brooks which after come to five principal navigable rivers. These run from the Northwest into the South east, and so into the West side of the Bay, where the fall of every River is within 20 or 15 miles one of another.  

The mountains.  The mountains are of diverse natures: for at the head of the Bay the rocks are of a composition like Mill stones. Some of Marble, etc. And many pieces like Crystal we found, as thrown down by water from those mountains. For in Winter they are covered with much snow, and when it dissolveth the waters fall with such violence, that it causeth great inundations in some narrow valleys, which is scarce perceived being once in the rivers. These waters wash from the rocks such glistering tinctures, that the ground in some places seemeth as guilded, where both the rocks and the earth are so splendent to behold, that better judgements than ours might have been persuaded, they contained more than probabilities. The vesture of the earth in most places doth manifestly prove the nature of the soil to be lusty and very rich. The colour of the earth we found in divers places, 
The soil.  resembleth bowl Armoniac, terra sigillata, and Lemnia, Fuller's earth, Marle, and diverse other such appearances. But generally for the most part it is a black sandy mould, in some places a fat slimy clay, in other places a very barren gravel. But the best ground is known by the vesture it beareth, as by the greatness of trees, or abundance of weeds, etc.  

The valleys.  The Country is not mountainous, nor yet low, but such pleasant plain hills, and fertile valleys, one prettily crossing another, & watered so conveniently with fresh brooks and springs, 
Plains.  no less commodious, then delightsome. By the rivers are many plain marshes, containing some 20 some 100 some 200 Acres, some more, some less. Other plains there are few, but only where the Savages inhabit: but all overgrown with trees & weeds, being a plain wilderness as God first made it.  
On the west side of the Bay, we said were 5. fair and delightful navigable rivers. The first of those, and the next to the mouth of the Bay hath his course from the West Northwest. 
The river Powhatan.  It is called Powhatan, according to the name of a principal country that lieth upon it. The mouth of this river is near three miles in breadth, yet do the shoules force the Channel so near the land, that a Sacre will overshoot it at point blank. It is navigable 150 miles, the shalls and soundings are here needless to be expressed. It falleth from Rocks far west in a Country inhabited by a nation they call Monacans. But where it cometh into our discovery it is Powhatan. In the farthest place that was diligently observed, are falls, rocks, shoules, etc. which makes it past navigation any higher. Thence in the running downward, the river is enriched with many goodly brooks, which are maintained by an infinite number of small rundles and pleasant springs, that disperse themselves for best service, as do the veins of a man's body. 
The branches  From the South there falls into it: First, the pleasant river of Apamatuck. Next more to the East are two small rivers of Quiyoughcohanocke. A little farther is a Bay wherein falleth 3 or 4 pretty brooks & creeks that half entrench the Inhabitants of Warraskoyac, than the river of Nandsamund, and lastly the brook of Chisapeack. From the North side is the river of Chickahamania, the back river of james Town; another by the Cedar Isle, where we lived ten weeks upon Oysters, than a convenient harbour for Fisher boats at Kecoughtan, that so turneth itself into Bays and Creeks, it makes that place very pleasant to inhabit; their cornefields being girded therein in a manner as Peninsulaes'. The most of these rivers are inhabited by several nations, or rather families, of the name of the rivers. They have also over those some Governor, as their King, which they call Werowances. In a Peninsula on the North side of this river are the English Planted in a place by them called james Town, in honour of the Kings most excellent Majesty. 
james Town.   
The first and next the river's mouth are the Kecoughtans, 
The several Inhabitants.  who besides their women & children, have not past 20. fight men. The Paspaheghes (on whose land is seated james Town, some 40. miles from the Bay) have not past 40. The river called Chickahamania near 250. The Weanocks 100 The Arrowhatocks 30. The place called Powhatan, some 40. On the South side this river the Appamatucks have sixty fight men. The Quiyougcohanocks 25. The Nandsamunds' 200. The Chesapeacks 100 Of this last place the Bay beareth the name. In all these places is a several commander, which they call Werowance, except the Chickahamanians, who are governed by the Priests and their Assistants, or their Elders called Caw-cawwassoughes. In summer no place affordeth more plenty of Sturgeon, nor in winter more abundance of foul, especially in the time of frost. I took once 52 Sturgeons at a draught, at another 68 From the later end of May till the end of june are taken few, but young Sturgeons of two foot, or a yard long. From thence till the midst of September, them of two or three yards long and few others. And in 4 or 5, hours with one Net were ordinarily taken 7 or 8: often more, seldom less. In the small rivers all the year there is good plenty of small fish, so that with hooks those that would take pains had sufficient.  
Fourteen miles Northward from the river Powhatan, is the river Pamaunkee, 
R. Pamaunkee.  which is navigable 60 or 70 miles, but with Catches and small Barks 30 or 40 miles farther. At the ordinary flowing of the salt water, it divideth itself into two gallant branches. On the South side inhabit the people of Youghtanund, 
The inhabitants.  who have about 60 men for wars. On the North branch Mattapament, who have 30 men. Where this river is divided the Country is called Pamaunkee, and nourisheth near 300 able men. About 25. miles lower on the North side of this river is Werawocomoco, where their great King inhabited when I was delivered him prisoner; yet there are not past 40 able men. Ten or twelve miles lower, on the South side of this river, is Chiskiack, which hath some 40 or 50 men. These, as also Apamatuck, Irrohatock, and Powhatan, are their great Kings chief alliance, and inhabitants. The rest his Conquests.  
Before we come to the third river that falleth from the mountains, 
Payankatank. R.  there is another river (some 30 miles navigable) that cometh from the Inland, called Payankatanke, the Inhabitants are about 50 or 60 serviceable men.  
The third navigable river is called Toppahanock. 
Toppahanock R.  (This is navigable some 130 miles) At the top of it inhabit the people called Mannahoacks amongst the mountains, but they are above the place we described. 
The inhabitants.  Upon this river on the North side are the people Cuttatawomen, with 30 fight men. Higher are the Moraughtacunds, with 80. Beyond them Rapahanock with 100 Far above is another Cuttatawomen with 20. On the South is the pleasant seat of Nantaughtacund having 150 men. This river also as the two former, is replenished with fish and foul.  
The fourth river is called Patawomeke, 6 or 7 miles in breadth. 
Patawomek, R.  It is navigable 140 miles, and fed as the rest with many sweet rivers and springs, which fall from the bordering hills. These hills many of them are planted, and yield no less plenty and variety of fruit, than the river exceedeth with abundance of fish. It is inhabited on both sides. 
The inhabitants.  First on the South side at the very entrance is Wighcocomoco & hath some 130 men, beyond them Sekacawone with 30. The Onawmanient with 100 And the Patawomekes more than 200. Here doth the river divide itself into 3 or 4 convenient branches. The greatest of the least is called Quiyough, trending Northwest, but the river itself turneth North-east, and is still a navigable stream. On the Western side of this bought is Tauxenent with 40 men. On the North of this river is Secowocomoco with 40. Somewhat further Potapaco with 20. In the East part is Pamacaeack with 60. After Moyowance with 100 And lastly, Nacotchtanke with 80. The river above this place maketh his passage down a low pleasant valley overshaddowed in many places with high rocky mountains; from whence distil innumerable sweet and pleasant springs.  

Pawtuxunt, R.  The fifth river is called Pawtuxunt, of a less proportion than the rest; but the channel is 16 fathom deep in some places. Here are infinite skulls of diverse kinds of fish more than elsewhere. Upon this river dwell the people called Acquintanacksuak, Pawtuxunt, and Mattapanient. Two hundred men was the greatest strength that could be there perceived. But they inhabit together, and not so dispersed as the rest. These of all other we found most civil to give entertainment.  

Bolus, R. The head of the Bay.  Thirty leagues Northward is a river not inhabited, yet navigable; for the red clay resembling bowl Armoniac we called it Bolus. At the end of the Bay where it is 6 or 7 miles in breadth, it divides itself into 4. branches, the best cometh Northwest from among the mountains, but though Canoes may go a day's journey or two up it, we could not get two miles up it with our boat for rocks. Upon it is seated the Sasquesahanocks, 
Sasquesahanock.  near it North and by West runneth a creek a mile and a half: at the head whereof the Eble left us on shore, where we found many trees cut with hatchets. The next tide keeping the shore to seek for some Savages; (for within thirty leagues sailing, we saw not any, being a barren Country,) we went up another small river like a creek 6 or 7 mile. From thence returning we met 7 Canowes' of the Massowomeks, with whom we had conference by signs, for we understood one another scarce a word: the next day we discovered the small river & people of Tockwhogh trending Eastward.  
Having lost our Grapnel among the rocks of Sasquesahanocks, we were then near 200 miles from home, and our Barge about two runs, and had in it but 12 men to perform this Discovery, wherein we lay above 12 weeks upon those great waters in those unknown Countries, having nothing but a little meal, oatmeal and water to feed us, and scarce half sufficient of that for half that time, but what provision we got among the Savages, and such roots and fish as we caught by accident, and God's direction; nor had we a Mariner nor any had skill to trim the sails but two sailors and myself, the rest being Gentlemen, or them were as ignorant in such toil and labour. Yet necessity in a short time by good words and examples made them do that that caused them ever after to fear no colours. What I did with this small means I leave to the Reader to judge, and the Map I made of the Country, which is but a small matter in regard of the magnitude thereof. But to proceed, 60 of those Sasquesahanocks came to us with skins, Bows, Arrows, Targets, Beads, Swords, and Tobacco pipes for presents. Such great and well proportioned men are seldom seen, for they seemed like Giants to the English, yea and to the neighbours, yet seemed of an honest and simple disposition, with much ado restrained from adoring us as Gods. Those are the strangest people of all those Countries, both in language & attire; for their language it may well beseem their proportions, sounding from them, 
The description of a Sasquesahanough.  as a voice in a vault. Their attire is the skins of Bears, and Wolves, some have Cassocks made of Bear's heads & skins, that a man's head goes through the skins neck, and the ears of the Bear fastened to his shoulders, the nose and teeth hanging down his breast, another Bear's face split behind him, and at the end of the nose hung a Paw, the half sleeves coming to the elbows were the necks of Bears, and the arms through the mouth with paws hanging at their noses. One had the head of a Wolf hanging in a chain for a jewel, his Tobacco pipe three quarters of a yard long, prettily carved with a Bird, a Dear, or some such devise at the great end, sufficient to beat out ones brains: with Bows, Arrows, and clubs, suitable to their greatness. These are scarce known to Powhatan. They can make near 600 able men, and are pallifadoed in their Towns to defend them from the Massawomekes their mortal enemies. Five of their chief Werowances came aboard us, and crossed the Bay in their Barge. The picture of the greatest of them is signified in the Map. The calf of whose leg was three quarters of a yard about, and all the rest of his limbs so answerable to that proportion, that he seemed the goodliest man we ever beheld. His hair, the one side was long, the other shore close with a ridge over his crown like a cock's comb. His arrows were five quarters long, headed with the splinters of a white christall-like stone, in form of a heart, an inch broad, and an inch and a half or more long. These he wore in a Wolves skin at his back for his Quiver, his bow in the one hand and his club in the other, as is described.  
On the East side the Bay, is the river Tockwhogh, 
Tockwhogh, R.  and upon it a people that can make 100 men, seated some seven miles within the river: where they have a Fort very well pallisadoed and mantelled with barks of trees. Next them is Ozinies with sixty men. More to the South of that East side of the Bay, the river Rapahanock, 
Rapahanock, R. Kuskarawaock R. Wighcocomoco, R.  near unto which is the river Kuskarawaock, Upon which is seated a people with 200 men. After that, is the river Tants Wighcocomoco, & on it a people with 100 men. The people of those rivers are of little stature, of another language from the rest, & very rude. But they on the river Acohanock with 40 men, 
Accomack, R.  & they of Accomack 80 men doth equalise any of the Territories of Powhatan, and speak his language, who over all those doth rule as King.  
Southward we went to some parts of Chawonock and the Mangoags to search for them left by Mr White. 
Chawonock.  Amongst those people are thus many several Nations of sundry Languages, that environ Powhatans' Territories. The Chawonockes, the Mangoags, 
The several languages.  the Monacans, the Mannahokes, the Masawomekes, the Powhatans', the Sasquesahanocks, the Atquanachukes, the Tockwoghes, and the Kuscarawaokes. All those not any one understandeth another but by Interpreters. Their several habitations are more plainly described by this annexed Map, which will present to the eye, the way of the mountains, and current of the rivers, with their several turnings, bays, shoules, Isles, Inlets, and creeks, the breadth of the waters, the distances of places, and such like. In which Map observe this, that as far as you see the little Crosses on rivers, mountains, or other places have been discovered; the rest was had by information of the Savages, and are set down according to their instructions.  

Thus have I walked a wayless way, with uncouth pace,  
Which yet no Christian man did ever trace:  
But yet I know this not affects the mind,  
Which ears doth hear, as that which eyes do find.   

Of such things which are naturally in Virginia, and how they use them.  
VIRGINIA doth afford many excellent vegetables, and living Creatures, 
Why there is little grass.  yet grass there is little or none, but what groweth in low Marshes: for all the Country is overgrown with trees, whose droppings continually turneth their grass to weeds, by reason of the rankness of the ground, which would soon be amended by good husbandry. 
Woods with their fruits.  The wood that is most common is Oak and Walnut, many of their Oaks are so tall & strait, that they will bear two foot and a half square of good timber for 20 yards long; Of this wood there is two or three several kinds. The Acorns of one kind, whose bark is more white than the other, & somewhat sweetish, which being boiled, at last affords a sweet oil, that they keep in gourds to anoint their heads and joints. The fruit they eat made in bread or otherwise. There is also some Elm, some black Walnut tree, 
Elm.  and some Ash: of Ash and Elm they make soap Ashes. If the trees be very great, the Ashes will be good, and melt to hard lumps, but if they be small, it will be but powder, and not so good as the other. Of walnuts there is 2 or 3 kinds; 
Walnuts. Supposed Cypress.  there is a kind of wood we called Cypress, because both the wood, the fruit, and leaf did most resemble it, and of those trees there are some near three fathom about at the foot, very strait, and 50, 60, or 80 foot without a branch. By the dwelling of the Savages are some great Mulberry trees, 
Mulberries.  and in some parts of the Country, they are found growing naturally in pretty groves. There was an assay made to make silk, and surely the worms prospered excellent well, till the master workman fell sick. During which time they were eaten with Rats.  

Chestnuts.  In some parts were found some Chestnuts, whose wild fruit equalise the best in France, Spain, Germany, or Italy. Plums there are of three sorts. The red and white are like our hedge plums, but the other which they call Putchamins, grow as high as a Palmeta: the fruit is like a Meddler; it is first green, then yellow, and red when it is ripe; if it be not ripe, it will draw a man's mouth awry, with much torment, but when it is ripe, it is as delicious as an Apricot.  

Cherries.  They have Cherries, and those are much like a Damson, but for their tastes and colour we called them Cherries. We saw some few Crabs, but very small and bitter. Of vines great abundance in many parts that climb the tops of the highest trees in some places, 
Vines.  but these bear but few grapes. Except by the rivers & savage habitations, where they are not overshadowed from the sun, they are covered with fruit, though never pruined nor manured. Of those hedge grapes we made near twenty gallons of wine, which was like our French British wine, but certainly they would prove good were they well manured. There is another sort of grape near as great as a Cherry, this they call Messamins, they be sat, and the juice thick. Neither doth the taste so well please when they are made in wine. They have a small fruit growing on little trees, husked like a Chestnut, but the fruit most like a very small acorn. 
Chechinquamins.  This they call Chechinquamins, which they esteem a great dainty. They have a berry much like our Gooseberry, in greatness, colour, and taste; those they call Rawcomens', 
Rawcomens'.  and do eat them raw or boiled. Of these natural fruits they live a great part of the year, which they use in this manner; The Walnuts, Chestnuts, Acorns, 
How they use their fruits.  and Chechinquamins are dried to keep. When they need walnuts they break them between two stones, yet some part of the shells will cleave to the fruit. Then do they dry them again upon a Mat over a hurdle. After they put it into a mortar of wood, and beat it very small: that done they mix it with water, that the shells may sink to the bottom. This water will be coloured as milk, which they call Pawcohiccora, 
Walnut mille.  and keep it for their use. The fruit like Meddlers they call Putchamins, they cast upon hurdles on a Mat, and preserve them as Prunes. Of their Chestnuts and Chechinquamins' boiled, they make both broth and bread for their chief men, or at their greatest feasts. Besides those fruit trees, there is a white Popular, and another tree like unto it, that yieldeth a very clear and an odoriferous Gum like Turpentine, 
Gums. Cedats. Saxafiastrees.  which some called Balsom. There are also Cedars and Saxafras trees. They also yield gums in a small proportion of themselves. We tried conclusions to extract it out of the wood, but nature afforded more than our arts.  

Berries.  In the watery valleys groweth a Berry which they call Ocoughtanamnis very much like unto Capers. These they dry in summer. When they eat them they boil them near half a day; 
Matoum.  for otherwise they differ not much from poison. Mattoum groweth as our Bends. The seed is not much unlike to Rye, though much smaller. This they use for a dainty bread buttered with dear suet.  

Strawberries.  During Summer there are either Strawberries, which ripen in April, or Mulberries which ripen in May and june. Raspises, hurts; or a fruit that the inhabitants call Maracocks, which is a pleasant wholesome fruit much like a Lemond. Many herbs in the spring are commonly dispersed throughout the woods, 
Herbs.  good for broths and salads, as Violets, Purslain, Sorrell, etc. Besides many we used whose names we know not.  

Rootes.  The chief root they have for food is called Tockawhoughe. It groweth like a flag in Marshes. In one day a Savage will gather sufficient for a week. These roots are much of the greatness and taste of Potatoes. They use to cover a great many of them with Oak leaves and Ferne, and then cover all with earth in the manner of a Coalpit; over it, on each side, they continue a great fire 24 hours before they dare eat it. Raw it is no better than poison, and being roasted, except it be tender and the heat abated, or sliced and dried in the Sun, mixed with sorrel and meal or such like, it will prickle and torment the throat extremely, and yet in summer they use this ordinarily for bread.  
They have another root which they call Wighsacan: 
Wig●sacan a root. Pocones' a small root.  as th'other feedeth the body, so this cureth their hurts and diseases. It is a small root which they bruise and apply to the wound. Pocones is a small root that groweth in the mountains, which being dried and beat in powder turneth red. And this they use for swellings, aches, anointing their joints, painting their heads and garments. They account it very precious, and of much worth. Musquaspen is a root of the bigness of a finger, 
Musquaspen a root.  and as red as blood. In drying; it will wither almost to nothing. This they use to paint their Mats, Targets, and such like.  
There is also Pellitory of Spain, Sasafrage, and diverse other simples, 
Pellitory. Sasafrage.  which the Apothecaries gathered, and commended to be good, and medicinable.  
In the low Marshes grow plots of Onions, 
Onions.  containing an Acre of ground or more in many places; but they are small, not past the bigness of the top of ones Thumb.  
Of beasts the chief are Dear, nothing differing from ours. 
Their chief beasts are Dear. Aroughcun. Squirrels.  In the deserts towards the heads of the rivers, there are many, but amongst the rivers few. There is a beast they call Aroughcun, much like a badger, but useth to live on trees as Squirrels do. Their Squirrels some are near as great as our smallest sort of wild Rabbits, some blackish or black and white, but the most are grey.  
A small beast they have they call Assapanick, but we call them flying Squirrels, 
Assapanick, a Squirrel flying. Opassom.  because spreading their legs, and so stretching the largeness of their skins, that they have been seen to fly 30 or 40 yards. An Opassom hath a head like a Swine, and a tail like a Rat, and is of the bigness of a Cat. Under her belly she hath a bag, wherein she lodgeth, carrieth, and suckleth her young. 
Mussascus.  A Mussascus is a beast of the form and nature of our water Rats, but many of them smell exceeding strongly of Musk. Their Hares no bigger than our Coneys, and few of them to be found.  
Their Bears are very little in comparison of those of Muscovia and Tartary. 
Bears.  The Beaver is as big as an ordinary water dog, but his legs exceeding short. 
The Beaver.  His forefeet like a dogs, his hinder feet like a Swans. His tail somewhat like the form of a Racket, bare without hair, which to eat the Savages esteem a great delicate. They have many Otters, which as the Beaver's they take with snares, 
Otters.  and esteem the skins great ornaments, and of all those beasts they use to feed when they catch them. An Vtchunquoyes is like a wild Cat. Their Foxes are like our silver haired Coneys, 
Vtchunquoyes. Foxes-Dogges.  of a small proportion, and not smelling like those in England. Their Dogs of that Country are like their Wolves, and cannot bark but howl, and the Wolves not much bigger than our English Foxes. Martin's, Powlecats, Weasels, 
Martin's. Polecats. Weasels, and Minx.  and Minx we know they have, because we have seen many of their skins, though very seldom any of them alive. But one thing is strange, that we could never perceive their Vermin destroy our Hens, Eggs, nor Chickens, nor do any hurt, nor their flies nor serpents any way pernicious, where in the South parts of America they are always dangerous, and often deadly.  
Of Birds the Eagle is the greatest devourer. Hawks there be of diverse sorts, 
Birds.  as our Falconers called them: Sparrowhawkes, Lanarets, Goshawkes', Falcons and Osperayes, but they all prey most upon fish. Their Partridges are little bigger than our Quails. Wild Turkeys are as big as our tame. There are Woosels or Blackbirds with red shoulders, Thrushes and diverse sorts of small Birds, some red, some blue, scarce so big as a Wren, but few in Summer. In Winter there are great plenty of Swans, Cranes, grey and white with black wings, Herons, Geese, Brants, Duck, Widgeon, Dotterell, Oxeies, Parrots, and Pigeons. Of all those sorts great abundance, and some other strange kinds, to us unknown by name. But in Summer not any, or a very few to be seen.  
Of fish we were best acquainted with Sturgeon, Grampus, Porpus, Seales, 
Fish.  Stingrays, whose tails are very dangerous. Bretts, Mullets, white Salmonds, Trout, Soles, Plaice, Herrings, Conyfish, Rockfish, Eeles, Lampreys●punc; Catfish, Shades●punc; P●arch of three sorts, Crabs, Shrimps, Crevices, Oysters, Cocles, and Muscles. But the most strange fish is a small one, so like the picture of St George his Dragon, as possible can be, except his legs and wings, and the Toadefish, which will swell till it be like to burst, when it cometh into the air.  

The rocks.  Concerning the entrailes of the earth, little can be said for certainty. There wanted good Refiners; for those that took upon them to have skill this way, took up the washings from the mountains, and some moskered shining stones and spangles which the waters brought down, flattering themselves in their own vain conceits to have been supposed what they were not, by the means of that ore, if it proved as their arts and judgements expected. Only this is certain, that many regions lying in the same latitude, afford Mines very rich of diverse natures. The crust also of these rocks would easily persuade a man to believe there are other Mines than iron and steel, if there were but means and men of experience that knew the Mine from Spar.   

Of their Planted fruits in Virginia, and how they use them.  

How they divide the year.  THey divide the year into five seasons. Their winter some call Popanow, the spring Cattapeuk, the summer Cohattayough, the ear-ring of their Corn Nepinough, the harvest and fall of leaf Taquitock. From September until the midst of November are the chief feasts & sacrifice. Then have they plenty of fruits as well planted as natural, as corn, green and ripe, fish, fowl, and wild beasts exceeding fat.  

How they prepare the ground.  The greatest labour they take, is in planting their corn, for the Country naturally is overgrown with wood. To prepare the ground they bruise the bark of the trees near the root, then do they scorch the roots with fire that they grow no more. The next year with a crooked piece of wood they beat up the weeds by the roots, and in that mould they plant their Corne. Their manner is this. They make a hole in the earth with a stick and into it they put four grains of wheat and two of beans These hol●s they make four foot one from another; Their women and children do continually keep it with weeding, and when it is grown middle high, they hill it about like a hop-yard.  

How they plant.  In April they begin to plant, but their chief plantation is in May, and so they continue till the midst of june. What they plant in April they reap in August, for May in September, for june in October; Every stalk of their corn commonly beareth two ears, some three, seldom any four, many but one, and some none. Every care ordinarily hath betwixt 200 and 500 grains. The stalk being green hath a sweet juice in it, somewhat like a sugar Cane, which is the cause that when they gather their corn green, they suck the stalks: for as we gather green pease, so do they their corn being green, which excelleth their old. They plant also pease they call Assentamen●, which are the same they call in Italy, Fag●h. Their Beans are the same the Turks call Garnanses, but these they much esteem for dainties.  

How they use their Corne.  Their corn they roast in the ear green, and bruising it in a mortar of wood with a Polt, lap it in rolls in the leaves of their corn, and so boil it for a dainty. They also reserve that corn late planted that will not ripe, by roasting it in hot ashes, the heat thereof drying it. In winter they esteem it being boiled with beans for a rare dish, they call Pausarowmena. Their old wheat they first steep a night in hot water, in the morning pounding it in a mortar. They use a small basket for their Thameses, than pound again the great, and so separating by dashing their hand in the basket, receive the flower in a platter made of wood, scraped to that form with burning and shells. Tempering this flower with water, they make it either in cakes, covering them with ashes till they be baked, and then washing them in fair water, they dry presently with their own heat: or else boil them in water, eating the broth with the bread which they call Ponap. The grouces and pieces of the corns remaining, by fanning in a Platter or in the wind, away, the bran they boil 3 or 4 hours with water, which is an ordinary food they call Vstatahamen. But some more thrifty than cleanly, do burn the core of the ear to powder, which they call Pungnough, mingling that in their meal, but it never tasted well in bread, nor broth. 
How they use their fish and flesh.  Their fish & flesh they boil either very tenderly, or boil it so long on hurdles over the fire, or else after the Spanish fashion, putting it on a spit, they turn first the one side, than the other, till it be as dry as their jerkin Beef in the west Indies, that they may keep it a month or more without putrifying. The broth of fish or flesh they eat as commonly as the meat.  
In May also amongst their corn they plant Pumpeons, 
Planted fruits  and a fruit like unto a musk melon, but less and worse, which they call Macocks. These increase exceedingly, and ripen in the beginning of july, and continue until September. They plant also Maracocks a wild fruit like a Lemon, which also increase infinitely. They begin to ripe in September, and continue till the end of October. When all their fruits be gathered, little else they plant, and this is done by their women and children; neither doth this long suffice them, for near three parts of the year, they only observe times and seasons, and live of what the Country naturally affordeth from hand to mouth, etc.   

The Commodities in Virginia, or that may be had by Industry.  
THe mildness of the air, the fertility of the soil, and situation of the rivers are so propitious to the nature and use of man, as no place is more convenient for pleasure, profit, and man's sustenance, under that latitude or climate. Here will live any beasts, as horses, goats, sheep, asses, hens, etc. 
A proof cattle will live well.  as appeared by them that were carried thither. The waters, Isles, and shoals, are full of safe harbours for ships of war or merchandise, for boats of all sorts, for transportation or fishing, etc. The Bay and rivers have much merchantable fish, and places fit for Salt coats, building of ships, making of Iron, etc.  
Muscovia and Polonia do yearly receive many thousands, for pitch, tar, 
The Commodities.  soap-ashes, Rosen, Flax, Cordage, Sturgeon, Masts. Yards, Wainscot, Firres, Glass, and such like; also Swethland for Iron and Copper. France in like manner, for Wine, Canvas, and Salt. Spain as much for Iron, Steele, Figs, Reasons, and Sacks. Italy with Silks and Velvets consumes our chief Commodities. Holland maintains itself by fishing and trading at our own doors. All these temporize with other for necessities, but all as uncertain as peace or wars. Besides the charge, travel, and danger in transporting them, by seas, lands, storms, and Pirates. Then how much hath Virginia the prerogative of all those flourishing Kingdoms, for the benefit of our Land, when as within one hundred miles all those are to be had, either ready provided by nature, or else to be prepared, were there but industrious men to labour. Only of Copper we may doubt is wanting, but there is good probability that both Copper and better Minerals are there to be had for their labour. Other Countries have it. So then here is a place, a nurse for soldiers, a practice for mariners, a trade for merchants, a reward for the good, and that which is most of all, a business (most acceptable to God) to bring such poor Infidels to the knowledge of God and his holy Gospel.  

Of the natural Inhabitants of VIRGINIA.  
THe land is not populous, for the men be few; their far greater number is of women and children. Within 60 miles of james Town, there are about some 5000 people, but of able men fit for their wars scarce 1500. 
The numbe●●  To nourish so many together they have yet no means, because they make so small a benefit of their land, 
Seven hundred men were the most were seen together when they thought to have surprised Captain Smith. A description of the people. The Barbers.  be it never so fertile. Six or seven hundred have been the most hath been seen together, when they gathered themselves to have surprised me at Pamaunkee, having but fifteen to withstand the worst of their fury. As small as the proportion of ground that hath yet been discovered, is in comparison of that yet unknown: the people differ very much in stature, especially in language, as before is expressed. Some being very great as the Sasquesahanecks; others very little, as the Wighcocomocoes: but generally tall and strait, of a comely proportion, and of a colour brown when they are of any age, but they are borne white. Their hair is generally black, but few have any beards. The men wear half their beards shaved, the other half long; for Barbers they use their women, who with two shells will grate away the hair, of any fashion they please. The women are cut in many fashions, agreeable to their years, 
The constitution.  but ever some part remaineth long. They are very strong, of an able body and full of agility, able to endure to lie in the woods under a tree by the fire, in the worst of winter, or in the weeds and grass, in Ambuscado in the Summer. 
The disposition.  They are inconstant in every thing, but what fear constraineth them to keep. Crafty, timorous, quick of apprehension, and very ingenuous. Some are of disposition fearful, some bold, most cautelous, all Savage. Generally covetous of Copper, Beads, and such like trash. They are soon moved to anger, and so malicious, that they seldom forget an injury: they seldom steal one from another, lest their conjurers should reveal it, and so they be pursued and punished. That they are thus feared is certain, but that any can reveal their offences by conjuration I am doubtful. Their women are careful not to be suspected of dishonesty without the leave of their husbands. Each household knoweth their own lands, and gardens, and most live of their own labours. 
The possessions.  For their apparel, they are sometime covered with the skins of wild beasts, which in Winter are dressed with the hair, but in Summer without. 
Their attire.  The better sort use large mantles of Dear skins, not much differing in fashion from the Irish mantles. Some embroidered with white beads, some with Copper, other painted after their manner. But the common sort have scarce to cover their nakedness, but with grass, the leaves of trees, or such like. We have seen some use mantles made of Turkey feathers, so prettily wrought & woven with threads that nothing could be discerned but the feathers. That was exceeding warm and very handsome. But the women are always covered about their middles with a skin, 
Their ornaments.  and very shamefast to be seen bare. They adorn themselves most with copper beads and paintings. Their women, some have their legs, hands, breasts and face cunningly embroidered with diverse works, as beasts, serpents, artificially wrought into their flesh with black spots. In each ear commonly they have 3 great holes, whereat they hang chains, bracelets, or copper. Some of their men wear in those holes, a small green and yellow coloured snake, near half a yard in length, which crawling and lapping herself about his neck oftentimes familiarly would kiss his lips. Others wear a dead Rat tied by the tail. Some on their heads wear the wing of a bird, or some large feather with a Rattle. Those Rattles are somewhat like the chape of a Rapier, but less, which they take from the tail of a snake. Many have the whole skin of a Hawk or some strange foul, stuffed with the wings abroad. Others a broad piece of Copper, and some the hand of their enemy dried. Their heads and shoulders are painted red with the root Pocone brayed to powder, mixed with oil, this they hold in summer to preserve them from the heat, and in winter from the cold. Many other forms of paintings they use, but he is the most gallant that is the most monstrous to behold.  

Their buildings.  Their buildings and habitations are for the most part by the rivers, or not far distant from some fresh spring. Their houses are built like our Arbours, of small young springs bowed and tied, and so close covered with Mats, or the barks of trees very handsomely, that notwithstanding either wind, rain, or weather, they are as warm as stooves, but very smoky, yet at the top of the house there is a hole made for the smoke to go into right over the fire.  
Against the fire they lie on little hurdles of Reeds covered with a Mat, 
Their lodgings.  borne from the ground a foot and more by a hurdle of wood. On these round about the house they lie heads and points one by th'other against the fire, some covered with Mats, some with skins, and some stark naked lie on the ground, from 6 to 20 in a house. Their houses are in the midst of their fields or gardens, 
Their gardens  which are small plots of ground. Some 20 acres, some 40. some 100 some 200. some more, some less. In some places from 2 to 50 of those houses together, or but a little separated by groves of trees. Near their habitations is little small wood or old trees on the ground by reason of their burning of them for fire. So that a man may gallop a horse amongst these woods any way, but where the creeks or Rivers shall hinder.  
Men, women, 
How they use their children.  and children have their several names according to the several humour of their Parents. Their women (they say) are easily delivered of child, yet do they love children very dear. To make them hardy, in the coldest mornings they them wash in the rivers, and by painting and ointments so tanne their skins, that after a year or two, no weather will hurt them.  
The men bestow their times in fishing, hunting, wars, 
The industry of their women.  and such manlike exercises, scorning to be seen in any woman-like exercise, which is the cause that the women be very painful, and the men often idle. The women and children do the rest of the work. They make mats, baskets, pots, mortars, pound their corn, make their bread, prepare their victuals, plant their corn, gather their corn, bear all kind of burdens, and such like.  

How they strike fire.  Their fire they kindle presently by chafing a dry pointed stick in a hole of a little square piece of wood, that firing itself, will so fire moss, leaves, or any such like dry thing, that will quickly burn. In March and April they live much upon their fishing wires; and feed on fish, Turkeys, and Squirrels. 
The order of diet.  In May and june they plant their fields, and live most of Acorns, Walnuts, and fish. But to amend their diet, some disperse themselves in small companies, and live upon fish, beasts, crabs, oysters, land Tortoises, strawberries, mulberries, and such like. In june, july, and August, they feed upon the roots of Tocknough berries, fish, and green wheat. It is strange to see how their bodies alter with their diet, even as the dear & wild beasts they seem fat and lean, strong and weak. Powhatan their great King, and some others that are provident, roast their fish and flesh upon hurdles as before is expressed, and keep it till scarce times.  
For fishing, hunting, and wars they use much their bow and arrows. 
How they make their bow●s and arrows.  They bring their bows to the form of ours by the scraping of a shell. Their arrows are made some of strait young sprigs, which they head with bone, some 2 or 3 inches long. These they use to shoot at Squirrels on trees. Another sort of arrows they use made of Reeds. These are peeced with wood, headed with splinters of crystal, or some sharp stone, the spurs of a Turkey, or the bill of some bird. 
Their knives.  For his knife he hath the splinter of a Reed to cut his feathers in form. With this knife also, he will joint a Deer, or any beast, shape his shoes, buskins, mantles, etc. To make the noch of his arrow he hath the tooth of a Beaver, set in a stick, wherewith he grateth it by degrees. His arrow head he quickly maketh with a little bone, which he ever weareth at his bracert, of any splint of a stone, or glass in the form of a heart, and these they glue to the end of their arrows. With the sinews of Deer, and the tops of Deeres horns boiled to a jelly, they make a glue that will not dissolve in cold water.  

Their Targets and Swords.  For their wars also they use Targets that are round and made of the barks of trees, and a sword of wood at their backs, but oftentimes they use for swords the horn of a Deer put through a piece of wood in form of a Pickaxe. Some a long stone sharpened at both ends, used in the same manner. This they were wont to use also for hatchets, but now by trucking they have plenty of the same form of iron. And those are their chief instruments and arms.  
Their fishing is much in Boats. 
Their Boats.  These they make of one tree by burning and scratching away the coals with stones and shells, till they have made it in form of a Trough. Some of them are an elne deep, and forty or fifty foot in length, and some will bear 40 men, but the most ordinary are smaller, and will bear 10, 20, or 30. according to their bigness. In stead of Oars, they use Paddles and sticks, with which they will row faster than our Barges. 
How they spin.  Betwixt their hands and thighs, their women use to spin, the barks of trees, Dear sinews, or a kind of grass they call Pemmenaw, of these they make a thread very even and readily. This thread serveth for many uses. As about their housing, apparel, as also they make nets for fishing, for the quantity as formally braded as ours. They make also with it lines for angles. Their hooks are either a bone grated as they noch their arrows in the form of a crooked pin or fish-hooke, 
Their fishhooks.  or of the splinter of a bone tied to the cleft of a little stick, and with the end of the line, they tie on the bait. They use also long arrows tied in a line, wherewith they shoot at fish in the rivers. But they of Accawmack use staffs like unto javelins headed with bone. With these they dart fish swimming in the water. They have also many artificial wires, in which they get abundance of fish.  
In their hunting and fishing they take extreme pains; yet it being their ordinary exercise from their infancy, they esteem it a pleasure and are very proud to be expert therein. And by their continual ranging, and travel, they know all the advantages and places most frequented with Deer, Beasts, Fish, Foule, Roots, and Berries. At their hunt they leave their habitations, and reduce themselves into companies, 
How they hunt.  as the Tartars do, and go to the most desert places with their families, where they spend their time in hunting and fowling up towards the mountains, by the heads of their rivers, where there is plenty of game. For betwixt the rivers the grounds are so narrow, that little cometh here which they devour not. It is a marvel they can so directly pass these deserts, some 3 or 4 days journey without habitation. Their hunting houses are like unto Arbours covered with Mats. These their women bear after them, with Corn, Acorns, Mortars, and all bag and baggage they use. When they come to the place of exercise, every man doth his best to show his dexterity, for by their excelling in those qualities, they get their wives. Forty yards will they shoot level, or very near the mark, and 120 is their best at Random. At their hunt in the deserts they are commonly two or three hundred together. Having found the Deer, they environ them with many fires, & betwixt the fires they place themselves. And some take their stands in the midsts. The Dear being thus feared by the fires, and their voices, they chase them so long within that circle, that many times they kill 6, 8, 10, or 15 at a hunting. They use also to drive them into some narrow point of land, when they find that advantage; and so force them into the river, where with their boats they have Ambuscadoes to kill them. When they have shot a Dear by land, they follow him like bloodhounds by the blood, and strain, and oftentimes so take them. Hares, Partridges, Turkeys, or Eggs, fat or lean, young or old, they devour all they can catch in their power. In one of these hunt they found me in the discovery of the head of the river of Chickahamania, where they slew my men, and took me prisoner in a Bogmire, where I saw those exercises, and gathered these Observations.  

One Savage hunting alone.  One Savage hunting alone, useth the skin of a Dear slit on the one side, and so put on his arm, through the neck, so that his hand comes to the head which is stuffed, and the horns, head, eyes, ears, and every part as artificially counterfeited as they can devise. Thus shrouding his body in the skin by stalking, he approacheth the Deer, creeping on the ground from one tree to another. If the Dear chance to find fault, or stand at gaze, he turneth the head with his hand to his best advantage to seem like a Deer, also gazing and licking himself. So watching his best advantage to approach, having shot him, he chaseth him by his blood and strain till he get him.  

Their Consultations.  When they intent any wars, the Werowances usually have the advice of their their Priests and Conjurers, and their allies, and ancient friends, but chiefly the Priests determine their resolution. Every Werowance, or some lusty fellow, they appoint Captain over every nation. They seldom make war for lands or goods, but for women and children, and principally for revenge. They have many enemies, 
Their enemies.  namely, all their westernly Countries beyond the mountains, and the heads of the rivers. Upon the head of the Powhatans' are the Monacans, whose chief habitation is at Rasauweak, unto whom the Mowhemenchughes, the Massinnacacks, the Monahassanughs, the Monasickapanoughs, and other nations pay tributes. Upon the head of the river of Toppahanock is a people called Mannahoacks. To these are contributers the Tauxanias, the Shackaconias, the Ontponeas, the Tegninateos, the Whonkenteaes, the Stegarakes, the Hassinnungaes, and diverse others, all confederates with the Monacans, though many different in language, and be very barbarous, living for the most part of wild beasts and fruits. Beyond the mountains from whence is the head of the river Patawomeke, the Savages report inhabit their most mortal enemies, 
Massawomekes.  the Massawomekes, upon a great salt water, which by all likelihood is either some part of Cannada, some great lake, or some inlet of some sea that falleth into the South sea. These Massawomekes are a great nation and very populous. For the heads of all those rivers, especially the Pattawomekes, the Pautuxuntes, the Sasquesa●anocks, the Tockwoughes are continually tormented by them: of whose cruelty, they generally complained, and very importunate they were with me, and my company to free them from these tormentors. To this purpose they offered food, conduct, assistance, 
Their offer of subjection.  and continual subjection. Which I concluded to effect. But the council then present emulating my success, would not think it fit to spare me forty men to be hazarded in those unknown regions, having passed (as before was spoken of) but with 12, an● so was lost that opportunity. Seven boats full of these Massawomekes we encountered at the head of the Bay; whose Targets, Baskets, Swords, Tobaccopipes, Platters, Bows, and Arrows, and every thing showed, they much exceeded them of our parts, and their dexterity in their small boats, made of the barks of trees, sowed with bark and well luted with gum, argueth that they are seated upon some great water.  
Against all these enemies the Powhatans' are constrained sometimes to fight. Their chief attempts are by Stratagems, treacheries, or surprisals. Yet the Werowances women and children they put not to death, but keep them Captives. They have a method in war, and for our pleasures they showed it us, and it was in this manner performed at Mattapanient.  
Having painted and disguised themselves in the fiercest manner they could devise. 
Their manner of Battle.  They divided themselves into two Companies, near a hundred in a company. The one company called Monacans, the other Powhatans'. Either army had their Captain. These as enemies took their stands a musket shot one from another; ranked themselves 15 a breast, and each rank from another 4 or 5 yards, not in file, but in the opening betwixt their files. So the Rear could shoot as conveniently as the Front. Having thus pitched the fields: from either part went a messenger with these conditions, that whosoever were vanquished, such as escape upon their submission in two days after should live, but their wives and children should be prize for the conquerors. The messengers were no sooner returned, but they approached in their orders; On each flank a Sergeant, and in the Rear an Officer for Lieutenant, all duly keeping their orders, yet leaping and singing after their accustomed tune, which they only use in Wars. Upon the first flight of arrows they gave such horrible shouts and screeches, as so many infernal hell hounds could not have made them more terrible. When they had spent their arrows, they joined together prettily, charging and retiring, every rank seconding other. As they got advantage they catched their enemies by the hair of the head, and down he came that was taken. His enemy with his wooden sword seemed to beat out his brains, and still they crept to the Rear, to maintain the skirmish. The Monacans decreasing, the Powhatans' charged them in the form of a half Moon; they unwilling to be enclosed, fled all in a troop to their Ambuscadoes, on whom they led them very cunningly. The Monacans disperse themselves among the fresh men, whereupon the Powhatans' retired, with all speed to their seconds; which the Monacans seeing, took that advantage to retire again to their own battle, and so each returned to their own quarter. All their actions, voices, and gestures, both in charging and retiring were so strained to the height of their quality and nature, that the strangeness thereof made it seem very delightful.  

Their Music.  For their Music they use a thick Cane, on which they pipe as on a Recorder. For their wars they have a great deep platter of wood. They cover the mouth thereof with a skin, at each corner they tie a walnut, which meeting on the backside near the bottom, with a small rope they twitch them together till it be so taught and stiff, that they may beat upon it as upon a drum. But their chief instruments are Rattles made of small gourds, or Pumpeons shells. Of these they have Base, Tenor, Countertenor, Mean, and Treble. These mingled with their voices sometimes twenty or thirty together, make such a terrible noise as would rather affright, then delight any man. 
Their entertainment.  If any great commander arrive at the habitation of a Werowance, they spread a Mat as the Turks do a Carpet for him to sit upon. Upon another right opposite they sit themselves. Then do all with a tuneable voice of shouting bid him welcome. After this do two or more of their chiefest men make an Oration, testifying their love. Which they do with such vehemency, and so great passions, that they sweat till they drop, and are so out of breath they can scarce speak. So that a man would take them to be exceeding angry, or stark mad. Such victual as they have, they spend freely, and at night where his lodging is appointed, they set a woman fresh painted red with Pocones and oil, to be his bedfellow.  

Their trade.  Their manner of trading is for copper, beads, and such like, for which they give such commodities as they have, as skins, foul, fish, flesh, and their Country Corne. But their victuals are their chiefest riches.  

Their Physic.  Every spring they make themselves sick with drinking the juice of a root they call Wighsacan, and water; whereof they pour so great a quantity, that it purgeth them in a very violent manner; so that in three or four days after, they scarce recover their former health. 
Their Chirurgery.  Sometimes they are troubled with dropsies, swellings, aches, and such like diseases; for cure whereof they build a Stove in the form of a Dove-house with mats, so close that a few coals therein covered with a pot, will make the patient sweat extremely. For swellings also they use small pieces of touchwood, in the form of cloves, which pricking on the grief they burn close to the flesh, and from thence draw the corruption with their mouth. With this root Wighsacan they ordinarily heal green wounds. But to scarify a swelling, or make incision, their best instruments are some splinted stone. Old ulcers, or putrified hurts are seldom seen cured amongst them. 
Their charms to cure.  They have many professed Physicians, who with their charms and Rattles, with an infernal rout of words and actions, will seem to suck their inward grief from their navels, or their grieved places; but of our Chirurgeons they were so conceited, that they believed any Plaster would heal any hurt.  

But 'tis not always in Physician's skill,  
To heal the Patient that is sick and ill:  
For sometimes sickness on the Patient's part,  
Proves stronger far than all Physician's art.    

Of their Religion.  
THere is yet in Virginia no place discovered to be so Savage, in which they have not a Religion, Deer, and Bow, and Arrows. All things that are able to do them hurt beyond their prevention, they adore with their kind of divine worship; as the fire, water, lightning, thunder, our Ordnance, pieces, 
Their God.  horses, etc. But their chief God they worship is the Devil. Him they call Okee, and serve him more of fear then love. They say they have conference with him, and fashion themselves as near to his shape as they can imagine. In their Temples they have his image evil favouredly carved, and then painted and adorned with chains of copper, and beads, and covered with a skin, in such manner as the deformity may well suit with such a God. By him is commonly the sepulchre of their Kings. Their bodies are first bowelled, 
How they bury their Kings  then dried upon hurdles till they be very dry, and so about the most of their joints and neck they hang bracelets, or chains of copper, pearl, and such like, as they use to wear, their inwards they stuff with copper beads, hatchets, and such trash. Then lap they them very carefully in white skins, and so roll them in mats for their winding sheets. And in the Tomb which is an arch made of mats, they lay them orderly. What remaineth of this kind of wealth their Kings have, they set at their feet in baskets. These Temples and bodies are kept by their Priests.  
For their ordinary burials, they dig a deep hole in the earth with sharp stakes, 
Their ordinary burials.  and the corpse being lapped in skins and mats with their jewels, they lay them upon sticks in the ground, and so cover them with earth. The burial ended, the women being painted all their faces with black coal and oil, do sit twenty-foure hours in the houses mourning and lamenting by turns, with such yelling and howling, as may express their great passions.  
In every Territory of a Werowance is a Temple and a Priest, two or three or more. 
Their Temples.  Their principal Temple or place of superstition is at Vitamussack at Pamavnk●e, near unto which is a house, Temple, or place of Powhatans'.  
Upon the top of certain red sandy hills in the woods, there are three great houses filled with images of their Kings, and Devils, and Tombs of their Predecessors. Those houses are near sixty foot in length built arbour-wise, after their building. This place they count so holy as that but the Priests & Kings dare come into them; nor the Savages dare not go up the river in boats by it, but they solemnly cast some piece of copper, white beads, or Pocones into the river, for fear their Okee should be offended and revenged of them.  

Thus, Fear was the first their Gods begot:  
Till fear began, their Gods were not.   
In this place commonly are resident seven Priests. 
Their ornaments for their Priests.  The chief differed from the rest in his ornaments, but inferior Priests could hardly be known from the common people, but that they had not so many holes in their ears to hang their jewels at. The ornaments of the chief Priest were certain attires for his head made thus. They took a dozen, or 16, or more snakes skins and stuffed them with moss, and of Weasels and other Vermins skins a good many. All these they tie by their tails, so as all their tails meet in the top of their head like a great Tassel. Round about this Tassel is as it were a crown of feathers, the skins hang round about his head, neck, and shoulders, and in a manner cover his face. The faces of all their Priests are painted as ugly as they can devise, in their hands they had every one his Rattle, some base, some smaller. Their devotion was most in songs, which the chief Priest beginneth and the rest followed him, sometimes he maketh invocations with broken sentences by starts and strange passions, and at every pause, the rest give a short groan.  

Thus seek they in deep foolishness,  
To climb the height of happiness.   
It could not be perceived that they keep any day as more holy than other; 
The times of solemnities.  But only in some great distress of want, fear of enemies, times of triumph and gathering together their fruits, the whole Country of men, women, and children come together to solemnities. The manner of their devotion is, sometimes to make a great fire, in the house or fields, and all to sing and dance about it with Rattles and shouts together, four or five hours. Sometimes they set a man in the midst, and about him they dance and sing, he all the while clapping his hands, as if he would keep time, and after their songs and dance ended they go to ●heir Feasts.  

Through God begetting fear,  
Man's blinded mind did rear  
A hell-god to the ghosts;  
A heaven-god to the hosts;  
Yea God unto the Seas:  
Fear did create all these.   
They have also diverse conjurations, 
Their conjurations.  one they made when I was their prisoner; of which hereafter you shall read at large.  

Their Altars.  They have also certain Altar stones they call Pawcorances, but these stand from their Temples, some by their houses, others in the woods and wildernes●es, where they have had any extraordinary accident, or encounter. And as you travel, at those stones they will tell you the cause why they were there erected, which from age to age they instruct their children, as their best records of antiquities. Upon these they offer blood, Dear suet, and Tobacco. This they do when they return from the Wars, 
Sacrifices to the water.  from hunting, and upon many other occasions. They have also another superstition that they use in storms, when the waters are rough in the Rivers and Sea coasts. Their Conjurers run to the water sides, or passing in their boats, after many hellish outcries and invocations, they cast Tobacco, Copper, Pocones, or such trash into the water, to pacific that God whom they think to be very angry in those storms. Before their dinners and suppers the better sort will take the first bit, and cast it in the fire, which is all the grace they are known to use.  
In some part of the Country they have yearly a sacrifice of children. Such a one was at Quiyoughcohanock some ten miles from james Town, and thus performed. Fifteen of the properest young boys, between ten and fifteen years of age they painted white. 
Their solemn Sacrifices of children, which they call Black-boyes.  Having brought them forth, the people spent the forenoons in dancing and singing about them with Rattles. In the afternoon they put those children to the root of a tree. By them all the men stood in a guard, every one having a Bastinado in his hand, made of reeds bound together. This made a lane between them all along, through which there were appointed five young men to fetch these children: so every one of the five went through the guard to fetch a child each after other by turns, the guard fiercely beating them with their Bastinadoes, and they patiently enduring and receiving all▪ defending the children with their naked bodies from the unmerciful blows, that pay them sound, though the children escape. All this while the women weep and cry out very passionately, providing mats, skins, moss, and dry wood, as things fitting their children's funerals. After the children were thus passed the guard, the guard tore down the trees, branches & boughs, with such violence that they rend the body, and made wreaths for their heads, or bedecked their hair with the leaves. What else was done with the children, was not seen, but they were all cast on a heap, in a valley as dead, where th●y made a great feast for all the company. The Werowance being demanded the meaning of ●his sacrifice, 
Those Black-boyes are made so mad with a kind of drink, that they will do● any mischief, at the command of their Keepers.  answered that the children were not all dead, but that the Okee or Devil did suck the blood from their left breast, who chanced to be his by lot, till they were dead, but the rest were kept in the wilderness by the young men till nine months were expired, during which time they must not converse with any, and of these were made their Priests and Conjurers. This sacrifice they held to be so necessary, that if they should omit it, their Okee or Devil, and all their other Quiyoughcosughes, which are their other Gods, would let them have no Deer, Turkeys, Corn, nor fish, and yet beside, he would make a great slaughter amongst them.  

Their resurrection.  They think that their Werowances and Priests which they also esteem Quiyoughcosughes, when they are dead, do go beyond the mountains towards the setting of the sun, and ever remain there in form of their Okee, with their heads painted with oil and Pocones, finely trimmed with feathers, and shall have beads, hatchets, copper, and Tobacco, doing nothing but dance and sing, with all their Predecessors. But the common people they suppose shall not live after death, but rot in their graves like dead dogs.  
To divert them from this blind Idolatry, we did our best endeavours, chiefly with the Werowance of Quiyoughcohanock, whose devotion, apprehension, and good disposition, much exceeded any in those Countries, with whom although we could not as yet prevail, to forsake his false Gods, yet this he did believe that our God as much exceeded theirs, as our Guns did their Bows & Arrows, and many times did send to me to james Town, entreating me to pray to my God for rain, for their Gods would not send them any. And in this lamentable ignorance do these poor soul's sacrifice themselves to the Devil, not knowing their Creator; and we had not language sufficient, so plainly to express it as make them understand it; which God grant they may.  

For, Religion 'tis that doth distinguish us,  
From their bruit humour, well we may it know;  
That can with understanding argue thus,  
Our God is truth, but they cannot do so.    

Of the manner of the Virginians Government.  
ALthough the Country people be very barbarous, yet have they amongst them such government, as that their Magistrates for good commanding, and their people for due subjection, and obeying, excel many places that would be counted very civil. The form of their Commonwealth is a Monarchical government, one as Emperor ruleth over many Kings or Governors. Their chief ruler is called Powhatan, and taketh his name of his principal place of dwelling called Powhatan. But his proper name is Wahunsonacock. Some Countries he hath which have been his ancestors, and came unto him by inheritance, as the Country called Powhatan, Arrohateck, Appamatuck, Pamaunkee, Youghtanund, and Mattapanient. All the rest of his Territories expressed in the Map, they report have been his several Conquests. In all his ancient inheritances, he hath houses built after their manner like arbours, some 30. some 40. yards long, and at every house provision for his entertainment according to the time. At Werowcomoco on the Northside of the river Pamaunkee, was his residence, when I was delivered him prisoner, some 14 miles from james Town, where for the most part, he was resident, but at last he took so little pleasure in our near neighbourhood, that he retired himself to Orapakes, in the desert betwixt Chickahaman●a and Youghtanund. He is of personage a tall well proportioned man, with a sour look, 
A description of Powhatan.  his head somewhat grey, his beard so thin, that it seemeth none at all, his age near sixty; of a very able and hardy body to endure any labour. About his person ordinarily attendeth a guard of 40 or 50 of the tallest men his Country doth afford. 
His attendance and watch.  Every night upon the four quarters of his house are four Sentinels, each from other a flight shoot, and at every half hour one from the Corpse du guard doth hollow, shaking his lips with his finger between them; unto whom every Sentinel doth answer round from his stand: if any fail, they presently send forth an officer that beateth him extremely.  
A mile from Orapakes in a thicket of wood, 
His treasury.  he hath a house in which he keepeth his kind of Treasure, as skins, copper, pearl, and beads, which he storeth up against the time of his death and burial. Here also is his store of red paint for ointment, bows and arrows, Targets and clubs. This house is fifty or sixty yards in length, frequented only by Priests. At the four corners of this house stand four Images as Sentinels, one of a Dragon, another a Bear, the third like a Leopard, and the fourth like a giantlike man, all made evil favouredly, according to their best workmanship.  

His wives.  He hath as many women as he will, whereof when he lieth on his bed, one sitteth at his head, and another at his feet, but when he sitteth, one sitteth on his right hand and another on his left. As he is weary of his women, he bestoweth them on those that best deserve them at his hands. When he dineth or suppeth, one of his women before and after meat, bringeth him water in a wooden platter to wash his hands. Another waiteth with a bunch of feathers to wipe them in stead of a Towel, and the feathers when he hath wiped are dried again. His kingdoms descend not to his sons nor children, 
His successors  but first to his brethren, whereof he hath 3. namely, Opitchapan, Opechancanough, and Catataugh, and after their decease to his sisters. First to the eldest sister, then to the rest, and after them to the heirs male or female of the eldest sister, but never to the heirs of the males.  
He nor any of his people understand any letters, whereby to write or read, only the laws whereby he ruleth is custom. Yet when he listeth his will is a law and must be obeyed: 
Their authority.  not only as a King, but as half a God they esteem him. His inferior Kings whom they call Werowances, are tied to rule by customs, and have power of life and death at their command in t●at nature. But this word Werowance, which we call and construe for a King, is a common word, whereby they call all commanders: for they have but few words in their language, and but few occasions to use any officers more than one commander, which commonly they call Werowance, 
The tenor of their lands.  or Caucorouse, which is Captain. They all know their several lands, and habitations, and limits, to fish, soul, or hunt in, but they hold all of their great Werowance Powhatan, unto whom they pay tribute of skins, beads, copper, pearl, dear, turkeys, wild beasts, and corn. What he commandeth they dare not disobey in the least thing. It is strange to see with what great fear and adoration, all these people do obey this Powhatan. For at his feet they present whatsoever he commandeth, and at the least frown of his brow, their greatest spirits will tremble with fear: and no marvel, for he is very terrible & tyrannous in punishing such as offend him. For example, 
His manner of punishments.  he caused certain malefactors to be bound hand and foot, then having of many fires gathered great store of burning coals, they rake these coals round in the form of a cockpit, and in the midst they cast the offenders to broyle to death. Sometimes he causeth the heads of them that offend him, to be laid upon the altar or sacrificing stone, and one with clubs beats out their brains. When he would punish any notorious enemy or malefactor, he causeth him to be tied to a tree, and with Mussel shells or reeds, the executioner cutteth off his joints one after another, ever casting what they cut of into the fire; then doth he proceed with shells and reeds to case the skin from his head and face; then do they rip his belly and so burn him with the tree and all. Thus themselves reported they executed George Cassen. 
● 46.  Their ordinary correction is to beat them with cudgels. We have seen a man kneeling on his knees, and at Powhatans' command, two men have beat him on the bare skin, till he hath fallen senseless in a sound, and yet never cry nor complained. And he made a woman for playing the whore, sit upon a great stone, on her bare breech twenty-foure hours, only with corn and water, every three days, till nine days were passed, yet he loved her exceedingly: notwithstanding there are common whores by profession.  
In the year 1608, he surprised the people of Payankatank his near neighbours and subjects. The occasion was to us unknown, but the manner was thus. First he sent diverse of his men as to lodge amongst them that night, than the Ambuscadoes environed all their houses, and at the hour appointed, they all fell to the spoil, twenty-foure men they slew, the long hair of the one side of their heads, with the skin cased off with shells or reeds, they brought away. They surprised also the women, and the children, and the Werowance. All these they presented to Powhatan. The Werowance, women and children became his prisoners, and do him service. The locks of hair with their skins he hanged on a line betwixt two trees. And thus he made ostentation of his triumph at Werowocomoco, where he intended to have done as much to me and my company.  
And this is as much as my memory can call to mind worthy of note; which I have purposely collected, to satisfy my friends of the true worth and quality of Virginia. Yet some bad natures will not stick to slander the Country, that will slovenly spit at all things, especially in company where they can find none to contradict them. Who though they were scarce en●r ten miles from james Town, or at the most but at the falls; yet holding it a great disgrace that amongst so much action, their actions were nothing, exclaim of all things, though they never adventured to know any thing; nor ever did any thing but devour the fruits of other men's labours. Being for most part of such tender educations, and small experience in Martial accidents, because they found not English Cities, nor such fair houses, nor at their own wishes any of their accustomed dainties, with feather beds and down pillows, Taverns and Alehouses in every breathing place, neither such plenty of gold and silver and dissolute liberty, as they expected, had little or no care or any thing, but to pamper their bellies, to fly away with our Pinnaces, or procure their means to return for England. For the Country was to them a misery, a ruin, a death, a hell, and their reports here, and their actions there according.  
Some other there were that had yearly stipends to pass to and again for transportation: who to keep the mystery of the business in themselves, though they had neither time nor means to know much of themselves; yet all men's actions or relations they so formally tuned to the temporising times simplicity, as they could make their ignorances seem much more, than all the true actors could by their experience. And those with their great words deluded the world with such strange promises, as abused the business much worse than the rest. For the business being builded upon the foundation of their feigned experience, the planters, the money and means have still miscarried: yet they ever returning, and the planters so far absent, who could contradict their excuses? which, still to maintain their vain glory and estimation, from time to time have used such diligence as made them pass for truths, though nothing more false. And that the adventurers might be thus abused, let no man wonder; for the wisest living is soon abused by him that hath a fair tongue and a dissembling heart.  
There were many in Virginia merely projecting, verbal, and idle contemplators, and those so devoted to pure idleness, that though they had lived two or three years in Virginia, lordly, necessity itself could not compel them to pass the Peninsula, or Pallisadoes of james Town, and those witty spirits, what would they not affirm in the behalf of our transporters, to get victual from their ships, or obtain their good words in England, to get their passes. Thus from the clamours, and the ignorance of false informers, are sprung those disasters that sprung in Virginia: and our ingenious verbalists were no less plague to us in Virginia, than the Locusts to the Egyptians. For the labour of twenty or thirty of the best only preserved in Christianity by their industry, the idle livers of near two hundred of the rest: who living near ten months of such natural means, as the Country naturally of itself afforded, notwithstanding all this, and the worst fury of the Savages, the extremity of sickness, mutinies, faction, ignorances, and want of victual; in all that time I lost but seven or eight men, yet subjected the savages to our desired obedience, and received contribution from thirty five of their Kings, to protect and assist them against any that should assault them, in which order they continued true and faithful, and as subjects to his Majesty, so long after as I did govern there, until I left the Country: since, how they have revolted, the Country lost, and again replanted, and the businesses hath succeeded from time to time, I refer you to the relations of them returned from Virginia, that have been more diligent in such Observations.   
john Smith writ this with his own hand.   

Because many do desire to know the manner of their Language, I have inserted these few words.  

KA katorawines yowo. What call you this.  
Nemarough, a man.  
Crenepo, a woman.  
Marowanchesso, a boy.  
Yehawkans, Houses.  
Matchcores, Skins, or garments.  
Mockasins, Shoes.  
Tussan, Beds. Pokatawer, Fire.  
Attawp, A bow. Attonce, Arrows.  
Monacookes, Swords.  
Aumouhhowgh, A Target.  
Pawcussacks, Guns.  
Tomahacks, Axes.  
Tockahacks, Pickaxes.  
Pamesacks, Knives.  
Accowprets, Sheares.  
Pawpecones, Pipes. Mattassin, Copper  
Vssawassin, Iron, Brass, Silver, or any white mettle. Musses, Woods.  
Attasskuss, Leaves, weeds, or grass.  
Chepsin, Land. Shacquohocan. A stone.  
Wepenter, A cuckold.  
Suckahanna, Water. Noughmass, Fish.  
Copotone, Sturgeon.  
Weghshaughes, Flesh.  
Sawwehone, Blood.  
Netoppew, Friends.  
Marrapough, Enemies.  
Maskapow, the worst of the enemies.  
Mawchick chammay, The best of friends  
Casacunnakack, peya quagh acquintan uttasantasough, In how many days will there come hither any more English Ships.   

Their Numbers.  
Necut, 1. Ningh, 2. Nuss, 3. Yowgh, 4. Paranske, 5. Comotinch, 6. Toppawoss, 7 Nusswash, 8. Kekatawgh, 9 Kaskeke 10 They count no more but by ten as followeth.  
Case, how many.  
Ninghsapooeksku, 20.  
Nussapooeksku, 30.  
Yowghapooeksku, 40.  
Parankestassapoocksku, 50.  
Comatinchtassapooeksku, 60.  
Nussswashtassapooeksku, 70.  
Kekataughtassapooeksku, 90.  
Necuttoughtysinough, 100  
Necuttweunquaough, 1000  
Rawcosowghs, Days.  
Keskowghes, Suns.  
Toppquough. Nights.  
Nepaww●showghs, Moons.  
Pawpaxsoughes, Years.  
Pummahumps, Stars.  
Osies, Heavens.  
Okees, Gods.  
Quiyoughcosoughs, Petty Gods, and their affinities.  
Righcomoughes, Deaths.  
Kekughes, Lives.  
Mowchick woyawgh tawgh ●oeragh kaqueremecher, I am very hungry? what shall I eat?  
Tawnor nehiegh Powhatan, Where dwells Powhatan.  
Mache, nehiegh yourowgh, Orapaks. Now he dwells a great way hence at Orapaks.  
Vittapitchewayne anpechitches nehawper Werowacomoco, You lie, he stayed ever at Werowacomoco.  
Kator nehiegh mattagh near uttapitchewayne, Truly he is there I do not lie.  
Spaughtynere keragh werowance mawmarinough k●katē wawgh peyaquaugh. Run you then to the King Mawmarynough and bid him come hither.  
Vtteke, e peya weyack wighwhip, Get you gone, & come again quickly.  
Kekaten Pocahontas patiaquagh niugh tanks manotyens near mowchick rawrenock audowgh, Bid Pocahontas bring hither two little Baskets, and I will give her white Beads to make her a Chain.   
FINIS.   


OLD VIRGINIA  
C: S Their triumph about him C: Smith bound to a tree to be shot to death 1602  
C. S. How they took him prisoner in the Oaze 1607 C.S. C. Smith bindeth a savage to his arm, fighteth with the King of Pamaunkee and all his company, and slew 3 of them.  
C: Smith takes the King of Paspahegh prisoner. Ao. 1609.  
A Conjurer.  
Their Idol  
A priest  
Their Conjuration about C: Smith 160●  
A description of part of the adventures of Cap: Smith in Virginia.  
A state of 10 Leau●es. 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10  
Graven and extracted out of the general history of Virginia, New England, and Summer Ises, by Robert Vaughan.  
C. Smith taketh the King of Pamaunkee prisoner 1608  
The Country we now call Virginia beginneth at Cape Henry aistant from Roanoack 60 miles, where was Sr. Walter Raleigh's psantation. and because the people differ very little from t●em of Powhatan in any thing, I have inserted those figures in this place because of the conveniency.  
C.S. King Powhatan commands C. Smith to be slain, his daughter Pocahontas beg his life his thankfulness and how he subjected 30 of their kings. read ● history.  
printed by james Reeve     

❧ The third Book.  
THE PROCEEDINGS AND ACCIDENTS OF The English Colony in Virginia, Extracted from the Authors following, by WILLIAM SIMONS, Doctor of Divinity.  

CHAPTER I.  
IT might well be thought, 
Sir Thomas Smith Treasurer.  a Country so fair (as Virginia is) and a people so tractable, would long ere this have been quietly possessed, to the satisfaction of the adventurers, & the eternising of the memory of those that effected it. But because all the world do see a defailement; this following Treatise shall give satisfaction to all indifferent Readers, how the business hath been carried: where no doubt they will easily understand and answer to their question, how it came to pass there was no better speed and success in those proceedings. 
The first mover of the action,   
Captain Bartholomew Gosnoll, one of the first movers of this plantation, having many years solicited many of his friends, but found small assistants; at last prevailed with some Gentlemen, as Captain john Smith, Mr Edward-maria Wingfield, Mr Robert Hunt, and diverse others, who depended a year upon his projects, but nothing could be effected, till by their great charge and industry, it came to be apprehended by certain of the Nobility, Gentry, and Merchants, so that his Majesty by his letters patents, gave commission for establishing Counsels, to direct here; and to govern, and to execute there. To effect this, was spent another year, and by that, three ships were provided, one of 100 Tuns, another of 40. and a Pinnace of 20. The transportation of the company was committed to Captain Christopher Newport, a Mariner well practised for the Western parts of America. 
Orders for government.  But their orders for government were put in a box, not to be opened, nor the governor's known until they arrived in Virginia.  
On the 19 of December, 1606. we set sail from Blackwall, but by unprosperous winds, were kept six weeks in the sight of England; all which time, Mr Hunt our Preacher, was so weak and sick, that few expected his recovery. Yet although he were but twenty miles from his habitation (the time we were in the Downs) and notwithstanding the stormy weather, nor the scandalous imputations (of some few, little better than Atheists, of the greatest rank amongst us) suggested against him, all this could never force from him so much as a seeming desire to leave the business, but preferred the service of God, in so good a voyage, before any affection to contest with his godless foes, whose disastrous designs (could they have prevailed) had even then overthrown the business, so many discontents did then arise, had he not with the water of patience, and his godly exhortations (but chiefly by his true devoted examples) quenched those flames of envy, and dissension.  
We watered at the Canaries, we traded with the Savages at Dominica; three weeks we spent in refreshing ourselves amongst these west-India Isles; in Gwardalupa we found a bath so hot, as in it we boiled Porck as well as over the fire. And at a little Isle called Monica, 
Monica an unfrequented Isle full of Birds.  we took from the bushes with our hands, near two hogsh-heads full of Birds in three or four hours. In Mevis, Mona, and the Virgin Isles, we spent some time, where, with a loathsome beast like a Crocodil, called a Gwayn, Tortoises, Pelican's, Parrots, and fishes, we daily feasted. Gone from thence in search of Virginia, the company was not a little discomforted, seeing the Mariners had 3 days passed their reckoning and found no land, so that Captain Ratliffe (Captain of the Pinnace) rather desired to bear up the helm to return for England, then make further search. But God the guider of all good actions, forcing them by an extreme storm to hull all night, did drive them by his providence to their desired Port, beyond all their expectations, for never any of them had seen that coast. The first land they made they called Cape Henry; where thirty of them recreating themselves on shore, 
Their first landing.  were assaulted by five Savages, who hurt two of the English very dangerously. That night was the box opened, and the orders read, in which Bartholomew Gosnoll, john Smith, Edward Wingfield, Christopher Newport, john Ratliffe, john Martin, and George Kendal, were named to be the Council, and to choose a Precedent amongst them for a year, who with the Council should govern. Matters of moment were to be examined by a jury, but determined by the mayor part of the Council, in which the Precedent had two voices. Until the 13 of May they sought a place to plant in, 
Matters of government.  than the Council was sworn, Mr Wingfield was chosen Precedent, and an Oration made, why Captain Smith was not admitted of the Council as the rest.  
Now falleth every man to work, the Council contrive the Fort, the rest cut down trees to make place to pitch their Tents; some provide clapbord to relade the ships, some make gardens, some nets, etc. The Savages often visited us kindly. The Precedents overweening jealousy would admit no exercise at arms, or fortification, but the boughs of trees cast together in the form of a half moon by the extraordinary pains and diligence of Captain Kendal. Newport, Smith, and twenty others, 
The discovery of the Falls & Powhatan.  were sent to discover the head of the river: by diverse small habitations they passed, in six days they arrived at a Town called Powhatan, consisting of some twelve houses, pleasantly seated on a hill; before it three fertile Isles, about it many of their cornefields, the place is very pleasant, and strong by nature, of this place the Prince is called Powhatan, and his people Powhatans', to this place the river is navigable: but higher within a mile, by reason of the Rocks and Isles, there is not passage for a small Boat, this they call the Falls, the people in all parts kindly entreated them, till being returned within twenty miles of james town, they gave just cause of jealousy, but had God not blessed the discoverers otherwise then those at the Fort, there had then been an end of that plantation; for at the Fort, where they arrived the next day, 
The Fort assaulted by the Savages.  they found 17 men hurt, and a boy slain by the Savages, and had it not chanced a cross bar shot from the Ships struck down a bough from a tree amongst them, that caused them to retire, our men had all been slain, being securely all at work, and their arms in dry fats.  
Hereupon the Precedent was contented the Fort should be pallisadoed, the Ordnance mounted, his men armed and exercised, for many were the assaults, and ambuscadoes of the Savages, & our men by their disorderly straggling were often hurt, when the Savages by the nimbleness of their heels well escaped. What toil we had, with so small a power to guard our workmen adays, watch all night, resist our enemies, and effect our business, to relade the ships, cut down trees, and prepare the ground to plant our Corn, &c, I refer to the Readers consideration. Six weeks being spent in this manner, Captain Newport (who was hired only for our transportation) was to return with the ships. Now Captain Smith, who all this time from their departure from the Canaries was restrained as a prisoner upon the scandalous suggestions of some of the chief (envying his repute) who feigned he intended to usurp the government, murder the Council, and make himself King, that his confederates were dispersed in all the three ships, and that diverse of his confederates that revealed it, would affirm it, for this he was committed as a prisoner: thirteen weeks he remained thus suspected, and by that time the ships should return they pretended out of their commisserations, to refer him to the Council in England to receive a check, rather than by particulating his designs make him so odious to the world, as to touch his life, or utterly overthrow his reputation. But he so much scorned their charity, and publicly defied the uttermost of their cruelty, he wisely prevented their policies, though he could not suppress their envies, yet so well he demeaned himself in this business, as all the company did see his innocency, and his adversaries malice, and those suborned to accuse him, accused his accusers of subornation; many untruths were alleged against him; but being so apparently disproved, begat a general hatred in the hearts of the company against such unjust Commanders, that the Precedent was adjudged to give him 200l. so that all he had was seized upon, in part of satisfaction, which Smith presently returned to the Store for the general use of the Colony. Many were the mischiefs that daily sprung from their ignorant (yet ambitious) spirits; but the good Doctrine and exhortation of our Preacher Mr Hunt reconciled them, and caused Captain Smith to be admitted of the Council; the next day all received the Communion, 
Captain Newports return for England.  the day following the Savages voluntarily desired peace, and Captain Newport returned for England with news; leaving in Virginia 100 the 15 of june 1607.  
By this observe;  

Good men did ne'er their Countries ruin bring.  
But when evil men shall injuries begin;  
Not caring to corrupt and violate  
The judgements-seats for their own Lucr's sake:  
Then look that Country cannot long have peace,  
Though for the present it have rest and ease.   
The names of them that were the first Planters, were these following. 
Sir Thomas Smith Treasurer.   



Council.  
Mr Edward Maria Wingfield.  
Captain Bartholomew Gosnoll.  
Captain john Smith.  
Captain john Ratliffe.  
Captain john Martin.  
Captain George Kendal.    


Gent.  
Mr Robert Hunt Preacher.  
Mr George Percy.  
Anthony Gosnoll.  
George Flower.  
Cap. Gabriel Archer.  
Robert Fenton.  
Robert Ford.  
William Bruster.  
Edward Harrington.  
Dru Pickhouse.  
Thomas jacob.  
john Brookes.  
Ellis Kingston.  
Thomas Sands.  
Benjamin Beast.  
jehu Robinson.  
Thomas Mouton.  
Eustace Clovill.  
Stephen Halthrop.  
Kellam Throgmorton.  
Edward Morish.  
Nathaniel powel.  
Edward Browne.  
Robert Bebethland.  
john Penington.  
jeremy Alicock.  
George Walker.  
Thomas Studley.  
Richard Crofts.  
Nicholas Houlgrave.  
Thomas Webbt.  
john Waller.  
john Short.  
William Tankard.  
William Smethes.  
Francis Snarsbrough.  
Richard Simons.  
Edward Brookes.  
Richard Dixon.  
john Martin.  
Roger Cook.  
Anthony Gosnold.  
Tho: Wotton, Chirurg.  
john Stevenson.  
Thomas Gore.  
Henry Adling.  
Francis Midwinter.  
Richard Frith.    


Carpenters.  
William Laxon.  
Edward Pising.  
Thomas Emry.  
Robert Small.    


Labourers.  
john Laydon.  
William Cassen.  
George Cassen.  
Thomas Cassen.  
William Rhodes.  
William White.  
Old Edward.  
Henry Tavin.  
George Goulding.  
john Dods.  
William johnson.  
William unger.    
Iam: Read, Blacksmith.  
jonas Profit, Sailer.  
Tho: Cowper, Barber.  
Will: Garret, Bricklayer.  
Edward Brinto, Mason.  
William Love, Taylor.  
Nic: Scot, Drum.  
Wil: Wilkinson, Chirurg.  
Samuel Collier, boy.  
Nat. Peacock, boy.  
james Brumfield, boy.  
Richard Mutton, boy.   
With diverse others to the number of 100   

CHAP. II.  
What happened till the first supply.  

The occasion of sickness.  BEing thus left to our fortunes, it fortuned that within ten days scarce ten amongst us could either go, or well stand, such extreme weakness and sickness oppressed us. And thereat none need marvel, if they consider the cause and reason, which was this; whilst the ships stayed, our allowance was somewhat bettered, 
The Sailor's abuses.  by a daily proportion of Biscuit, which the sailors would pilfer to sell, give, or exchange with us, for money, Saxefras, furs, or love. But when they departed, there remained neither tavern, beer▪ house, nor place of relief, but the common Kettell. Had we been as free from all sins as gluttony, and drunkenness, we might have been canonised for Saints; But our Precedent would never have been admitted, for engrossing to his private, Oatmeal, Sack, Oil, Aquavitae, Beef, Eggs, or what not, but the Kettell; that indeed he allowed equally to be distributed, and that was half a pint of wheat, and as much barley boiled with water for a man a day, and this having fried some 26. weeks in the ships hold, contained as many worms as grains; so that we might truly call it rather so much bran than corn, our drink was water, our lodgings Castles in the air: with this lodging and diet, our extreme toil in bearing and planting Pallisadoes, so strained and bruised us, and our continual labour in the extremity of the heat had so weakened us, as were cause sufficient to have made us as miserable in our native Country, or any other place in the world. From May, to September, those that escaped, lived upon Sturgeon, 
A bad Precedent.  and Sea-crabs, fifty in this time we buried, the rest seeing the Precedents projects to escape these miseries in our Pinnace by flight (who all this time had neither felt want nor sickness) so moved our dead spirits, as we deposed him; and established Ratcliff in his place, (Gosnoll being dead) Kendal deposed, Smith newly recovered, Martin and Ratcliff was by his care preserved and relieved, and the most of the soldiers recovered, with the skilful diligence of Mr Thomas Wotton our Chirurgeon general. But now was all our provision spent, the Sturgeon gone, all helps abandoned, each hour expecting the fury of the Savages; when God the patron of all good endeavours, in that desperate extremity so changed the hearts of the Savages, 
Plenty unexpected.  that they brought such plenty of their fruits, and provision, as no man wanted.  
And now where some affirmed it was ill done of the Council to send forth men so badly provided, this incontradictable reason will show them plainly they are too ill advised to nourish such ill conceits; first, the fault of our going was our own, what could be thought fitting or necessary we had, but what we should find, or want, or where we should be, we were all ignorant, and supposing to make our passage in two months, with victual to live, and the advantage of the spring to work; we were at Sea five months, where we both spent our victual and lost the opportunity of the time, and season to plant, by the unskilful presumption of our ignorant transporters, that understood not at all, what they undertook.  
Such actions have ever since the world's beginning been subject to such accidents, and every thing of worth is found full of difficulties, but nothing so difficult as to establish a Commonwealth so far remote from men and means, and where men's minds are so untoward as neither do well themselves, nor suffer others. But to proceed.  
The new Precedent and Martin, being little beloved, of weak judgement in dangers, and less industry in peace, committed the managing of all things abroad to Captain Smith: who by his own example, good words, and fair promises, set some to mow, others to bind thatch, some to build houses, others to thatch them, 
The building of james Town.  himself always bearing the greatest task for his own share, so that in short time, he provided most of them lodgings, neglecting any for himself. This done, seeing the Savages superfluity begin to decrease (with some of his workmen) shipped himself in the Shallop to search the Country for trade. The want of the language, knowledge to manage his boat without sails, the want of a sufficient power, (knowing the multitude of the Savages) apparel for his men, and other necessaries, were infinite impediments, yet no discouragement. Being but six or seven in company he went down the river to Kecoughtan, where at first they scorned him, as a famished man, and would in derision offer him a handful of Corn, 
The beginning of Trade abroad.  a piece of bread, for their swords and muskets, and such like proportions also for their apparel. But seeing by trade and courtesy there was nothing to be had, he made bold to try such conclusions as necessity enforced, though contrary to his Commission: Let fly his muskets, ran his boat on shore, whereat they all fled into the woods. So marching towards their houses, they might see great heaps of corn: much ado he had to restrain his hungry soldiers from present taking of it, expecting as it happened that the Savages would assault them, as not long after they did with a most hideous noise. Sixty or seventy of them, some black, some red, some white, some particoloured, came in a square order, singing and dancing out of the woods, with their Okee (which was an Idol made of skins, stuffed with moss, all painted and hung with chains and copper) borne before them: and in this manner being well armed, with Clubs, Targets, Bows and Arrows, they charged the English, that so kindly received them with their muskets loaden with Pistol shot, that down fell their God, and diverse lay sprawling on the ground; the rest fled again to the woods, and ere long sent one of their Quiyoughkasoucks to offer peace, and redeem their Okee. Smith told them, if only six of them would come unarmed and load his boat, he would not only be their friend, but restore them their Okee, and give them Beads, Copper, and Hatchets beside: which on both sides was to their contents performed: and then they brought him Venison, Turkeys, wildfowl, bread, and what they had, singing and dancing in sign of friendship till they departed. In his return he discovered the Town and Country of Warraskoyack.  

Thus God unboundlesse by his power,  
Made them thus kind, would us devour.   
Smith perceiving (notwithstanding their late misery) not any regarded but from hand to mouth (the company being well recovered) caused the Pinnace to be provided with things fitting to get provision for the year following; 
Amoris, a Savage his best friend slain for loving us.  but in the interim he made 3. or 4. journeys and discovered the people of Chickahamania: yet what he carefully provided the rest carelessly spent. Wingfield and Kendal living in disgrace, 
The Discovery of Chickahamine.  seeing all things at random in the absence of Smith, the companies dislike of their Precedents weakness, and their small love to martin's never mending sickness, strengthened themselves with the sailors, and other confederates to regain their former credit and authority, or at least such means aboard the Pinnace, (being fitted to sail as Smith had appointed for trade) to alter her course and to go for England. Smith unexpectedly returning had the plot discovered to him, much trouble he had to prevent it, till with store of sakre and musket shot he forced them stay or sink in the river, which action cost the life of captain Kendal. These brawls are so disgustful, as some will say they were better forgotten, yet all men of good judgement will conclude, it were better their baseness should be manifest to the world, than the business bear the scorn and shame of their excused disorders. The Precedent and captain Archer not long after intended also to have abandoned the country, which project also was kerbed, 
Another project to abandon the country.  and suppressed by Smith. The Spaniard never more greedily desired gold then he victual, nor his soldiers more to abandon the Country, than he to keep it. But finding plenty of Corn in the river of Chickahamania where hundreds of Savages in diverse places stood with baskets expecting his coming. And now the winter approaching, the rivers became so covered with swans, geese, ducks, and crane's, that we daily feasted with good bread, Virginia pease, pumpions, and putchamins, fish, fowl, and divers sorts of wild beasts as fat as we could eat them: so that none of our Tuftasfaty humorists desired to go for England. But our Comaedies never endured long without a Tragedy; some idle exceptions being muttered against Captain Smith, for not discovering the head of Chickahamania river, and taxed by the Council, to be too slow in so worthy an attempt. The next voyage he proceeded so far that with much labour by cutting of trees in sunder he made his passage, but when his Barge could pass no farther, he left her in a broad bay out of danger of shot, commanding none should go a shore till his return: himself with two English and two Savages went up higher in a Canowe, but he was not long absent, but his men went a shore, whose want of government, gave both occasion and opportunity to the Savages to surprise one George Cassen, whom they slew, and much failed not to have cut of the boat and all the rest. Smith little dreaming of that accident, being got to the marshes at the river's head, twenty miles in the desert, had his 
* jehu Robinson and Thomas Emry slain.  two men slain (as is supposed) sleeping by the Canowe, whilst himself by fowling sought them victual, who finding he was beset with 200. Savages, two of them he slew, still defending himself with the aid of a Savage his guide, whom he bound to his arm with his garters, and used him as a buckler, yet he was shot in his thigh a little, and had many arrows that stuck in his clothes but no great hurt, till at last they took him prisoner. When this news came to james town, much was their sorrow for his loss, few expecting what ensued. Six or seven weeks those Barbarians kept him prisoner, many strange triumphs and conjurations they made of him, yet he so demeaned himself amongst them, as he not only diverted them from surprising the Fort, but procured his own liberty, and got himself and his company such estimation amongst them, that those Savages admired him more than their own Quiyouckosucks. The manner how they used and delivered him, is as followeth.  

Captain Smith taken prisoner.  The Savages having drawn from George Cassen whether Captain Smith was gone, prosecuting that opportunity they followed him with. 300. bowmen, conducted by the King of Pamaunkee, who in divisions searching the turnings of the river, found Robinson and Emry by the fire side, those they shot full of arrows and slew. Then finding the Captain▪ as is said, that used the Savage that was his guide as his shield (three of them being slain and diverse other so galled) all the rest would not come near him. Thinking thus to have returned to his boat, regarding them, as he marched, more than his way, slipped up to the middle in an oasie creek & his Savage with him, yet durst they not come to him till being near dead with cold, he threw away his arms. Then according to their composition they drew him forth and led him to the fire, where his men were slain. Diligently they chafed his benumbed limbs. He demanding for their Captain, they showed him Opechankanough, King of Pamaunkee, to whom he gave a round Ivory double compass Dial. Much they marvailed at the playing of the Fly and Needle, which they could see so plainly, and yet not touch it, because of the glass that covered them. But when he demonstrated by that Globe-like jewel, the roundness of the earth and skies, the sphere of the Sun, Moon, and Stars, and how the Sun did chase the night round about the world continually; the greatness of the Land and Sea, the diversity of Nations, variety of complexions, and how we were to them Antipodes, and many other such like matters, they all stood as amazed with admiration. Notwithstanding, within an hour after they tied him to a tree, and as many as could stand about him prepared to shoot him, but the King holding up the Compass in his hand, they all laid down their Bows and Arrows, and in a triumphant manner led him to Orapaks, where he was after their manner kindly feasted, and well used.  
Their order in conducting him was thus; Drawing themselves all in file, 
The order they observed in then triumph.  the King in the midst had all their Pieces and Swords borne before him. Captain Smith was led after him by three great Savages, holding him fast by each arm: and on each side six went in file with their Arrows nocked. But arriving at the Town (which was but only thirty or forty hunting houses made of Mats, which they remove as they please, as we our tents) all the women and children staring to behold him, the soldiers nrst all in file performed the form of a Bissom so well as could be; and on each flank, officers as Sergeants to see them keep their orders. A good time they continued this exercise, and then cast themselves in a ring, dancing in such several Postures, and singing and yelling out such hellish notes and screeches; being strangely painted, every one his quiver of Arrows, and at his back a club; on his arm a Fox or an Otters skin, or some such matter for his vantbrace; their heads and shoulders painted red, with Oil and Pocones mingled together, which Scarlet-like colour made an exceeding handsome show; his Bow in his hand, and the skin of a Bird with her wings abroad dried, tied on his head, a piece of copper, a white shell, a long feather, with a small rattle growing at the tails of their snacks tied to it, or some such like toy. All this while Smith and the King stood in the midst guarded, as before is said, and after three dances they all departed. Smith they conducted to a long house, where thirty or forty tall fellows did guard him, and ere long more bread and venison was brought him then would have served twenty men, I think his stomach at that time was not very good; what he left they put in baskets and tied over his head. About midnight they set the meat again before him, all this time not one of them would eat a bit with him, till the next morning they brought him as much more, and then did they eat all the old, & reserved the new as they had done the other, which made him think they would fat him to eat him. Yet in this desperate estate to defend him from the cold, one Maocassater brought him his gown, in requital of some beads and toys Smith had given him at his first arrival in Virginia.  
Two days after a man would have slain him (but that the guard prevented it) for the death of his son, 
How he should have been slain at Orapacks.  to whom they conducted him to recover the poor man then breathing his last. Smith told them that at james town he had a water would do it, if they would let him fetch it, but they would not permit that; but made all the preparations they could to assault james town, craving his advice, and for recompense he should have life, liberty, land, and women. In part of a Table book he writ his mind to them at the Fort, what was intended, how they should follow that direction to affright the messengers, and without fail send him such things as he writ for. And an Inventory with them. The difficulty and danger, he told the Savages, of the Mines, great guns, and other Engines exceedingly affrighted them, yet according to his request they went to james town, in as bitter weather as could be of fro●t and snow, and within three days returned with an answer. 
How he saved james town from being surprised.   
But when they came to jame town, seeing men sally out as he had told them they would, they fled; yet in the night they came again to the same place where he had told them they should receive an answer, and such things as he had promised them, which they found accordingly, and with which they returned with no small expedition, to the wonder of them all that heard it, that he could either divine, or the paper could speak: then they led him to the Youthtanunds, the Mattapanicuts, the Payankatanks, the Nantaughtacunds, and Onawmanients upon the rivers of Rapahanock, and Patawomek, over all those rivers, and back again by diverse other several Nations, 
How they did Conjure him at Pamaunkee.  to the King's habitation at Pamaunkee, where they entertained him with most strange and fearful Conjurations;  

As if near led to hell,  
Amongst the Devils to dwell.   
Not long after, early in a morning a great fire was made in a long house, and a mat spread on the one side, as on the other, on the one they caused him to sit, and all the guard went out of the house, and presently came skipping in a great grim fellow, all painted over with coal, mingled with oil; and many Snakes and Wesels skins stuffed with moss, and all their tails tied together, so as they met on the crown of his head in a tassel; and round about the tassel was as a Coronet of feathers, the skins hanging round about his head, back, and shoulders, and in a manner covered his face; with a hellish voice and a rattle in his hand. With most strange gestures and passions he began his invocation, and environed the fire with a circle of meal; which done, three more such like devils came rushing in with the like antique tricks, painted half black, half red: but all their eyes were painted white, and some red strokes like Mutchatoes, along their cheeks: round about him those fiends danced a pretty while, and then came in three more as ugly as the rest; with red eyes, and white strokes over their black faces, at last they all sat down right against him; three of them on the one hand of the chief Priest, and three on the other. Then all with their rattles began a song, which ended, the chief Priest laid down five wheat corns: then straining his arms and hands with such violence that he sweat, and his veins swelled, he began a short Oration: at the conclusion they all gave a short groan; and then laid down three grains more. After that, began their song again, and then another Oration, ever laying down so many corns as before, till they had twice incirculed the fire; that done, they took a bunch of little sticks prepared for that purpose, continuing still their devotion, and at the end of every song and Oration, they laid down a slick betwixt the divisions of Corne. Till night, neither he nor they did either eat or drink, and then they feasted merrily, with the best provisions they could make. Three days they used this Ceremony; the meaning whereof they told him, was to know if he intended them well or no. The circle of meal signified their Country, the circles of corn the bounds of the Sea, and the sticks his Country. They imagined the world to be flat and round, like a trencher, and they in the midst. After this they brought him a bag of gunpowder, which they carefully preserved till the next spring, to plant as they did their corn; because they would be acquainted with the nature of that seed. Opitchapam the King's brother invited him to his house, where, with as many platters of bread, soul, and wild beasts, as did environ him, he bid him welcome; but not any of them would eat a bit with him, but put up all the remainder in Baskets. At his return to Opechancanoughs, all the King's women, and their children, flocked about him for their parts, as a due by Custom, to be merry with such fragments.  

But his waking mind in hideous dreams did oft see wondrous shapes,  
Of bodies strange, and huge in growth, and of stupendious makes.   
At last they brought him to Meronocomoco, 
How Powhatan entertained him.  where was Powhatan their Emperor. Here more than two hundred of those grim Courtiers stood wondering at him, as he had been a monster; till Powhatan and his train had put themselves in their greatest braveries. Before a fire upon a seat like a bedstead, he sat covered with a great robe, made of Rarowcun skins, and all the tails hanging by. On either hand did sit a young wench of 16 or 18 years, and along on each side the house, two rows of men, and behind them as many women, with all their heads and shoulders painted red; many of their heads bedecked with the white down of Birds; but every one with something: and a great chain of white beads about their necks. At his entrance before the King, all the people gave a great shout. The Queen of Appamatuck was appointed to bring him water to wash his hands, and another brought him a bunch of feathers, in stead of a Towel to dry them: having feasted him after their best barbarous manner they could, a long consultation was held, but the conclusion was, two great stones were brought before Powhatan: then as many as could laid hands on him, dragged him to them, and thereon laid his head, and being ready with their clubs, to beat out his brains, Pocahontas the King's dearest daughter, when no entreaty could prevail, got his head in her arms, and laid her own upon his to save him from death: whereat the Emperor was contented he should live to make him hatchets, and her bells, beads, and copper; 
How Pocahontas saved his life.  for they thought him aswell of all occupations as themselves. For the King himself will make his own robes, shoes, bows, arrows, pots; plant, hunt, or do any thing so well as the rest.  

They say he bore a pleasant show,  
But sure his heart was sad.  
For who can pleasant be, and rest,  
That lives in fear and dread:  
And having life suspected, doth  
It still suspected lead.   
Two days after, Powhatan having disguised himself in the most fearfullest manner he could, caused Capt: Smith to be brought forth to a great house in the woods, and there upon a mat by the fire to be left alone. Not long after from behind a mat that divided the house, was made the most dolefullest noise he ever heard; then Powhatan more like a devil than a man with some two hundred more as black as himself, came unto him and told him now they were friends, 
How Powhatan sent him to james Town.  and presently he should go to james town, to send him two great guns, and a gryndstone, for which he would give him the Country of Capahowosick, and for ever esteem him as his son Nantaquoud. So to james town with 12 guides Powhatan sent him. That night they quartered in the woods, he still expecting (as he had done all this long time of his imprisonment) every hour to be put to one death or other: for all their feasting. But almighty God (by his divine providence) had mollified the hearts of those stern Barbarians with compassion. The next morning betimes they came to the Fort, where Smith having used the Savages with what kindness he could, he showed Rawhunt, Powhatans' trusty servant two demi-Culverings & a millstone to carry Powhatan: they found them somewhat too heavy; but when they did see him discharge them, being loaded with stones, among the boughs of a great tree loaded with Isickles, the ye and branches came so tumbling down, that the poor Savages ran away half dead with fear. But at last we regained some conference with them, and gave them such toys; and sent to Powhatan, his women, and children such presents, as gave them in general full content. Now in james Town they were all in combustion, the strongest preparing once more to run away with the Pinnace; which with the hazard of his life, with Sakre falcon and musket shot, 
The third project to abandon the Country.  Smith forced now the third time to stay or sink. Some no better than they should be, had plotted with the Precedent, the next day to have▪ put him to death by the levitical law, for the lives of Robinson and Emry, pretending the fault was his that had led them to their ends: but he quickly took such order with such Lawyers, that he laid them by the heels till he sent some of them prisoners for England. Now ever once in four or five days, Pocahontas with her attendants, brought him so much provision, that saved many of their lives, that else for all this had starved with hunger.  

Thus from numb death our good God sent relief,  
The sweet asswager of all other grief.   

A true proof of God's love to the action.  His relation of the plenty he had seen, especially at Warawocomoco, and of the state and bounty of Powhatan, (which till that time was unknown) so revived their dead spirits (especially the love of Pocahontas) as all men's fear was abandoned. Thus you may see what difficulties still crossed any good endeavour: and the good success of the business being thus oft brought to the very period of destruction; yet you see by what strange means God hath still delivered it. As for the insufficiency of them admitted in Commission, that error could not be prevented by the Electors; there being no other choice; and all strangers to each others education, qualities, or disposition. And if any deem it a shame to our Nation to have any mention made of those inormities, let them peruse the Histories of the Spaniards Discoveries and Plantations, where they may see how many mutinies, disorders, and dissensions have accompanied them, and crossed their attempts: which being known to be particular men's offences; doth take away the general scorn and contempt, which malice, presumption, covetousness, or ignorance might produce; to the scandal and reproach of those, whose actions and valiant resolutions deserve a more worthy respect.  
Now whether it had been better for Captain Smith, to have concluded with any of those several projects, to have abandoned the Country, with some ten or twelve of them, who were called the better sort, and have left Mr Hunt our Preacher, Master Anthony Gosnoll, a most honest, worthy, and industrious Gentleman, Master Thomas Wotton, and some 27 others of his Countrymen to the fury of the Savages, famine, 
Of two evils the lesse was chosen.  and all manner of mischiefs, and inconveniences, (for they were but forty in all to keep possession of this large Country;) or starve himself with them for company, for want of lodging: or but adventuring abroad to make them provision, or by his opposition to preserve the action, and save all their lives; I leave to the censure of all honest men to consider. But  

We men imagine in our jollity,  
That 'tis all one, or good or bad to be.  
But then anon we alter this again,  
If happily we feel the sense of pain;  
For then we're turned into a mourning vain.   Written by Thomas Studley, the first Cape Merchant in Virginia, Robert Fenton, Edward Harrington, and I. S.  

CHAP. III. The Arrival of the first supply, with their Proceedings, and the Ships return.  
ALL this time our care was not so much to abandon the Country; but the Treasurer and Council in England, were as diligent & careful to supply us. Two good ships they sent us, with near a hundred men, well furnished with all things could be imagined necessary, both for them and us; The one commanded by Captain Newport: the other by Captain Francis Nelson, an honest man, and an expert Mariner. But such was the lewardnesse of his Ship (that though he was within the sight of Cape Henry) by stormy contrary winds was he forced so far to Sea, that the West Indies was the next land, for the repair of his Masts, and relief of wood and water. 
The Phoenix from Cape Henry forced to the West Indies.  But Newport got in and arrived at james Town, not long after the redemption of Captain Smith. To whom the Savages, as is said, every other day repaired, with such provisions that sufficiently did serve them from hand to mouth: part always they brought him as Presents from their Kings, or Pocahontas; the rest he as their Market Clarke set the price himself, how they should sell: so he had enchanted these poor souls being their prisoner; and now Newport, whom he called his Father arriving, near as directly as he foretold, they esteemed him as an Oracle, and had them at that submission he might command them what he listed. That God that created all things they knew he adored for his God: they would also in their discourses term the God of Captain Smith.  

Thus the Almighty was the bringer on, 
Their opinion of our God.   
The guide, path, term, all which was God alone.   
But the Precedent and Council so much envied his estimation among the Savages, (though we all in general equally participated with him of the good thereof,) that they wrought it into the Savages understandings (by their great bounty in giving four times more for their commodities then Smith appointed) that their greatness and authority as much exceeded his, as their bounty and liberality. Now the arrival of this first supply so overioyed us, that we could not devise too much to please the Mariners. We gave them liberty to truck or trade at their pleasures. But in a short time it followed, that could not be had for a pound of Copper, which before was sold us for an ounce: thus ambition and sufferance cut the throat of our trade, but confirmed their opinion of the greatness of Capt. Newport, (wherewith Smith had possessed Powhatan) especially by the great presents Newport often sent him, before he could prepare the Pinnace to go and visti him: so that this great Savage desired also to see him. A great coil there was to set him forward. When he went he was accompanied with Captain Smith, & Mr Scrivener, a very wise understanding Gentleman, newly arrived and admitted of the Council, with thirty or forty choisen men for their guard. Arriving at Werowocomoco, Newports conceit of this great Savage bred many doubts and suspicions of treacheries, 
Smith: revisiting Bowhatan.  which Smith to make appear was needless, with twenty men well appointed, undertook to encounter the worst that could happen: Knowing  

All is but one, and selfsame hand, that thus  
Both one while scourgeth, and that helpeth us.   

Nathaniel powel. Gent.  
Robert Behethland. Gent.  
Mitchell ●hittiplace. Gent.  
William ●hittiplace. Gent.  
Anthony Gosnoll. Gent.  
Richard Wyssin. Gent.  
john Taverner. Gent.  
William Dyer. Gent.  
Thomas Coe. Gent.  
Thomas Hope. Gent.  
Anas Todkill. Gent.   
These, with nine others (whose names I have forgotten) coming ashore, landed amongst a many of creeks, over which they were to pass such poor bridges, 
Powhatan his entertainment.  only made of a few cratches, thrust in the ose, and three or four poles laid on them, and at the end of them the like, tied together only with barks of trees, that it made them much suspect those bridges were but traps. Which caused Smith to make divers Savages go over first, keeping some of the chief as hostage till half his men were passed, to make a guard for himself and the rest. But finding all things well, by two or three hundred Savages they were kindly conducted to their town. Where Powhatan strained himself to the utmost of his greatness to entertain them, with great shouts of joy, Orations of protestations; and with the most plenty of victuals he could provide to feast them. Sitting upon his bed of mats, his pillow of leather embroidered (after their rude manner with pearl and white Beads) his attire a fair robe of skins as large as an Irish mantel: at his head and feet a handsome young woman: on each side his house sat twenty of his Concubines, their heads and shoulders painted red, with a great chain of white beads about each of their necks. Before those sat his chiefest men in like order in his arbour-like house, and more than forty platters of fine bread stood as a guard in two files on each side the door. Four or five hundred people made a guard behind them for our passage; and Proclamation was made, none upon pain of death to presume to do us any wrong or discourtesy. With many pretty Discourses to renew their old acquaintance, this great King and our Captain spent the time, till the ebb left our Barge aground. Then renewing their feasts with fears, dancing and singing, and such like nurth, we quartered that night with Powhatan. The next day Newport came a shore and received as much content as those people could give him: a boy named Thomas Savage was then given unto Powhatan, whom Newport called his son; 
The exchange of a Christian for a Savage.  for whom Powhatan gave him Namontack his trusty servant, and one of a shrewd, subtle capacity. Three or four days more we spent in feasting, dancing, and trading, wherein Powhatan carried himself so proudly, yet discreetly (in his savage manner) as made us all admire his natural gifts, considering his education. As scorning to trade as his subjects did; he bespoke Newport in this manner.  

Powhatant speech.  Captain Newport it is not agreeable to my greatness, in this peddling manner to trade for triftes; and I esteem you also a great Werowance. Therefore lay me down all your commodities together; what I like I will take, and in recompense give you what I think fitting their value. Captain Smith being our interpreter, regarding Newport as his father, knowing best the disposition of Powhatan, could us his intent was but only to cheat us; yet Captain Newport thinking to out brave this Savage in ostentation of greatness, and so to bewitch him with his bounty, as to have what he listed, it so happened, that Powhatan having his desire, valued his corn at such a rate, that I think it better cheap in Spain: for we had not four bushels for that we expected to have twenty hogsheads. 
Differences of opinions.  This bred some unkindness between our two Captains; Newport seeking to please the unsatiable desire of the Savage, Smith to cause the Savage to please him; but smothering his distaste to avoid the Saluages suspicion, glanced in the eyes of Powhatan many trifles, who fixed his humour upon a few blue beads. A long time he importunately desired them, but Smith seemed so much the more to affect them, as being composed of a most rare substance of the colour of the skies, and not to be worn but by the greatest kings in the world. This made him half mad to be the owner of such strange jewels: so that ere we departed, for a pound or two of blue beads, be brought over my king for 2. or 300. Bushels of corn; yet parted good friends. The like entertainment we found of Opechankanough king of Pamaunkee, whom also he in like manner fitted (at the like rates) with blue beads, which grew by this means, of that estimation, that none durst wear any of them but their great kings, their wives and children. And so we returned all well to james town, 
james town burnt.  where this new supply being lodged with the rest, accidentally fired their quarters and so the town, which being but thatched with reeds, the fire was so fierce as it burned their Pallisado's, (though eight or ten yards distant) with their Arms, bedding, apparel, and much private provision. Good Master Hunt our Preacher lost all his Library and all he had but the clothes on his back: yet none never heard him repine at his loss. This happened in the winter in that extreme frost. 1607. Now though we had victual sufficient I mean only of Oatmeal, 
A ship I dely loitering 14. weeks.  meal and corn, yet the Ship staying 14. weeks when she might as well have been gone in 14. days, spent a great part of that, and near all the rest that was sent to be landed. When they departed what there discretion could spare us, to make a little poor meal or two, we called feasts, to relish our mouths: of each somewhat they left us, yet I must confess, those that had either money, spare clothes credit to give bills of payment, gold rings, furs, or any such commodities, were ever welcome to this removing tavern, such was our patience to obey such vile Commanders, and buy our own provisions at 15. times the value, suffering them feast (we bearing the charge) yet must not repine, but fast, lest we should incur the censure of factious and seditious persons: and then leakage, ship-rats, and other casuallties occasioned them loss, but the vessels and remnants (for totals) we were glad to receive with all our hearts to make up the account, highly commending their providence for preserving that, lest they should discourage any more to come to us. Now for all this plenty our ordinary was but meal and water, so that this great charge little relieved our wants, whereby with the extremity of the bitter cold frost and those defects, more than half of us died; I cannot deny but both Smith and Skrivener did their best to amend what was amiss, but with the Precedent went the mayor part, that there horns were to short. 
The effect of mere Verbalists.  But the worst was our guilded refiners with their golden promises made all men their slaves in hope of recompenses; there was no talk, no hope, no work, but dig gold, wash gold, refine gold, load gold, such a bruit of gold, that one mad fellow desired to be buried in the sands lest they should by there art make gold of his bones: little need there was and less reason, the ship should stay, there wages run on, our victuals consume 14. weeks, that the Mariners might say, they did help to build such a golden Church that we can say the rain washed near to nothing in 14. days. 
A needless charge.  Were it that captain Smith would not applaud all those golden inventions, because they admitted him not to the sight of their trials nor golden consultations, I know not; but I have heard him oft question with Captain Martin & tell him, except he could show him a more substantial trial, he was not enamoured with their dirty skill, breathing out these and many other passions, never any thing did more torment him, then to see all necessary business neglected, to fraught such a drunken ship with so much guilded dirt. Till than we never accounted, Captain Newport a refiner, who being ready to set sail for England, & we not having any use of Parliaments, Plays, 
A returns to England.  Petitions, Admirals, Recorders, Interpreters, Chronologers, Courts of Plea, nor justices of peace, sent Master Wingfield and Captain Archer home with him, that had engrossed all those titles, to seek some better place of employment.  

Oh cursed gold those, hungerstarved movers,  
To what misfortunes leadest thou all those lovers!  
For all the China wealth, nor Indies can  
Suffice the mind of an av'ritious man.    

CHAP. FOUR The Arrival of the Phoenix; her return; and other Accidents.  
THe authority now consisting in Captain Martin, 
The rebuilding james Town.  and the still sickly Precedent, the sale of the Stores commodities maintained his estate, as an inheritable revenue. The spring approaching, and the Ship departing, Mr Scrivener and Captain Smith divided betwixt them the rebuilding james town; the repairing our Pallizadoes; the cutting down trees; preparing our fields; planting our corn, and to rebuild our Church, and recover our Store house. All men thus busy at their several labours, Master Nelson arrived with his lost Phoenix; lost (I say) for that we all deemed him lost. Landing safely all his men, (so well he had managed his ill hap,) causing the Indian Isles to feed his company, that his victual to that we had gotten, as is said before, was near after our allowance sufficient for half a year. He had not any thing but he freely imparted it, which honest dealing (being a Mariner) caused us admire him: we would not have wished more than he did for us. Now to relade this ship with some good tidings, the Precedent (not holding it stood with the dignity of his place to leave the Fort) gave order to Captain Smith to discover and search the commodities of the Monacans Country beyond the Falls. 
Sixty appointed to discover the Monacans.  Sixty able men was allotted them, the which within six days, Smith had so well trained to their arms and orders, that they little feared with whom they should encounter: yet so unseasonable was the time, and so opposite was Captain Martin to any thing, but only to fraught this ship also with his fantastical gold, as Captain Smith rather desired ●o relade her with Cedar, (which was a present dispatch) then either with dirt, or the hopes and reports of an uncertain discovery, which he would perform when they had less charge and more leisure.  

But, The God of Heaven, He easily can  
Immortalize a mortal man,  
With glory and with fame.  
The same God, even as easily may  
Afflict a mortal man, I say,  
With sorrow and with shame.   
Whilst the conclusion was a resolving, this happened.  
Powhatan (to express his love to Newport) when he departed, presented him with twenty Turkeys, 
An ill example to sell swords to Savages.  conditionally to return him twenty ●words, which immediately was sent him; now after his departure he presented Captain Smith with the like luggage, but not finding his humour obeyed in not sending such weapons as he desired, he caused his people with twenty devices to obtain them. At last by ambuscadoes at our very Ports they would take them perforce, surprise us at work, or any way; which was so long permitted, they became so insolent there was no rule; the command from England was so straight not to offend them, 
The Precedents weakness.  as our authoritie-bearers (keeping their houses) would rather be any thing than peace-breakers. This charitable humour prevailed, till well it chanced they meddled with Captain Smith, who without farther deliberation gave them such an encounter, as some he so hunted up and down the Isle, 
Smith's attempt to suppress the Savages insolences.  some he so terrified with whipping, beating, and imprisonment, as for revenge they surprised two of our foraging disorderly soldiers, and having assembled their forces, boldly threatened at our Ports to force Smith to redeliver seven Savages, which for their villainies he detained prisoners, or we were all but dead men. But to try their furies he sallied out amongst them, and in less than an hour, he so hampered their insolences, they brought them his two men, desiring peace without any further composition for their prisoners. Those he examined, and caused them all believe, by several volleys of shot one of their companions was shot to death, because they would not confess their intents and plotters of those villainies. And thus they all agreed in one point, they were directed only by Powhatan to obtain him our weapons, to cut our own throats, with the manner where, how, and when, 
Powhatans' excuse.  which we plainly found most true and apparent: yet he sent his messengers, and his dearest daughter Pocahontas with presents to excuse him of the injuries done by some rash untoward Captains his subjects, desiring their liberties for this time, with the assurance of his love for ever. After Smith had given the prisoners what correction he thought fit, used them well a day or two after, & then delivered them Pocahontas, for whose sake only he feigned to have saved their lives, and gave them liberty. The patient Council that nothing would move to war with the Savages, would gladly have wrangled with Captain Smith for his cruelty, yet none was slain to any man's knowledge, but it brought them in such fear and obedience, as his very name would sufficiently affright them; where before, we had sometime peace and war twice in a day, and very seldom a week, but we had some treacherous villainy or other.  
The fraught of this Ship being concluded to be Cedar, by the diligence of the Master, 
A ship fraught with Cedar.  and Captain Smith, she was quickly reladed: Master Scrivener was neither idle nor slow to follow all things at the Fort; the Ship being ready to set sail, Captain Martin being always very sickly, and unserviceable, and desirous to enjoy the credit of his supposed Art of finding the golden Mine, was most willingly admitted to return for England. For  

He hath not filled his lap,  
That still doth hold it oap.   
From the writings of Thomas Studley, and Anas T●dkill.  

Their Names that were landed in this Supply. 
Sir Thomas Smith Treasurer.   
Matthew Scrivener appointed to be one of the Council.  


Gent.  
Michael Phittiplace.  
William Phittiplace.  
Ralph Morton.  
Richard Wyffing.  
john Taverner.  
William Cantrell.  
Robert Barnes.  
Richard Fetherstone.  
George Hill.  
George Pretty.  
Nathaniel Causy.  
Peter Pory.  
Robert Gutler.  
Michael Sicklemore.  
William Bentley.  
Thomas Coe.  
Doctor Russell.  
jeffrey Abbot.  
Edward Gurgana.  
Richard Worley.  
Timothy Leeds.  
Richard Killingbeck.  
William Spence.  
Richard ●rodger.  
Richard Pots.  
Richard Mullinax.  
William Bayley.  
Francis Perkins.  
john Harper.  
George Forest.  
john Nichols.  
William Grivell.    


Labourers.  
Raymond Goodison.  
William Simons.  
john Spearman.  
Richard Bristol.  
William Perce.  
james Watkins.  
john Bouth.  
Christopher Rods.  
Richard Burket.  
james Burr.  
Nicholas Ven.  
Francis Perkins.  
Richard Gradon.  
Rawland Nelstrop.  
Richard Savage.  
Thomas Savage.  
Richard Milmer.  
William May.  
Vere.  
Michael.  
Bishop Wiles.    


Tailors.  
Thomas Hope.  
William Ward.  
john powel.  
William Yong.  
William Beckwith.  
Larence Towtales.    


Apothecaries.  
Thomas Field.  
john Harford.    
Dani: Stallings, jeweller.  
Will: Dawson, a refiner.  
Abram Ransack, a refiner.  
Wil johnson, a Goldsmith.  
Peter Keffer, a gunsmith.  
Rob. Alberton, a perfumer.  
Richard Belfuld, a Goldsmith.  
Post Ginnat, a Chirurg.  
john Lewes, a Cooper.  
Robert Cotton, a Tobacco-pipe-maker.  
Richard Dole, a Blacksmith.  
And diverse others to the number of 120.    

CHAPTER V. The Accidents that happened in the Discovery of the Bay of Chisapeack.  
THe prodigality of the Precedents state went so deep into our small store, that Smith and Scrivener tied him and his Parasites to the rules of proportion. But now Smith being to depart, the Precedents authority so overswayed the discretion of Mr Scrivener, that our store, our time, our strength and labours were idly consumed to fulfil his fantasies. The second of june 1608. Smith left the Fort to perform his Discovery with this Company.  

Walter Russell, Doctor of Physic.  


Gentlemen.  
Ralph Murton.  
Thomas Momford.  
William Cantrill.  
Richard Fetherston.  
james Burne.  
Michael Sicklemore.    


Soldiers.  
jonas Profit.  
Anas Todkill.  
Robert Small.  
james Watkins.  
john powel.  
james Read.  
Richard Keale.     
These being in an open Barge near three tuns burden, leaving the Phoenix a● Cape Henry, they crossed the Bay to the Eastern shore, and fell with the Isles called Smiths Isles, after our Captain's name. The first people we saw were two grim and stout Savages upon Cape Charles, with long poles like lavelings, headed with bone, they boldly demanded what we were, and what we would; but after many circumstances they seemed very kind, and directed us to Accomack, the habitation of their Werowance, where we were kindly entreated. This King was the comeliest, proper, civil Savage we encountered. His Country is a pleasant fertile clay ●oyle, some small creeks; good Harbours for small Barks, but not for Ships. He told us of a strange accident lately happened him, and it was, two children being dead; some extreme passions, 
A strange mortality of Savages.  or dreaming visions, fantasies, or affection moved their parents again to revisit their dead carcases, whose benumbed bodies reflected to the eyes of the beholders such delightful countenances, as though they had regained their vital spirits. This as a miracle drew many to behold them, all which being a great part of his people, not long after died, and but few escaped. They spoke the language of Powhatan, wherein they made such descriptions of the Bay, Isles, and rivers, that often did us exceeding pleasure. Passing along the coast, searching every inlet, and Bay, fit for harbours and habitations. Seeing many Isles in the midst of the Bay we bore up for them, but ere we could obtain them, such an extreme gust of wind, rain, thunder, and lightning happened, that with great danger we escaped the unmerciful raging of that Ocean-like water. The highest land on the main, yet it was but low, 
russel's Isles.  we called Keales' hill, and these uninhabited Isles, russel's Isles. The next day searching them for fresh water, we could find none, the defect whereof forced us to follow the next Eastern Channel, 
Wighcocomoco.  which brought us to the river of Wighcocomoco. The people at first with great fury seemed to assault us, yet at last with songs and dances and much mirth became very tractable, but searching their habitations for water, we could fill but three barricoes, & that such puddle, that never till then we ever knew the want of good water. We digged and searched in many places, but before two days were expired, 
An extreme want of fresh water.  we would have refused two barricoes of gold for one of that puddle water of Wighcocomoco. Being past these Isles which are many in number, but all naught for habitation, falling with a high land upon the main, we found a great Pond of fresh water, but so exceeding hot we supposed it some bath; that place we called point Ployer, in honour of that most honourable House of Mousay in Britain, that in an extreme extremity once relieved our Captain. From Wighcocomoco to this place, all the coast is low broken Isles of Morap, grown a mile or two in breadth, and ten or twelve in length, good to cut for hay in Summer, and to catch fish and foul in Winter: but the Land beyond them is all covered over with wood, as is the rest of the Country.  
Being thus refreshed in crossing over from the main to other Isles, we discovered the wind and waters so much increased with thunder, lightning, and rain, that our mast and sail blew overbord and such mighty waves overracked us in that small barge that with great labour we kept her from sinking by freeing out the water. 
Their Barge near sunk in a gust.  Two days we were enforced to inhabit these uninhabited Isles which for the extremity of gusts, thunder, rain, storms, and ill wether we called Limbo. Repairing our sail with our shirts, we set sail for the main and fell with a pretty convenient river on the East called Cuskarawaok, 
Cuskarawaock.  the people ran as amazed in troops from place to place, and diverse got into the tops of trees, they were not sparing of their arrows, nor the greatest passion they could express of their anger. Long they shot, we still riding at an Anchor without there reach making all the signs of friendship we could. The next day they came unarmed, with every one a basket, dancing in a ring, to draw us on shore: but seeing there was nothing in them but villainy, we discharged a volley of muskets charged with pistol shot, whereat they all lay tumbling on the ground, creeping some one way, some another into a great cluster of reeds hard by; where there companies lay in Ambuscado. Towards the evening we weighed, & approaching the shore, discharging five or six shot among the reeds, we landed where there lay a many of baskets and much blood, but saw not a Savage. A smoke appearing on the other side the river, we rowed thither, where we found two or three little houses, in each a fire, there we left some pieces of copper, beads, bells, and looking glasses, and then went into the bay, but when it was dark we came back again. Early in the morning four Savages came to us in their Canow, whom we used with such courtesy, not knowing what we were, nor had done, having been in the bay a fishing, bad● us stay and ere long they would return, which they did and some twenty more with them; with whom after a little conference, two or three thousand men women & children came clustering about us, every one presenting us with something, which a little bead would so well require, that we became such friends they would contend who should fetch us water, stay with us for hostage, conduct our men any whither, and give us the best content. Here doth inhabit the people of Sarapinagh, Nause, Arseek, and Nantaquak the best Merchants of all other Savages. 
The first notice o● the Massawomeks,  They much extolled a great nation called Massawomekes, in search of whom we ret●●●ed by Limbo: this river but only at the ●nt●ance is very narrow, and the people of small stature as them of Wightcocomoco, the Land but low, yet it may prove very commodious, because it is but a ridge of land betwixt the Bay and the main Ocean. Finding this Eastern shore, shallow broken Isles, and for most part without fresh water, we passed by the straits of Limbo for the Western shore: so broad is the bay here, we could scarce perceive the great high cliffs on the other side: by them we Anchored that night and called them R●ccards Cliffs 30. leagues we sailed more Northwards not finding any inhabitants, leaving all the Eastern shore, low Islands, but overgrown with wood, as all the Coast beyond them so far as we could see: the Western shore by which we sailed we found all along well watered, but very mountainous and barren, the valleys very fertile, but extreme thick of small wood so well as trees, and much frequented with Wolves, Bears, Dear and other wild beasts. We passed many shallow creeks, but the first we found Navigable for a ship, we called Bolus, for that the clay in many places under the cliffs by the high water mark, did grow up in red and white knots as gum out of trees; and in some places so participated together as though they were all of one nature, excepting the colour, the rest of the earth on both sides being hard sandy gravel, 
Bolus River.  which made us think it Bole-Armoniack and Terra sigillata. When we first set sail some of our Gallants doubted nothing but that our Captain would make too much hast home, but having lain in this small barge not above 12. or 14. days, oft tired at the Oars, our bread spoilt with wet so much that it was rotten (yet so good were their stomaches that they could digest it) they did with continual complaints so importune him now to return, as caused him bespeak them in this manner.  
Gentlemen if you would remember the memorable history of Sir Ralph Layne, 
Smith● speech to his soldiers.  how his company importuned him to proceed in the discovery of Moratico, alleging they had yet a dog, that being boiled with Saxafras leaves, would richly feed them in their returns; then what a shame would it be for you (that have been so suspicious of my tenderness) to force me return, with so much provision as we have, and scarce able to say where we have been, nor yet heard of that we were sent to seek? You cannot say but I have shared with you in the worst which is past; and for what is to come, of lodging, diet, or whatsoever, I am contented you allot the worst part to myself. As for your fears that I will lose myself in these unknown large waters, or be swallowed up in some stormy gust; abandon these childish fears, for wor●e then to past ●s not likely to happen: and there is as much danger to return as to proceed. Regain therefore your old spirits for return I will not (if God please) till I have 〈◊〉 the Massawomeks, found Patawomek, 
The discovery of Patawomek.  or the head of this water you conceit to be endless. Two or 3. days we expected wind & wether, whose adverse extremities added such discouragement, that three or four fell sick, whose pitiful complaints caused us to to return, leaving the bay some nine miles broad, at nine and ten fathom water.  
The 16. of june we fell with the river Patowomek: fear being gone, 
Ambuscadoes of Savages.  and our men recovered, we were all content to take some pains, to know the name of that seven mile broad river: for thirty mile's sail, we could see no inhabitants: then we were conducted by two Savages up a little bayed creek, towards Onawmanient, where all the woods were laid with ambuscado's to the number of three or four thousand Savages, so strangely painted, grimed and disguised, shouting, yelling and crying as so many spirits from hell could not have showed more terrible. Many brauadoes they made, but to appeal their fury, our Captain prepared with as seeming a willingness (as they) to encounter them. But the grazing of our bullets upon the water (many being shot on purpose they might see them) with the Echo of the of the woods so amazed them, as down went their bows and arrows; (and exchanging hostage) james Watkins was sent six miles up the woods to their King's habitation. We were kindly used of those Savages, of whom we understood, they were commanded to betray us, by the direction of Powhatan, and he so directed from the discontents at james town, because our Captain did cause them stay in their country against their w●lls.  

A treacherous project.  The like encounters we found at Patowomek Cecocawonee and diverse other places: but at Moyaones, Nacotchtant and Toegs' the people did their best to content us. Having gone so high as we could with the boat, we met diverse Saluages in Canowes', well loaden with the flesh of Bears, ●eere and other beasts, whereof we had part, here we found mighty Rocks, growing in some places above the ground as high as the shrubby trees, and diverse other solid quarries of diverse tinctures: and diverse places where the waters had fall'n from the high mountains they had left a tinctured spangled scurf, that made many bare places seem as guilded. Digging the grown above in the highest cliffs of rocks, we saw it was a clay sand so mingled with yellow spangles as if it had been half pin-dust. In our return enquiring still for this Matchqueon, the king of Patawomeke gave us guides to conduct us up a little river called Quiyough, up which we rowed so high as we could. Leaving the boat, with six shot, and diverse Savages, he marched seven or eight mile before they came to the mine: leading his hostages in a small chain they were to have for their pains, being proud so richly to be adorned. The mine is a great Rocky mountain like Antimony; 
A mine like Antimony.  wherein they digged a great hole with shells & hatchets: and hard by it, runneth a fair brook of Christallike water, where they wash a way the dross and keep the remainder, which they put in little bags and sell it all over the country to paint there bodies, faces, or Idols; which makes them look like Blackmores dusted over with silver. With so much as we could carry we returned to our boat, kindly requiting this kind king and all his kind people. The cause of this discovery was to search this mine, of which Newport did assure us that those small bags (we had given him) in England he had tried to hold half silver; but all we got proved of no value: also to search what furs, the best whereof is at Cuscarawaoke, where is made so much Rawranoke or white beads that occasion as much dissension among the the Savages, as gold and silver amongst Christians; and what other minerals, rivers, rocks, nations, woods, fishings, fruits, victual, and what other commodities the land afforded: and whether the bay were endless or how far it extended: of mines we were all ignorant, but a few Bevers, Otters, Bears, Martin's and minks we found, and in diverse places that abundance of fish, lying so thick with their heads above the water, as for want of nets (our barge driving amongst them) we attempted to catch them with a frying pan: but we found it a bad instrument to catch fish with: 
An abundant plenty of fish.  neither better fish, more pl●nty, nor more variety for small fish, had any of us ever seen in any place so swimming in the water, but they are not to be caught with frying pans: some small cod also we did see swim close by the shore by Smith's Isles, and some as high as Riccards Cliffs. And some we have found dead upon the shore.  
To expressed all our quarrels, treacheries and encounters amongst those Savages I should be too tedious: 
How to deal with the Savages.  but in brief, at all times we so encountered them, and kerbed their insolences, that they concluded with presents to purchase peace; yet we lost not a man: at our first meeting out Captain ever observed this order to demand their bows and arrows, swords, mantels and furs, with some child or two for hostage, whereby we could quickly perceive, when they intended any villainy. Having finished this discovery (though our victual was near spent) he intended to see his imprisonment-acquaintances upon the river of Rapahanock, by many called Toppahanock, but our boat by reason of the ebb, 
Captain Smith near killed with a Stingray.  chansing to ground upon a many shoules lying in the entrances, we spied many fishes lurking in the reeds: our Captain spotting himself by nailing them to the ground with his sword, set us all a fishing in that manner: thus we took more in own hour than we could eat in a day. But it chansed our Captain taking a fish from his sword (not knowing her condition) being much of the fashion of a Thornback, but a long tail like a riding rod, whereon the midst is a most poisoned sting, of two or three inches long, bearded like a saw on each side, which she struck into the wrist of his arm near an inch and a half: no blood nor wound was seen, but a little blue spot, but the torment was instantly so extreme, that in four hours had so swollen his hand, arm and shoulder, we all with much sorrow concluded his funeral, and prepared his grave in an Island by, as himself directed: yet it pleased God by a precious oil Doctor Russell at the first applied to it when he sounded it with pro●e (ere night) his tormenting pain was so well assuaged that he eat of the fish to his supper, which gave no less joy and content to us then ease to himself, for which we called the Island Stingray Isle after the name of the fish.  
Having neither Chirurgeon, nor Chirurgery, 
The Savages affrighted with their own suspicion.  but that preservative oil we presently set sails for james town, passing the mouths of the rivers of Payankatank, & Pamaunkee, the next day we safely arrived at Kecougtan. The simple Savages seeing our Captain hurt, and an other bloody by breaking his shin, our numbers of bows, arrows, swords, mantles, and furs, would needs imagine we had been at wars (the truth of these accidents would not satisfy them) but impatiently importuned us to know with whom. Finding their aptness to believe we failed not (as a great secret) to tell them any thing that might affright them, what spoil we had got and made of the Massawomeks. This rumour went faster up the river than our Barge, that arrived at Waraskoyack the 20 of july; where trimming her with painted streamers, and such devises as we could, we made them at james town jealous of a Spanish Frigate, where we all God be thanked safely arrived the 21 of july. There we found the last Supply were all sick, the rest some lame, some bruised, 
Needless misery at james town.  all unable to do any thing but complain of the pride and unreasonable needless cruelty of the silly Precedent, that had riotously consumed the store: and to fulfil his follies about building him an unnecessary building for his pleasure in the woods, had brought them all to that misery; that had we not arrived, they had as strangely tormented him with revenge: but the good news of our Discovery, and the good hope we had by the Savages relation, that our Bay had stretched into the South Sea, or somewhat near it, appeased their fury; but conditionally that Ratliffe should be deposed, and that Captain Smith would take upon him the government, as by course it did belong. Their request being effected, he substituted Mr Scrivener his dear friend in the Presidency, equally distributing those private provisions the other had engrossed, appointing more honest officers to assist master Scrivener (who then lay exceeding sick of a Calenture) and in regard of the weakness of the company, and heat of the year, they being unable to work, he left them to live at ease, to recover their healths, but embarked himself to finish his Discovery.  
Written by Walter Russell, Anas Todkill, and Thomas Momford.   

CHAP. VI The Government surrendered to Master Scrivener. What happened the second Voyage in discovering the Bay.  
THe 24 of july, Captain Smith set forward to finish the discovery with twelve men: their names were 

Gentlemen.  
Nathaniel powel.  
Thomas Momford.  
Richard Fetherston.  
Michael Sicklemore.  
james Bourne.  
Anthony Bagnall, Chir.   

Soldiers.  
jonas Profit.  
Anas Todkill.  
Edward Pising.  
Richard Keale.  
james Watkins.  
William Ward.    
The wind being contrary caused our stay two or three days at Kecoughtan: the King feasted us with much mirth, his people were persuaded we went purposely to be revenged of the Massawomeks. 
The Savages admire fireworks.  In the evening we fired a few rackets, which flying in the air so terrified the poor Savages, they supposed nothing impossible we attempted; and desired to assist us. The first night we anchored at Stingray Isle. The next day crossed Patawomeks river, and hasted to the river Bolus. We went not much further before we might see the Bay to divide in two heads, and arriving there we found it divided in four, all which we searched so far as we could sail them. Two of them we found inhabited, but in crossing the Bay, we encountered 7 or 8 Canowes' full of Massawomeks, 
An Encounter with the Massawomeks at the head of the Bay.  we seeing them prepare to assault us, left our Oars and made way with our sail to encounter them, yet were we but five with our Captain that could stand, for within 2 days after we left Kecoughtan, the rest (being all of the last supply) were sick almost ●o death, until they were seasoned to the Country. Having shut them under our Tarpawling, we put their hats upon sticks by the Barges side, and betwixt two hats a man with two pieces, to make us seem many, and so we think the Indians supposed those hats to be men, for they fled with all possible speed to the shore, and there stayed, staring at the sailing of our barge till we anchored right against them. Long it was ere we could draw them to come unto us. At last they sent two of their company unarmed in a Canow, the rest all followed to second them if need required. These two being but each presented with a bell, brought aboard all their fellows, presenting our Captain with venison, bears flesh, fish, bows, arrows, clubs, targets, and beares-skinnes. We understood them nothing at all, but by signs, whereby they signified unto us they had been at wars with the Tockwoghes, the which they confirmed by showing us their green wounds, but the night parting us, we imagined they appointed the next morning to meet, but after that we never saw them.  

An Encounter with the Tockwhoghs.  Entering the river of Tockwogh, the Savages all armed, in a fleet of boats, after their barbarous manner, round environed us; so it chanced one of them could speak the language of Powhatan, who persuaded the rest to a friendly parley. But when they saw us furnished with the Massawomeks weapons, and we feigning the invention of Kecoughtan, to have taken them perforce; they conducted us to their pallizado●d town, mantelled with the barks of trees, with scaffolds like mounts, breasted about with breasts very formally. Their men, women, and children with dances, songs, fruits, furs, and what they had, kindly welcomed us, spreading mat● for us to sit on, stretching their best abilities to express their loves.  

Hatchets from the Sasquesahanocks.  Many hatchets, knives, pieces of iron, and brass, we saw amongst them, which they reported to have from the Sasquesahanocks, a mighty people and mortal enemies with the Massawomeks. The Sasquesahanocks inhabit upon the chief Spring of these four branches of the Bays head, two days journey higher than our barge could pass for rocks, yet we prevailed with the Interpreter to take with him another Interpreter, to persuade the Sasquesahanocks to come visit us, for their language are different. Three or four days we expected their return, than sixty of those giantlike people came down, with presents of Venison, Tobacco pipes three foot in length, Baskets, Targets, Bows and Arrows. Five of their chief Werowances came boldly aboard us to cross the Bay for Tockwhogh, leaving their men and Canowes'; the wind being so high they durst not pass.  
Our order was daily to have Prayer, with a Psalm, at which solemnity the poor Savages much wondered, our Prayers being done, a while they were busied with a consultation till they had contrived their business. Then they began in a most passionate manner to hold up their hands to the Sun, with a most fearful song, 
The Sasquesahanocks offer to the English.  then embracing our Captain, they began to adore him in like manner: though he rebuked them, yet they proceeded till their song was finished: which done with a most strange furious action, and a hellish voice, began an Oration of their loves; that ended, with a great painted Bears skin they covered him: then one ready with a great chain of white Beads, weighing at least six or seven pound, hung it about his neck, the others had 18 mantles, made of diverse sorts of skins sowed together; all these with many other toys they laid at his feet, stroking their ceremonious hands about his neck for his Creation to be their Governor and Protector, promising their aids, victuals, or what they had to be his, if he would stay with them, to defend and revenge them of the Massawomecks. But we left them at Tockwhogh, sorrowing for our departure, yet we promised the next year again to visit them. Many descriptions and discourses they made us, of Atquanachuck, Massawomek, & other people, signifying they inhabit upon a great water beyond the mountains, which we understood to be some great lake, or the river of Canada: and from the French to have their hatchets and Commodities by trade. These know no more of the territories of Powhatan, than his name, and he as little of them, but the Atquanachuks are on the Ocean Sea.  
The highest mountain we saw Northward we called Perigrine's mount, and a rocky river, where the Massawomeks went up, Willowbyes' river, in honour of the town our Captain was borne in, and that honourable house the Lord Willowby, his most honoured good friend. The Sasquesahanocks river we called smith's falls; the next point to Tockwhogh, Pisings point; the next it point Bourne. powel's Isles and Smals point is by the river Bolus; and the little Bay at the head Profits pool; Watkins, Reads, and Momfords' points are on each side Limbo; Ward, Cantrell, and Sicklemore, betwixt Patawomek and Pamavnk●e, after the names of the discoverers. In all those places and the furthest we came up the rivers, we cut in trees so many crosses as we would, and in many places made holes in trees, wherein we writ notes, and in some places crosses of brass, to signify to any, Englishmen had been there.  
Thus having sought all the inlets and rivers worth noting, we returned to discover the river of Pawtuxunt; these people we found very tractable, 
Pawtuxunt, R.  and more civil than any, we promised them, as also the Patawomeks to revenge them of the Massawomeks, but our purposes were crossed.  
In the discovery of this river some call Rapathanock, 
Rapahanock, R.  we were kindly entertained by the people of Moraughtacund; here we encountered our old friend Moscow, a lusty Savage of Wighcocomoco upon the river of Patawomek, we supposed him some French man's son, because he had a thick black bush beard, and the Savages seldom have any at all, of which he was not a little proud, 
The exceeding love of the Savage Moscow.  to see so many of his Countrymen. Wood and water he would fetch us, guide us any whether, nay, cause diverse of his Countrymen help us tow against wind or tide from place to place till we came to Patawomek: there he rested till we returned from the head of the river, and occasioned our conduct to the mine we supposed Antimony. And in the place he failed not to do us all the good he could, persuading us in any case not to go to the Rapahanocks, for they would kill us for being friends with the Moraughtacunds that but lately had stolen three of the King's women. This we did think was but that his friends might only have our trade: so we crossed the river to the Rapahanocks. 
Our fight with the Rapahanocks.  There some 12 or 16 standing on the shore, directed us a little Creek where was good landing, and Commodities for us in three or four Canowes' we saw lie there: but according to our custom, we demanded to exchange a man in sign of love, which after they had a little consulted, four or five came up to the middles, to fetch our man, and leave us one of them, showing we need not fear them, for they had neither clubs, bows, nor arrows. Notwithstanding, Anas Todkill, being sent on shore to see if he could discover any Ambuscadoes, or what they had, desired to go over the plain to fetch some wood, but they were unwilling, except we would come into the Creek, where the boat might come close ashore. Todkill by degrees having got some two stones throws up the plain, perceived two or three hundred men (as he thought) behind the trees, so that offering to return to the Boat, the Savages assayed to carry him away perforce, that he called to us we were betrayed, and by that he had spoke the word, our hostage was overboard, but Watkins his keeper slew him in the water. Immediately we let fly amongst them, so that they fled, & Todkill escaped, yet they shot so fast that he fell flat on the ground ere he could recover the boat. Here the Massawomek Targets stood us in good stead, for upon Mosco's words, we had set them about the forepart of our Boat like a forecastle, from whence we securely beat the Savages from off the plain without any hurt: yet they shot more than a thousand Arrows, and then fled into the woods. Arming ourselves with these light Targets (which are made of little small sticks woven betwixt strings of their hemp and silk grass, as is our Cloth, but so firmly that no arrow can possibly pierce them:) we rescued Todkill, who was all bloody by some of them who were shot by us that held him, but as God pleased he had no hurt; and following them up to the woods, we found some slain, and in diverse places much blood. It seems all their arrows were spent, for we heard no more of them. Their Canoes we took; the arrows we found we broke, save them we kept for Moscow, to whom we gave the Canowes' for his kindness, that entertained us in the best triumphing manner, and warlike order in arms of conquest he could procure of the Moraughtacunds.  

The Savages disguised like bushes fight.  The rest of the day we spent in accommodating our Boat, in stead of thoules we made sticks like Bedstaffs, to which we fastened so many of our Massawomek Targets, that environed her as waste clothes. The next morning we went up the river, and our friend Moscow followed us along the shore, and at last desired to go with us in our Boat. But as we passed by Pisacack, Matchopeak, and Mecuppom, three Towns situated upon high white clay cliffs; the other side all a low plain marish, and the river there but narrow. Thirty or forty of the Rapahanocks, had so accommodated themselves with branches, as we took them for little bushes growing among the sedge, still seeing their arrows strike the Targets, and dropped in the river: where-at Moscow fell flat in the Boat on his face, crying the Rapahanocks, which presently we espied to be the bushes, which at our first volley fell down in the sedge: when we were near half a mile from them, they showed themselves dancing and singing very merrily.  
The Kings of Pissassack, Nandtaughtacund, and Cuttatawomen, used us kindly, and all their people neglected not any thing to Moscow to bring us to them. Betwixt Secobeck and Massawteck is a small Isle or two, which causeth the river to be broader than ordinary; there it pleased God to take one of our Company called Mr Fetherstone, that all the time he had been in this Country, had behaved himself, honestly, valiantly, and industriously, where in a little Bay we called Fetherstone's Bay we buried him with a volley of shot: the rest notwithstanding their ill diet, and bad lodging, crowded in so small a Barge, in so many dangers never resting, but always tossed to and again, had all well recovered their healths. The next day we sailed so high as our Boat would float, there setting up crosses, and graving our names in the trees. Our Sentinel saw an arrow fall by him, though we had ranged up and down more than an hour in digging in the earth, looking of stones, herbs, and springs, not seeing where a Savage could well hide himself.  

Our fight with the Manahaacks.  Upon the alarm by that we had recovered our arms, there was about an hundred nimble Indians skipping from tree to tree, letting fly their arrows so fast as they could: the trees here served us for Baricadoes as well as they. But Moscow did us more service than we expected, for having shot away his quiver of Arrows, he ran to the Boat for more. The Arrows of Moscow at the first made them pause upon the matter, thinking by his bruit and skipping, there were many Savages. About half an hour this continued, 
A Savage shot and taken prisoner.  than they all vanished as suddenly as they approached. Moscow followed them so far as he could see us, till they were out of sight. As we returned there lay a Savage as dead, shot in the knee, but taking him up we found he had life, which Moscow seeing, never was Dog more furious against a Bear, than Moscow was to have beat out his brains, so we had him to our Boat, where our Chirurgeon who went with us to cure our Captains hurt of the Stingray, so dressed this Savage that within an hour after he looked somewhat cheerfully, and did eat and speak. In the mean time we contented Moscow in helping him to gather up their arrows, which were an armful, whereof he gloried not a little. Then we desired Moscow to know what he was, and what Countries were beyond the mountains; the poor Savage mildly answered, he and all with him were of Hasinninga, where there are three Kings more, like unto them, namely the King of Stegora, the King of Tauxuntania, and the King of Shakahonea, that were come to Moha●kahod, which is only a hunting Town, and the bounds betwixt the Kingdom of the Mannahocks, and the Nandtaughtacunds, but hard by where we were. We demanded why they came in that manner to betray us, that came to them in peace, and to seek their loves; he answered, they heard we were a people come from under the world, to take their world from them. We asked him how many worlds he did know, he replied, he knew no more but that which was under the sky that covered him, which were the Powhatans', with the Monacans, and the Massawomeks, that were higher up in the mountains. Then we asked him what was beyond the mountains, 
His relation of their countries.  he answered the Sun: but of any thing else he knew nothing; 
* They cannot travel but where the woods are burnt.  because the woods were not burnt. These and many such questions we demanded, concerning the Massawomeks, the Monacans, their own Country, and where were the Kings of Stegora, Tauxsintania, and the rest. The Monacans he said were their neighbours and friends, and did dwell as they in the hilly Countries by small rivers, living upon roots and fruits, but chiefly by hunting. The Massawomeks did dwell upon a great water, and had many boats, & so many men that they made war with all the world. For their Kings, they were gone every one a several way with their men on hunting: But those with him came thither a fishing till they saw us, notwithstanding they would be altogether at night at Mahaskahod. For his relation we gave him many toys, with persuasions to go with us, and he as earnestly desired us to stay the coming of those Kings that for his good usage should be friends with us, for he was brother to Hasinninga. But Moscow advised us presently to be gone, for they were all naught, yet we told him we would not till it was night. All things we made ready to entertain what came, & Moscow was as diligent in trimming his arrows. The night being come we all embarked, for the river was so narrow, had it been light the land on the one side was so high, they might have done us exceeding much mischief. All this while the K. of Hasinninga was seeking the rest, and had consultation a good time what to do. But by their espies seeing we were gone, it was not long before we heard their arrows dropping on every side the Boat; we cause● our Savages to call unto them, but such a yelling & hallowing they made that they heard nothing, but now and then a piece, aiming so near as we could where we heard the most voices. More than 12 miles they followed us in this manner; then the day appearing, we found ourselves in a broad Bay, out of danger of their shot, where we came to an anchor, and fell to breakfast. Not so much as speaking to them till the Sun was risen; being well refreshed, we untied our Targets that covered us as a Deck, and all showed ourselves with those shields on our arms, and swords in our hands, and also our prisoner Amoroleck; a long discourse there was betwixt his Countrymen and him, how good we were, how well we used him, how we had a Patawomek with us, loved us as his life, that would have slain him had we not preserved him, and that he should have his liberty would they be but friends; 
How we concluded peace with the four kings of Monahoke.  and to do us any hurt it was impossible. Upon this they all hung their Bows and Quivers upon the trees, and one came swimming aboard us with a Bow tied on his head, and another with a Quiver of Arrows, which they delivered our Captain as a present, the Captain having used them so kindly as he could, told them the other three Kings should do the like, and then the great King of our world should be their friend, whose men we were. It was no sooner demanded but performed, so upon a low Moorish point of Land we went to the shore, where those four Kings came and received Amoroleck: nothing they had but Bows, Arrows, Tobacco-bags, and Pipes: what we desired, none refused to give us, wondering at every thing we had, and heard we had done: our Pistols they took for pipes, which they much desired, but we did content them with other Commodities, and so we left four or five hundred of our merry Mannahocks, singing, dancing, and making merry, and set sail for Moraughtacund.  
In our returns we visited all our friends, 
How we became friends with the Rapahanocks.  that rejoiced much at our Victory against the Mannahocks, who many times had Wars also with them, but now they were friends, and desired we would be friends with the Rapahanocks, as we were with the Mannahocks. Our Captain told them, they had twice assaulted him that came only in love to do them good, and therefore he would now burn all their houses, destroy their corn, and for ever hold them his enemies, till they made him satisfaction; they desired to know what that should be: he told them they should present him the King's Bow and Arrows, and not offer to come armed where he was; that they should be friends with the Moraughtacunds his friends, and give him their King's son in pledge to perform it, and then all King james his men should be their friends. Upon this they presently sent to the Rapahanocks to meet him at the place where they first fought, where would be the Kings of Nantautacund and Pissassac: which according to their promise were there so soon as we; where Rapahanock presented his Bow and Arrows, and confirmed all we desired, except his son, having no more but him he could not live without him, but in stead of his son he would give him the three women Moraughtacund had stol●e. This was accepted: and so in three or four Canowes', so many as could went with us to Moraughtacund, where Moscow made them such relations, and gave to his friends so many Bows and Arrows, that they no less loved him then admired us. The 3 women were brought our Captain, to each he gave a chain of Beads: and then causing Moraughtacund, Moscow, and Rapahanock stand before him, bid Rapahanock take her he loved best, and Moraughtacund choose next, & to Moscow he gave the third. Upon this away went their Canowes' over the water, to fetch their venison, and all the provision they could, and they that wanted Boats swum over the river: the dark commanded us then to rest. The next day there was of men, women, and children, as we conjectured, six or seven hundred, dancing, & singing, and not a Bow nor Arrow seen amongst them. Moscow changed his name V●tasantascugh, which we interpret Stranger, for so they call us. All promising ever to be our friends, and to plant Corn purposely for us; and we to provide hatchets, beads, and copper for them, we departed, giving them a Volley of shot, and they us as loud shouts and cries as their strengths could utter. 
The discovery of Payankatank.  That night we anchored in the river of Payankatank, and discovered it so high as it was navigable, but the people were most a hunting, save a few old men, women, and children, that were tending their corn, of which they promised us part when we would fetch it, as had done all the Nations where ever we had yet been.  
In a fair calm, rowing towards point Comfort, we anchored in Gosnolls Bay, but such a sudden gust surprised us in the night with thunder and rain, that we never thought more to have seen james Town. Yet running before the wind, we sometimes saw the Land by the flashes of fire from heaven, by which light only we kept from the splitting shore, until it pleased God in that black darkness to preserve us by that light to find point Comfort: there refreshing ourselves, because we had only but heard of the Chisapeacks & Nandsamunds', we thought it as fit to know all our neighbours near home, as so many Nations abroad.  
So setting sail for the Southern shore, 
A notable treachery of the Nandsamunds'.  we sailed up a narrow river up the country of Chisapeack; it hath a good channel, but many shoules about the entrance. By that we had sailed six or seven miles, we saw two or three little garden plots with their houses, the shores overgrown with the greatest Pine and Fir trees we ever saw in the Country. But not seeing nor hearing any people, and the river very narrow, we returned to the great river, to see if we could find any of them. Coasting the shore towards Nandsamund, which is most Oyster-bankes; at the mouth of that river, we espied six or seven Savages making their wires, who presently fled: ashore we went, and where they wrought we threw diverse toys, and so departed. far we were not gone ere they came again, and began to sing, and dance, and recall us: and thus we began our first acquaintance. At last one of them desired us to go to his house up that river, into our Boat voluntarily he came, the rest ran after us by the shore with all show of love that could be. Seven or eight miles we sailed up this narrow river: at last on the Western shore we saw large Cornefields, in the midst a little Isle, and in it was abundance of Corn; the people he told us were all a hunting, but in the Isle was his house, to which he invited us with much kindness: to him▪ his wife, and children, we gave such things as they seemed much contented them. The others being come, desired us also to go but a little higher to see their houses: here our host left us, the rest rowed by us in a Canow, till we were so far past the Isle the river became very narrow. Here we desired some of them to come aboard us, whereat pausing a little, they told us they would but fetch their bows and arrows and go all with us, but being ashore and thus armed, they persuaded us to go forward, but we could neither persuade them into their Canow, nor into our Boat. This gave us cause to provide for the worst. far we went not ere seven or eight Canowes' full of men armed appeared following us, staying to see the conclusion. 
The fight with the Chisapeacks and Nandsamund●.  Presently from each side the river came arrows so fast as two or three hundred could shoot them, whereat we returned to get the open. They in the Canowes' let fly also as fast, but amongst them we bestowed so many shot, the most of them leapt overboard and swum ashore, but two or three escaped by rowing, being against their plains: our Muskets they found shot further than their Bows, for we made not twenty shot ●re they all retired behind the next trees. Being thus got out of their trap, we seized on all their Canowes', and moored them in the midst of the open. More than an hundred arrows stuck in our Targets, and about the boat, yet none hurt, only Anthony Bagnall was shot in his Hat, and another in his sleeve. But seeing their multitudes, and suspecting as it was, that both the Nandsamunds', and the Chisapeacks were together, we thought it best to ride by their Canowes' a while, to bethink if it were better to burn all in the Isle, or draw them to composition, till we were provided to take all they had, which was sufficient to feed all our Colony: but to burn the Isle at night it was concluded. In the interim we began to cut in pieces their Canowes', and they presently to lay down their bows, 
How they became friends.  making signs of peace: peace we told them we would accept, would they bring us their King's bows and arrows, with a chain of pearl; and when we came again give us four hundred baskets full of Corn, otherwise we would break all their boats, and burn their houses, and corn, and all they had. To perform all this they alleged only the want of a Canow; so we put one a drift & bade them swim to fetch her: and till they performed their promise, we would but only break their Canowes'. They cried to us to do no more, all should be as we would: which presently they performed, away went their bows and arrows, and tag and rag came with their baskets: so much as we could carry we took, and so departing good friends, we returned to james Town, where we safely arrived the 7. of September, 
The proce●ding at james Town.  1608. There we found Mr Scrivener, and divers others well recovered: many dead; some sick: the late Precedent prisoner for mutiny: by the honest diligence of Master Scrivener, the harvest gathered, but the provision in the store much spoilt with rain. Thus was that summer (when little wanted) consumed and spent, and nothing done (such was the government of Captain Ratliffe) but only this discovery; wherein to express all the dangers, accidents, and encounters this small number passed in that small Barge, by the scale of proportion, about three thousand miles, with such watery diet in those great waters and barbarous Countries (till then to any Christian utterly unknown) I rather refer their merit to the censure of the courteous and experienced Reader, than I would be tedious or partial being a party.  

But to this place to come who will adventure,  
with judgements guide and reason how to enter:  
Finds in this world's broad sea, with wind and tide,  
there's safer sail than any where beside,  
But 'cause to wanton novices it is  
A Province full of fearfulness I wiss;  
Into the great vast deep to venture out:  
Those shallow rivers let them coast about.  
And by a small Boat learn there first, and mark,  
How they may come to make a greater Bark.   Written by Anthony Bagnall, nathanael powel, and Anas Todkill.  

CHAPTER VII. The Presidency surrendered to Captain Smith: the Arrival and return of the second Supply. And what happened.  
THe tenth of September, by the Election of the Council, and request of the Company, Captain Smith received the Letters Patents: which till then by no means he would accept, though he was often importuned thereunto. Now the building of Ratliffes' Palace stayed as a thing needless; the Church was repaired; the Storehouse recovered; buildings prepared for the Supplies, we expected; the Fort reduced to a five-square form; the order of the Watch renewed; the squadrons (each setting of the Watch) trained; the whole Company every Saturday exercised, in the plain by the west Bulwark, prepared for that purpose, we called Smithfield: where sometimes more than an hundred Savages would stand in an amazement to behold, how a file would batter a tree, where he would make them a mark to shoot at; the boats trimmed for trade, which being sent out with Lieutenant Percy, in their journey encountered the second Supply, that brought them back to discover the Country of Monacan. How or why Captain Newport obtained such a private Commission, as not to return without a lump of gold, a certainty of the South sea, or one of the lost company sent out by Sir Water Raleigh, I know not; nor why he brought such a five pieced Barge, not to bear us to that South sea, till we had borne her over the mountains, which how far they extend is yet unknown. 
Powhatans' scorn when his courtesy was most deserved.  As for the Coronation of Powhatan, and his presents of Basin and Ewer, Bed, Bedstead, Clothes, and such costly novelties, they had been much better well spared then so ill spent, for we had his favour much better only for a plain piece of Copper, till this stately kind of soliciting, made him so much overvalue himself, that he respected us as much as nothing at all. As for the hiring of the Poles and Dutchmen, to make Pitch, Tar, Glass▪ Milles, and Soap ashes, when the Country is replenished with people, and necessaries, would have done well, but to send them and seventy more without victuals to work, was not so well advised nor considered of, as it should have been. Yet this could not have hurt us had they been 200. though then we were 130 that wanted for ourselves. For we had the Savages in that decorum (their harvest being newly gathered, that we feared not to get victuals for 500 
No better way to overthrow the business then by our instructors.  Now was there no way to make us miserable, but to neglect that time to make provision whilst it was to be had, the which was done by the direction from England to perform this strange discovery, but a more strange Coronation to lose that time, spend that victuals we had, tire and starve our men, having no means to carry victuals, munition, the hurt or sick, but on their own backs. How or by whom they were invented I know not: but Captain Newport we only accounted the Author, who to effect these projects, had so guilded men's hopes with great promises, that both Company and Council concluded his resolution for the most part: God doth know they little knew what they did, nor understood their own estates to conclude his conclusions, against all the inconveniences the foreseeing Precedent alleged. Of this Supply there was added to the Council, 
A consultation, where all the Council was against the Precedent.  one Captain Richard Waldo, and Captain Wynne, two ancient Soldiers, and valiant Gentlemen, but yet ignorant of the business, (being but newly arrived.) Ratliffe was also permitted to have his voice, & Mr Scrivener, desirous to see strange Countries: so that although Smith was Precedent, yet the Mayor part of the Council had the authority and ruled it as they listed. As for clearing Smith's objections, how Pitch and Tar, Wainscot, Clapbord, Glass, and Soap ashes, could be provided, to relade the ship, or provision got to live withal, when none was in the Country, and that we had, spent, before the ship departed to effect these projects. The answer was, Captain Newport undertook to fraught the Pinnace of twenty tons with Corn in going and returning in his Discovery, and to refraught her again from Werowocomoco of Powhatan. Also promising a great proportion of victuals from the Ship; inferring that Smith's propositions were only devices to hinder his journey, to effect it himself; and that the cruelty he had used to the Savages, might well be the occasion to hinder these Designs, and seek revenge on him. For which taxation all works were left, and 120 chosen men were appointed for Newports guard in this Discovery. But Captain Smith to make clear all those seeming suspicions, that the Savages were not so desperate as was pretended by Captain Newport, and how willing (since by their authority they would have it so) he was to assist them what he could, because the Coronation would consume much time, he undertook himself their message to Powhatan, to entreat him to come to james Town to receive his presents. And where Newport durst not go with less than 120. he only took with him Captain Waldo, Mr Andrew Buckler, Edward Brinton, and Samuel Collier: with these four he went over land to Werowocomoco, some 12 miles; 
Capt. Smith goeth with 4. to Powhatan, when Newport feared with 120.  there he passed the river of Pamaunkee in a Savage Canow. Powhatan being 30 miles of, was presently sent for: in the mean time, Pocahontas and her women entertained Captain Smith in this manner.  
In a fair plain field they made a fire, before which▪ he sitting upon a mat, suddenly amongst the woods was heard such a hideous noise and shrieking, that the English betook themselves to their arms, and seized on two or three old men by them, supposing Powhatan with all his power was come to surprise them. But presently Pocahontas came, willing him to kill her if any hurt were intended, 
A Virginia Mask.  and the beholders, which were men, women, and children, satisfied the Captain there was no such matter. Then presently they were presented with this antic; thirty young women came naked out of the woods, only covered behind and before with a few green leaves, their bodies all painted, some of one colour, some of another, but all differing, their leader had a fair pair of Bucks horns on her head, and an Otters skin at her girdle, and another at her arm, a quiver of arrows at her back, a bow and arrows in her hand; the next had in her hand a sword, another a club, another a potstick; all horned alike: the rest every one with their several devises. These fiends with most hellish shouts and cries, rushing from among the trees, cast themselves in a ring about the fire, singing and dancing with most excellent ill variety, oft falling into their infernal passions, and solemnly again to sing and dance; having spent near an hour in this Mascarado, as they entered in like manner they departed.  
Having reaccommodated themselves, they solemnly invited him to their lodgings, 
The women's entertainment.  where he was no sooner within the house, but all these Nymphs more tormented him then ever, with crowding, pressing, and hanging about him, most tediously crying, Love you not me? love you not me? This salutation ended, the feast was set, consisting of all the Savage dainties they could devise: some attending, others singing and dancing about them; which mirth being ended, with firebrands in stead of Torches they conducted him to his lodging.  

Thus did they show their feats of arms, and others art in dancing:  
Some other used there oaten pipe, and others voices chanting.   

Captain Smith's message.  The next day came Powhatan: Smith delivered his message of the presents sent him, and redelivered him Namontack he had sent for England, desiring him to come to his Father Newport, to accept those presents, and conclude their revenge against the Monacans. Whereunto this subtle Savage thus replied.  
If your King have sent me Presents, I also am a King, and this is my land: eight days I will stay to receive them. 
Powhatans' answer.  Your Father is to come to me, not I to him, nor yet to your Fort, neither will I bite at such a bait: as for the Monacans I can revenge my own injuries, and as for Atquanachuk, where you say your brother was slain, it is a contrary way from those parts you suppose it; but for any salt water beyond the mountains, the Relations you have had from my people are false. Whereupon he began to draw plots upon the ground (according to his discourse) of all those Regions. Many other discourses they had (yet both content to give each other content in complemental Courtesies) and so Captain Smith returned with this Answer.  

Powhatans' Coronation.  Upon this the Presents were sent by water which is near an hundred miles, and the Captains went by land with fifty good shot. All being met at Werowocomoco, the next day was appointed for his Coronation, than the presents were brought him, his Basin and Ewer, Bed and furniture set up, his scarlet Cloak and apparel with much ado put on him, being persuaded by Namontack they would not hurt him: but a soul trouble there was to make him kneel to receive his Crown, he neither knowing the majesty nor meaning of a Crown, nor bending of the knee, endured so many persuasions, examples, and instructions, as tired them all; at last by leaning hard on his shoulders, he a little stooped, and three having the crown in their hands put it on his head, when by the warning of a Pistol the Boats were prepared with such a volley of shot, that the King start up in a horrible fear, till he saw all was well. Then remembering himself, to congratulate their kindness, he gave his old shoes and his mantel to Captain Newport: but perceiving his purpose was to discover the Monacans, he laboured to divert his resolution, refusing to lend him either men or guides more than Namontack; and so after some small compliment all kindness on both sides, in requital of his presents he presented Newport with a heap of wheat ears that might contain some 7 or 8 Bushels, and as much more we bought in the Town, wherewith we returned to the Fort.  

The discovery of Monacan.  The Ship having disburdened herself of 70 persons, with the first Gentlewoman and woman-seruant that arrived in our Colony. Captain Newport with 120 chosen men, led by Captain Waldo, Lieutenant Percy, Captain Winne, Mr West, and Mr Scrivener, set forward for the discovery of Monacan, leaving the Precedent at the Fort with about 80. or 90. (such as they were) to relade the Ship. Arriving at the Falls we marched by land some forty miles in two days and a half, and so returned down the same path we went. Two towns we discovered of the Monacans, called Massinacak and Mowhemenchouch, the people neither used us well nor ill, yet for our security we took one of their petty Kings, and led him bound to conduct us the way. And in our returns searched many places we supposed Mines, about which we spent some time in refining, having one William Gallicut, a refyner fitted for that purpose. From that crust of earth we digged, he persuaded us to believe he extracted some small quantity of silver; and (not unlikely) better stuff might be had for the digging. With this poor trial, being contented to leave this fair, fertile, well watered Country; and coming to the Falls, the Savages feigned there were diverse ships come into the Bay, 
How the Savages deluded Cap. Newport.  to kill them at james Town. Trade they would not, and find their Corn we could not; for they had hid it in the woods: and being thus deluded, we arrived at james Town, half sick, all complaining, and tired with toil, famine, and discontent, to have only but discovered our guilded hopes, and such fruitless certainties, as Captain Smith foretold us.  

But those that hunger seek to slake,  
Which thus abounding wealth would rake:  
Not all the gems of Ister shore,  
Nor all the gold of Lydia's store,  
Can fill their greedy appetite;  
It is a thing so infinite.   
No sooner were we landed, but the Precedent dispersed so many as were able, some for Glass, others for Tar, Pitch, and Soap-ashes, leaving them with the Fort to the Counsels oversight, but 30 of us he conducted down the river some 5 miles from james town, to learn to make Clapbord, cut down trees, and lie in woods. Amongst the rest he had chosen Gabriel Beadle, and john Russell, the only two gallants of this last Supply, and both proper Gentlemen. Strange were these pleasures to their conditions; yet lodging, eating, and drinking, working or playing, they but doing as the Precedent did himself. All these things were carried so pleasantly as within a week they became Masters: making it their delight to hear the trees thunder as they fell; but the Axes so oft blistered their tender fingers, that many times every third blow had a loud oath to drown the echo; for remedy of which sin, the Precedent devised how to have every man's oaths numbered, 
A punishment for swearing.  and at night for every oath to have a Cann of water poured down his sleeve, with which every offender was so washed (himself and all) that a man should scarce hear an oath in a week.  

For he who scorns and makes but jests of cursings, and his oath,  
He doth contemn, not man but God, nor God, nor man, but both.   
By this, let no man think that the Precedent and these Gentlemen spent their times as common Wood-haggers at felling of trees, or such other like labours, or that they were pressed to it as hirelings, or common slaves; for what they did, after they were but once a little enured, it seemed and some conceited it, only as a pleasure and recreation, yet 30 or 40 of such voluntary Gentlemen would do more in a day than 100 of the rest that must be pressed to it by compulsion, 
3. Men better than 100  but twenty good workmen had been better than them all.  
Master Scrivener, Captain Waldo, and Captain Win at the Fort, every one in like manner carefully regarded their charge. The Precedent returning from amongst the woods, seeing the time consumed and no provision gotten, (and the Ship lay idle at a great charge and did nothing) presently embarked himself in the discovery barge, giving order to the Council to send Lieutenant Percy after him with the next barge that arrived at the Fort; two Barges he had himself and 18 men, but arriving at Chickahamania, 
The Chickahamania's forced to contribution.  that dogged Nation was too well acquainted with our wants, refusing to trade, with as much scorn and insolency as they could express. The Precedent perceiving it was Powhatans' policy to starve us, told them he came not so much for their Corn, as to revenge his imprisonment, and the death of his men murdered by them, and so landing his men and ready to charge them, they immediately fled: and presently after sent their Ambassadors with corn, fish, foul, and what they had to make their peace, (their Corn being that year but bad) they complained extremely of their own wants, yet fraughted our Boats with an hundred Bushels of Corn, and in like manner Lieutenant Percies, that not long after arrived, and having done the best they could to content us, we parted good friends, and returned to james town.  
Though this much contented the Company, 
A bad reward for well-doing.  (that feared nothing more than starving) yet some so envied his good success, that they rather desired to hazard a starving, than his pains should prove so much more effectual than theirs. Some projects there were invented by Newport and Ratliffe, not only to have deposed him, but to have kept him out of the Fort; for that being Precedent, he would leave his place and the Fort without their consents, but their horns were so much too short to effect it, as they themselves more narrowly escaped a greater mischief.  
All this time our old Tavern made as much of all them that had either money or ware as could be desired: 
A good Tavern in Virginia.  by this time they were become so perfect on all sides (I mean the soldiers, sailors, and Savages) as there was ten times more care to maintain their damnabl● and private trade, then to provide for the Colony things that were necessary. Neither was it a small policy in Newport and the Mariners to report in England we had such plenty, 
A bad trade of the masters and sailors.  and bring us so many men without victuals, when they had so many private Factors in the Fort, that within six or seven weeks, of two or three hundred Axes, Chissels, Hows, and Pickaxes, scarce twenty could be found: and for Pike-heads, shot, Powder, or any thing they could steal from their f●llowes, was vendible; they knew as well (and as secretly) how to convey them to trade with the Savages for Furs, Baskets, Mussaneeks, young Beasts, or such like Commodities, as exchange them with the Sailors for Butter, Cheese, Beef, Pork, Aqua vitae, Beer, Biscuit, Oatmeal, and Oil: and then fain all was sent them from their friends And though Virginia afforded no Furs for the Store, yet one Master in one voyage hath got so many by this indirect means, as he confessed to have sold in England for 30l.  
Those are the Saint-seeming Worthies of Virginia, that have notwithstanding all this meat, drink, and wages; but now they begin to grow weary, their trade being both perceived and prevented; none hath been in Virginia that hath observed any thing, which knows not this to be true, and yet the loss, the scorn, the misery, and shame, was the poor Officers, Gentlemen, and careless Governors, who were all thus bought & sold; the adventurers cozened, and the action overthrown by their false excuses, informations, and directions. By this let all men judge, how this business could prosper, being thus abused ●y such pilfering occasions. And had not Captain Newport cried Peccavi, the Precedent would have discharged the ship, and caused him to have stayed one year in Virginia, to learn to speak of his own experience.  

Master Scrivener's voyage to Werowocomoco.  Master Scrivener was sent with the Barges and Pinnace to Werowocomoco, where he found the Savages more ready to fight then trade; but his vigilancy was such as prevented their projects, and by the means of Namontack got three or four hogsheads of Corn, and as much Pocones, which is a red root, which then was esteemed an excellent Dye.  
Captain Newport being dispatched, with the trials of Pitch, Tar, Glass, Frankincense, Soap ashes; with that Clapboord and Wainscot that could be provided: met with Mr Scrivener at point Comfort, and so returned for England. We remaining were about two hundred.  
¶ The Copy of a Letter sent to the Treasurer and Council of Virginia from Captain Smith, than Precedent in VIRGINIA.  
Right Honourable, etc.  
I Received your Letter, wherein you write, that our minds are so set upon faction, and idle conceits in dividing the Country without your consents, and that we feed You but with ifs & and's, hopes, & some few proofs; as if we would keep the mystery of the business to ourselves: and that we must expressly follow your instructions sent by Captain Newport: the charge of whose voyage amounts to near two thousand pounds, the which if we cannot defray by the Ships return, we are like to r●main as banished men. To these particulars I humbly entreat your Pardons if I offend you with my rude Answer.  
For our factions, unless you would have me run away and leave the Country, I ca●not prevent them, because I do make many stay that would else fly any whether. For the i●le Letter sent to my Lord of Salisbury, by the Precedent and his confederates, for dividing the Country etc. What it was I know not, for you saw no hand of mine to it; nor ever dreamt I of any such matter. That we feed you with hopes, etc. Though I be no scholar, I am passed a school boy; and I desire but to know, what either you, and these here do know, but that I have learned to tell you by the continual hazard of my life. I have not concealed from you any thing I know; but I fear some cause you to believe much more than is true.  
Expressly to follow your direstions by Captain Newport, though they be performed, I was directly against it; but according to our Commission, I was content to be overruled by the mayor part of the Council, I fear to the hazard of us all; which now is generally confessed when it is too late. Only Captain Winne and Captain Waldo I have sworn of the Council, and Crowned Powhatan according to you instructions.  
For th● charge of this Voyage of two or three thousand pounds, we have not received the value of an hundred pounds. And for the quartered Boat to be borne by th● Soldiers over the Falls, Newport had 120 of the best men he could choose. If he had burnt her to ashes, one might have carried her in a bag, but as she is, five hundred cann●t, to a navigable place above the Falls. And for him at that time to find in the South Sea, a Mine of gold; or any of them sent by Sir Walter Raleigh: at our Consultation I told them was as likely as the rest. But during this great discovery of thirty miles, (which might as well have been done by one man, and much more, for the value of a pound of Copper at a seasonable time) they had the Pinnace and all the Boats with th●m, but one that remained with me to serve the Fort. In their absence I followed the new begun works of Pitch and Tar, Glass, Soap-ashes, and Clapboord, whereof some small quantities we have sent you. But if you rightly consider, what an infinite toil it is in Russia and Swethland, where the woods are proper for naught else, and though there be the help both of man and beast in those ancient Commonwealths, which many an hundred years have used it, yet thousands of those poor people can scarce g●t necessaries to live, but from h●nd to mouth. And though your Factors there can buy as much in a week as will fraught you a ship, or as much as you please; you must not expect from us any such matter, which are but a many of ignorant miserable souls, that are scarce able to get wherewith to live, and defend ourselves against the inconstant Savages: finding but here and there a tree fit for the purpose, and want all things else the Russians have. For the Coronation of P●whatan, by whose advice you sent him such presents, I know not; but this give me leave to tell you, I fear th●y will be the confusion of us all ere we hear from you again. At your Ships arrival, the Savages harvest was newly gathered, and we going to buy it, our owne not being half sufficient for so great a number. As for the two ships loading of Corn N●wport pr●mised to provide us from Powhatan, he brought us but fourteen Bushels; and from the Monacans nothing, but the most of the men sick and near famished. From your Ship we had not provision in victuals worth twenty pound, and we are more than two hundred to live upon this: the one half sick, the other little better. For the Sailors (I confess) they daily make good cheer, but our diet is a little meal and water, and not sufficient of that. Though there be fish in the Sea, fowls in the air, and Beasts in the woods, their bounds are so large, they so wild, and we so weak and ignorant, we cannot much trouble them. Captain Newport we much suspect to be the Author of those inventions. Now that you should know, I have made you as great a discovery as he, for less charge than he spendeth you every meal; I have sent you this Map of the Bay and Rivers, with an annexed Relation of the Countries and Nations that inhabit them, as you may see at large. Also two barrels of stones, and such as I take to be good Iron over at the least; so divided, as by their notes you may see in what places I found them. The Soldiers say many of your officers maintain their families out of that you send us: and that Newport hath an hundred pounds a year for carrying news. For every master you have yet sent can find the way as well as he, so that an hundred pounds might be spared, which is more than we have all, th●t help to pay him wages. Cap. Ratliffe is now called Sickl●more, a poor counterfeited Imposture. I have sent you him home, lest the company should cut his throat. What he is, now every one can tell you: if he and Archer return again, they are sufficient to keep us always in factions. When you send again I entreat you rather send but thirty Ca●penters, husbandmen, gardiner's, fisher men, blacksmiths, masons, and diggers up of trees, roots, well provided; then a thousand of such as we have: for except we be able both to lodge them, and feed them, the most will consume with want of necessaries before they can be made good for any thing. Thus if you please to consider this account, and of the unnecessary wages to Captain Newport, or his ships so long linger and staying here (for notwithstanding his boasting to leave us victuals for 12 mon●ths, though we had 89 by this discovery lame and sick, and but a pint of Corn a day for a man, we were constrained to give him three hogsheads of that to victual him homeward) or yet to send into Germany or Poleland for glassemen & the rest, till we be able to sustain ourselves, and relieve them when they come. It were better to give five hundred pound a tun for those gross Commodities in Denmark, then send for them hither, till more necessary things be provided. For in overtoyling our weak and unskilful bodies, to satisfy this desire of present profit, we can scarce ever recover ourselves from one Supply to another. And I humbly entreat you hereafter, let us know what we should receive, and not stand to the Sailor's courtesy to leave us what they please, else you may charge us with what you will, but we not you with any thing. These are the causes that have kept us in Virginia, from laying such a foundation, that ●re this might have given much better content and satisfaction; but as yet you must not look for any profitable returns: so I humbly rest.  

The Names of those in this Supply, were these: with their Proceedings and Accidents.  


Captain Peter Winne,  
Captain Richard Waldo,   were apppointed to be of the Council.  
Master Francis West, brother to the Lord La War.  


Gent.  
Thomas Graves.  
Raleigh Chroshaw.  
Gabriel Beadle.  
john Beadle.  
john Russell.  
William Russell.  
john Cuderington.  
William Sambage.  
Henry Leigh.  
Henry Philpot.  
Harmon Harrison.  
Daniel Tucker.  
Henry Collins.  
Hugh Wolleston.  
john Hoult.  
Thomas Norton.  
George Yarington.  
George Burton.  
Thomas abbey.  
William Dowman.  
Thomas Maxes.  
Michael Lowick.  
Master Hunt.  
Thomas F●rr●st.  
john Dauxe.    


Tradesmen.  
Thomas Ph●lps.  
john Prat.  
john Clarke.  
jeffrey Shortridge.  
Dionis Oconor.  
Hugh Winne.  
David ap Hugh.  
Thomas Bradley.  
john Burra●.  
Thomas L●vander.  
Henry Bell.  
Master powel.  
David Ellis.  
Thomas Gibson.    


Labourers.  
Thomas Dawse.  
Thomas Mallard.  
William Tailor.  
Thomas Fox.  
Nicholas Hancock.  
Walker.  
Williams.  
Flood.  
Morley.  
Rose.  
Scot  
Hardwyn.    


Boys.  
Milman.  
Hilliard.     
Mistress Forrest, and Anne Burras her maid; eight Dutch men and Poles, with some others, to the number of seventy persons, etc.  
These poor conclusions so affrighted us all with famine, 
Nandsamund forced to contribution.  that the Precedent provided for N●ndsamund, and took with him Captain Winne, and Mr Scrivener, then returning from Captain Newport. These people also long denied him not only the 400 Baskets of Corn th●y promised, but any trade at all; (excusing themselves they had ●pent most they had, and were commanded by Powhatan to keep that they had, and not to let us come into their river) till we were constrained to begin with them perforce. Upon the discharging of our Muskets they all fled and shot not an Arrow; the first house we came to we set on fire, which when they perceived, they desired we would make no more spoil, and they would give us half they had: how they collected it I know not, but before night they loaded our three Boats; and so we returned to our quarter some four miles down the River, which was only the open woods under the lay of a hill, where all the ground was covered with snow, and hard frozen; the snow we digged away and made a great fire in the place; when the ground was well dried, we turned away the fire; and covering the place with a mat, there we lay very warm. To keep us from the wind we made a shade of another Mat; as the wind turned we turned our shade, and when the ground grew cold we removed the fire. And thus many a cold winter night have we lain in this miserable manner, yet those that most commonly went upon all those occasions, were always in health, lusty, and sat. For sparing them this year, the n●xt year they promised to plant purposely for us; and so we returned to james town. About this time there was a marriage betwixt john Laydon and Anne Burras; 
The first marriage in Virginia.  which was the first marriage we had in Virginia.  
Long he stayed not, but fitting himself and Captain Waldo with two Barges. From Chawopoweanock, and all parts thereabouts, all the people were fled, as being jealous of our intents; till we discovered the river and people of Apamatuck; where we found not much, that they had we equally divided, 
Apamatuck discovered.  but gave them copper, and such things as contented them in consideration. Master Scrivener and Lieutenant Percy went also abroad, but could find nothing.  
The Precedent seeing the procrastinating of time, was no course to live, resolved with Captain Waldo (whom he knew to be sure in time of need) to surprise Powhatan, and all his provision, but the unwillingness of Captain Winne, and Master Scrivener, for some private respect, plotted in England to ruin Captain Smith, did their best to hinder their project; but the Precedent whom no persuasions could persuade to starve, being invited by Powhatan to come unto him: and if he would send him but men to build him a house, give him a gryndstone, fifty swords, some pieces, a cock and a hen, with much copper and beads, he would lo●d his Ship with Corne. The Precedent not ignorant of his devises and subtlety, yet unwilling to neglect any opportunity, presently sent three Dutchmen and two English, having so small allowance, few were able to do any thing to purpose: knowing there needed no better a Castle to effect this project, took order with Captain Waldo to second him, if need required; Scrivener he left his substitute, and set forth with th● Pinnace, two Barges, and fortie-six men, which only were such as voluntarily offered themselves for his journey, the which by reason of Mr Scriveners ill success, was censured very desperate, they all knowing Smith would not return empty, if it were to be had; howsoever, it caused many of those that he had appointed, to find excuses to stay behind.   

CHAP. VIII. Captain Smith's journey to Pamaunkee.  
THe twentie-nine of December he set forward for Werowocomoco: his Company were these;  

In the Discovery Barge himself.  


Gent.  
Robert Behethland.  
Nathanael Graves.  
john Russell.  
Raleigh Chrashow.  
Michael Sicklemore.  
Richard Worley.    


Soldiers.  
Anas Todkill.  
William Love..  
William Bentley.  
jeffrey Shortridge.  
Edward Pising.  
William Ward.     

In the Pinnace.  
Lieutenant Percy, brother to the Earl of Northumberland.  
Master Francis West, brother to the Lord La War.  
William Phittiplace, Captain of the Pinnace.  


Gent.  
Michael Phittiplace.  
jeffrey Abbot, Sergeant.  
William Tankard.  
George Yarington.  
james Browne.  
Edward Brinton.  
George Burton.  
Thomas Coe.    
jonas Profit, Master.  
Robert Ford, Clarke of the Council.  
john Dods, Soldier.  
Henry powel, Soldier.   
Thomas Gipson, David Ellis, Nathanael Peacock, Sailors. john Prat, George Acrig, james Read, Nicholas Hancock, james Watkins, Thomas Lambert, four Dutchmen, and Richard Savage were sent by land before to build the house for Powhatan against our Arrival.  
This company being victualled but for three or four days, lodged the first night at Warraskoyack, where the Precedent took sufficient provision. This kind King did his best to divert him from seeing Powhatan, but perceiving he could not prevail, he advised in this manner. 
The good counsel of Warraskoyack.  Captain Smith, you shall find Powhatan to use you kindly, but trust him not, and be sure he have no opportunity to seize on your Arms; for he hath sent for you only to cut your throats. The Captain thanking him for his good counsel: yet the better to try his love, desired guides to Chawwonock; for he would send a present to that King, to bind him his friend. To perform this journey was sent Mr Sicklemore, a very valiant, honest, and a painful Soldier: with him two guides, and directions how to seek for the lost company of Sir Walter Raleighs', and silk Grasse. Then we departed thence, the Precedent assuring the King perpetual love; and left with him Samu●l Collier his Page to learn the Language.  

So this King's deeds by sacred Oath adiured.  
More wary proues, and circumspect by odds:  
Fearing at least his double forfeiture;  
To offend his friends, and sin against his Gods.   
The next night being lodged at Kecoughtan; six or seven days the extreme wind, 
Plenty of victuals.  rain, frost and snow caused us to keep Christmas among the Savages, where we were never more merry, nor fed on more plenty of good Oysters, Fish, Flesh, Wild-soule, and good bread; nor never had better fires in England, then in the dry, smoky houses of Kecoughtan: but departing thence, when we found no houses we were not curious in any weather to lie three or four nights together under the trees by a fire, 
148 Fowls killed at three shoots.  as formerly is said. An hundred forty eight fowls the Precedent, Anthony Bagnall, and Sergeant Pising did kill at three shoots. At Kiskiack the frost & contrary winds forced us three or four days also (to suppress the insolency of those proud Savages) to quarter in their houses, yet guard our Barge, and cause them give us what we wanted; though we were but twelve and himself, yet we never wanted shelter where we found any houses. The 12 of january we arrived at Werowocomoco, where the river was frozen near half a mile from the shore; but to neglect no time, the Precedent with his Barge so far had approached by breaking the ice, as the ebb left him amongst those oasie shoules, yet rather than to lie there frozen to death, by his own example he taught them to march near middle deep, a flight shot through this muddy frozen oase. When the Barge floated, he appointed two or three to return her aboard the Pinnace. Where for want of water in melting the ice, they made fresh water, for the river there was salt. But in this march Mr Russell, (whom none could persuade to stay behind) being somewhat ill, and exceeding heavy, so overtoyled himself as the rest had much ado (ere he got ashore) to regain life into his dead benumbed spirits. Quartering in the next houses we found, we sent to Powhatan for provision, who sent us plenty of bread, Turkeys, and Venison; the next day having feasted us after his ordinary manner, he began to ask v●, when we would be gone: feigning he sent not for us, neither had he any corn; and his people much less: yet for forty swords he would procure us forty Baskets. The Precedent showing him the men there present that brought him the message and conditions, asked Powhatan how it chanced he became so forgetful; thereat the King concluded the matter with a merry laughter, ask for our Commodities, but none he liked without guns and swords, valuing a Basket of Corn more precious than a Basket of Copper; saying he could rate his Corn, but not the Copper.  
Captain Smith seeing the intent of this subtle Savage began to deal with him after this manner. Powhatan, though I had many courses to have made my provision, 
Cap. Smith's discourse to Powhatan.  yet believing your promises to supply my wants, I neglected all to satisfy your desire: and to testify my love, I sent you my men for your building, neglecting mine own. What your people had you have engrossed, forbidding them our trade: and now you think by consuming the time, we shall consume for want, not having to fulfil your strange demands. As for swords and guns, I told you long ago I had none to spare; and you must know those I have can keep me from want: yet steal or wrong you I will not, nor dissolve that friendship we have mutually promised, except you constrain me by our bad usage.  
The King having attentively listened to this Discourse, promised that both he and his Country would spare him what he could, the which within two days they should receive. 
Powhatans' reply and flattery.  Yet Captain Smith, saith the King, some doubt I have of your coming hither, that makes me not so kindly seek to relieve you as I would: for many do inform me, your coming hither is not for trade, but to invade my people, and possess my Country, who dare not come to bring you Corn, seeing you thus armed with your men. To free us of this fear, leave aboard your weapons, for here they are ne●alesse, we being all friends, and for ever Powhatans'.  
With many such discourses they spent the day, quartering that night in the King's houses. The next day he renewed his building, which he little intended should proceed. For the Dutchmen finding his plenty, and knowing our want, and perceiving his preparations to surprise us, little thinking we could escape both him and famine; (to obtain his favour) revealed to him so much as they knew of our estates and projects, and how to prevent them. One of them being of so great a spirit, judgement, and resolution, and a hireling that was certain of his wages for his labour, and ever well used both he and his Countrymen; that the Precedent knew not whom better to trust; and not knowing any fitter for that employment, had sent him as a spy to discover Powhatans' intent, then little doubting his honesty, nor could ever be certain of his villainy till near half a year after.  
Whilst we expected the coming in of the Country, we wrangled out of the King ten quarters of Corn for a copper Kettell, the which the Precedent perceiving him much to affect, valued it at a much greater rate; but in regard of his scarcity he would accept it, provided we should have as much more the next year, or else the Country of Monacan. Wherewith each seemed well contented, and Powhatan began to expostulate the difference of Peace and War after this manner.  
Captain Smith, you may understand that I having seen the death of all my people thrice, 
Powhatan discourse of peace and war.  and not any one living of those three generations but myself; I know the difference of Peace and War better than any in my Country. But now I am old and ere long must die, my brethren namely Opitchapam, Opechancanough, and Kekataugh my two sisters, and their two daughters, are distinctly each others successors. I wish their experience no less than mine, and your love to them no less than mine to you. But this bruit from Nandsamund, that you are come to destroy my Country, so much affrighteth all my people as they dare not visit you. What will it avail you to take that by force you may quickly have by love, or to destroy them that provide you food. What can you get by war, when we can hide our provisions and fly to the woods? whereby you must famish by wronging us your friends And why are you thus jealous of our loves seeing us unarmed, and both do, and are willing still to feed you, with that you cannot get but by our labours? Think you I am so simple, not to know it is better to eat good meat, lie well, and sleep quietly with my women and children, laugh and be merry with you, have copper, hatchets, or what I want being your friend: then be forced to fly from all, to lie cold in the woods, feed upon Acorns, roots, and such trash, and be so hunted by you, that I can neither rest, eat, nor sle●pe; but my tired men m●st watch, and if a twig but break, every one cryeth there cometh Captain Smith: then must I fly I know not whether: and thus with miserable fear, end my miserable life, leaving my pleasures to such youths as you, which through your rash unadvisedness may quickly as miserably end, for want of that, you never know where to find. Let this therefore assur● you of our loves, and every year our friendly trade shall furnish you with Corn; and now also, if you would come in friendly manner to see us, and not thus with your guns and swords as to invade your foes. To this subtle discourse, the Precedent thus replied.  

Capt. Smiths Reply.  Seeing you will not rightly conceive of our words, we strive to make you know our thoughts by our deeds; the vow I made you of my love, both myself and my men have kept. As for your promise I find it every day violated by some of your subjects: yet we finding your love and kindness, our custom is so far from being ungrateful, that for your sake only, we have kerbed our thirsting desire of revenge; else h●d they known as well the cruelty we use to our enemies, as our true love and courtesy to our friends. And I think your judgement sufficient to conceive, as well by the adventures we have undertaken, as by the advantage we have (by our Arms) of yours: that had we intended you any hurt, long ere this we could have effected it. Your people coming to james Town are entertained with their Bows and Arrows without any exceptions; we esteeming it with you as it is with us, to wear our arms as our apparel. As for the danger of our enemies, in such wars consist our chiefest pleasure: for your riches we have no use: as for the hiding your provision, or by your flying to the woods, we shall not so unadvisedly starve as you conclude, your friendly care in that behalf is needless, for we have a rule to find beyond your knowledge.  
Many other discourses they had, till at last they began to trade. But the King seeing his will would not be admitted as a law, our guard dispersed, nor our men disarmed, 
Powhatans' importunity to have us unarmed to betray us.  he (sighing) breathed his mind once more in this manner.  
Captain Smith, I never use any Werowance so kindly as yourself, yet from you I receive the least kindness of any. Captain Newport gave me swords, copper, clothes, a bed, towels, or what I desired; ever taking what I offered him, and would send away his guns when I entreated him: none doth deny to lie at my feet, or refuse to do what I desire, but only you; of whom I can have nothing but what you regard not, and yet you will have whatsoever you demand. Captain Newport you call father, and so you call me; but I see for all us both you will do what you list, and we must both seek to content you. But if you intent so friendly as you say, send hence your arms, that I may believe you; for you see the love I bear you, doth cause me thus nakedly to forget myself.  
Smith seeing this Savage but trifle the time to cut his throat, procured the savages to break the ice, that his Boat might come to fetch his corn and him: and gave order for more men to come on shore, to surprise the King, with whom also he but trifled the time till his men were landed: 
Cap. Smith's discourse to delay time, till he found opportunity to surprise the King.  and to keep him from suspicion, entertained the time with this reply.  
Powhatan you must know, as I have but one God, I honour but one King; and I live not here as your subject, but as your friend to pleasure you with what I can. By the gifts you bestow on me, you gain more than by trade: yet would you visit me as I do you, you should know it is not our custom, to sell our courtesies as a vendible commodity. Bring all your country with you for your guard, I will not dislike it as being over jealous. But to content you, tomorrow I will leave my Arms, and trust to your promise. I call you father indeed▪ and as a father you shall see I will love you: but the small care you have of such a child caused my men persuade m● to look to myself. 
Powhatans' plot to have murdered Smith.   
By this time Powhatan having knowledge his m●n were ready whilst the ice was a breaking, with his luggage women and children, fled. Yet to avoid suspicion, left two or three of the women talking with the Captain, whilst he secretly ran away, and his men that secretly beset the house. Which being presently discovered to Captain Smith, with his pistol, sword, and target he made such a passage among these naked Devils; that at his first shoot, they next him rumbled one over another, and the rest quickly fled some one way some another: so that without any hurt, only accompanied with john Russell, he obtained the c●rps du guard. When they perceived him so well escaped, and with his eighteen men (for he had no more with him a s●●re) to the uttermost of their skill they sought excuses to dissemble the matter: and Powhatan to excuse his flight and the sudden com●ing of this multitude, sent our Captain a great bracelet and a chain of pearl, 
A chain of pearl sent the Captain for a present.  by an ancient Orator that bespoke us to this purpose, perceiving even then from our Pinnace, a Barge and men departing and coming unto us.  
Captain Smith, our Werowance is fled, fearing your guns, and knowing when the ice was broken there would come more men, sent these numbers but to guard his corn from stealing, that might happen without your knowledge: now though some be hurt by your misprision, yet Powhatan is your friend and so will for ever continue. Now since the ice is open, he would have you send away your corn, and if you would have his company, send away also your guns, which so affright his people, that they dare not come to you as he promised they should.  
Then having provided baskets for our men to carry our corn to the boats, 
Pretending to kill our men loaded with baskets, we caused them do it themselves.  they kindly offered their service to guard our Arms, that none should steal them. A great many they were of goodly well proportioned fellows, as grim as Devils; yet the very sight of cocking our matches, and being to let fly, a few words caused them to leave their bows and arrows to our guard, and bear down our corn on their backs; we needed not importune them to make dispatch. But our Barges being left on the oase by the ebb, caused us stay till the next high-water, ●o that we returned again to our old quarter. Powhatan and his Dutchmen bursting with desire to have the head of Captain Smith, for if they could but kill him, they thought all was theirs, neglected not any opportunity to effect his purpose. The Indians with all the merry sports they could devose, spent the time till night: then they all returned to Powhatan, who all this time was making ready his forces to surprise the house and him at supper. Notwithstanding the eternal allseeing God did prevent h●●, and by a strange means. For Pocahontas his dearest jewel and daughter, 
Pocahontas betrays her father's deceit to kill us.  in that dark night came through the irksome woods, and told our Captain great cheer should be sent us by and by: but Powhatan and all the power he could make, would after come k●ll us all, if they that brought it could not kill us with our own weapons when we were at supper. Therefore if we would live she wished us presently to be gone. Such things as she delighted in, he would have given her: but with the tears running down her cheeks, she said she durst not be seen to have any: for if Powhatan should know it, she were but dead, and so she ran away by herself as she came. Within less than an hour came eight or ten lusty fellows, with great platters of venison and other victual, very importunate to have us put out our matches (whose smoke made them sick) and sit down to our victual. But the Captain made them taste every dish, which done he sent some of them back to Powhatan, to bid him make haste for he was prepared for his coming. As for them he knew they came to betray him at his supper: but he would prevent them and all their other intended villainies: so that they might be gone. Not long after came more messengers, to see what news; not long after them others. Thus we spent the night as vigilantly as they, till it was high-water, yet seemed to the saluages as friendly as they to us: and that we were so desirous to give Powhatan content, as he requested, we did leave him Edward Brynton to kill him foul, an● the Dutchmen to finish his house; thinking at our return from Pamaunkee the frost would be gone, and then we might find a better opportunity if necessity did occasion it, little dreaming yet of the Dutchman's treachery, whose humour well suited this verse:  

Is any free, that may not live as freely as he list?  
Let us live so, then weare as free, and brutish as the best.    

CHAP. IX. How we escaped surprising at Pamaunkee.  

The Dutch men deceive Cap. Winne.  WE had no sooner set sail but Powhatan returned, and sent Adam and Francis (two stout Dutchmen) to james town: who feigning to Captain Winne that all things were well, and that Captain Smith had use of their arms, wherefore they requested new (the which were given them) they told him their coming was for some extraordinary tools, and shift of apparel; by which colourable excuse they obtained six or seven more to their confederacy, such expert thieves, that presently furnished them with a great many swords, pike-heads, pieces, shot, powder and such like: Saluages they had at hand to carry it away, and the next day they returned unsuspected, leaving their confederates to follow, and in the interim to convey them such things as they could: for which service they should live with Powhatan as his chief affected, free from those miseries that would happen the Colony. Samuel their other consort Powhatan kept for their pledge, whose diligence had provided them three hundred of their kind of hatchets; the rest fifty swords, eight pieces, and eight pikes. Brynton and Richard Savage seeing the Dutchmen so diligent to accommodate the Saluages with weapons, attempted to have gotten to james town, but they were apprehended, and expected ever when to be put to death. 
The Dutch men furnish the Saluages with Arms.   
Within two or three days we arrived at Pamaunkee, the King as many days entertained us with feasting and much mirth. And the day appointed to begin our trade, the Precedent, Lieutenant Percy, Mr. West, Mr. Russell, Mr. Behethland, Mr. Crashaw▪ Mr. powel, Mr. Ford, and some others to the number of fifteen, went up to Opechancanoughs house a quarter of a mile from the river) where we found nothing but a lame fellow and a boy: and all the houses round about of all things abandoned. Not long we stayed ere the King arrived, and after him came divers of his people loaden with bows and arrows: but such pinching commodities, and those esteemed at such a value, as our Captain began with the King after this manner. 
Smith's Speech to Opechancanough.   
Opechancanough, the great love you profess with your tongue, seems mere deceit by your actions. Last year you kindly fraughted out ship: but now you have invited me to starve with hunger: you know my want, and I your plenty; of which by some means I must have part: remember it is fit for Kings to keep their promise. Here are my commodities; whereof take your choice, the rest I will proportion fit bargains for your pe●ple.  
The King seemed kindly to accept his offer, and the better to colour his project, sold us what they had to our own content, promising the next day more company, better provided. The Barges and Pinnace being committed to the charge of Mr. Phetiplace; the Precedent with his old fifteen marched up to the King's house, where we found four or five men newly arrived, each with a great basket. Not long after came the King, 
700. Saluages beset the English being but 16.  who with a strained cheerfulness held us with discourse what pains he had taken to keep his promise; till Mr. Russell brought us in news that we were all betrayed: for at least seven hundred Saluages well armed, had environed the house, and beset the fields. The King conjecturing what Russell related, we could well perceive how the extremity of his fear bewrayed his intent: whereat some of our company seeming dismayed with the thought of such a multitude; the Captain encouraged us to this effect.  
Worthy Countrymen, 
Smith's speech to his Company.  were the mischiefs of my seeming friends no more than the danger of these enemies, I little cared were they as many more: if you dare do, but as I. But this is my torment, that if I escape them, our malicious Council with their open mouthed Minions, will make me such a peace breaker (in their opinions in England) as will break my neck. I could wish those here, that make these seem Saints, and me an oppressor. But this is the worst of all, wherein I pray you aid me with your opinions. Should we begin with them and surprise the King, we cannot keep him and defend well ourselves. If we should each kill our man, and so proceed with all in the house; the rest will all fly: then shall we get no more than the bodies that are slain, and so starve for victual. As for their fury it is the least danger, for well you know, being alone assaulted with two or three hundred of them, I made them by the help of God compound to save my life. And we are sixteen, and they but seven hundred at the most; and assure yourselves, God will so assist us, that if you dare stand but to discharge your pieces, the very smoke will be sufficient to affright them. Yet howsoever, let us fight like men, and not die like sheep: for by that means you know God hath oft delivered me, and so I trust will now. But first, I will deal with them, to bring it to pass we may fight for something, and draw them to it by conditions. If you like this motion, promise me you will be valiant.  
The time not permitting any argument, all vowed to execute whatsoever he attempted, or die: whereupon the Captain in plain terms told the King this.  
I see Opechancanough your plot to murder me, but I fear it not. 
Smith's offer to Opechancanough.  As yet your men and mine have done no harm, but by our direction. Take therefore your Arms, you see mine, my body shall be as naked as yours: the Isle in your river is a fit place, if you be contented: and the conqueror (of us two) shall be Lord and Master over all our men. If you have not enough, take time to fetch more, and bring what number you will; so every one bring a basket of corn, against all which I will stake the value in copper, you see I have but fifteen, and our game shall be, the Conqueror take all.  
The King being guarded with forty or fifty of his chief men, 
Opecahncanoughs deuic● to betray Smith.  seemed kindly to appease Smith's suspicion of unkindness, by a great present at the door, they entreated him to receive. This was to draw him out of the door, where the bait was guarded with at least two hundred men, and thirty lying under a great tree (that lay thwart as a barricado) each his arrow nocked ready to shoot. The Precedent commanded one to go see what what kind of deceit this was, and to receive the present; but he refused to do it: yet the Gentlemen and all the rest were importunate to go, but he would not permit them, being vexed at that Coward: and commanded Lieutenant Percy, Master West, and the rest to make good the house; Master powel and Master Behethland he commanded to guard the door, and in such a rage snatched the King by his long lock in the midst of his men, 
Smith taketh the King prisoner.  with his Pistol ready bend against his breast. Thus he led the trembling King, near dead with fear amongst all his people: who delivering the Captain his Vantbrace, Bow, and Arrows, all his men were easily entreated to cast down their Arms, little dreaming any durst in that manner have used their King: who then to escape himself bestowed his presents in good sadness, and causing a great many of them come before him unarmed, holding the King by the hair (as is said) he spoke to them to this effect.  
I see (you Pamaunkees) the great desire you have to kill me, and my long suffering your injuries hath emboldened you to this presumption. The cause I have forborn your insolences, 
Smith's discourse to the Pamaunkees.  is the promise I made you (before the God I serve) to be your friend, till you give me just cause to be your enemy. If I keep this vow, my God will keep me, you cannot hurt me, if I break it, he will destroy me. But if you shoot but one Arrow to shed one drop of blood of any of my men, or steal the least of these Beads, or Copper, I spurn here before you with my foot; you shall see I will not cease revenge (if once I begin) so long as I can hear where to find one of your Nation that will not deny the name of Pamaunk. I am n●t now at Rassaweak half drowned with mire, where you took me prisoner; yet then for keeping your promise and your good usage and saving my life, I so affect you, that your denials of your treachery, do half persuade me to mistake myself. But if I be the mark you aim at, here I stand, shoot he that dare. You promised to fraught my Ship ere I departed, and so you shall, or I mean to load her with your dead carcases, yet if as friends you will come and trade, I once more promise not to trouble you, except you give me the first occasion, and your King shall be free and be my friend, for I am not come to hurt him or any of you.  
Upon this away went their Bows and Arrows, and men, women, and children brought in their Commodities: 
The Savages dissemble their intent.  two or three hours they so thronged about the Precedent and so overwearied him, as he retired himself to rest, leaving Mr Behethland and Mr powel to receive their presents, but some Savages perceiving him fast asleep, & the guard somewhat carelessly dispersed, forty or 〈◊〉 of their choi●e men each with a club, or an English sword in his hand began to enter the house with two or three hundred oth●rs, that pressed to second them. The noise and hast they made in, did so shake the house they awoke him from his sleep, and being half amazed with this sudden sight, betook him straight to his sword and Target; Mr Chrashaw and some others charged in like manner; whereat they quickly thronged faster back than before forward. The house thus cleansed, the King and some of his ancients we kept yet with him, 
Their excuse and reconcilement.  who with a long Oration, excused this intrusion. The rest of the day was spent with much kindness, the company again renewing their presents with their best provisions, and whatsoever he gave them they seemed therewith well contented.  
Now in the mean while since our departure, this happened at our Fort. Master Scrivener having received Letters from England to make himself either Caesar or nothing, he began to decline in his affection to Captain Smith, that ever regarded him as himself, and was willing to cross the surprising of Powhatan▪ Some certain days after the Precedents departure, he would needs go visit the Isle of Hogs, and took with him Captain Waldo (though the Precedent had appointed him to be ready to second his occasions) with Mr Anthony Gosnoll and eight others; but so violent was the wind (that extreme frozen time) that the Boat sunk, but where or how none doth know. 
The loss of Mr. Scrivener and others with a Skiff.  The Skiff was much over loaden, and would scarce have lived in that extreme tempest had she been empty: but by no persuasion he could be diverted, though both Waldo and an hundred others doubted as it happened. The Savages were the first that round their bodies, which so much the more encouraged them to effect their projects. To advertise the Precedent of this heavy news, none could be found would undertake it, but the journey was often refused of all in the Fort, until Master Richard Wyffin undertook alone the performance thereof.  
In this journey he was encountered with many dangers and difficulties in all parts as he passed. 
Master Wyffins' desperate journey.  As for that night he lodged with Powhatan, perceiving such preparation for war, not finding the Precedent there: he did assure himself some mischief was intended. Pocahontas hid him for a time, and sent them who pursued him the clean contrary way to seek him; but by her means and extraordinary bribes and much trouble in three days travel, at length he found us in the midst of these turmoils. This unhappy news the Precedent swore him to conceal from the company, and so dissembling his sorrow with the best countenances he could, when the night approached went safely aboard with all his Soldiers; leaving Opechancanough at liberty, according to his promise, the better to have Powhatan in his return.  

Powhatan constraineth his men to be treacherous.  Now so extremely Powhatan had threatened the death of his men, if they did not by some means kill Captain Smith; that the next day they appointed all the country should come to trade unarmed: yet unwilling to be treacherous, but that they were constrained, hating fight with him almost as ill as hanging, such fear they had of bad success. The next morning the Sun had not long appeared, but the fields appeared covered with people and Baskets, to tempt us on shore: but nothing was to be had without his presence, nor they would not endure the sight of a gun. When the Precedent saw them begin to depart, 
The third attempt to betray us.  being unwilling to lose such a booty, he so well conceived the Pinnace, and his Barges with Ambuscadoes, as only with Lieutenant Percy, Mr West, and Mr Russell, with their Arms went on shore; others he appointed unarmed to receive what was brought. The Savages flocked before him in heaps, and the bank serving as a trench for a retreat, he drew them fair open to his Ambuscado's. For he not being to be persuaded to go visit their King▪ the King knowing the most of them unarmed, came to visit him with two or three hundred men, in the form of two half Moons; and with some twenty men, and many women loaden with painted Baskets. But when they approached somewhat near us, their women and children ●led. For when they had environed and beset the fields in this manner, they thought their purpose sure, yet so trembled with fear as they were scarce able to ●●ck their Arrows: Smith standing with his three men ready bend, beholding them till they were within danger of our Ambuscado's, who upon the word di●cov●r●d themselves, and he retired to the Barge. Which the Savages no sooner perceived, then away they fled, esteeming their heels for their best advantage.  
That night we sent Mr Chr●shaw, and Mr Ford to james town to Cap. Winne▪ In the way between Wer●wocomoco and the Fort they met four or five of the Dutchman's Confederates going to Powhatan: the which to excuse those gentlemen's suspicion of their running to the Savages, returned to the Fort and there continued.  
The Savages hearing our Barge go down the river in the night, were so terribly afraid, that we sen● for more men (we having to much threatened their ruin, 
A chain of pearl sent to obtain peace.  and the rasing of th●ir houses, boats, and wires) that the next day the King sent our Captain a chain of Pearl, to alter his purpose and stay his men: promising though they wanted themselves, to fraught our ship and bring it aboard to avoid suspicion. So that five or six days after, from all parts of the Country within ten or twelve miles in the extreme frost and snow, they brought us provision on their naked backs.  
Yet notwithstanding this kindness and trade, had their art and poison been sufficient, the Precedent, with Mr West, and some others had been poisoned; 
The Precedent poisoned: the offend●r punished.  it made them sick, but expelled itself. Wecuttanow, a stout young fellow, knowing he was suspected for bringing this present of poison, with forty or fifty of his chief companions (seeing the Precedent but with a few men at Potauneak) so proudly braved it, as though he expected to encounter a revenge. Which the Precedent perceiving in the midst of hi● company, did not only beat, but spurned him like a dog, as scorning to do h●m any worse mischief. Whereupon all of them fled into the woods, thinking they had done a great matter to have so well escaped: and the townsmen remaining presently fraughted our Barge to be rid of our companies, framing many ●●c●ses to excuse Wecuttanow, (being son to their chief King, but Po●hatan) and told us if we would show them him that brought the poison, they would deliver him to us to punish as we pleased. Men may think it strange there should be such a stir for a little corn, but had it been gold with more ease we might have got it; and had it wanted, the whole Colony had starved. We may be thought very patient to endure all those injuries, yet only with fearing them we got what they had. Whereas if we had taken revenge, then by their loss, we should have lost ourselves. We searched also the Countries of Youghtanund and Mattapanient, 
The Savages want and poverty.  where the people imparted that little they had with such complaints and tears from the eyes of women and children, as he had been too cruel to have been a Christian, that would not have been satisfied and moved with compassion. But had this happened in October, November, and December, when that unhappy discovery of Monacan was made, we might have fraughted a ship of forty tuns, and twice as much might have been had from the Rivers of Rapahanock, Patawomek, and Pawtuaunt.  
The main occasion of our thus temporising with them was, to part friends as we did, to give the less cause of suspicion to Powhatan to fly, by whom we now returned with a purpose to have surprised him and his provision. For effecting whereof (when we came against the Town) the Precedent sent Mr Wyffin and Mr Coe ashore to discover and make way for his intended project. But they found that those damned Dutchmen had caused Powhatan to abandon his new house and Werowocomoco, 
The Dutchmen did much hurt.  and to carry away all his corn and provision: and the people they found so ill affected, that they were in great doubt how to escape with their lives. So the Precedent finding his intent frustrated, and that there was nothing now to be had, and therefore an unfit time to revenge their abuses, sent Master Michael Phittiplace by Land to james town, whether we sailed with all the speed we could; we having in this journey (for 25●. of Copper, and 50●. of Iron & Beads) enough to keep 46 men six weeks, and every man for his reward a month's provision extraordinary (no Trade being allowed but for the store) we got near 100LS ● weight of dear suct, and delivered to the Cape Merchant 479 Bushels of Corne.  
Those temporising proceedings to some may seem too charitable, to such a daily daring treacherous people: to others not pleasing, that we washed not the gr●und with their bloods, nor showed such strange inventions in mangling, murdering, ransacking, and destroying (as did the Spaniards) the simple bodies of such ignorant souls; nor delightful, because not stuffed with Relations of heaps and joins of gold and silver, nor such rare commodities, as the Portugals and Spany●rds found in the East and West Indies. The want whereof hath begot us (that were the first undertakers) no less sco●ne and contempt, than the noble conquests and valiant adventures beautified with it, praise and honour. Too much I confess the world cannot attribute to their ever memorable merit: and to clear us from the blind worlds ignorant censure, these few words may suffice any reasonable understanding.  

An Apology for the first Planters.  It was the Spaniards good hap to happen in those parts where were infinite numbers of people, who had manured the ground with that providence, it afforded victuals at all times. And time had brought them to that perfection, they had the use of gold and silver, and the most of such commodities as those Countries afforded: so that, what the Spaniard got was chiefly the spoil and pillage of those Country people, and not the labours of their own hands. But had those fruitful Countries been as savage, as barbarous, as ill peopled, as little planted, laboured, and manured, as Virginia: their proper labours it is likely would have produced as small profit as ours. But had Virginia been peopled, planted, manured, and adorned with such store of precious jewels, and rich commodities as was the Indies: then had we not gotten and done as much as by their examples might be expected from us, the world might then have traduced us and our merits, and have made shame and infamy our recompense and reward.  
But we chanced in a Land even as God made it, where we found only an idle, improvident, scattered people, ignorant of the knowledge of gold or silver, or any commodities, and careless of any thing but from hand to mouth, except babbles of no worth; nothing to encourage us, but what accidentally we found Nature afforded. Which ere we could bring to recompense our pains, defray our charges, and satisfy our Adventurers; we were to discover the Country, subdue the people, bring them to be tractable, civil, and industrious, and teach them trades, that the fruits of their labours might make us some recompense, or plant such Colonies of our own, that must first make provision how to live of themselves, ere they can bring to perfection the commodities of the Country: which doubtless will be as commodious for England as the west Indies for Spain, if it be rightly managed: notwithstanding all our homebred opinions, that will argue the contrary, as formerly some have done against the Spaniards and portugals. But to conclude, against all rumour of opinion, I only say this, for those that the three first years began this Plantation; notwithstanding all their factions, mutinies, and miseries, so gently corrected, and well prevented: peruse the Spanish Decades; the Relations of Master Hackl●●, and tell me how many ever with such small means as a Barge of 22 tuns, sometimes with seven, eight, or nine, or but at most, twelve or sixteen men, did ever discover so many fair and navigable Rivers, subject so many several Kings, people, and Nations, to obedience, and contribution, with so little bloodshed.  
And if in the search of those Countries we had happened where wealth had been, we had as surely had it as obedience and contribution, but if we have overskipped it, we will not envy them that shall find it: yet can we not but lament, it was our fortunes to end when we had but only learned how to begin, and found the right course how to proceed.  By Richard Wyffin, William Phittiplace, jeffrey Abbot, and Anas Todkill.  

CHAP. X. How the Savages became subject to the English.  
WHen the Ships departed, all the provision of the Store (but that the Precedent had gotten) was so rotten with the last Summer's rain, and eaten with Rats and Worms, as the Hogs would scarcely eat it. Yet it was the Soldier's diet till our returns, so that we found nothing done, but our victuals spent, and the most part of our tools, and a good part of our Arms conveyed to the Savages. But now casting up the Store, and finding sufficient till the next harvest, the fear of starving was abandoned, and the company divided into ten, fifteen, or as the business required; six hours each day was spent in work, the rest in Pastime and merry exercises, but the untowardness of the greatest number caused the Precedent advise as followeth.  
Countrymen, the long experience of our late miseries, 
The Precedents advice to the Company.  I hope is sufficient to persuade every one to a present correction of himself, and think not that either my pains, nor the Adventurers purses, will ever maintain you in idleness and sloth. I speak not this to you all, for diverse of you I know deserve both honour and reward, better than is yet here to be had: but the greater part must be more industrious, or starve, how ever you have been heretofore tolerated by the authority of the Council, from that I have often commanded you. You see now that power resteth wholly in myself: you must obey this now for a Law, that he that will not work shall not eat (except by sickness he be disabled:) for the labours of thirty or forty honest and industrious men shall not be consumed to maintain an hundred and fifty idle loiterers. And though you presume the authority here is but a shadow, and that I dare not touch the lives of any but my own must answer it: the Letters patents shall each week be read to you, whose Contents will tell you the contrary. I would wish you therefore without contempt seek to observe these orders set down, for there are now no more Counsellors to protect you, nor curb my endeavours. Therefore he that offendeth, let him assuredly expect his due punishment.  
He made also a Table, as a public memorial of every man's deserts, to encourage the good, and with shame to spur on the rest to amendment. By this many became very industrious, yet more by punishment performed their business, for all were so tasked, that there was no excuse could prevail to deceive him: yet the Dutchman's consorts so closely conveyed them powder, shot, sword's, and tools, that though we could find the defect, we could not find by whom, till it was too late.  
All this time the Dutch men remaining with Powhatan, 
The Dutchman's plot to murder Cap. Smith.  (who kindly entertained them to instruct the Savages the use of our Arms) and their consorts not following them as they expected; to know the cause, they sent Francis their companion, a stout young fellow, disguised like a Savage, to the Glass-house, a place in the woods near a mile from james Town; where was their Rendezvous for all their unsuspected villainy. Forty men they procured to lie in Ambuscado for Captain Smith, who no sooner heard of this Dutchman, but he sent to apprehend him (but he was gone) yet to cross his return to Powhatan, the Captain presently dispatched 20. shot after him, himself returning from the Glass-house alone. By the way he encountered the King of Pasp●hegh, a most strong stout Savage, whose persuasions not being able to persuade him to his Ambush, seeing him only armed but with a falchion, 
Smith taketh the King of Paspahegh prisoner.  attempted to have shot him, but the Precedent prevented his shoot by grappling with him, and the Savage as well prevented him for drawing his falchion, and perforce bore him into the River to have drowned him. Long they struggled in the water, till the Precedent got such hold on his throat, he had near strangled the King; but having drawn his falchion to cut off his head, seeing how pitifully he begged his life, he led him prisoner to james Town, and put him in chains.  
The Dutchman ere long was also brought in, whose villainy though all this time it was suspected, yet he feigned such a formal excuse, that for want of language Captain Win understood him not rightly, and for their dealings with Powhatan, that to save their lives they were constrained to accommodate his arms, of whom he extremely complained to have detained them perforce, and that he made this escape with the hazard of his life, and meant not to have returned, but was only walking in the woods to gather Walnuts. Yet for all this fair tale, there was so small appearance of truth, and the plain confession of Paspahegh of his treachery, he went by the heels: Smith purposing to regain the Dutchmen, by the saving his life. The poor Savage did his best by his daily messengers to Powhatan, but all returned that the Dutchmen would not return, neither did Powhatan stay them; and to bring them fifty miles on his men's backs they were not able. Daily this King's wives, children, and people came to visit him with presents, which he liberally bestowed to make his peace. Much trust they had in the Precedents promise: but the King finding his guard negligent, though fettered yet escaped. Captain Winne thinking to pursue him found such troops of Savages to hinder his passage, as they exchanged many volleys of shot for flights of Arrows. Captain Smith hearing of this in returning to the Fort, 
Cap. Smith taketh two Savages prisoners.  took two Savages prisoners, called Kemp's and Tussore, the two most exact villains in all the Country. With these he sent Captain Winne and fifty choice men, and Lieutenant Percy, to have regained the King, and revenged this injury, and so had done, if they had followed his directions, or been advised with those two villains, that would have betrayed both King & kindred for a piece of Copper, but he trifling away the night, the Savages the next morning by the rising of the Sun, braved him to come ashore to fight: a good time both sides let fly at other, but we heard of no hurt, only they took two Canowes', burnt the King's house, and so returned to james town.  

The Savages desire Peace.  The Precedent fearing those Bravadoes would but encourage the Savages, began again himself to try his conclusions, whereby six or seven were slain, as many made prisoners. He burned their houses, took their Boats, with all their fishing wires, and planted some of them at james town for his own use, and now resolved not to cease till he had revenged himself of all them had injured him. But in his journey passing by Paspahegh towards Chickahamania, the Savages did their best to draw him to their Ambuscadoes; but seeing him regardlessly pass their Country, all showed themselves in their bravest manner. To try their valours he could not but let fly, and ere he could land, they no sooner knew him, but they threw down their arms and desired peace. Their Orator was a lusty young fellow called Okaning, whose worthy discourse deserveth to be remembered. And thus it was:  

Okaning his Oration.  Captain Smith, my Master is here present in the company, thinking it Capt. Winne, and not you, (of him he intended to have been revenged) having never offended him. If he hath offended you in escaping your imprisonment, the fishes swim, the fowls fly, and the very beasts strive to escape the snare and live. Then blame not him being a man. He would entreat you remember, you being a prisoner, what pains he took to save your life. If since he hath injured you he was compelled to it: but howsoever, you have revenged it with our too great loss. We perceive and well know you intent to destroy us, that are here to entreat and desire your friendship, and to enjoy our houses and plant our fields, of whose fruit you shall participate: otherwise you will have the worse by our absence; for we can plant any where, though with more labour, and we know you cannot live if you want our harvest, and that relief we bring you. If you promise us peace, we will believe you; if you proceed in revenge we will abandon the Country.  
Upon these terms the Precedent promised them peace, till they did us injury, upon condition they should bring in provision. Thus all departed goods friends, and so continued till Smith left the Country.  
Arriving at james Town, complaint was made to the Precedent, 
A Savage smothered at james town, and recovered.  that the Chickahamanians, who all this while continued trade and seemed our friends, by colour thereof were the only thieves. And amongst other things a Pistol being stolen and the thief fled, there was apprehended two proper young fellows, that were brothers, known to be his confederates. Now to regain this Pistol, the one was imprisoned, the other was sent to return the Pistol again within twelve hours, or his brother to be hanged. Yet the Precedent pitying the poor naked Savage in the dungeon, sent him victual and some Charcoal for a fire: ere midnight his brother returned with the Pistol, but the poor Savage in the dungeon was so smothered with the smoke he had made, and so piteously burnt, that we found him dead. The other most lamentably bewayed his death, and broke forth into such bitter agonies, that the Precedent to quiet him, told him that if hereafter they would not steal, he would make him alive again: but he little thought he could be recovered. Yet we doing our best with Aqua vitae and Vinegar, it pleased God to restore him again to life, but so drunk & affrighted, that he seemed Lunatic, the which as much tormented and grieved the other, as before to see him dead. Of which malady upon promise of their good behaviour, the Precedent promised to recover him: and so caused him to be laid by a fire to sleep, who in the morning having well slept, had recovered his perfect senses, and then being dressed of his burning, and each a piece of Copper given them, they went away so well contented, that this was spread among all the Savages for a miracle, that Captain Smith could make a man alive that was dead.  
Another ingenuous Savage of Powhatans', having gotten a great bag of Powder, 
Two or three Savages slain in drying Powder.  and the back of an Armour, at Werowocomoco amongst a many of his companions, to show his extraordinary skill, he did dry it on the back as he had seen the Soldiers at james Town. But he dried it so long, they peeping over it to see his skill, it took fire, and blew him to death, and one or two more, and the rest so scorched, they had little pleasure to meddle any more with powder.  
These and many other such pretty Accidents, so amazed and affrighted both Powhatan, and all his people, that from all parts with presents they desired peace; returning many stolen things which we never demanded nor thought of; and after that, those that were taken stealing, both Powhatan and his people have sent them back to james town, to receive their punishment; and all the Country became absolute as free for us, as for themselves.   

CHAP. XI. What was done in three months having Victuals. The Store devoured by Rats, how we lived three months of such natural fruits as the Country afforded.  
NOw we so quietly followed our business, that in three months we made three or four Last of Tar, Pitch, and Soap ashes; produced a trial of Glass; made a Well in the Fort of excellent sweet water, which till then was wanting; built some twenty houses; recovered our Church; provided Nets and Wires for fishing; and to stop the disorders of our disorderly thieves, and the Savages, built a Blockhouse in the neck of our Isle, kept by a Garrison to entertain the Saluages trade, and none to pass nor repass savage nor Christian without the precedents order. Thirty or forty Acres of ground we digged and planted. Of three sows in eighteen months, increased 60, and odd Pigs. And near 500 chickings brought up themselves without having any meat given them: but the Hogs were transported to Hog●Isle: where also we built a blockhouse with a garrison to give us notice of any shipping, and for their exercise they made Clapbord and waynicot, and cut down trees. We built also a fort for a retreat near a convement River upon a high commanding hill, very hard to be assaulted and easy to be defended, but ere it was finished this defect caused a stay.  

Great extremity by Rats.  In searching our casked corn, we found it half rotten, and the rest so consumed with so many thousands of Rats that increased so fast, out there original was from the ships, as we knew not how to keep that little we had. This did drive us all to our wit's end, for there was nothing in the country but what nature afforded. Until this time Kemp's and Tassore were fettered prisoners, and did double task and taught us how to order and plant our fields: whom now for want of victual we set at liberty, but so well they liked our companies they did not desire to go from us. And to express their loves for 16. days continuance, the Country people brought us (when least) 100 a day, of Squirrels, Turkeys, Dear and other wild beasts: But this want of corn occasioned the end of all our works, it being work sufficient to provide victual. 60. or 80. with Ensign Laxon was sent down the river to live upon Oysters, and 20. with liutenant Percy to try for fishing at Point Comfort ● but in six weeks they would not agree once to cast out the net, he being sick and burnt fore with Gunpowder. Master West with as many went up to the falls, but nothing could be found but a few Acorns; of that in store every man had their equal proportion. Till this present, by the hazard and endeavours of some thirty or forty, this whole Colony had ever been fed. 
Bread made of dried Sturgeon.  We had more Sturgeon, then could be devoured by Dog and Man, of which the industrious by drying and pounding, mingled with Caviar●, Sorrel and other wholesome herbs would make bread and good meat: others would gather as much Tockwhogh roots, in a day as would make them bread a week, so that of those wild fruits, and what we caught, we lived very well in regard of such a diet, But such was the strange condition of some 150, that had they not been forced nolens, volens, perforce to gather and prepare their victual they would all have starved or have eaten one another. Of those wild fruits the Savages often brought us, and for that, the Precedent would not fulfil the unreasonable desire, of those distracted Gluttonous Loiterers, to sell not only out kettles, hows, 
Their desire to destroy themselves.  tools, and Iron, nay swords, pieces, and the very Ordnance and houses, might they have prevailed to have been but Idle: for those savage fruits, they would have had imparted all to the Saluages, especially for one basket of Corn they heard of to be at Powhatans', fifty miles from our Fort. Though he bought near half of it to satisfy their humours, yet to have had the other half, they would have sold their souls, though not sufficient to have kept them a week. Thousands were there exclamations, suggestions and devices, to force him to those base inventions to have made it an occasion to abandon the Country. Want perforce constrained him to endure their exclaiming follies, till he found out the author, one Dyer a most crafty fellow and his ancient Maligner, whom he worthily punished, and with the rest he argued the case in this manner.  

The Precedents order for the drones  Fellow soldiers, I did little think any so false to report, or so many to be so simple to be persuaded, that I either intent to starve you, or that Powhatan at this present hath corn for himself, much less for you; or that I would not have it, if I knew where it were to be had. Neither and I think any so malicious as now I see a great many; yet it shall not so passionate me, but I will do my best for my most maligner. But dream no longer of this vain hope from Powhatan, not that I will longer forbear to force you, from your Idleness, and punish you if you rail. But if I find any more runners for Newfoundland with the Pinnace, let him assuredly look to arrive at the Gallows. You cannot deny but that by the hazard of my life many a time I have saved yours, when (might your own wills have prevailed) you would have starved; and will do still whether I will or Noah; But I protest by that God that made me, since necessity hath not power to force you to gather for yourselves those fruits the earth doth y●eld, you shall not only gather for yourselves, but those that are sick. As yet I never had more from the stor● than the worst of you: and all my English extraordinary provision that I have, you shall see me divide it amongst the sick. And this savage trash you so scornfully repine at; being put in your mouths your stomaches can digest, if you would have better you should have brought it; and therefore I will take a course you shall provide what is to be had. The sick shall not starve, but equally share of all our labours; and he that gathereth not every day as much as I do, the next day shall be set beyond the river, and be banished from the Fort as a droue, till he amend his conditions or starve. But some would say with Seneca.  

I know those things thou sayst are true good Nurse,  
But fury forceth me to follow worse.  
My man is buried headlong up and down:  
Desiring better counsel, yet finds none.   
This order many murmured was very cruel, 
But seven of 200 died in nine moneth●.  but it caused the most part so well bestir themselves, that of 200. (except they were drowned) there died not passed seven as: for Captain Winne and Master Leigh they were dead ere this want happened, and the rest died not so, want of ●uch as preserved the rest. Many were billetted amongst the savage, ●h●r●oy we knew all their passages, fields and habitations, how t● gather and use there fruits as well as themselves; for they did know we had such a commanding power at james town they durst not wrong us of a pin.  
So well those poor Savages used us that were thus billetted, 
The Savages return our fugitives.  that diverse of the Soldiers ran away to search Kemp's & Tassore our old prisoners. Glad were these Savages to have such an opportunity to testify their love unto us, for in stead of entertaining them, and such things as they had stolen, with all their great Offers, and promises they made them how to revenge their injuries upon Captain Smith; Kemp's first mad● himself sport, in showing his country men (●y them) how he was used, feeding ●ē with this law, who would not work must not eat, till they were near starved in ●●●de, continually threatening to beat them to death: neither could they get from him, till he and his consorts brought them perforce to our Captain, that so well contented him and punished them, as many others that intended also to follow them, were rather contented to labour at home, than adventure to live idly amongst the Savages; (of whom there was more hope to make better Christians 〈◊〉 good subjects, than the one half of those that counterfeited themselves both.) For so afraid was 〈◊〉 those kings and the better sort of the people to displease us, that some of the base sort that we have extremely hurt and punished for there villainies would hire us, we should not tell it to their kings, or countrymen, who would also repunish them, and yet return them to james town to content the Precedent for a testimony of their loves.  
Master Sicklemore well returned from Chawwonoke; 
Master Sicklemores' journey to Chawwonoke  but found little hope and less certainty of them were left by Sir Walter Raleigh. The river, he saw was not great, the people few, the country most over grown with pines, where there did grow here and there stragglingly Pemminaw, we call silk grass. But by the river the ground was good, and exceeding furtill;  

Master powel's journey to the Mangoags.  Master Nathanael powell and Anas Todkill were also by the Quiyoughquohanocks conducted to the Mangoags to search them there: but nothing could they learn but they were all dead. This honest proper good promise keeping king, of all the rest did ever best affect us, and though to his false Gods he was very zealous, yet he would confess our God as much exceeded his as our Guns did his Bow and Arrows, often sending our Precedent may presents, to pray to his God for rain or his corn would perish, for his Gods were angry. Three days journey they conducted them through the wood●, into a high country towards the Southwest: ●here they saw here and there a little c●rne fi●●d, by some little spring or small brook, but no river they could see: the pe●●le in all respects like the rest, except there language: they live most upon roots, fruits and wild beast's; and trade with them towards the sea and the fatter countries for dried fish and corn, for sk●ns.  

The Dutch men's projects.  All this time to recover the Dutchmen and one Bentley another fugitive, we employed one Willi●m Volday, a Zwitzar by birth, with Pardons & promises to regain them. Little we then suspected this double villain of any villainy; who plainly taught us, in the most trust was the greatest treason; for this wicked hypocrite, by the seeming hate he bore to the lewd conditions of his cursed country men, (having this opportunity by his employment to regain them) conveyed them every thing they desired to e●fect their projects, to destroy the Colony. With much devotion they expected the Spaniard, to whom they intended good service, or any other, that would but carry them from us. But to begin with the ●●rst opportunity; th●● se●ing necessity thus enforced us to disperse ourselves, importuned Powhatan to lend them but his forces, and they would not only destroy our Hogs, fire our town, and betray our Pinnace; but bring to his service and subjection the most of our company. With this plot they had acquainted many Discontents, and many were agreed to their Devilish practice. But one Thomas Douse, and Thomas Mallard (whose christian hearts relented at such an unchristian act) voluntarily revealed it to Captain Smith, who caused them to conceal it, persuading ●ouse and Mallard to proceed in their confederacy: only to bring the irreclamable Dutch men and the inconstant Savages in such a manner amongst such Ambuscado's as he had prepared▪ that not many of them should return from our Peninsula. But this brute coming to the ●ares of the impatient multitude they so importuned the Precedent to cut off those Dutch men, as amongst many that offered to cut their throats before the face of Powhatan, the first was Lieutenant Percy, and Mr. john Cuderington, two Gentlemen of as bold resolute spirits as could possibly be found. But the Precedent had occasion of other employment for them, & gave gave way to Master Wyffin and Sergeant jeffrey Abbot, to go and stab them or shoot them. 
Two Gentlemen sent to the Germans.  But the Dutch men made such excuses, accusing Velday whom they supposed had revealed their project, as Abbot would not, yet Wyffing would, perceiving it but deceit. The King understanding of this their employment, sent presently his messengers to Captain Smith to signify it was not his fault to detain them, nor hinder his men from executing his command: nor did he nor would he maintain them, or any to occasion his displeasure.  

The first arrival of Captain Argall.  But whilst this business was in hand, Arrived one Captain Argall, and Master Thomas Sedan, sent by Master Cornelius to truck with the Colony, and fish for Sturgeon, with a ship well furnished, with wine and much other good provision. Though it was not sent us, our necessities was such as enforced us to take it. He brought us news of a great supply and preparation for the Lord La Woore, with letters that much taxed our Precedent for his heard dealing with the Savages, and not returning the ships fraughted. Notwithstanding we kept this ship tell the fleer arrived. True it is Argall lost his voyage, but we renictualled him, and sent him for England, with a true relation of the causes of our defailments, and how impossible it was to return that wealth they expected, or observe there instructions to endure the Savages insolences, or do any thing to any purpose, except they would send us men and means that could produce that they so much desired: otherwises all they did was lost, and could not but come to confusion. The villainy of Volday we still dissembled. Adam upon his pardon came home but Samuel still stayed with Powhahan to hear further of their estates by this supply. Now all their plots Simth so well understood; they were his best advantages to secure us from any treachery, could be done by them or the Savages: which with facility he could revenge when he would, because all those countries more feared him then Powhatan, and he had such parties with all his bordering neighbours: and many of the rest for love or fear would have done any thing he would have them, upon any commotion, though these fugitives had done all they could to persuade Powhatan, King james would kill Smith, for using him and his people so unkindly.  
By this you may see for all those crosses, treacheries, and dissensions, 
Note these inconveniences.  how he wrestled and overcame (without bloodshed) all that happened: also what good was done; how few died; what food the Country naturally affordeth; what small cause there is men should starve, or be murdered by the Savages, that have discretion to manage them with courage and industry. The two first years, though by his adventures, he had oft brought the Savages to a tractable trade, yet you see how the envious authority ever crossed him, and frustrated his best endeavours. But it wrought in him that experience and estimation amongst the Savages, as otherwise it had been impossible, he had ever effected that he did. Notwithstanding the many miserable, yet generous and worthy adventures, he had oft and long endured in the wide world, yet in this case he was again to learn his Lecture by experience. Which with thus much ado having obtained, it was his ill chance to end, when he had but only learned how to begin. And though he left those unknown difficulties (made easy and familiar) to his unlawful successors, (who only by living in james Town, presumed to know more than all the world could direct them:) Now though they had all his Soldiers, with a triple power, and twice triple better means; by what they have done in his absence, the world may see what they would have done in his presence, had he not prevented their indiscretions: it doth justly prove, what cause he had to send them for England, and that he was neither factious, mutinous, nor dishonest. But they have made it more plain since his return for England; having his absolute authority freely in their power, with all the advantages and opportunity that his labours had effected. As I am sorry their actions have made it so manifest, so I am unwilling to say what reason doth compel me, but only to make apparent the truth, lest I should seem partial, reasonless, and malicious.   

CHAPTER XII. The Arrival of the third Supply.  
TO redress those jars and ill proceedings, the Treasurer, Council, 
The alteration of the government.  and Company of Virginia, not finding that return, and profit they expected; and them engaged there, not having means to subsist of themselves, made means to his Majesty, to call in their Commission, and take a new in their own names, as in their own publication, 1610. you may ●eade at large. Having thus annihilated the old by virtue of a Commission made to the right Honourable, Sir Thomas West, Lord de la War, to be General of Virginia; Sir Thomas Gates, his Lieutenant; Sir George Somers, Admiral; Sir Thomas Dale, high Marshal; Sir Ferdinando Wainman, General of the Horse; and so all other offices to many other worthy Gentlemen, for their lives: (though not any of them had ever been in Virginia, except Captain Newport, who was also by Patent made vice-admiral:) those noble Gentlemen drew in such great sums of money, that they sent Sir Thomas Gates, Sir George Somers, and Captain Newport with nine ships, and five hundred people, who had each of them a Commission, who first arrived to call in the old, without the knowledge or consent of them, that had endured all those former dangers to beat the path, not any regard had at all of them. All things being ready, because those three Captains could not agree for place, it was concluded they should go all in one ship, so all their three Commissions were in that Ship with them called the Sea-Venture. They set sail from England in May 1609. 
Sir Thomas Smith Treasurer.  A small Catch perished at Sea in a Hurricane: the Admiral with an hundred and fifty men, with the two Knights, and their new Commission, their Bills of Loading, with all manner of directions, and the most part of their provision arrived not. With the other seven Ships as Captains arrived Ratliffe, 
The loss of Virginia.  whose right name (as is said) was Sicklemore, Martin, and Archer, with Captain Wood, Captain Webbe, Captain Moon, Captain King, Captain Davis, and diverse Gentlemen of good means, and great parentage. But the first as they had been troublesome at Sea, began again to mar all ashore: for though (as is said) they were formerly sent for England, yet now returning again, graced by the titles of Captains of the passengers, seeing the Admiral wanting, and great probability of her loss, strengthened themselves with those new companies, so exclaiming against Captain Smith, that they mortally hated him ere ever they saw him. Who understanding by his Scouts the arrival of such a Fleet, little dreaming of any such supply, supposed them Spaniards. 
The Savages offer to fight under our colours.  But he quickly so determined and ordered our affairs, as we little feared their Arrival, nor the success of our encounter; nor were the Savages any way negligent for the most part, to aid and assist us with their best power. Had it so been we had been happy; for we would not have trusted them but as our foes, where receiving them as our Countrymen and friends, they did what they could to murder our Precedent, to surprise the Store, the Fort, and our judge, to usurp the government, and make us all their servants and slaves, till they could consume us and our remembrance; and rather indeed to supplant us then supply us, as master William Box an honest Gentleman in this voyage thus relateth.  
In the tail of a Hurricane we were separated from the Admiral, which although it was but the remainder of that Storm, there is seldom any such in England, or those Northern parts of Europe. Some lost their Masts, some their Sails blown from their Yards; the Seas so over-raking our Ships, much of our provision was spoilt, our Fleet separated, and our men sick, and many died, and in this miserable estate we arrived in Virginia.  
But in this Storm,  

When rattling Thunder ran along the Clouds;  
Did not the Sailor's poor, and Masters proud  
A terror feel as struck with fear of God?  
Did not their trembling joints than dread his rod?  
Lest for foul deeds and black mouthed blasphemies,  
The rueful time be come that vengeance cries.   

Mutinies.  To a thousand mischiefs those lewd Captains led this lewd company, wherein were many unruly Gallants, packed thither by their friends to escape ill destinies, and those would dispose and determine of the government, sometimes to one, the next day to another; to day the old Commission must rule, to morrow the new, the next day neither, in fine they would rule all, or ruin all: yet in charity we must endure them thus to destroy us, or by correcting their follies, have brought the world's censure upon us to be guilty of their bloods. Happy had we been had they never arrived, and we for ever abandoned, and as we were left to our fortunes: for on earth for the number was never more confusion, or misery, than their factions occasioned.  
The Precedent seeing the desire those Braves had to rule; seeing how his authority was so unexpectedly changed, would willingly have left all, and have returned for England. But seeing there was small hope this new Commission would arrive, longer he would not suffer those factious spirits to proceed. It would be too tedious, too strange, and almost incredible; should I particularly relate the infinite dangers, plots, and practices, he daily escaped amongst this factious crew; the chief whereof he quickly laid by the heels, till his leisure better served to do them justice: and to take away all occasions of further mischief, Master Percy had his request granted to return for England, being very sick; and Mr West with an hundred and twenty of the best he could choose, 
The planting Nandsamund.  he sent to the F●lles; Martin with near as many to Nandsamund, with their due proportions of all provisions according to their numbers.  
Now the Precedents year being near expired, he made Captain Martin Precedent to follow the order for the election of a Precedent every year: but he knowing his own insufficiency, and the companies untowardness and little regard of him, within three hours after resigned it again to Captain Smith, and at Nandsamund thus proceeded. the people being contributers used him kindly; 
The breach of peace with the Savages.  yet such was his jealous fear, in the midst of their mirth, he did surprise this poor naked King, with his Monuments, houses, and the Isle he inhabited, and there fortified himself; but so apparently distracted with fear, as emboldened the Savages to assault him, kill his men, release their King, gather and carry away a thousand bushels of Corn, he not once offering to intercept them; but sent to the Precedent then at the Falls for thirty good shot; which from james Town immediately was sent him. But he so well employed them they did just nothing, but returned complaining of his tenderness: yet he came away with them to james Town, leaving his company to their fortunes.  
Here I cannot omit the courage of George Forrest, that had seventeen Arrows sticking in him, and one shot through him, yet lived six or seven days, as if he had small hurt, then for want of Chirurgery died.  
Master West having seated his men by the Falls, presently returned to revisit james Town: the Precedent followed him to see that company seated; met him by the way, wondering at his so quick return; and found his company planted so inconsiderately, in a place not only subject to the rivers inundation, but round environed with many intolerable inconveniences.  
For remedy whereof he presently sent to Powhatan to sell him the place called Powhatan, promising to defend him against the Monacans. 
Powhatan bought for Copper.  And these should be his Conditions (with his people) to resign him the Fort and houses, and all that Country for a proportion of Copper; that all stealing offenders should be sent him, thereto receive their punishment; that every house as a Custom should pay him a Bushel of Corn for an inch square of Copper, and a proportion of Pocones, as a yearly tribute to King james for their protection, as a duty; what else they could spare to barter at their best discretions.  
But both this excellent place and those good Conditions did those furies refuse, 
Mutiny.  contemning both him, his kind care and authority. So much they depended on the Lord Generals new Commission, as they regarded none: the worst they could do to show their spites they did; supposing all the Monacans Country, gold; and none should come there but whom they pleased. I do more than wonder to think how only with five men, he either durst or would adventure as he did, (knowing how greedy they were of his blood) to land amongst them, and commit to imprisonment all the Chieftains of those mutinies, 
Five suppress an hundred and twenty.  till by their multitudes being an hundred and twenty they forced him to retire: yet in that interim he surprised one of their Boats, wherewith he returned to their ship; where in deed was their provision, which also he took, and well it chanced he found the Mariners so tractable and constant, or there had been small possibility he had ever escaped. There were diverse other of better reason and experience, that from their first landing, hearing the general good report of his old Soldiers, and seeing with their eyes his actions so well managed with discretion, as Captain Wood, Captain Webbe, Cap. Moon, Captain Fitz james, Master William powel, Master Partridge, Master White, and diverse others, when they perceived the malice of Ratliffe and Archer, and their faction, left their companies, and ever rested his faithful friends. But the worst was that the poor Savages, that daily brought in their contribution to the Precedent, 
Breach of peace with the Savage at the Falle●.  that disorderly company so tormented those poor souls, by stealing their corn, robbing their gardens, beating them, breaking their houses and keeping some prisoners; that they daily complained to Captain Smith, he had brought them for Protectors, worse enemies than the Monacans themselves: which though till then, for his love they had endured, they desired pardon if hereafter they defended themselves; since he would not correct them, as they had long expected he would. So much they importuned him to punish their misdemeanours, as they offered (if he would lead them) to fight for him against them. But having spent nine days in seeking to reclaim them; showing them how much they did abuse themselves with these great guilded hopes of the South Sea Mines, commodities, or victories, they so madly conceived; then seeing nothing would prevail, he set sail for james Town.  

Thus oft we see from small green wounds, and from a little grief,  
A greater sore and sickness grows, then will admit relief:  
For thus themselves they did be guile, and with the rest played thief.   
Now no sooner was the Ship under sail, but the Savages assaulted those hundred and twenty in their Fort, 
An assault by the Savages  finding some straggling abroad in the woods: they slew many, and so affrighted the rest, as their prisoners escaped, and they safely retired, with the swords and cloaks of those they had slain. But ere we had sailed half a league, our ship grounding, gave us once more liberty to summon them to a parley; where we found them all so strangely amazed with this poor silly assault of twelve Saluages, that they submitted themselves upon any terms to the Precedents mercy; who presently put by the heels six or seven of the chief offenders: the rest he seated gallantly at Powhatan, in that Savage Fort, ready built, and prettily fortified with poles and barks of trees, sufficient to have defended them from all the Savages in Virginia, dry houses for lodgings and near two hundred accres of ground ready to be planted, and no place we knew so strong, so pleasant and delightful in Virginia for which we called it Non-such. 
The planting of Non-such.  The Savages also he presently appeased, redelivering to either party their former losses. Thus all were friends.  

The Savages appeased.  New officers appointed to command, and the Precedent again ready to depart, at that instant arrived Captain West, whose gentle nature (by the persuasions and compassion of those mutinous prisoners, alleging they had only done this for his honour) was so much abused, that to regain their old hopes, new turboyles did arise. For they ashore being possessed of all there victual, munition, and every thing, grew to that height in their former factions, as the Precedent left them to their fortunes: they returned again to the open air at west's Fort, abandoning Non such, and he to james town with his best expedition, but this happened him in that journey.  

Captain Smith blown up with powder.  Sleeping in his Boat, (for the ship was returned two days before) accidentally, one fired his powder-bag, which tore the flesh from his body and thighs, nine or ten inches square in a most pitiful manner; but to quench the tormenting fire, frying him in his clothes he leapt overboard into the deep river, where ere they could recover him he was near drowned. In this estate without either Chirurgeon, or Chirurgery he was to go near an hundred miles. Arriving at james town, causing all things to be prepared for peace or wars to obtain provision, whilst those things were providing, Ratliffe, Archer, & the rest of their Confederates, being to come to their trials; their guilty consciences, fearing a just reward for their deserts, seeing the Precedent, unable to stand, and near bereavest of his senses by reason of his torment, 
A bloody intent.  they had plotted to have murdered him in his bed. But his heart did fail him that should have given fire to that merciless Pistol. So not finding that course to be the best, they joined together to usurp the government, thereby to escape their punishment. The Precedent, had notice of their projects, the which to withstand, though his old soldiers importuned him but permit them to take their heads that would resist his command, yet he would not suffer them, but sent for the Masters of the ships, and took order with them for his return for England. Seeing there was neither Chirurgeon, nor Chirurgery in the Fort to cur● his hurt, and the ships to depart the next day, his Commission to be suppressed he knew not why, himself and soldiers to be rewarded he knew not how, and a new commission granted they knew not to whom (the which disabled that authority he had, as made them presume so oft to those mutinies as they did:) besides so grievous were his wounds, and so cruel his torments (few expecting he could live) nor was he able to follow his business to regain what they had lost, suppress those factions, and range the countries for provision as he intended; and well he knew in those affairs his own actions and presence was as requisite as his directions, which now could not be, he went presently abroad, resolving there to appoint them governor's, and to take order for the mutineers, but he could find none he thought fit for it would accept it. In the mean time, seeing him gone, they persuaded Master Percy to stay, who was then to go for England, and be their Precedent. Within less than an hour was this mutation begun and concluded. For when the Company understood Smith would leave them, & saw the rest in Arms called Precedents & Councillors, diverse began to fawn on those new commanders, that now bent all their wits to get him resign them his Commission: who after much ado and many bitter repulses; that their confusion (which he ●ould them was at their elbows) should not be attributed to him, for leaving the Colony without a Commission, he was not unwilling they should steal it, but never would he give it to such as they.  

And thus, Strange violent forces drew us on unwilling:  
Reason persuading against our love's rebelling.  
We saw and knew the better, ah curse accursed!  
That notwithstanding we embrace the worst.   
But had that unhappy blast not happened, he would quickly have qualified the heat of those humours, and factions, 
The causes why Smith left the Country and his Commission.  had the ships but once left them and us to our fortunes; and have made that provision from among the Savages, as we neither feared Spaniard, Savage, nor famine; nor would have left Virginia, nor our lawful authority, but at as dear a price as we had bought it, and paid for it. What shall I say but thus, we left him, that in all his proceedings, made justice his first guide, and experience his second, even hating baseness, sloth, pride, and indignity, more than any dangers; that never allowed more for himself, than his soldiers with him; that upon no danger would send them where he would not lead them himself; that would never see us want, what he either had, or could by any means get us; that would rather want then borrow, or starve then not pay; that loved action more than words, and hated falsehood and covetousness worse than death; whose adventures were our lives, and whose loss our deaths.  
Leaving us thus with three ships, seven boats, commodities ready to trade, the harvest newly gathered, ten week's provision in the store, four hundred ninety and odd persons, twentie-foure Pieces of Ordnance, three hundred Muskets, Snaphances, and Firelocks, Shot, Powder, and Match sufficient, Curates, Pikes, Swords, and Morrios, more than men; the Savages, their language, and habitations well known to an hundred well trained and expert Soldiers; Nets for fishing; Tools of all sorts to work; apparel to supply our wants; six Mares and a Horse; five or six hundred Swine; as many Hens and Chickens; some Goats; some sheep; what was brought or bred there remained. But they regarding nothing but from hand to mouth, did consume that we had, took care for nothing, but to perfect some colourable complaints against Captain Smith. For effecting whereof three weeks longer they stayed the Ships, till they could produce them. That time and charge might much better have been spent, but it suited well with the rest of their discretions.  
Besides james town that was strongly Pallizadoed, containing some fifty or sixty houses, he left five or six other several Forts and Plantations: though they were not so sumptuous as our successors expected, they were better than they provided any for us. All this time we had but one Carpenter in the Country, and three others that could do little, but desired to be learners: two Blacksmiths; two sailors, & those we write labourers were for most part footmen, and such as they that were Adventurers brought to attend them, or such as they could persuade to go with them, that never did know what a day's work was, except the Dutchmen and Poles, and some dozen other. For all the rest were poor Gentlemen, Tradesmen, Servingmen, libertines, and such like, ten times more fit to spoil a Commonwealth, then either begin one, or but help to maintain one. For when neither the fear of God, nor the law, nor shame, nor displeasure of their friends could rule them here, there is small hope ever to bring one in twenty of them ever to be good there. Notwithstanding, I confess diverse amongst them, had better minds and grew much more industrious than was expected: yet ten good workmen would have done more substantial work in a day, than ten of them in a week. Therefore men may rather wonder how we could do so much, then use us so badly, because we did no more, but leave those examples to make others beware, and the fruits of all, we know not for whom.  

The ends of the Dutchmen.  But to see the justice of God upon these Dutchmen; Valdo before spoke of, made a shift to get for England, where persuading the Merchants what rich Mines he had found, and great service he would do them, was very well rewarded, and returned with the Lord La War: but being found a mere Impostor, he died most miserably. Adam and Francis his two consorts were fled again to Powhatan, to whom they promised at the arrival of my Lord, what wonders they would do, would he suffer them but to go to him. But the King seeing they would be gone, replied; You that would have betrayed Captain Smith to me, will certainly betray me to this great Lord for your peace: so caused his men to beat out their brains.  
To conclude, the greatest honour that ever belonged to the greatest Monarches, was the enlarging their Dominions, and erecting Commonweals. Yet howsoever any of them have attributed to themselves, the Conquerors of the world: there is more of the world never heard of them, than ever any of them all had in subjection: for the Medes, Persians, and Assyrians, never Conquered all Asia, nor the Grecians but part of Europe and Asia. The Romans indeed had a great part of both, as well as Africa: but as for all the Northern parts of Europe and Asia the interior Southrens and Western parts of Africa, all America & Terra incognita, they were all ignorant: nor is our knowledge yet but superficial. That their beginnings, ending, and limitations were proportioned by the Almighty is most evident: but to consider of what small means many of them have begun is wonderful. For some write that even Rome herself, during the Reign of Romulus, exceeded not the number of a thousand houses. And Carthage grew so great a Potentate, that at first was but incirculed in the thongs of a Bull's skin, as to fight with Rome for the Empire of the world. Yea Venice at this time the admiration of the earth, was at first but a Marish, inhabited by poor Fishermen. And likewise Niniveh, Thebes, Babylon, Delos, Troy, Athens, Mycena and Sparta, grew from small beginnings to be most famous States, though now they retain little more than a naked name. Now this our young Commonwealth in Virginia, as you have read once consisted but of 38 persons, and in two years increased but to 200. yet by this small means so highly was approved the Plantation in Virginia, as how many Lords, with worthy Knights, and brave Gentlemen pretended to see it, and some did, and now after the expense of fifteen years more, and such massy sums of men and money, grow they disanimated? If we truly consider our Proceedings with the Spaniards, and the rest, we have no reason to despair, for with so small charge, they never had either greater Discoveries, with such certain trials of more several Commodities, then in this short time hath been returned from Virginia, and by much less means. New England was brought out of obscurity, and afforded fraught for near 200 sail of ships, where there is now erected a brave Plantation. For the happiness of Summer Isles, they are no less then either, and yet those have had a far less, and a more difficult beginning, then either Rome, Carthage, or Venice.  Written by Richard Pots, Clarke of the Council, William Tankard, and G.P.  

New seeing there is thus much Paper here to spare, that you should not be altogether cleared with Prose; such Verses as my worthy Friends bestowed upon New England, I here present you, because with honesty I can neither reject, nor omit their courtesies.  

In the deserved Honour of the Author, Captain john Smith, and his Worke.  
Damned Envy is a sprite, that ever haunts  
Beasts, misnamed Men; Cowards, or Ignorants.  
But, only such she follows, whose dear WORTH  
(Maugre her malice) sets their glory forth.  
If this fair Overture, then, take not; It  
Is envy's spite (dear friend) in men of-wit;  
Or Fear, lest morsels, which our mouths possess,  
Might fall from thence; or else, 'tis Sottishness.  
If either; (I hope neither) thee they raise;  
Thy 
* Hindere●●,  Letters are as Letters in thy praise;  
Who, by their vice, improve (when they reprove)  
Thy virtue; so, in hate, procure thee Love..  
Then, On firm Worth: this Monument I frame;  
Scorning for any Smith to forge such fame.  
john Davies, Heref:   

To his worthy Captain the Author.  
THat which we call the subject of all Story,  
Is Truth: which in this Work of thine gives glory  
To all that thou hast done. Then, scorn the spite  
Of Envy; which doth no man's Merits right.  
My sword may help the rest: my Pen no more  
Can do, but this; I'ave said enough before.  
Your sometime Soldier, I. Codrinton, now Templar.   

To my Worthy Friend and Cousin, Captain john Smith▪  
IT overioyes my heart, when as thy Words  
Of these designs, with deeds I do compare.  
Here is a Book, such worthy truth affords,  
None should the due desert thereof impair:  
Sith thou, the man, deserving of these Ages,  
Much pain hast ta'en for this our Kingdoms good,  
In Climes unknown, Amongst Turks and Savages,  
T'enlarge our bounds; though with thy loss of blood.  
Hence damned Detraction: stand not in our way.  
Envy, itself, will not the Truth gainsay.  
N. Smith.   

In the deserved Honour of my honest and worthy Captain, john Smith, and his Worke.  
Captain and friend; when I peruse thy Book  
(With judgements eyes) into my heart I look:  
And there I find (what sometimes Albion knew)  
A Soldier, to his Countries-honour, true.  
Some fight for wealth; and some for empty praise;  
But thou alone thy Country's Fame to raise.  
With due discretion, and undaunted heart,  
I (oft) so well have seen thee act thy Part  
In deepest plunge of hard extremity,  
As forced the troops of proudest foes to fly.  
Though men of greater Rank and less desert  
Would Pish-away thy Praise, it can not start  
From the true Owner: for, all good men's tongues  
Shall keep the same. To them that Part belongs.  
If, then, Wit, Courage, and Success should get  
Thee Fame; the Muse for that is in thy debt:  
A part whereof (lest able though I be)  
Thus here I do disburse, to honour Thee.  
Raleigh Crashaw.   

Michael Phettiplace, Wil: Phettiplace, and Richard Wiffing, Gentlemen, and Soldiers under Captain Smiths command: In his deserved honour for his Work, and Worth.  
Why may not we in this Work have our Mite,  
That had our share in each black day and night,  
When thou Virginia foild'st, yet keptest unstained;  
And held'st the King of Paspeheh exchaind.  
Thou all alone this Savage stern didst take.  
Pamaunkees King we saw thee captive make  
Among seven hundred of his stoutest men,  
To murder thee and us resolved; when  
Fast by the hair thou ledst this Savage grins;  
Thy Pistol at his breast to govern him:  
Which did infuse such awe in all the rest  
(Sith their dread Sovereign thou hadst so distressed)  
That thou and we (poor sixteen) safe retired  
Unto our helpless Ships. Thou (thus admired)  
Didst make proud Powhatan, his subjects send  
To james his Town, thy censure to attend:  
And all Virginia's Lords, and petty Kings,  
Awed by thy virtue, crouch, and Presents brings  
To gain thy grace; so dreaded thou hast been:  
And yet a heart more mild is seldom seen;  
So, making Valour Virtue, really;  
Who hast nought in thee counterfeit, or sly;  
If in the sleight be not the truest Art,  
That makes men famoused for fair desert.  
Who saith of thee, this savours of vain glory,  
Mistakes both thee and us, and this true Story.  
If it be ill in Thee, so well to do;  
Then, is ill in Us, to praise thee too.  
But, if the first be well done; it is well,  
To say it doth (if so it doth) excel.  
Praise is the guerdon of each dear desert  
Making the praised act the praised part  
With more alacrity: Honours Spur is Praise;  
Without which, it (regardless) soon decays.  
And for this pains of thine we praise thee rather▪  
That future Times may know who was the father  
Of that rare Work (New England) which may bring,  
Praise to thy God, and profit to thy King.    


The Summer Ils.  
The tribes are signified by these Figurs 1. Sands 2. Southampton 3. Warwick 4. Padget 5. Pembroke 6. Cavendish 7. Smith 8. Hambleton.  
St Catherins' fort F  
Pembroke's fort K  
King's Castle M  
Southampton fort L  
Devonshire Redute O  
A Scale of 8 Miles 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8  
St George Town D  
Warwick's fort E  
The 3 Bridges A.B.C.  
P Riches Mount  
State house  
The Letters A.B.C. show the sittuation of the 3 bridges P the Mount. D.E.F.G.H.I.K.L.M.N.O. the forts how and by whom they were made the history will show you. The description of the land by Mr Norwood. All contracted into this order by Captain john Smith.  
Smith's fort I  
Pagets' fort H  
Penistons' Redoute G  
Charles forte N  
Printed by james Reeve     

THE FOURTH BOOK.  
TO MAKE PLAIN THE TRUE PROCEEdings of the History for 1609. we must follow the examinations of Doctor Simons, and two learned Orations published by the Company; with the relation of the Right Honourable the Lord De la Ware.  

What happened in the first government after the alteration in the time of Captain George Piercie their Governor.  
THE day before Captain Smith returned for England with the ships, Captain Davis' arrived in a small Pinnace, 
The planting Point Comfort.  with some sixteen proper men more: To these were added a company from james town, under the command of Captain john Sickelmore alias Ratliffe, to inhabit Point Comfort. Captain Martin and Captain West, having lost their boats and near half their men among the Saluages, were returned to james town; for the Saluages no sooner understood Smith was gone, but they all revolted, and did spoil and murder all they encountered. Now we were all constrained to live only on that Smith had only for his own Company, for the rest had consumed their proportions, and now they had twenty Precedents with all their appurtenances: Master Piercie our new Precedent, was so sick he could neither go nor stand. But ere all was consumed, Captain West and Captain Sickelmore, each with a small ship and thirty or forty men well appointed, sought abroad to trade. Sickelmore upon the confidence of Powhatan, with about thirty others as careless as himself, were all slain, only jeffrey Shortridge escaped, and Pocahontas the King's daughter saved a boy called Henry Spilman, that lived many years after, by her means, amongst the Patawomekes. Powhatan still as he found means, cut off their Boats, denied them trade, so that Captain West set sail for England. Now we all found the loss of Captain Smith, yea his greatest maligners could now curse his loss: as for corn, provision and contribution from the Saluages, we had nothing but mortal wounds, with clubs and arrows; as for our Hogs, Hens, Goats, Sheep, Horse, or what lived, our commanders, officers & Saluages daily consumed them, some small proportions sometimes we tasted, till all was devoured; then swords, arms, pieces, or any thing, we traded with the Saluages, whose cruel fingers were so oft embrued in our bloods, that what by their cruelty, our Governors' indiscretion, and the loss of our ships, of five hundred within six months after Captain Smith's departure, there remained not passed sixty men, women and children, most miserable and poor creatures; and those were preserved for the most part, by roots, herbs, acorns, walnuts, berries, now and then a little fish: they that had startch in these extremities, made no small use of it; yea, even the very skins of our horses. Nay, so great was our famine, that a savage we slew, and buried, the poorer sort took him up again and eat him, and so did diverse one another boiled and stewed with roots and herbs: And one amongst the rest did kill his wife, powdered her, and had eaten part of her before it was known, for which he was executed, as he well deserved; now whether she was better roasted, boiled or carbonadoed, I know not, but of such a dish as powdered wise I never heard of. This was that time, which still to this day we called the starving time; it were too vile to say, and scarce to be believed, what we endured: but the occasion was our own, for want of providence, industry and government, and not the barrenness and defect of the Country, as is generally supposed; for till then in three years, for the numbers were landed us, we had never from England provision sufficient for six months, though it seemed by the bills of loading sufficient was sent us, such a glutton is the Sea, and such good fellows the Mariners; we as little tasted of the great proportion sent us, as they of our want and miseries, yet notwithstanding they ever over-swayed and ruled the business, though we endured all that is said, and chiefly lived on what this good Country naturally afforded; yet had we been even in Paradise itself with these Governors, it would not have been much better with us; yet there was amongst us, who had they had the government as Captain Smith appointed, but that they could not maintain it, would surely have kept us from those extremities of miseries. This in ten days more, would have supplanted us all with death.  

The arrival of Sir Thomas Gates.  But God that would not this Country should be unplanted, sent Sir Thomas Gates, and Sir George Summer with one hundred and fifty people most happily preserved by the Bermudas to preserve us: strange it is to say how miraculously they were preserved in a leaking ship, as at large you may read in the ensuing History of those Lands.   

The government resigned to Sir Thomas Gates, 1610.  
WHen these two Noble Knights did see our miseries, being but strangers in that Country, and could understand no more of the cause, but by conjecture of our clamours and complaints, of accusing and excusing one another: They embarked us with themselves, with the best means they could, 
james town abandoned.  and abandoning james town, set sail for England, whereby you may see the event of the government of the former Commanders left to themselves; although they had lived there many years as formerly hath been spoken (who hindered now their proceedings, Captain Smith being gone.)  
At noon they fell to the I'll of Hogs, and the next morning to Mulberry point, at what time they descried the Longboat of the Lord la Ware, for God would not have it so abandoned. For this honourable Lord, than Governor of the Country, met them with three ships exceedingly well furnished with all necessaries fitting, who again returned them to the abandoned james town. Out of the observations of William Simmons Doctor of Divinity.   

The government devolved to the Lord la Ware.  

The arrival of the Lord la Ware.  HIs Lordship arrived the ninth of june 1610. accompanied with Sir Ferdinando Warnman, Captain Houl●roft, Captain Lawson, and diverse other Gentlemen of sort; the tenth he came up with his fleet, went on shore, heard a Sermon, read his Commission, and entered into consultation for the good of the Colony, in which secret counsel we will a little leave them, that we may duly observe the revealed counsel of God. He that shall but turn up his eye, and behold the spangled canopy of heaven, or shall but cast down his eye, and consider the embroidered carpet of the earth, and withal shall mark how the heavens hear the earth, and the earth the Corn and Oil, and they relieve the necessities of man, that man will acknowledge Gods infinite Providence: But he that shall further observe, how God inclineth all casual events to work the necessary help of his Saints, must needs adore the Lords infinite goodness; never had any people more just cause, to cast themselves at the very footstool of God, and to reverence his mercy, than this distressed Colony; for if God had not sent Sir Thomas Gates from the Bermudas, within four days they had almost been famished; if God had not directed the heart of that noble Knight to save the Fort from firing at their shipping, for many were very importunate to have burnt it, they had been destitute of a present harbour and succour; if they had abandoned the Fort any longer time, and had not so soon returned, questionless the Indians would have destroyed the Fort, which had been the means of our safeties amongst them and a terror. If they had set sail sooner, and had launched into the vast Ocean, who would have promised they should have encountered the Fleet of the Lord la Ware, especially when they made for New found land, as they intended, a course contrary to our Navy approaching. If the Lord la Ware had not brought with him a years provision, what comfort would those poor souls have received, to have been relanded to a second destruction? This was the arm of the Lord of Hosts, who would have his people pass the red Sea and Wilderness, and then to possess the land of Canaan: It was divinely spoken of Heathen Socrates, If God for man be careful, why should man be over-distrustfull? for he hath so tempered the contrary qualities of the Elements,  

That neither cold things want heat, nor moist things dry,  
Nor sad things spirits, to quicken them thereby,  
Yet make they musical content of contrariety,  
Which conquered, knits them in such links together,  
They do produce even all this whatsoever.   
The Lord Governor, after mature deliberation, delivered some few words to the Company, laying just blame upon them, for their haughty vanities and sluggish idleness, earnestly entreating them to amend those desperate follies, lest he should be compelled to draw the sword of justice, and to cut off such delinquents, which he had rather draw, to the shedding of his vital blood, to protect them from injuries; heartening them with relation of that store he had brought with him, constituting officers of all conditions, to rule over them, allotting every man his particular place, to watch vigilantly, and work painfully: This Oration and direction being received with a general applause, you might shortly behold the idle and resty diseases of a divided multitude, by the unity and authority of this government to be substantially cured. Those that knew not the way to goodness before, but cherished singularity and faction, can now chalk out the path of all respective duty and service: every man endeavoureth to outstrip other in diligence: the French preparing to plant the Vines, the English labouring in the Woods and grounds; every man knoweth his charge, and dischargeth the same with alacrity. Neither let any man be discouraged, by the relation of their daily labour (as though the sap of their bodies should be spent for other men's profit) the settled times of working, to effect all themselves, or as the Adventurers need desire, required no more pains than from six of the clock in the morning, until ten, and from two in the afternoon, till four, at both which times they are provided of spiritual and corporal relief. First, they enter into the Church, and make their prayers unto God, next they return to their houses and receive their proportion of food. Nor should it be conceived that this business excludeth Gentlemen, whose breeding never knew what a days labour meant, for though they cannot dig, use the Spade, nor practise the Axe, yet may the stayed spirits of any condition, find how to employ the force of knowledge, the exercise of counsel, the operation and power of their best breeding and qualities. The houses which are built, are as warm and defensive against wind and weather, as if they were tiled and slated, being covered above with strong boards, and some matted round with Indian mats. Our forces are now such as are able to tame the fury and treachery of the Saluages: Our Forts assure the Inhabitants, and frustrate all assailants. And to leave no discouragement in the heart of any, who personally shall enter into this great action, I will communicate a double comfort; first, 
Sir George Summer return to the Bermudas.  Sir George Summer, that worthy Admiral hath undertaken a dangerous adventure for the good of the Colony.  
Upon the 15. of june, accompanied with Captain Samuel Argall, he returned in two Pinnaces unto the Bermudas, promising (if by any means God will open a way to that Island of Rocks) that he would soon return with six months provision of flesh; with much cross weather at last he there safely arrived, but Captain Argall was forced back again to james town, whom the Lord De la Beware not long after sent to the River of Patawomeke, to trade for Corn; where finding an English boy, one Henry Spilman, a young Gentleman well descended, by those people preserved from the fury of Powhatan, by his acquaintance had such good usage of those kind Saluages, that they fraughted his ship with Corn, wherewith he returned to james town.  

The building Fort Henry and Fort Charles.  The other comfort is, that the Lord la Ware hath built two new Forts, the one called Fort Henry, the other Fort Charles, in honour of our most noble Prince, and his hopeful brother, upon a pleasant plain, and near a little Rivilet they call Southampton River; they stand in a wholesome air, having plenty of Springs of sweet water, they command a great circuit of ground, containing Wood, Pasture and Marsh, with apt places for Vines, Corn and Gardens; in which Forts it is resolved, that all those that come out of England, shall be at their first landing quartered, that the wearisomeness of the Sea, may be refreshed in this pleasing part of the Country, and Sir Thomas Gates he sent for England. But to correct some injuries of the Paspahegs', he sent Captain Pearcie, Master Stacy, and fifty or threescore shot, where the Saluages flying, they burned their houses, took the Queen and her children prisoners, whom not long after they slew.  
The fertility of the soil, the temperature of the climate, the form of government, the condition of our people, their daily invocating of the Name of God being thus expressed; why should the success, by the rules of mortal judgement, be disparaged? why should not the rich harvest of our hopes be seasonably expected? I dare say, that the resolution of Caesar in France, the designs of Alexander, the discoveries of Hernando Cortes in the West, and of Emanuel King of Portugal in the East, were not encouraged upon so firm grounds of state and possibility.  
But his Lordship being at the falls, the Saluages assaulted his troops and slew three or four of his men. Not long after, his Honour growing very sick, he returned for England the 28. of March; in the ship were about five and fifty men, but ere we arrived at Fyall, forty of us were near sick to death, of the Scurvy, Calenture, and other diseases: the Governor being an Englishman, kindly used us, but small relief we could get, but Oranges, of which we had plenty, whereby within eight days we recovered, and all were well and strong by that they came into England. Written by William Box.  
The Counsel of Virginia finding the smallness of that return which they hoped should have defrayed the charge of a new supply, entered into a deep consultation, whether it were fit to enter into a new Contribution, or in time to send for them home, and give over the action, and therefore they adjured Sir Thomas Gates to deal plainly with them, who with a solemn and a sacred oath replied, That all things before reported were true, and that all men know that we stand at the devotion of politic Princes and States, who for their proper utility, device all courses to grind our Merchants, and by all pretences to confiscate their goods, and to draw from us all manner of gain by their inquisitive inventions, when in Virginia, a few years labour by planting and husbandry, will furnish all our de●●cts with honour and security. Out of a Declaration published by the Counsel, 1610.   

The government left again to Captain George Piercie, and the return of the Lord la Ware, with his Relation to the Council.  
MY Lords, now by accident returned from my charge at Virginia, 
Sir Thomas Smith Treasurer.  contrary either to my own desire, or other men's expectations, who spare not to censure me, in point of duty, and to discourse and question the reason, though they apprehend not the true cause of my return, 
The Relation of the Lord la Ware.  I am forced out of a willingness to satisfy every man, to deliver unto your Lordships and the rest of this assembly, in what state I have lived ever since my arrival to the Colony, what hath been the just cause of my sudden departure, and on what terms I have left the same, the rather because I perceive, that since my coming into England, such a coldness and irresolution is bred in many of the Adventurers, that some of them seek to withdraw their payments, by which the action must be supported, making this my return colour of their needless backwardness and unjust protraction: which that you may the better understand, I was welcomed to james town by a violent ague; being cured of it, within thre● weeks after I began to be distempered with other grievous sicknesses which successively and severally assailed me, for besides a relapse into the former disease, which with much more violence held me more than a month, and brought me to greater weakness; the flux surprised me, and kept me many days, than the cramp assaulted my weak body with strong pains, and after, the gout; all those drew me to that weakness, being unable to stir, brought upon me the scurvy, which though in others it be a sickness of slothfulness, yet was it in mean effect of weakness, which never left me, till I was ready to leave the world.  
In these extremities I resolved to consult with my friends, who finding nature spent in me, and my body almost consumed, my pains likewise daily increasing, gave me advice to prefer a hopeful recovery, before an assured ruin, which must necessarily have ensued, had I lived but twenty days longer in Virginia, wanting at that instant both food and Physic, fit to remedy such extraordinary diseases; wherefore I shipped myself with Doctor Bohun and Captain Argall, for Mevis in the West Indies, but being crossed with Southerly winds, I was forced to shape my course for the Western Isles, where I found help for my health, and my sickness assuaged, by the means of fresh diet, especially Oranges and Lemons, and undoubted remedy for that disease: then I intended to have returned back again to Virginia, but I was advised not to hazard myself, before I had perfectly recovered my strength: so I came for England; in which accident, I doubt not but men of judgement will imagine, there would more prejudice have happened by my death there, than I hope can do by my return.  
For the Colony I left it to the charge of Captain George Piercie, a Gentleman of honour and resolution, until the coming of Sir Thomas Dale, whose Commission was likewise to be determined upon the arrival of Sir Thomas Gates, according to the order your Lordships appointed: the number I left were about two hundred, the most in health, and provided of at least ten months victual, and the Country people tractable and friendly. What other defects they had, I found by Sir Thomas Gates at the Cows; his Fleet was sufficiently furnished with supplies, but when it shall please God that Sir Thomas Dale, 
100 Kine and 200. Swine sent to Virginia.  and Sir Thomas Gates shall arrive in Virginia with the extraordinary supply of 100 Kine, and 200. Swine, besides store of other provision, for the maintenance of the Colony, there will appear that success in the action, as shall give no man cause of distrust, that hath already adventured, but encourage every good mind to further so good a work, as will redound both to the glory of God, to the credit of our nation, and the comfort of all those that have been instruments in the furthering of it. Out of the Lord la Wares discourse, published by Authority, 1611.   

The government surrendered to Sir Thomas Dale, who arrived in Virginia the tenth of May, 1611. out of Master Hamors Book.  
BEfore the Lord la Ware arrived in England, 
Sir Thomas Smith Treasurer. The arrival of Sir Thomas Dale.  the Council and Company had dispatched away Sir Thomas Dale with three ships, men and cattle, and all other provisions necessary for a year; all which arrived well the tenth of May 1611. where he found them growing again to their former estate of penury, being so improvident as not to put Corn in the ground for their bread, but trusted to the store, then furnished but with three months provision; his first care therefore was to employ all hands about setting of Corn, at the two Forts at Kecoughtan, Henry and Charles, whereby, the season than not fully passed, though about the end of May, we had an indifferent crop of good Corne.  
This business taken order for, and the care and trust of it committed to his under-officers, 
His preparation to build a new town.  to james town he hastened, where most of the company were ●t their daily and usual works, bowling in the streets; these he employed about necessary works, as felling of Timber, repairing their houses ready to fall on their heads, and providing pales, posts and rails, to impale his purposed new town, which by reason of his ignorance, being but newly arrived, he had not resolved where to seat; therefore to better his knowledge, with one hundred men he spent some time in viewing the River of Nausamund, in despite of the Indians then our enemies; then our own River to the Fales, where upon a high land, environed with the main River, some twelve miles from the Fales, by Arsahattock, he resolved to plant his new town.  
It was no small trouble to reduce his people so timely to good order, being of so ill a condition, as may well witness his severity and strict imprinted book of Articles, then needful with all extremity to be executed; now much mitigated; so as if his Laws had not been so strictly executed, I see not how the utter subversion of the Colony should have been prevented, witness Webs and Prices design the first year, since that of Abbots, and others, more dangerous than the former. Here I entreat your patience for an Apology, though not a pardon. This jeffrey Abbots, how ever this Author censures him, and the Governor executes him, I know he had long served both in Ireland and Netherlands, here he was a Sergeant of my Company, and I never saw in Virginia a more sufficient Soldier, less turbulent, a better wit, more hardy or industrious, nor any more forward to cut off them that sought to abandon the Country, or wrong the Colony; how ingratefully those deserts might be rewarded, envied or neglected, or his far inferiors preferred to overtop him, I know not, but such occasions might move a Saint, much more a man, to an unadvised passionate impatience, but how ever, it seems he hath been punished for his offences, that was never rewarded for his deserts. And even this Summer Cole and Kitchins plot with three more, 
divers mutiny suppressed.  bending their course to Ocanahowan, five day's journey from us, where they report are Spaniards inhabiting. These were cut off by the Saluages, hired by us to hunt them home to receive their deserts: So as Sir Thomas Dale hath not been so tyrannous nor severe by the half, as there was occasion, and just cause for it, and though the manner was not usual, we were rather to have regard to those, whom we would have terrified and made fearful to commit the like offences, than to the offenders justly condemned, for amongst them so hardened in evil, the fear of a cruel, painful and unusual death more restrains them, than death itself. Thus much I have proceeded of his endeavours, until the coming of Sir Thomas Gates, in preparing himself to proceed as he intended.  
Now in England again to second this noble Knight, the Counsel and Company with all possible expedition prepared for Sir Thomas Gates six tall ships, with three hundred men, and one hundred Kine and other cattle, with munition and all other manner of provision that could be thought needful; and about the first or second of August, 1611. arrived safely at james town.   

The government returned again to Sir Thomas Gates, 1611.  
THese worthy Knights being met, after their welcoming salutations, 
The second arrival of Sir Thomas Gates.  Sir Thomas Dale acquainted him what he had done, and what he intended, which design Sir Thomas Gates well approving, furnished him with three hundred and fifty men, such as himself made choice of. In the beginning of September, 1611. he set fail, and arrived where he intended to build his new town: within ten or twelve days he had environed it with a pale, and in honour of our noble Prince Henry, called it Henrico. The next work he did, was building at each corner of the Town, a high commanding Watch-house, a Church, and Storehouses; which finished, he began to 〈…〉 convenient houses for himself and men, which with all possible speed he could he effected, to the great content of his company, and all the Colony.  
This town is situated upon a neck of a plain rising land, 
The building of Henrico.  three parts environed with the main River, the neck of land well impaled, makes it like an I'll; it hath three streets of well framed houses, a handsome Church, and the foundation of a better laid, to be built of Brick, besides Storehouses, Watch-houses, and such like: Upon the verge of the River there are five houses, wherein live the honester sort of people, as Farmers in England, and they keep continual centinel for the town's security. About two miles from the town, into the Main, is another pal●, near two miles in length, from River to River, guarded with several Commanders, with a good quantity of Corn-ground impailed, sufficiently secured to maintain more than I suppose will come this three years.  
On the other side of the River, for the security of the town, is intended to be impaled for the security of our Hogs, about two miles and a half, by the name of Hope in Faith, and Coxendale, secured by five of our manner of Forts, which are but Palisadoes, called Charity Fort, Mount Malado, a guest house for sick people, a high ●eat and wholesome air, Elisabeth Fort, and Fort Patience: And here hath Master Whitaker chosen his Parsonage, impaled a fair framed Parsonage, and one hundred acres called Rock hall, but these are not half finished.  
About Christmas following, in this same year 1611. in regard of the injury done us by them of Apamatuck▪ Sir Thomas Dale, without the loss of any, except some few Saluages, took it and their Corn, being but five miles by land from Henrico, and considering how commodious it might be for us, resolved to possess and plant it, and at the instant called it the new Bermudas, 
The building the Bermudas.  whereunto he hath laid out and annexed to the belonging freedom and corporation for ever, many miles of Champion and Woodland ground in several hundreds, as the upper and neither hundreds, Rochdale hundred, West Shirley hundred, and Digs his hundred. In the neither hundred he first began to plant, for there is the most Corn-ground, and with a pale of two miles, cut over from River to River, whereby we have secured eight English miles in compass; upon which circuit, within half a mile of each other, are many fair houses already built, besides particular men's houses near to the number of fifty. Rochdale, by a cross pale well-nigh four miles long, is also planted with houses along the pale, in which hundred our Hogs and Cattles have twenty miles' circuit to graze in securely. The building of the City is referred till our harvest be in, which he intends to make a retreat against any foreign enemy.  
About fifty miles from these is james town, upon a fertile peninsula, which although fomerly scandaled for an unhealthful air, we find it as healthful as any other part of the Country; it hath two rows of houses of framed timber, and some of them two stories, and a garret higher, three large Storehouses joined together in length, and he hath newly strongly impaled the town. This I'll, and much ground about it, is much in habited: To Kecoughtan we accounted it forty miles, where they live well with half that allowance the rest have from the store, because of the extraordinary quantity of Fish, Fowle and Dear; as you may read at large in the Discoveries of Captain Smith. And thus I have truly related unto you the present estate of that small part of Virginia we frequent and possess.  

Sir Thomas Smith Treasurer. Captain Argals' arrival.  Since there was a ship fraughted with provision, and forty men; and another since then with the like number and provision, to stay twelve months in the Country, with Captain Argall, which was sent not long after. After he had recreated and refreshed his Company, he was sent to the River Patawomeake, to trade for Corn, the Saluages about us having small quarter, but friends and foes as they found advantage and opportunity: But to conclude our peace, thus it happened. Captain Argall, having entered into a great acquaintance with japazaws, an 〈…〉 of Captain smith's, and so to all our Nation, ever since ●ee discovered the Country: 
☞  hard by him there was Pocahontas, whom Captain Smiths Relations entitleth the Numparell of Virginia, and though she had been many times a preserver of him and the whole Colony, yet till this accident she was never seen at james town since his departure, being at Patawom●ke, as it seems, thinking herself unknown, was easily by her friend japazaws persuaded to go abroad with him and his wife to see the ship, for Captain Argall had promised him a Copper Kettle to bring her but to him, promising no way to hurt her, 
How Pocahontas was taken prisoner.  but keep her till they could conclude a peace with her father; the savage for this Copper Kettle would have done any thing, it seemed by the Relation; for though she had seen and been in many ships, yet he caused his wife to feign how desirous she was to see one, and that he offered to beat her for her importunity, 
☞  till she wept. But at last he told her, if Pocahontas would go with her, he was content: and thus they betrayed the poor innocent Pocahontas aboard, where they were all kindly feasted in the cabin. japazaws treading oft on the Captain's foot, to remember he had done his part, the Captain when he saw his time, persuaded Pocahontas to the Gun-roome, feigning to have some conference with japazaws, which was only that she should not perceive he was any way guilty of her captivity: so sending for her again, he told her before her friends, she must go with him, and compound peace betwixt her Country and us, before she ever should see Powhatan, whereat the old jew and his wife began to howl and cry as fast as Pocahontas, that upon the Captain's fair persuasions, by degrees pacifying herself, and japazaws and his wife, with the Kettle and other toys, went merrily on shore, and she to james town. A messenger forthwith was sent to her father, that his daughter Pocahontas he loved so dear, he must ransom with our men, swords, pieces, tools, etc. he treacherously had stolen.  
This unwelcome news much troubled Powhatan, because he loved both his daughter and our commodities well, yet it was three months after ere he returned us any answer: then by the persuasion of the Council, he returned seven of our men, 
Seven English returned from Powhatan prisoners.  with each of them an unserviceable Musket, and sent us word, that when we would deliver his daughter, he would make us satisfaction for all injuries done us, and give us five hundred bushels of Corn, and for ever be friends with us. That he sent, we received in part of payment, and returned him this answer: That his daughter should be well used, but we could not believe the rest of our arms were either lost or stolen from him, and therefore till he sent them, we would keep his daughter.  
This answer, it seemed, much displeased him, for we heard no more from him a long time after, when with Captain Argals' ship, 
Sir Thomas Dale his voyage to Pamavuke.  and some other vessels belonging to the Colony, Sir Thomas Dale, with a hundred and fifty men well appointed, went up into his own River, to his chief habitation, with his daughter; with many scornful brauadoes they affronted us, proudly demanding why we came thither; our reply was, We had brought his daughter, and to receive the ransom for her that was promised, or to have it perforce. They nothing dismayed thereat, told us, We were welcome if we came to fight, for they were provided for us, but advised us, if we loved our lives to retire; else they would use us as they had done Captain Ratcliff: We told them, we would presently have a better answer; but we were no sooner within shot of the shore than they let fly their Arrows among us in the ship.  
Being thus justly provoked, we presently manned our Boats, went on shore, 
A man shot in the forehead.  burned all their houses, and spoiled all they had we could find; and so the next day proceeded higher up the River, where they demanded ●hy we burned their houses, and we, why they shot at us: They replied, it was some straggling savage, with many other excuses, they intended no hurt, but were our friends: We told them, we came not to hurt them, but v●sit them as friends also. Upon this we concluded a peace, and forthwith they dispatched messengers to Powhatan, whose answer, they told us, we must expect four and twenty hours ere the messengers could return: Then they told us, our men were run away for fear we would hang them, yet Powhatans' men were run after them; as for our Swords and Pieces, they should be brought us the next day, which was only but to delay time; for the next day they came not. Then we went higher, to a house of Powhatans', called Matchot, where we saw about four hundred men well appointed; here they dared us to come on shore, which we did; no show of fear they made at all, nor offered to resist our landing, but walking boldly up and down amongst us, demanded to confer with our Captain, of his coming in that manner, and to have truce till they could but once more send to their King to know his pleasure, which if it were not agreeable to their expectation, than they would fight with us, and defend their own as they could, which was but only to defer the time, to carry away their provision; yet we promised them truce ti●l the next day at noon, and then if they would fight with us, they should know when we would begin by our Drums and Trumpets.  
Upon this promise, two of Powhatans' sons came unto us to see their sister, 
Two of Powhatans' sons come to see Pocahontas.  at whose sight, seeing her well, though they heard to the contrary, they much rejoiced, promising they would persuade her father to redeem her, and for ever be friends with us. And upon this, the two brethren went aboard with us, and we sent M●ster john Rolfe and Master Sparkes to Powhatan, to acquaint him with the business; kindly they were entertained, but not admitted the presence of Powhatan, but they spoke with Opechaucanough, his brother and successor; he promised to do the best he could to Powhatan, all might be well. So it being April, and time to prepare our ground and set our Corn, we returned to james Town, promising the forbearance of their performing their promise, till the next harvest.  
Long before this, Master john Rolfe, an honest Gentleman, 
☜  and of good behaviour, 
The marriage of Pocahontas to Master john Rolfe.  had been in love with Pocahontas, and she with him, which thing at that instant I made known to Sir Thomas Dale by a letter from him, wherein he entreated his advice, and she acquainted her brother with it, 
Sir Thomas Smith Treasurer.  which resolution Sir Thomas Dale well approved: the brute of this marriage came soon to the knowledge of Powhatan, a thing acceptable to him, as appeared by his sudden consent, for within ten days he sent Opachisco, an old Uncle of hers, and two of his sons, to see the manner of the marriage, and to do in that behalf what they were requested, for the confirmation thereof, as his deputy; which was accordingly done about the first of April: And ever since we have had friendly trade and commerce, as well with Powhatan himself, as all his subjects.  

The Chicahamanias' desire friendship.  Besides this, by the means of Powhatan, we became in league with our next neighbours, the Chicahamanias', a lusty and a daring people, free of themselves. These people, so soon as they heard of our peace with Powhatan, sent two messengers with presents to Sir Thomas Dale, and offered him their service, excusing all former injuries, hereafter they would ever be King james his subjects, and relinquish the name of Chickahamania, to be called Tassautessus, as they call us, and Sir Thomas Dale there Governor, as the King's Deputy; only they desired to be governed by their own Laws, which is eight of their Elders as his substitutes. This offer he kindly accepted, and appointed the day he would come to visit them.  
Wh●n the appointed day came, Sir Thomas Dale and Captain Argall with fifty men well appointed, went to Chickahamania, where we found the people expecting our coming, they used us kindly, and the next morning sat in counsel, to conclude their peace upon these conditions:  

Articles of Peace  First, they should for ever be called Englishmen, and be true subjects to King james and his Deputies.  
Secondly, neither to kill nor detain any of our men, nor cattle, but bring them home.  
Thirdly, to be always ready to furnish us with three hundred men, against the Spaniards or any.  
Fourthly, they shall not enter ●ur towns, but send word they are new Englishmen.  
Fiftly, that every fight man, at the beginning of harvest, shall bring to our store two bushels of Corn, for tribute, for which they shall receive so many Hatchets.  
Lastly, the eight chief men should see all this performed, or receive the punishment themselves: for their diligence they should have a red coat, a copper chain, and King james his picture, and be accounted his Noblemen.  
All this they concluded with a general assent, and a great shout to confirm it: than one of the old men began an Oration, bending his speech first to the old men, then to the young, and then to the women and children, to make them understand how strictly they were to observe these conditions, and we would defend them from the fury of Powhatan, or any enemy whatsoever, and furnish them with Copper, Beads, and Hatchets; but all this was rather for fear Powhatan and we, being so linked together, would bring them again to his subjection; the which to prevent, they did rather choose to be protected by us, than tormented by him, whom they held a Tyrant. And thus we returned again to james town.  

The benefit of liberty in the planters.  When our people were fed out of the common store, and laboured jointly together, glad was he could slip from his labour, or slumber over his task he cared not how, nay, the most honest among them would hardly take so much true pains in a week, as now for themselves they will do in a day, neither cared they for the increase, presuming that howsoever the harvest prospered, the general store must maintain them, so that we reaped not so much Corn from the labours of thirty, as now three or four do provide for themselves. To prevent which, Sir Thomas Dale hath allotted every man three Acres of clear ground, in the nature of Farms, except the Bermudas, who are exempted, but for one months service in the year, which must neither be in feed-time, nor harvest; for which doing, no other duty they pay yearly to the store, but two barrels and a half of Corn (from all those Farmers, whereof the first was William Spence, an honest, 
William Spence the first Farmer in Virginia.  valiant, and an industrious man, and hath continued from 1607. to this present) from those is expected such a contribution to the store, as we shall neither want for ourselves, nor to entertain our supplies; for the rest, they are to work eleven months for the store, and hath one month only allowed them to get provision to keep them for twelve, except two bushels of Corn they have out of the store; if those can live so, why should any fear starving, and it were much better to deny them passage, that would not ere they come, be content to engage themselves to those conditions: for only from the slothful and idle drones, and none else, hath sprung the manifold imputations, Virginia innocently hath undergone; and therefore I would deter such from coming here, that cannot well brook labour, except they will undergo much punishment and penury, if they escape the scurvy: but for the industrious, there is reward sufficient, and if any think there is nothing but bread, I refer you to his relations that discovered the Country first.   

The government left to Sir Thomas Dale upon Sir Thomas Gates return for England.  
SIr Thomas Dale understanding there was a plantation of Frenchmen in the north part of Virginia, about the degrees of 45. 
Captain Argall voyage to Port Royal.  sent Captain Argall to Port Royal and Sancta Crux, where finding the Frenchmen abroad dispersed in the Woods, surprised their Ship and Pinnace, which was but newly come from France, wherein was much good apparel, and other provision, which he brought to james town, but the men escaped, and lived among the Saluages of those Countries.  
It pleased Sir Thomas Dale, before my return to England, 
Sir Thomas Smith Treasurer.  because I would be able to speak somewhat of my own knowledge, to give me leave to visit Powhatan and his Court: being provided, I had Thomas savage with me, for my Interpreter, with him and two Saluages for guides, I went from the Bermuda in the morning, and came to Matchet the next night, where the King lay upon the River of Pamavuke; his entertainment was strange to me, the boy he knew well, and told him; My child, I gave you leave, being my boy, to go see your friends, and these four years I have not seen you, nor heard of my own man Namoutack I sent to England, though many ships since have been returned thence: Having done with him, he began with me, and demanded for the chain of pearl he sent his brother Sir Thomas Dale at his first arrival, which was a token betwixt them, when ever he should send a messenger from himself to him, he should wear that chain about his neck, since the peace was concluded, otherways he was to bind him and send him home.  
It is true Sir Thomas Dale had sent him such word, and gave his Page order to give it me, but he forgot it, and till this present I never heard of it, 
Master Hamars' journey to Powhatan.  yet I replied I did know there was such an order, but that was when upon a sudden he should have occasion to send an Englishman without an Indian Guide; but if his own people should conduct his messenger, as two of his did me who knew my message, it was sufficient; with which answer he was contented, and so conducted us to his house, where was a guard of two hundred Bowmen, that always attend his person. The first thing he did, he offered me a pipe of Tobacco, than asked me how his brother Sir Thomas Dale did, and his daughter, and unknown son, and how they lived, loved and liked; I told him his brother was well, and his daughter so contented, she would not live again with him; whereat he laughed, and demanded the cause of my coming: I told him my message was private, and I was to deliver it only to himself and Papaschicher, one of my guides that was acquainted with it; instantly he commanded all out of the house, but only his two Queens, that always sit by him, and bade me speak on.  
I told him, by my Interpreter, Sir Thomas Dale hath sent you two pieces of Copper, five strings of white and blue Beads, five wooden Combs, 
His message to Powhatan.  ten Fishhooks, a pair of Knives, and that when you would send for it, he would give you a Grindstone; all this pleased him: but then I told him his brother Dale, hearing of the same of his youngest daughter, desiring in any case he would send her by me unto him, in testimony of his love, as well for that he intended to marry her, as the desire her sister had to see her, because being now one people, and he desirous for ever to dwell in his Country, he conceived there could not be a truer assurance of peace and friendship, than in such a natural band of an united union.  
I needed not entreat his answer by his oft interrupting me in my speech, and presently with much gravity he thus replied.  

Powhatans' answer.  I gladly accept your salute of love and peace, which while I live, I shall exactly keep, his pledges thereof I receive with no less thanks, although they a●e not so ample as formerly he had received; but for my daughter, I have sold her within this few days to a great Werowance, for two bushels of Rawrenoke, three day's journey from me. I replied, I knew his greatness in restoring the Rawrenoke, might call her again to gratify his brother, and the rather, because she was but twelve years old, assuring him, besides the band of peace, he should have for her, three times the worth of the Rawrenoke, in Beads, Copper, Hatchets, etc. His answer was, he loved his daughter as his life, and though he had many children, he delighted in none so much as she, whom if he should not often behold, he could not possibly live, which she living with us he could not do, having resolved upon no terms to put himself into our hands, or come amongst us; therefore desired me to urge him no further, but return his brother this answer: That I desire no former assurance of his friendship, than the promise he hath made, from me he hath a pledge, one of my daughters, which so long as she lives shall be sufficient, when she dies, he shall have another: I hold it not a brotherly part to desire to bereave me of my two children at once. Farther, tell him though he had no pledge at all, he need not distrust any injury from me or my people; there have been too many of his men and mine slain, and by my occasion there shall never be more, (I which have power to perform it, have said it) although I should have just cause, for I am now old, & would gladly end my days in peace; if you offer me injury, my country is large enough to go from you: Thus much I hope will satisfy my brother. Now because you are weary, and I sleepy, we will thus end. So commanding us victual and lodging, we rested that night, and the next morning he came to visit us, and kindly conducted us to the best cheer he had. William Parker.  

William Parker recovered.  While I here remained, by chance came an Englishman, whom there had been surprised three years ago at Fort Henry, grown so like, both in complexion and habit like a savage, I knew him not, but by his tongue: he desired me to procure his liberty, which I intended, and so far urged Powhatan, that he grew discontented, and told me, You have one of my daughters, and I am content, but you cannot see one of your men with me, but you must have him away, or break friendship; if you must needs have him, you shall go home without guides, and if any evil befall you, thank yourselves: I told him I would, but if I returned not well, he must expect a revenge, and his brother might have just cause to suspect him. So in passion he le●t me till supper, and then gave me such as he had with a cheerful countenance: About midnight he awaked us, and promised in the morning my return with Parker; but I must remember his brother to send him ten great pieces of Copper, a Shaving-knife, a Frowe, a Grindstone, a Net, Fishhooks, and such toys; which lest I should forget, he caused me write in a table-book he had; how ever he got it, it was a fair one, I desired he would give it me; he told me, no, it did him much good in showing to strangers, yet in the morning when we departed, having furnished us well with provision, he gave each of us a Bucks skin as well dressed as could be, and sent two more to his son and daughter: And so we returned to james town. Written by Master Ralph Hamor and john Rolph.  

From a letter of Sir Thomas Dale and Master W●itakers.  I have read the substance of this relation, in a Letter written by Sir Thomas Dale, another by Master Whitaker, and a third by Master john Rolse; how careful they were to instruct her in Christianity, and how capable and desirous she was thereof, after she had been some time thus tutored, she never had desire to go to her father, nor could well endure the society of her own nation: the true affection she constantly bore her husband was much, and the strange apparitions and violent passions he endured for her love, as he deeply protested, was wonderful, and she openly renounced her country's idolatry, confessed the faith of Christ, and was baptised, but either the coldness of the adventurers, or the bad usage of that was collected, or both, caused this worthy Knight to write thus. Oh why should so many Princes and Noblemen engage themselves, and thereby intermeddling herein, have caused a number of souls transport themselves, and be transported hither? Why should they, I say, relinquish this so glorious an action: for if their ends be to build God a Church, they ought to persevere; if otherwise, yet their honour engageth them to be constant; howsoever they stand affected, here is enough to content them. These are the things have animated me to stay a little season from them, I am bound in conscience to return unto; leaving all contenting pleasures and mundall delights, to reside here with much turmoil, which I will rather do than see God's glory diminished, my King and Country dishonoured, and these poor souls I have in charge revived, which would quickly happen if I should leave them; so few I have with me fit to command or manage the business: Master Whitaker their Preacher complaineth, and much museth, that so few of our English Ministers, that were so hot against the surplice and subscription come hither, where neither is spoken of. Do they not wilfully hide their talents, or keep themselves at home, for fear of losing a few pleasures: be there not any among them of Moses his mind, and of the Apostles, that forsook all to follow Christ, but I refer them to the judge of all hearts, and to the King that shall reward every one according to his talon. From Virginia. june: 18. 1614  
The business being brought to this perfection, Captain Arga●l returned for England, in the latter end of june, 1614 arriving in England, and bringing this good tidings to the Council and company by the assistances of Sir Thomas Gates, th●t also had returned from Virginia but the March before; it was presently concluded, that to supply this good success with all expedition, the standing Lottery should be drawn with all diligent conveniency, and that posterity may remember upon occasion to use the like according to the declaration, I think it not amiss to remember thus much.   

The Contents of the declaration of the Lottery published by the Counsel.  
IT is apparent to the world; by how many former Proclamations, we manifested our intents, to have drawn out the great standing Lottery long before this, 
Sir Thomas Smith Treasurer.  which not falling out as we desired, and others expected, whose moneys are adventured therein, we thought good therefore for the avoiding all unjust and sinister constructions, to resolve the doubts of all indifferent minded, in three special points for their better satisfaction.  
But ere I go any farther, let us remember there was a running Lottery, used a long time in Saint Paul's Churchyard, where this stood, that brought into the Treasury good sums of money daily, though the Lot was but small.  
Now for the points, the first is, for as much as the Adventurers came in so slackly for the year past, without prejudice to the generality, in losing the blanks and prizes, we were forced to petition to the honourable Lords, who out of their noble care to further this Plantation, have recommended their Letters to the Countries, Cities, and good towns in England, which we hope by sending in their voluntary Adventurers, will sufficiently supply us.  
The second for satisfaction to all honest well affected minds, is, that though this expectation answer not our hopes, yet we have not failed in our Christian care, the good of that Colony, to whom we have lately sent two sundry supplies, and were they but now supplied with more hands, we should soon resolve the division of the Country by Lot, and so lessen the general charge.  
The third is our constant resolution, that seeing our credits are so far engaged to the honourable Lords and the whole State, for the drawing this great Lottery, which we intent shall be without delay, the 26. of june next, desiring all such as have undertaken with books to solicit their friends, that they will not withhold their moneys till the last month be expired, lest we be unwillingly forced to proportion a less value and number of our Blanks and Prizes which hereafter followeth.  

Welcomes.  
TO him that first shall be drawn out with a blank, 100 Crowns.  
To the second, 50 Crowns.  
To the third, 25 Crowns.  
To him that every day during the drawing of this Lottery, shall be first drawn out with a blank, 10 Crowns.   

Prizes.  
1 Great Prize of 4500 Crowns.  
2 Great Prizes, each of 2000 Crowns.  
4 Great Prizes, each of 1000 Crowns.  
6 Great Prizes, each of 500 Crowns.  
10 Prizes, each of 300 Crowns.  
20 Prizes, each of 200 Crowns.  
100 Prizes, each of 100 Crowns.  
200 Prizes, each of 50 Crowns.  
400 Prizes, each of 20 Crowns.  
1000 Prizes, each of 10 Crowns.  
1000 Prizes, each of 8 Crowns.  
1000 Prizes, each of 6 Crowns.  
4000 Prizes, each of 4 Crowns.  
1000 Prizes, each of 3 Crowns.  
1000 Prizes, each of 2 Crowns.   

Rewards.  
TO him that shall be last drawn out with a blank, 25 Crowns.  
To him that putteth in the greatest Lot, under one name, 400 Crowns.  
To him that putteth in the second greatest number, 300 Crowns.  
To him that putteth in the third greatest number, 200 Crowns.  
To him that putteth in the fourth greatest number, 100 Crowns.   
If diverse be of equal number, their rewards are to be divided proportionally.  

Addition of new Rewards.  
THe blank that shall be drawn out next before the great Prize shall have 25 Crowns.  
The blank that shall be drawn out next after the said great Prize 25 Crowns.  
The blanks that shall be drawn out immediately before the two next great Prizes, shall have each of them 20 Crowns.  
The several blanks next after them, each shall have 20 Crowns.  
The several blanks next before the four great Prizes, each shall have 15 Crowns.  
The several blanks next after them, each shall have 15 Crowns.  
The several blanks next before the six great Prizes, each shall have 10 Crowns.  
The several blanks next after them, each shall have 10 Crowns.   
The prizes, welcomes, and rewards, shall be paid in ready Money, Plate, or other goods reasonably rated; if any dislike of the plate or goods, he shall have money, abating only the tenth part, except in small prizes of ten Crowns or under.  
The money for the Adventurers is to be paid to Sir Thomas Smith, Knight, and Treasurer for Virginia, or such Officers as he shall appoint in City or Country, under the common seal of the company for the rece●t thereof.  
All prizes, welcomes and rewards drawn where ever they dwell, shall of the Treasurer have present pay, and whosoever under one name or po●sie payeth three pound in ready money, shall receive six shillings and eight pence, or a silver spoon of that value at his choice.  
About this time it chanced a Spanish ship, beat too and again before point Comfort, and at last sent a shore their boat, as desirous of a Pilot. 
A Spanish Ship in Virginia.  Captain james Davis' the governor, immediately gave them one, but he was no sooner in the boat, but away they went with him, leaving three of their companions behind them; this sudden accident occasioned some distrust, and a strict examination of those three thus left, yet with as good usage as our estate could afford them. They only confessed having lost their Admiral, accident had forced them into those parts, and two of them were Captains, and in chief authority in the fleet: thus they lived till one of them was found to be an Englishman, and had been the Spaniards Pilot for England in 88 and having here induced some malcontents, to believe his projects, to run away with a small bark, which was apprehended, some executed, and he expecting but the Hangman's courtesy, directly confessed that two or three Spanish ships was at Sea, purposely to discover the estate of the Colony, but their Commission was not to be opened till they arrived in the Bay, so that of any thing more he was utterly ignorant. One of the Spaniards at last died, the other was sent for England, but this reprieved, till Sir Thomas Dale hanged him at Sea in his voyage homeward; the English Pilot they carried for Spain, whom after a long time imprisonment, with much ●●te was returned for England.  
Whilst those things were effecting, Sir Thomas Dal●, having settled to his thinking all things in good order, made choice of one Master George Yearly, 
Sir Thomas Smith Treasurer.  to be Depu●y-Gouernour in his absence, and so returned for England, accompanied with Po●ahontas the King's Daughter, and Master R●lfe her husband, and arrived at Plymouth the 12. of june. 1616.   

The government left to Captain Yearly.  
NOw a little to commentary upon all these proceedings, 
A digression.  let me leave but this as a caveat by the way; if the alteration of government hath subverted great Empires, how dangerous is it then in the infancy of a commonweal? The multiplicity of Governors is a great damage to any State, but uncertain daily changes are burdensome, because their entertainments are chargeable, and many will make hay whilst the sun doth shine, how ever it shall far with the generality.  
This dear bought Land with so much blood and cost, hath only made some few rich, and all the rest losers. But it was intended at the first, the first undertakers should be first preferred and rewarded, and the first adventurers satisfied, and they of all the rest are the most neglected; and those that never adventured a groat, never see the Country, nor ever did any service for it, employed in their places, adorned with their deferrs, and enriched with their ruins; and when they a●e led fat, then in cometh others so lean as they were, who through their omnipotency do as much. Thus what one Officer doth, another undoth, only aiming at their own ends, thinking all the world derides his dignity, cannot 〈◊〉 is Coffers being in authority with any thing. Every man hath his mind free, but he can never be a true member to that estate, that to enrich himself beggars all the Country. Which bad course, there are many yet in this noble plantation, whose true honour and worth as much scorns it, as the others loves it; for the Nobility and Gentry, there is scarce any of them expects any thing bu● the prosperity of the action: and there are some Merchants and others, I am confidently persuaded, do take more care and pains, nay, and at their continual● great charge, than they could be hired to for the love of money, so honestly regarding the general good of this great work, they would hold it worse than sacrilege, to wrong it but a shilling, or extort upon the common soldier a penny. But to the purpose, and to follow the History.  

The government of Captain Yea●ley.  Mr. George Yearly now invested Deputy Governor by Sr. Thomas Dale, applied himself for the most part in planting Tobacco, as the most present commodity they could devose for a present gain, so that every man betook himself to the best place he could for the purpose: now though Sir Thomas Dale had caused such an abundance of corn to be planted, that every man had sufficient, yet the supplies were sent us, came so unfurnished, as quickly eased us of our superfluity. To relieve their necessities, he sent to the Chickahamanias' for the tribute Corn Sir Thom●s Dale and Captain Argall had conditioned for with them: But such a bad answer they returned him, that he drew together one hundred of his best shot, with whom he went to Chick●hamania; the people in some places used him indifferently, but in most places with much scorn and contempt, telling him he was but Sir Thomas D●les man, and they had paid his Master according to condition, but to give any to him they had no such order, neither would they obey him as they had done his Master; after he had told them his authority, and that he had the same power to enforce them that Dale had, they dared him to come on shore to fight, presuming more of his not daring, than their own valours. Yearly seeing their insolences, made no great difficulty to go on shore at Ozinies, and they as little to encounter him: but marching from thence towards Mamanahunt, they put themselves in the same order they see us, lead by their Captain Kissanacomen, Governor of Ozinies, & so marched close along by us, each as threatening other who should first begin. But that night we quartered against Mamanahunt, and they passed the River. The next day we followed them; there are few places in Virginia had then more plain ground together, nor more plenty of Corn, which although it was but newly gathered, yet they had hid it in the woods where we could not find it: a good time we spent thus in arguing the cause, the Saluages without fear standing in troops amongst us, seeming as if their countenances had been sufficient to daunt us: what other practices they had I know not; but to prevent the worst, our Captain caused us all to make ready, and upon the word, to let fly among them, where he appointed: others also he commanded to seize on them they could for prisoners; all which being done according to our direction, the Captain gave the word, and we presently discharged, where twelve lay, 
Twelve Saluages slain, twelve prisoners taken, and peace concluded.  some dead, the rest for life sprawling on the ground, twelve more we ●●oke prisoners, two whereof were brothers, two of their eight Elders, the one took by Sergeant Boothe, the other by Robert a Polonian; Near one hundred bushels of Corn we had for their ransoms, which was promised the Soldiers for a reward, but it was not performed: now Opechankanough had agreed with our Captain for the subiecting of those people, that neither he nor Powhatan could ever bring to their obedience, and that he should make no peace with them without his advice: in our return by Ozinies with our prisoners we met Opechankanough, who with much ado, feigned with what pains he had procured their peace, the which to requite, they called him the King of Ozin●s, and brought him from all parts many presents of Beads, Copper, and such trash as they had; here as at many other times we were beholding to Captain Henry Spilman our Interpreter, 
〈◊〉 108  a Gentleman had lived long time in this Country, and sometimes a prisoner among the Saluages, and done much good service, though but badly rewarded. From hence we marched towards james town, we had three Boats loaded with Corn and other luggage, 
Eleven men cast away.  the one of them being more willing to be at james town with the news than the other, was overset, and eleven men cast away with the Boat, Corn and all their provision; notwithstanding this put all the rest of the Saluages in that fear, especially in regard of the great league we had with Opechankanough, that we followed our labours quietly, and in such security, that diverse saluages of other Nations, daily frequented us with what provisions they could get, and would guide our men on hunting, and oft hunt for us themselves. Captain Yearly had a savage or two so well trained up to their pieces, they were as expert as any of the English, 
A bad-presiders.  and one he kept purposely to kill him fowl. There were diverse others had Saluages in like manner for their men. Thus we lived together, as if we had been one people, all the time Captain Yearley stayed with us, but such grudges and discontents daily increased among ourselves, that upon the arrival of Captain Argall, sent by the Council and Company to be our Governor, Captain Yearley returned for England in the year 1617. From the writings of Captain Nathaniel powel, William Cantrill, Sergeant Boothe, Edward Gurganey.  
During this time, the Lady Rebecca, alias Pocahontas, daughter to Powhatan, 
Pocahontas instructions.  by the diligent care of Master john Rolfe her husband and his friends, was taught to speak such English as might well be understood, well instructed in Christianity, and was become very formal and civil after our English manner; she had also by him a child which she loved most dear, and the Treasurer and Company took order both for the maintenance of her and it, beside there were diverse persons of great rank and quality had been very kind to her; and before she arrived at London, Captain Smith to deserve her former courtesies, made her qualities known to the Queen's most excellent Majesty and her Court, and writ a little book to this effect to the Queen: An abstract whereof followeth.   

To the most high and virtuous Princess Queen Anne of Great Brittany.  
Most admired Queen,  
THe love I bear my God, my King and Country, hath so oft emboldened me in the worst of extreme dangers, that now honesty doth constrain me presume thus far beyond myself, to present your Majesty this short discourse: if ingratitude be a deadly poison to all honest virtues, I must be guilty of that crime if I should omit any means to be thankful. So it is,  
That some ten years ago being in Virginia, 
A relation to Queen Anne, of Pocahontas.  and taken prisoner by the power of Powhatan their chief King, I received from this great savage exceeding great courtesy, especially from his son Nantaquaus, the most manliest, comeliest, boldest spirit, I ever saw in a savage, and his sister Pocahontas, the Kings most dear and well-beloved daughter, being but a child of twelve or thirteen years of age, whose compassionate pitiful heart, of my desperate estate, gave me much cause to respect her: I being the first Christian this proud King and his grim attendants ever saw: and thus enthralled in their barbarous power, I cannot say I felt the least occasion of want that was in the power of those my mortal foes to prevent, notwithstanding all their threats. After some six weeks fatting amongst those savage Courtiers, at the minute of my execution, she hazarded the beating out of her own brains to save mine, and not only that, but so prevailed with her father, that I was safely conducted to james town, where I found about eight and thirty miserable poor and sick creatures, to keep possession of all those large territories of ●irginia, such was the weakness of this poor Commonwealth, as had the Saluages not fed us, we directly had starved,  
And this relief, most gracious Queen, was commonly brought us by this Lady Pocahontas, notwithstanding all these passages when inconstant Fortune turned our peace to war, this tender Virgin would still not spare to dare to visit us, and by her our jars have been oft appeased, and our wants still supplied; were it the policy of her father thus to employ her, or the ordinance of God thus to make her his instrument, or her extraordinary affection to our Nation, I know not: but of this I am sure; when her father with the utmost of his policy and power, sought to surprise me, having but eighteen with me, the dark night could not affright her from coming through the irksome woods, and with watered eyes gave me intelligence, with her best advice to escape his fury; which had he known, he had surely slain her. james town with her wild train she as freely frequented, as her father's habitation; and during the time of two or three years, she next under God, was still the instrument to preserve this Colony from death, famine and utter confusion, which if in those times had once be●ne dissolved, Virginia might have line as it was at our first arrival to this day. Since then, this business having been turned and varied by many accidents from that I left it at: it is most certain, after a long and troublesome war after my departure, betwixt her father and our Colony, all which time she was not heard of, about two years after she herself was taken prisoner, being so detained near two years longer, the Colony by that means was relieved, peace concluded, and at last rejecting her barbarous condition, was majied to an E●gl●s● Gentleman, with whom at this present she i● in England; ●he first Christi●n ●uer of ●hat Nation, the first Virgi●i●n ever sp●ke En●l●●●●r ●r 〈…〉 marriage by an E●gl●shman, a matter surely, if my meaning be truly ●●●●●dered and well understood, worthy a Prince's understanding.  
Thus most gracious Lady, I have related to your majesty, what at your best leisure our approved Histories will account you at large, and done in the time of your Majesty's life, and however this might be presented you from a more worthy pen, i● cannot from a more honest heart, as yet I never begged any thing of the state, or any, and it is my want of ability and her exceeding desert, your birth, means and author●tie, her birth, virtue, want and simplicity, doth make me thus bold, humbly to beseech your majesty to take this knowledge of her, though it be from one so unworthy to be the reporter, as myself, her husband's estate not being able to make her fit to attend your Majesty: the most and least I can do, is to tell you this, because none so oft hath tried it as myself, and the rather being of so great a spirit, how ever her stature: if she should not be well received, seeing this Kingdom may rightly have a Kingdom by her means; her present love to us and Christianity, might turn to such scorn and fury, as to divert all this good to the worst of evil, where finding so great a Queen should do her some honour more than she can imagine, for being so kind to your servants and subjects, would so ravish her with content, as endear her dearest blood to effect that, your Majesty and all the Kings honest subjects most earnestly desire: And so I humbly kiss your gracious hands.  
Being about this time preparing to set sail for New-England, I could not stay to do her that service I desired, 
Pocahontas meeting in England with Captain Smith.  and she well deserved; but hearing she was at Branford with diverse of my friends, I went to see her: After a modest salutation, without any word, she turned about, obscured her face, as not seeming well contented; and in that humour her husband, with diverse others, we all left her two or three hours, repenting myself to have writ she could speak English. But not long after, she began to talk, and remembered me well what courtesies she had done: saying, You did promise Powhatan what was yours should be his, and he the like to you; you called him father being in his land a stranger, and by the same reason so must I do you: which though I would have excused, I durst not allow of that title, because she was a King's daughter; with a well set countenance she said, Were you not afraid to come into my father's Country, and caused fear in him and all his people (but me) and fear you here I should call you father; I tell you then I will, and you shall call me child, and so I will be for ever and ever your Countryman. They did tell us always you were dead, and I knew no other till I came to Plymouth; yet Powhatan did command Vitamatomakkin to seek you, and know the truth, because your Countrymen will lie much.  
This savage, one of Powhatans' Council, 
Vitamatomack, observations of his usage.  being amongst them held an understanding fellow; the King purposely sent him, as they say, to number the people here, and inform him well what we were and our state. Arriving at Plim●th, according to his directions, he got a long stick, whereon by notches he did think to have kept the number of all the men he could see, but he was quickly weary of that task: Coming to London, where by chance I met him, having renewed our acquaintance, where many were desirous to hear and see his behaviour, he told me Powhatan did bid him to find me out, to show him our God, the King, Queen, and Prince, I so much had told them of: Concerning God, I told him the best I could, the King I heard he had seen, and the rest he should see when he would; he denied ever to have seen the King, till by circumstances he was satisfied he had: Then he replied very sadly, You gave Powhatan a white Dog, which Powhatan fed as himself, but your King gave me nothing, and I am better than your white Dog.  
The small time I stayed in London, diverse Courtiers and others, my acquaintances, 
Pocahontas her entertainment with the Queen.  hath gone with me to see her, that generally concluded, they did think God had a great hand in her conversion, and they have seen many English Ladies worse favoured, proportioned and behavioured, and as since I have heard, it pleased both the King and Queen's Majesty honourably to esteem her, accompanied with that honourable Lady the Lady De la Ware, and that honourable Lord her husband, and diverse other persons of good qualities, both publicly at the masks and otherwise, to her great satisfaction and content, which doubtless she would have deserved, had she lived to arrive in Virginia.   

The government devolved to Captain Samuel Argall, 1617.  
THe Treasurer, Council and Company, 
Sir Thomas Smith Treasurer.  having well furnished Captain Samuel Argall, the Lady Pocahontas alias Rebecca, with her husband and others, in the good ship called the George, it pleased God at Gravesend to take this young Lady to his mercy, where she made not more sorrow for her unexpected death, than joy to the beholders, to hear and see her m●ke so religious and godly an end. Her little child Thomas Rolfe therefore was left at Plim●th with Sir Lewis Stukly, that desired the keeping of it. 
The death of Pocahontas.  Captain Hamar his vice-admiral was gone before, but he found him at Plymouth. In March they set sail 1617. and in May he arrived at james town, where he was kindly entertained by Captain Yearley and his Company in a martial order, whose right hand file was led by an Indian. In james town he found but five or six houses, the Church down, the Palizadoes broken, the Bridge in pieces, the Well of fresh water spoiled; the Storehouse they used for the Church, the marketplace, and streets, and all other spare places planted with Tobacco, the Saluages as frequent in their houses as themselves, whereby they were become expert in our arms, and had a great many in their custody and possession, the Colony dispersed all about, planting Tobacco. Captain Argall not liking those proceedings, altered them agreeable to his own mind, taking the best order he could for repairing those defects which did exceedingly trouble us; we were constrained every year to build and repair our old Cottages, which were always a decaying in all places of the Country, yea, the very Courts of Guard built by Sir Thomas Dale, was ready to fall, and the Palizadoes not sufficient to keep out Hogs. Their number of people were about 400. but not past 200. fit for husbandry and tillage: we found there in all one hundred twenty eight cattle, and fourscore and eight Goats, besides innumerable numbers of Swine, and good plenty of Corn in some places, 
1000 bushels of Corn from the Saluages.  yet the next year the Captain sent out a Frigate and a Pinnace, that brought us near six hundred bushels more, which did greatly relieve the whole Colony: For from the tenants we seldom had above four hundred bushels of rend Corn to the store, and there was not remaining of the Companies company, past four and fifty men, women and Children.  

Sir Thomas Smith Treasurer.  This year having planted our fields, came a great drought, and such a cruel storm of hail, which did such spoil both to the Corn and Tobacco, that we reaped but small profit, the Magazine that came in the George, being five months in her passage, proved very badly conditioned, but ere sh● arrived, we had gathered and made up our Tobacco, the best at three shillings the pound, the rest at eighteen pence.  
To supply us, the Council and Company with all possible care and diligence, furnished a good ship of some two hundred and fifty ton, with two hundred people and the Lord la Ware. They set sail in April, and took their course by the western Isles, where the Governor of the I'll of Saint Michael received the Lord la Ware, and honourably feasted him, with all the content he could give him. Going from thence, they were long troubled with contrary winds, in which time many of them fell very sick, 
The death of the Lord la Ware.  thirty died, one of which number was that most honourable Lord Governor the Lord la Ware, whose most noble and generous disposition, is well known to his great cost, had been most forward in this business for his Country's good: Yet this tender state of Virginia was not grown to that maturity, to maintain such state and pleasure as was fit for such a personage, with so brave and great attendance: for some small number of adventurous Gentlemen to make discoveries, and lie in Garrison, ready upon any occasion to keep in fear the inconstant Saluages, nothing were more requisite, but to have more to wait & play than work, or more commanders and officers than industrious labourers was not so necessary: for in Virginia, a plain Soldier that can use a Pickax and spade, is better than five Knights, although they were Knights that could break a Lance; for men of great place, not enured to those encounters; when they find things not suitable, grow many times so discontented, they forget themselves, & oft become so careless, that a discontented melancholy brings them to much sorrow, and to others much misery. At last they stood in for the coast of New-England, where they met a small Frenchman, rich of Bevers and other Furs. Though we had here but small knowledge of the coast nor country, 
They are relieved in New-England.  yet they took such an abundance of Fish and Fowl, and so well refreshed themselves there with wood and water, as by the help of God thereby, having been at Sea sixteen weeks, got to Virginia, who without this relief had been in great danger to perish. The Frenchmen made them such a feast, with such an abundance of variety of Fish, Fowle and Fruits, as they all admired, and little expected that wild wilderness could afford such wonderful abundance of plenty. In this ship came about two hundred men, but very little provision, and the ship called the Treasurer came in again not long after with forty passengers; the Lord la Wares ship lying in Virginia three months, we victualled her with threescore bushels of Corn, and eight Hogsheads of flesh, besides other victual she spent whilst they tarried there: this ship brought us advice that great multitudes were a preparing in England to be sent, and relied much upon that victual they should find here: whereupon our Captain called a Council, and writ to the Council here in England the estate of the Colony, and what a great misery would ensue, if they sent not provision as well as people; and what they did suffer for want of skilful husbandmen, and means to set their Ploughs on work, having as good ground as any man can desire, and about forty Bulls and Oxen, but they wanted men to bring them to labour, and Irons for the Ploughs, and harness for the cattle. Some thirty or forty acres we had sown with one Plough, but it stood so long on the ground before it was reaped, it was most shaken, and the rest spoiled with the cattle and Rats in the Barn, but no better Corn could be for the quantity.  
Richard Killingbeck being with the Captain at Kekoughtan, 
Richard Killingbeck and four other murdered by the Saluages.  desired leave to return to his wife at Charles hundred, he went to james town by water, there he got four more to go with him by land, but it proved that he intended to go trade with the Indies of Chickahamania, where making show of the great quantity of truck they had, which the Saluages perceiving, partly for their truck, partly for revenge of some friends they pretended should have been slain by Captain Yearley, one of them with an English piece shot Killingbeck dead, the other Saluages assaulted the rest and slew them, stripped them, and took what they had: But fearing this murder would come to light, and might cause them to suffer for it, would now proceed to the perfection of villainy; for presently they rob their Machacomocko house of the town, 
Their Church and Storehouse.  stole all the Indian treasure thereout, and fled into the woods, as other Indians related. On Sunday following, one Farfax that dwelled a mile from the town, going to Church, 
Farfax, three children and two boys also murdered.  left his wife and three small children safe at home, as he thought, and a young youth: she supposing prayer to be done, left the children, and went to meet her husband; presently after came three or four of those fugitive Saluages, entered the house, and slew a boy and three children, and also another youth that stole out of the Church in prayer time, meeting them, was likewise murdered. Of this disaster the Captain sent to Opechankanough for satisfaction, but he excused the matter, as altogether ignorant of it, at the same time the Saluages that were robbed were complaining to Opechankanough, and much feared the English would be revenged on them, so that Opechankanough sent to Captain Argall, to assure him the peace should never be broken by him, desiring that he would not revenge the injury of those fugitives upon the innocent people of that town, which town he should have, and sent him a basket of earth, as possession given of it, and promised, so soon as possibly they could catch these robbers, to send him their heads for satisfaction, but he never performed it. Samuel Argall, john Rolfe.   

A relation from Master john Rolfe, june 15. 1618.  
COncerning the state of our new Commonwealth, it is somewhat bettered, for we have sufficient to content ourselves, though not in such abundance as is vainly reported in England. Powhatan died this last April, 
Powhatans' death.  yet the Indians continue in peace. Itopatin his second brother succeeds him, and both he and Opechankanough have confirmed our former league. On the eleventh of May, about ten of the clock in the night, 
Hailstones eight inches about.  happened a most fearful tempest, but it continued not passed half an hour, which poured down hailstones eight or nine inches about, that none durst go out of their doors, and though it tore the bark and leaves of the trees, yet we find not they hurt either man or beast; it fell only about james town, for but a mile to the East, and twenty to the West there was no hail at all. Thus in peace every man followed his building and planting without any accidents worthy of note. 
Sir Edwin Sands Treasurer. Master john Fare● Deputy.  Some private differences happened betwixt Captain Bruster and Captain Argall, and Captain Argall and the Company here in England; but of them I am not fully informed, neither are they here for any use, and therefore unfit to be remembered. In December one Captain Stallings, an old planter in those parts, being employed by them of the West country for a fishing voyage, in New-England, fell foul of a Frenchman whom he took, leaving his own ship to return for England, himself with a small company remained in the French bark, some small time after upon the coast, and thence returned to winter in Virginia.   

The government surrendered to Sir George Yearley.  
FOr to begin with the year of our Lord, 1619. there arrived a little Pinnace privately from England about Easter for Captain Argall, who taking order for his affairs, within four or five days returned in her, and left for his Deputy, Captain Nathaniel powel. On the e●ighteenth of April, which was but ten or twelve days after, arrived Sir George Yearley, by whom we understood Sir Edwin Sands was chosen Treasurer, and Master john Farrar his Deputy, and what great supplies was a preparing to be sent us, which did ravish us so much with joy and content, we thought ourselves now fully satisfied, for our long toil and labours, and as happy men as any in the world. Notwithstanding, such an accident happened Captain Stallings, the next day his ship was cast away, and he not long after slain in a private quarrel. Sir George Yearly to begin his government, added to be of his council, Captain Francis West, Captain Nathaniel powel▪ Master john Pory, Master john Rolfe, and Master William Wickam, and Master Samuel Macocke, and propounded to have a general assembly with all expedition. Upon the twelfth of this Month, came in a Pinnace of Captain Bargraves, and on the seventeenth Captain Lownes, and one Master Euans, who intended to plant themselves at Waraskoyack, 
Waraskoyack planted.  but now Ophechankanough will not come at us, that causes us suspect his former promises.  
In May came in the Margaret of Bristol, with four and thirty men, all well and in health, and also many devout gifts, and we were much troubled in examining some scandalous letters sent into England, to disgrace this Country with barrenness, to discourage the adventurers, and so bring it and us to ruin and confusion; notwithstanding, we find by them of best experience, an industrious man not other ways employed, may well tend four acres of Corn, and 1000 plants of Tobacco, and where they say an acre will yield but three or four barrels, we have ordinarily four or five, but of new ground six, seven, and eight, and a barrel of Pease and Beanes, which we esteem as good as two of Corn, which is after thirty or forty bushels an acre, 
A barrel they account four bushels.  so that one man may provide Corn for five, and apparel for two by the profit of his Tobacco; they say also English Wheat will yield but sixteen bushels an acre, and we have reaped thirty: beside to manure the Land, no place hath more white and blue Marble than here, had we but Carpenters to build and make Carts and Ploughs, and skilful men that know how to use them, and train up our cattle to draw them, which though we endeavour to effect, yet our want of experience brings but little to perfection but planting Tobaco, and yet of that many are so covetous to have much, they make little good; beside there are so many sofisticating Tobaco-mungers in England▪ were it never so bad, they would sell it for Verinas', and the trash that remaineth should be Virginia, such devilish bad minds we know some of our own Countrymen do bear, not only to the business, but also to our mother England herself; could they or durst they as freely defame her.  
The 25. of june came in the Trial with Corn and cattle all in safety, which took from us clearly all fear of famine; then our governor and council caused Burgesses to be chosen in all places, 
Their time of Parliament.  and met at a general Assembly, where all matters were debated thought expedient for the good of the Colony, and Captain Ward was sent to Monahigan in new England, to fish in May, and returned the latter end of May, but to small purpose, for they wanted Salt: the George also was sent to Newfoundland with the Cape Merchant, there she bought fish, that defrayed her charges, and made a good voyage in seven weeks. About the last of August came in a dutch man of war that sold us twenty Negars, and japazous King of Patawomeck, came to james town, to desire two ships to come trade in his River, for a more plentiful year of Corn had not been in a long time, yet very contagious, and by the treachery of one Poule, in a manner turned heathen, we were very jealous the Saluages would surprise us. The Governors have bounded four Corporations; which is the Companies, the University, 
Four corporations named.  the Governors and Glebe land: Ensign Wil Spencer, & Thomas Barret a Sergeant, with some others of the ancient Planters being set free, we are the first farmers that went forth, and have chosen places to their content, so that now knowing their own land, they strive who should exceed in building and planting. The fourth of November the Bona nova came in with all her people lusty and well; not long after one Master Dirmer sent out by some of Plymouth for New-England, arrived in a Bark of five tons, and returned the next Spring; notwithstanding the ●il rumours of the unwholsomnesse of james town, the new comers that were planted at old P●spaheghe, little more than a mile from it, had their healths better than any in the Country. 
Captain Wards exploit.  In December Captain Ward returned from Pat●womeck, the people there dealt falsely with him, so that he took 800. bushels of Corn from them perforce. Captain Woddiffe of Bristol came in not long after, with all his people lusty and in health, and we had two particular governors sent us, under the titles of Deputies to the Company, the one to have charge of the College Land, the other of the Companies: Now you are to understand, that because there have been many complaints against the Governors, Captains, and Officers in Virginia, for buying and selling ●en and b●●es, or to b●● set over from one to another for a yearly rent, was ●eld in 〈◊〉 a ●●●ng most intolerable, o● that ●he tenants or lawful seruan●s should b● put ●●om ●●●ir p●●ces, or abridged their Covenants, ●as ●o ●di●us, 〈◊〉 the ●ery 〈◊〉 ●h●re●● b●●ught a great scandal to the general action. T●● 〈…〉 good and wor●h● 〈…〉 and appointed a hundred men sho●● 〈…〉 provided to serve and attend the Gouer●●●● 〈…〉 government, which number he was to make good at his departure, and 〈◊〉 to his Successor in like manner, fifty to the Deputy-governour of the College land, and fifty to the Deputy of the Companies land, fifty to the Treasurer, to the Secretary five and twenty, and more to the Marshal and C●pe merchant; which they are also to leave to their successors, and likewise to every particular Officer such a competency, as he might live well in his Office, without oppressing any under their charge, which good law I pray God it be well observed, and then we may truly say in Virginia, we are the most happy people in the world. By me john Rolfe.  
There went this year by the Companies records, 11. ships, and 1216. 
The number of Ships and men.  persons to be thus disposed on: Tenants for the Governor's land fourscore, besides fifty sent the former spring; for the Companies land a hundred and thirty, for the College a hundred, for the Glebe land fifty, young women to make wives ninety, servants for public service fifty, and fifty more whose labours were to bring up thirty of the infidels children, the rest were sent to private Plantations. 
Gifts given.   
Two persons unknown have given fair Plate and Ornaments for two Communion Tables, the one at the College, the other at the Church of Mistress Mary Robinson, who towards the foundation gave two hundred pound. And another unknown person sent to the Treasurer five hundred and fifty pounds, for the bringing up of the savage children in Christianity. Master Nicholas Farrar deceased, hath by his Will given three hundred pounds to the College, to be paid when there shall be ten young Saluages placed in it, in the mean time four and twenty pound yearly to be distributed unto three discreet and godly young men in the Colony, to bring up three wild young infidels in some good course of life, also there were granted eleven Patents, 
But few perform them.  upon condition to transport people and cattle to increase the Plantations.   

A desperate Sea-fight betwixt two Spanish men of war, and a small English ship, at the I'll of Dominica going to Virginia, by Captain Anthony Chester.  

The Earl of Southampton Treasurer, and M. john Ferrar Deputy.  Having taken our journey towards Virginia in the beginning of February, a ship called the Margaret and john, of one hundred and sixty tuns, eight Iron Pieces and a Falcon, with eighty Passengers besides Sailors; After many tempests and foul weather, about the foureteenth of March we were in thirteen degrees and an half of Northerly latitude, where we descried a ship at hull; it being but a fair gale of wind, we edged towards her to see what she was, but she presently set sail, and ran us quickly out of sight: This made us keep our course for Mettalina, and the next day passing Dominica, we came to an anchor at Guardalupo, 
A Frenchman cast away at Guardalupo.  to take in fresh water. Six Frenchmen there cast away sixteen months ago came aboard us; they told us a Spanish man of War but seven days before was seeking his consort, and this was she we descried at hull. At M●uis we intended to refresh ourselves, having been eleven weeks pestered in this unwholesome ship; but there we found two tall ships with the Hollanders colours, but necessity forcing us on shore, we anchored fair by them, 
The Spaniards begin.  and in friendly manner sent to hale them: but seeing they were Spaniards, retiring to our ship, they sent such a volley of shot after us, that shot the Boat, split the Oars, and some thorough the clothes, yet not a man hurt; and then followed with their great Ordnance, that many times over-racked our ship, which being so cumbered with the Passengers provisions, our Ordnance was not well fitted, nor any thing as it should have been. But perceiving what they were, we fitted ourselves the best we could to prevent a mischief, seeing them warp themselves to windward, we thought it not good to be boarded on both sides at an anchor, we intended to set sail, but that the Vice-admiral battered so hard our starboard side, 
The Vice-admiral shot between wind and water.  that we fell to our business, and answered their unkindness with such fair shot from a Demiculuering, that shot her between wind and water, whereby she was glad to leave us and her Admiral together. Coming fair by our quarter, he took in his Holland flag, and put forth his Spanish colours, and so haled us.  
We quietly and quickly answered him, both what we were, and whither bound, relating the effect of our Commission, and the cause of our coming thither for water, and not to annoy any of the King of Spain's Subjects, nor any. She commanded us amain for the King of Spain, we replied with enlarging the particulars what friends both the Kings our Masters were, and as we would do no wrong, we would take none. They commanded us aboard to show our Commission, which we refused, but if they would send their Boat to us willingly they should see it. 
The manner of their fight.  But for answer they made two great shot at us, with a volley of small shot, which caused us to leave the decks; then with many ill words they laid us aboard, which caused us to raise our main sail, and give the word to our small shot which lay close and ready, that paid them in such sort, they quickly retired. The fight continued half an hour, as if we had been environed with fire and smoke, until they discovered the waste of our ship naked, where they bravely boarded us loof for loof, hasting with pikes and swords to enter, but it pleased God so to direct our Captain, and encourage our men with valour, that our pikes being formerly placed under our half deck, and certain shot lying close for that purpose under the Port holes, encountered them so rudely, that their fury was not only rebated, but their hastiness intercepted, and their whole company beaten back, many of our men were hurt, but I am sure they had two for one.  
In the end they were violently repulsed, until they were reinforced to charge ag●in● by their comm●●ds, wh● standing upon their honours, thought it a great indignity to be so affronted, which caused a second charge, and that answered with a second beating back: whereat the Captain grew iuraged, and constrained them to come on again afresh, which they did so effectually, that questionless it had wrought an alteration, if the God that tosseth Monarchies, and reareth Mountains, had not taught us to toss our P●kes with prosperous events, and poured out a volley of small shot amongst them, whereby that valiant Commander was slain, and many of his Soldiers dropped down likewise on the top of the hatches. This we saw with our eyes, and rejoiced with it at our hearts, 
The Captain slain.  so that we might perceive good success coming on, our Captain presently took advantage of their discomfiture; though with much commiseration of that resolute Captain, and not only plied them again with our Ordnance, but had more shot under the Pikes, which was bestowed to good purpose, and amazed our enemies with the suddenness.  
Amongst the rest, one Lucas, our Carpenter's Mate, must not be forgotten, 
A worthy exploit of Lucas.  who perceiving away how to annoy them; As they were thus puzzled and in a confusion, drew out a Minion under the half deck, and there bent it upon them in such a manner, that when it was fired, the cases of stones and pieces of Iron fell upon them so thick, as cleared the deck, and slew many, and in short time we saw few assailants, but such as crept from place to place covertly from the fury of our shot, which now was thicker than theirs: for although has far as we may commend our enemies, they had done something worthy of commendations; yet either wanting men, or being overtaken with the unlooked for valour of our men, they now began to shrink, and give us leave to be wanton with our advantage. Yet we could only use but four piece of Ordnances, but they served the turn as well as all the rest: for she was shot so oft between wind and water, we saw they were willing to leave us, but by reason she was fast in the latch of our cable, which in haste of weighing our anchor hung aloof, she could not clear herself as she wrought to do, till one cut the Cable with an axe, and was slain by freeing us. Having been a board us two hours and an half, seeing herself clear, all the shot we had played on both sides, which lasted till we were out of shot, than we discovered the Vice-admiral coming to her assistance, who began a far off to ply us with their Ordnances, and put us in mind we had another work in hand. Whereupon we separated the dead and hurt bodies, and manned the ship with the rest, and were so well encouraged we waifed them amain. The Admiral stood aloof off, and the other would not come within Falcon shot, where she lay battering us till she received another payment from a Demiculuering, which made her bear with the shore for smooth water to mend her leaks. The next morning they both came up again with us, as if they had determined to devour us at once, but it seemed it was but a bravado, though they forsook not our quarter for a time within Musket shot; yet all the night only they kept us company, but made not a shot. During which time we had leisure to provide us better than before: but God bethanked they made only but a show of another assault, ere suddenly the Vide-admiral fell a starne, and the other lay shaking in the wind, and so they both left us. The fight continued six hours, and was the more unwelcome, because we were so ill provided, and had no intent to sight, nor give occasion to disturb them. 
The event of the fight.  As for the loss of men, if Religion had not taught us what by the providence of God is brought to pass, yet daily experience might inform us, of the dangers of wars, and perils at sea, by storms tempests, shipwrecks, encounters with Pirates, meeting with enemies, cross winds, long voyages, unknown shores, barbarous Nations, and an hundred inconveniences, of which humane policies are not capable, nor men's conjectures apprehensive. We lost Doctor Bohun, a worthy valiant Gentleman, (a long time brought up amongst the most learned Surgeons, and Physicians in Netherlands, and this his second journey to Virginia:) and seven slain out right, two died shortly of their wounds; sixte●n● was shot, whose limbs God be thanked was recovered without maim, and now settled in Virginia: how many they lost we know not, but we saw a great many lie on the decks, and their skuppers run with blood, they were abou● three hundred tons a piece, each sixteen or twenty Brass pieces. Captain Chester, who in this fight had behaved himself like a most vigilant, resolute, and a courageous soldier, as also our honest and valiant master, did still so comfort and encourage us by all the means they could, at last to all our great contents we arrived in Virginia, and from thence returned safely to England.   

The Names of the Adventurers for Virginia, Alphabetically set down, according to a printed Book, set out by the Treasurer and Council in this present year, 1620.  

A  
SIr William Aliffe.  
Sir Roger Aston.  
Sir Anthony Ashley.  
Sir john Akland.  
Sir Anthony Aucher.  
Sir Robert Askwith.  
Doctor Francis Anthony.  
Charles Anthony.  
Edward Allen.  
Edmund Allen Esquire.  
john Allen.  
Thomas Allen.  
William Atkinson, Esquire.  
Richard Ashcroft.  
Nicholas Andrews.  
john Andrews the elder.  
john Andrews the younger.  
james Ascough.  
Giles Allington.  
Morris Abbot.  
Ambrose Asten.  
james Askew.  
Anthony Abdey.  
john Arundel, Esquire.   

B  
Edward, Earl of Bedford  
james, Lord Bishop of bath and Wells.  
Sir Francis Barrington.  
Sir Morice Barkley.  
Sir john Benet.  
Sir Thomas Beaumont.  
Sir Amias Bamfield.  
Sir john Bourcher.  
Sir Edmund Bowyer.  
Sir Thomas Bludder.  
Sir George Bolles.  
Sir john Bingley.  
Sir Thomas Button.  
Sir Henry Beddingfield.  
Company of Barber-surgeons.  
Company of Bakers.  
Richard Banister.  
john Banks.  
Miles Banks.  
Thomas Barber.  
William Bonham.  
james Bryerley.  
William Barners.  
Anthony Barners, Esquire▪  
William Brewster.  
Richard Brooke.  
Hugh Brooker, Esquire.  
Ambrose Brewsey.  
john Brooke.  
Matthew Bromridge.  
Christopher Brooke, Esquire.  
Martin Bond.  
Gabriel Beadle.  
john Beadle.  
David Borne.  
Edward Barnes.  
john Badger.  
Edmund Branduell.  
Robert Bowyer, Esquire.  
Bobert Bateman.  
Thomas Britton.  
Nicholas Benson.  
Edward Bishop.  
Peter Burgoney.  
Thomas Burgoney.  
Robert Burgoney.  
Christopher Baron.  
Peter Benson.  
john Baker.  
john Bustoridge.  
Francis Burl●y.  
William Browne.  
Robert Barker.  
Samuel Burnham.  
Edward Barkley.  
William Bennet.  
Captain Edward Brewster.  
Thomas Brocket.  
john Bullock.  
George Bache.  
Thomas Bayly.  
William Barkley.  
George Butler.  
Timothy Bathurst.  
George Burton.  
Thomas Bret.  
Captain john Brough.  
Thomas Baker.  
john Blunt.  
Thomas Bayly.  
Richard and Edward Blunt.  
Minion Burrell.  
Richard Blackmore.  
William B●ck.  
Benjamin Brand.  
john Busbridge.  
William Burrell.  
William Barret.  
Francis Baldwin.  
Edward B●rber.  
Humphrey Basse.  
Robert Bell.  
Matthew Bromrick.  
john Beaumond.  
George Barkley.  
Peter Bartle.  
Thomas Bretton.  
john Blount.  
Arthur Bromfeld Esquire.  
William B●rbloke.  
Charles Beck.   

C  
George, Lord Archbishop of Canterbury.  
William Lord Cranborne, now Earl of Salisbury.  
William, Lord Compton, now Earl of North-hampton.  
William Lord Cavendish, now Earl of Devonshire.  
Richard, Earl of Clanricard.  
Sir William Cavendish now Lord Cavendish.  
Grace, Lord Chandos.  
Sir Henry Cary.  
Sir George Caluert.  
Sir Lionel Cranfield.  
Sir Edward Cecil.  
Sir Robert Cotten.  
Sir Oliver Cromwell.  
Sir Anthony Cope.  
Sir Walter Cope.  
Sir Edward Carr.  
Sir Thomas Conisbie.  
Sir George Cary.  
Sir Edward Conwey.  
Sir Walter Chute.  
Sir Edward Culpeper.  
Sir Henry Cary, Captain.  
Sir William Craven.  
Sir Walter Covert.  
Sir George Coppin.  
Sir George Chute.  
Sir Thomas Coventry.  
Sir john Cutts.  
Lady Cary.  
Company of Clothworkers.  
City of Chichester.  
Robert Chamberlain.  
Richard Chamberlain.  
Francis Covill.  
William Coyse, Esquire.  
Abraham Chamberlain.  
Thomas Carpenter.  
Anthony Crew.  
Richard Cox.  
William Crosley.  
james Chatfeild.  
Richard Caswell.  
john Cornelis.  
Randall Carter.  
Execut●rs of Randall Carter.  
William Canning.  
Edward Carve, Esquire.  
Thomas Cannon, Esquire.  
Richard Champion.  
Rawley Crashaw.  
Henry Collins.  
Henry Cromwell.  
john Cooper.  
Richard Cooper.  
Io●n Casson.  
Thomas Colth●rst.  
All●n Cotten.  
Edward Cage.  
Abraham Carthwright.  
Robert Coppin.  
Thomas Conock.  
Io●n Clapham.  
Thomas Church.  
William Carpenter.  
Laurence Campe.  
james Cambell.  
Christopher Cl●theroe.  
Matthew Cooper.  
Georg● Chamber.  
Captain john Cook.  
Captain Thomas Conwey, Esquire.  
Edward Culpeper, Esquire.  
Master William Crashaw.  
Abraham Colm●r.  
john Culpeper.  
Edmund Colbey.  
Richard Cooper.  
Robert Creswell.  
john Cage, Esquire,  
Matthew Cave,  
William Crowe.  
Abraham Carpenter.  
john Crowe.  
Thomas Cordell.  
Richard Connock, Esquire.  
William Compton.  
William Chester.  
Th●mas Covel.  
Richard Carmarden, Esquire.  
William and Paul Canning.  
H●nry Cromwell, Esquire.  
Simon Codrington.  
Clement Chichley.  
james Cullemore.  
William Cantrell.   

D  
Richard Earl of Dorset.  
Edward Lord D●nny.  
Sir john Digbie, now Lord Digbie.  
Sir john Doderidge.  
Sir Drew Drewry the elder.  
Sir Thomas Dennis.  
Sir Robert Drewry.  
Sir john Davers.  
Sir Dudley Digs.  
Sir Marmaduke Dorrel.  
Sir Thomas Dale.  
Sir Thomas Denton,  
Company of Drapers.  
Thomas Bond, Esquire.  
David Bent, Esquire.  
Comanie of Dyers.  
Town of Dover.  
Master Richard Dea●e, Alderman,  
Henry Dawkes.  
Edward Dichfield.  
William Dunne.  
john Davis'.  
Matthew D●qu●st●r.  
Philip Durdent.  
Abraham Dawes.  
john Dike.  
Thomas Draper.  
Lancelot Davis'.  
Rowley Dawsey.  
William Dobson Esquire.  
Anthony Dyot, Esquire,  
avery Dranfield.  
Roger Dye.  
john Downes.  
john Drake.  
john Delbridge.  
Benjamin Decro●  
Thomas Dyke.  
jeffery Duppa.  
Daniel Darnelly.  
Sara Draper.  
Clement and Henry Dawkne●.   

E  
Thomas, Earl of Exeter.  
Sir Thomas Euerfield.  
Sir Francis Egiock.  
Sir Robert Edolph.  
john Eldred, Esquire.  
William Euans.  
Richard Euans.  
Hugh Euans.  
Ralph Ewens, Esquire.  
john Elkin.  
Robert Euelin.  
Nicholas Exton.  
john Exton.  
George Etheridge.   

F  
Sir Moyle Finch.  
Sir Henry Fanshaw.  
Sir Thomas Freak.  
Sir Peter Fretchuile.  
Sir William Fl●●twood.  
Sir Henry Fane.  
Company of Fishmongers.  
john Fletcher.  
john Farmer.  
Martin Fre●man, Esquire.  
Ralph Freeman.  
William and Ralph Fr●●man.  
Michael Fetiplace.  
William Fettiplace.  
Thomas Forrest.  
Edward Fl●etwood, Esquire.  
William F●lgate.  
William Field.  
Nichol●s F●rrar.  
john Farrar.  
Giles Francis.  
Edward Faucet.  
Richard Farrington.  
john Franklin.  
Richard Frith.  
john Ferne.  
George Farmer.  
Thomas Francis.  
john Fenner.  
Nicholas Fuller, Esquire.  
Thomas F●xall.  
William Fl●et.  
Peter Frank, Esquire.  
Richard Fishborne.  
William Faldoe.  
john Fletcher, and Company.  
William Ferrars.   

G  
Lady Elizabeth Grace.  
Sir john Grace.  
Sir William Godolfine.  
Sir Thomas Gates.  
Sir William Gee.  
Sir Ri●hard Grobham.  
Sir William Garaway.  
Sir Francis Goodwin.  
Sir George Goring.  
Sir Thomas Grantham.  
Company of Grocers.  
Company of Goldsmiths.  
Company of Girdlers.  
john Jeering.  
john Gardiner.  
Richard Gardiner.  
john Gilbert.  
Thomas Grave.  
john Grace.  
Nicholas Griece.  
Richard Goddard.  
Thomas Gipps.  
Peter Gates.  
Thomas Gibbs Esquire.  
Laurence Greene.  
William Greenwell.  
Robert Garset.  
Robert Gore.  
Thomas Gouge.  
Francis Glanuile, Esquire.   

G  
Henry, Earl of Huntingdon.  
Lord Theophilus Haward, L. Walden.  
Sir john Harrington, L. Harington.  
Sir john Hollis, now Lord Hautein.  
Sir Thomas Holecroft.  
Sir William Harris.  
Sir Thomas Harefleet.  
Sir George Haiward.  
Sir Warwick Heale.  
Sir Baptist Hicks.  
Sir john Hanham.  
Sir Thomas Horwell.  
Sir Thomas Hewit.  
Sir William Herrick.  
Sir Eustace Hart.  
Sir Pory Huntley.  
Sir Arthur Harris.  
Sir Edward Heron.  
Sir Persevall Hart.  
Sir Ferdinando Heiborne.  
Sir Laurence Hide.  
Master Hugh Hamersley, Alderman.  
Master Richard Heron, Alderman.  
Richard Humble, Esquire.  
Master Richard Hacklevit.  
Edward Harrison.  
George Holeman.  
Robert Hill.  
Griffin Hinton.  
john Hawkins.  
William Hancocke.  
john Harper.  
George Hawger.  
john Holt.  
john Huntley.  
jeremy Heiden.  
Ralph Hamer.  
Ralph Hamer, junior.  
john Hodgeson.  
john Hanford.  
Thomas Harris.  
Richard Howell.  
Thomas Henshaw.  
Leonard Harwood  
Tristram Hill.  
Francis Haselridge.  
Tobias Hinson.  
Peter Heightley.  
George Hawkenson.  
Thomas Hackshaw.  
Charles Hawkens,  
john Hodgis.  
William Holland.  
Robert Hartley.  
Gregory Herst.  
Thomas Hodgis.  
William Hodgis.  
Roger Harris.  
john Harris.  
M. john Haiward,  
james Haiward.  
Nicholas Hide, Esquire.  
john Hare, Esquire.  
William Hackwell, Esquire,  
Gressam Hoogan.  
Humphrey Hanford.  
William Haselden.  
Nicholas Hooker.  
Doctor Anthony Hunten,  
john Hodsale.  
George Hooker,  
Anthony Hinton.  
john Hogsell.  
Thomas Hampton.  
William Hicks.  
William Holiland,  
Ralph Harison.  
Harman Harison.   

I  
Sir Thomas jermyn.  
Sir Robert johnson.  
Sir Arthur Ingram.  
Sir Francis jones.  
Company of Ironmongers.  
Company of Inholders.  
Company of Imbroyderers.  
Bailiffs of Ipswich.  
Henry jackson.  
Richard Ironside.  
M. Robert johnson Alderman.  
Thomas jones.  
William jobson.  
Thomas johnson.  
Thomas jadwine.  
john josua.  
George Isam.  
Philip jacobson.  
Peter jacobson.  
Thomas juxson Senior.  
james jewel.  
Gabriel jaques.  
Walter jobson.  
Edward james.  
Zachary jones, Esquire.  
Anthony Irbye, Esquire.  
William Ianson.  
Humphrey jobson.   

K  
Sir Valentine Knightley.  
Sir Robert Killigrew.  
Sir Charles Kelke.  
Sir john Kaile.  
Richard Kirrill.  
john Kirrill.  
Ralph King.  
Henry Kent.  
Town of Kingslynne.  
john Kettleby, Esquire.  
Walter Kirkham, Esquire.   

L  
Henry Earl of Lincoln.  
Robert, L. Lisle, now Earl of Leicester.  
Thomas, Lord Laware.  
Sir Francis Leigh.  
Sir Richard Lowlace.  
Sir William Litton.  
Sir john Lewson.  
Sir William Lower.  
Sir Samuel Leonard.  
Sir Samson Leonard.  
Company of Lethersellers.  
Thomas Laughton.  
William Lewson.  
Peter Latham.  
Peter Van Lore.  
Henry Leigh.  
Thomas Levar.  
Christofer Landman.  
Morris Lewellin.  
Edward Lewis.  
Edward Lewkin.  
Peter Lodge.  
Thomas Layer  
Thomas Lawson.  
Francis Lodge.  
john Langl●y.  
David Loide.  
john Leuit●.  
Thomas Fox and Luke Lodge.  
Captain Richard Linley.  
Arnold Lulls.  
William Laurence.  
I●hn Landman.  
Nicholas Lichfield.  
Nicholas Leate.  
Ged●on de Laune.   

M  
Phil●p Earl of Montgomerie.  
Doctor George Mountain, now Lord Bishop of Lincoln.  
William Lord Mounteagle, now Lord Morley.  
Sir Thomas Mansell.  
Sir Thomas Mildmay.  
Sir William Maynard.  
Sir Humphrey May.  
Sir Peter Manhood.  
Sir john Merrick.  
Sir George More.  
Sir Robert Mansell.  
Sir Arthur Mannering.  
Sir David Murrey.  
Sir Edward Michelborn.  
Sir Thomas Middleton.  
Sir Robert Miller.  
Sir Cavaliero Maicott.  
Doctor james Meddas.  
Richard Martin, Esquire.  
Company of Mercers.  
Company of Merchant Tailors.  
Otho Mowdite.  
Captain john Martin.  
Arthur Mouse.  
Adrian More.  
Thomas Mountford.  
Thomas Morris.  
Ralph Morton.  
Francis Mapes.  
Richard Maplesden.  
james Monger.  
Peter Monsell.  
Robert Middleton.  
Thomas Mail.  
john Martin.  
josias Maude.  
Richard Morton.  
George Mason.  
Thomas Maddock.  
Richard Moor.  
Nicholas Moon.  
Alfonsus' van Medkerk.  
Captain Henry Meoles.  
Philip Mutes.  
Thomas Mayall.  
Humphrey Marret.  
jaruis Munaz.  
Robert Mildmay.  
William Millet.  
Richard Morer.  
john Miller.  
Thomas Martin.  
john Middleton.  
Francis Middleton.   

N  
Dudley, Lord North.  
Francis, Lord Norris.  
Sir Henry Nevil of Berkshire.  
Thomas Nicols.  
Christopher Nicols.  
William Nicols.  
George Newce.  
joseph Newberow.  
Christopher Newgate.  
Thomas Norincott.  
jonathan Nuttall.  
Thomas Norton.   

O  
William Oxenbridge, Esquire,  
Robert Ossley.  
Francis Oliver.   

P  
William, Earl of Pembroke.  
William, Lord Paget.  
john, Lord Petre.  
George Percy, Esquire.  
Sir Christofer Parkins.  
Sir Amias Preston.  
Sir Nicholas Parker.  
Sir William Poole.  
Sir Stephen powel.  
Sir Henry Peyton.  
Sir james Perrot.  
Sir john Pettus.  
Sir Robert pain.  
William pain.  
john pain.  
Edward Parkins.  
Edward Parkins his widow.  
Aden Perkins.  
Thomas Perkin.  
Richard Partridge.  
William Palmer.  
Miles Palmer.  
Robert Parkhurst.  
Richard Percivall, Esquire.  
Richard Poyntell.  
George Pretty.  
George Pit.  
Allen Percy.  
Abraham Peirce.  
Edmund Peirce.  
Phenice Pet.  
Thomas Philips.  
Henry Philpot.  
Master George Procter.  
Robert Penington.  
Peter Peate.  
john Prat.  
William powel.  
Edmund Peashall.  
Captain William Proud.  
Henry Price.  
Nicholas Pewriffe.  
Thomas Pelham.  
Richard Piggot.  
john Pawlet, Esquire.  
Robert Pory.  
Richard Paulson.   

Q  
William Quicke.   

R  
Sir Robert Rich, now Earl of Warwick.  
Sir Thomas Row.  
Sir Henry Rainsford.  
Sir William Romney.  
Sir john Ratcliff.  
Sir Steven Ridlesdon.  
Sir William Russell.  
Master Edward Rotheram, Alderman.  
Robert Rich.  
Tedder Roberts.  
Henry Robinson.  
john Russell.  
Richard Rogers.  
Arthur Robinson.  
Robert Robinson.  
Millicent Ramsden.  
john Robinson.  
George Robins.  
Nichalas Rainton.  
Henry Rolffe.  
john Reignolds.  
Elias Roberts.  
Henry Reignolds, Esquire.  
William Roscarrocke, Esquire.  
Humphrey Raymell.  
Richard Robins.   

S  
Henry, Earl of Southampton.  
Thomas Earl of Suffolk.  
Edward Semer, Earl of Hartford.  
Robert, Earl of Salisbury.  
Marry, Countess of Shrew●bury.  
Edmund, Lord Sheffeld.  
Robert, Lord Spencer.  
john, Lord Stanhope.  
Sir john Saint-Iohn.  
Sir Thomas Smith.  
Sir john Samms.  
Sir john Smith.  
Sir Edwin Sandys.  
Sir Samuel Sandys.  
Sir Steven Some.  
Sir Ralph Shelton.  
Sir Thomas Stewkley.  
Sir William Saint-Iohn.  
Sir William Smith.  
Sir Richard Smith.  
Sir Martin Sintevill.  
Sir Nicolas Salter.  
Doctor Matthew Sutcliffe of Exeter.  
Captain john Smith.  
Thomas Sandys, Esquire.  
Henry Sandys, Esquire.  
George Sandys, Esquire.  
Company of Skinners.  
Company of Salters.  
Company of Stationers.  
john Stokley.  
Richard Staper.  
Robert Singleton.  
Thomas Shipton.  
Cleophas Smith.  
Richard Strongthar●.  
Hildebrand Spruson.  
Matthew Scrivener.  
Othowell Smith.  
George Scot  
Hewet Staper●.  
james Swift.  
Richard Stratford.  
Edmund Smith.  
Robert Smith.  
Mathias Springham.  
Richard Smith.  
Edward Smith.  
jonathan Smith.  
Humphrey Smith.  
john Smith.  
George Swinhow.  
joseph Some.  
William Sheckley.  
john Southick.  
Henry Shelley.  
Walter Shelley.  
Richard Snarsborow.  
George Stone.  
Hugh Shepley.  
William Strachey.  
Urion Spencer.  
john Scarpe.  
Thomas Scott.  
William Sharp.  
Steven Sparrow.  
Thomas Stokes.  
Richard Shepard.  
Henry Spranger.  
William Stonnard.  
Steven Sad.  
john Stockley.  
Thomas Stevens.  
Matthew Shepard.  
Thomas Sherwell.  
William Seabright, Esquire.  
Nicholas Sherwell.  
Augustine Steward.  
Thomas Stile.  
Abraham Speckhard.  
Edmund Scot  
Francis Smalman.  
Gregory Sprint, Esquire.  
Thomas Stacey.  
William Sandbatch.  
Augustine Stuard, Esquire.   

T  
Sir William Twisden.  
Sir William Throckmorton.  
Sir Nicholas Tufton.  
Sir john Trever.  
Sir Thomas Tracy.  
George Thorpe, Esquire.  
Doctor William Turner.  
The Trinity house.  
Richard Turner.  
john Taverner.  
Daniel Tucker.  
Charles Towler.  
William Tailor.  
Leonard Townson.  
Richard Tomlins.  
Francis Tate, Esquire.  
Andrew Troughton.  
George Tucker.  
Henry Timberlake.  
William Tucker.  
Lewis Tite.  
Robert Thornton.   

V  
Sir Horatio Vere.  
Sir Walter Vaughan.  
Henry Vincent.  
Richard Venne.  
Christopher Virtue.  
john Vassell.  
Arthur Venne.   

W  
Henry Bishop of Worcester.  
Francis West, Esquire.  
Sir Ralph Winwood.  
Sir john Wentworth.  
Sir William Waad.  
Sir Robert Wroth.  
Sir Percival Willoby.  
Sir Charles Wilmott.  
Sir john Wats.  
Sir Hugh Worrell.  
Sir Edward Waterhouse.  
Sir Thomas Wilsford.  
Sir Richard Williamson.  
Sir john Wolstenholm.  
Sir Thomas Walsingham.  
Sir Thomas Watson.  
Sir Thomas Wilson.  
Sir john Weld.  
Mistress Kath. West, now Lady Conway.  
john Wroth, Esquire.  
Captain Maria Winckfield, Esquire,  
Thomas Webb.  
Rice Webb.  
Edward Webb.  
Sands Webb.  
Felix Wilson.  
Thomas White.  
Richard Wiffen.  
William Williamson.  
Humphrey Westwood.  
Hugh Willeston.  
Thomas Wheatley.  
William Wattey.  
William Webster.  
james White.  
Edmund Winne.  
john West.  
john Wright.  
Edward Wooller.  
Thomas Walker.  
john Wooller.  
john Westrow.  
Edward Welch.  
Nathaniel Waad.  
Richard Widows.  
David Waterhouse, Esquire.  
Captain Owen Winne.  
Randall Wetwood.  
George Wilmer, Esquire.  
Edward Wilkes.  
Leonard White.  
Andrew Willmer.  
Clement Willmer.  
George Walker.  
William Welbie.  
Francis Whistler.  
Thomas Wells.  
Captain Thomas Winne.  
john Whittingham.  
Thomas Wheeler.  
William Willet.  
Devereux Woogam.  
john Walker.  
Thomas Wood  
john Willet.  
Nicholas Wheeler.  
Thomas Wale.  
William Wilston.  
john Waller.  
William Ward.  
William Willeston.  
john Water.  
Thomas War, Esquire.  
David Wiffen.  
Garret Weston.   

Y  
Sir George Yeardley, now Governor of Virginia.  
William Yong.  
Simon yeoman's.   

Z  
Edward, Lord Zouch.  
john Zouch, Esquire.   
THat most generous and most honourable Lord, the Earl of South-hampton, being pleased to take upon him the title of Treasurer, and Master john Farrar his Deputy, with such instructions as were necessary, and admonitions to all Officers to take heed of extortion, engrossing commodities, forestall of markets, especially to have a vigilant care, the familiarity of the Saluages living amongst them made them not way to betray or surprise them, for the building of Guest-houses to relieve the weak in, and that they did wonder in all this time they had made no discoveries, nor knew no more than the very place whereon they did inhabit, nor yet could ever see any return for all this continual charge and trouble, therefore they sent to be added to the Council seven Gentlemen, namely Mr. Thorp, Captain Nuce, Mr. Tracy, Captain Middleton, Captain Blount, Mr. john Pountas, and Mr. Harwood, with men, munition, and all things thought fitting, but they write from Virginia, many of the Ships were so pestered with diseased people, & thronged together in their passage, there was much sickness and a great mortality, wherefore they desired rather a few able sufficient men well provided, then great multitudes, and because there were few accidents of note, but private advertisements by letters, we will conclude this year, and proceed to the next. Collected out of the Counsels letters for Virginia.  

The Ea●le of South-hampton Treasurer. Master john Farrar Deputy.  The instructions and advertisements for this year were both from England and Virginia, much like the last: only whereas before they had ever a suspicion of Opechankanough, and all the rest of the Saluages, they had an eye over him more than any, but now they all write so confidently of their assured peace with the Saluages, there is now no more fear nor danger either of their power or treachery, so that every man planteth himself where he pleaseth, and followeth his business securely. But the time of Sir George Yearley being near expired, the Council here made choice of a worthy young Gentleman Sir Francis Wyatt to succeed him, 
The election of Sir Francis Wyatt Governor for Virginia.  whom they forth with furnished and provided, as they had done his Predecessors, with all the necessary instructions all these times had acquainted them for the conversion of the Saluages, the suppressing of planting Tobacco, and planting of Corn, not depending continually to be supplied by the Saluages, but in case of necessity to trade with them, whom long ere this, it hath been promised and expected should have been fed and relieved by the English, not the English by them; and carefully to redress all the complaints of the needless mortality of their people, and by all diligence seek to send something home to satisfy the Adventurers, that all this time had only lived upon hopes, grew so weary and discouraged, that it must now be substance that must maintain their proceedings, & not letters, excuses and promises; seeing they could get so much and such great estates for themselves, as to spend after the rate of 100 pounds, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 8, 9, 
Notes worthy observation.  10. nay some 2000 or 3000. pounds yearly, that were not worth so many pence when they went to Virginia, can scarce contain themselves either in diet, apparel, gaming, and all manner of such superfluity, within a less compass than our curious, costly, and consuming Gallants here in England, which cannot possibly be there supported, but either by oppressing the Commonalty there, or deceiving the generality here (or both.) Extracted out of the Counsels Letters for Virginia.  
From Virginia, by the relations of the Chieftains there, 
A degression.  & many I have conferred with, that came from thence hither, I have much admired to hear of the incredible pleasure, profit and plenty this Plantation doth abound in, and yet could never hear of any return but Tobacco, but it hath oft amazed me to understand how strangely the Saluages hath been taught the use of our arms, and employed in hunting and fowling with our fowling pieces, and our men rooting in the ground about Tobacco like Swine; besides that, the Saluages that do little but continually exercise their bow and arrows, should dwell and lie so familiarly amongst our men that practised little but the Spade, being so far asunder, and in such small parties dispersed, and neither Fort, exercise of arms used, Ordnances mounted, Courts of guard, nor any preparation nor provision to prevent a foreign enemy, much more the Saluages howsoever; for the Saluages uncertain conformity I do not wonder, but for their constancy and conversion, I am and ever have been of the opinion of Master jonas Stockam a Minister in Virginia, who even at this time, when all things were so prosperous, and the Saluages at the point of conversion, against all their Governors and Counsels opinions, writ to the Council and Company in England to this effect.   

May 28.  
WE that have left our native country to sojourn in a strange land, 
Master Stockams' relation.  some idle spectators, who either cowardly dare not, or covetously will not adventure either their purses or persons in so commendable a work; others supporting Atlas of this ilmost unsupportable burdens as yourselves, without whose assistance this Virginia Firmament (in which some) and I hope in short time will shine many more glorious Stars, though there be many Italiannated and Spaniolized Englishmen envies our prosperities, and by all their ignominious scandals they can devose seeks to dishearten what they can, those that are willing to further this glorious enterprise, to such I wish according to the decree of Darius, that whosoever is an enemy to our peace, and seeketh either by getting monipolicall patens, or by forging unjust tales to hinder our welfare, that his house were pulled down, and a pair of gallows made of the wood, and he hanged on them in the place.  
As for those lazy servants, who had rather stand all day idle, than work, though but an hour in this Vineyard, and spend their substance riotously, than cast the superfluity of their wealth into your Treasury, I leave them as they are to the eternal judge of the world. But you right worthy, that hath adventured so freely, I will not examine, if it were for the glory of God, or your desire of gain, which it may be you expect should flow unto you with a full tide, for the conversion of the Saluages: I wonder you use not the means, I confess you say well to have them converted by fair means, but they scorn to acknowledge it, as for the gifts bestowed on them they devour them, and so they would the givers if they could, and though many have endeavoured by all the means they could by kindness to convert them, they find nothing from them but derision and ridiculous answers. We have sent boys amongst them to learn their Language, but they return worse than they went; but I am no Statesman, nor love I to meddle with any thing but my Books, but I can find no probability by this course to draw them to goodness; I and am persuaded if Mars and Minerva go hand in hand, they will effect more good in an hour, than those verbal Mercurians in their lives, and till their Priests and Ancients have their throats cut, there is no hope to bring them to conversion.   

The government of Sir Francis Wyat.  

The arrival of Sir Francis Wyat.  ABout October arrived Sir Francis Wyatt, with Master George Sands, appointed Treasurer, Master Davison Secretary, Doctor Pot the Physician, and Master Cloyburne the Surgeon, but much provision was very badly conditioned, nay the Hogs would not eat that Corn they brought, which was a great cause of their sickness and mortality, and whatsoever is said against the Virginia Corn, they find it doth better nourish than any provision is sent thither; the Sailors still they complain are much to blame for imbes●ing the provisions sent to private men, killing of Swine, and disorderly trucking; for which some order would be taken.  
In them nine Ships that went with Sir Francis Wyatt not one Passenger died, at his arrival he sent Master Thorpe to Opechancanough, whom he found much satisfied with his coming, to confirm their leagues as he had done his Predecessors, and so contented his people should coinhabit amongst them, and he found more motions of Religion in him than could be imagined: every man betaking himself to his quarter, it was ordered, that for every head they should plant but 1000 Plants of Tobacco, and upon each plant nine leaves, which will be about 100 weight, the Corn being appointed but at two shillings & six pence the bushel, required such labour, it caused most men neglect it, and depend upon trade; where were it rated at ten shillings the bushel, every man would endeavour to have plenty to sell to the new comers, or any that wanted, and seldom any is transported from England, but it standeth in as much, besides the hazard and other necessaries, 
Master Gookins Plantation.  the Ships might transport of that burden. The 22. of November arrived Master Gookin out of Ireland, with fifty men of his own, and thirty Passengers, exceedingly well furnished with all sorts of provision and cattle, and planted himself at Nupors-newes: the Cotten trees in a year grew so thick as one's arm, and so high as a man: here any thing that is planted doth prosper so well as in no place better. For the mortality of the people accuse not the place, for of the old Planters and the families scarce one of twenty miscarries, only the want of necessaries are the occasions of those diseases. And so we will conclude this year with the shipping and numbers sent. Out of the Counsels Letters from Virginia.  

The number of Ships and men  This year was sent one and twenty sail of Ships that employed more than 400. sailors and 1300. men, women and children of diverse faculties, with fourscore cattle; the Tiger fell in the Turks hands, yet safely escaped, and by the return of their letters from thence, the company is assured there can be no fitter places of Mines, Wood and Water for Iron than there; and the French men affirm no Country is more proper for Vines, Olives, Sike, Rice and Salt, etc. of which the next year they promise a good quantity.   

GIFTS.  
THe Gentlemen and Mariners that came in the Royal james from the East-Indies, gave towards the building of a free School 70 pound, eight shillings, 
Gifts given.  and six pence; and an unknown person to further it, sent thirty pounds; and another in like manner five & twenty pounds; another refusing to be made known, gave forty shillings yearly for a Sermon before the Virginia company: also another that would not be known, sent for the College at Henrico, many excellent good religious books, worth ten pound, & a most curious Map of all that coast of America, Master Thomas Bargave their Preacher there deceased, gave a Library valued at one hundred Marks: and the Inhabitants hath made a contribution of one thousand and five hundred pounds, to build a house for the entertaining of strangers. This year also there was much suing for Patents for Plantations, 
Patents granted,  who promised to transport such great multitudes of people: there was much disputing concerning those divisions, as though the whole land had been too little for them: six and twenty obtained their desires, but as yet not past six hath sent thither a man; notwithstanding many of them would have more, and are not well contented; whom I would entreat, and all other wranglers, to peruse this saying of honest Claudius.  

See'st not the world of Nature's work, the fairest well, I wot,  
How it, itself together ties, as in a truelove's knot.  
Nor seest how th'Elements air combined, maintain one constant plea,  
H●w midst of heaven contents the Sun, and shore contains the sea;  
And how the air both compasseth, and carrieth still earth's frame,  
Yet neither pressing burdens it, nor parting leaves the same.    

The observations of Master john Pory Secretary of Virginia, in his travels.  
Having but ten men meanly provided to plant the Secretary's land on the Eastern shore nee●e dimmack. Captain Wilcocks plantation, 
My journey to the Eastern shore.  the better to secure and ass●●t each other. Sir George Yearley intending to visit Smith's Isles, fell so sick that he could not, so that he sent me with Estinien M●ll a Frenchman, to find● a convenient place to make salt in. Not long after Namenacus the King of Pawtuxunt, came to us to seek for Thomas savage our Interpreter. Thus insinuating himself, he led us into a thicket, where all sitting down, he shewed us his n●ked breast; ask if we saw any deformity upon it, we told him, No; No more, said he, is the inside, but as sincere and pure; therefore come freely to my Country and welcome: which we promised we would within six weeks after. Having taken a muster of the companies tenants, 
A good place to make salt in  I went to Smith's Isles, where was our Salt ho●se: not far off we found a more convenient plac●, and ●o returned to james town.  
Being furnished t●e second ●ime, we arrived at Aquo hanock, and conferred with Kiptopeke thei● King, P●ssing russel's Ile and Onaucoke, we arrived at Pawtuxunt: the description of those places, you may read in Captain Smith's discoveries, therefore needless to be writ again. But here arriving at A●toughcomoco the habitation of Namenacu● and W●manato, his brother, 
The King of Pawtxunts' entertainment.  long we stayed not ere they came aboard us with a brass Kettle, as bright without as within, full of boiled Oysters Strict order was given none should offend us, so that the next day I went with the too Kings a hunting, to discover what I could in their confines. Wam●nato brought me first to his house, where he showed once his wife and children, and ma●. Corne-fields; and being two miles within the woods a hunting, as the younger conducted me forth, so the elder brought me home, and used me as kindly as he could, after their manner. The next day he presented me twelve Beaver skins and a Canow, which I requited with such things to his content, that he promised to kept them whilst he lived, and bury them with him being dead. He much wondered at our Bible, but much more to hear it was the Law of our God, and the first Chapter of Genesis expounded of Adam and Eve, and simple marriage; to which he replied, he was like Adam in one thing, for he never had but one wife at once; but he, as all the rest, seemed more willing of other discourses they better understood. The next day the two Kings with their people, came aboard us, but brought nothing according to promise; so that Ensign savage challenged Namenacus the breach of three promises, viz. not in giving him a Boy, not Corn, though they had plenty, nor Moutapass a fugitive, called Robert Marcum, that had lived 5▪ years amongst those northerly nations, which he cunningly answered by excuses. Womanato it seems, was guiltless of this falsehood, because he stayed alone when the rest were gone. I asked him if he desired to be great and rich; he answered, They were things all men aspired unto: which I told him he should be, if he would follow my counsel, so he gave me two tokens, which being returned by a messenger, should suffice to make him confident the messenger could not abuse us.  
Some things being stolen from us, he took such order that they were presently restored, than we interchanged presents: in all things he much admired out discretions, and gave us a guide that he called brother, to conduct us up the River: by the way we met with diverse that still told us of Marcum: and though it was in October, we found the Country very hot, and their Corn gathered before ours at james town. 
The treachery of Namanicus.  The next day we went to Paccamaganant, and they directed us to Assacomoco, where their King Cassatowap had an old quarrel with Ensign savage, but now seeming reconciled, went with us, with another Werowance towards Mattapanient, where they persuaded us ashore upon the point of a thicket; but supposing it some treachery, we returned to our boat: far we had not gone from the shore, but a multitude of Saluages sallied out of the wood, with all the ill words and signs of hostility they could. When we saw plainly their bad intent, we set the two Werowances at liberty, that all this while had line in the cabin, as not taking any notice of their villainy, because we would convert them by courtesy. Leaving them as we found them, very civil and subtle, we returned the same way we came, to the laughing Kings on the Eastern shore, who told us plainly, Namanicus would also have alured him into his Country, under colour of trade to cut his throat. He told us also Opechancanough had employed Onianimo to kill savage, because he brought the trade from him to the Eastern shore, and some disgrace he had done his son, and some thirteen of his people before one hundred of those Easterlings in reseving Thomas Graves whom they would have slain, where he and three more did challenge the thirteeene Pamavukes to fight, but they durst not, so that all those Easterlings so derided them, that they came there no more.  

Thomas Saluages good service.  This Thomas savage, it is sixteen years since he went to Virginia, being a boy, he was left with Powhatan, for Namontacke to learn the language, and as this Author affirmeth, with much honesty and good success hath served the public without any public recompense, yet had an arrow shot through his body in their service. This laughing King at Accomack, tells us the land is not two day's journey over in the broadest place, but in some places a man may go in half a day, betwixt the Bay and the main Ocean, where inhabit many people, so that by the narrowness of the Land there is not many Decree, but most abundance of Fish and Fowl. Kiptope his brother rules ● his Lieutenant, who seeing his younger brother more affected by the people than himself, freely resigned him the moiety of his Country, applying himself only to husbandry and hunting, yet nothing neglected in his degree, nor is he careless of any thing concerns the state, but as a vigilant and faithful Counsellor, as he is an affectionated Brother, bearing the greater burden in government, though the lesser honour, where clean contrary they on the Western shore, the younger bears the charge, and the elder the dignity. Those are the best husbands of any Saluages we know: for they provide Corn to serve them all the year, yet spare; and the other not for half the year, yet want. They are the most civil and tractable people we have met with, and by little sticks will keep as just an account of their promises, as by a tally. In their marriages they observe a large distance, as well in affinity as consanguinity; nor do they use that devilish custom in making black Boys. There may be on this shore about two thousand people: they on the West would invade them, but that they want Boats to cross the Bay, and so would diverse other Nations, were they not protected by us. A few of the Westerly Runnagadoes had conspired against the laughing King, but fearing their treason was discovered, fled to Smith's Isles, where they made a massacre of Deer and Hogs; and thence to Rickahake, betwixt Cissapeack and Nansamund, where they now are seated under the command of Itoyatin, and so I returned to james Town, where I found the government rendered to Sir Francis Wyat. In February also he traveled to the South River Chawonock, some sixty miles over land, which he found to be a very fruitful and pleasant Country, yielding two harvests in a year, and found much of the Silk grass formerly spoken of, was kindly used by the people, and so returned.   

Captain Each sent to build a Fort to secure the Country.  
IT was no small content to all the Adventurers to hear of the safe arrival of all those ships and companies, 
The Earl of South●mpton Treasure., and Nicolas Farrar Deputy.  which was thought sufficient to have made a Plantation of themselves: and again to second them, was sent Captain Each in the Abigale, a ship of three or four hundred tons, who hath undertaken to make a Block-house amongst the Oyster banks, that shall secure the River. The furnishing him with Instruments, cost three hundred pounds; but the whole charge and the ships return, will be near two thousand pounds. In her went Captain Berwick with five and twenty men for the building ships and Boats, 
Five and twenty sent only to build Barks and Boats.  and not other ways to be employed: and also a selected number to build the E●st Indie School, but as yet from Virginia little returns but private men's Tobacco, and fair promises of plenty of Iron, Silk, Wine, and many other good and rich commodities, besides the speedy conversion of the Saluages, that at first were much discouraged from living amongst them, when they were debarred the use of their pieces; therefore it was disputed as a matter of State, whether such as would live amongst them should use them or not, as a bait to allure them; or at least such as should be called to the knowledge of Christ. But because it was a great trouble for all causes to be brought to james Town for a trial, Courts were appointed in convenient places to relieve them: but as they can make no Laws in Virginia till they be ratified here; so the● think it but reason, none should be enacted here without their consents, because they only feel them, and must live under them. Still they complain for want of Corn, but what must be had by Trade, and how unwilling any Officer when he leaveth his place, is to make good his number of men to his Successor, but many of them during their times to help themselves, undoes the Company: for the servants you allow them, or such as they hire, they plant on their private Lands, not upon that belongeth to their office, which crop always exceeds yours, besides those which are your tenants to halves, are forced to row them up and down, whereby both you and they lose more than half. Nor are those officers the ablest or best deserving, but make their experience upon the companies cost, and your land lies unmanured to any purpose, and will yield as little profit to your next new officers.   

The massacre upon the two and twentieth of March.  

The death of Nemattanow, writ by M. Wimp.  THe Prologue to this Tragedy, is supposed was occasioned by Nemattanow, otherwise called jack of the Feather, because he commonly was most strangely adorned with them; and for his courage and policy, was accounted amongst the Saluages their chief Captain, and immortal from any hurt could be done him by the English. This Captain coming to one Morgan's house, knowing he had many commodities that he desired, persuaded Morgan to go with him to Pamauke to truck, but the savage murdered him by the way; and after two or three days returned again to Morgan's house, where he found two youths his Servants, who asked for their Master: jack replied directly he was dead; the Boys suspecting as it was, by seeing him wear his Cap, would have had him to Master Thorp: But jack so moved their patience, they shot him, so he fell to the ground, put him in a Boat to have him before the Governor, than seven or eight miles from them. But by the way jack finding the pangs of death upon him, desired of the Boys two things; the one was, that they would not make it known he was slain with a bullet; the other, to bury him amongst the English. At the loss of this savage Opechankanough much grieved and repined, with great threats of revenge; but the English returned him such terrible answers, that he cunningly dissembled his intent, with the greatest signs he could of love and peace, yet within fourteen days after he acted what followeth.  

Security a bad guard▪  Sir Francis Wyatt at his arrival was advertised, he found the Country settled in such a firm peace, as most men there thought sure and unviolable, not only in regard of their promises, but of a necessity. The poor weak Saluages being every way bettered by us, and safely sheltered and defended, whereby we might freely follow our business: and such was the conceit of this conceited peace, as that there was seldom or never a sword, and seldomer a piece, except for a Deer or Fowl, by which assurances the most plantations were placed stragglingly and scatteringly, as a choice vein of rich ground invited them, and further from neighbours the better. Their houses generally open to the Saluages, who were always friendly fed at their tables, and lodged in their bedchambers, which made the way plain to effect their intents, and the conversion of the Saluages as they supposed.  
Having occasion to send to Opechankanough about the middle of March, he used the Messenger well, and told him he held the peace so firm, the sky should fall or he dissolved it; yet such was the treachery of those people, when they had contrived our destruction, even but two days before the massacre, they guided our men with much kindness thorough the woods, and one Browne that lived among them to learn the language, they sent home to his Master; yea, they borrowed our Boats to transport themselves over the River, to consult on the devilish murder that ensued, and of our utter extirpation, which God of his mercy (by the means of one of themselves converted to Christianity) prevented, and as well on the Friday morning that fatal day, being the two and twentieth of March, 
The manner of the massacre.  as also in the evening before, as at other times they came unarmed into our houses, with Dear, Turkeys, Fish, Fruits, and other provisions to sell us, yea in some places sat down at breakfast with our people, whom immediately with their own tools they slew most barbarously, not sparing either age or sex, man woman or child, so sudden in their execution, that few or none discerned the weapon or blow that brought them to destruction: In which manner also they slew many of our people at several works in the fields, well knowing in what places and quarters each of our men were, in regard of their familiarity with us, for the effecting that great masterpiece of work their conversion; and by this means fell that fatal morning under the bloody and barbarous hands of that perfidious and inhuman people, three hundred forty seven men, women and children, most by their own weapons, and not being content with their lives, they fell again upon the dead bodies, making as well as they could a fresh murder, defacing, dragging, and mangling their dead carcases into many pieces, and carrying some parts away in derision, with base and brutish triumph.  
Neither yet did these beasts spare those amongst the rest well known unto them, from whom they had daily received many benefits, 
Their cruelty.  but spitefully also massacred them without any remorse or pity; being in this more fell than Lions and Dragons, as Histories record, which have preserved their Benefactors; such is the force of good deeds, though done to cruel beasts, to take humanity upon them, but these miscreants put on a more unnatural brutishness than beasts, as by those instances may appear.  
That worthy religions Gentleman M. George Thorp, 
The murder of Master Thorp.  Deputy to the College lands, sometimes one of his Majesty's Pensioners, & in command one of the principal in Virginia; did so truly affect their conversion, that whosoever under him did them the least displeasure, were punished severely. He thought nothing too dear for them, he never denied them any thing, in so much that when they complained that our Mastiffs did fear them, he to content them in all things, caused some of them to be killed in their presence, to the great displeasure of the owners, and would have had all the rest guelt to make them the milder, might he have had his will. The King dwelling but in a Cottage, he built him a fair house after the English fashion, in which he took such pleasure, especially in the lock and key, which he so admired, as locking and unlocking his door a hundred times a day, he thought no device in the world comparable to it.  
Thus insinuating himself into this King's favour for his religious purpose, he conferred oft with him about Religion, as many other in this former Discourse had done, and this Pagan confessed to him as he did to them, our God was better than theirs, and seemed to be much pleased with that Discourse, and of his company, and to requite all those courtesies; yet this viperous brood did, as the sequel showed, not only murder him, but with such spite and scorn abused his dead corpse as is unfitting to be heard with civil ears. One thing I cannot omit, that when this good Gentleman upon his fatal hour, was warned by his man, who perceiving some treachery intended by those hellhounds, to look to himself, and withal ran away for fear he should be apprehended, and so saved his own life; yet his Master out of his good meaning was so void of suspicion and full of confidence▪ they had slain him, or he could or would believe they would hurt him. Captain Nathaniel powel one of the first Planters, a valiant Soldier, and not any in the Country better known amongst them; 
The slau●hter of Captain powel.  yet such was the error of an overconceited power and prosperity, and their simplicities, they not only slew him and his family, but butcherlike hagled their bodies, and cut off his head, to express their uttermost height of cruelty. Another of the old company of Captain Smith, called Nathaniel Causey, 
A savage slain.  being cruelly wounded, and the Saluages about him, with an axe did cleave one of their heads, whereby the rest fled and he escaped: for they hurt not any that did either fight or stand upon their guard. In one place where there was but two men that had warning of it, they defended the house against 60. or more that assaulted it. 
M. Baldwines' escape.  M. Baldwin at Warraskoyack, his wife being so wounded, she lay for dead, yet by his oft discharging of his piece, save ●●er, his house, himself, & diverse others. 
M. Thomas Hamer with 22 escapeth.  At the same time they came to one Master Harisons house, near half a mile from Baldwines, where was Master Thomas Hamer with six men, and eighteen or nineteen women and children. Here the Saluages with many presents and fair persuasions, feigned they came for Capt. Ralph Hamer to go to their King, then hunting in the woods, presently they sent to him, but he not coming as they expected, set fire of a Tobacco-house, and then came to tell them in the dwelling house of it to quench it; all the men ran towards it, but Master Hamer not suspecting any thing, whom the Saluages pursued, shot them full of arrows, then beat out their brains. Hamer having finished a letter he was a writing, followed after to see what was the matter, but quickly they shot an arrow in his back, which caused him return and barricado up the doors, whereupon the Saluages set fire on the house. Harisons Boy finding his Master's piece loaded, discharged it at random, at which bare report the Saluages all fled, Baldwin still discharging his piece, and Mr Hamer with two and twenty persons thereby got to his house, leaving their own burning. In like manner, they had fired Lieutenant Basse his house, with all the rest there about, slain the people, and so left that Plantation.  

Captain Ralph Hamer with forty escapeth.  Captain Hamer all this while not knowing any thing, coming to his Brother that had sent for him to go hunt with the King, meeting the Saluages chase some, yet escaped, retired to his new house then a building, from whence he came; there only with spades, axes, and brick bats, he defended himself and his Company till the Saluages departed. Not long after, the Master from the ship had sent six Musketeers, with which he recovered their Merchant's store-house, where he armed ten more, and so with thirty more unarmed workmen, found his Brother and the rest at B●ldwins: Now seeing all they had was burnt and consumed, they repaired to james Town with their best expedition; yet not far from Martin's hundred, where seventy three were slain, was a little house and a small family, that heard not of any of this till two days after.  
All those, and many others whom they have as maliciously murdered, sought the good of those poor brutes, that thus despising Gods mercies, must needs now as miscreants be corrected by justice: to which leaving them, I will knit together the thread of this discourse. 
The Saluages attempt to surprise a ship.  At the time of the massacre, there were three or four ships in james River, and one in the next, and daily more to come in, as there did within fourteen days after, one of which they endeavoured to have surprised: yet were the hearts of the English ever stupid, and averted from believing any thing might weaken their hopes, to win them by kind usage to Christianity. But diverse write from thence, that Almighty God hath his great work in this Tragedy, and will thereout draw honour and glory to his name, and a more flourishing estate and safety to themselves, and with more speed to convert the savage children to himself, since he so miraculously hath preserved the English; there being yet, God be praised, eleven parts of twelve remaining, whose careless neglect of their own safeties, seems to have been the greatest cause of their destructions: yet you see, God by a converted savage that disclosed the plot, saved the rest, and the Pinnace then in Pamavukes' River, whereof (say they) though our sins made us unworthy of so glorious a conversion, yet his infinite wisdom can nevertheless bring it to pass, and in good time, by such means as we think most unlikely: for in the delivery of them that survive, no man's particular carefulness saved one person, but the mere goodness of God himself, freely and miraculously preserving whom he pleased.  
The Letters of Master George Sands, a worthy Gentleman, and many others besides them returned, brought us this unwelcome news, that hath been heard at large in public Court, that the Indians and they lived as one Nation, yet by a general combination in one day plotted to subvert the whole Colony, and at one instant, though our several Plantations were one hundred and forty miles up on River on both sides.  
But for the better understanding of all things, you must remember these wild naked natives live not in great numbers together, ●●t dispersed, commonly in thirty, forty, fifty, or sixty in a company. Some places have two hundred, few places more, but many less; yet they had all warning given them one from another in all their habitations, though far asunder, to meet at the day and hour appointed for our destruction at all our several Plantations; some directed to one place, some to another, all to be done at the time appointed, which they did accordingly: Some entering their houses under colour of trading, so took their advantage; others drawing us abroad under fair pretences, and the rest suddenly falling upon those that were at their labours.  
Six of the counsel suffered under this treason, 
Six of the Council slain.  and the slaughter had been universal, if God had not put it into the heart of an Indian, who lying in the house of one Pace, was urged by another Indian his Brother, that lay with him the night before to kill Pace, as he should do Perry which was his friend, being so commanded from their King; telling him also how the next day the execution should be finished: Perrys Indian presently arose and reveals it to Pace, that used him as his son; and thus them that escaped was saved by this one converted Infidel. And though three hundred forty seven were slain, yet thousands of ours were by the means of this alone thus preserved, for which Gods name be praised for ever and ever.  
Place upon this, securing his house, before day rowed to Iam●s Town, 
How it was revealed.  and told the Governor of it, whereby they were prevented, and at such other Plantations as possibly intelligence could be given: and where they saw us upon our guard, at the sight of a piece they ran away; but the rest were most slain, their houses burnt, such Arms and Munition as they found they took away, and some cattle also they destroyed. Since we find Opechankanough the last year had practised with a King on the Eastern shore, to furnish him with a kind of poison, which only grows in his Country to poison us. But of this bloody act never grief and shame possessed any people more than themselves, to be thus butchered by so naked and cowardly a people, who dare not stand the presenting of a staff in manner of a piece, nor an uncharged piece in the hands of a woman. (But I must tell those Authors, though some might be thus cowardly, there were many of them had better spirits.)  
Thus have you heard the particulars of this massacre, 
Memorandums.  which in those respects some say will be good for the Plantation, because now we have just cause to destroy them by all means possible: but I think it had been much better it had never happened, for they have given us an hundred times as just occasions long ago to subject them, (and I wonder I can hear of none but Master ●●ockam and Master Whitaker of my opinion.) Moreover, where before we were troubled in clearing the ground of great Timber, which was to them of small use: now we may take their own plain fields and Habitations, which are the pleasantest places in the Country. Besides, the Dear, Turkeys, and other Beasts and Fowls will exceedingly increase if we beat the Saluages out of the Country, for at all times of the year they never spare Male nor Female, old nor young, eggs nor birds, fat nor lean, in season or out of season with them, all is one. The like they did in our Swine and Goats, for they have used to kill eight in ten more than we, or else the wood would most plentifully abound with victual; besides it is more easy to civilize them by conquest then fair means: for the one may be made at once, but their civilising will require a long time and much industry. The manner how to suppress them is so often related and approved, I omit it here: And you have twenty examples of the Spaniards how they got the West-Indies, and forced the treacherous and rebellious Infidels to do all manner of drudgery work and slavery for them, themselves living like Soldiers upon the fruits of their labours. This will make us more circumspect, and be an example to posterity: (But I say, 
Captain Smith.  this might as well have been put in practice sixteen years ago as now.)  
Thus upon this Anvil shall we now beat ourselves an Armour of proof hereafter to defend us against such incu●sions, 
His Majesty's g●t.  and ever hereafter make us more circumspect: but to help to repair this loss, besides his Majesty's bounty in Arms, he gave the Company out of the Tower, and diverse other Honourable persons have renewed their adventures, we must not omit the Honourable City of London, to whose endless praise we may speak it, are now setting forward one hundred persons, and diverse others at their own costs are a repairing, 
London sets out 100 persons.  and all good men do think never the worse of the business for all these dis●sters.  
What growing state was there ever in the world which had not the like? Rome grew by oppression, and rose upon the back of her enemies: and the Spaniards have had many of those counterbuffs, more than we. Columbus, upon his return from the West-Indies into Spain, having left his people with the Indies, in peace and promise of good usage amongst them, at his return back found not one of them living, but all treacherously slain by the Saluages. After this again, when the Spanish Colonies were increased to great numbers, the Indians from whom the Spaniards for trucking stuff used to have all their corn, generally conspired together to plant no more at all, intending thereby to famish them; 
A lamentable example, t●o oft approved.  themselves living in the mean time upon Cassava, a root to make bread, only then known to themselves. This plot of theirs by the Spaniards oversight, that foolishly depended upon strangers for their bread, took such effect, and brought them to such misery by the rage of famine, that they spared no unclean nor loathsome beast, no not the poisonous and hideous Serpents, but eat them up also, devouring one death to save them from another; and by this means their whole Colony well-near surfeited, sickened and died miserably, and when they had again recovered this loss, by their incontinency an infinite number of them died on the Indian disease, we call the French Pox, which at first being a strange and an unknown malady, was deadly upon whomsoever it lighted: then had they a little flea called Nigua, which got between the skin and the flesh before they were aware, and there bred and multiplied, making swellings and putrefactions, to the decay and loss of many of their bodily members.  
Again, diverse times they were near undone by their ambition, faction, and malice of the Commanders. Columbus, to whom they were also much beholden, was sent with his Brother in chains into Spain; and some other great Commanders killed and murdered one another. Pizzaro was killed by Almagros son, and him Vasco beheaded, which Vasco was taken by Blasco, and Blasco was likewise taken by Pizzaros Brother: And thus by their covetous and spiteful quarrels, they were ever shaking the main pillars of their Commonweal. These and many more mischiefs and calamities happened them, more than ever did to us, and at one time being even at the last gasp, had two ships not arrived with supplies as they did, they were so disheartened, they were a leaving the Country: yet we see for all those miseries they have attained to their ends at last, as is manifest to all the world, both with honour, powe●, and wealth: and whereas be●ore few could be hired to go to inhabit there, now with great suit they must obtain it; 
Note this conclusion.  but where there was no honesty, nor equity, nor sanctity, nor verity, nor pierie, nor good civility in such a Country, certainly there can be no stability.  
Therefore let us not be discouraged, but rather animated by those conclusions, seeing we are so well assured of the goodness and commodities may be had in Virginia, nor is it to be much doubted there is any want of Mines of most sorts, no not of the richest, as is well known to some yet living that can make it manifest when time shall serve: and yet to think that gold and silver Mines are in a country otherwise most rich and fruitful, or the greatest wealth in a Plantation, is but a popular error, as is that opinion likewise, that the gold and silver is now the greatest wealth of the West Indies at this present. 
How the Spania●ds raise their wealth in the West Indies.  True it is indeed, that in the first conquest the Spaniards got great and mighty store of treasure from the Natives, which they in long space had heaped together, and in those times the Indians showed them entire and rich Mines, which now by the relations of them that have been there, are exceedingly wasted, so that now the charge of getting those Metals is grown excessive, besides the consuming the lives of many by their pestilent smoke and vapours in digging and refining them, so that all things considered, the clear gains of those metals, the King's part defrayed, to the Adventurers is but small, and nothing near so much as vulgarly is imagined; and were it not for other rich Commodities there that enrich them, those of the Contraction house were never able to subsist by the Mines only; for the greatest part of their Commodities are partly natural, and partly transported from other parts of the world, and planted in the West-Indies, as in their mighty wealth of Sugarcanes, being first transported from the Canaries; and in Ginger and other things brought out of the East-Indies, in their Cochanele, Indicos, Cotton, and their infinite store of Hides, Quicksilver, Alum, Woad, Brasill woods, Dies, Paints, Tobacco, Gums, Balms, Oils, Medicinals and Perfumes, Sassaparilla, and many other physical drugs: These are the means whereby they raise that mighty charge of drawing out their gold and silver to the great & clear revenue of their King. Now seeing the most of those commodities, or as useful, may be had in Virginia by the same means, as I have formerly said; let us with all speed take the priority of time, where also may be had the priority of place, in choosing the best seats of the Country, which now by vanquishing the saluages, is like to offer a more fair and ample choice of fruitful habitations, than hitherto our gentleness and fair comportments could attain unto.   

The numbers that were slain in those several Plantations.  
1 AT Captain Berkleys Plantation, himself and 21. others, seated at the Falling-Crick, 66. miles from james City. 
22  2 Master Thomas Sheffelds' Plantation, some three miles from the Falling-Crick, himself and 12. others. 
13  3 At Henrico Island, about two miles from Sheffelds' Plantation. 
6  4 Slain of the College people, twenty miles from Henrico. 
17  5 At Charles City, and of Captain Smith's men. 
5  6 At the next adjoining Plantation. 
8  7 At William Farrars house. 
10  8 At Brickley hundred, fifty miles from Charles City, Master Thorp and 
10  9 At Westover, a mile from Brickley. 
2  10 At Master john west's Plantation. 
2  11 At Captain Nathaniel west's Plantation. 
2  12 At Lieutenant Gibs his Plantation. 
12  13 At Richard Owen's house, himself and 
6  14 At Master Owen Macars house, himself and 
3  15 At Martin's hundred, seven miles from james City. 
73  16 At another place. 
7  17 At Edward Bonit's Plantation. 
50  18 At Master Waters his house, himself and 
4  19 At Apamatucks River, at Master Perce his Plantation, five miles from the College. 
4  20 At Master Macocks Divident, Captain Samuel Macock, and 
4  21 At Flowerda hundred, Sir George Yearleys' Plantation. 
6  22 On the other side opposite to it. 
7  23 At Master Swinhows house, himself and 
7  24 At Master William Bickars house, himself and 
4  25 At Weanock, of Sir George Yearleys' people. 
21  26 At Powel Brooke, Captain Nathaniel Powel, and 
12  27 At South-hampton hundred. 
5  28 At Martin Brandon's hundred. 
7  29 At Captain Henry Spilmans house. 
2  30 At Ensign Spences house. 
5  31 At Master Thomas Perseus his house by Mulberry I'll, himself and 
4   
The whole number 347.  

Men in this taking bettered with affliction,  
Better attend, and mind, and mark Religion,  
For then true voices issue from their hearts,  
Then speak they what they thinks in inmost parts,  
The truth remains, they cast off sained Arts.   

How they were reduced to five or six places.  THis lamentable and so unexpected a disaster caused them all believe the opinion of Master Stockam, and drove them all to their wit's end: it was twenty or thirty days ere they could resolve what to do, but at last it was concluded, all the petty Plantations should be abandoned, and drawn only to make good five or six places, where all their labours now for the most part must redound to the Lords of those Lands where they were resident. Now for want of Boats, it was impossible upon such a sudden to bring also their cattle, and many other things, which with much time, charge and labour they had then in possession with them; all which for the most part at their departure was burnt, ruined and destroyed by the Saluages. 
Gooki●s and 〈◊〉, resolutions.  Only Master Gookins at Nuports-newes would not obey the Commanders command in that, though he had scarce five and thirty of all sorts with him, yet he thought himself sufficient against what could happen, and so did to his great credit and the content of his Adventurers. Master Samuel Iorden gathered together but a few of the stragglers about him at Beggers-bush, where he fortified and lived in despite of the enemy. Nay, Mistress Proctor, a proper, civil, mod●st Gentlewoman did the like, till perforce the English Officers forced her and all them with her to go with them, or they would fire her house themselves, as the Saluages did when they were gone, in whose despite they had kept it, and what they had a month or three weeks after the Massacre; which was to their hearts a grief beyond comparison, to lose all they had in that manner, 
The opinion of Captain Smith.  only to secure others pleasures. Now here in England it was thought, all those remainders might presently have been reduced into fifties or hundreds in places most convenient with what they had, having such strong houses as they reported they had, which with small labour might have been made invincible Castles against all the Saluages in the Land, and then presently raised a company, as a running Army to torment the Barbarous and secure the rest, and so have had all that Country betwixt the Rivers of Powhatan and Pamavuke to range and sustain them; especially all the territories of Kecoughtan, Chiskact and Paspahege, from Ozenies to that branch of Pamavuke, coming from Youghtanund, which straight of land is not past 4. or 5. miles, to have made a peninsula much bigger than the Summer Iles, environed wi●h the broadest parts of those two main Rivers, which for plenty of such things as Virgnia affords is not to be exceeded, and were it well manured, more than sufficient for ten thousand men. This, were it well understood, cannot but be thought be●ter than ●o bring five or six hundred to lodge and live on that, which before would not well receive and maintain a hundred, planting little or nothing, but spend that they have upon hopes out of England, one evil begetting another, till the disease is past cure: Therefore it is impossible but such courses must produce most fearful miseries and extreme extremities; if it prove otherwise, I should be exceeding glad. I confess I am somewhat too bold to censure other men's actions being not present, but they have done as much of me; yea many here in England that were never there, & also many there that knows little more than their Plantations, but as they are informed; and this doth touch the glory of God, the honour of my Country, and the public good so much, for which there hath been so many fair pretences, that I hope none will be angry for speaking my opinion, seeing the old Proverb doth allow losers leave to speak; and Du Bart as saith, 
Even as the wind the angry Ocean moves,  
Wave hunteth Wave, and Billow Billow shoves,  
So do all Nations jostle each the other,  
And so one people do pursue another,  
And scarce a sec●nd hath the first unhoused,  
Before a third him thence again have roused.   
AMongst the multitude of these several Relations, 
The providence of Captain Nuse.  it appears Captain Nuse seeing many of the difficulties to ensue, caused as much Corn to be planted as he could at Elizabeth's city, & though some destroyed that they had set, fearing it would serve the Saluages for Ambuscadoes, trusting to relief by trade, or from England, which hath ever been one cause of our miseries, for from England we have not had much, and for trading, every one hath not Ships, Shalops, Interpreters, men and provisions to perform it, and those that have, use them only for their own private g●ine, not the public good, so that our beginning this year doth cause many to distrust the event of the next. Here we will leave Captain Nuse for a while, lamenting the death of Captain Norton, a valiant industrious Gentleman, adorned with many good qualities, besides Physic and Chirurgery, which for the public good he freely imparted to all gratis, but most bountifully to the poor; and let us speak a little of Captain Croshaw amongst the midst of those broils in the River of Patawom●ke.  
Being in a small Bark called the Elizabeth, 
Captain Croshaw his voyage to Patawom●k.  under the command of Captain Spilman, at Cekacawone, a savage stole aboard them, and told them of the Massacre, and that Opechancanough had plotted with his King and Country to betray them also, which they refused, but them of Wighcocomoco at the mouth of the river had undertaken it; upon this Spilman went thither, but the Saluages seeing his men so vigilant and well armed, they suspected themselves discovered, and to colour their guilt, the better to delude him, so contented his desire in trade, his Pinnace was near fraught; but seeing no more to be had, Croshaw went to Patawomek▪ where he intended to stay and trade for himself, by reason of the long acquaintance he had with this King that so earnestly entreated him now to be his friend, his countenancer, his Captain and director against the Pazaticans, the Nacotchtanks▪ and Moyaons' his mortal enemies. Of this opportunity Croshaw was glad, as well to satisfy his own desire in some other purpose he had, as to keep the King as an opposite to Opechancanough, and adhere him unto us, or at least make him an instrument against our enemies; so only Elis Hill stayed with him, and the Pinnace returned to Elizabeth's City; here shall they rest also a little, till we see how this news was entertained in England.  
It was no small grief to the Council and Company, 
The arrival of this news in England.  to understand of such a supposed impossible loss, as that so many should fall by the hands of men so contemptible; and yet having such warnings, especially by the death of Nemattanow, whom the Saluages did think was shot-free, as he had persuaded them, having so long escaped so many dangers without any hurt. But now to leap out of this labyrinth of melancholy, all this did not so discourage the noble adventurers, nor diverse others still to undertake new several Plantations, but that diverse ships were dispatched away, for their supplies and assistance thought sufficient. Yet Captain Smith did entreat and move them to put in practise his old offer, seeing now it was time to use both it and him, how slenderly heretofore both had been regarded, and because it is not impertinent to the business, it is not much amiss to remember what it was.   

The project and offer of Captain john Smith, to the Right Honourable, and Right Worshipful Company Virginia.  

Captain smith's offer to the Company.  IF you please I may be transported with a hundred Soldiers and thirty Sailors by the next Michaelmas, with victual, munition, and such necessary provision, by God's assistance, we would endeavour to enforce the Saluages to leave their Country, or bring them in that fear and subjection that every man should follow their business securely, whereas now half their times and labours are spent in watching and warding, only to defend but altogether unable to suppress the Saluages, because every man now being for himself will be unwilling to be drawn from their particular labours, to be made as packhorses for all the rest, without any certainty of some better reward and preferment than I can understand any there can or will yet give them.  
These I would employ only in ranging the Countries, and tormenting the Saluages, and that they should be as a running Army till this were effected, and then settle themselves in some such convenient place, that should ever remain a garrison of that strength, ready upon any occasion against the Saluages, or any other for the defence of the Country, and to see all the English well armed, and instruct them their use. But I would have a Bark of one hundred tons, and means to build six or seven Shalops, to transport them where there should be occasion.  
Towards the charge, because it is for the general good, and what by the massacre and other accidents, Virginia is disparaged, and many men and their purses much discouraged, how ever a great many do hasten to go, thinking to be next heirs to all the former losses, I fear they will not find all things as they do imagine; therefore leaving those gilded conceits, and dive into the true estate of the Colony; I think if his Majesty were truly informed of their necessity, and the benefit of this project, he would be pleased to give the custom of Virginia, and the Planters also according to their abilities would add thereto such a contribution, as would be fit to maintain this garrison till they be able to subsist, or cause some such other collections to be made, as may put it with all expedition in practice; otherwise it is much to be doubted, there will neither come custom, nor any thing from thence to England within these few years.  
Now if this should be thought an employment more fit for ancient Soldiers there bred, than such new comers as may go with me; you may please to leave that to my discretion, to accept or refuse such voluntaries, that will hazard their fortunes in the trials of these events, and discharge such of my company that had rather labour the ground then subdue their enemies: what relief I should have from your Colony I would satisfy and spare them (when I could) the like courtesy. Notwithstanding these doubts, I hope to feed them as well as defend them, and yet discover you more land unknown than they all yet know, if you will grant me such privileges as of necessity must be used.  
For against any enemy we must be ready to execute the best can be devised by your state there, but not that they shall either take away my men, or any thing else to employ as they please by virtue of their authority, and in that I have done somewhat for New-England as well as Virginia, so I would desire liberty and authority to make the best use I can of my best experiences, within the limits of those two Patents, and to bring them both in one Map, and the Countries betwixt them, giving always that respect to the Governors and government, as an Englishman doth in Scotland▪ or a Scotchman in England, or as the regiments in the Low-countries do to the Governors of the Towns and Cities where they are billeted, or in Garrison, where though they live with them, and are as their servants to defend them, yet not to be disposed on at their pleasure, but as the Prince and State doth command them, and for my own pains in particular I ask not any thing but what I can produce from the proper labour of the Saluages.   

Their Answer.  
I Cannot say, it was generally for the Company, 
Their answer,  for being published in their Court, the most that heard it liked exceeding well of the motion, and some would have been very large Adventurers in it, especially Sir john Brookes and Master David Wyffin, but there were such divisions amongst them, I could obtain no answer but this, the charge would be too great; their stock was decayed, and they did think the Planters should do that of themselves if I could find means to effect it; they did think I might have leave of the Company, provided they might have half the pillage, but I think there are not many will much strive for that employment, for except it be a little Corn at some time of the year is to be had, I would not give twenty pound for all the pillage is to be got amongst the Saluages in twenty years: but because they supposed I spoke only for my own ends, it were good those understand providents for the Companies good they so much talk of, were sent thither to make trial of their profound wisdoms and long experiences.  

The manner of the Salary.  About this time also was propounded a proposition concerning a Salary of five and twenty thousand pounds to be raised out of Tobacco, as a yearly pension to be paid to certain Officers for the erecting a new office, concerning the sole importation of Tobacco, besides his Majesty's custom, fraught, and all other charges. To nominate the undertakers, favourers and opposers, with their arguments (pro) and (con) would be too tedious and needless being so publicly known; the which to establish, spent a good part of that year, and the beginning of the next. This made many think wonders of Virginia, to pay such pensions extraordinary to a few here that were never there, and also in what state and pomp some Chieftains and diverse of their associates live in Virginia, and yet no money to maintain a Garrison, pay poor men their wages, nor yet five and twenty pence to all the Adventurers here, and very little to the most part of the Planters there, bred such differences in opinion it was dissolved.  
Now let us return to Captain Croshaw at Patawomek, 
Captain Croshaw states at Patawomek, and his adventures.  where he had not been long ere Opechancanough sent two baskets of beads to this King, to kill him and his man, assuring him of the Massacre he had made, and that before the end of two Moons there should not be an Englishman in all their Countries: this fearful message the King told this Captain, who replied, he had seen both the cowardice and treachery of Opechancanough sufficiently tried by Captain Smith, therefore his threats he feared not, nor for his favour cared, but would nakedly fight with him or any of his with their own swords; if he were slain, he would leave a letter for his Country men to know, the fault was his own, not the Kings; two days the King deliberated upon an answer, at last told him the English were his friends, and the savage Emperor Opitchapam now called Toyatan, was his brother, therefore there should be no blood shed betwixt them, so he returned the Presents, willing the Pamavukes to come no more in his Country, lest the English, though against his will, should do them any mischief.  
Not long after, 
The escape of Waters and his W●●e.  a Boat going abroad to seek out some relief amongst the Plantations, by Nuports-newes met such ill weather, though the men were saved they lost their boat, which the storm and waves cast upon the shore of Nandsamund, where Edmund Waters one of the three that first stayed in Summer Iles, and found the great piece of Ambergris, dwelling in Virginia at this Massacre, he and his wife these Nandsamunds' kept Prisoners till it chanced they found this Boat, at which purchase they so rejoiced, according to their custom of triumph, with songs, dances and invocations, they were so busied, that Waters and his wife found opportunity to get secretly into their Canow, and so crossed the River to Kecoughtan, which is nine or ten miles, whereat the English no less wondered and rejoiced, than the Saluages were madded with discontent. Thus you may see how many desperate dangers some men escape, when others die that have all things at their pleasure.  

The arrival of Captain 〈◊〉 at Patawomek.  All men thinking Captain Croshaw dead, Captain Hamer arriving with a Ship and a Pinnace at Patawomeke, was kindly entertained both by him and the King; that Don Hamar told the King he came for Corn: the King replied he had none, but the Nacotchtanks and their confederates had, which were enemies both to him and them; if they would fetch it, he would give them 40. or 50 choice Bowmen to conduct and assist them. Those Saluages with some of the English they sent, who so well played their parts, they slew 18. of the Nacotchtanks, some write but 4. and some they had a long skirmish with them; where the Patawomeks were so eager of revenge, they drive them not only out of their town, but all out of fight through the woods, thus taking what they liked, and spoiling the rest, they retired to Patawomek, where they lef● Captain Croshaw, with four men more, 
Croshaws' Fort and plot for trade.  the rest set sail for james town. Captain Croshaw now with five men and himself found night and day so many Alarms, he retired into such a convenient place, that with the help of the Saluages, he had quickly fortified himself against all those wild enemies. Captain Nuse his Pinnace meeting Hamar by the way understanding all this, came to see Captain Croshaw: after their best interchanges of courtesies, Croshaw writ to Nuse the estate of the place where he was, but understanding by them the poor estate of the Colony, offered if they would send him but a bold Shallop, with men, arms and provision for trade, the next Harvest he would provide them Corn sufficient, but as yet it being but the latter end of sune, there was little or none in all the Country.  

●●●taine Madys●●●ent ●ent to Pataw●m●k.  This being made known to the Governor and the rest, they sent Captain Madyson with a ship and pinnace, and some six and thirty men: those Croshaw a good time taught the use of their arms, but receiving a letter from Boyse his Wife, a prisoner with nineteen more at Pamavuke, to use means to the Governor for their liberty; So he dealt with this King, he got first two of his great men to go with him to james town, and eight days after to send four of his counsel to Pamavuke, there to stay till he sent one of his two to them, to persuade Opachankanough to send two of his with two of the Patawomekes, to treat about those prisoners, and the rest should remain their hostage at Pamavuke; but the Commanders, at james town, it seems, liked not of it, and so sent the Patawomekes back again to their own Country, and Captain Croshaw to his own habitation.  

The industry of Captain Nuse.  All this time we have forgot Captain Nuse, where we left him but newly acquainted with the Massacre, calling all his next adjoining dispersed neighbours together, he regarded not the pestering his own house, nor any thing to relieve them, and with all speed entrenched himself, mounted three piece of Ordnance, so that within 14. days, he was strong enough to defend himself from all the Saluages, yet when victual grew scant, some that would forage without order, which he punished, near occasioned a mutiny. Notwithstanding, he behaved himself to fatherly and kindly to them all, they built two houses for them he daily expected from England, a fair Well of fresh water mantled with brick, because the River and Cricks are there brackish or salt; in all which things he played the Sawyer, Carpenter, Dauber, labourer, or any thing; wherein though his courage and heart were steeled, he found his body was not made of Iron, for he had many sicknesses, and at last a Dropsy, no less grief to himself, than sorrow to his Wife and all under his government. These crosses and losses were no small increasers of his malady, nor the thus abandoning our Plantations, the loss of our Harvest, and also Tobacco which was as our money; the Vineyard our Vineyetours had brought to a good forwardness, bruised and destroyed with Deer, and all things ere they came to perfection, with weeds, disorderly persons or wild beasts; so that as we are I cannot perceive but the next year will be worse, being still tormented with pride and flattery, idleness and covetousness, as though they had vowed here to keep their Court with all the pestilent vices in the world for their attendants, enchanted with a conceited stateliness, even in the very bottom of miserable senselessness.  
Shortly after, Sir George Yearly and Captain William Powel, 
Captain Powel kills 3. Saluages.  took each of them a company of well disposed Gentlemen and others to seek their enemies. Yearl●y ranging the shore of Wean●ck, could see nothing but their old houses which he burned, and so went home: Powel searching another part, found them all fled but three he met by chance, whose heads he cut off, burnt their houses, and so returned; for the Saluages are so light and swift, though we see them (being so loaded with armour) they have much advantage of us though they be cowards. 
The opinion of Captain Smith.   
I confess this is true, and it may cause some suppose they are grown invincible: but will any go to catch a Hare with a Taber and a Pipe? for who knows not though there be monsters both of men and beasts, fish and fowl, yet the greatest, the strongest, the wildest, cruelest, fiercest and cunningest, by reason, art and vigilancy, courage and industry hath been slain, subjected or made tame, and those are still but Saluages as they were, only grown more bold by our own simplicities, and still will be worse and worse till they be tormented with a continual pursuit, and not with lying enclosed within Palizadoes, or affrighting them out of your sights, thinking they have done well, can but defend themselves: and to do this to any purpose, will require both charge, patience and experience. But to their proceedings. 
Sir George Yearleys' journey to Accomack.   
About the latter end of june, Sir George Yearley accompanied with the Council, and a number of the greatest Gallants in the Land, stayed three or four days with Captain Nuse, he making his moan to a chief man amongst them for want of provision for his Company, the great Commander replied he should turn them to his green Corn, which would make them plump and fat: these fields being so near the Fort, were better regarded and preserved then the rest, but the great man's command, as we call them, was quickly obeyed, for though it was scarce half grown either to the greatness or goodness, they devoured it green though it did them small good. Sir George with his company went to A●comack to his new Plantation, where he stayed near six weeks; some Corn he brought home, but as he adventured for himself, he accordingly enjoyed the benefit; some petty Magazines came this Summer, but either the restraint by Proclamation, or want of Boats, or both, caused few but the Chieftains to be little better by them. So long as Captain Nuse had any thing we had part; 
Captain Nuse his misery.  but now all being spent, and the people forced to live upon Oysters and Crabs, they became so faint no work could be done; and where the Law was, no work, no meat, now the case is altered, to no meat, no work; some small quantity of Milk and Rice the Captain had of his own, and that he would distribute gratis as he saw occasion; I say gratis, for I know no place else, but it was sold for ready payment: those ears of Corn that had escaped till August, though not ripe by reason of the late planting, the very Dogs did repair to the Corn fields to seek them as the men till they were hanged; and this I protest before God is true that I have related, not to flatter Nuse, nor condemn any, but all the time I have lived in Virginia, I have not seen nor heard that any Commander hath taken such continual pains for the public, or done so little good for himself, and his virtuous wife was no less charitable and compassionate according to her power. For my own part, although I found neither Mulberries planted, houses built, men nor victual provided, as the honourable Adventurers did promise me in England; yet at my own charge, having made these preparations, and the silkworms ready to be covered, all was lost, but my poor life and children, by the Massacre, the which as God in his mercy did preserve, I continually pray we may spend to his glory. 
An Alarm, four slain.  The 9 of September, we had an alarm, and two men at their labours slain; the Captain, though extreme sick, sallied forth, but the Saluages lay hid in the Corn fields all night, where they destroyed all they could, and killed two men more, much mischief they did to Master Edward Hills cattle, yet he alone defended his house though his men were sick and could do nothing, and this was our first assault since the Massacre.  

The kindness of the King of Patawomek.  About this time Captain Madyson passed by us, having taken Prisoners, the King of Patawomek, his son, and two more, and thus it happened; Madyson not liking so well to live amongst the Saluages as Croshaw did, built him a strong house within the Fort, so that they were not so sociable as before, nor did they much like Pool the Interpret; many Alarms they had, but saw no enemies: Madyson before his building went to Moyaones, where he got provision for a month, and was promised much more, so he returned to Patawomek and built this house, and was well used by the Saluages. Now by the four great men the King sent to Pamavuke for the redemption of the Prisoners, Madyson sent them a letter, but they could neither deliver it nor see them: so long they stayed that the King grew doubtful of their bad usage, that he swore by the Skies, if they returned not well, he would have wars with Opechankanough so long as he had any thing: at this time two of Madysons' men ran from him, to find them he sent Master john Vpton and three more with an Indian guide to Nazatica, where they heard they were. At this place was a King beat out of his Country by the N●costs, enemies to the Patawomeks; this expulsed King though he professed much love to the Patawomeks, yet he loved not the King because he would not help him to revenge his injuries, but to our Interpreter Poole he protested great love, promising if any treason were, he would reveal it; our guide conducted this Bandy to with them up to Patawomek and there kept him; our Fugitives we found the Patawomeks had taken and brought home, and the four great men returned from Pamavuke; not long after, this expulsed King desired private conference with Poole, urging him to swear by his God never to reveal what he would tell him, Poole promised he would not; then quoth this King, those great men that went to Pamavuke, went not as you suppose they pretended, but to contract with Opechankanough how to kill you all here, and these are their plots.  

A Saluage● policy.  First, they will procure half of you to go a fishing to their furthest town, and there set upon them, and cut off the rest; if that fail, they will feign a place where are many strangers would trade their Furs, where they will persuade half of you to go trade, and there murder you and kill them at home; and if this fail also, than they will make Alarms two nights together, to tyre you out with watching, and then set upon you, yet of all this, said he, there is none acquainted but the King and the great Conjurer.  
This being made known to the Captain, we all stood more punctually upon our guard, 
Mad●son takes the K●ng and kills 30. o● 40.  at which the Saluages wondering, desired to know the cause; we told them we expected some assault from the Pamavukes, whereat they seemed contented, and the next day the King went on hunting with two of our men, and the other a fishing and abroad as before, till our Shallop returned from james town with the two Saluages, sent home with Captain Croshaw: by those the Governor sent to Madyson, that this King should send him twelve of his great men; word of this was sent to the King at another town where he was, who not coming presently with the Messenger, Madyson conceited he regarded not the message, and intended as he supposed the same treason. The next morning the King coming home, being sent for, he came to the Captain and brought him a dish of their daintiest fruit; then the Captain feigned his return to james town, the King told him he might if he would, but desired not to leave him destitute of aid, having so many enemies about him; the Captain told him he would leave a guard, but entreated his answer concerning the twelve great men for the Governor; the King replied, his enemies lay so about him he could not spare them, than the Captain desired his son and one other; my son, said the King, is gone abroad about business, but the other you desire you shall have, and that other sits by him, but that man refused to go, whereupon Madyson went forth and locked the door, leaving the King, his son, and four Saluages, and five English men in the strong house, and setting upon the town with the rest of his men, slew thirty or forty men, women and children; the King demanding the cause, Poole told him the treason, crying out to entreat the Captain cease from such cruelty: but having slain and made fly all in the town, he returned, taxing the poor King of treason, who denied to the death not to know of any such matter, but said, This is some plot of them that told it, only to kill me for being your friend. Then Madyson willed him, to command none of his men should shoot at him as he went aboard, which he presently did, and it was performed: so Madyson departed, leading the King, his son, and two more to his ship, promising when all his men were shipped, he should return at liberty; notwithstanding he brought them to james town, 
The King set at liberty.  where they lay some days, and af●er were sent home by Captain Hamer, that took Corn for their ransom, and after set fail for New found Land.  

But, alas the cause of this was only this  
They understood, nor knew what was amiss.   
Ever since the beginning of these Plantations, 
A digression  it hath been supposed the King of Spain would invade them, or our English Papists endeavour to dissolve them. Bu● neither all the Counsels of Spain▪ nor Papists in the world could have devised a better course to bring them all to ruin, than thus to abuse their friends, nor could there ever have been a better plot, to have overthrown Opechankanough then Captain Chroshaws, had it been fully managed with expedition. But it seems God is angry to see Virginia made a stage where nothing but murder and indiscretion contends for victory.  
Amongst the rest of the Plantations all this Summer little was done, 
Their proceedings of the other plantations.  but securing themselves and planting Tobacco, which passes there as current Silver, and by the oft turning and winding it, some grow rich, but many poor, notwithstanding ten or twelve ships or more hath arrived there since the massacre, although it was Christmas ere any returned, and that return greatly revived all men's longing expectation here in England: for they brought news, that notwithstanding their extreme sickness many were recovered, and finding the Saluages did not much trouble them, except it were sometimes some disorderly stragglers they cut off. To lull them the better in security, they sought no revenge till their Corn was ripe, than they drew together three hundred of the best Soldiers they could, that would leave their private business, 
300 surpriseth Nandsamund.  and adventure themselves amongst the Saluages to surprise their Corn, under the conduct of Sir George Yearley, being embarked in convenient shipping, and all things necessary for the enterprise, they went first to Nands●mund, where the people set fire on their own houses, and spoiled what they could, and then fled with what they could carry; so that the English did make no slaughter amongst them for revenge. Their Corn fields being newly gathered, they surprised all they found, burned the houses remained unburnt, and so departed. Quartering about Kecoughtan, 
Samuel colyer slain.  after the Watch was set, Samuel colyer one of the most ancientest Planters, and very well acquainted with their language and habitation, humours and conditions, and Governor of a Town, when the Watch was set going the round, unfortunately by a Sentinel that discharged his piece, was slain.  

They surprise Pamavuke.  Thence they sailed to Pamavuke, the chief seat of Opechankanough, the contriver of the massacre: the Saluages seemed exceeding fearful, promising to bring them Sara, and the rest of the English yet living, with all the Arms, and what they had to restore, much desiring peace, and to give them any satisfaction they could. Many such devices they feigned to procrastinate the time ten or twelve days, till they had got away their Corn from all the other places up the River, but that where the English kept their quarter: at last, when they saw all those promises were but delusions, they seized on all the Corn there was, set fire on their houses: and in following the Saluages that fled before them, some few of those naked Devils had that spirit, they lay in ambuscado, and as our men marched discharged some shot out of English pieces, and hurt some of them flying at their pleasures where they listed, burning their empty houses before them as they went to make themselves sport: so they escaped, and Sir George returned with Corn, where for our pains we had three bushels apiece, but we were enjoined before we had it, to pay ten shillings the bushel for fraught and other charges. Thus by this means the Saluages are like as they report, to endure no small misery this Winter, and that some of our men are returned to their former Plantations.  

The opinion of Captain Smith.  What other passages or impediments happened in their proceedings, that they were not fully revenged of the Saluages before they returned, I know not; nor could ever hear more, but that they supposed they slew two, and how it was impossible for any men to do more than they did: yet worthy Ferdinando Courtus had scarce three hundred Spaniards to conquer the great City of Mexico, where thousands of Saluages dwelled in strong houses: but because they were a civilised people, had wealth, and those mere Barbarians as wild as beasts have nothing; I entreat your patience to tell you my opinion, which if it be God's pleasure I shall not live to put in practice, yet it may be hereafter useful for some, but howsoever I hope not hurtful to any, 
How to subject all the Saluages in Virginia.  and this it is.  
Had these three hundred men been at my disposing, I would have sent first one hundred to Captain Rawley Chroshaw to Patawomek, with some small Ordnance for the Fort, the which but with daily exercising them, would have struck that love and admiration into the Patowomeks, and terror and amazement into his enemies, which are not far off, and most seated upon the other side the River, they would willingly have been friends, or have given any composition they could, before they would be tormented with such a visible fear.  
Now though they be generally perfidious, yet necessity constrains those to a kind of constancy because of their enemies, and neither myself that first found them, Captain Argall, Chroshow, nor Hamar, never found themselves in fifteen years' trials: nor is it likely now they would have so hostaged their men, suffer the building of a Fort, and their women and children amongst them, had they intended any villainy; but suppose they had, who would have desired a better advantage than such an advertisement, to have prepared the Fort for such an assault, and surely it must be a poor Fort they could hurt, much more take, if there were but five men in it durst discharge a piece: Therefore a man not well knowing their conditions, may be as well too jealous as too careless; Such another Lope Sconce would I have had at Onawmanient▪ and one hundred men more to have made such another at Atquacke upon the River of Toppahanock, which is not past thirteen miles distant from Onawmanient: each of which twelve men would keep, as well as twelve thousand, and spare all the rest to be employed as there should be occasion. And all this with these numbers might easily have been done, if not by courtesy, yet by compulsion, especially at that time of September when all their fruits were ripe, their beasts fat, and infinite numbers of wild Fowl began to repair to every creek, that men if they would do any thing▪ could not want victual. This done, there remained yet one hundred who should have done the like at Ozinicke, upon the River of Chickahamania, not past six miles from the chief habitations of Opechankanough. These small Forts had been cause sufficient to cause all the Inhabitants of each of those Rivers to look to themselves. Then having so many Ships, Barks, and Boats in Virginia as there was at that present, with what facility might you have landed two hundred and twenty men, if you had but only five or six Boats in one night; forty to range the branch of Mattapanyent, forty more that of Youghtanund, and forty more to keep their randivous at Pamavuke itself. All which places lie so near, they might hear from e●ch other within four or five hours, and not any of those small parties, if there were any valour, discretion, or industry in them, but as sufficient as four thousand, to force them all to contribution, or take or spoil all they had. For having thus so many convenient rendezvous to believe each other, though all the whole Countries had been our enemies, where could they rest, but in the depth of Winter we might burn all the houses upon all those Rivers in two or three days? Then without fires they could not live, which they could not so hide but we should find, and quickly so tyre them with watching and warding, they would be so weary of their lives, as either fly all their Countries, or give all they had to be released of such an hourly misery. Now if but a small number of the Saluages would assist us, as there is no question but diverse of them would; And so suppose they could not be drawn to such faction; were to believe they are more virtuous than many Christians, and the best governed people in the world. All the Pamavukes might have been dispatched as well in a month as a year, and then to have dealt with any other enemies at our pleasure, and yet made all this toil and danger but a recreation.  
If you think this strange or impossible, 12 men with myself I found sufficient, to go where I would adays, and surprise a house with the people, if not a whole town in a night, or encounter all the power they could make, as a whole Army, as formerly at large hath been related: And it seems by these small parties last amongst them, by Captain Crashow, Hamar, and Madyson, they are not grown to that excellency in policy and courage but they might be encountered, and their wives and children apprehended. I know I shall be taxed for writing so much of myself, but I care not much, because the judicial know there are few such Soldiers as are my examples, have writ their own actions, nor know I who will or can tell my intents better than myself.  
Some again find as much fault with the Company for meddling with so many Plantations together, because they that have many Irons in the fire some must burn; but I think no if they have men enough know how to work them, but howsoever, it were better some burn then have none at all. The King of Spain regards but how many powerful Kingdoms he keeps under his obedience, and for the savage Countries he hath subjected, they are more then enough for a good Cosmographer to nominate, and is three Molehills so much to us; and so many Empires so little for him? For my own part, I cannot choose but grieve, that the actions of an Englishman should be inferior to any, and that the command of England should not be as great as any Monarchy that ever was since the world began, I mean not as a Tyrant to torment all Christendom, but to suppress her disturbers, and conquer her enemies.  

For the great Romans got into their hand  
The whole world's compass, both by Sea and Land,  
Or any seas, or heaven, or earth extended,  
And yet that Nation could not be contented.   
Much about this time arrived a small Bark of Barnestable, 
The arrival of Captain Butler, & his accidents.  which had been at the Summer Iles, and in her Captain Nathaniel Butler, who having been Governor there three years, and his Commission expired, he took the opportunity of this ship to see Virginia: at james Town he was kindly entertained by Sir Francis Wyatt the Governor. After he had rested there fourteen days, he fell up with his ship to the River of Chickahamania, where meeting Captain William powel▪ joining together such forces as they had to the number of eighty, they set upon the Chickahamanians, that fearfully fled, suffering the English to spoil all they had, not daring to resist them. Thus he returned to james town, where he stayed a month, at Kecoughtan as much more, and so returned for England.  

A strange deliverance of Master A●gent & others.  But riding at Kecoughtan, M. john Argent, son to Doctor Argent, a young Gentleman that went with Captain Butler from England to this place, Michael Fuller, William Gany, Cornelius May, and one other going ashore with some goods late in a fair evening, such a sudden gust did arise, that drive them thwart the River, in that place at least three or four miles in breadth, where the s●ore was so shallow at a low water, and the Boat beating upon the Sands, they left her, wading near half a mile, and oft up to the chin: So well it happened, Master Argent had put his Bandileir of powder in his hat, which next God was all their preservations: for it being February, and the ground so cold, their bodies became so benumbed, they were not able to strike fire with a steel and a stone he had in his pocket; the stone they lost twice, and thus those poor souls groping in the dark, it was Master Argents chance to find it, and with a few withered leaves, reeds, and brush, make a small fire, being upon the Chisapeaks shore, their mortal enemies, great was their fear to be discovered. The joyful morning appearing, they found their Boat and goods drive ashore, not fairy from them, but so split she was unserviceable: but so much was the frost, their clothes did freeze upon their backs, for they durst not make any great fire to dry them, lest thereby the bloody Saluages might descry them, so that one of them died the next day, and the next night digging a grave in the Sands with their hands, buried him. In this bodily fear they lived and fasted two days and nights, than two of them went into the Land to seek fresh water; the others to the Boat to get some meal and oil, Argent and his Comrado found a Canow, in which they resolved to adventure to their ship, but she was a drift in the River before they returned: thus frustrate of all hopes, Captain Butler the third night ranging the shore in his Boat to seek them, discharged his Muskets, but they supposing it some Saluages had got some English pieces, they grew more perplexed then ever, so he returned and lost his labour. The fourth day they unloaded their Boat, and stopping her leaks with their handkerchiefs, and other rags, two rowing, and two bailing out the water; but far they went not ere the water grew upon them so fast, and they so tired, they thought themselves happy to be on shore again, though they perceived the Indians were not far off by their fires. Thus at the very period of despair, Fuller undertook to sit a stride upon a little piece of an old Canow; so well it pleased God the wind and tide served, by paddling with his hands and feet in the water, beyond all expectation God so guided him three or four hours upon this board, he arrived at their ship, where they no less amazed than he tired, they took him in. Presently as he had concluded with his Companions, he caused them discharge a piece of Ordnance if he escaped, which gave no less comfort to Master Argent and the rest, than terror to those Plantations that heard it, (being late) at such an unexpected alarm: but after, with warm clothes and a little strong water, they had a little recovered him, such was his courage and care of his distressed friends, he returned that night again with Master Felgate to conduct him to them, and so giving thanks to God for so hopeless a deliverance, it pleased his Divine power, both they and their provision came safely aboard, but Fuller they doubt will never recover his benumbed legs and thighs.  
Now before Butler's arrival in England, many hard speeches were rumoured against him for so leaving his charge, before he received order from the Company: divers again of his Soldiers as highly commended him, for his good government, art, judgement and industry. But to make the misery of Virginia appear that it might be reform in time, how all those Cities, Towns, Corporations, Forts, Vineyards, Nurseries of Mulberries, Glasse-houses, Iron forges, Guest-houses, Silkworms▪ Colleges, the Companies great estate, and that plenty some do speak of here, are rather things in words and paper then in effect, with diverse reasons of the causes of those defects; if it were false, his blame nor shame could not be too much: but if there be such defects in the government, and distress in the Colony, it is thought by many it hath been too long concealed, and requireth rather reformation than disputation: but however, it were not amiss to provide for the worst, for the best will help itself. Notwithstanding, it was apprehended so hardly, and examined with that passion, that the brute thereof was spread abroad with that expedition, it did more hurt then the massacre; and the fault of all now by the vulgar rumour, must be attributed to the unwholesomeness of the air, and barrenness of the Country, as though all England were naught, because the Fens and Marshes are unhealthy; or barren, because some will lie under windows and starve in Cheapside, rot in Goals, die in the street, highways, or any where, and use a thousand devices to maintain themselves in those miseries, rather than take any pains, to live as they may by honest labour, and a great part of such like are the Planters of Virginia, and partly the occasion of those defailements.  
In the latter end of this last year, or the beginning of this, 
How Captain Spilman was left in the River of Patawomek. The Earl of Southampton Treasurer.  Captain H●nrie Spilman a Gentleman, that hath lived in those Countries thirteen or fourteen years, one of the best Interpreters in the Land, being furnished with a Bark and six and twenty men, he was sent to truck in the River of Patawomek, where he had lived a long time amongst the Saluages, whether he presumed too much upon his acquaintance amongst them, or they sought to be revenged of any for the slaughter made amongst them by the English so lately, or he sought to betray them, or they him, are all several relations, but it seems but imaginary: for then returned report they left him ashore about Patawomek, but the name of the place they knew not, with one and twenty men, being but five in the Bark, the Saluages ere they suspected any thing, boarded them with their Canowes', and entered so fast, the English were amazed, till a Sailer gave fire to a piece of Ordnance only at random; at the report whereof, the Saluages leapt overboard, so distracted with fear, they left their Canowes' and swum a shore; and presently after they heard a great brute amongst the Saluages a shore, and saw a man's head thrown down the bank, whereupon they weighed Anchor and returned home, but how he was surprised or slain, is uncertain.  

Thus things proceed and vary not a jot,  
Whether we knew them, or we know them not.    

A particular of such necessaries as either private families, or single persons, shall have cause to provide to go to Virginia, whereby greater numbers may in part conceive the better how to provide for themselves.  

Apparel. 
Apparel for one man, and so after the rate for more.   A Monmoth Cap. 
1 s. 10 d.  3 falling bands. 
1 s. 3 d.  3 shirts. 
7 s. 6 d.  1 Waistcoat. 
2 s. 2 d.  1 suit of Canvas. 
7 s. 6 d.  1 suit of Freeze. 
10 s.  1 suit of Cloth. 
15 s.  3 pair of Irish stockings. 
4 s.  4 pair of shoes. 
8 s. 8 d.  1 pair of garters. 
10 d.  1 dozen of point●. 
3 d.  1 pair of Canvas sheets. 
8 s.  7 else of Canvas to make a bed and bolster, to be filled in Virginia, serving for two men. 
8 s.  5 else of course Canvas to make a bed at Sea for two men. 
5 s.  1 course rug at sea for two men. 
6 s.   
4 l.   

Victual for a whole year for a man, and so after the rate for more.  8 bushels of meal. 
2 l.  2 bushels of pease. 
6 s.  2 bushels of Otemeale. 
9 s.  1 gallon of Aquavitae. 
2 s. 6 d.  1 gallon of oil. 
3 s. 6 d.  2 gallons of Vinegar. 
2 s.   
3 l. 3 s.   

Arms for a man, but if half your men be armed it is well, so all have swords and pieces.  1 Armour complete, light. 
17 s.  1 long piece five foot and a half, near Musket bore. 
1 l. 2 s.  1 Sword. 
5 s.  1 Belt. 
1 s.  1 Bandilier. 
1 s. 6 d.  2 pound of powder. 
18 s.  6 pound of shot or Lead, Pistol and Goose shot. 
5 s.   
3 l. 9 s. 6 d.   

Tools for a family of six persons, and so after the rate for more.  5 broad howes at 2 s. a piece. 
10 s.  5 narrow howes at 16 d. a piece. 
6 s. 8 d.  2 broad axes at 3 s. 8 d. a piece. 
7 s. 4 d.  5 felling axes at 18 d. a piece. 
7 s. 6 d.  2 steel handsawes at 16 d. a piece. 
2 s. 8 d  2 two handsawes at 5 s. a piece. 
10 s.  1 whipsaw, set and filled, with box, file and wrest. 
10 s.  2 hammers 12 d. a piece. 
2 s.  3 shovels 18 d. a piece. 
4 s. 6 d.  2 spades at 18 d. a piece. 
3 s.  2 Augers at 6 d. piece. 
1 s.  6 Chissels at 6 d. a piece. 
3 s.  2 Percers stocked 4 d. a piece. 
8 d.  3 Gimlets at 2 d. a piece. 
6 d.  2 Hatchets at 21 d. a piece. 
3 s. 6 d.  2 frowes to cleave pale 18 d. each 
3 s.  2 hand Bills 20 d. a piece. 
3 s. 4 d.  1 Grindstone. 
4 s.  Nails of all sorts to the value of 
2 l.  2 Pickaxes. 
3 s.   
6 l. 2 s. 8 d.   

Household implements for a family and six persons, and so for more or less after the rate.  1 Iron pot. 
7 s.  1 Kettell. 
6 s.  1 large Frying-pan. 
2 s. 6 d.  1 Gridiron. 
1 s. 6 d.  2 Skellots. 
5 s.  1 Spit. 
2 s.  Platters, dishes, spoons of wood. 
4 s.   
1 l. 8 s.   
For Sugar, Spice, and Fruit, and at Sea for six men. 
12 s. 6 d.  So the full charge after this rate for each person, will amount about the sum of 
12 l. 10 s. 10 d.  The passage of each man is 
6 l.  The fraught of these provisions for a man, will be about half a tun, which is 
1 l. 10 s.  So the whole charge will amount to about 
20 l.   
Now if the number be great, Nets, Hooks and Lines, but Cheese, Bacon, Kine and Goats must be added. And this is the usual proportion the Virginia Company do bestow upon their Tenants they send.   

A brief relation written by Captain Smith to his Majesty's Commissioners for the reformation of Virginia, concerning some aspersions against it.  
HOnourable Gentlemen, for so many fair and Navigable Rivers so near adjoining, and piercing thorough so fair a natural Land, free from any inundations, or large Fenny unwholesome Marshes, I have not seen, read, nor heard of: And for the building of Cities, Towns, and Wharfage, if they will use the means, where there is no more ebb nor flood, Nature in few places affords any so convenient, for salt Marshes or Quagmires. In this tract of james Town River I know very few; some small Marshes and Swamps there are, but more profitable than hurtful: and I think there is more low Marsh ground betwixt Eriffe and Chelsey, than Kecoughton and the Falls, which is about one hundred and eighty miles by the course of the River.  
Being enjoined by our Commission not to unplant nor wrong the Saluages, 
The causes of our first miseries.  because the channel was so near the shore, where now is james Town, than a thick grove of trees; we cut them down, where the Saluages pretending as much kindness as could be, they hurt and slew one and twenty of us in two hours: At this time our diet was for most part water and bran, and three ounces of little better stuff in bread for five men a meal, and thus we lived near three months: our lodgings under boughs of trees, the Saluages being our enemies, whom we neither knew nor understood; occasions I think sufficient to make men sick and die.  
Necessity thus did enforce me with eight or nine, 
But ●8 English in all Virginia.  to try conclusions amongst the Saluages, that we got provision which recovered the rest being most sick. Six weeks I was led captive by those Barbarians, though some of my men were slain, and the rest fled, yet it pleased God to make their great King's daughter the means to return me safe to james town, and relieve our wants, and then our Commonwealth was in all eight and thirty, the remainder of one hundred and five.  
Being supplied with one hundred and twenty, 
Proofs of the healthfulness of the Country.  with twelve men in a boat of three tuns, I spent fourteen weeks in those large waters; the contents of the way of my boat protracted by the scale of proportion, was about three thousand miles, besides the River we dwell upon, where no Christian known ever was, and our diet for the most part what we could find, yet but one died.  
The Saluages being acquainted, 
How the Saluages became subjected.  that by command from England we durst not hurt them, were much emboldened; that famine and their insolences did force me to break our Commission and instructions, cause Powhatan fly his Country, and take the King of Pamavuke Prisoner; and also to keep the King of Paspahegh in shackles, and put his men to doubletaskes in chains, till nine and thirty of their Kings paid us contribution, and the offending Saluages sent to james town to punish at our own discretions: in the two last years I stayed there, I had not a man slain.  
All those conclusions being not able to prevent the bad events of pride and idleness, having received another supply of seventy, 
How we lived of the natural fruits of the Country.  we were about two hundred in all, but not twenty workmen: In following the strict directions from England to do that was impossible at that time; So it happened, that neither we nor they had any thing to eat, but what the Country afforded naturally; yet of eighty who lived upon Oysters in june and july, with a pint of corn a week for a man lying under trees, and 120 for the most part living upon Sturgeon, which was dried till we pounded it to powder for meal, yet in ten weeks but seven died.  
It is true, we had of Tools, Arms, & Munition sufficient, some Aquavitae, Vinegar, 
Proof of the Commodities we returned.  Meal, Pease, and Otemeale, but in two years and a half not sufficient for six months, though by the bills of loading the proportions sent us, would well have contented us, notwithstanding we sent home ample proofs of Pitch, Tar, Soap Ashes, Wainskot, Clapboord, Silk grass, Iron Ore, some Sturgeon and Glass, Saxefras, Cedar, Cypris, and black Walnut, crowned Powhaton, sought the Monacans Country, according to the instructions sent us, but they caused us neglect more necessary works: they had better have given for Pitch and Soap ashes one hundred pound a tun in Denmark: We also maintained five or six several Plantations.  
james town being burnt, we rebuilt it and three Forts more, 
What we built.  besides the Church and Storehouse, we had about forty or fifty several houses to keep us warm and dry, environed with a palizado of fourteen or fifteen foot, and each as much as three or four men could carry. We digged a fair Well of fresh water in the Fort, where we had three Bulwarks, four and twenty piece of Ordnance, of Culvering, Demiculuering, Sacar and Falcon, and most well mounted upon convenient platforms, planted one hundred acres of Corne. We had but six ships to transport and supply us, and but two hundred seventy seven men, boys, and women, by whose labours Virginia being brought to this kind of perfection, the most difficulties past, and the foundation thus laid by this small means; yet because we had done no more, they called in our Commission, took a new in their own names, and appointed us near as many offices and Officers as I had Soldiers, that neither knew us nor we them, without our consents or knowledge; since there have gone more than one hundred ships of other proportions, and eight or ten thousand people. Now if you please to compare what hath been spent, sent, discovered and done this fifteen years, by that we did in the three first years, and every Governor that hath been there since, give you but such an account as this, you may easily find what hath been the cause of those disasters in Virginia.  
Then came in Captain Argall, and Master Sedan, in a ship of Master Cornelius, to fish for Sturgeon, who had such good provision, we contracted with them for it, whereby we were better furnished then ever.  
Not long after came in seven ships, with about three hundred people; but rather to supplant us then supply us, their Admiral with their authority being cast away in the Bermudas, very angry they were we had made no better provision for them. Seven or eight weeks we withstood the inundations of these disorderly humours, till I was near blown to death with Gunpowder, which occasioned me to return for England.  

How I left the Country.  In the year 1609 about Michaelmas, I left the Country, as is formerly related, with three ships, seven Boats, Commodities to trade, harvest newly gathered, eight week's provision of Corn and Meal, about five hundred persons, three hundred Muskets, shot, powder, and match, with arms for more men than we had. The Saluages their language and habitation, well known to two hundred expert Soldiers; Nets for fishing, tools of all sorts, apparel to supply their wants: six Mares and a Horse, five or six hundred Swine, many more Poultry, what was brought or bred, but victual there remained.  

My charge.  Having spent some five years, and more than five hundred pounds in procuring the Letters Patents and setting forward, and near as much more about New England, etc. Thus these nineteen years I have here and there not spared any thing according to my ability, nor the best advice I could, to persuade how those strange miracles of misery might have been prevented, which lamentable experience plainly taught me of necessity must ensue, but few would believe me till now too dearly they have paid for it. Wherefore hitherto I have rather left all then undertake impossibilities, or any more such costly tasks at such chargeable rates: 
My reward.  for in neither of those two Countries have I one foot of Land, nor the very house I builded, nor the ground I digged with my own hands, nor ever any content or satisfaction at all, and though I see ordinarily those two Countries shared before me by them that neither have them nor knows them, but by my descriptions: Yet that doth not so much trouble me, as to hear and see those contentions and divisions which will hazard if not ruin the prosperity of Virginia, if present remedy be not found, as they have hindered many hundreds, who would have been there ere now, and makes them yet that are willing to stand in a demur.  
For the Books and Maps I have made, I will thank him that will show me so much for so little recompense, and bear with their errors till I have done better. For the materials in them I cannot deny, but am ready to affirm them both there and here, upon such grounds as I have propounded, which is to have but fifteen hundred men to subdue again the Saluages, fortify the Country, discover that yet unknown, and both defend & feed their Colony, which I most humbly refer to his Majesty's most judicial judgement, and the most honourable Lords of his Privy Council, you his trusty and well-beloved Commissioners, and the Honourable company of Planters and well-willers to Virginia, New-England and Sommer-Ilands.   

Out of these Observations it pleased his Majesty's Commissioners for the reformation of Virginia, to desire my answer to these seven Questions.  
Quest. 1. WHat conceive you is the cause the Plantation hath prospered no better since you left it in so good a forwardness?  
Answ. Idleness and carelessness brought all I did in three years in six months to nothing, and of five hundred I left, scarce threescore remained, and had Sir Thomas Gates not got from the Bermudas, I think they had been all dead before they could be supplied.  
Quest. 2. What conceive you should be the cause, though the Country be good, there comes nothing but Tobacco?  
Answ. The oft altering of Governors it seems causes every man make use of his time, and because Corn was stinted at two shillings six pence the bushel, and Tobacco at three shillings the pound, and they value a man's labour a year worth fifty or threescore pound, but in Corn not worth ten pound, presuming Tobacco will furnish them with all things; now make a man's labour in Corn worth threescore pound, and in Tobacco but ten pound a man, then shall they have Corn sufficient to entertain all comers, and keep their people in health to do any thing, but till then, there will be little or nothing to any purpose.  
Quest. 3. What conceive you to have been the cause of the Massacre, and had the Saluages had the use of any pieces in your time, or when, or by whom they were taught?  
Answ. The cause of the Massacre was the want of marshal discipline, and because they would have all the English had by destroying those they found so carelessly secure, that they were not provided to defend themselves against any enemy, being so dispersed as they were. In my time, though Captain Nuport furnished them with swords by truck, and many fugitives did the like, and some Pieces they got accidentally, yet I got the most of them again, and it was death to him that should show a savage the use of a Piece. Since I understand they became so good shot, they were employed for Fowlers and Huntsmen by the English.  
Quest. 4. What charge think you would have settled the government both for defence and planting when you left it?  
Answ. Twenty thousand pound would have hired good labourers and mechanical men, and have furnished them with cattle and all necessaries, and 100 of them would have done more than a thousand of those that went, though the Lord Laware, Sir Ferdinando Waynman, Sir Thomas Gates and Sir Thomas Dale were persuaded to the contrary, but when they had tried, they confessed their error.  
Quest. 5. What conceive you would be the remedy and the charge?  
Answ. The remedy is to send Soldiers and all sorts of labourers and necessaries for them, that they may be there by next Michaelmas, the which to do well will stand you in five thousand pound, but if his Majesty would please to lend two of his Ships to transport them, less would serve, besides the benefit of his grace to the action would encourage all men.  
Quest. 6. What think you are the defects of the government both here and there?  
Answ. The multiplicity of opinions here, and Officers there, makes such delays by questions and formality, that as much time is spent in compliment as in action; beside, some are so desirous to employ their ships, having six pounds for every Passenger, and three pounds for every tun of goods, at which rate a thousand ships may now better be procured then one at the first, when the common stock defrayed all fraughts, wages, provisions and Magazines, whereby the Ships are so pestered, as occasions much sickness, diseases and mortality, for though all the Passengers die they are sure of their fraught; and then all must be satisfied with Orations, disputations, excuses and hopes. As for the letters of advice from hence, and their answers thence, they are so well written, men would believe there were no great doubt of the performance, and that all things were well, to which error here they have been ever much subject; and there not to believe, or not to relieve the true and poor estate of that Colony, whose fruits were commonly spent before they were ripe, and this loss is nothing to them here, whose great estates are not sensible of the loss of their adventures, and so they think; or will not take notice; but it is so with all men: but howsoever they think or dispose of all things at their pleasure, I am sure not myself only, but a thousand others have not only spent the most of their estates, but the most part have lost their lives and all, only but to make way for the trial of more new conclusions, and he that now will adventure but twelve pounds ten shillings, shall have better respect and as much favour than he that sixteen year ago adventured as much, except he have money as the other hath, but though he have adventured five hundred pound, and spent there never so much time, if he have no more and not able to begin a family of himself, all is lost by order of Court.  
But in the beginning it was not so, all went then out of one purse, till those new devices have consumed both money and purse; for at first there were but six Patentees, now more than a thousand, then but thirteen Counsellors, now not less than an hundred; I speak not of all, for there are some both honourable and honest, but of those Officers, which did they manage their own estates no better than the affairs of Virginia, they would quickly fall to decay so well as it; but this is most evident, few Officers in England it hath caused to turn Banquerupts, nor for all their complaints would leave their places, neither yet any of their Officers there, nor few of the rest but they would be at home, but fewer Adventurers here will adventure any more till they see the business better established, although there be some so wilfully improvident they care for nothing but to get thither, and then if their friends be dead, or want themselves, they die or live but poorly for want of necessaries, and to think the old Planters can relieve them were too much simplicity; for who here in England is so charitable to feed two or three strangers, have they never so much; much less in Virginia where they want for themselves. Now the general complaint saith, that pride, covetousness, extortion and oppression in a few that ingrosses all, then sell all again to the commonalty at what rate they please, yea even men, women and children for who will give most, occasions no small mischief amongst the Planters.  
As for the Company, or those that do transport them, provided of necessaries, God forbid but they should receive their charges again with advantage, or that masters there should not have the same privilege over their servants as here, but to sell him or her for forty, fifty, or threescore pounds, whom the Company hath sent over for eight or ten pounds at the most, without regard how they shall be maintained with apparel, meat, drink and lodging, is odious, and their fruits suitable, therefore such merchants it were better they were made such merchandise themselves, than suffered any longer to use that trade, and those are defects sufficient to bring a well settled Commonwealth to misery, much more Virginia.  
Quest. 7. How think you it may be rectified?  
Answ. If this Majesty would please to entitle it to his Crown, and yearly that both the Governors here and there may give their accounts to you, or some that are not engaged in the business, that the common stock be not spent in maintaining one hundred men for the Governor, one hundred for two Deputies, fifty for the Treasurer, five and twenty for the Secretary, and more for the Marshal and other Officers who were never there nor adventured any thing, but only preferred by favour to be Lords over them that broke the ice and beat the path, and must teach them what to do, if any thing happen well, it is their glory; if ill, the fault of the old directors, that in all dangers must endure the worst, yet not five hundred of them have so much as one of the others; also that there be some present course taken to maintain a Garrison to suppress the Saluages, till they be able to subsist, and that his Majesty would please to remit his custom, or it is to be feared they will lose custom and all, for this cannot be done by promises, hopes, counsels and countenances, but with sufficient workmen and means to maintain them, not such delinquents as here cannot be ruled by all the laws in England, yet when the foundation is laid, as I have said, and a commonwealth established, than such there may better be constrained to labour then here: but to rectify a commonwealth with debauched people is impossible, and no wise man would throw himself into such a society, that intends honestly, and knows what he undertakes, for there is no Country to pillage as the Romans found: all you expect from thence must be by labour.  
For the government I think there is as much ado about it as the Kingdoms of Scotland and Ireland, men here conceiting Virginia as they are, erecting as many stately Offices as Officers with their attendants, as there are labourers in the Country, where a Constable were as good as twenty of their Captains, and three hundred good Soldiers and labourers better than all the rest that go only to get the fruits of other men's labours by the title of an office. Thus they spend Michaelmas rend in Midsummer Moon, and would gather their Harvest before they have planted their Corne.  
As for the maintenance of the Officers, the first that went never demanded any, but adventured good sums, and it seems strange to me, the fruits of all their labours, besides the expense of an hundred and fifty thousand pounds, and such multitudes of people, those collateral Officers could not maintain themselves so well as the old did, and having now such liberty to do to the Saluages what they will, the others had not. I more than wonder they have not five hundred Saluages to work for them towards their general maintenance, and as many more to return some content and satisfaction to the Adventurers, that for all their care, charge and diligence, can hear nor see nothing but miserable complaints; therefore under your correction to rectify all, is with all expedition to pass the authority to them who will relieve them, lest all be consumed ere the differences be determined. And except his Majesty undertake it, or by Act of Parliament some small tax may be granted throughout his Dominions, as a Penny upon every Poll, called a head-penny; two pence upon every Chimney, or some such collection might be raised, and that would be sufficient to give a good stock, and many servants to sufficient men of any faculty, and transport them freely for paying only homage to the Crown of England, and such duties to the public good as their estates increased reason should require. Were this put in practice, how many people of what quality you please, for all those disasters would yet gladly go to spend their lives there, and by this means more good might be done in one year, than all those petty particular undertake will effect in twenty.  
For the Patent the King may, if he please, rather take it from them that have it, then from us who had it first, pretending to his Majesty what great matters they would do, and how little we did, and for any thing I can conceive, had we remained still as at first, it is not likely we could have done much worse; but those oft altering of governments are not without much charge, hazard and loss. If I be too plain, I humbly crave your pardon; but you requested me, therefore I do but my duty. For the Nobility, who knows not how freely both in their Purses and assistances many of them have been to advance it, committing the managing of the business to inferior persons, amongst whom questionless also many have done their utmost best, sincerely and truly according to their conceit, opinion and understanding; yet gross errors have been committed, but no man lives without his fault; for my own part, I have so much ado to amend my own, I have no leisure to look into any man's particular, but those in general I conceive to be true. And so I humbly rest  
Yours to command, I. S.  

The King hath pleased to take it into 〈◊〉 ●●●sideration.  THus those discords, not being to be compounded among themselves, nor yet by the extraordinary diligences, care and pains of the noble and right worthy Commissioners, Sir William jones, Sir Nicholas Fortescue, Sir Francis Goston, Sir Richard Sutton, Sir Henry Bourgchier and Sir William Pit; a Corante was granted against Master Deputy Farrar, and 20. or 30. others of that party to plead their causes before the right Honourable, the Lords of his Majesty's Privy Council: now notwithstanding all the Relations, Examinations, and intercepting of all Letters whatsoever came from thence, yet it seems they were so far unsatisfied and desired to know the truth, as well for the preservation of the Colony, as to give content and do all men right, they sent two Commissioners strictly to examine the true estate of the Colony. Upon whose return after mature deliberation, it pleased his royal Majesty to suppress the course of the Court at Deputy Farrars, and that for the present ordering the affairs of Virginia, until he should make a more full settlement thereof, the Lord Viscount Mandevile, Lord Precedent of his Majesty's Privy Council, and also other Privy Councillors, with many understanding Knights and Gentlemen, should every Thursday in the afternoon meet at Sir Thomas smith's in Philpot lane, where all men whom it should concern may repair, to receive such directions and warrant for their better security, as more at large you may see in the Proclamation to that effect, under the great Seal of England, dated the 15. of july, 1624. But as for the relations last returned, what numbers they are, how many Cities, Corporations, towns, and houses, cattle and horse they have, what fortifications or discoveries they have made, or revenge upon the Saluages; who are their friends or foes, or what commodities they have more than Tobacco, & their present estate or what is presently to be put in execution, in that the Commissioners are not yet fully satisfied in the one, nor resolved in the other, at this present time when this went to the Press, I must entreat you pardon me till I be better assured.  
Thus far I have traveled in this Wilderness of Virginia, not being ignorant for all my pains this discourse will be wrested, tossed and turned as many ways as there is leaves; that I have writ too much of some, too little of others, and many such like objections. To such I must answer, in the Companies name I was requested to do it, if any have concealed their approved experiences from my knowledge, they must excuse me: as for every fatherless▪ or stolen relation, or whole volumes of sofisticated rehearsals, I leave them to the charge of them that desire them. I thank God I never undertook any thing yet any could tax me of carelessness or dishonesty, and what is he to whom I am indebted or troublesome? Ah! were these my accusers but to change cases and places with me but 2. years, or till they had done but so much as I, it may be they would judge more charitably of my imperfections. But here I must leave all to the trial of time, both myself, Virginia's preparations, proceedings and good events, praying to that great God the protector of all goodness to send them as good success as the goodness of the action and Country deserveth, and my heart desireth.  
FINIS.    

THE FIFTH BOOK.  
THE GENERAL HISTORY OF THE BERMUDAS, now called the Summer Iles, from their beginning in the year of our Lord 1593. to this present 1624. with their proceedings, accidents and present estate.  
BEfore we present you the matters of fact, it is fit to offer to your view the Stage whereon they were acted, for as Geography without History seemeth a carcase without motion, so History without Geography, wandreth as a Vagrant without a certain habitation. 
The description of the Iles.  Those Lands lie in the huge main Ocean, and two hundred leagues from any continent, situated in 32. degrees and 25. minutes, of Northerly latitude, and distant from England West South-West, about 3300. miles, some twenty miles in length, and not past two miles and a half in breadth, environed with Rocks, which to the Northward, Westward, and Southeast, extend further than they have been yet well discovered: by reason of those Rocks the Country is naturally very strong, for there is but two places, & scare two, unless to them who know them well, where shipping may safely come in, and those now are exceeding well fortified, but within is room to entertain a royal Fleet: the Rocks in most places appear at a low water, neither are they much covered at a high, for it ebbs and flows not past five foot; the shore for most part is a Rock, so hardened with the sun, wind and sea, that it is not apt to be worn away with the waves, whose violence is also broke by the Rocks before they can come to the shore: it is very uneven, distributed into hills and dales; the mould is of diverse colours, neither clay nor sand, but a mean between; the red which resembleth clay is the worst, the whitest resembling sand and the blackest is good, but the brown betwixt them both which they call white, because there is mingled with it a white meal is the best: under the mould two or three foot deep, and sometimes less, is a kind of white hard substance which they call the Rock: the trees usually fasten their roots in it; neither is it indeed rock or stone, or so hard, though for most part more harder than Chalk; nor so white, but pumish-like and spongy, easily receiving and containing much water. In some places Clay is found under it, it seems to be engendered with rain water, draining through the earth, and drawing with it of his substance unto a certain depth where it congeals; the hardest kind of it lies under the red ground like quarries, as it were thick slates one upon another, through which the water hath his passage, so that in such places there is scarce found any fresh water, for all or the most part of the fresh water cometh out of the Sea draining through the sand, or that substance called the Rock, leaving the salt behind, it becomes fresh: sometimes we digged wells of fresh water which we find in most places, and but three or four paces from the Sea side, some further, the most part of them would ebb and flow as the Sea did; and be level or little higher than the superficies of the sea, and in some places very strange, dark and cumbersome Caves.  

The clime, temper and fertility.  The air is most commonly clear, very temperate, moist, with a moderate heat, very healthful and apt for the generation and nourishing of all things, so as many things transported from hence yield a far greater increase, and if it be any living thing it becomes fatter and better; by this means the country is so replenished with Hens and Turkeys, within the space of three or four years, that many of them being neglected, forsake the houses and become wild, and so live in great abundance; the like increase there is in Hogs, tame Coneys, and other Cattle according to their kinds. There seems to be a continual Spring, which is the cause some things come not to that maturity and perfection as were requisite; and though the trees shed their leaves, yet they are always full of green; the Corn is the same they have in Virginia, and the West-Indies: of this and many other things without ploughing or much labour, they have two Harvests every year, for they set about March, which they gather in july; and again in August, which they reap in December; and little slips of Figtrees and Vines do usually bear fruit within the year, and sometimes in less; but we find not the Grapes as yet come to any perfection; the like fertility it hath in Oranges and Lemons, Pomegranates, and other things. Concerning the serenity and beauty of the sky, it may as truly be said of those Lands as ever it was said of the Rhodes, that there is no one day throughout the 12. months, but that in some hour thereof, the sun looks singularly & clear upon them: for the temperature it is beyond all others most admirable; no cold there is beyond an English April, nor heat much greater than an ordinary july in France, so that frost and snow is never seen here, nor stinking and infectious mists very seldom, by reason of the main Ocean, there is some wind stirring that cools the air: the winter they have observes the time with ours, but the longest days and nights are shorter than ours almost by two hours.  

Trees and Fruits.  We found it at first all overgrown with weeds, and plants of several kinds, as many tall and goodly Cedars, infinite store of Palmetoes, numbers of Mulberries, wild Olive-trees store, with diverse others unknown both by name and nature, so that as yet they become lost to many useful employments, which time and industry no doubt will one day discover, and even already certain of the most notorious of them have gotten them appellations from their apparent effects, as the Prickell-peare which grows like a shrub by the ground, 
The Prickell Pear.  with broad thick leaves, all over-armed with long and sharp dangerous thorns, the fruit being in form not much unlike a small green Pear, and on the outside of the same colour, but within blood red, and exceeding full of juice; with grains not much unlike the Pomegranate, 
The poison weed.  and colouring after its nature. The poisoned weed is much in shape like our English Iuy, but being but touched, causeth redness, itching, and lastly blisters, the which howsoever after a while pass away of themselves without further harm, yet because for the time they are somewhat painful, it hath got itself an ill name, although questionless of no ill nature. Here is also frequently growing a certain tall Plant, 
The red weed.  whose stalk being all over covered with a red rind, is thereupon termed the red weed, the root whereof being soaked in any liquor, or but a small quantity of the juice drunk alone, procures a very forcible vomit, and yet is generally used by the people, and found very effectual against the pains and distempers of the stomach.  

The purging Bean.  A kind of Woodbine there is likewise by the Sea very commonly to be found, which runs upon trees twining itself like a Vine: the fruit somewhat resembles a Bean, but somewhat flatter, the which any way eaten worketh excellently in the nature of a purge, and though very vehemently, yet without all peril. 
The costive tree.  Contrary to this, another small tree there is, which causeth costiveness; there is also a certain Plant like a bramble bush, which bears a long yellow fruit, having the shell very hard, and within it a hard berry, that beaten and taken inwardly purgeth gently. 
Red Pepper.  There is another fruit much like our Barberies, which being beaten or bruised between the teeth, sets all the mouth on an extreme heat very terrible for the time, to avoid which they are swallowed down whole, and found of the same or better operation than the red Pepper, and thence borroweth the name. In the bottom of the Sea there is growing upon the Rocks a large kind of Plant in the form of a Vine leaf, but far more spread with veins in colour of a pale red, very strangely interlaced & woven one into another, which we call the Feather, but the virtue thereof is altogether unknown, 
The Sea feather.  but only regarded for the rarity. Now besides these natural productions, 
Fruits transported.  providences & pains since the Plantation, have offered diverse other feeds & plants, which the soil hath greedlily embraced & cherished, so that at this present 1623. there are great abundance of white, red and yellow coloured Potatoes, Tobacco, Sugarcanes, Indicos, Parsnips, exceeding large Radishes, the American bread, the Cassado root, the Indian Pompion, the Water-millon, Musk-millon, & the most delicate Pineapples, Plantans, and Papawes, also the English Artichoke, Pease, etc. briefly whatsoever else may be expected for the satisfaction either of curiosity, necessity or delight.  
Neither hath the air for her part been wanting with due supplies of many sorts of Fowls, as the grey and white Hearne, the grey and green Plover, 
Birds.  some wild Ducks and Malards', Coats and Redshanks, Sea-wigions, Gray-bitterns, Cormorants, numbers of small Birds like Sparrows and Robins, which have lately been destroyed by the wild Cats, Wood-pickars, very many Crows, which since this Plantation are killed, the rest fled or seldom seen except in the most uninhabited places, from whence they are observed to take their flight about sun set, directing their course towards the Northwest, which makes many conjecture there are some more Lands not far off that way. Sometimes are also seen Falcons & jar-falcons, Osprays, a Bird like a Hobby, but because they come seldom, they are held but as passengers; but above all these, most deserving observation and respect are those two sorts of Birds, the one for the tune of his voice, the other for the effect, called the Cahow, and Egg▪ bird, which on the first of May, a day constantly observed, fall a laying infinite store of Eggs near as big as Hens, 
Egge-Birds.  upon certain small sandy bays especially in Coupers I'll; and although men sit down amongst them when hundreds have been gathered in a morning, yet there is hath stayed amongst them till they have gathered as many more: they continue this course till Midsummer, and so tame & fearless, you must thrust them off from their Eggs with your hand; then they grow so faint with laying, they suffer them to breed & take infinite numbers of their young to eat, which are very excellent meat.  
The Cahow is a Bird of the night, 
Cahowes.  for all the day she lies hid in holes in the Rocks, where they and their young are also taken with as much ease as may be, but in the night if you but whoop and hollow, they will light upon you, that with your hands you may choose the fat and leave the lean; those they have only in winter: their Eggs are as big as hens, but they are speckled, the other white. Mr. Norwood hath taken twenty dozen of them in three or four hours, and since there hath been such havoc made of them, they were near all destroyed, till there was a strict inhibition for their preservation. The Tropic bird is white, 
The Tropic Bird and the Pemblicos presagements.  as large as a Pullet, with one only long Feather in her tail, and is seldom seen far distant from other of the Tropics: another small Bird there is, because she cries Pemblyco they call her so, she is seldom seen in the day but when she sings, as too oft she doth very clamorously; too true a Prophet she proves of huge winds and boisterous weather: there were a kind of small Owls in great abundance, but they are now all slain or fled: some tame Ducks, Geese and Pigeons there are, but the two latter prosper not.  
Concerning vermin and noisome creatures, there are not many, 
Of Vermine.  but only Rats and Cats, there increased since the Plantation, but how they agree together you shall hear hereafter. The Musketas and Flies are also too busy, with a certain India Bug, called by the Spaniards a Cacarootch, the which creeping into Chests they eat and defile with their ill-sented dung: also the little Ants in summer time are so troublesome, they are forced to dry their figs upon high frames▪ and anoint their feet with tar, wherein they stick, else they would spoil them all ere they could be dried: Worms in the earth also there are, but too many, so that to keep them from destroying their Corn and Tobacco, they are forced to worm them every morning, which is a great labour, else all would be destroyed. Lizards there were many and very large, but now none, and it is laid they were destroyed by the Cat. 
〈◊〉  Certain Spiders also of very large size are found hanging upon trees, but instead of being any way dangerous as in other places, they are here of a most pleasing aspect, all over dressed, as it were with Silver, Gold, and Pearl, and their Webs in the Summer woven from tree to tree, are generally a perfect raw silk, and that as well in regard of substance as colour, and so strong withal, that diverse Birds bigger than Blackbirds, being like Snipes, are often taken and snared in them as a Net: then what would the Silkworm do were she● there to feed upon the continual green Mulberry?  

Ashes.  But above all the rest of the Elements, the Sea is found most abundantly liberal: hence have they as much excellent Fish, and as much variety as need be desired. The most of which being unknown to our Northern parts, got there new names, either for their shapes or conditions; as the large Rockefish from his like hue, and haunting amongst the Rocks, the fat Hog-fish from his swinelike shape and shout: for this is not the old known Hog-fish with brussels on his back; the delicate Amber-fish from his taste and smell, Angell-fish, Conyfish, the small yellow tail from that natural painting; the great Growper from his odd and strange grunting, some of them yet known to the Americans, as the Purgoose, the Cavallo, the Gar-fish, Flying-fish and Morerayes: the rest are common to other Continents; as the Whale in great numbers, the Shark, the Pilot-fish, the Seabreame, the Oyster and Lobster, with diverse others; twenty Tortoises have been taken in a day, and some of them will afford half a bushel of Eggs, and suffice to feed forty men at a meal. And thus have you briefly epitomised Mother Natures benefits to this little, yet dainty spot of earth, neither were it ingenuity to conceal wherein she inclineth to the Stepdame, especially since the particulars are so few, as rather requisite Antidotes against idleness to rouse up industry, 
The most hurtful things in those Iles.  than any great cause of much distaste, much less despair: and of those to speak troth, there are only two: viz. the Winds, and the Worms, especially in the Spring and Autumn; and thus conditioned as yet we will let rest these small Lands, in the midst of this mighty and main Ocean, so environed on every side, by infinite numbers of uncertain scattered Rocks, lying shallowly hid under the surface of the water, a league, two, three, four, or five, to Sea, to the which advantagers added by art, as hereafter you shall hear at large, and find described in the Map. It may well be concluded to be the most impregnable place in the world, and although the Amber Greece, Pearls, nor Tobacco, are of that quantity and certainty to be relied upon to gain wealth; yet by practice and experience they find, by Silk, Saffron, Indigo, Madar, Sugarcanes, Wine, Oil, and such like great profit may be expected: yet were those hopeless in regard of their conveniency to nourish and maintain themselves, and relieve them shall visit them with wood, water, and other necessaries, besides what an eyesore they are already becomed to them that have them not, and how dear and precious to them that have them, I think none will deny but they are well worth the keeping: and so we will proceed to the accidents that befell the first finders; also the proceedings of the first Planters and their successors, Master Norrod, Thomas Sparkes, and diverse others.  

A brief relation of the shipwreck of Henry May.  

How it is supposed they were called the Bermud●●.  HOw these Isles came by the name of Bermudas, or the infinite number of black Hogs, or so fearful to the world, that many called them the I'll of Devils, that all men did shun as Hell and perdition; I will not expostulate, nor trouble your patiences with those uncertain antiquities further than thus; our men found diverse crosses, pieces of Spanish moneys here and there. Two or three wracks also they found, by certain inscriptions to be some Spanish, some Dutch, some French; but the greatest rumour is, that a Spanish ship called Bermudas was there cast away, carrying Hogs to the West-Indies that swum a shore, and there increased: how the Spaniards escaped is uncertain: but they say, from that ship those Isles were first called Bermudas, which tilt then for six thousand years had been nameless.  
But the first Englishman that was ever in them, was one Henry May, a worthy Mariner that went with Captain Lancaster to the East-Indies 1591. and in their return by the West-Indies, being in some distress, sent this Henry May for England by one monsieur de la Barbotier, to acquaint the Merchants with their estate. The last of November, saith May, we departed from Laguna in Hispaniola, and the seventeenth of December following, we were cast away upon the Northwest of the Bermudas; the Pilots about noon made themselves Southwards of the Isles twelve leagues, and demanded of the Captain their Wine of height as out of all danger, which they had: but it seem, they were either drunk, or careless of their charge; for through their negligences a number of good men were cast away. I being but a stranger amongst fifty and odd Frenchmen, it pleased God to appoint me to be one of them should be saved. In this extremity we made a raft, which we towed with our Boat, there were but six and twenty of us saved; and I seeing scarce room for the one half, durst not pass in amongst them till the Captain called me along with him, leaving the better half to the seas mercy: that day we rowed till within two hours of night ere we could land, being near dead with thirst, every man took his way to seek fresh water, at length, by searching amongst many weeds, we found some rain water, but in the maine are many fair Bayss, where we had enough for digging.  
Now it pleased God before our ship split we saved our Carpenter's tools, 
The building and calking their Bark.  some Nails, Sails, and Tackle, wherewith we went roundly to work, and built a Bark of eighty tunues: In stead of Pitch, we made Lime, mixed with Tortoise oil, and as the Carpenters calked her, I and another paid the seams with this plaster, which being in April, became quickly dry, and as hard as a stone.  
In April it was so hot, we feared our water would fail, 
His return for England.  two great Chests we made, which we calked as our ship; those we stowed on each side our main Mast, filled them with water and thirty live Tortoises: we found many Hogs, but so lean we could not eat them; the tops of the Palmetaberries was our bread, and the juice we got out of the trees we cut down our drink, and of the leaves, which are more than an Ell long, we covered our Cabens, & made our beds, and found many of those provisions as is related, but little foul weather. The eleventh of May it pleased God to set us clear of the I'll, after we had lived there five months: and the twentieth we fell with Cape Britton, near New found Land, where refreshing ourselves with wood and water, and such things as we could get of the Saluages, it seemed a good Country, but we stayed not passed four hours before we set sail for the bank of New found land, where we met many ships, but not any would take in a man of us, until it pleased God we met a Bark of Fawmothe, which received us for a little time, and with her we took a French ship, wherein I left Captain de la Barbotier, my dear friend, and all his Company: and in August arrived at Falmouth in this honest English Bark, 1594.  
Written by me Henry May.   

The first English ship known to have been cast away upon the Bermudas 1609. From the relation of Mr. jordan, Master john evens, Master Henry Shelly, and diverse others.  
YOu have heard, that when Captain Smith was Governor of Virginia, there were nine ships sent with Sir Thomas Gates, and Sir George Somers, and Captain Nuport with five hundred people, to take in the old Commission, and rectify a new government: they set sail in May, and in the height of thirty degrees of Northerly latitude, they were taken with an extreme storm, 
A most desperate estate by a storm.  or rather a part of Hurricane, upon the five and twentieth of july, which as they write, did not only separate them from the Fleet, but with the violent working of the Seas, their ship became so shaken, torn, and leak, she received so much water as covered two tire of Hogsheads above the ballast, that they stood up to the middles, with Buckets, Baricos, and Kettles, to bail out the water. Thus bailing and pumping three days and three nights without intermission, and yet the water seemed rather to increase then diminish, in so much that being all utterly spent with labour, were even resolved without any hope to shut up the hatches, and commit themselves to the mercy of the Sea, which is said to be merciless, or rather to the mercy of Almighty God, whose mercy far exceeds all his works; seeing no sense or hope in man's apprehension, but presently to sink: some having some good and comfortable waters, fetched them and drank one to another, as taking their last leaves until a more happy, and a more joyful meeting in a more blessed world, when it pleased God out of his most gracious and merciful providence, so to direct and guide their ship for her most advantage;  

The care and judgement of Sir George Somers.  That Sir George Somers all this time sitting upon the poop, scarce taking leisure to eat nor sleep, coving the ship to keep her as upright as he could, otherways she must long ere that needs have foundered, most wishedly and happily descried land; whereupon he most comfortably encouraged them to follow their work, many of them being fast asleep: this unlooked for welcome news, as if it had been a voice from heaven, hurrieth them all above hatches, to look for that they durst scarce believe, so that improvidently forsaking that task which imported no less than their lives, they gave so dangerous advantage to their greedy enemy the salt water, which still entered at the large breaches of their poor wooden castle, as that in gaping after life, they had well-nigh swallowed their death. Surely it is impossible any should now be urged to do his best, and although they knew it, 
An evident token of God's mercy.  that place all men did so shun, yet they spread all the fail they could to attain them: for not long it was before they struck upon a rock, till a surge of the sea cast her from thence, and so from one to another, till most luckily at last so upright betwixt two, as if she had been in the stocks, till this they expected but every blow a death: But now behold, suddenly the wind gives place to a calm, and the billows, which each by overtaking her, would in an instant have shivered her in pieces, become peaceable and still, so that with all conveniency and ease, they unshipped all their goods, victual, and persons into their Boats, and with extreme joy, even almost to amazedness, arrived in safety, though more than a league from the shore, without the loss of a man; yet were they in all one hundred and fifty: yet their deliverance was not more strange in falling so happily upon the land, as their feeding and preservation was beyond their hopes; for you have heard, it hath been to the Spaniards more fearful than an Utopian Purgatory, and to all Seamen no less terrible than an enchanted den of Furies and Devils, the most dangerous, unfortunate, and forlorn place in the world, and they found it the richest, healthfullest and pleasantest they ever saw, as is formerly said. 
Sir George Somers 〈…〉   
Being thus safe on shore, they disposed themselves to search the Isles for food and water; others to get a shore what they could from the ship; not long Sir George wandered but found such a fishing, that in half an hour with a hook and line, he took so many as sufficed the whole company, in some places they were so thick in the Coves, and so great, they durst not go in left they should bite them, and these rock fish are so great two will load a man, and fatter nor better fish cannot be. Mr. Shelly found a Bay near a quarter of a mile over, so full of Mullets, as none of them before had ever seen or heard of the like: the next day seeking to kill them with fisgigs, they stracke so many the water in many places was red with blood, yet caught not one, but with a net they caught so many as they could draw a shore, with infinite number of Pilchards and diverse other sorts; great craw-fish in a night by making a fire they have taken in great quantity. Sir George had twice his hook and line broke out of his hand, but the third time he made it so strong he caught the same fish, which had pulled him into the Sea had not his men got hold of him, whereby he had his three hooks again were found in her belly. At their first hunting for hogs they found such abundance; they killed 32 and this hunting & fishing was appointed to Captain Robert Walsingham, and Mr. Henry Shelly for the company in general: they report they killed at least 500 besides Pigs, and many that were killed by diverse others; for the birds in their seasons, the facility to make their cabens of Palmera leaves, caused many of them utterly forget or desire ever to return from thence, they lived in such plenty, peace and ease.  
But let us remember how the Knights began to resolve in those desperate affairs: 
What means they m●de to send to Virginia.  many projects they had, but at last it was concluded, to deck their long boat with their ship hatches; which done, with all expedition they sent Master Raven, a very sufficient Mariner, with eight more in her to Virginia, to have shipping from thence to fetch them away; three weeks or a month they expected her return, but to this day she was never more heard of; all this time was spent in searching the Isles: now although God still fed them with this abundance of plenty, yet such was the malice of envy or ambition, for all this good service done by Summer, such a great difference fell amongst their Commanders, that they lived asunder in this distress, rather as mere strangers then distressed friends: but necessity so commanded, patience had the victory.  
Two ships at this time by those several parties were a building; 
A marriage, and two children borne.  in the mean time two children were borne, the Boy was called Bermudas, the Girl Bermuda, and amongst all those sorrows they had a merry English marriage; the form of those Isles you may see at large in the Map of Mr. Norwood, where you may plainly see no place known hath better walls, nor a broader ditch. But having finished and rigged their two new Cedar ships with such provisions they saved from the Sea-aduenturer they left amongst the Rocks, they called the one the Patience, the other the Deliverance; they used Lime and Oil, as May did for Pitch and Tar. Sir George Summer had in his Bark no Iron at all but one bolt in her Keel; now having made their provisions of victual and all things ready, they set sail the tenth of May 1610. only leaving two men behind them, called Christopher Carter and Edward Waters, that for their offences, or the suspicion they had of their judgements, fled into the woods, and there rather desired to end their days then stand to their trials and the event of justice; for one of their consorts was shot to death, and Waters being tied to a tree also to be executed, had by chance a Knife about him, and so secretly cut the Rope, he ran into the woods where they could not find him. There were two Saluages also sent from Virginia by Captain Smith, the one called Namuntack, the other Matchumps, but some such differences fell between them, that Matchumps slew Namuntack, and having made a hole to bury him, because it was too short, he cut of his legs and laid them by him, which murder he concealed till he was in Virginia.  
The four and twentieth of the same month they arrived in Virginia at james town, 
Their arrival in Virginia.  where they found but threescore persons, as you may read at large in the History of Virginia, of the five hundred left by Captain Smith, also of the arrival of the Lord Laware, that met them thus bound for England, returned them back, and understanding what plenty there was of hogs and other good things in the Bermudas, was desirous to send thither to supply his necessary occasions; whereupon Sir George Summer, the best acquainted with the place, whose noble mind ever regarded a general good more than his own ends, though above threescore years of age, and had means in England suitable to his rank, offered himself by God's help to perform this dangerous voyage again for the Bermudas, which was kindly accepted, so upon the 19 of june, he embarked in his Cedar ship, about the burden of thirty tons, and so set sail.  

Sir George S●mmers his return to the Bermudas.  Much foul and cross weather he had, and was forced to the North parts of Virginia, where refreshing himself upon this unknown coast, he could not be diverted from the search of the Bermudas, where at last with his company he safely arrived: but such was his diligence with his extraordinary care, pains and industry to dispatch his business, and the strength of his body not answering the ever memorable courage of his mind, having lived so long in such honourable services, the most part of his well beloved and virtuous life, God and nature here determined, should ever remain a perpetual memory of his much bewailed sorrow for his death: finding his time but short, after he had taken the best course he could to settle his estate, like a valiant Captain he exhorted them with all diligence to be constant to those Plantations, and with all expedition to return to Virginia. In that very place which we now call Saint George's town, this noble Knight died, whereof the place taketh the name. But his men, as men amazed, seeing the death of him who was even as the life of them all, embalmed his body and set sail for England, being the first that ever went to seek those Lands, which have been ever since called Summers Isles, in honour of his worthy memory, leaving three men behind them, that voluntarily stayed, whose names were Christopher Carter, Edward Waters, there formerly left as is said, and Edward Chard. This Cedar ship at last with his dead body arrived at Whit-Church in Dorsetshire, where by his friends he was honourably buried, with many volleys of shot, and the rites of a Soldier, and upon his tomb was bestowed this Epitaph.  

〈…〉  Hei mihi Virginia quod tam cito praeterit Aestas,  
Autumnus sequitur, saeviet inde & biems;  
At ver perpetuum nascetur, & Anglialaeta,  
Decerpit flores florida terra tuas.  
In English thus:  
Alas Virginia's Summer so soon past,  
Autumn succeeds and stormy Winter's blast,  
Yet England's joyful Spring with joyful showers,  
O Florida, shall bring thy sweetest flowers.  

The proceedings of the three men.  THe honour of this resulution belongs principally to Carter, for through his importunity, not to leave such a place abandoned, Chard & Waters were moved to stay with him, and the rest promised w●th all the speed they could again to revisit them. But the ship once out of sight, those three Lords, the sole inhabitants of all those Lands, began to erect their little common wealth for a while with brotherly regency, repairing the ground, planting Corn, and such seeds and fruits as they had, building a house, etc. Then making privy search amongst the creusses and corners of those craggy Rocks, what this main Ocean since the world's creation had thrown amongst them, at last they chanced upon the greatest piece of Ambergris was ever seen or heard of in one lump, 
A piece of Ambergris of 80. pound weight.  being in weight fourscore pound, besides diverse other small pieces.  
But now being rich, they grew so proud and ambitious, contempt took such place, they fell out for superiority, though but three forlorn men, more than three thousand miles from their native Country, and but small hope ever to see it again. Notwithstanding, they sometimes fell from words to blows about mere trifles: in one of which fights, one of them was bitten with his own dog, as if the dumb beast would reprove them of their folly; at last Chard and Waters, the two greater spirits, must try it out in the field, but Carter wisely stole away their weapons, affecting rather to live amongst his enemies, then by being rid of them live alone; and thus those miserable men lived full two years, so that all their clothes were near worn clean from their backs, and their hopes of any foreign relief as naked as their bodies. At last they began to recover their wits, yet in a fashion perhaps would have cost them dearer than when they were mad; for concluding a tripartite peace of their Marachin war, they resolved to frame as good a Boat as they could, and therein to make a desperate attempt for Virginia, or New found Land; but no sooner were they entered into that resolution, but they descried a sail standing in for the shore, though they neither knew what she was, nor what she would, they were so over-ioyed, with all possible speed they went to meet her, and according to their hearts desire she proved an Englishman, whom they safely conducted into their harbour.  
Now you are to understand, that Captain Matthew Somers. 
How they were supplied. 1611.  Nephew and heir to Sir George, that returned with his dead body, though both he and his Company did their utmost in relating all those passages to their Countrymen and adventurers, their relations were believed but as travellers tales, till it came to be apprehended by some of the Virginia Company, how beneficial it might be, and helpful to the Plantation in Virginia, so that some one hundred and twenty of them bought the pretended right of all the Company, and had sent this ship to make a trial; but first they had obtained Letters Patents of the Kings most excellent Majesty. Sir Thomas Smith was elected Treasurer and Governor here, and Master Richard More to be Governor of the Isles and Colony there.   

The first beginning of a Colony in the Summer Iles, under the command of Master Richard More, extracted out of a plot of Master Richard Norwood Surueior, and the relations of diuer's others.  
MAster More thus finding those three men not only well and lusty, 
The arrival of Master More.  but well stored with diverse sorts of provisions, as an Acre of Corn ready to be gathered, numbers of Pumpions and Indian Beans, 

1612.  
Sir Thomas Smith Treasurer.   many Tortoises ready taken, good store of hog's flesh salted, and made in flitches of Bacon, were very good, and so presently landed his goods and sixty persons towards the beginning of july 1612. upon the South side of Smiths I'll.  
Not long after his arrival, 
Their differences about the Ambergris.  More having some private intelligence of this Ambergris, took first Chard in examination, he being one of the three the most masterfull spirit, what Ambergris, Pearl, Treasure, or other Commodities they had found. Chard no less witty than resolute, directly answered; Not any thing at all but the fruits of the I'll, what his fellows had done he knew not, but if they had, he doubted not but to find it out, and then he should know it certainly. This he spoke only to win time to swear his Consorts to secrecy, and he would find the means how they should all return in that ship with it all for England, otherwise they should be deceived of all. Till this was effected they thought every hour an age; now for the better conveyance of it aboard, they acquainted it to Captain Davis', master of the ship, and one Master Edwin Kendal, that for their secrecy and transportation should participate with them: Without further ceremony the match was accepted, and absolutely concluded, the plot laid, time and place set down to have it aboard. But Carter, were it for fear the Governor at last should know of it, to whom so oft they had denied it; or that the rest should deceive him, is uncertain; but most certain it is, he revealed all the plot to Master More: To get so much wealth he knew would please them in England, though it did displease all his Company, and to lose such a prize he would not for hazarding a mutiny. So first he revealed himself to Kendal in fair terms, reproving his dishonesty, but not being answered according to his expectation, he committed both Chard and him to person. The next Sabboath day Davis' coming on shore, More also taxed with very hard language and many threats, to lay him fast also if he mended not his manners; Davis' for the present replied little, but went with him to the place of prayer: but in the midst of divine service he goeth away, commanding all his Seamen to follow him presently aboard, where he encourageth them to stand to him like men, and he would free the Prisoners, have all the Ambergris for themselves, and so be gone.  

Chard in danger of hanging.  The Governor hearing of this resolution, prepares with his company to repulse force with force, so that a general expectance of a civil uncivil war possessed every man; but this threatening gust passed over more calmlier than was expected; for Davis' having better advised with himself, repent his rashness, and desired a reconcilement with the Governor. Peace thus concluded, Kendal was set at liberty, but Chard was condemned, and upon the ladder to be hanged for his obstinacy; yet upon better consideration More repriued him, but kept him a prisoner all the time he stayed in the Country, which was generally thought a very bad reward for his great desert, and that there was more of this Ambergris imbeziled, then would have contented all the finders, that never had any consideration at all. The greatest part though More thus recovered, yet Davis' and Kendal had so much, either by the ignorance or connivency of the Governors, that arriving in England, they prepared themselves for a new voyage; at last they two falling out, the Company having notice thereof, so tormented them both, they gave over their voyage, and durst not be seen a long time after.  

Master Moor's industry in fortifying and planting.  The Governor thus rid of the ship and those discontents, removed his seat from Smiths I'll to Saint Georges, after he had fitted up some small Cabbens of Palmata leaves for his wife and family, in that valley where now stands their prime town called S. George's, he began to apply himself to fortify the Country, and training his men in the exercise of arms. For although he was but a Carpenter, he was an excellent Artist, a good Gunner, very witty and industrious: he built and laid the foundation of eight or nine Forts, called the King's Castle, Charles' Fort, Pembroke's Fort, Smith's Fort, Pagits Fort, Gates Fort, Warwick's Castle, Saint Katherine's Fort, etc. mounting in them all the Ordnance he had, preparing the ground to build Houses, plant Corn, and such Fruits as they had.  

A contention of the Minister against the Governor.  Being thus busied, and as the necessity of the time required, keeping his men somewhat hard at work, Master Keath his Minister, were it by the secret provocation of some drones, that grew weary of their tasks, or his affection to popularity is not certain: But he begins to tax the Governor in the Pulpit, he did grind the faces of the poor, oppressing his Christian brethren with Pharoab▪ taxes. More finding this in short time, might breed ill blood, called the Company together and also the Minister, urging them plainly, to tell him wherein he had deserved those hard accusations: whereupon, with an universal cry they affirmed the contrary, so that Keath down of his knees to ask him forgiveness. But Master More kindly took him up, willing him to kneel to God, and hereafter be more modest and charitable in his speeches; notwithstanding two other discontents so upbraided More with that doctrine, and stood to maintain it, he impaneled a jury, with a great deal of seeming much ado he would hang them being condemned, one of them with the very fear, fell into a dead Palsy; so that the other was set at liberty, and proved after a very good labourer.  
Many conclusions he tried about the Sea-venture, the wrack of Sir George Somers, but he got only for his pains but two piece of Ordnance. 

Two pieces w●●hed out of the Sea Adventure.  
The first supply.   Having framed a Church of timber, it was blown down by a tempest, so that he built another in a more closer place with Palmeta leaves.  
Before this year was expired, the adventerers sent them an adviso with thirty Passengers and good provisions, to prepare with all expedition for their defence against the Spaniard, whom they understood ere long would visit them: This occasioned him to keep all his men together in that I'll so hard at work, that wanting liberty to go abroad for food, living only on that they had, and expected daily to receive from England, they were so over-toiled, many fell sick, but none died. Very earnest this ship was to have all the Ambergris, which M. More perceiving, was the chiefest cause of their coming, and that it was the only loadstone to draw from England still more supplies; for all the express command sent from the Company, he returned this ship but with the one third part; so from thence she went to Virginia, and not long after arrived safely in England.  
But before her return the Company sent the Martha with sixty Passengers more▪ they arrived in june with one Master Bartlet to survey the Island, 

1613. The second supply.  
Sir Thomas Smith Treasurer.   and the estate of the Colony, with express command for all the Ambergris: but More perceiving him not as he would have him, and that the Company began to mistrust him, would send no more but another third part, wherewith they returned, leaving a Frenchman to make trial of the Mulberries for Silk, but he did not bring any thing to perfection; excusing himself, they were not the right Mulberries he expected. About this time they were in hope of a small crop of Tobacco, but it was most spoiled for want of knowledge to use it. Now in England Master More became amongst the Merchant's marvellous distasteful, for the detaining so long the Ambergris; which delays they so much abhorred, they forthwith dispatched the Elizabeth the second time and forty Passengers, much rebuking More for so long detaining the Ambergris: for the which, having now no more colourable excuses, he delivered it, wherewith the ship went to Virginia, & thence home. In this ship was brought the first Potato roots, 
A strange increase of Potatoes.  which flourished exceedingly for a time, till by negligence they were almost lost (all but two castaway roots) that so wonderfully have increased, they are a main relief to all the Inhabitants. This ship was not long gone but there came two Spanish ships, 
The attempt of two Spanish ships.  founding with their Boat, which attempted to come in: but from the King's Castle Master More made but two shot, which caused them presently depart. Mark here the handy work of the divine providence, for they had but three quarters of a barrel of powder, and but one shot more, and the powder by carelessness was tumbled down under the mussels of the two pieces, were discharged, yet not touched with fire when they were discharged.  
This fear thus past, appears another much worse, which was the extremity of famine; in this extemity God sent Captain Daniel Elfrid with a carvel of meal which a little relieved them, but brought withal so many Rats, that within two years after near ruined all; now though Elfrid had deceived his friend Fisher of this Carvel in the West. Indies, they revenged Fishers injury, for Elfrid had his passage for England, and they made use of all he had. Some two months after, came in the Blessing with an hundred Passengers; and two days after the Star with a hundred and four score more, amongst which were many Gentlemen, as Master Lower for Martial, Master Barret, Master Felgate, and diverse others; but very unproper for what they undertook. Within fourteen days after came in the Margaret and two Frygats, and in them one hundred and threescore Passengers; also Master Bartlet came now expressly to divide the Country into Tribes, and the Tribes into shares. But Master More finding no mention made of any part for himself nor all them with him, as he was promised in England, by no means would admit of any division, nor suffer his men from finishing their fortifications, which was so necessary, it was his main ambition to see that accomplished; but such unkindness grew betwixt this Master Bartlet and the Governor, that the rude multitude with all the disdain they could devose caused Bartlet return for England as he came. About this time William Millington was drawn into the Sea by a fish, but never after ever seen.  
The neglect of this division was very hardly conceited in England, so that Master More grew more and more in dislike with the company; 
A great famine and mortality. Sir Thomas Smith Treasurer.  notwithstanding he followed the building of these Forts so earnestly, neglecting planting of Corn, till their store was near all consumed, whereby they became so feeble and weak, some would not, others could not go abroad to seek relief, but statued in their houses, and many that went abroad, through weakness were subject to be suddenly surprised with a disease called the Feauges, which was neither pain nor sickness, but as it were the highest degree of weakness, depriving them of power and ability from the execution of any bodily exercises, whether it were working, walking, or what else: being thus taken, if any presently gave them food, many times they strait recovered, yet some after a little rest would be able to walk, but if they found not present succour, died.  

A strange being of Ravens.  About this time or immediately before, came in a company of Ravens, which continued amongst them all the time of this mortality and then departed, which for any thing known, neither before nor since were ever seen or heard of: this with diverse other reasons caused Master More to go out to Sea, to see if he could discover any other Lands, but he went not far ere ill weather forced him back; and it were a noble adventure of him would undertake to make more perfect all the dangers are about the Summer Iles.  

All works abandoned to get only victual.  Thus famine and misery caused Governor More leave all his works, and send them abroad to get what they could; one hundred and fifty of the most weak and sick he sent to Coupers I'll, where were such infinite numbers of the Birds called Cahowes, which were so fearless they might take so many as they would, and that admired abundance of fish, that the extremity of their hunger, and their gluttony was such, those heavenly blessings they so consumed and wasted by carelessness and surfeiting, many of them died upon those silly Birds that offered themselves to the slaughter, which the Governor understanding, caused them for change of air to be removed to Portroyall, and a Company of Fishers with a Boat to relieve them with fish, but the Gange grew so lazy the poor weaklings still died; they that remained killed the Cattle they found in the I'll, feigning the heat caused them to run into the Sea and so were drowned; so that the Governor sent again for them home, but some obtained leave still to live abroad; one amongst the rest hid himself in the Woods, and lived only on Wilkes and land Crabs, sat and lusty many months, but most of them being at Saint Georges, ordinarily was taken one hundred and fifty or two hundred great fishes daily for their food; for want of hooks and lines, the Smith made hooks of old swords, and lines of old ropes, but finding all those poor Engines also decay, they sent one of the two Frigates last left with them for England, to tell them of this misery. All which was now attributed to Master Moor's perverseness, who at first when he got the Amber-Greece had not such a general applause, but now all the worst could possibly be suggested was too good for him; yet not knowing for the present how to send a better, they let him continue still, though his time was near expired, and with all speed sent the Welcome fraught with provision, where she well arrived, and proved herself as welcome in deed as in name; for all those extremities, Master Lewes Hues writeth, not one of all those threescore that first began this Plantation was dead, which shows it was not impossible, but industry might have prevented a great part of the others sluggish carelessness.  

A supply, and M. Moor's return.  This ship much refreshed this miserable Colony, but Master More seeing they sent not for him, his time being now expired, understanding how badly they reputed him in England, and that his employment now was more for their own ends then any good for himself, resolved directly to return with this ship. Having settled all things in the best order he could, left the government to the charge of the counsel of six to succeed each other monthly, till they had further directions from England; whose names were Captain Miles Kendal, Captain john Mansfield, Thomas Knight, Charles Caldycot, Edward Waters, and Christopher Carter, with twelve others for their assistances. More thus taking leave of those Lands, arrived in England, much wrangling they had, but at last they confirmed him according to promise eight shares of Land, and so he was dismissed of his charge, with show of favour and much friendship.   

The rule of the six Governors.  
THE first thing they did was casting of lots, who should rule first, 
Sir Thomas Smith Treasurer.  which lot lighted upon Master Caldicot. This last supply somewhat abated the extremity of their miseries, and the better in that their fortifications being finished, they had the more leisure to go abroad with that means was brought to that purpose to fish. Chard as you have heard, whom all this while More had kept Prisoner, they set at liberty: now by reason of their former miseries, little or nothing could be done; yet this Governor having thus concluded his month, and prepared a Frigate and two and thirty men, he embarked himself with two other of his fellow counsellors; namely, Knight and Waters for the West-Indies, to get Fruits and Plants, Goats, young Cattle, and such like. But this poor vessel, whether through ill weather, or want of Mariners, or both, in stead of the Indies fell with the Canaries, where taking a poor Portugal▪ the which they manned with ten of their own people, as soon after separated from her in a storm, & the next day was taken by a French Pickaroune, so that the Frigate out of hope of her prize, makes a second time for the West-Indies, where she no sooner arrived, but foundered in the sea; but the men in their Boat recovered a desolate isle, where after some few months stay, an English Pirate took them in, and some of them at last got for England, and some few years after returned to the Summer Iles.   

Captain john Mansfield his month.  
THE Frigate thus gone, Captain Mansfield succeeded. Then was contrived a petition, as from the generality, unto the triumuirat Governors; wherein they supplicated, that by no means they should resign the government to any should come from England, upon what terms soever, until six months after the return of their ship sent to the West-Indies: about this unwarrantable action, M●ster Lewes Hues their Preacher was so violent in suppressing it, that such discontents grew betwixt the Governors and him, and divisions among the Company, he was arraigned, condemned, and imprisoned, but not long detained before released. Then the matter fell so hotly again to be disputed betwixt him and one Master Keath a Scotchman, that professed scholarship, that made all the people in a great combustion: much ado there was, till at last as they sat in the Church and ready to proceed to a judiciary course against Master Hues, suddenly such an extreme gust of wind and weather so ruffled in the trees and Church; some cried out, A miracle; others, it was but an accident common in those Isles, but the noise was so terrible it dissolved the assembly▪ notwithstanding, Master Hues was again imprisoned, and as suddenly discharged; but those factions were so confused, and their relations so variable, that such unnecessary circumstances were better omitted then any more disputed.  
This man's month thus ended, begins Master Carter, 
Master Carter. Captain Kendal Capt. Mansfield.  which was altogether spent in quietness, and then Captain Miles Kendal had the rule, whose month was also as quietly spent as his Predecessors. Then Captain Mansfield begins his second month, when the ship called the Edwin arrived with good supplies. About this time diverse Boats going to sea were lost, and some men drowned; and many of the Company repaired to Master Hues, that there might be a Council according to Master Moor's order of six Governors, and twelve Assistants; whereupon grew as many more such silly brawls as before, which at last concluded with as simple a reconciliation. In the interim happened to a certain number of private persons as miserable and lamentable an accident, as ever was read or heard of, and thus it was:  

A wonderful accident.  In the month of March, a time most subject of all others to such tempests; on a Friday there went seven men in a boat of two or three runs to fish. The morning being fair, so eager they were of their journey, some went fasting: neither carried they either meat or drink with them, but a few Palmeta berries, but being at their fishing place some four leagues from the shore, such a tempest arose, they were quickly driven from the sight of land in an overgrown Sea, despairing of all hope, only committing themselves to God's mercy, set the boat drive which way she would. On Sunday the storm being somewhat abated, they hoist sail as they thought towards the Island. In the evening it grew stark calm; to that being too weak to use their oars, they lay a drift that night. The next morning Andrew Hilliard, for now all his companions were past strength either to help him or themselves: before a small gale of wind spread his sail again. On Tuesday one died, whom they threw over board. On Wednesday three. And on Thursday at night the sixth. All these but the last were buried by Hilliard in the Sea, for so weak he was grown he could not turn him over as the rest, whereupon he stripped him, ripping his belly with his knife, throwing his bowels into the water, he spread his body abroad tilted open with a stick, and so lets it lie as a cistern to receive some lucky rainwater, and this God sent h●m presently after, so that in one small shower he recovered about four spoonfuls of rain water to his unspeakable refreshment; he also preserved near half a pint of blood in a shoe, which he did sparingly drink of to moist his mouth: two several dates he fed on his flesh, to the quantity of a pound, on the eleventh day from his losing the sight of land, two flying fishes falls in his boat, whose warm juicy blood he sucked to his great comfort. But within an hour after to his greater comfort you will not doubt, he once again descried the land, and within four hours after was cast upon a rock near to Port royal, where his boat was presently split in pieces, but himself, though exreamly weak, made shift to clamber up so steep and high a rock, as would have troubled the ablest man in the I'll to have done that by day he did by night.  
Being thus astride on a rock, the tumbling Sea had gotten such possession in his brains, that a good while it was before his giddy head would suffer him to venture upon the forsaking it: towards the morning he crawls a shore, and then to his accomplished joy descernes where he is, and travels half a day without any refreshment than water, whereof wisely and temperately he stinted himself, otherwise certainly he had drunk his last. In which case he attains a friend's house: where at the first they took him for a ghost, but at last acknowledged and received him with joy, his story after some hours of recovery of strength to tell it, heard out with admiration: he was not long after conveyed to the town, where he received his former health, and was living in the year 1622.  

Treasure found in the Summer Iles.  The next news that happened in this time of ease, was, that a merry fellow having found some few Dollars against the Flemish wrack, the bruit went currant the treasure was found, and they all made men. Much ado there was to prevent the purloining of it, before they had it: where after they had tired themselves with searching, that they found, amounted not to above twenty pounds' starling, which is not unlike but to be the remainder of some greater store, washed from some wrack not far from the shore. 
A new Governor chosen.   
The company by the Edwin receiving news of the revels were kept in Summer Iles, resolved to make choice of a new Governor, called Master Daniel Tuckar, that a long time had been a planter in Virginia in the government of Captain Smith. All things being furnished for his voyage; he set sail in the George, consorted with the Edwin, with many passengers, which being discovered by them in those Isles, they supposed them the Frigate sent to the West Indies; but when they understood what they were, much preparation they made to resist the new Governor. Many great ostentations appeared on both sides, but when the quondam Governor did see his men for most part forsake him; all was very well and quietly compounded, and with much kindness received and welcomed a shore, where his Commission was no sooner read, than they accepted and acknowledged him for their Governor.   

The Government of Captain Daniel Tuckar.  
ABout the mistd of May arrived this Governor, 
Sir Thomas Smith Treasurer.  where finding the Inhabitants both abhorring all exacted labour, as also in a manner disdaining and grudging much to be commanded by him; it could not but passionate any man living. But at last according to the Virginia order, he set every one was with him at Saint Georges, to his task, to clear grounds, fell trees, set corn, square timber, plant vines and other fruits brought out of England. These by their task Masters by break a day repaired to the wharf, from thence to be employed to the place of their employment, till nine of the clock, and then in the afternoon from three till Sunset. Beside meat, drink and clothes, they had for a time a certain kind of brass money with a hog on the one side, in memory of the abundance of hogs was found at their first landing.  
This course thus squared, imitating diverse orders used in Virginia, 
Captain Tuckars proceedings.  by Sir Tho. Dale: he began by them to look into his instructions given by the Company. Whereupon by one Mr. Richard Norwood a Suruayor, sent over for that purpose, in the time of Master Moor, he began to lay out the eight tribes in the main, which were to consist of fifty shares to a tribe; and twenty five acers to every share. He also began to plant some Colony men, on some of the especial shares. He swore also certain of the chief men of every tribe to be Bailiffs thereof; and appointed as many men as he was able for all supplied shares. The goods landed in the store houses he sent from thence, and dispersed it to his workmen in general: some Boats also began to be builded; but the pinnace called the Thomas suspected might make an escape, was laid up in a dock, were she yet remaineth.  
In the beginning of the second month of his government, 
A Bark sent to the West Indies.  he directed warrants to all the Bailiffs, for the holding of a general Assize at Saint Georges, and appointed Master Stokes Lieutenant of the King's Castle at the Gurnet's head. The Edwin came with him he sent to the West Indies by directions from England, to trade with the natives, for cattle, corn, plants, and other commodities. A course of great importance, which had it been pursued, would certainly have produced more hopeful effects for the good of the Colony, than all the supplies and Magazines from England hath or will in a long time.  
Presently after her departure began the Assizes, executed by his Deputy. The chief matter handled was the hanging one john Wood a French man, 
The Assizes.  for speaking many distasteful and mutinous speeches against the Governor, to show the rest by that example, the power of his authority, which after with his own hands he so oft executed with a bastinado amongst the poorer sort; many termed it a cruelty, not much less than tyranny: but the sequel is more than strange.  
So it was that five of them, 
The strange adventure of five men in a boat.  seeing by no means they could get passage for England, resolved to undergo all hazards but they would make an escape from such servitude. The chief mariner and plotter of this business, was Richard Sanders and his confederates, William Goodwin a ship Carpenter, Thomas Harison a joiner, james Barker a Gentleman, and Henry Peewit. These repairing to the Governor, and with pleasing insinuations told him, if he would allow them but things necessary, they would build him a boat of two or three tons, with a close deck, should go a fishing all weathers. The Governor half proud that he had brought his men to so good a pass, as he conceived, to offer themselves to so necessary a work; instantly with all willingness furnished them with all things they could desire, and many fair promises to encourage them to perform it with all expedition. Having made choice of a place most fit from molestation, they went forward with that expedition, that in a short time she was brought to perfection. By this time, the ship that brought the Governor, being ready to depart, he sends a lusty gange to go fetch his new boat to carry him aboard, but arriving at the place where she was built, they could hear no more of her, but she was gone the last evening to Sea, to try how she would sail. Much search and dispute was where this boat should be: but at last they found diverse letters in the cabins, to this effect, directed to the Governor, and other their friends: that their hard and bad usage was so intolerable, and their hope so small ever again to see their Country, or be delivered from such servitude, they did rather choose to put themselves to that desperate hazard to go for England, in which if they miscarried, as it was much to be mistrusted, their lives and bloods should be required at their hands was the cause. A compass Dial Barker had borrowed of Master Hues, to whom he writ that as he had oft persuaded them to patience, and that God would pay them though none did: he must now be contented with the loss of his Dial, with his own doctrine. Such leisure they found to be merry when in the eye of reason they were marching into a most certain ruin. The Governor being thus satisfied of their escape, extremely threatened them no less than a hanging, but the storms of the Ocean they now more feared then him; good provision by bartering they had got from the ship, where Goodwin in a bravado told the Mariners, though he could not be permitted to go with them, yet peradventure he might be in England before them, whereat the Master and his Mate laughed merrily. But having been now under sail three weeks, the winds so favoured them, they felt nothing of what they had cause to fear: then a blustering gale blowing in their teeth, put them to much extremity for diverse days, then becoming more gentle away they passed prosperously some eight or ten days more, till meeting a French Piccaroune of whom they desired succour, he like himself taken from them what he liked, leaving them not so much as a cross-staff to observe withal, and so cast them off: their course still they continued till their victual began to fall to the lowest ebb; and the very knees of their small vessel were half hewed away for fire wood. At last to their infinite joy they arrived in Ireland, where the Earl of Tomund honourably entertained them, and caused the boat to be hung up for a Monument, and well she might, for she had sailed more than 3300. miles by a right line thorough the main Sea, without any sight of land, and I think since God made the world, the like navigation was never done, nor heard of. This fortunate Sanders going to the East Indies, in the rifling some ships there took, it was his chance to buy an old chest, for three or four shillings, but because it wanted a key he repented his bargain, and would gladly have sold it again for less. A certain time it lay tossed to and fro as a thing he little regarded, but at last having little to do, he broke it open, where he found a thousand pounds' starling, or so much gold as bought him in England a good estate, which leaving with his wife he returned again to the East Indies.  
The George setting sail three days after this escape, 
Plants from the West Indies.  the Governor seized and confiscated all that those fugitives left behind them. Within a week after returned the Edwin from the West Indies, furnished with figs, pines, sugarcanes, plantaines, papanes and diverse other plants, which were presently replanted, and since increased into greater numbers, also an Indian and a Negar, and so much ligna vitae as defrayed all the charge. The Governor thus busied amongst his plants, making hedges of Figtrees, and Pomgranets, and several divisions by Palisades for the defence of their guarding and keeping their cattle, for in such husbandry qualities he well deserved great commendations. The Adventurers to supply him sent with all speed they could the Hopewell, a small Bark, but an excellent sailer, and in her one Captain powel an excellent Mariner, 
The exploits of Captain Pow●ll.  and well acquainted in the Indies where he was to go trade, after he had landed his passengers in the Summer Iles: but in his journey at the Western Isles meeting a Brasile man, he liked the sugar and passengers so well, he manned the carvel with his own men, and continued his course, but bethinking himself how this would be entertained at the Summer Iles, he found such doubts, he went directly for the West Indies to take time to resolve what to do: arriving there he met a French rover, one every way as cunning as himself, but much more treacherous. A great league of kindness is soon made between them, upon confidence whereof, powel and some of the chief with him being invited aboard him, is easily enticed, and in the midst of their cups both he and his company treacherously made prisoners; and thus was forced to give him their prize, or hang at the yards arm with all his company. Having set them a shore, away goes the French man; powel's ship being but hard by, presently fetched them all a board, but finding his victual near spent, and no hope at all to recover his prize, set his Portugals on shore, and set sail for the Summer Isles; where safely arriving, he declared the whole passage to the Governor, lest some other in telling might make it worse, of which the Governor seemed well enough to approve.  
This Governor still spent his time in good husbandry, 
The second Assize.  although some of the snarling sort here in England, whom nothing will please, writ to him he was fitter to be a Gardener then a Governor: some time he spent in digging of a great pond, but that work proved altogether unprofitable: about that time was held the second Assize. The greatest matter passed, was a Proclamation against the spoil of Cahowes, but it came too late, for they were most destroyed before: a platform he caused to be erected by Pagits Fort, where a good Fort were very necessary. Captain powel not having performed his service in the West Indies, he conditioned with the Company, is sent thither again by this Governor, and thirteen or fourteen of his best men, furnished with all things necessary. In the mean time the Company understanding, that in january, February and March, there are many Whales, for which fishing they sent the Neptune, a tall ship well provided with every thing fitting for that purpose. But before she arrived, Captain Tuckar, who had brought also with him most provisions for that employment, sent three good Shalops to try what could be done, but whether it was the swiftness of the Whale in swimming, or the condition of the place, certain it is for all their labour and hazard, they could kill none, though they struck many.  
To begin his second year, he called the third Assize, 
The third Assize. Sir Thomas Smith Treasurer.  where diverse were punished as their faults deserved: three were condemned to die; two were repriued, but the third was hanged: the next day there was also a levy for the repairing two Forts; but that labour took not such effect as was intended, for want of good directions.  
But the great God of heaven being angry at somewhat happened in those proceedings, caused such an increase of silly rats, 
The country near devoured with rats.  in the space of two years so to abound, before they regarded them, that they filled not only those places where they were first landed, but swimming from place to place, spread themselves into all parts of the Country, insomuch that there was no Island but it was pestered with them; and some fishes have been taken with rats in their bellies, which they caught in swimming from I'll to I'll: their nests they had almost in every tree, and in most places their burrows in the ground like coneys: they spared not the fruits of the plants, or trees, nor the very plants themselves, but are them up. When they had set their corn, the rats would come by troops in the night and scratch it out of the ground. If by diligent watch any escaped till it came to ear-ring, it should then very hardly escape them: and they became noisome even to the very persons of men. They used all the diligence they could for the destroying of them, nourishing cats both wild and tame, for that purpose; they used ratsbane, and many times set fire on the woods, that oft ran half a mile before it was extinct; every man was enjoined to set twelve traps, and some of their own accord have set near an hundred, which they ever visited twice or thrice in a night; they also trained up their dogs to hunt them, wherein they became so expert, that a good dog in two or three hours would kill forty or fity. Many other devices they used to destroy them, but could not prevail, finding them still increasing against them: nay they so devoured the fruits of the earth, that they were destitute of bread for a year or two; so that when they had it afterwards, they were so wained from it, they easily neglected to eat it with their meat. Besides they endeavoured so much for the planting Tobacco for present gain, that they neglected many things might more have prevailed for their good, which caused amongst them much weakness and mortality, since the beginning of this vermin.  
At last it pleased God, but by what means it is not well known, to take them away; 
A strange confusion of rats.  in so much that the wild cats and many dogs which lived on them, were famished, and many of them leaving the woods, came down to their houses, and to such places where they use to garbage their fish, and became tame. Some have attributed the destruction of them the to increase of wild cats, but that is not likely they should be so suddenly increased rather at that time, then four years before; and the chief occasion of this supposition was, because they saw some companies of them leave the woods, and slew themselves for want of food. Others by the coldness of winter, which notwithstanding is never so great there, as with us in March, except it be in the wind: besides the rats wanted not the feathers of young birds and chickens, which they daily killed, and Palmeta moss to build themselves warm nests out of the wind, as usually they did; neither doth it appear that the cold was so mortal to them, seeing they would ordinarily swim from place to place, and be very fat even in the midst of winter. It remaineth then, that as God doth sometimes effect his will without subordinate and secondary causes, so we need not doubt, but that in the speedy increase of this vermin; as also by the preservation of so many of them by such weak means as they then enjoyed, and especially in the so sudden removal of this great annoyance, there was joined with and beside the ordinary and manifest means, a more mediate and secret work of God.  
About this time Henry Long, with seven others in an extreme storm were cast away, but three of them escaped. One of them being asked what he thought in the worst of that extremity, answered, he thought nothing but gallows claim thy right, and it seems God well heard his prayer, and rewarded his ingratitude; for he was hanged within half a year after. In that March also five men went to Sea, but as yet was never heard of, and three more drowned in a boat. By Hilliards house grew a very fair Cedar, which by a thunder clap was rend almost to small shivers, and a man stood by him, and Samuel Tanton, most fearfully blasted, yet neither they, the house, not a little child, yet a pair of racks in the house was all torn to fitters. The Neptune not long after arriving to fish for whale, her fortune proved no better than the Governors, yet some are of opinion, profit might be made by them.  
In May they descried four sail, so that manning all their Forts, they stood two days in Arms, 
The return of M. Powel from the Indies.  expecting what they were; at last they found it Master powel returned from the West-Indies in the Hopewell, where missing such trade as he expected, these three Frigates coming in his way, he could not choose but take them; Meal, Hides and Munition was their lading: Fair weather the Governor made with powel, till he had got all the goods into his own possession, and then called powel to a strict account for doing such an unwarrantable act; much a do then was betwixt the taker and receiver; but powel was glad to be excused to answer it in England, leaving all he had taken behind him in the Isles: The Neptune also returned with him, but noble powel lost all his pay and pillage for this years work. For which the Company sent for to Tuckar, so that he also lost his part as well as powel: Notwithstanding, the Governor by this means being strong in shipping▪ fitted the carvel with twelve men, under the command of Edward Waters formerly spoken of, and sent them to Virginia about such business as he had conceived. Arriving there, they obtained some goats, and and hogs, & what they could spare, and so returned for the Summer Isles; but whether they could not find the Isles for want of skill, or beaten off by ill weather, or the ill will they bore the Governor, it matters not much: But they bore up again for Virginia, where they all remained, and would return no more to Summer Iles.  
The Governor thinking to make some use of the hides, 
A supposed mutiny by M. Pollard, and M. Rich.  set some that professed themselves Tanners, to make trial of their skill; but they lost their labours and spoiled the hides. Also he called another Assize concerning a poor fellow called Gabriel, for concealing some speeches M. Pollard and M. Rich should use, tending to the dis-reputation of the Governor, and his injustice and cruelties; which being brought within the compass of sedition and mutiny, though a year ago; many were called in question about it, although every one ordinarily had spoke as much. Yet Gabriel for example sake was condemned to be hanged, and was upon the ladder, but reprieved. The other two M. Pollard, and M. Richardo were imprisoned, but upon better consideration, the fact appeared so small and ridiculous, upon their submission they were pardoned, and restored to their places.   

The division of the Summer Isles into Tribes, by Master Richard Norwood, Surueyor.  
ACcording to the directions of the Council and Company, 

1618. The division of the Isles into Tribes.  
Sir Thomas Smith Treasurer.   as they had determined by lot, M. Norwood took a plot of the I'll, and divided it with as much faithfulness as he could, assigning to every Adventurer his share or proportion, as namely, to lay out a large proportion, to be called the general land, and employed for public uses, as for the maintenance of the Governor, Ministers, Commanders of Forts, soldiers, and such like: and to this end was assigned S. George's Island, S. David's Island, Longbridge Island, Smith's Island, Cooper's Island, Coney Island, Nonesuch Island, part of the main, and sundry other small Iles. The rest was to be divided into eight parts, each part to be called a tribe, and to have his denomination of some principal person that was Adventurer therein: and accordingly the first Tribe to be Eastward, was then called Bedford's Tribe, now Hamiltons: the second, smith's: Tribe the third, Cavendish, now Devonshire's: the fourth, Pembroke's: the fifth, Pagits: the sixth, Mansils, now Warwick's: the seventh, Southampton: the eighth, Sands: in the honours of the Right honourable the Marquis Hamilton, Sir Thomas Smith, the Earl of Devonshire, the Earl of Pembroke, the Lord Pagit, the Earl of Warwick, the Earl of Southampton, and Sir Edwin Sands. Again each of those Tribes were to be divided into fifty parts, called shares; and every Adventurer to have his shares in these tribes as was determined, by casting lots in England, the manner of it appears by the Map, and more largely by his Book of the Survey of the Country, which is in the Records of the Colony. And then began this which was before as you have heard, but as an unsettled and confused Chaos, to receive a disposition, form, and order, and become indeed a Plantation.   

The names of the Adventurers, and their shares in every Tribe, according to the survey, and the best information yet ascertained, of any of their alterations.  

Hamiltons Tribe.  
james L. Marquis Hamil. 6 Share.  
Sir Edward Harwood. 4 Share.  
M. john Delbridge. 3 Share.  
M. john Dike. 3 Share.  
M. Ellis Roberts. 2 Share.  
M. Robert Phips. 1 Share.  
M. Ralph King. 1 Share.  
M. Quicks assigns. 2 Share.  
M. William Cannig. 4 Share.  
M. William Cannig. 1 Share.  
M. William Web. 1 Share.  
M. john Bernard's assigns. 2 Share.  
M. Elias Roberts jun. 1 Share.  
M. john Gearing. 2 Share.  
M. Cleophas Smith. 2 Share.  
Robert Earl of Warwick. 4 Share.  
M. Thomas Covell. 3 Share.  
M. Greenwels' assigns. 1 Share.  
M. Cley. 1 Share.  
M. Powlson. 2 Share.  
M. john Dike. 1.1/2 Share.  
Common land for conveniency. 25 Share.  
M. john Dike. 1. 1/ 2 Share.  
M. George Thorps' assigns. 1 Share.   

2. Smith's Tribe.  
Sir Dudley Digs assigns. 2 Share.  
M. Richard Edward's. 2 Share.  
M. William Pane. 4 Share.  
M. Robert Smith. 2 Share.  
M. George Barkley assigns. 5 Share.  
Sir Samuel Sands. 1 Share.  
M. Anthony Pennistone. 4 Share.  
Sir Edwin Sands. 5 Share.  
Sir Thomas Smith. 5 Share.  
M. Richard More. 4 Share.  
M. Ad. Brumfield 2 Share.  
M Rob. johnson Alderman. 5 Share.  
M. john Wroth. 3 Share.  
M. George Smith. 4 Share.   

3. Devonshire Tribe.  
M. Anth. Penistone. 2 Share.  
M. john Dike. 1 Share.  
M. john Dike. 1 Share.  
M. john Bernard's heirs. 2 Shares.  
Robert Earl of Warwick. 2 Shares.  
M. Francis West. 2 Shares.  
Will. Lord Cavendish. 5 Shares.  
Will. Earl of Devonshire. 5 Shares.  
M. Edw. Luckin. 5 Shares.  
M. Edw. Ditchfield. 1 Shares.  
M. Edw. Ditchfield. 4 Shares.  
M. Will. Nicols. 2 Shares.  
M. Edw. Ditchfield. 1 Shares.  
M. john Fletcher. 2 Shares.  
M. Gedion Delawne. 2 Shares.  
M. Anth. Pennistone. 3 Shares.  
M. Best. 2 Shares.  
M. Edw. Luckin. 2 Shares.  
M. Richard Rogers. 2 Shares.  
M. Will. Palmer. 4 Shares.   

4. Pembroke's Tribe.  
M. George Smith. 4 Shares.  
Gleab land. 2 Shares.  
M. Nicholas Hide. 1 Shares.  
Sir Laurence Hide. 1 Shares.  
M. Thomas judwyn. 2 Shares.  
Will. Earl of Pemb. 10 Shares.  
M. Richard Edward's. 1 Shares.  
M. Harding. 1 Shares.  
M. Rich. Edward's. 1 Shares.  
M. Elias Roberts. 1 Shares.  
M. Rich. Edward's. 1 Shares.  
M. jacobsons' assigns. 1 Shares.  
M. john Farrar. 1 Shares.  
M. Nicholas Farrar. 1 Shares.  
M. Nicholas. Farrar. 1 Shares.  
M. Will. Canning. 2 Shares.  
M. Richard Martin. 2 Shares.  
M. Moris' Abbot. 2 Shares.  
M. Rich. Caswell. 1 Shares.  
M. Rich. Caswell. 2 Shares.  
M. William. Caswell. 1 Shares.  
M. Rich. Edward's. 2 Shares.  
M. Rich. Caswell. 1 Shares.  
M. Rich. Edward's. 1 Shares.  
M. George Sands assigns. 2 Shares.  
M. Will. Pain. 2 Shares.   

5. Pagits Tribe.  
M. john Chamberlain. 5 Shares.  
M. Tho. Ayres, and 4 Shares.  
M. Rich. Wiseman. 4 Shares.  
M. Rich. Wiseman 1 Shares.  
Will. Lord Pagit. 10 Shares.  
M. Will. Palmer. 4 Shares.  
M. Bagnell. 5 Shares.  
M. john Bale. 1 Shares.  
M. Wheatley. 4 Shares.  
M. Christop. Barron. 4 Shares.  
M. john Wodall. 1 Shares.  
M. john Wodall. 1 Shares.  
M. Lewis. 2 Shares.  
M. Owen Arthors assigns. 2 Shares.  
M. George Etheridge. 4 Shares.  
〈…〉 2 Shares.  
Sir William. Wade. 1 Shares.  
M. john Bernard's heirs. 1 Shares.   

6. Warwick's Tribe.  
M. Wheatley. 2 Shares.  
Cap. Daniel Tuckar. 2 Shares.  
M. Will. Felgate. 1 Shares.  
Rob. Earl of Warwick. 5 Shares.  
M. George Smith. 5 Shares.  
M. Sam. Tickner. 2 Shares.  
M. Francis Mevell. 1 Shares.  
M. Sephen Sparrow. 1 Shares.  
M. joseph Man. 5 Shares.  
Cap. Daniel Tuckar. 2 Shares.  
M. Elias More. 1 Shares.  
Doctor. Anth. Hunton 2 Shares.  
M. Francis Moverill. 1 Shares.  
M. Rich. Poulson 1 Shares.  
M. Math. Shephard. 1 Shares.  
M. George Tuckar. 10 Shares.  
M. Ch. Clitheroe. 1 Shares.  
M. George Swinow. 2 Shares.  
M. Rich. Tomlings. 1 Shares.  
M. Francis Meverill. 1 Shares.  
M. john Waters. 2 Shares.  
M. Martin Bond. 2 Shares.   

7. Southamptons' Tribe.  
Cap. Dan. Tuckar. 4 Shares.  
M. john Britton. 1 Shares.  
M. Rich. Chamberland. 3 Shares.  
M. Leon. Harwods' assigns. 1 Shares.  
M. john Banks. 1 Shares.  
Sir Nathanael Rich. 12 Shares.  
Rob. Earl of Warwick. 3 Shares.  
M. Richard More. 6 Shares.  
M. George Scot 6 Shares.  
M. Edward Scot 6 Shares.  
M. Antho. Abdy. 6 Shares.  
Hen. Earl of Southampton. 4 Shares.  
M. And. Broumfield. 2 Shares.  
M. Henry Timbed. 2 Shares.  
Sir Tho. Hewet. 2 Shares.  
M. Perce. 1 Shares.  
Sir Raloh Winwood. 2 Shares.   

8. Sandys Tribe.  
M. George Barcklies' heirs. 5 Shares.  
Sir Edwin Sands. 5 Shares.  
M. jerom Hidon. 10 Shares.  
M. Tho. Millin and 2 Shares.  
M. john Cuffe. 2 Shares.  
M. Robert Chamberlain. 2 Shares.  
M. Abr. Chamberlain. 1 Shares.  
M. George Smith. 2 Shares.  
M. Robert Gore. 3 Shares.  
Sir. Edw. Sackvile. 1 Shares.  
Sir john Davers. 1 Shares.  
M. Robert Gore. 2 Shares.  
M. john Delbridge. 1 Shares.  
M. john Wrath 1 Shares.  
M. john Wests heirs. 4 Shares.  
M. Richard Chamberlain. 10 Shares.   
Touching the common ground in each Tribe, as also the ouer-plus, you may find that at large in the Book of Surveys amongst their Records.  
Now though the Country was small, yet they could not conveniently have been disposed and well settled, without a true description and a survey of it; and again, every man being settled where he might constantly abide, they knew their business, and fitted their household accordingly: then they built no more Cabbens, but substantial houses, they cleared their grounds, and planted not only such things as would yield them their fruits in a few months, but also such as would afford them profit within a few years, so that in a short time the Country began to aspire, and nearly approach unto that happiness and prosperity, wherein now it flourisheth, etc.  
But to follow the History; upon the best plot of ground could be found, 
The first Magazine.  the Governor prevailed so much with the generality, they built a fair house of Cedar, which being done, he appropriated it to himself, which occasioned exceeding much distaste. About this time arrived the Diana with a good supply of men and provision, and the first Magazine ever seen in those Isles; which course is not so much commended here, as cursed and abhorred by reason of enhansements of all the Inhabitants there; six or seven weeks this ship stayed, then having towards her fraught thirty thousand weight of Tobacco; which proving good, and coming to a lucky Market, gave great encouragement to the Adventurers to go lustily forward in their Plantation, and without such success, there is nothing but grudging and repining. But about the appropriation of this new built house, many bad discontents grew betwixt the oppressed Colony and the Governor, especially betwixt him and the Minister, and Lewes, who would neither be feared with threats nor imprisonment, that their malice continued till they met in England, of which the Minister made the cause so plaive, he very well and honestly it seems, discharged himself.  
Now in those times of these endless uncivil broils, 
Two exploits of desperate Fugitives.  two desperate men and a proper Gentlewoman got into a Boat, and thinking to make an escape to Virginia, as appeared by some Letters they left behind them were never more heard on. The very next month after the like was attempted by six others, so desirous they were to be rid of their servitude; but their plot being discovered by one of their society, they were apprehended, arraigned, and condemned to be hanged: the next day being led with halters about their necks to the place of execution, one was hanged, and the rest repriued.  
The Diana arriving well in England, for all the infinite numbers of complaints, 
The arrival of the Blessing.  the Tobacco did help to sweeten all manner of grievances, yet it bred a distaste in the opinions of so many, they began to think of another Governor; but for that time it was so qualified by diverse of his friends, they dispatched away the Blessing, which arrived in the Summer Iles. Though their general Letter was fair and courteous to the Governor, yet by the report of the Passengers and diverse particular letters from his friends, it was assured him his cruelty and covetousness, for all his pains and industry was much disliked, nor was he like to enjoy his house, and that land he had planted for himself, by the extreme oppression of the Commonalty. This caused so many jealousies to arise in his conceit, that at last he fully resolved to return by this ship, that no sooner set sail from England, than they proceeded to the nomination of a new Governor. Many were presented according to the affections of those that were to give in their voices, but it chiefly rested betwixt one Captain Southwell, and one Mr Nathaniel Butler, where we will leave them a while to the consideration of the Court and Company. Now Captain Tuckar having instituted Captain Kendal one of the six Governors before spoken of for his substitute, returned with this ship directly for England, as well to excuse himself of those objections he suspected, as to get assured him the house and land he had allotted for himself, lest it might otherwise be disposed of in his absence.  
Collected out of their Records by N. B. and the relations of M. Pollard, and diverse others.   

The Government of Captain Miles Kendal, Deputy for Captain Tuckar.  

The arrival of two ships.  THE unexpected return of Captain Tuckar, caused a demur in the election of the new Governor; some persuading these oft changes were so troublesome, dangerous, and chargeable, it were best to continue Captain Kendal; others again stood for Captain Tuckar, but during the time of these opinions, the Gillyflower was dispatched with a supply. Now I should have remembered, Tuckar was no sooner out of the harbour, but he met Master Elfred in a ship called the Treasurer, sent from Virginia to trade: by her he writ to his Deputy Master Kendal, to have a care of all things, and beware of too much acquaintance with this ship, which he suspected was bound for the West-Indies. Notwithstanding, Elfred received what kindness the I'll could afford; he promised to revisit them at his return; this done, because they would not be governlesse when his Deputiship was expired, there was a general assembly, and by that Election Kendal was confirmed to succeed still Governor. Now they began to apply themselves to the finishing some platform about Smith's Fort, and laying the foundation of a Church to be built of Cedar, till the Gillyflower arrived with some private letters to Kendal, how he was elected Governor of those Isles for three years. During her stay they held their Assizes, where for some few suspected facts three were condemned, and the better to terrify the rest, led to the place of execution, but reprieved; diverse of the rest had their faults pardoned, and the Gillyflower set sail for New found land.  

Captain Butler chosen Governor.  The love and kindness, honesty and industry of this Captain Kendal, hath been very much commended; by others, somewhat disliked: but an Angel in those employments cannot please all men, yet this consideration bred much ill blood as well here as there, so that the Company directly concluded, Captain Butler should with what expedition they could, go to be their Governor: In the Interim they took the opportunity of a ship, called the Sea-flower, bound for Virginia, and by her sent a Preacher and his Family, with diverse Passengers, and news of a new Governor. This bred a great distaste amongst many, that still they should have new officers and strangers for their Governors they never heard of, and themselves still kept there whether they would or no, without any preferment, no nor scarce any of them their inhabiting, to have any land at all of their own, but live all as tenants, or as other men's poor servants.  
About this time came in Captain Kerby with a small Bark from the West-Indies, who having refreshed himself, was very kindly used by the Governor and so departed. Not long after a Dutch Frigate was cast away upon the Western shore, yet by the help of the English they saved the men, though the ship perished amongst the Rocks. A little after one Ensign Wood being about the loading of a piece, by thrusting a pike into the concavity, grating upon the shot, or somewhat about the powder, struck fire within her and so discharged, but wounded him cruelly and blew him into the Sea, though he was got out by some that stood by him, yet he died of those wounds. Within two or three days after, Captain Elfred now comes in a second time: but of that we shall say more in the government of Captain Butler, who presently after arrived with a good supply, and was kindly entertained by Captain Kendal and all the Colony.  
From a relation of Tho. Sparks, and diverse others.   

The Government of Captain Nathaniel Butler.  
Captain Butler being arrived the twentieth of October, 
A platform burnt, and much hurt by a Hurricane. 1619.  1619. some mutterings there was how to maintain their election of Captain Kendal, but better remembering themselves, that conceit quickly dissolved. The next day, Kendal, the Ministers, and the Counsel went aboard to salute the new Governor, where after they had dined with the best entertainment he could give them; they saw the Redout belonging to the King's Castle by a mischance on fire, whither he repaired with all the means he could to quench it; but all the platform and carriages were consumed before their faces, and they could not help it. Two days after he went up to the Town, had his Commission publicly read, made a short speech to the Company, and so took upon him the government. Then presently he began to repair the most necessary defects: The next month came in the Garland, sent from England six or seven weeks before him; so that being seventeen weeks in her voyage, it was so tedious and grievous to diverse of the Freshwater Passengers, that such a sickness bred amongst them, many died as well Sailors as Passengers. Having taken the best order he could for their relief, passed through all the Tribes, and held his first Assize in Captain Tuckars house at the ouer-plus. Towards the last of this month of Novemb. there arose a most terrible storm or Hurricane, that blew up many great trees by the roots: the Warwick that brought the Governor was cast away, but the Garland rid by her, saved herself by cutting down her Masts; and not long after a second storm, no less violent than the first, wherein the Mount which was a frame of wood built by Master More for a Watchtower to look out to Sea, was blown up by the roots, and all that Winter crop of corn blasted: And thus was the new Governor welcomed.  
With the beginning of the new year he began his first piece of fortification, 
The refortifying the King's Castle.  upon a Rock which flankers the King's Castle, and finding the ship called the Treasurer stark rotten and unserviceable, he took nine pieces of Ordinance from her to serve other uses. The Garland for want of means, could not make her voyage to Virginia as she was appointed; wherefore he entertained her to return to England, with all the Tobacco they had in the I'll. It was january before she departed, in which time she failed not much to have been twice cast away. But those strange and unavoidable mischances, rather seemed to quicken the Governor's industry then to dull it. Having finished the Church begun by Captain Kendal, with an infinite toil and labour he got three pieces out of the wrack Warwick. Having an excellent Dutch Carpinter he entertained of them that were cast away in the Dutch Frigate; he employed him in building of Boats, whereof they were in exceeding great want. In February they discovered a tall ship beating too and again, as it seemed by her working, being ignorant of the Coast; some thought her a Spaniard to view their Forts, which stand most to that part she so nearly approached; some, English; but the most, some Dutch man of War: The wind blew to high, they durst not send out a Boat, though they much doubted she would be foul of their Rocks, but at last she bore up rommy for the Sea, 
Ambergris found.  and we heard of her no more. That evening, a lucky fellow it should seem he was, that found a piece of Ambergris of eight ounces, as he had twice before, which bringing to the Governor, he had ready money for the one half, after three pound an ounce, according to their order of Court, to encourage others to look out for more, and prevent the mischief ensueth by concealing of it.  

The arrival of two Dutch Frigates.  Within a few days after, they descried two Frigates that came close to the shore, and sent a Letter to the Governor, writ in Italian, that they were Hollanders had been in the West-Indies, and desired but to arrive, refresh themselves with wood and water, and so be gone. The Governor forthwith sent them to understand, that being there under his Majesty of England to command those Isles, he was to carry himself a friend to his friends, and an enemy to his enemies; if therefore he could show a lawful Commission for his being honestly and nobly employed, he and his should be kindly welcome, otherwise they were to adventure at their perils. But his Commission was so good, he stayed there two months, and was so well fitted with Oil & Bacon, they were all glad and happy of this Dutch Captain Scoutans' arrival, with many thanks to their old friend Captain powel that had conducted him thither: the Colony being exceedingly in great want and distress, bought the most part of it at reasonable rates, so Captain Scoutan returned to the West-Indies, and Captain powel for his part in the Low-Countries. Whilst these things were in action, the Adventurers in \ England made many a long look for their ships; at last the Garland brought them all the news, but the Tobacco was so spoiled either in the leaking ship, or the making up, it caused a great suspicion there could none was good come from those Isles; where (were they but perfect in the cure) questionless it would be much better than a great quantity of that they sell for Verinas', and many a thousand of it in London hath been bought and sold by that title.  

The differences betwixt the Ministers.  The Governor being clear of those distractions, falls upon the restoring of the burnt Redoubt, where he cuts out a large new platform, and mounts seven great piece of Ordnance upon new carriages of Cedar. Now amongst all those troubles, it was not the least to bring the two Ministers to subscribe to the Book of Common Prayer, which all the Bishops in England could not do. Finding it high time to attempt some conformity, bethought himself of the Liturgy of Garnsey and jarse, wherein, all those particulars they so much stumbled at, were omitted. No sooner was this propounded, but it was gladly embraced by them both, whereupon the Governor translated it verbatim out of French into English, and caused the eldest Minister upon Easter day to begin the use thereof at S. George's town, where himself, most of the Council, Officers and Auditory received the Sacrament: the which form they continued during the time of his government.  

The rebuilding the Monte  Much about this time, in such a fair morning, that had invited many Boats far out to the Sea to fish, did rise such a Hurricane that much endangered them all, so that one of them with two Boys were driven to Sea and never more heard of. The Ministers thus agreed, a Proclamation was published for keeping of the Sabbath, and all the defective carriages he endeavoured to have renewed, builded a small Boat of Cedar only to go with Oars, to be ready upon any occasion to discover any shipping, and took order every Fort should have the like: Also caused numbers of Cedars to be brought from diverse places in floats, to rebuild the Mount, which with an unspeakable toil, was raised seven foot higher than before, and a Falcon mounted at the foot, to be always discharged for a warning to all the Forts upon the discovery of any shipping, and this he called Rich Mount. This exceeding toil and labour, having no Cattle but only men's strengths, caused many petitions to the Governor, that all those general works might cease till they had reaped their harvests, in that they were in great distress for victual; which he so well answered, their own shames did cause them desist from that importunity, and voluntarily perform as much as he required.  
Finding accidentally a little cross erected in a by place, 
The Tomb of Sir George Summer.  amongst a many of bushes, understanding there was buried the heart and entrails of Sir George Summer, he resolved to have a better memory for so worthy a Soldier, than that. So finding also a great Marble stone brought out of England, he caused it by Masons to be wrought handsomely and laid over the place, which he environed with a square wall of hewn stone, Tomb like; wherein he caused to be graven this Epitaph he had composed, and fixed it upon the Marble stone; and thus it was, 
In the year 1611,  
Noble Sir George Summer went hence to heaven;  
Whose well tried worth that held him still employed,  
Gave him the knowledge of the world so wide.  
Hence 't was by heaven's decree, that to this place  
He brought new guests, and name to mutual grace.  
At last his soul and body being to part,  
He here bequeathed his entrails and his heart.   
Upon the sixth of june began the second Assize, 
Their manner of laws reform.  that reduced them to the direct form used in England. For besides the Governor and Council, they have the Bailiffs of the Tribes, in nature of the Deputy Lieutenants of the shires in England, for to them are all precepts and warrants directed, and accordingly answered and respected; they perform also the duties of justices of Peace, within their limits. The subordinate Officers to these in every tribe, are the Constables, Headboroughs, and Churchwardens; these are the triers of the Tobacco, which if they allow not to be merchantable, is burnt: and these are the executioners of their civil and politic causes.  
For points of war and martial affairs, 
Martial Officers.  they have the Governor for Lieutenant general, the Sergeant mayor, Master of Ordinance, Captains of Companies, Captains of Forts, with their several officers, to train and exercise those numbers under their charge, in martial discipline.  
Concerning their Courts for decision of right and justice, the first, 
Civil Officers and Courts.  though last in constitution, is their general assembly; allowed by the state in England, in the nature of a Parliament, consisting of about forty persons; viz. the Governor, the Counsel, the Bailiffs of the tribes, and two Burgesses of each tribe chosen by voices in the tribe, besides such of the Clergy as the Governor thinks most fit, to be held once a year, as you shall hear more thereof hereafter. The next Court is the Assize or jails of delivery, held twice every year, in Christmas, and Whitsun week, for all criminal offenders, and civil causes betwixt party and party; as actions of debt, trespass, battery, slander, and the like: and these are determined by a jury of twelve men, and above them is also a grand jury to examine matters of greater consequence. The last day of the Assize might also well be held a Court, for hearing the transgressions in matters of contempt, mis-behaviour towards any Magistrate, riots, seditious speakers, contemners of warrants, and such like: there are also as occasion shall require, many matters heard by the Governor, or his Officers, and oft justice done in several places, but those are but as days of hearing, and as preparatives against their Courts, etc.  
At this last Assize eighteen were arraigned for criminal causes, 
The second Assize.  a number very extraordinary considering the place; but now occasioned by reason of the hard year, and the store of ill chosen new comers; of these, some were censured to the whipping post, some burned in the hand, but two were condemned to die, yet the one was reprieved, the other hanged; this done, every man returned to his home: many trials they made again about the Warwick, but to small purpose, her Ordnance being lashed so fast they could not be unloosed, till the ropes and decks were rotten, yet some few butts of bear being story they got, which though it had lain six months under water was very good, notwithstanding the next year they recovered five pieces of Ordnance.  

A general assembly in manner a Parliament.  Upon the first of August, according to the Companies instructions from England, began the general assembly at the town of Saint George, which was the first these Isles ever had; consisting as is said, of the Governor, Council, Bailiffs, and Burgesses, and a Secretary to whom all bills were presented, and by him openly read in the house, also a Clerk to record the Acts, being thirty two in all; fifteen of which being sent into England, were by a general consent received and enacted, the titles whereof are these following: as for all the reasons for them, they would be too tedious to recite.  

Their Acts.  The first was against the unjust sale and letting of apprentices and other servants, and this was especially for the righting the undertakers in England. The second, concerning the disposing of aged, diseased, and impotent persons, for it being considered how careless many are in preferring their friends, or sending sometimes any they can procure to go, such unserviceable people should be returned back at their charge that sent them, rather than be burdensome to the poor Inhabitants in the Iles. The third, the necessary manning the King's Castle, being the key of the I'll, that a garrison of twelve able men should be there always resident: and 3000. ears of corn, and 1000 pounds of Tobacco paid them by the generality yearly, as a pension. The fourth, against the making unmarchantable Tobacco, and Officers sworn to make true trials, & burn that was naught. The fist, enjoined the erection of certain public bridges, and the maintenance of them. The sixth, for a continual supply of victual for all the Forts, to be preserved, till some great occasion to use it. The seventh was, for two fixed days every year for the Assizes. The eight, commands the making of highways, and prohibiting the passage over men's grounds and planted fields, as well to prevent the spoiling of gardens, as conveniency to answer any alarm. The ninth, for the preserving young tortoises and birds, that were carelessly destroyed. The tenth, provided against vagabonds, & prohibited the entertainment of other men's servants. The eleventh, compelled the setting of a due quantity of corn for every family. The twelfth, the care corn being set, enjoined the keeping up of their poultry till it was past their reaches. The thirteenth, for the preservation of sufficient fences, & against the selling of marked trees appointed for bounds. The fourteenth, granted to a levy for a thousand pound weight of Tobacco, towards the payment of public works, as the bridges and the mount. The fifteenth, for the enjoining an acknowledgement and acception of all resident Governors, and the warranting him to continue, though his time be expired, till the arrival of a legitimate successor from England, to prevent all vomeet and presumptuous elections, besides it was desired by petition in England, the new Governous should live two months as a private man after his arrival, if his predecessor did stay so long, the better to learn and observe his course. And these are the contents of those fifteen Acts, applied as you may perceive: which the laws of England could not take notice of, because every climate hath somewhat to itself in that kind in particular; for otherwise as it is conceived, it had been a high impudence and presumption to have meddled with them, or indeed with any such as these laws, that had with such great judgement and justice always provided for.  
No sooner was this business over, but the Magazine ship is discovered, and that night came into the Harbour, 
The arrival of the Magazine ship.  but in a very weak and sickly case, having cast over board twenty or thirty of her people, and so violent was the infection, that the most part of the failers, as well as passengers, were so sick, or dismayed, or both, that the Master confessed, had they stayed at the Sea but a week longer, they had all perished. There arrived with this ship diverse Gentlemen of good fashion, with their wives and families; but many of them crazy by the tediousness of the voyage: howsoever most of them, by the excellent salubrity of the air, than which the world hath not a better, soon after recovered; yet some there were that died presently after they got ashore, it being certainly the quality of the place, either to kill, or cure quickly, as the bodies are more or less corrupted. By this ship the Company sent a supply of ten persons for the generality, but of such bad condition that it seemed they had picked the Males out of Newgate, the Females from Bridewell: As the Governor found it his best course, to grant out the women to such as were so greedy of wives, and would needs have them for better for worse; and the men he placed in the King's Castle for soldiers. But this bad, weak, sickly supply being dispersed for their best relief, by the much employment of his boats in removing them, many of his own men became infected, so that for some weeks, they were not able to do him any service at all. Strict instructions also they brought for the planting of Sugar cane●, for which the Island being rocky and dry, is so unproper, that few as yet have been seen to prosper: yet there are others hold the contrary opinion, that there is rain so ordinarily, the Isles are so moist, as produceth all their plants in such infinite abundance: there is no great reason to suspect this, were it rightly used, more than the r●st. 
70000. weight of Tobacco.  Seventy thousand weight of Tobacco being prepared towards her fraught, she returned for England. No sooner was she gone then came in another, sent by the Company and generalty, well conditioned, but she failed not much to have been cast away amongst those dangerous & terrible rocks; by her came also express command, they should entertain no other ships, than were directly sent from the Company: this caused much grudging, and indeed a general distraction and exclamation among the Inhabitants, to be thus constrained to buy what they wanted, and sell what they had at what price the Magazine pleased, and to debar true men from coming to them for trade or relief, that were daily received in all the harbours in England. So long this ship stayed going for fraught and wages, the Master not caring how long he lay at that rate in a good harbour, the Governor was ready to send her away by Proclamation. Thus ended the first year of the government of C. Butler.  
With the first of the second year were held the Assizes, where all the Bailiffs were fined for not giving a beginning to the building of the bridges; 
The building of three bridges and other works.  there was also an order to restrain the excessive wages all handicrafts men would have: and that the Churchwardens should meet twice a year, to have all their presentments made perfect against the Assizes. The Assizes done, all the ablest men were trained in their arms, and then departed to their own homes. The town thus cleared, he made certain new carriages for some demi Culuerings, and a large new store-house of Cedar for the yearly Magazines goods; finished Warwick's Fort begun by Master More, and made a new platform at Pagits Fort, also a fair house of lime and stone for the Townes-house. The three bridges appointed by the general assembly, was followed with such diligence, though they were more than an hundred, or an hundred and twenty foot in length, having the foundation and arches in the Sea, were raised and accomplished, so that man or beast with facility might pass them.  
At Whitsonday was held the fourth general Assize at Saint Georges, 
The general Assizes, and the proceedings.  where were tried twenty several causes; four or five were whipped or burnt in the hand, for breaking of houses: also an order was made, that the party cast in the trial of any cause, should pay to every of the jurours four pence: moreover, that not past ten leaves at the most should grow upon a plant of Tobacco, and that also in the making it up, a distinction should diligently be observed of two kinds, a better and a worse: then they built a strong stone house for the Captain of the King's Castle and corpse du guard; and repaired what defects they could find in the platforms and carriages.  
Captain powel so oft mentioned, having been in the West-Indies for the States of Holland, came to an anchor within shot of their Ordnance, desiring admittance for wood and water, of which he had great need, but the Governor would not permit him, so he weighed and departed, whereat the company were so madded, it was not possible to constrain them to cease their exclamations against the Companies inhihition, till they were weary with exclaiming: But still for their better defence, not thinking themselves sufficiently secure, having finished two new platforms more, arrived the Magazine ship, but her Master was dead, and many of the Passengers, the rest for most part very sick; and withal, a strange and wonderful report of much complaint made against the Governor to the Company in England, by some of them returned in the last years shipping: but it was eight days before she could get in by reason of ill weather, being forced again to Sea; so that time, they kept every night continually great fires, she might see the Isle as well by night as day; but at last she arrived, and he plainly understood, he had more cause a great deal to look for misconstruction of all his service then an acknowledgement, much less a recompense any better than his predecessors; but it is no new thing to require the best desert with the most vildest of ingratitude.  

A strange deliverance of a Spanish wrack.  The very next day's night after the arrival of the Magazines ship, news was brought the Governor by a dismayed Messenger from Sands his Tribe, that one hundred Spaniards were landed in that part, and diverse ships discovered at Sea, whereupon he presently manned the Forts, and instantly made thitherward in person with twenty men, determining as he found cause to draw together more strength by the way. Being got thither by the break of the next day, in stead of an enemy which he expected, he met only with a company of poor distressed Portugals and Spaniards, who in their passage from Carthagena in the West-Indies, in consort with the Spanish fleet of Plait; by the same storm that had endangered the Magazine ship, lost theirs upon those terrible Rocks, being to the number of seventy persons, were strangely preserved; and the manner was thus.  
About Sunset their ship beating amongst the Rocks, some twenty of the Sailors got into the Boat with what treasure they could, leaving the Captain, the Master, and all the rest to the mercy of the Sea. But a Boy not past fourteen years of age that leapt after to have got into the Boat, missing that hope, it pleased God he got upon a Chest a drift by him, whereon they report he continued two days, and was driven near to the clean contrary part of the I'll, where he was taken up near dead, yet well recovered. All this night the ship sticking fast, the poor distressed in her the next day spying land, made a raft, and were those gave the alarm first a shore about three of the clock in the after noon. The morning after, about seven of the clock came in the Boat to a place called Mangrove Bay; and the same day their Carpenter was driven a shore upon a Plank near Hog-Bay. There was a Gentlewoman that had stood wet up to the middle upon the raft from the ship to the shore, being big with child; and although this was upon the thirteenth of September, she took no hurt, and was safely delivered of a Boy within three days after. The best comfort could be given them in those extremities they had, although some of the base sort had been rifling some of them before the Governor's arrival: Also the Spanish Captain and the chief with him, much complained of the treachery of his men to leave him in that manner, yet had conveyed with them the most of the money they could come by, which he easily miss; whereupon he suddenly caused all them he accused, to be searched, and recovered to the value of one hundred and forty pounds' starling, which he delivered into the Captain's hands, to be employed in a general purse towards their general charge: during their stay in the Isles, some of the better sort, nine or ten weeks dieted at his own table, the rest were billeted amongst the Inhabitants at four shillings the week, till they found shipping for their passage, for which they paid no more than the English paid themselves; and for the passage of diverse of them, the Governor was glad to stand bound to the Master; some others that were not able to procure such friendship, were so constrained to stay in the Isles, till by their labours they had got so much as would transport them; and thus they were preserved, relieved, and delivered.  
In the month ensuing arrived the second ship, and she also had lost her Master, 
How they solemnised the powder treason, and the arrival of two ships.  and diverse of her Passengers; in her came two Virginian Women to be married to some would have them, that after they were converted and had children, they might be sent to their Country and kindred to civilize them. Towards the end of this month came in the third ship with a small Magazine, having sold what she could, carried the rest to Virginia, and never did any of those Passengers complain either of their good diet, or too good usage at sea; but the clean contrary still occasioned many of those extremities. The fifth of November the damnable plot of the powder treason was solemnised, with Prayers, Sermons, and a great Feast, whereto the Governor invited the chief of the Spaniards, where drinking the King's health, it was honoured with a quick volley of small shot, which was answered from the Forts with the great Ordnance, and then again concluded with a second volley of small shot; neither was the afternoon without music and dancing, and at night many huge bonfires of sweet wood.  
The Spaniards to express their thankfulness at their departure, 
The Spaniards return, and in danger again. 1621.  made a deed of gift to the Governor of whatsoever he could recover of the wracked ship; but the ships as they went out came so dangerously upon a Rock, that the poor Spaniards were so dismayed, swearing this place was ominous unto them, especially the women, that desired rather to go a shore and die howsoever, than adventure any further in such a labyrinth of dangers, but at last she got clear without danger, and well to England; the other went to Virginia, wherein the Governor sent two great Chests filled with all such kinds and sorts of Fruits and Plants as their Lands had; as Figs, Pomgranats, Oranges, Lemons, Sugarcanes, Plantanes, Potatoes, Papawes, Cassado roots, red Pepper, the Prickell Pear, and the like. 
Three English Murderers found in the Spanish wrack.  The ships thus dispatched, he goeth into the main, and so out to sea to the Spanish wrack. He had been there before presently after her ruin, for never had ship a more sudden death, being now split in pieces all under water. He found small hope to recover any thing, save a Cable and an Anchor, and two good Sacars; but the wind was so high he was forced to return, being ten miles from the shore, only with three Murderers, which were known to be the same Captain Kendal had sold to Captain Kerby, whose ship was taken by two men of war of Carthagena, the most of his men slain or hanged, and he being wounded, died in the woods. Now their Pilot being at this service, got thus those three Murderers to their ship, and their ship thus to the Bermudas, as the Spaniards remaining related to the Governor and others.  
Having raised three small Bulwarks at Southamptons' Fort, 
Their Assizes, and other passages.  with two Curtains, and two Raviling, which indeed is only the true absolute piece of fortification in the Isles; Christmas being come, and the prefixed day of the Assize; diverse were whipped and burnt in the hand, only three young boys for stealing were condemned, and at the very point of hanging repriued. The Governor than sent his Lieutenant all over the main to distribute Arms to those were found most fit to use them, & to give order for their randezuous, which were hanged up in the Church. About this time it chanced a pretty secret to be discovered to preserve their corn from the fly, or weavell, which did in a manner as much hurt as the rats. For the year before having made a Proclamation that all Corn should be gathered by a certain day, because many lazy persons ran so after the ships to get Beer and Aquavitae, for which they will give any thing they have, much had been lost for want of gathering. This year having a very fair crop, some of the Inhabitants, none of the best husbands, hastily gathered it for fear of the penalty, threw it in great heaps into their houses unhusked, and so let it lie four or five months, which was thought would have spoiled it: where the good husbands husked it, and with much labour hung it up, where the Flies did so blow on it, they increased to so many Weavels, they generally complained of great loss; but those good fellows that never cared but from hand to mouth, made their boasts, that not a grain of theirs had been touched nor hurt, there being no better way to preserve it then by letting it lie in its husk, and spare an infinite labour formerly had been used. There were also very luckily about this time found out diverse places of fresh water, of which many of the Forts were very destitute, and the Churchwardens and Sidemen were very busy in correcting the prophaners of the Sabbath, Drunkards, Gamesters, and such like. There came also from Virginia a small Bark with many thanks for the presents sent them; much Aquavitae, Oil, Sack and Bricks they brought in exchange of more Fruits and Plants, Ducks, Turkeys and Limestone, of which she had plenty, and so returned. During the abode of the stay of this ship, the marriage of one of the Virginia maids was consummated with a husband fit for her, attended with more than one hundred guests, and all the dainties for their dinner could be provided; they made also another trial to fish for Whales, but it took no more effect than the former: this was done by the Master of the Virginia ship that professed much skill that way, but having fraughted his ship with Limestone, with 20000. weight of Potatoes, and such things as he desired, returned for Virginia.  

A strange Sodomy.  April and May were spent in building a strong new Prison, and perfecting some of the Fortifications, and by the labour of twenty men in fourteen days was got from the Spanish wrack four excellent good Sacres, and mounted them at the Forts. Then began the general Assize, where not fewer than fifty civil, or rather uncivil actions were handled, and twenty criminal prisoners brought to the bar; such a multitude of such vild people were sent to this Plantation, that he thought himself happy his time was so near expired: three of the foulest acts were these: the first for the rape of a married woman, which was acquitted by a senseless jury; the second for buggering a Sow, and the third for Sodomy with a boy, for which they were hanged; during the time of the imprisonment of this Buggerer of the Sow, a Dunghill Cock belonging to the same man did continually haunt a Pig of his also, and to the wonder of all them that saw it who were many, did so frequently tread the Pig as if it had been one of his Hens, that the Pig languished and died within a while after, and then the Cock resorted to the very same Sow (that this fellow was accused for) in the very same manner; and as an addition to all this, about the same time two Chickens were hatched, the one whereof had two heads, the other crowed very loud and lustily within twelve hours after it was out of the shell. A desperate fellow being to be arraigned for stealing a Turkey, rather than he would endure his trial, secretly conveyed himself to Sea in a little Boat, and never since was ever heard of, nor is he ever like to be, without an exceeding wonder, little less than a miracle. In june they made another trial about the Spanish wrack, and recovered another Sacre and a Murderer, also he caused to be hewed out of the main Rock a pair of large stairs for the convenient landing of goods and passengers, a work much to the beauty and benefit of the town. With twenty chosen men, and two excellent Divers, 
More trials about the wracks.  the Governor went himself to the wrack Warwick▪ but they could recover but one Murderer, from thence he went to the Sea-aduenture, the wrack of Sir George Summer, the hull though two or three fathoms in the water, they found unperished and with much a do weighed a Sacre, her sheet Anchor, diverse bars of Iron and pigs of Lead, which stood the Plantation in very great stead. Towards the end of july he went to seek for a wrack they reported lay under water with her hatches spiked up, but they could not find her, but from the Spanish wrack lay there by they weighed three fair Sacres more, and so returned through the Tribes to Saint George's: some were also employed to seek out beds of Oysters for Pearl, some they found, some seed Pearl they got, but out of one little shell above all the rest they got about 120. small Pearl, but somewhat defective in their colour.  
The time of Captain Butler's government drawing near an end, the Colony presented unto him diverse grievances, to entreat him to remember to the Lords and Company in England at his return: also they appointed two to be joined with him, with letters of credence to solicit in their behalf those grievances following: First, they were defrauded of the food of their souls: 
The Planters complaints.  for being not fewer than one thousand and five hundred people, dispersed in length twenty miles, they had at that present but one Minister, nor never had but two, and they so shortened of their promises, that but only for mere pity they would have forsaken them. Secondly, neglected in the safety of their lives by wants of all sorts of munition. Thirdly, they had been censured contrary to his Majesty's Laws, and not allowed them the benefit of their book as they are in England, but by Captain Butler. Fourthly, they were frustrated of many of their covenants, and most extremely pinched and undone by the extortion of the Magazine, for although their Tobacco was stinted but at two shillings sixpence the pound, yet they pitched their commodities at what rate they pleased. Fifthly, their fatherless children are left in little better condition than slaves, for if their Parents die in debt, their children are made as bondmen till the debt be discharged: these things being perfected, there grew a great question of one Heriot for plotting of factions and abusing the Governor, for which he was condemned to lose his ears, yet he was used so favourably he lost but the part of one in all.  
By this time it being grown past the wont season of the coming in of ships from England, after a general longing and expectation, 
The return of Captain Butler.  especially of the Governor, whose Commission being near upon expiration, gave him cause to wish for a mean of deliverance from so troublesome and thankless an employment as he had hitherto found it; a sail is discovered, and long it was not before she arrived in the King's Castle-Harbour: this Bark was set out by two or three private men of the Company, and having landed her supplies, was to go for Virginia; by her the Governor received certain advertisements of the carriage and behaviour of the Spaniards, which he had reliued as you have heard the year before; that quite contrary both to his merit, their vow, and his own expectation, they made clamours against him, the which being seconded by the Spanish Ambassador, caused the State to fall in examination about it; whereupon having fully cleared their ingratefulness and impudence, and being assured of the choice of a successor that was to be expected within five or six weeks; he was desirous to take the opportunity of this Bark, and to visit the Colony in Virginia in his return for England: leaving the government to Captain Felgat, Captain Stokes▪ Master Lewis Hewes, Master Nedom and Master Ginner, but now his time being fully expired, and the fortifications finished, viz. The King's Castle wherein were mounted upon sufficient Platforms sixteen piece of Ordnances: In Charles Fort two; In Southampton Fort five, betwixt which and the Castle passeth the Channel into the Harbour, secured by three and twenty pieces of good artillery to play upon it. In Cowpers' Isle is Pembrocks Fort, where is two Pieces. The Channel of Saint George is guarded by Smith's Fort, and Pagits Fort, in which is eleven piece of Ordnance. Saint George town is half a league within the Harbour, commanded by Warwick's Fort, where are three great Pieces, and on the Wharfe before the Governors' house eight more, besides the warning Piece by the mount, and three in Saint Katherine's; so that in all there are ten Fortresses and two and fifty pieces of Ordnance sufficient and serviceable: their forms and situations you may see more plainlier described in the Map; and to defend those, he left one thousand five hundred persons with near a hundred boats, and the I'll well replenished with store of such fruits, provisions and Poultry, as is formerly related; yet for so departing and other occasions, much difference hath been betwixt him and some of the Company, as any of his Predecessors, which I rather wish were reconciled, then to be a reporter of such unprofitable dissensions.  
For  

Till treachery and faction, and avarice be gone,  
Till envy and ambition, and backbiting be none,  
Till perjury and idleness, and injury be out,  
And truly till that villainy the worst of all that rout;  
Unless those vises banished be, what ever Forts you have.  
A hundred walls together put will not have power to save.    

Master john Barnard sent to be Governor.  

The Lord Caue●d●sh Treasurer. Master Nicholas Farrar Deputy.  TO supply this place was sent by the noble adventurers john Bernard, a Gentleman both of good means and quality, who arrived within eight days after Butler's departure with two ships, and about one hundred and forty passengers with arms and all sorts of munition and other provisions sufficient. During the time of his life which was but six weeks in reforming all things he found defective, he showed himself so judicial and industrious as gave great satisfaction, and did generally promise vice was in great danger to be suppressed, and virtue and the Plantation much advanced; but so it happened that both he and his wife died in such short time they were both buried in one day and one grave, and Master john Harrison chosen Governor till further order came from England.   

What happened in the government of Master john Harrison.  
THey are still much troubled with a great short worm that devours their Plants in the night, 
Sir Edward Sackuil Treasurer. Master Gabriel Barber Deputy.  but all the day they lie hid in the ground, and though early in the morning they kill so many, they would think there were no more, yet the next morning you shall find as many. The Caterpillars to their fruits are also as pernicious, and the land Crabs in some places are as thick in their Borowes as Coneys in a Warren, and do much hurt; besides all this, there happened this year a very heavy disaster, for a ship wherein there had been much swearing and blaspheming used all the voyage, and landed what she had to leave in those Isles, jovially froliking in their Cups and Tobacco, by accident fired the Powder, that at the very instant blew up the great Cabin, and some one way and some another, it is a wonder to think how they could be so blown out of the gun-roome into the Sea, where some were taken up living, so pitifully burned, their lives were worse than so many deaths, some died, some lived, but eighteen were lost at this fatal blast, the ship also immediately sunk with threescore barrels of meal sent for Virginia, and all the other provision in her was thus lost.  

Note.  Now to consider how the Spaniards, French, and Dutch, have been lost and preserved in those invincible Isles, yet never regarded them but as monuments of miseries, though at this present they all desire them; How Sir Thomas Gates▪ and Sir George Summer being ready to sink in the sea were saved, what an incredible abundance of victual they found, how it was first planted by the English, the strange increase of Rats, and their sudden departure, the five men came from England in a boat, the escape of Hilliard, and the rest of those accidents there happened, a man would think it a tabernacle of miracles, and the world's wonder, that from such a Paradise of admiration who would think should spring such wonders of afflictions as are only fit to be sacrificed upon the highest altars of sorrow, thus to be set upon the highest Pinnacles of content, and presently thrown down to the lowest degree of extremity, as you see have been the yearly succeedings of those Plantations; the which to overcome, as it is an incomparable honour, so it can be no dishonour if a man do miscarry by unfortunate accidents in such honourable actions, the which renown and virtue to attain hath caused so many attempts by diverse Nations besides ours, even to pass through the very amazement of adventures. Upon the relation of this news the Company hath sent one Captain Woodhouse, a Gentleman of good repute and great experience in the wars, and no less provident than industrious and valiant: then returned report, all goeth well there. It is too true, in the absence of the noble Treasurer, Sir Edward Sackvill, now Earl of Dorset, there have been such complaints betwixt the Planters and the Company, that by command the Lords appointed Sir Thomas Smith again Treasurer, 
1624. Sir Thomas Smith Treasurer, and Master Edward's Deputy.  that since then according to their order of Court he is also elected, where now we must leave them all to their good fortune and success, till we hear further of their fortunate proceedings.  
FINIS.   

To his friend Captain Smith, upon his description of New-England.  
SIr; your Relations I have read: which show,  
there's reason I should honour them and you:  
And if their meaning I have understood,  
I dare to censure thus: Your project's good;  
And may (if followed) doubtless quit the pain▪  
With honour, pleasure and a treble gain;  
Beside the benefit that shall arise  
To make more happy our Posterities.  
For would we deign to spare, though 'twere no more  
Than what ore-fils, and surfeits us in store,  
To order Nature's fruitfulness a while  
In that rude Garden, you New-England style;  
With present good, there's hope in after-days  
Thence to repair what Time and Pride decays  
In this rich Kingdom. And the spacious West  
Being still more with English blood possessed,  
The proud Iberians shall not rule those Seas,  
To check our ships from sailing where they please,  
Nor future times make any foreign power  
Become so great to force a bound to Our.  
Much good my mind foretells would follow hence  
With little labour, and with less expense.  
Thrive therefore thy Design, who ere envy:  
England may joy in England's Colony,  
Virginia seek her Virgin sisters good,  
Be blessed in such happy neighbourhood:  
Or, whatsoe'er Fate pleaseth to permit,  
Be thou still honoured for first moving it.  
George Whither, è societate Lincol.   

To that worthy and generous Gentleman, my very good friend, Captain Smith.  
MAy Fate thy Project prosper, that thy name  
May be eternised with living fame:  
Though foul Detraction Honour would pervert,  
And Envy ever waits upon desert:  
In spite of Pelias, when his hate lies cold,  
Return as jason with a fleece of gold.  
Then after-ages shall record thy praise,  
That a New-England to this I'll didst raise:  
And when thou diest (as all that live must die)  
Thy fame live here; thou, with Eternity.  
R. Gunnell.   

To his worthy Captain, the Author.  
OFt thou hast led, when I brought up the Rear  
In bloody wars, where thousands have been slain.  
Then give me leave in this some part to bear;  
And as thy servant, here to read my name.  
'tis true, long time thou hast my Captain been  
In the fierce wars of Transiluania:  
Long ere that thou America hadst seen,  
Or led waste captived in Virginia;  
Thou that to pass the world's four parts dost deem  
No more, than 'twere to go to bed, or drink,  
And all thou yet hast done, thou dost esteem  
As nothing. This doth cause me think  
That thou I'ave seen so oft approved in dangers,  
(And thrice captived, thy valour still hath freed)  
Art yet preserved, to convert those strangers:  
By God thy guide I trust it is decreed.  
For me: I not commend but much admire  
Thy England yet unknown to passers by-her.  
For it will praise itself in spite of me;  
Thou it, it thou, to all posterity.  
Your true friend and soldier, Ed. Robinson.   

To my honest Captain, the Author.  
MAlignant Times! What can be said or done,  
But shall be censured and traduced by some!  
This worthy Work, which thou hast bought so dear,  
Ne thou, nor it, Detractors need to fear.  
Thy words by deeds so long thou hast approved,  
Of thousands know thee not thou art beloved.  
And this great Plot will make thee ten times more  
Known and beloved, than ere thou wert before.  
I never knew a Warrior yet, but thee,  
From wine, Tobacco, debts, dice, oaths, so free.  
I call thee Warrior: and I make the bolder;  
For, many a Captain now, was never Soldier.  
Some such may swell at this: but (to their praise)  
When they have done like thee, my Muse shall raise  
Their due deserts to Worthies yet to come,  
To live like thine (admired) till day of Doom.  
Your true friend, sometimes your soldier, Tho. Carlton.    


NEW ENGLAND  
The most remarqueable parts thus named by the high and mighty Prince CHARLES, Prince of great Britain  
THE PORTRAICTUER OF CAPTAIN JOHN SMITH ADMIRAL OF NEW ENGLAND.  

These are the Lines that show thy Face; but those  
That show thy Grace and Glory, brighter be:  
Thy Faire-discoveries and Fowle-Overthrowes  
Of Savages, much Civilised by thee  
Best show thy Spirit; and to it Glory Wyn;  
So, thou art Brass without, but Gold within.   

If so; in Brass, too soft Smith's Acts to bear  
I fix thy Fame, to make Brass steel out wear.  
Thine, as thou art Virtues, Go●●● Davies. Heref:   
HONY S OIT QVI MAL Y PENSE.  
A Scale of Leagues Observed and described by Captain John Smith. 1614  
London Printed by Geor.: Low  THE six BOOK.  
THE GENERAL HISTORY OF NEW-ENGLAND.  
COncerning this History you are to understand the Letters-Patents granted by his Majesty in 1606. for the limitation of Virginia, did extend from 34. to 44. which was divided in two parts; namely, the first Colony and the second: the first was to the honourable City of London, and such as would adventure with them to discover and take their choice where they would, betwixt the degrees of 34. and 41. The second was appropriated to the Cities of Bristol, Exeter and Plymouth, etc. and the West parts of England, and all those that would adventure and join with them, and they might make their choice any where betwixt the degrees of 38. and 44. provided there should be at least 100 miles' distance betwixt these 2. Colonies, each of which had laws, privileges and authority, for the government and advancing their several Plantations alike. Now this part of America hath formerly been called Norumbega, Virginia, Nuskoncus, Penaquida, Cannada, and such other names as those that ranged the Coast pleased. But because it was so mountainous, rocky and full of Isles, few have adventured much to trouble it, but as is formerly related; notwithstanding, that honourable Patron of virtue, Sir john Popham, Lord chief justice of England, in the year 1606. procured means and men to possess it, and sent Captain George Popham for Precedent, Captain Rawley Gilbert for Admiral, 
Sir Francis Popham Treasurer.  Captain Edward Harlow master of the Ordnance, Captain Robert Davis' Sargeant-Maior, Captain Elis Best Marshal, Master Seaman Secretary, Captain james Davis' to be Captain of the Fort, Master Gome Carew chief Searcher: all those were of the Council, who with some hundred more were to stay in the Country: they set sail from Plymouth the last of May, and fell with Monahigan the eleventh of August. At Sagadahock 9 or 10. leagues southward, they planted themselves at the mouth of a fair navigable River, but the coast all thereabouts most extreme stony and rocky: that extreme frozen Winter was so cold they could not range nor search the Country, and their provision so small, they were glad to send all but 45. of their company back again: their noble Precedent Captain Popham died, and not long after arrived two ships well provided of all necessaries to supply them, and some small time after another, by whom understanding of the death of the Lord chief justice, and also of Sir john Gilbert, whose lands there the Precedent Rawley Gilbert was to possess according to the adventurers directions, finding nothing but extreme extremities, they all returned for England in the year 1608. and thus this Plantation was begun and ended in one year, and the Country esteemed as a cold, barren, mountainous, rocky Desert.  
Notwithstanding, the right Honourable Henry Earl of South-hampton and those of the I'll of Wight, employed Captain Edward Harlow to discover an I'll supposed about Cape Cod, but they found their plots had much abused them, for falling with Monahigan, they found only Cape Cod no I'll but the main, there they detained three Saluages aboard them, called Pechmo, Monopet and Pekenimne, but Pechmo leapt over board, and got away; and not long after with his consorts cut their Boat from their stern, got her on shore, and so filled her with sand, and guarded her with Bows and Arrows the English lost her: not far from thence they had three men sorely wounded with Arrows. Anchoring at the I'll of Nohone, the Saluages in their Canowes' assaulted the Ship till the English Guns made them retire, yet here they took Sakaweston, that after he had lived many years in England went a Soldier to the wars of Bohemia. At Capawo they took Coneconam and Epenow, but the people at Agawom used them kindly, so with five Saluages they returned for England, yet Sir Francis Popham sent diverse times one Captain Williams to Monahigan only to trade and make core fish, but for any Plantations there was no more speeches. For all this, as I liked Virginia well, though not their proceedings, so I desired also to see this country, and spend some time in trying what I could find for all those ill rumours and disasters. From the relations of Captain Edward Harlow and diverse others.  

My first voyage to New England. 1614  In the month of April 1614 at the charge of Capt. Marmaduke Roydon, Capt. George Langam, Mr. john Buley and Mr. William Skelton, with two ships from London, I chanced to arrive at Monahigan an I'll of America, in 434. of Northerly latitude: out plot was there to take Whales, for which we had one Samuel Cramton and diverse others expert in that faculty, & also to make trials of a Mine of gold & copper; if those failed, Fish and Furs were then our refuge to make ourselves saviours howsoever: we found this Whalefishing a costly conclusion, we saw many and spent much time in chase them, but could not kill any. They being a kind of jubartes, and not the Whale that yields Fin's and Oil as we expected; for our gold it was rather the Master's device to get a voyage that projected it, than any knowledge he had at all of any such matter; Fish and Furs were now our guard, & by our late arrival and long lingering about the Whale, the prime of both those seasons were past ere we perceived it, we thinking that their seasons served at all times, but we found it otherwise, for by the midst of june the fishing failed, yet in july and August some were taken, but not sufficient to defray so great a charge as our stay required: of dry fish we made about forty thousand, of Corfish about seven thousand. 
The commodities I got amounted to 1500. pounds.  Whilst the Sailors fished, myself with eight others of them might best be spared, ranging the Coast in a small Boat, we got for trifles near eleven thousand Beaver skins, one hundred Martin's, as many Otters, and the most of them within the distance of twenty leagues: we ranged the Coast both East and West much further, but Eastward our commodities were not esteemed, they were so near the French who afforded them better, with whom the Saluages had such commerce that only by trade they made exceeding great voyages, though they were without the limits of our precincts; during the time we tried those conclusions, not knowing the coast, nor Saluages habitations: with these Furs, the train Oil and Corfish, I returned for England in the Bark, where within six months after our departure from the Downs, we safely arrived back; the best of this fish was sold for 5. li. the hundred, the rest by ill usage betwixt three pounds and 50. shillings. The other ship stayed to fit herself for Spain with the dry fish which was sold at Maligo at forty Rials the Quintall, 
The treachery of Master Hunt.  each hundred weighing two quintals and a half. But one Thomas Hunt the Master of this ship (when I was gone) thinking to prevent that intent I had to make there a Plantation, thereby to keep this abounding Country still in obscurity, that only he and some few Merchants more might enjoy wholly the benefit of the Trade, and profit of this Country, betrayed four and twenty of those poor Saluages aboard his ship, and most dishonestly and inhumanely for their kind usage of me and all our men, carried them with him to Maligo, and there for a little private gain sold those silly Saluages for Rials of eight; but this vild act kept him ever after from any more employment to those parts. Now because at this time I had taken a draught of the Coast, and called it New England, yet so long he and his Consorts drowned that name with the Echo of Cannaday, and some other ships from other parts also, that upon this good return the next year went thither, that at last I presented this Discourse with the Map, to our most gracious Prince Charles, humbly entreating his Highness he would please to change their barbarous names for such English, as posterity might say Prince Charles was their Godfather, which for your better understanding both of this Discourse and the M●p, peruse this Schedule, which will plainly show you the correspondency of the old names to the new, as his Highness named them.  

How Prince Charles called the most remarkable places in New England.  The old names. The new names. Cape Cod. Cape james. The Harbour at Cape Cod. Milforth haven. Chawum. Barwick. Accomack. Plymouth. Sagoquas. Oxford. Massachusets' Mount. Chevit hills. Massachusits River. Charles River. Totan. Falmouth. A great Bay by Cape Anne. Bristol. Cape Tragubigsanda. Cape Anne. Naembeck. Bastable. Aggawom. Southampton. smith's Iles. smith's Iles. Passataquack. Hull. Accominticus. Boston. Sassanows Mount. Snowdon hill. Sowocatuck. Ipswich. Bahanna. Dartmouth. A good Harbour within that Bay. Sandwich. Ancociscos' Mount. Suitors hill. Ancocisco. The Base. Anmonghcawgen. Cambridge. Kenebecka. Edenborow. Sagadabock. Leth. Pemmayquid. S. john's town. Segocket. Norwich. Mecadacut. Dunbarton. Pennobscot. Aberden. Nusket. Low mounds. Those being omitted I named myself. Monahigan. Barties Iles. Matinack. Willowbies' Iles. Metinacus. Haughtons' Iles.  
The rest of the names in the Map, are places that had no names we did know.  
But to continue the History succeedingly as near with the day and year as may be. Returning in the Bark as is said; 
Aspersions against New England.  it was my ill chance to put in at Plymouth, where imparting those my purposes to diverse I thought my friends, whom as I supposed were interested in the dead Patent of this unregarded Country, I was so encouraged and assured to have the managing their authority in those parts during my life, and such large promises, that I engaged myself to undertake it for them. Arriving at London, though some malicious persons suggested there was no such matter to be had in that so bade abandoned Country, for if there had, other could have found it so well as I; therefore it was to be suspected I had robbed the French men in New France or Cannada, and the Merchants see me forth seemed not to regard it, yet I found so many promised me such assistance, that I entertained Michael Cooper the Master of the Bark, that returned with me and others of the Company: how he dealt with others, or others with him, I know not; but my public proceeding gave such encouragement, that it became so well apprehended by some few of the Virginia Company, as those projects for fishing only was so well liked, they furnished Couper with four good ships to Sea, before they at Plymouth had made any provision at all for me; but only a small Bark set out by them of the I'll of Wight. Some of Plymouth, and diverse Gentlemen of the West Country, 
Captain Hobson his voyage to Capawuk.  a little before I returned from New England, in search for a Mine of Gold about an I'll called Capawuck, Southwards from the Shoules of Cape james, as they were informed by a savage called Epenew; that having deluded them as it seems thus to get home, seeing they kept him as a prisoner in his own Country, and before his friends, being a man of so great a stature, he was showed up and down London for money as a wonder, and it seems of no less courage and authority, then of wit, strength, and proportion: for so well he had contrived his business, as many reported he intended to have surprised the ship; but seeing it could not be effected to his liking, before them all he leapt overboard. Many shot they made at him, thinking they had slain him, but so resolute they were to recover his body, the master of the ship was wounded, and many of his company; And thus they lost him, & not knowing more what to do, returned again to England with nothing, which so had discouraged all your West Country men, they neither regarded much their promises, and as little either me or the Country, till they saw the London ships gone and me in Plymouth according to my promise, as hereafter shall be related.  

The Londoners send four good ships to New England.  I must confess I was beholden to the setters forth of the four ships that went with Couper, in that they offered me that employment if I would accept it; and I find still my refusal incurred some of their displeasures, whose love and favour I exceedingly desired; and though they do censure me opposite to their proceedings, they shall yet still in all my words and deeds find, it is their error, not my fault that occasions their dislike: for having engaged myself in this business to the West Country, I had been very dishonest to have broke my promise, nor will I spend more time in discovery or fishing, till I may go with a Company for a Plantation; for I know my grounds, yet every one to whom I tell them, or that reads this Book, cannot put it in practice, though it may help any that hath seen or not seen to know much of those parts: And though they endeavour to work me out of my own designs, I will not much envy their fortunes: but I would be sorry their intruding ignorance should by their defailments bring those certainties to doubtfulness. So that the business prosper I have my desire, be it by whomsoever that are true subjects to our King and Country: the good of my Country is that I seek, and there is more then enough for all, if they could be contented.  

The situation of New England.  New England is that part of America in the Ocean Sea, opposite to Nova Albion in the South Sea, discovered by the most memorable Sir Francis Drake in his Voyage about the world, in regard whereof this is styled New England, being in the same latitude New France of it is Northwards, Southwards is Virginia, and all the adjoining continent with new Granado, new Spain, new Andolosia, and the West-Indies. Now because I have been so oft asked such strange questions of the goodness and greatness of those spacious Tracts of Land, how they can be thus long unknown, or not possessed by the Spaniards, and many such like demands; I entreat your pardons if I chance to be too plain or tedious in relating my knowledge for plain men's satisfaction.  

Notes of Florida.  Florida is the next adjoining to the Indies, which unprosperously was attempted to be planted by the French, a Country far bigger than England, Scotland, France and Ireland, yet little known to any Christian, but by the wonderful endeavours of Ferdinando de Soto, a valiant Spaniard, whose writings in this age is the best guide known to search those parts.  

Notes of Virginia.  Virginia is no Isle as many do imagine, but part of the Continent adjoining to Florida, whose bounds may be stretched to the magnitude thereof, without offence to any Christian Inhabitant, for from the degrees of thirty to forty eight, his Majesty hath now enlarged his Letters Patents. The Coast extending Southwest and North-east about sixteen or seventeen hundred miles, but to follow it aboard the shore may well be three thousand miles at the least: of which twenty miles is the most gives entrance into the Bay of Chisapeacke, where is the London Plantation, within which is a Country, as you may perceive by the Map, of that little I discovered, may well suffice three hundred thousand people to inhabit: but of it, and the discoveries of Sir Ralph Lain and Master Heriot, Captain Gosnold, and Captain Waymouth, they have writ so largely, that posterity may be bettered by the fruits of their labours. But for diverse others that have ranged those parts since, especially this Country now called New England, within a kenning sometimes of the shore; some touching in one place, some in another; I must entreat them pardon me for omitting them, or if I offend in saying, that their true descriptions were concealed, or never were well observed, or died with the Authors, so that the Coast is yet still but even as a Coast unknown and undiscovered. I have had six or seven several plots of those Northern parts, so unlike each to other, or resemblance of the Country, as they did me no more good than so much waste paper, though they cost me more, it may be it was not my chance to see the best; but lest others may be deceived as I was, or through dangerous ignorance hazard themselves as I did, I have drawn a Map from point to point, I'll to I'll, and Harbour to Harbour, with the Soundings, Sands, Rocks, and Landmarks, as I passed close aboard the shore in a little Boat; although there be many things to be observed, which the haste of other affairs did cause me to omit: for being sent more to get present Commodities, than knowledge of any discoveries for any future good, I had not power to search as I would; yet it will serve to direct any shall go that ways to safe Harbours and the Saluages habitations: what Merchandise and Commodities for their labours they may find, this following discourse shall plainly demonstrate.  
Thus you may see of these three thousand miles, 
Observations so● presumptuous ignorant directors.  more than half is yet unknown to any purpose, no not so much as the borders of the Sea are yet certainly discovered: as for the goodness and true substance of the Land, we are for most part yet altogether ignorant of them, unless it be those parts about the Bay of Chisapeack and Sagadahock, but only here and there where we have touched or seen a little, the edges of those large Dominions which do stretch themselves into the main, God doth know how many thousand miles, whereof we can yet no more judge, than a stranger that saileth betwixt England and France, can describe the harbours and dangers by landing here or there in some River or Bay, tell thereby the goodness and substance of Spain, Italy, Germany, Bohemia, Hungaria, and the rest; nay, there are many have lived forty years in London, and yet have scarce been ten miles out of the City: so are there many have been in Virginia many years, and in New England many times, that do know little more than the place they do inhabit, or the Port where they fished, and when they come home, they will undertake they know all Virginia and New England, as if they were but two Parishes or little Lands. By this you may perceive how much they err, that think every one that hath been in Virginia or New England, vnderstandeth or knoweth what either of them are; Or that the Spaniards know one half quarter of those large Territories they possess, no not so much as the true circumference of Terra incognita, whose large Dominions may equalise the goodness and greatness of America for any thing yet known. It is strange with what small power he doth range in the East-Indies, and few will understand the truth of his strength in America: where having so much to keep with such a pampered force, they need not greatly fear his fury in Summer Iles, Virginia, or New England, beyond whose bounds America doth stretch many thousand miles. Into the frozen parts whereof, one Master Hutson an English Mariner, did make the greatest discovery of any Christian I know, where he unfortunately was left by his cowardly Company, for his exceeding deserts, to end and die a most miserable death.  
For Africa, had not the industrious Portugals ranged her unknown parts, who would have sought for wealth amongst those fried Regions of black brutish Negars, where notwithstanding all their wealth and admirable adventures and endeavours more than one hundred and forty years; they know not one third part of those black habitations. But it is not a work for every one to manage such an affair, as make a discovery and plant a Colony, it requires all the best parts of art, judgement, courage, honesty, constancy, diligence, and industry, to do but near well; some are more proper for one thing then another, and therein best to be employed: and nothing breeds more confusion than misplacing and misemploying men in their undertake. Columbus, Courts, Pitzara, Zoto, Magilanus, and the rest served more than a Prenticeship, to learn how to begin their most memorable attempts in the West-Indies, which to the wonder of all ages successfully they effected, when many hundreds of others far above them in the world's opinion, being instructed but by relation, came to shame and confusion in actions of small moment, who doubtless in other matters were both wise, discreet, generous and courageous. I say not this to detract any thing from their incomparable merits, but to answer those questionless questions, that keep us back from imitating the worthiness of their brave spirits, that advanced themselves from poor Soldiers to great Captains, their posterity to great Lords, their King to be one of the greatest Potentates on earth, and the fruits of their labours his greatest power, glory, and renown.  

The Description of New England.  
THat part we call New England, is betwixt the degrees of forty one and forty five, the very mean betwixt the North pole and the line; but that part this Discourse speaketh of, stretcheth but from Penobscot to C●pe Cod, some seventy five leagues by a right line distant each from other; within which bounds I have seen at least forty several habitations upon the Sea Coast, and sounded about five and twenty excellent good Harbours, in many whereof there is anchorage for five hundred sail of ships of any burden; in some of them for one thousand, and more than two hundred Isles overgrown with good Timber of diverse sorts of wood, which do make so many Harbours, as required a longer time than I had to be well observed.  

The principal Countries or governments.  The principal habitation Northward we were at, was Pennobscot: Southward along the Coast and up the Rivers, we found Mecadacut, Segocket, Pemaquid, Nuscoucus, Sagadahock, Aumoughcowgen, and Kenebeke; and to those Countries belong the people of Segotago, Paghhuntanuck, Pocopassum▪ Taughtanakagnet, Warbigganus, Nassaque, Masherosqueck, Wawrigweck, Mos●oquen, Wakcogo, Pasharanack, etc. To these are allied in confederacy, the Countries of Ancocisco, Accomynticus, Passataquack, Aggawom, and Naemkeck: All these for any thing I could perceive, differ little in language, fashion, or government, though most of them be Lords of themselves, yet they hold the Bashabes of Penobscot, the chief and greatest amongst them.  
The next I can remember by name, are Mattahunts, two pleasant Isles of Groves, Gardens, and Corn fields a league in the Sea from the main: Then Totant, Massachuset, Topent, Secassaw, Totheet, Nasnocomacack, Accomack, Chawum, Patuxet, Massasoyts, Pakanokick: then Cape Cod, by which is Pawmet and the I'll Nawset, of the language and alliance of them of Chawum; the others are called Massachusets', and differ somewhat in language, custom, and condition: for their Trade and Merchandise, to each of their principal families or habitations, they have diverse Towns and people belonging, and by their relations and descriptions, more than twenty several habitations and rivers that stretch themselves far into the Country, even to the Borders of diverse great Lakes, where they kill and take most of their Otters, from Pennobscot to Sagadaboc. This Coast is mountainous, and Isles of huge Rocks, but overgrown for most part, with most sorts of excellent good woods, for building Houses, Boats, Barks or Ships, with an incredible abundance of most sorts of Fish, much Fowl, and sundry sorts of good Fruits for man's use.  
Betwixt Sagadahock, & Sowocatuck, there is but two or three Sandy Bays, but betwixt that and Cape james very many: especially the Coast of the Massachusets' is so indifferently mixed with high Clay or Sandy cliffs in one place, and the tracts of large long ledges of diverse sorts, and Quaries of stones in other places, so strangely divided with tinctured veins of diverse colours: as Freestone for building, Slate for tyling, smooth stone to make Furnasses and Forges for Glass and Iron, and Iron o'er sufficient conveniently to melt in them; but the most part so resembleth the Coast of Devonshire, I think most of the cliffs would make such Limestone: if they be not of these qualities, they are so like they may deceive a better judgement than mine: all which are so near adjoining to those other advantages I observed in these parts, that if the Ore prove as good Iron and Steel in those parts as I know it is within the bounds of the Country, I dare engage my head (having but men skilful to work the Simples there growing) to have all things belonging to the building and rigging of ships of any proportion and good Merchandise for their fraught, within a square of ten or fourteen leagues, and it were no hard matter to prove it within a less limitation.  
And surely by reason of those sandy cliffs, and cliffs of rocks, 
A proof of an excellent clime▪  both which we saw so planted with Gardens and Corn fields, and so well inhabited with a goodly, strong, and well proportioned people, besides the greatness of the Timber growing on them, the greatness of the Fish, and the moderate temper of the air (for of five and forty not a man was sick, but two that were many years diseased before they went, notwithstanding our bad lodging and accidental diet) who can but approve this a most excellent place, both for health and fertility: and of all the four parts of the world I have yet seen not inhabited, could I have but means to transport a Colony, I would rather live here then any where, and if it did not maintain itself, were we but once indifferently well fitted, let us starve.  
The main staple from hence to be extracted for the present, 
Staple Commodities present.  to produce the rest, is Fish, which howbeit may seem a mean and a base Commodity; yet who will but truly take the pains and consider the sequel, I think will allow it well worth the labour. It is strange to see, what great adventures the hopes of setting forth men of war to rob the industrious innocent would procure, or such massy promises in gross, though more are choked then well fed with such hasty hopes. 
Observations of the Hollanders.  But who doth not know that the poor Hollanders chiefly by fishing at a great charge and labour in all weathers in the open Sea, are made a people so hardy and industrious, and by the venting this poor Commodity to the Easterlings for as mean, which is Wood, Flax, Pitch, Tar, resin, Cordage, and such like; which they exchange again to the French, Spaniards, Portugals, and English, etc. for what they want, are made so mighty, strong, and rich, as no state but Venice of twice their magnitude is so well furnished, with so many fair Cities, goodly Towns, strong Fortresses, and that abundance of shipping, and all sorts of Merchandise, as well of Gold, Silver, Pearls, Diamonds, precious Stones, Silks, Velvets, and Cloth of Gold; as F●sh, Pitch, Wood, or such gross Commodities? What voyages and discoveries, E●st and West, North and South, yea about the world, make they? What an Army by Sea and Land have they long maintained, in despite of one of the greatest Princes of the world, and never could the Spaniard with all his Mines of Gold and Silver, pay his debts, his friends, and Army, half so truly as the Hollanders still have done by this contemptible Trade of Fish. divers (I know) may allege many other assistances; but this is the chiefest Mine, and the Sea the source of those silver streams of all their virtue, which hath made them now the very miracle of industry, the only pattern of perfection for these affairs: and the benefit of fishing is that Primum Mobile that turns all their spheres to this height, of plenty, strength, honour, and exceeding great admiration.  

Note.  Herring, Cod, and Ling, is that triplicity, that makes their wealth and shippings multiplicity such as it is: and from which (few would think it) they should draw so many millions yearly as they do, as more in particular in the trials of New England you may see; and such an incredible number of ships, that breeds them so many Sailors, Mariners, Soldiers, and Merchants, never to be wrought out of that Trade, and fit for any other. I will not deny but others may gain as well as they that will use it, though not so certainly, nor so much in quantity, for want of experience: and this Herring they take upon the Coast of England and Scotland, their Cod and Ling upon the Coast of Iceland, and in the North seas, if we consider what gains the Hamburgans, the Biskinners, and French make by fishing; nay, but how many thousands this fifty or sixty years have been maintained by New found land, where they take nothing but small Cod, whereof the greatest they make Corfish, and the rest is hard dried, which we call Poore-Iohn, would amaze a man with wonder. If then from all those parts such pains is taken for this poor gains of Fish, especially by the Hollanders, that hath but little of their own, for building of ships and setting them to sea; but at the second, third, fourth, or fifth hand, drawn from so many p●r●s of the world ere they come together to be used in those voyages: If these (I say) can gain, why should we more doubt than they; but do much better, that may have most of all those things at our doors for taking and making, and here are no hard Landlords to rack us with high rents, or extorting fines, nor tedious pleas in Law to consume us with their many years disputation for justice; no multitudes to occasion such impediments to good orders as in popular States: so freely hath God and his Majesty bestowed those blessings, on them will attempt to obtain them, as here every man may be master of his own labour and land, 
Note.  or the greatest part (if his Majesty's royal meaning be not abused) and if he have nothing but his hands, he may setup his Trade; and by industry quickly grow rich, spending but half that time well, which in England we abuse in idleness, worse, or as ill. Here is ground as good as any lieth in the height of forty one, forty two, forty three, etc. which is as temperate, and as fruitful as any other parallel in the world.  

Examples of the Altitude comparatively.  As for example, on this side the line, West of it in the South Sea, is Nona Albion, discovered as is said by Sir Francis Drake: East from it is the most temperate part of Portugal, the ancient Kingdoms of Galizia, Bisky, Navarre, Arragon, Cattilonia, Castillia the old, and the most moderatest of Castillia the new, & Valentia, which is the greatest part of Spain; 
In Spain.  which if the Histories be true, in the Romans time abounded no less with gold & silver Mines, than now the West-Indies, the Romans then using the Spaniards to work in those Mines, as now the Spaniards do the Indians. 
In France.  In France the Provinces of Gascony, Langadooke, Auignon, Province, Dolphin, Pyamont, and Turyne, are in the same parallel, which are the best and richest parts of France. In Italy the Provinces of Genua, Lombary, and Verona, with a great part of the most famous state of Venice, the Dukedoms of Bononia, Mantua, Ferrara, Ravenna, Bolognia, Florence, Pisa, Sienna, Urbine, Ancona, and the ancient City and Country of Rome, with a great part of the Kingdom of Naples. In Slavonia, Istria, and Dalmatia, with the Kingdoms of Albania. 
In Greece.  In Grecia those famous Kingdoms of Macedonia, Bullulgaria, Thessalia, Thracia, or Romania, where is seated the most pleasant and plentiful City in Europe, Constantinople.  

In Asia.  In Asia in the same latitude, are the temperatest parts of Anatolia, Armenia, Persia, and China; besides diverse other large Countries and Kingdoms in those most mild and temperate Regions of Asia. 
Beyond the line.  Southward in the same height is the richest of Gold Mines, Chily, and Baldinia, and the mouth of the great River of Plate, etc. for all the rest of the world in that height is yet unknown. Besides these reasons, mine own eyes that have seen a great part of those Cities and their Kingdoms (as well as it) can find no advantage they have in Nature but this, they are beautified by the long labour and diligence of industrious people and art; This is only as God made it when he created the world: Therefore I conclude, if the heart and entrails of those Regions were sought, if their Land were cultured, planted, and manured by men of industry, judgement, and experience; what hope is there, or what need they doubt, having the advantages of the Sea, but it might equalise any of these famous Kingdoms in all commodities, pleasures, and conditions, seeing even the very hedges do naturally afford us such plenty, as no ship need return away empty, and only use but the season of the Sea. Fish will return an honest gain, besides all other advantages, her treasures having yet never been opened, nor her originals wasted, consumed, nor abused.  
And whereas it is said the Hollanders serve the Easterlings themselves; 
The particular staple commodities that may be had by industry.  and other parts that want with Herring, Ling, and wet Cod: The Easterlings, a great part of Europe, with Sturgeon and Caviar, as the Black Sea doth Grecia, Podolia, Sagovia, Anatolia, and the Hellespont. Cape Blank, Spain, Portugal, and the Levant, with Mulit and Puttargo. New foundland, the most part of the chief Southern Ports in Europe, with a thin Poore-Iohn, which hath been so long, so much over-laied with Fishers, as the fishing decayeth, so that many oft times are constrained to return with a small fraught. Norway and Poland affords Pitch and Tar, Masts and Yards. Sweathland and Russia, Iron and Ropes. France and Spain, Canvas, Wine, Steele, Iron, and Oil, Italy and Greece, Silks and Fruits. I dare boldly say, because I have seen naturally growing or breeding in those parts, the same materials that all these are made of, they may as well be had here, or the most part of them within the distance of seventy leagues for some few ages, as from all those parts, using but the same means to have them that they do; but surely in Virginia, their most tender and daintiest fruits or commodities, would be as perfect as theirs, by reason of the heat, if not in New England, and with all those advantages.  
First, the ground is so fertile, 
The nature of the ground approved.  that questionless it is capable of producing any Grain, Fruits, or Seeds, you will sow or plant, growing in the Regions aforenamed: But it may be not to that perfection of delicacy, because the Summer is not so hot, and the Winter is more cold in those parts we have yet tried near the Sea side, than we find in the same height in Europe or Asia: yet I made a Garden upon the top of a Rocky I'll in three and forty degrees and an half, four leagues from the main in May, that grew so well, as it served us for Salads in june and july. All sorts of Cattle may here be bred and fed in the Isles or Peninsulaes' securely for nothing. In the Interim, till they increase (if need be) observing the seasons, I durst undertake to have Corn enough from the Saluages for three hundred men, for a few trifles; and if they should be untowards, as it is most certain they will, thirty or forty good men will be sufficient to bring them all in subjection, and make this provision, if they understand what to do; two hundred whereof may eight or nine months in the year be employed in helping the Fishermen, till the rest provide other necessaries, fit to furnish us with other Commodities.  
In March, April, May, and half june, here is Cod in abundance; In May, 
The seasons for fishing approved.  june, july, and August, Mullit and Sturgeon, whose Roes do make Caviar and Puttargo; Herring, if any desire them: I have taken many out of the bellies of Cod, some in nets; but the Saluages compare the store in the Sea with the hairs of their heads: and surely there are an incredible abundance upon this Coast. In the end of August, September, October, and November, you may have Cod again to make Core-fish or Poore-Iohn: Hake you may have when the Cod fails in Summer, if you will fish in the night, which is better than Cod. Now each hundred you take here, is as good as two or three hundred in New found Land; so that half the labour in hooking, splitting and touring, is saved: And you may have your fish at what market you will, before they have any in New found land, where their fishing is chiefly but in june and july, where it is here in March, April, May, September, October and November, as is said; so that by reason of this Plantation, the Merchants may have their fraught both out and home, which yields an advantage worth consideration. Your Core-fish you may in like manner transport as you see cause, to serve the Ports in Portugal, as Lisbon, Auera, Porta Port, and diverse others, (or what market you please) before your Islanders return. They being tied to the season in the open Sea, and you having a double season, and fishing before your doors, may every night sleep quietly ashore with good cheer, and what fires you will, or when you please with your wives and family: they only and their ships in the main Ocean, that must carry and contain all they use, besides their fraught. The Mullits here are in that abundance, you may take them with nets sometimes by hundreds, where at Cape Blank they hook them; yet those are but a soot and a half in length; these two, three, or four, as oft I have measured, which makes me suspect they are some other kind of fish, though they seem the same, both in fashion and goodness. Much Salmon some have found up the Rivers as they have passed, and here the air is so temperate, 
Employment for poor people and fatherless children.  as all these at any time may be preserved. Now, young Boys and Girls Saluages, or any other be they never such idlers, may turn, carry or return a fish, without either shame or any great pain: He is very idle that is past twelve years of age and cannot do so much, and she is very old that cannot spin a thread to make Engines to catch a fish.  

The facility of the Plantation.  For their transportation, the ships that go there to fish may transport the first: who for their passage will spare the charge of double manning their ships, which they must do in New found land to get their fraught; but one third part of that company are only proper to serve a stage, carry a Barrow, and turn Poore-Iohn; notwithstanding, they must have meat, drink, clothes, & passage so well as the rest. Now all I desire is but this, That those that voluntarily will send shipping, should make here the best choice they can, or accept such as shall be presented them to serve them at that rate: and their ships returning leave such with me, with the value of that they should receive coming home, in such provisions and necessary tools, arms, bedding, apparel, salt, nets, hooks, lines, and such like, as they spare of the remainings; who till the next return may keep their Boats, and do them many other profitable offices. Provided, I have men of ability to teach them their functions, and a company fit for Soldiers to be ready upon any occasion, because of the abuses that have been offered the poor Saluages, and the liberty that both French and English, or any that will, have to deal with them as they please; whose disorders will be hard to reform, and the longer the worse: Now such order with facility might be taken, with every Port, Town, or City, with free power to convert the benefit of their fraughts to what advantage they please, and increase their numbers as they see occasion, who ever as they are able to subsist of themselves, may begin the new Towns in New England, in memory of their old: which freedom being confined but to the necessity of the general good, the event (with God's help) might produce an honest, a noble, and a profitable emulation.  

Present Commodities.  Salt upon Salt may assuredly be made, if not at the first in ponds, yet till they be provided this may be used: then the ships may transport Kine, Horse, Goats, course Cloth, and such Commodities as we want; by whose arrival may be made that provision of fish to fraught the ships that they stay not; and than if the Sailors go for wages it matters not, it is hard if this return defray not the charge: but care must be had they arrive in the Spring, or else that provision be made for them against winter. Of certain red berries called Kermes, 
Kermes.  which is worth ten shillings the pound, but of these have been sold for thirty or forty shillings the pound, may yearly be gathered a good quantity. 
Musquasse●.  Of the Muskrat may be well raised gains worth their labour, that will endeavour to make trial of their goodness. Of Bevers, Otters and Martin's, black Foxes, and Furs of price, 
Bevers.  may yearly be had six or seven thousand, and if the trade of the French were prevented, many more: 25000. this year were brought from those northern parts into France, of which trade we may have as good part as the French if we take good courses. Of Mines of Gold and Silver, Copper, and probabilities of Lead, 
Mines.  Crystal and Alum, I could say much if relations were good assurances; it is true indeed, I made many trials according to the instructions I had, which doth persuade me I need not despair but that there are metals in the Country: but I am no Alchemist, nor will promise more than I know: which is, who will undertake the rectifying of an iron Forge, if those that buy meat and drink, coals, over, and all necessaries at a dear rate, gain, where all these things are to be had for taking up, in my opinion cannot lose.  
Of woods, seeing there is such plenty of all sorts, 
Woods.  if those that build ships and boats, buy wood at so great a price, as it is in England, Spain, France and Holland, and all other provisions for the nourishment of man's life, live well by their trade; when labour is all required to take these necessaries without any other tax, what hazard will be here but to do much better, and what commodity in Europe doth more decay than wood? for the goodness of the ground, let us take it fertile or barren, or as it is, seeing it is certain it bears fruits to nourish and feed man & beast as well as England, and the Sea those several sorts of fishes I have related: thus seeing all good things for man's sustenance may with this facility be had by a little extraordinary labour, till that transported be increased, & all necessaries for shipping only for labour, to which may added the assistance of the Saluages which may easily be had, if they be discreetly handled in their kinds, towards fishing, planting, and destroying woods, what gains might be raised if this were followed (when there is but once men to fill your store houses dwelling there, you may serve all Europe better and far cheaper than can the Island Fishers, or the Hollanders, Cape-blanke, or Newfound land, who must be at much more charge than you) may easily be conjectured by this example.  
Two thousand will fit out a ship of 200. tons, & one of 100 tuns, 
An example of the g●●●s upon every year or six months return.  if of the dry fish they both make fraught, that of 200. and go for Spain, sell it but at ten shillings a quintal, but commonly it gives fifteen or twenty, especially when it cometh first, which amounts to 3. or 4000 pound, but say but ten, which is the lowest, allowing the rest for waste, it amounts at that rate to 2000 which is the whole charge of your two ships and the equipage, than the return of the money and the fraught of the ship for the vintage or any other voyage is clear gain, with your ship of one hundred tons of train Oil and Corfish, besides the Bevers and other commodities, and that you may have at home within six months if God please to send but an ordinary passage; then saving half this charge by the not staying of your ships, your victual, overplus of men and wages, with her fraught thither with necessaries for the Planters, the Salt being there made, as also may the nets and lines within a short time; if nothing may be expected but this, it might in time equalise your Hollanders gains, if not exceed them, having their fraughts always ready against the arrival of the ships, this would so increase our shipping and sailors, and so encourage and employ a great part of our Idlers and others that want employment fitting their qualities at home, where they shame to do that they would do abroad, that could they but once taffe the sweet fruits of their own labours, doubtless many thousands would be advised by good discipline to take more pleasure in honest industry, then in their humours of dissolute idleness.  

A description of the Country in particular, and their situations.  But to return a little more to the particulars of this Country, which I intermingle thus with my projects and reasons, not being so sufficiently yet acquainted in those parts, to write fully the estate of the Sea, the Air, the Land, the Fruits, their Rocks, the People, the Government, Religion, Territories, Limitations, Friends and Foes: But as I gathered from their niggardly relations in a broken language, during the time I ranged those Countries, etc. the most Northern part I was at, was the Bay of Pennobscot, which is East and West, North and South, more than ten leagues: but such were my occasions, I was constrained to be satisfied of them I found in the Bay, that the River ran far up into the Land, and was well inhabited with many people, but they were from their habitations, either fishing amongst the Isles, or hunting the Lakes and Woods for Dear and Bevers: the Bay is full of great Isles of one, two, six or eight miles in length, which divides it into many fair and excellent good Harbours. On the East of it are the Tarrentines, their mortal enemies, where inhabit the French, as they report, that live with those people as one Nation or Family: And Northwest of Pennobscot is Mecaddacut, at the foot of a high Mountain, a kind of fortress against the Tarrentines, adjoining to the high Mountains of Pennobscot, against whose feet doth beat the Sea; but over all the Land, Iles, or other impediments, you may well see them fourteen or eighteen leagues from their situation. Segocket is the next, than Nuskoucus, Pemmaquid, and Sagadahock: up this River, where was the Western Plantation, are Aumoughcawgen, Kinnebeke, and diverse others, where are planted some Corn fields. Along this River thirty or forty miles, I saw nothing but great high cliffs of barren Rocks overgrown with Wood, but where the Saluages dwell there the ground is excellent salt, and fertile. Westward of this River is the Country of Aucocisco, in the bottom of a large deep Bay, full of many great Isles, which divides it into many good Harbours. Sawocotuck is the next, in the edge of a large Sandy Bay, which hath many Rocks and Isles, but few good Harbours, but for Barks I yet know; but all this Coast to Pennobscot, and as far as I could see Eastward of it is nothing, but such high craggy clifty Rocks and stony Isles, that I wonder such great Trees could grow upon so hard foundations. It is a Country rather to affright then delight one, and how to describe a more plain spectacle of desolation, or more barren, I know not, yet are those rocky Isles so furnished with good Woods, Springs, Fruits, Fish and Fowl, and the Sea the strangest Fishpond I ever saw, that it makes me think, though the coast be rocky and thus affrightable, the Valleys and Plains and interior parts may well notwithstanding be very fertile. But there is no Country so fertile hath not some part barren, and New-England is great enough to make many Kingdoms and Countries, were it all inhabited. As you pass the coast still westward, Accominticus and Passataquack are two convenient Harbours for small Barks; and a good Country within their craggy cliffs. Augoan is the next: this place might content a right curious judgement, but there are many sands at the entrance of the Harbour, and the worst is, it is embayed too far from the deep Sea; here are many rising hills, and on their tops and descents are many corn fields and delightful groves: On the East is an I'll of two or three leagues in length, the one half plain marish ground, fit for pasture or salt Ponds, with many fair high groves of Mulberry trees and Gardens; there is also Okes, Pines, Walnuts, and other wood to make this place an excellent habitation, being a good and safe Harbour.  
Nai●mkeck, though it be more rocky ground, for Augoan is sandy, not much inferior neither for the harbour, nor any thing I could perceive but the multitude of people: from hence doth stretch into the Sea the fair headland Tragabigzanda, now called Cape An, fronted with the three Isles we called the three Turks heads; to the north of this doth enter a great Bay, where we found some habitations and Corn fields, they report a fair River and at least 30. habitations doth possess this Country. But because the French had got their trade, I had no leisure to discover it: the Isles of Mattahunts are on the west side of this Bay, where are many Isles and some Rocks that appear a great height above the water like the Pyramids in Egypt, and amongst them many good Harbours, and then the country of the Massachusits, which is the Paradise of all those parts, for here are many Isles planted with Corn, Groves, Mulberries, savage Gardens and good Harbours, the Coast is for the most part high clayie sandy cliffs, the sea Coast as you pass shows you all along large Corn fields, and great troops of well proportioned people: but the French having remained here near six weeks, left nothing for us to take occasion to examine the Inhabitants relations, viz. if there be three thousand people upon those Isles, and that the River doth pierce many day's journey the entrailes of that Country: we found the people in those parts very kind, but in their f●ry no less valiant, for upon a quarrel we fought with forty or fifty of them, till they had spent all their Arrows, and then we took six or seven of their Canowes', which towards the evening they ransomed for Beaver skins, and at Quonahasit falling out there but with one of them, he with three others crossed the Harbour in a Canow to certain rocks whereby we must pass, 
An Indian slain, another shot.  and there let fly their Arrows for our shot, till we were out of danger, yet one of them was slain, and another shot through his thigh.  
Then come you to Accomacke an excellent good Harbour, good land, and no want of any thing but industrious people: after much kindness, we fought also with them, though some were hurt, some slain, yet within an hour after they became friends. Cape Cod is the next presents itself; which is only a headland of high hills, overgrown with shrubby Pines, hurts and such trash, but an excellent harbour for all weathers. This Cape is made by the main Sea on the one side, and a great Bay on the other in form of a Sickle, on it doth inhabit the people of Pawmet, and in the bottom of the Bay them of Chawum: towards the South and South-west of this Cape, is found a long and dangerous shoule of rocks and sand, but so far as I incercled it, I found thirty fathom water and a strong currant, which makes me think there is a channel about this Shoule, where is the best and greatest fish to be had winter and summer in all the Country; but the Saluages say there is no Channel, but that the Shoales begin from the main at Pawm●t to the I'll of Nawset, and so extends beyond their knowledge into the Sea. The next to this is Capawucke, and those abounding Countries of Copper, Corn, People and Minerals, which I went to discover this last yee●e, but because I miscarried by the way I will leave them till God please I have better acquaintance with them.  
The Massachusets' they report sometimes have wars with the Bashabes of Pennobscot, & are not always friends with them of Chawum and their alliance; but now they are all friends, and have each trade with other so far as they have society on each others frontiers, for they make no such voyages as from Pennobscot to Cape Cod, seldom to Massachset. In the North as I have said they have begun to plant Corn, whereof the south part hath such plenty as they have what they will from them of the North, and in the Winter much more plenty of fish and fowl, but both Winter & Summer hath it in one part or other all the year, being the mean and most indifferent temper betwixt heat and cold, of all the Regions betwixt the Line and the Pole, but the Furs Northward are much better, and in much more plenty then Southward.  
The remarkablest Isles and Mountains for land Marks are these: 
The land Marks.  the highest Isle is Sorico in the Bay of Pennobscot, but the three Isles, and the Isles of Matinack are much further in the Sea: Merynacus is also three plain Isles, but many great Rocks: Monahigan is a round high I'll, and close by it Monanis, betwixt which is a small Harbour where we rid; in Damerils Isles is such another, Sagadahocke is known by Satquin, and four or five Isles in their mouth. Smith's Isles are a heap together, none near them against Accomintycus: the three Turks heads, are three Isles, seen far to Seaward in regard of the Head-land. The chief Headlands, are only Cape Tragabigzanda, and Cape Cod, now called Cape james, and Cape A●ne.  
The chief Mountains, them of Pennobscot, the twinkling Mountain of Acocisco, the great Mountain of Sassanow, and the high Mountain of M●ss●c●uset. Each of which you shall find in the Map, their places, form, and almonds. The waters are most pure, proceeding from the entrails of rocky Mounta●●es: the Herbs and Fruits are of many sorts and kinds, 
Herbs and Fruits  as Alkermes, Currans, Mulberries, Vines, Respises, Gooseberries, Plums, Walnuts, Chessenuts, Small- 〈◊〉, Pumpions, Gourds, Strawberries, Beans, Pease, and Maize; a kind or two of Flax, wherewith they make Nets, Lines, and Ropes, both small and great, very strong for their quantities.  

Woods.  Oak is the chief wood, of which there is great difference, in regard of the soil where it groweth, Fir, Pine, Walnut, Chestnut, Birtch, Ash, Elm, Cyprus, Cedar, Mulberry, Plum tree, hazel, Saxefras, and many other sorts.  

Birds.  Eagles, Grips, diverse sorts of Hawks, Craines, Geese, Brants, Cormorants, Ducks, Cranes, Swans, Sheldrakes, Teal, Meawes, Gulls, Turkeys, Dive-doppers, and many other sorts whose names I know not.  

Fishes.  Whales, Grompus, Porkpisces, Turbut, Sturgeon, Cod, Hake, Haddock, Cole, Cuske or small Ling, Shark, Mackerell, Herring, Mullit, Base, Pinnacks, Cunners, Perch, Eels, Crabs, Lobsters, Mustels, Wilks, Oysters, Clamps, Periwinkels, and diverse others, etc.  

Beasts.  Moos, a beast bigger than a Stag, Dear red and fallow, Bevers, Wolf's, Foxes both black and other, Aroughcunds, wild Cats, Bears, O●t●rs, M●●tins, Fitches, Musquassus, and diverse other sorts of Vermin whose names I kn●w not: all these and diverse other good things do here for want of use still increase and decrease with little diminution, whereby they grow to that abundance, you shall scarce find any bay, shallow shore or Cove of sand, where you may not take many clamps or Lobsters, or both at your pleasure, and in many places load your Boat if you please, nor Isles where you find not Fruits, Birds, Crabs, and Mi●stels, or all of them; for taking at a low water Cod, Cuske, Hollibut, Scare, Turbut, Mackerell, or such like are taken plentifully in diverse sandy Bays, store of Mullit, Bases, and diverse other sorts of such excellent fish as many as their Net can hold: no River where there is not plenty of Sturgeon, or Salmon, or both, all which are to be had in abundance observing but their seasons: but if a man will go at Christmas to gather Cherries in Kent, though there be plenty in Summer, he may be deceived; so here these plenties have each their seasons, as I hau● expressed; we for the most part had little but bread and Vinegar, and though the most part of july when the fishing decayed, they wrought all day, lay abroad in the Isles all night, and lived on what they found, yet were not sick: But I would wish none long put himself to such plunges, except necessity constrain it: yet worthy is that person to starve that here cannot live if he have sense, strength and health, for there is no such penury of these blessings in any place but that one hundred men may in two or three hours make their provisions for a day, and he that hath experience to manage these affairs, with forty or thirty honest industrious men, might well undertake (if they dwell in these parts) to subject the Saluages, and feed daily two or three hundred men, with as good Corn, Fish, and Flesh as the earth hath of those kinds, and yet make that labour but their pleasure: 
A note for men that have great spirits and small means.  provided that they have Engines that be proper for their purposes. Who can desire more content that hath small means, or but only his merit to advance his fortunes, then to tread and plant that ground he hath purchased by the hazard of his life; if he have but the taste of virtue and magnanimity, what to such a mind can be more pleasant than planting and building a foundation for his posterity, got from the rude earth by God's blessing and his own industry without prejudice to any, if he have any grain of faith or zeal in Religion, what can he do less hurtful to any, or more agreeable to God, then to seek to convert those poor Saluages to know Christ and humanity, whose labours with discretion will triple require thy charge and pain; what so truly suits with honour and honesty, as the discovering things unknown, erecting Towns, peopling Countries, informing the ignorant, reforming things unjust, teaching virtue and gain to our native mother Country; a Kingdom to attend her, find employment for those that are idle, because they know not what to do: so far from wronging any, as to cause posterity to remember thee, and remembering thee, ever honour that remembrance with praise. Consider what were the beginnings and end of the Monarchies of the Chaldeans, the Syrians, the Grecians and Romans, but this one rule; what was it they would not do for the good of their common weal, or their mother City? For example: Rome, what made her such a Monarchesse, but only the adventures of her youth, not in riots at home, but in dangers abroad, and the justice and judgement out of their experiences when they grew aged; what was their ruin and hurt but this, the excess of idleness, the fondness of parents, the want of experience in Magistrates, the admiration of their undeserved honours, the contempt of true merit, their unjust jealousies, their politic incredulities, their hypocritical seeming goodness and their deeds of secret lewdness; finally in fine, growing only formal temporists, all that their Predecessors got in many years they lost in a few days: those by their pains and virtues became Lords of the world, they by their case and vices became slaves to their servants; this is the difference betwixt the use of arms in the field, and on the monuments of stones, the golden age and the leaden age, prosperity and misery, justice and corruption, substance and shadows, words and deeds, experience and imagination, making common weals, and marring common weals, the fruits of virtue, and the conclusions of vice.  
Then who would live at home idly, or think in himself any worth to live, only to eat, drink and sleep, and so die; or by consuming that carelessly, his friends got worthily, or by using that miserably that maintained virtue honestly, or▪ for being descended nobly, and pine, with the vain vaunt of great kindred in penury, or to maintain a silly show of bravery, toil out thy heart, soul and time basely; by shifts, tricks, Cards and Dice, or by relating news of other men's actions, shark here and there for a dinner or supper, deceive thy friends by fair promises and dissimulation, in borrowing where thou never meanest to pay, offend the Laws, surfeit with excess, burden thy Country, abuse thyself, despair in want, and then cousin thy Kindred, yea even thy own brother, and wish thy Parent's death (I will not say damnation) to have their estates, though thou seest what honours and rewards the world yet hath for them, that will seek them and worthily deserve them.  
I would be sorry to offend, or that any should mistake my honest meaning; for I wish good to all, hurt to none: but rich men for the most part are grown to that dotage through their pride in their wealth, as though there were no accident could end it or their life.  
And what hellish care do such take to make it their own misery and their Country's spoil, especially when there is most need of their employment, drawing by all manner of inventions from the Prince and his honest Subjects, even the vital spirits of their powers and estates: as if their bags or brags were so powerful a defence, the malicious could not assault them, when they are the only bait to cause us not only to be assaulted, but betrayed and murdered in our own security ere we will perceive it.  

An example of secure covetousness.  May not the miserable ruin of Constantinople, their impregnable walls, riches and pleasures last taken by the Turk, which were then but a bit in comparison of their mightiness now, remember us of the effects of private covetousness, at which time the good Emperor held himself rich enough, to have such rich subjects, so formal in all excess of vanity, all kind of delicacy and prodigality: his poverty when the Turk besieged the Citizens (whose merchandizing thoughts were only to get wealth) little conceiving the desperate resolution of a valiant expert enemy, left the Emperor so long to his conclusions, having spent all he had to pay his young raw discontented Soldiers, that suddenly he, they, and their City were all a prey to the devouring Turk, and what they would not spare for the maintenance of them who adventured their lives to defend them, did serve only their enemies to torment them, their friends and Country, and all Christendom to this present day. Let this lamentable example remember you that are rich (seeing there are such great thieves in the world to rob you) not grudge to lend some proportion to breed them that have little, yet willing to learn how to defend you, for it is too late when the deed is doing.  
The Romans estate hath been worse than this, for the mere covetousness and extortion of a few of them so moved the rest, that not having any employment but contemplation, their great judgements grew to so great malice, as themselves were sufficient to destroy themselves by faction; let this move you to embrace employment, for those whose educations, spirits and judgements want but your purses, not only to prevent such accustomed dangers, but also to gain more thereby than you have; and you fathers that are either so foolishly fond, or so miserably covetous, or so wilfully ignorant, or so negligently careless, as that you will rather maintain your children in idle wantonness till they grow your masters, or become so basely unkind that they wish nothing but your deaths, so that both sorts grow dissolute, and although you would wish them any where to escape the Gallows and ease your cares, though they spend you fiere one, two or three hundred pound a year, you would grudge to give half so much in adventure with them to obtain an estate, which in a small time, but with a little assistance of your providence, might be better than your own; but if an Angel should tell you any place yet unknown can afford such fortunes, you would not believe it, no more than Columbus was believed there was any such land, as is now the well known abounding America, much less such large Regions are yet unknown, as well in America, as in Africa and Asia, and Terra i●cognita.  
I have not been so ill bred but I have tasted of plenty and pleasure, as well as want and misery; 
The Author's conditions.  nor doth necessity yet, or occasion of discontent force me to these endeavours, nor am I ignorant what small thanks I shall have for my pains, or that many would have the world imagine them to be of great judgement, that can but blemish these my designs, by their witty objections and detractions, yet (I hope) my reasons with my deeds will so prevail with some, that I shall not want employment in these affairs, to make the most blind see his own senselessness and incredulity, hoping that gain will make them affect that which Religion, Charity and the common good cannot. It were but a poor device in me to deceive myself, much more the King and State, my Friends and Country with these inducements, which seeing his Majesty hath given permission, I wish all sorts of worthy honest industrious spirits would understand, and if they desire any further satisfaction, I will do my best to give it, not to persuade them to go only, but go with them; not leave them there, but live with them there: I will not say but by ill providing and undue managing, such courses may be taken may make us miserable enough: but if I may have the execution of what I have projected, if they want to eat, let them eat or never digest me; If I perform what I say, I desire but that reward out of the gains may suit my pains, quality and condition, and if I abuse you with my tongue, take my head for satisfaction. If any dislike at the years end, defraying their charge, by my consent they should freely return; I fear not want of company sufficient, were it but known what I know of these Countries, and by the proof of that wealth I hope yearly to return, if God please to bless me from such accidents as are beyond my power in reason to prevent; for I am not so simple to think that ever any other motive than wealth will ever erect there a common wealth, or draw company from their ease and humours at home, to stay in New-England to effect my purposes.  
And lest any should think the toil might be insupportable, 
The Planters pleasures and profit.  though these things may be had by labour and diligence; I assure myself there are who delight extremely in vain pleasure, that take much more pains in England to enjoy it, than I should do here to gain wealth sufficient, and yet I think they should not have half such sweet content: for our pleasure here is still gains, in England charges and loss; here nature and liberty affords us that freely which in England we want, or it costeth us dearly. What pleasure can be more than being tired with any occasion a shore, in planting Vines, Fruits, or Herbs, in contriving their own grounds to the pleasure of their own minds, their Fields, Gardens, Orchards, Buildings, Ships, and other works, etc. to recreate themselves before their own doors in their own Boats upon the Sea, where man, woman and child, with a small hook and line, by angling may take diverse sorts of excellent Fish at their pleasures; and is it not pretty sport to pull up two pence, six pence, and twelve pence, as fast as you can hale and vere a line; he is a very bad Fisher cannot kill in one day with his hook and line one, two, or three hundred Cod, which dressed and dried, if they be sold there for ten shillings a hundred, though in England they will give more than twenty, may not both servant, master and Merchant be well content with this gain? if a man work but three days in seven, he may get more than he can spend unless he will be exceedingly excessive. Now that Carpenter, Mason, Gardiner, Tailer, Smith, Sailer, Forger, or what other, may they not make this a pretty recreation, though they fish but an hour in a day, to take more than they can eat in a week, or if they will not eat it, because there is so much better choice, yet sell it or change it with the Fishermen or Merchants for any thing you want, and what sport doth yield a more pleasing content, and less hurt and charge then angling with a hook, and crossing the sweet air from I'll to I'll, over the silent streams of a calm Sea, wherein the most curious may find profit, pleasure and content.  
Thus though all men be not fishers, yet all men whatsoever may in other matters do as well, for necessity doth in these cases so rule a common wealth, and each in their several functions, as their labours in their qualities may be as profitable because there is a necessary mutual use of all.  
For Gentlemen, 
Employments for Gentlemen.  what exercise should more delight them then ranging daily these unknown parts, using fowling and fishing for hunting and hawking, and yet you shall see the wild Hawks give you some pleasure in seeing them stoop six or seven times after one another an hour or two together, at the skults of Fish in the fair Harbours, as those a shore at a fowl, and never trouble nor torment yourselves with watching, mewing, feeding, and attending them, nor kill horse and man with running and crying, See you not a Hawk; for hunting also, the Woods, Lakes and Rivers afford not only chase sufficient for any that delights in that kind of toil or pleasure, but such beasts to hunt, that besides the delicacy of their bodies for food, their skins are so rich, as they will recompeuce thy daily labour with a Captains pay.  

Employments for Labourers.  For Labourers, if those that sow Hemp, Rape, Turnup's, Parsnips, Carrats, Cabbage, and such like; give twenty, thirty, forty, fifty shillings yearly for an Acre of Land, and meat, drink, and wages to use it, and yet grow rich: when better, or at least as good ground may be had and cost nothing but labour; it seems strange to me any such should grow poor.  
My purpose is not to persuade children from their parents, men from their wives, nor servants from their masters; only such as with free consent may be spared: but that each Parish, or Village, in City, or Country, that will but apparel their fatherless children of thirteen or fourteen years of age, or young married people that have small wealth to live on, here by their labour may live exceeding well. Provided always, that first there be a sufficient power to command them, houses to receive them, means to defend them, and meet provisions for them, for any place may be over-laine: and it is most necessary to have a fortress (ere this grow to practise) and sufficient masters, of all necessary, mecanicall qualities, to take ten or twelve of them for Apprentices; the Master by this may quickly grow rich, these may learn their trades themselves to do the like, to a general and an incredible benefit for King and Country, Master and Servant.  

Examples of the Spaniards.  It would be a History of a large volume, to recite the adventures of the Spaniards and Portugals, their affronts and defeats, their dangers and miseries; which with such incomparable honour, and constant resolution, so far beyond belief, they have attempted and endured in their discoveries and plantations, as may well condemn us of too much imbecility, sloth, and negligence; yet the Authors of these new inventions were held as ridiculous for a long time, as now are others that do but seek to imitate their unparallelled virtues, and though we see daily their mountains of wealth (sprung from the Plants of their generous endeavours) yet is our sensuality and untowardness such, 
The causes of our defailments.  & so great, that we either ignorantly believe nothing, or so curiously contest, to prevent we know not what future events; that we either so neglect, or oppress and discourage the present, as we spoil all in the making, crop all in the blooming; and building upon fair Sand rather than upon rough Rocks, judge that we know not, govern that we have not, fear that which is not; and for fear some should do too well, force such against their wills to be idle, or as ill. And who is he hath judgement, courage, and any industry or quality with understanding, will leave his Country, his hopes at home, his certain estate, his friends, pleasures, liberty, and the preferment sweet England doth afford to all degrees, were it not to advance his fortunes by enjoying his deserts, whose prosperity once appearing, will encourage others: but it must be cherished as a child, till it be able to go and understand itself, and not corrected nor oppressed above it strength, ere it know wherefore. A child can neither perform the office nor deeds of a man of strength, nor endure that affliction he is able: nor can an Apprentice at the first perform the part of a Master, and if twenty years be required to make a child a man, seven years limited an Apprentice for his trade: if scarce an age be sufficient to make a wise man a Statesman, and commonly a man dies ere he hath learned to be discreet; if perfection be so hard to be obtained, as of necessity there must be Practice as well as Theoric: Let no man then condemn this paradox opinion, to say that half seven years is scarce sufficient for a good capacity to learn in these affairs how to carry himself. And who ever shall try in these remote places the erecting of a Colony, shall find at the end of seven years' occasion enough to use all his discretion: and in the Interim, all the content, rewards, gains, and hopes, will be necessarily required, to be given to the beginning, till it be able to creep, to stand, and go, and to encourage desert by all possible means; yet time enough to keep it from running, for there is no fear● it will grow too fast, or ever to any thing, except liberty, profit, honour, and prosperity there found, more bind the Planters of those affairs in devotion to effect it; then bondage, violence, tyranny, ingratitude, and such double dealing, as binds free men to become slaves, and honest men turn knaves; which hath ever been the ruin of the most popular Commonweals, and is very unlikely ever well to begin anew.  
Who seeth not what is the greatest good of the Spaniard, 
The bliss of Spain.  but these new conclusions in searching those unknown parts of this unknown world; by which means he diues even into the very secrets of all his neighbours, and the most part of the world; and when the Portugals and Spaniards had found the East and West-Indies, how many did condemn themselves, that did not accept of that honest offer of Noble Columbus, who upon our neglect brought them to it, persuading ourselves the world had no such places as they had found: and yet ever since we find, they still (from time to time) have found new Lands, new Nations, and Trades, and still daily do find, both in Asia, Africa, Terra incognita, and America, so that there is neither Soldier nor Mechanic, from the Lord to the Beggar, but those parts affords them all employment, & discharges their native soil of so many thousands of all sorts, that else by their sloth, pride, and imperfections, would long ere this have troubled their neighbours, or have eaten the pride of Spain itself.  
Now he knows little that knows not England may well spare many more people than Spain, and is as well able to furnish them with all manner of necessaries; and seeing for all they have, they cease not still to search for that they have not, and know not; it is strange we should be so dull, as not maintain that which we have, and pursue that we know: Surely, I am sure many would take it ill, to be abridged of the titles and honours of their predecessors; when if but truly they would judge themselves, look how inferior they are to their Noble Virtues, so much they are unworthy of their honours and livings, which never were ordained for shows and shadows, to maintain idleness and vice, but to make them more able to abound in honour, by Heroical deeds of action, judgement, piety, and virtue. What was it both in their purse and person they would not do, for the good of their Commonwealth, which might move them presently to set out their spare children in these generous designs; Religion above all things should move us, especially the Clergy, if we are religious, to show our faith by our works, in converting those poor Saluages to the knowledge of God, seeing what pains the Spaniards takes to bring them to their adultered faith▪ Honour might move the Gentry, the valiant, and industrious, and the hope and assurance of wealth, all, if we were that we would seem, and be accounted; or be we so far inferior to other Nations, or our spirits so far dejected from our ancient predecessors, or our minds so upon spoil, piracy, and such villainy, as to serve the Portugal, Spaniard, Dutch, French, or Turk, (as to the cost of Europe too many do) rather than our God, our King, our Country, and ourselves; excusing our idleness and our base complaints by want of employment, when here is such choice of all sorts, and for all degrees, in the planting and discovering these North parts of America.   

My second voyage to New England.  
IN the year of our Lord 1615. I was employed by many my friends of London, 
My second Voyage to New England.  and Sir Ferdinando Gorges, a noble Knight, and a great favourer of those actions, who persuaded the reverend Dean of Exeter Doctor Sutliffe, and diverse Merchants of the West, to entertain this Plantation. Much labour I had taken to bring the Londoners and them to join together, because the Londoners have most Money, and the Western men are most proper for fishing; and it is near as much trouble, but much more danger, to fail from London to Plymouth, then from Plymouth to New England, so that half the voyage would thus be saved, yet by no means I could prevail, so desirous they were both to be Lords of this fishing. Now to make my words more apparent by my deeds, to begin a Plantation for a more ample trial of those conclusions, I was to have stayed there but with sixteen men, whose names were;  
Tho. Dirmer. Gent. john Gosling. Sould. Thomas Digby. Walter Chisell. were to learn to be Sailors. Edw. Stallings. William Ingram. Daniel Baker. Robert Miller. Daniel Cage. David Cooper. Adam Smith. And two Boys. Francis Abbot. john Partridge. Tho. Watson.  
I confess I could have wished them as many thousands, had all other provisions been in like proportion; nor would I have had so few, could I have had means for more: yet would God have pleased we had safely arrived, I doubted not but to have performed more than I promised, and that many thousands ere this would have been there ere now. 
The ground and plot for our plantation.  The main assistance next God I had to this small number, was my acquaintance amongst the Saluages, especially with Dohoday, one of their greatest Lords, who had lived long in England, and another called Tantum, I carried with me from England, and set on shore at Cape Cod; by the means of this proud savage, I did not doubt but quickly to have got that credit amongst the rest of the Saluages and their alliance, to have had as many of them as I desired in any design I intended, and that trade also they had by such a kind of exchange of their Country Commodities, which both with ease and security might then have been used with him and diverse others: I had concluded to inhabit and defend them against the Tarentines, with a better power than the French did them; whose tyranny did enforce them to embrace my offer with no small devotion: and though many may think me more bold than wise, in regard of their power, dexterity, treachery, and inconstancy, having so desperately assaulted, and betrayed many others; I say but this (because with so many, I have many times done much more in Virginia then I intended here, when I wanted that experience Virginia taught me) that to me it seems no more danger than ordinary: and though I know myself the meanest of many thousands, whose apprehensive inspection can pierce beyond the bounds of my abilities, into the hidden things of Nature, Art, and Reason: yet I entreat such, give me leave to excuse myself of so much imbecility, as to say, that in these eighteen years which I have been conversant with these affairs, I have not learned, there is a great difference betwixt the directions and judgement of experimental knowledge, and the superficial conjecture of variable relation: wherein rumour, humour, or misprision have such power, that oft times one is enough to beguile twenty, but twenty not sufficient to keep one from being deceived. Therefore I know no reason but to believe my own eyes before any man's imagination, that is but wrested from the conceits of my own projects and endeavours, but I honour with all affection, the counsel and instructions of judicial directions, or any other honest advertisement, so far to observe, as they tie me, not to the cruelty of unknown events. 
The means used to prevent it and n●c.  These are the inducements that thus drew me to me to neglect all other employments, and spend my time and best abilities in these adventures, wherein though I have had many discouragements, by the ingratitude of some, the malicious slanders of others, the falseness of friends, the treachery of cowards, and slowness of Adventurers.  
Now you are to remember, 
How I set sail and returned.  as I returned first from New England at Plymouth, I was promised four good ships ready prepared to my hand the next Christmas, and what conditions and content I would desire, to put this business in practice, and arriving at London, four more were offered me with the like courtesy. But to join the Londoners & them in one, was most impossible; so that january with two hundred pound in Chash for adventure, and six Gentlemen well furnished, I went from London to the four ships were promised me at Plymouth, but I found no such matter: and the most of those that had made such great promises, by the bad return of the ship went for Gold, and their private emulations, were extinct and qualified. Notwithstanding at last, with a labyrinth of trouble, though the greatest of the burden lay-on me, and a few of my particular friends, I was furnished with a ship of two hundred tons; and another of fifty: But ere I had sailed one hundred and twenty leagues, she broke all her Masts, pumping each watch five or six thousand strokes; only her spret-saile remained to spoon before the wind, till we had reaccommodated a jury-mast to return for Plymouth, or founder in the Seas.  
My Vice-admiral being lost, not knowing of this, proceeded her voyage; 
My reimbarkement, encounter with Pirates, and imprisonment by the French.  now with the remainder of those provisions, I got out again in a small Bark of sixty tuns with thirty men: for this of two hundred, and provision for seventy, which were the sixteen before named, and fourteen other Sailors for the ship; with those I set sail again the four and twentieth of june, where what befell me (because my actions and writings are so public to the world) envy still seeking to scandalise my endeavours, and seeing no power but death can stop the chat of ill tongues, nor imagination of men's minds, lest my own relations of those hard events might by some constructors be made doubtful, I have thought it best to insert the examinations of those proceedings, taken by Sir Lewis Stukley, a worthy Knight, and Vice-admiral of Devonshire, which was as followeth.   

The Examination of Daniel Baker, late Steward to Captain john Smith, in the return of Plymouth, taken before Sir Lewis Stukley Knight, the eighth of December, 1615.  
THE effect in brief was this: being chased by one Fry an English Pirate, Edward Chambers the Master, john Miller his Mate, Thomas Digby the Pilot, and diverse others importuned him to yield; much swaggering we had with them, more than the Pirates, who agreed upon such fair conditions as we desired, which if they broke, he vowed to sink rather than be abused. Strange they thought it, that a Bark of threescore tuns with four guns should stand upon such terms, they being eighty expert Seamen, in an excellent ship of one hundred and forty tuns, and thirty six cast Pieces and Murderers: But when they knew our Captain, so many of them had been his Soldiers, and they but lately run from Tunis, where they had stolen this ship, wanted victual, and in combustion amongst themselves, would have yielded all to his protection, or wafted us any whither: but those mutinies occasioned us to reject their offer, which afterward we all repent. For at Fiall we met two French Pirates, the one of two hundred tuns, the other thirty: no disgrace would cause our mutineers fight, till the Captain offered to blow up the ship rather than yield, till he had spent all his powder: so that together by the ears we went, and at last got clear of them for all their shot. At Flowers we were again chased with four French men of war, the Admiral one hundred and forty tuns, and ninety men well armed; the rest good ships, and as well provided: much parley we had, but vowing they were Rochilers, and had a Commission from the King only to secure true men, and take Portugals, Spaniards, and Pirates, and as they requested, our Captain went to show his Commission, which was under the broad Seal, but neither it nor their vows they so much respected, but they kept him, rifled our ship, manned her with French men, and dispersed us amongst their Fleet: within five or six days they were increased to eight or nine sail. At last they surrendered us our ship, and most of our provisions, the defects they promised the next day to supply, and did. Notwithstanding, there was no way but our mutineers would for England, though we were as near New England, till the major part resolved with our Captain to proceed. But the Admiral sending his Boat for our Captain, they espying a Sail, presently gave chase, whereby our mutineers finding an opportunity in the night ran away, and thus left our Captain in his Cap, Bretches, and Waistcoat, alone among the French men: his clothes, arms, and what he had, our mutineers shared among them, and with a false excuse, feigning for fear lest he should turn man of war, they returned for Plymouth: fifteen of us being Land-men, not knowing what they did. Daniel Cage, Edward Staling, Walter Chisell, David Cooper, Robert Miller, and john Partridge, upon oath affirms this for truth before the Vice-admiral.  

A double treachery.  Now the cause why the French detained me again, was the suspicion this Chambers and Minter gave them, that I would revenge myself upon the Bank, or in New found land, of all the French I could there encounter, and how I would have fired the ship, had they not over-persuaded me: and that if I had but again my Arms, I would rather sink by them, than they should have from me but the value of a Biscuit; and many other such like tales to catch but opportunity in this manner to leave me, and thus they returned to Plymouth, and perforce with the French men I thus proceeded. 
A fleet of nine French men of war, and fights with the Spaniard.  Being a fleet of eight or nine sail, we watched for the West-Indies fleet, till ill weather separated us from the other eight: still we spent our time about the Isles of the Assores, where to keep my perplexed thoughts from too much meditation of my miserable estate, I writ this Discourse, thinking to have sent it to you of his Majesty's Council by some ship or other, for I saw their purpose was to take all they could. At last we were chased by one Captain Barra, an English Pirate in a small ship, with some twelve Piece of Ordnance, about thirty men, and near all starved. They fought by courtesy relief of us, who gave them such fair promises, as at last they betrayed Captain Wollistone his Lieutenant, and four or five of his men aboard us, and then provided to take the rest perforce. Now my part was to be prisoner in the Gun-roome, and not to speak to any of them upon my life, yet had Barra knowledge what I was. Then Barra perceiving well those French intents, made ready to fight, and Wollistone as resolutely regarded not their threats, which caused us demur upon the matter longer some sixteen hours, and then returned them again Captain Wollistone and all their Prisoners, and some victual also upon a small composition: But whilst we were bartering thus with them; a carvel before our faces got under the Castle of Gratiosa, from whence they beat us with their Ordnance.  

A prize of Fish.  The next we took was a small English man of Pool from New found land: the great Cabin at this present was my prison, from whence I could see them pillage these poor men of all that they had, and half their fish: when he was gone, they sold his poor clothes at the main Mast by an outcry, which scarce gave each man seven pence a piece.  

A Scotch prize.  Not long after we took a Scot fraught from Saint michael's to Bristol, he had better fortune than the other; for having but taken a Boats loading of Sugar, Marmelade, Suckets, and such like, we descried four sail, after whom we stood, who forling their main Sails attended us to fight, but our French spirits were content only to perceive they were English red Crosses. Within a very small time after we chased 4. Spanish ships that came from the Indies, we fought with them four or five hours, tore their sails and sides with many a shot betwixt wind and weather, yet not daring to board them, lost them, for which all the Sailors ever after hated the Captain as a professed coward.  

A prize worth 36000 crowns.  A poor Caruill of Brasile was the next we chased; and after a small fight, thirteen or fourteen of her men being wounded, which was the better half, we took her with three hundred and seventy chests of Sugar, one hundred hides, and thirty thousand Rials of eight.  
The next was a ship of Holland, which had lost her Consorts in the straits of Magilans, going for the South sea, she was put roomy, she also these French men with fair promises, cunningly betrayed to come aboard them to show their Commission, and so made prize of all: the most of the Dutchmen we took aboard the Admiral, and manned her with Frenchmen, that within two or three nights after ran away with her for France, the wounded Spaniards we set on shore on the I'll of Tercera▪ the rest we kept to sail the carvel.  

A prize worth 300000 crowns.  Within a day or two after, we met a West-Indies man of war, of one hundred and sixty tuns, a fore noon we fought with her, and then took her with one thousand one hundred Hides, fifty Chests of Cutchancle, fourteen Coffers of wedges of Silver, eight thousand Rials of eight, and six Coffers of the King of Spain's Treasure, besides the good pillage and rich Coffers of many rich Passengers.  
Two months they kept me in this manner to manage their fights against the Spaniards, and be a Prisoner when they took any English. Now though the Captain had oft broke his promise, which was to put me on shore the Isles, or the next ship he took; yet at the last he was contented I should go in the carvel of Sugar for France, himself seeming as resolved to keep the Seas, but the next morning we all set sail for France, and that night we were separated from the Admiral and the rich prize by a storm. Within two days after we were hailed by two West-Indies men: but when they saw us waise them for the King of France▪ they gave us their broad sides, shot thorough our main Mast, and so left us. Having lived now this Summer amongst those French men of war, with much ado we arrived at the Gulion, not far from Rotchell: where in stead of the great promises they always fed me with, of double satisfaction and full content, and ten thousand Crowns was generally concluded I should have; they kept me five or six day's Prisoner in the carvel, accusing me to be he that burned their Colony in New France, to force me to give them a discharge before the judge of the Admiralty, and stand to their courtesies for satisfaction, or lie in prison, or a worse mischief: Indeed this was in the time of combustion, that the Prince of Candy was with his Army in the field, and every poor Lord, or men in authority, as little Kings of themselves: For this injury was done me by them that set out this voyage (not by the Sailors) for they were cheated of all as well as I, by a few Officers aboard, and the owners on shore.  
But to prevent this choice, 
My escape from the French men.  in the end of such a storm that beat them all under hatches, I watched my opportunity to get a shore in their Boat, whereinto in the dark night I secretly got, and with a half Pike that lay by me, put a drift for Rat Ile: but the currant was so strong, and the Sea so great, I went a drift to Sea, till it pleased God the wind so turned with the tide, that although I was all this fearful night of gusts and rain in the Sea the space of twelve hours, when many ships were driven ashore, and diverse split: (and being with skulling and bayling the water tired, I expected each minute would sink me) at last I arrived in an Oozy I'll by Charowne, where certain Fowlers found me near drowned, and half dead, with water, cold, and hunger. My Boat I pawned to find means to get to Rotchell; where I understood our man of war & the rich prize, wherein was the Cap. called Mounsieur Poyrune, and the thirty thousand Rials of eight we took in the carvel, was split, the Captain drowned and half his Company the same night, within six or seven leagues of that place; from whence I escaped in the little Boat by the mercy of God, far beyond all men's reason or my expectation, arriving at Rotchell: 
What law I had.  upon my complaint to the judge of the Admiralty, I found many good words and fair promises, and ere long many of them that escaped drowning, told me the news they heard of my own death: These I arresting, their several examinations did so confirm my complaint, it was held proof sufficient. All which being performed according to their order of justice, from under the judge's hand, I presented it to Sir Thomas edmond's, than Ambassador at Bordeaux, where it was my chance to see the arrival of the King's great marriage brought from Spain.  
Here it was my good fortune to meet my old friend Master Crampton, that no less grieved at my loss, then willingly to his power did supply my wants, and I must confess, I was more beholden to the French men that escaped drowning in the man of war, Madam Chanoyes at Rotchell, and the Lawyers of Bordeaux, than all the rest of my Countrymen I met in France. Of the wrack of the rich prize, some three thousand six hundred crowns worth of goods came ashore, and was saved with the carvel, which I did my best to arrest: the judge promised I should have justice, what will be the conclusion as yet I know not. But under the colour to take Pirates and the West-Indie men (because the Spaniards will not suffer the French to trade in the West-Indies) any goods from thence, though they take them upon the Coast of Spain are lawful prize, or from any of his Territories out of the limits of Europe: and as they betrayed me, though I had the broad-seale, so did they rob and pillage twenty sail of English men more, besides them I knew not of the same year.  

My return for England.  Leaving thus my business in France I returned to Plymouth, to find them had thus buried me amongst the French; and not only buried me, but with so much infamy as such treacherous cowards could suggest to excuse their villainies. The Chieftains of this mutiny that I could find, I laid by the heels, the rest like themselves confessed the truth, as you have heard. Now how I have or could prevent these accidents, having no more means, I rest at your censures; but to proceed to the matter; yet must I sigh and say, How oft hath Fortune in the world (think I) brought slavery, freedom, and turned all diversely. Newfoundland I have heard at the first, was held as desperate a fishing as this I project for New England, Placentia, and the Bank ne'er also as doubtful to the French: But for all the disasters happened me, the business is the same it was, and the five ships went from London, whereof one was reported more than three hundred tons, found fish so much, that neither Iceland man, nor Newfoundland man I could hear of hath been there, will go any more to either place, if they may go thither. So that upon the good return of my Vice-admiral, 
The success of my Vice-admiral.  this year are gone 4 or 5 sails, and from London as many, only to make voyages of profit: where from Plymouth, as if all the English had been there till my return, put all their returns together, they would scarce make one a savour of near a dozen I could nominate, except one sent by Sir Francis Popam; though there be fish sufficient, as I am persuaded, to fraugh yearly four or five hundred Sail, or as many as will go. For this fishing stretcheth along the Sea Coast from Cape james to Newfoundland, which is seven or eight hundred miles at the least, and hath his course in the deeps, and by the shore, all the year long, keeping their haunts and feedings, as the beasts of the field, and the birds of the air. But all men are not such as they should be, that have undertaken those voyages: All the Romans were not Scipiocs, nor Carthagenians Hanibals, nor all the Genw●ses Columbusses▪ nor all the Spaniards Courteses: had they dived no deeper in the secrets of their discoveries then we, or stopped at such doubts and poor accidental chances, they had never been remembered as they are, yet had they no such certainties to begin as we.  
But to conclude, Adam and Eve did first begin this innocent work to plant the earth to remain to posterity, but not without labour, trouble, and industry. No and his family began again the second Plantation; and their seed as it still increased, hath still planted new Countries, and one Country another, and so the world to that estate it is: but not without much hazard, travel, mortalities, discontents, and many disasters. Had those worthy Fathers, and their memorable offspring, not been more diligent for us now in these ages, than we are to plant that yet are unplanted for the after livers. Had the seed of Abraham, our Saviour Christ, and his Apostles, exposed themselves to no more dangers to teach the Gospel than we, even we ourselves had at this present been as savage, and as miserable as the most barbarous savage, yet uncivilized. The Hebrews and Lacedæmonians, the Goths, the Grecians, the Romans, and the rest, what was it they would not undertake to enlarge their Territories, every their subjects, resist their enemies. Those that were the founders of those great Monarchies and their virtues, were no silvered idle golden pharisees, but industrious Iron steeled Publicans: They regarded more provisions and necessaries for their people, than jewels, riches, ease, or delight for themselves; Riches were their Servants, not their Masters. They ruled (as Fathers, not as Titants) their people as Children, not as Slaves; there was no disaster could discourage them; and let none think they encountered not with all manner of encumbrances. And what hath ever been the work of the greatest Princes of the Earth, but planting of Countries, and civilising barbarous and inhuman Nations to civility and humanity, whose eternal actions fills our Histories.  
Lastly, the Portugals and Spaniards, whose everliving actions before our eyes will testify with them our idleness, and ingratitude to all posterities, and the neglect of our duties, in our piety and religion. We owe our God, our King and Country, and want of Charity to those poor Saluages, whose Country we challenge, use and possess; except we be but made to use, and mar what our forefathers made, or but only tell what they did, or esteem ourselves too good to take the like pains. Was it virtue in them to provide that doth maintain us, and baseness in us to do the like for others? Surely no. Then seeing we are not borne for ourselves, but each to help other, and our abilities are much alike at the hour of our birth, and the minute of our death: seeing our good deeds or our bad by faith in Christ's merits, is all we have, to carry our souls to heaven or hell. Seeing honour is our life's ambition, and our ambition after death to have an honourable memory of our life: and seeing by no means we would be abated of the dignities and glories of our predecessors, let us imitate their virtues to be worthily their successors: to conclude with Lucretius,  
Its want of reason, or its reasons want  
Which doubts the mind and judgement, so doth daunt,  
That those beginnings makes men not to grant.  
john Smith writ this with his own hand.   

Here followeth a brief Discourse of the trials of New England, with certain Observations of the Hollanders use and gain by fishing, and the present estate of that happy Plantation, begun but by sixty weak men, in the year of our Lord 1620. and how to build a fleet of good ships to make a little Navy Royal, by the former Author.  
HE saith, that it is more than four and forty years ago, 
M. D●e his report.  and it is more than forty years ago since he writ it; that the Herring Busses out of the Low Countries under the King of Spain, were five hundred, besides one hundred French men, and three or four hundred sail of Flemings. The Coast of Wales and Lancashire was used by 300 Sail of Strangers. Ireland at Beltamore, fraughted yearly three hundred sail of Spaniards, where King Edward the sixth intended to have made a strong Castle, because of the strait to have tribute for fishing. Black Rock was yearly fished by three or four hundred sail of Spaniards, Portugals, and Biskiners.  
The Hollanders raise yearly by Herring, Cod, and Ling, 
The benefit of fishing, as Mr Gentleman and others report.  thirty thousand pounds: English and French, by Saltfish, Poore-Iohn, Salmon, and Pilchards, three hundred thousand pounds: Hambrough and the Sound, for Sturgeon, Lobsters and Eels, one hundred thousand pounds: Cape Blank for Tunny and Mullit, by the Biskiners and Spaniards, thirty thousand pounds.  
That the Duke of Medina receiveth yearly tribute of the Fishers, for Tunny, 
The Records of Holland and other learned observers  Mallit, and Porgos, more than ten thousand pounds. Lubeck hath seven hundred ships; Hambrough six hundred; Emden lately a Fisher town, one thousand four hundred, whose customs by fishing hath made them so powerful as they be. Holland and Zealand not much greater than Yorkshire, hath thirty walled Towns, four hundred Villages, and twenty thousand sail of Ships and Hoys; three thousand six hundred are Fishermen, whereof one hundred are Doggers, seven hundred Pinks and Well-Boats, seven hundred Fraud-boats, Britters, and Tode-boats, with thirteen hundred Busses, besides three hundred that yearly fish about Yarmouth, where they sell their fish for Gold: and fifteen years ago they had more than an hundred and sixteen thousand Sea-faring-men.  
These fishing ships do take yearly two hundred thousand last of fish, twelve barrels to a last, which amounts to 300000. pounds by the fisher men's price, that 14. years ago did pay for their tenths three hundred thousand pound, which venting in Pumerland, Sprustia, Denmark, Lefeland, Russia, Swethland, Germany, Netherlands, England, or else where, etc. makes their returns in a year about threescore and ten hundred thousand pounds, which is seven millions; and yet in Holland there is neither matter to build ships nor merchandise to set them forth, yet by their industry they as much increase as other nations decay; but leaving these uncertainties as they are, of this I am certain.  
That the coast of England, Scotland and Ireland, the North Sea with Island and the Sound, Newfoundland and Cape Blank, do serve all Europe, as well the land towns as ports, and all the Christian shipping, with these sorts of staple fish, which is transported from whence it is taken many a thousand mile, viz. Herring, salt Fish, Poore-Iohn, Sturgeon, Mullit, Tunny, Porgos, Caviar, Buttargo.  
Now seeing all these sorts of fish, or the most part of them may be had in a land more fertile, temperate and plentiful of all necessaries, for the building of ships, boats and houses, and the nourishment of man, the seasons are so proper, and the fishings so near the habitations we may there make, that New-England hath much advantage of the most of those parts, to serve all Europe far cheaper than they can, who at home have neither wood, salt, nor food, but at great rates, at Sea nothing but what they carry in their ships, an hundred or two hundred leagues from the habitation. But New-englands' fishings is near land, where is help of Wood, Water, Fruits, Fowls, Corn or other refresh needful, and the Terceras, Mederas, Canaries, Spain, Portugal, Provaues, Savoy, Sicilia, and all Italy, as convenient markets for our dry fish, green fish, Sturgeon, Mullit, Caviar and Buttargo, as Norway, Swethland, L●●tuania or Germany for their Herring, which is hear also in abundance for taking; they returning but Wood, Pitch, Tar, Soap-ashes, Cordage, Flax, Wax, and such like commodities; we Wines, Oils, Sugars, Silks, and such merchandise as the Straits offoord, whereby our profit may equalise theirs, besides the increase of shipping and Mariners: and for proof hereof.  
In the year of our Lord 1614 you have read how I went from London: also the next year 1615. how four good ships went from London, and I with two more from Plymouth, with all our accidents, successes and returns: in the year 1616. ere I returned from France, the Londoners for all their loss by the Turks, sent four ships more; four more also went from Plymouth; after I returned from France, I was persuaded again to go to Plymouth with diverse of my friends with one hundred pound for our adventures besides our charges, but we found all things as untoward as before, and all their great promises nothing but air: yet to prepare the voyage against the next year, having acquainted a great part of the Nobility with it, and ashamed to see the Prince his Highness till I had done some what worthy his Princely view; I spent that Summer in visiting the Cities and Towns of Bristol, Exeter, Bastable, Bodnam, Perin, Foy, Milborow, Saltash, Dartmouth, 
My suit to the Country.  Absom, Tattnesse, and the most of the Gentry in Cornwall and Devonshire, giving them Books and Maps, showing how in six months the most of those ships had made their voyages, and some in less, and with what good success; by which incitation they seemed so well contented, as they promised twenty sail of ships should go with me next year, and in regard of my pains, charge, and former losses, the western Commissioners in behalf of themselves and the rest of the Company, and them hereafter that should be joined to them, contracted with me by articles indented under our hands, to be Admiral of that Country during my life, and in the renewing of their Letters-Patents so to be nominated. Half the fruits of our endeavours to be theirs, the rest our own; being thus engaged, now the business is made plain and likely to prosper, some of them would not only forget me and their promises, but also obscure me, as if I had never been acquainted in the business, but I am not the first they have deceived.  
There was four good ships prepared at Plymouth, but by reason of their disagreement, the season so wasted, as only two went forward, the one being of two hundred tons, returned well fraught to Plymouth, and her men in health, within five months; the other of fourscore tons went for elbow with dry fish and made a good return. In this voyage Edward Rowcroft, alias Stallings, a valiant Soldier, that had been with me in Virginia, and was with me also when I was betrayed by the French, was sent again in those ships, and having some wrong offered him there by a French man, he took him, and as he writ to me, went with him to Virginia with fish, to trade with them for such commodities as they might spare: he had not passed ten or twelve men, and knew both those countries well, yet he promised me the next spring to meet me in New-England, but the ship and he both perished in Virginia.  
This year again, diverse ships intending to go from Plymouth, so disagreed, there went but one of two hundred tons, who stayed in the Country about six weeks, which with eight and thirty men and boys had her fraught, which she sold at the first penny for 2100. besides the Furs: so that every poor Sailer that had but a single share had his charges and sixteen pound ten shillings for his seven months work. Master Thomas Di●m-ire an understanding and industrious Gentleman, that was also with m● amongst the French men, having lived about a year in Newfoundland, returning to Plymouth, went for New-England in this ship, so much approved of this Country, that he stayed there with five or six men in a little Boat, finding two or three French men amongst the Saluages who had lost their ship, augmented his company, with whom he ranged the Coast to Virginia, where he was kindly welcomed and well refreshed, thence returned to New-England again, where having been a year, in his back return to Virginia he was so wounded by the Saluages, he died upon it; let not men attribute these their great adventures, and untimely deaths to unfortunatenesse, but rather wonder how God did so long preserve them with so small means to do so much, leaving the fruits of their labours to be an encouragement to those our poor undertake, and as warnings for us not to undertake such great works with such small means, and this for advantage as they writ unto me, that God had laid this Country open for us, and slain the most part of the inhabitants by civil wars and a mortal disease, for where I had seen one hundred or two hundred Saluages, there is scarce ten to be found, and yet not any one of them touched with any sickness but one poor French man that died;  

They say this plague upon them thus sore fell,  
It was because they pleased not Tantum well.   
From the West Country to make trial this year only to fish, is gone six or seven sail, three of which I am certainly informed made so good a voyage, that every Sailer that had a single share had twenty pound for his seven months work, which is more than in twenty months he should have gotten, had he gone for wages any where. Now although these former ships have not made such good voyages as they expected, by sending opinionated unskilful men, that had not experienced diligence to save that they took, nor take that there was, which now patience and practice hath brought to a reasonable kind of perfection; in despite of all detractors and calumniations the Country yet hath satisfied all, the defect hath been in their using or abusing it, not in itself nor me: But,  

Adieu desert, for fortune makes provision  
For Knaves and Fools, and men of base condition.   

My suit to the City.  Now all these proofs and this relation I now called New-englands' trial. I caused two or three thousand of them to be printed, one thousand with a great many Maps both of Virginia and New-England. I presented to thirty of the chief Companies in London at their Halls, desiring either generally or particularly (them that would) to embrace it, and by the use of a stock of five thousand pound, to ease them of the superfluity of the most of their companies that had but strength and health to labour; near a year I spent to understand their resolutions, which was to me a greater toil and torment, then to have been in New-England about my business but with bread and water, and what I could get there by my labour; but inconclusion, seeing nothing would be effected, I was contented as well with this loss of time and charge as all the rest.   

A Plantation in New-England.  
Upon these inducements some few well disposed Gentlemen, and Merchants of London and other places, provided two ships, the one or a hundred and threescore tons▪ the other of threescore and ten, they left the Coast of England the two and thirtieth of August, with about a hunred and twenty persons, but the next day the lesser ship sprung a leak, that forced their return to Plymouth, where discharging her and twenty passengers; with the greater ship and one hundred passengers besides Sailors, they set sail again the sixth of September, and the ninth of November fell with Cape james, but being pestered nine weeks in this leaking unwholesome ship, lying wet in their Cabins, most of them grew very weak and weary of the Sea; then for want of experience, ranging two and again six weeks before they found a place they liked to dwell on, forced to lie on the bare ground without coverture, forty of them died, and threescore were left in very weak estate at the ships coming away, about the fifth of April following, and arrived in England the sixth of May. Though the Harbour be good, the shore is so shallow, they were forced to wade a great way up to the knees in water, & used that that did them much hurt; & little fish they found but Whailes, and a great kind of Muftell so fat, that few did eat of them that were not sick: these miseries occasioned some discord, and gave some appearance of faction, but all was so reconciled, that they united themselves by common consent under their hands, to a kind of combination of a body politic, by virtue whereof to enact and constitute laws and ordinances, and Officers from time to time, as should be thought most convenient for their general good.  
Sixteen or seventeen days they could do little for want of their Shallop which was amending, 
Their first journey by land.  yet Captain Miles Standish, unto whom was joined in Council, William Bradfor, Stephen Hopkins and Edward Tilly, went well armed a shore, and by that time they had gone a mile, met five or six Indians that fled into the Woods: we traced them by the footing eight or ten miles, than the night approaching we made a fire, by which we lay that night, and the next morning followed the Saluages by their tract, thinking to find their habitations, but by the way we found a Dear amongst many fair springs of water, where we refreshed ourselves; then we went a shore and made a fire, that they at the ship might perceive where we were, and so marched to a place where we supposed was a River; by the way we saw many Vines, Saxefras, haunts of Dear & Fowl, and some fi●ty Acres of plain ground had been planted by the Indians, where were some of their graves; from thence we followed a path that brought us through three or four fields had been planted that year; in one grave we digged, we found a basket or two of Indian Corn, so much as we could carry we took with us, the rest we buried as we found it, and so proceeded to the place we intended, but we found it not such a Harbour as we expected; and so we returned, till the night caused us take up our lodging under a tree, where it reigned six or seven hours: the next morning as we wandered, we passed by a tree, where a young sprig was bowed down over a bough, and some Acorns strewed under it, which was one of their Gins to a catch a Deer, and as we were looking at it, Bradford was suddenly caught by the leg in a noosed Rope, made as artificially as ours; as we passed we see a lease of Bucks, sprung some Partridges, and great flocks of wild Geese and Ducks, and so we returned well wearied to our ship.  
Master jones our Master with four and thirty men, 
Their first journey by Shallop.  also went up and down in the frost and snow, two or three days in the extremity of the cold, but could find no harbour; only among the old graves we got some ten bushels of Corn, some Beans, and a bottle of Oil; and had we not thus haply found it, we had had no Corn for seed, so that place we ever called Cornhill; the next day Master jones with the Corn and our weakest men returned to the Ship, but eighteen of us quartered there that night, and in the morning following the paths, we found in the Snow in a field a greater hill or grave then the rest, diging it we found first a Mat, under that a board three quarters long, painted and carved with three Tyns at the top like a Croner, between the Mats also were Bowls, Trays and Dishes and such trash, at length we found a fair new Mat, and under that two bundles, the one biggar the other less; in the greater we found a great quantity of fine red powder like a kind of imbalmement, and yielded a strong but no offensive smell, with the bones and skull of a man that had fine yellow hare still on it, and some of the flesh vnconsumed, a Knife, a Pack-needle, and two or three old Iron things was bound up in a Sailor's canvas Cassock, also a pair of cloth Breeches; in the less bundle we found likewise of the same powder, and the bones and head of a little child; about the legs and other parts of it was bound strings and bracelets of white beads, there was also a little Bow, and some other odd knacks, the prettiest we took, and covered again the corpse as they were: not far from thence were two of their houses, where were a great deal of their miserable household stuff, which we left as we found, and so returned to our Boat, and lay aboard that night.  
Many arguments we had to make here our Plantation or not; in the Interim, 
Accidents.  Mistress White was brought to bed of a young son, which was called Perigrine: and a Sailer shooting at a Whale, his piece flew in pieces stock and all, yet he had no hurt. A foolish boy discharging his father's piece hard by half a barrel of Powder, and many people by it, it pleased God it escaped firing, so that no hurt was done.  
But to make a more certain discovery where to seat ourselves, Captain Standish, 
Their second journey by water to find a place to plant in.  Master Carver, William Branford, Edward Winsloe, john Tilly, Edward Tilly, with diverse others to the number of seventeen, upon the sixth of December set sail, and having sailed six or seven leagues, we espied eight or ten Saluages about a dead grampus: still following the shore we found two or three more cast up by the ill weather, many we see in the water, therefore we called it Grampus Bay: Ships may ride well in it, but all the shore is very shallow slats of sand; at last seven or eight of us went a shore, many fields we saw where the Saluages had inhabited, and a burial place encompassed with a Palizado, so we returned to our Shallop, in the night we heard a hideous cry and howling of Wolves and Foxes; in the morning as we were ready to go into our Shallop, one of our men being in the woods, came running crying, Indians, Indians, and with all their Arrows flying amongst us, some of our men being in the boat, and their Arms a shore, so well it chanced, 
Their first fight with the Saluages.  Captain Standish with two or three more discharged their pieces till the rest were ready, one savage more stout than the rest kept under a tree, till he had shot three or four Arrows, and endured three or four Musket shot, but at last they all fled, this was about break of day in the morning when they saw us, and we not them.  

The description of their place to plant in.  Having the wind fair, we sailed along the coast 8. or 10. leagues, thinking to have got to a Harbour where one of our company had been, within 8. leagues of Cape Cod▪ for neither crick nor Harbour in this bay we could find; and the wind so increased, our Rudder broke, and our Mast flew overboard, that we were in danger to be cast away, but at last it pleased God we were in a harbour we knew not, thinking it one we were acquainted with, this we found to be an I'll where we rid that night, and having well viewed the land about it, and founded the Bay to be a good Harbour for our ship, compassed with good land, and in it two fair Isles, where there is in their seasons innumerable store of all sorts of fish and fowl, good water, much plain land, which hath been planted; with this news we returned to our ship, and with the next fair wind brought her thither, being but within the sight of Cape Cod; in the mean time Goodwife Alderton was delivered of a son, 
Another Boy borne in New-England. Their first Plantation.  but dead borne. Upon the 28. of December, so many as could went to work upon the hill, where we purposed to build our Platform for our ordnance, which doth command all the Plain and the Bay, and from whence we may see far into the Sea, and be easily impailed, so in the afternoon we went to measure out the grounds, and divided our company into 19 families, alloting to every person half a paul in breadth and three in length, and so we cast lots where every man should lie, which we staked out, thinking this proportion enough at the first to impale for lodgings and gardens.  

Two fair Lakes.  Francis Billington from the top of a tree seeing a great water some three miles from us in the land, went with the Master's Mate, and found it two great Lakes of fresh water, the bigger five or six miles in circuit, and an I'll in it of a Cables length square; the other three miles in compass, full of fish and fowl, and two brooks issuing from it, which will be an excellent help in time for us, where they saw seven or eight Indian houses, 
Two men lost themselves in the woods.  but no people. Four being sent a mile or two from our plantation, two of them straggling into the woods was left, for coming to a Lake of water they found a great Deer, having a mastiff Bitch and a Spanell with them, they followed so far they could not find the way back, that afternoon it reigned, and did freeze and snow at night; their apparel was very thin, and had no weapons but two sickles, nor any victuals, nor could they find any of the Saluages habitations; when the night came they were much perplexed that they had no other bed then the earth, nor coverture then the skies, but that they heard, as they thought, two Lions roaring a long time together very nigh them, so not knowing what to do, they resolved to climb up into a tree, though that would be an intolerable cold lodging, expecting their coming they stood at the trees root, and the bitch they held fast by the neck, for she would have been gone to the Lions or what they were, that as it chanced came not nigh them, so they watched the tree that extreme cold night, and in the morning travelling again, passing by many lakes, brooks and woods, and in one place where the Saluages had burnt 4. or 5. miles in length, which is a fine champion Country, in the afternoon they discovered the two Isles in their Bay, and so that night near famished they got to their Plantation, from whence they had sent out men every way to seek them; that night the house they had built and thatched, where lay their arms, bedding, powder, etc. took fire and was burnt, the Coast is so shoule, the ship rides more than a mile from the Fort, but God be thanked no man was hurt though much was burnt.  
All this time we could not have conference with a savage, 
Their first conference with a savage.  though we had many times seen them and had many alarms, so that we drew a Council, and appointed Captain Standish to have the command of all martial actions, but even in the time of consultation the Saluages gave an alarm: the next day also as we were agreeing upon his orders, came a tall savage boldly amongst us, not fearing any thing, and kindly bade us welcome in English; he was a Sagamo, towards the North, where the ships use to fish, and did know the names of most of the Masters that used thither: such victual as we had we gave him, being the first savage we yet could speak with, he told us this place where we were was called Patuxet, and that all the people three or four years ago there died on the plague: in a day or two we could not be rid of him, than he returned to the Massasoyts from whence he came, where is some sixty people, but the Nawsits are 100 strong, which were they encountered our people at the first. Two days after this Samoset, 
The second conference.  for so was his name, came again, and brought five or six of the Massasoyts with him, with certain skins, and certain tools they had got that we had left in the woods at their alarms: much frie●-dship they promised, and so departed, but Samoset would not leave us, but feigned himself sick, yet at last he went to entreat the Saluages come again to confirm a peace: now the third time, as we were consulting of our Marshal orders, two Saluages appeared, but when we went to them they vanished: not long after came Samo●et, & Squanto, a native of Patuxet where we dwell, and one of them carried into Spain by Hunt, thence brought into England, where a good time he lived; and now here signified unto us, their great Sachem of Massasoyt, with Quadaquina his brother, and all their men, was there by to see us: not willing to send our Governor, we sent Edward Wollisto with presents to them both, to know their minds, making him to understand by his Interpreters how King james did salute him and was his friend; after a little conference with twenty of his men, he came over the brook to our Plantation, where we set him upon a rug, and then brought our Governor to him with Drums and Trumpets; where after some circumstances, for they use few compliments, we treated of peace with them to this effect.  
That neither he nor any of his should injury or do hurt to any of us; 
Their conditions of peace.  if they did, he should send us the offender, that we might punish him, and we would do the like to him: if any did unjustly war against him, we would aid him, as he should us against our enemies, and to send to his neighbour confederates to certify them of this, that they might likewise be comprised in these conditions, that when any of them came to us, they should leave their Bow and Arrows behind them, as we would our pieces when we came to them, all which the King seemed to like well of, and was applauded of his followers, in his person he is a very lusty man, in his best years, an able body, grave of countenance, and spare of speech: in his attire little differing from the rest; after all was done, the Governor conducted him to the brook, but kept our hostage till our messengers returned: in like manner we used Quaddaquina, so all departed good friends.  
Two of his people would have stayed with us, but we would not permit them, only Sam●set and Squanto we entertained kindly; as yet we have found they intent to keep promise, for they have not hurt our men they have found straggling in the Woods, and are afraid of their powerful Adversaries the Narrobiggansets, against whom he hopes to make use of our help. The next day Squanto went a fishing for Eels, and in an hour he did tread as many out of the Ose with his feet as he could lift with his hand, not having any other instrument.  
But that we might know their habitations so well as they ours, Stephen Hopkins and Edward Winslo had Squa●tum for their guide and Interpreter; 
A journey to Pakanoki.  to Packanoki, the habitation of the King of Massasoyt, with a red horsemans' coat for a present, to entreat him by reason we had not victual to entertain them as we would, he would defend his people so much from visiting us; and if he did send, he should always send with the Messenger a copper Chain they gave him, that they might know he came from him, and also give them some of his Corn for seed: that night they lodged at Namasoet, some fifteen miles off: by the way we found ten or twelve women and children that still would pester us till we were weary of them, perceiving it is the manner of them, where victual is to be gotten with most ease, there they will live; but on that River of Namasch●t have been many habitations of the Saluages that are dead, and the land lies waste, and the River abounding with great plenty of fish, and hath been much frequented by the French.  

A great courage of two old Saluages.  The next day travelling with six or seven Indians, where we were to wade over the River, did dwell only two old men of that Nation then living, that thinking us enemies, sought the best advantage they could to fight with us, with a wonderful show of courage, but when they knew us their friends they kindly welcomed us; after we came to a town of the Massasoits, but at Pakanoki the King was not: 
How the King used them.  towards night he arrived and was very proud, both of our message and presents, making a great oration to all his people, Was not he Massasint, Commander of the country about him, was not such a town his, and the people of it, and 20. towns more he named was his? and should they not bring their skins to us? to which they answered, they were his and they would; victual they had none, nor any lodging, but a poor plank or two, a foot high from the ground, whereon his wife and he lay at the one end, we at the other, but a thin Mat upon them, two more of his chief men pressed by and upon us, so that we were worse weary of our lodging then of our journey. Although there is such plenty of fish and fowl and wild beasts, yet are they so lazy they will not take pains to catch it till mere hunger constrain them, for in two or three days we had scarce a meal's meat, whereby we were so faint, we were glad to be at home: besides what for the fleas, and their howling and singing in the night in their houses, and the Musketas without doors, our heads were as light for want of sleep, as our bellies empty for want of meat. 
A voyage to Nawsit.  The next voyage we made was in a Shallop with ten men to Nawsit, sixteen miles from us, to fetch a Boy was lost in the Woods we heard was there, whom Aspinet their King had bedecked like a savage, but very kindly he brought him to us, and so returned well to Patuyet.  
Immediately after the arrival of the last ship, they sent another of five and fifty tuns to supply them; with seven and thirty persons they set sail in the beginning of july, but being crossed by westernly winds, it was the end of August ere they could pass Plymouth, and arrived in New-England at New-Plimoth, now so called the 11. of November, where they found all the people they left so ill, lusty and well for all their poverties, except six that died: a month they stayed ere they returned to England, loaded with Clapboord, Wainscot and Walnut, with about three hogsheads of Beaver skins the 13. of December: and drawing near our coast was set on by a French man set out by the marquis of Cera, Governor of Ile Deu, where they kept the ship, imprisoned the Master and company, took from them to the value of 500▪ pound, and after 14. days sent them home with a poor supply of victual, their own being devoured by the marquis and his hungry servants.  
Now you are to understand this 37. brought nothing, but relied wholly on us to make us more miserable than before, which the Sachem Covanacus no sooner understood, but sent to Tusquantum our Interpreter, a bundle of new arrows in a Snakes skin; Tusquantum being absent, the Messenger departed, but when we understood it was a direct challenge, we returned the skin full of powder and shot, with an absolute defiance, which caused us finish our fortification with all expedition. Now betwixt our two Saluages, Tusquantum and Hobbamock, gre●● such great emulation, we had much ado to know which best to trust. In a journey we undertook, in our way we met a savage of Tusquantums, that had cut his face fresh bleeding, to assure us Massasoyt our supposed friend, had drawn his forces to Packanokick to assault us. Hobomak as confidently assured us it was false, and sent his wife as an espy to see; but when she perceived all was well, she told the King Massasoyt how Tusquantum had abused him, diverse Saluages also he had caused to believe we would destroy them, but he would do his best to appease us; this he did only to make his Countrymen believe what great power he had with us to get bribes on both sides, to make peace or war when he would, and the more to possess them with fear, he persuaded many we had buried the plague in our store house, which we could send when we listed whither we would, but at last all his knavery being discovered, Massasowat sent his knife with Messengers for his head or him, being his subject; with much ado we appeased the angry King and the rest of the Saluages, and freely forgave Tusquantum, because he speaking our language we could not well be without him.   

A journey to the Town of Namaschet, in defence of the King of Massasoyt, against the Narrohigganses, and the supposed death of Squantum.  
A Great difference there was betwixt the Narrohigganses and the Massasoytes, that had always a jealousy; Coubatant one of their petty Sachems' was too conversant with the Narrohigganses, this Coubatant lived much at Namas●het and much stormed at our peace with his King and others; also at Squantum, and Tokamahamon, and Hobomak our friends, and chief occasioners of our peace, for which he sought to muther Hobomak; yet Tokamahamon went to him upon a rumour he had taken Masasoyt prisoner, or forced him from his Country, but the other two would not, but in private to see if they could hear what was become of their King; lodging at Namaschet they were discovered to Coubatant, who surprised the house and took Squantum, saying, if he were dead the English had lost their tongue; Hobomak seeing that, and Coubatant held a knife at his breast, being a strong lusty fellow, broke from them and came to New-Plimoth, full of sorrow for Squantum, whom he thought was slain.  
The next day we sent ten men with him armed to be revenged of Coubatant, 
They surprise the Saluages.  who conducted us near Namaschet, where we rested and refreshed ourselves till midnight, and then we beset the house as we had resolved; those that entered the house demanded for Coubatant, but the Saluages were half dead with fear, we charged them not to stir, for we came to hurt none but Coubatant, for killing Squantum, some of them seeking to escape was wounded, but at last perceiving our ends, they told us Coubatant was gone and all his men, and Squantum was yet living, & in the town; in this hurly burly we discharged two pieces at random, which much terrified all the inhabitants except Squantum and Tokamahamon, who though they knew not the end of our coming, yet assured themselves of our honesties, that we would not hurt them; the women and children hung about Hobomak▪ calling him friend, and when they saw we would hurt no women, the young youths cried we are women; to be short, we kept them all, and whilst we were searching the house for Coubatant, Hobomak had got to the top, and called Squantum & Tokamahamon, which came unto us accompanied with others, some armed, others naked, those that had bows we took them from them, promising them again when it was day: the house we took for our quarter that night and discharged the prisoners, and the next morning went to breakfast to Squantums house; thither came all them that loved us to welcome us, but all Coubatants faction was fled, than we made them plainly know the cause of our coming, & if their King Massasoyt were not well, we would be revenged upon the Narrohiggansets, or any that should do injury to Hobomak, Squantum, or ●ny of their friends; as for those were wounded we were sorry for it, and offered out Surgeon should heal them, of this offer a man and a woman accepted, that went home with us, accompanied with Squantum, and many other known friends, that offered us all the kindness they could.  
From the West of England there is gone ten or twelve ships to fish, which were all well fraughted: those that came first at Elbow, made seventeen pound a single share, besides Bevers, Otters, and Martin's skins; but some of the rest that came to the same ports, that were all ready furnished, so glutted the market, that the price was abated, yet all returned so well contented, that they are a preparing to go again.  
There is gone from the West Country only to fish, five and thirty ships, and about the last of April two more from London; the one of one hundred tons, the other of thirty, with some sixty Passengers to supply the Plantation. Now though the Turk and French hath been somewhat too busy in taking our ships, would all the Christian Princes be truly at unity, as his Royal Majesty our Sovereign King james desireth, seventy Sail of good ships were sufficient to fire the most of his Coasts in the Levant, and make such a guard in the straits of Hellespont, as would make the great Turk himself more afraid in Constantinople, than the smallest Red-Crosse that crosses the Seas would be, either of any French Pickaroun, or the Pirates of Algere.   

An abstract of diverse Relations sent from the Colony in New England, july 16. 1622.  

Notes and observations.  SInce the massacre in Virginia, though the Indians continue their wont friendship, yet we are more wary of them then before; for their hands hath been imbrued in much English blood, only by too much confidence, but not by force, and we have had small supplies of any thing but men. Here I must entreat a little your favours to digress, they did not kill the English in Virginia, because they were Christians: but for their weapons and Copper, which were rare novelties; but now they fear we may beat them out of their dens, which Lions and Tigers will not admit but by force. But must this be an argument for an English man, and discourage any in Virginia or New England: No, for I have tried them both, as you may read at large in the History of Virginia; notwithstanding since I came from thence, the Honourable Company hath been humble suitors to his Majesty, to get vagabonds and condemned men to go thither; nay, so the business hath been so abused, that so much scorned was the name of Virginia, some did choose to be hanged ere they would go thither, and were: Yet for all the worst of spite, detraction, and discouragement, and this iamentable massacre, there is more honest men now suitors to go, than ever hath been constrained knaves. And it is not unknown to most men of understanding, how happy many of those Collumners hath thought themselves that they might be admitted; and yet pay for their passage to go now to Virginia, and I fear me there goeth too many of those, that hath shifted here till they could no longer; and they will use that quality there till they hazard all.  
To range this Country of New England in like manner, I had but eight, as is said, and amongst their bruit conditions, I met many of their silly encounters, and I give God thanks, without any hurt at all to me, or any with me. When your West-country men were so wounded and tormented with the Saluages, though they had all the Politic directions that had been gathered from all the secret informations could be heard of, yet they found little, and returned with nothing. I speak not this out of vainglory, as it may be some gleaners, or some who were never there may censure me; but to let all men be assured by those examples, what those Saluages are, that thus strangely do murder and betray our Countrymen: but to the purpose;  
The Paragon with thirty seven men sent to relieve them, miscarried twice upon our English Coast, whereby they failed of their supplies. It is true, 
They lived two years without supply.  there hath been taken one thousand Bases at a draught; and in one night twelve Hogsheads of Herrings: but when they wanted all necessaries both for fishing and sustenance, but what they could get with their naked industry, they endured most extreme wants, having been now near two years without any supply to any purpose, it is a wonder how they should subsist, much less so to resist the Saluages, fortify themselves, plant sixty acres of Corn, besides their Gardens that were well replenished with many usual fruits. But in the beginning of july came in two ships of Master weston's, though we much wanted ourselves, 
weston's Plantation.  yet we relieved them what we could: and to requite us, they destroyed our Corn and Fruits then planted, and did what they could to have done the like to us. At last they were transported to Wichaguscusset at the Massachusets', where they abused the Saluages worse than us. We having neither Trade, nor scarce any thing remaining, God sent in one Master jones, and a ship of weston's had been at Monahigan amongst the Fishermen, that for Beaver skins and such Merchandise as we had, very well refreshed us, though at dear rates. Weston left also his men a small Bark, and much good provision, and so set sail for England. Then we joined with them to trade to the Southward of Cape Cod, twice or thrice we were forced to return; first by the death of their Governor; then the sickness of Captain Standish. At last our Governor Master Bradford undertook it himself to have found the passage betwixt the Shoules and the Main, 
The death of Tusquantum.  than Tusquantum our Pilot died, so that we returned to the Massachusets', where we found the trade spoiled, and nothing but complaints betwixt the Saluages and the English. At Nawset we were kindly used and had good trade, though we lost our Barge, the Saluages carefully kept both her wrack, and some ten Hosheads of Corn three months, and so we returned some by land, some in the ship.  
Captain Standish being recovered, went to fetch them both, 
Tusquantum at his death desired the English to pray he might go dwell with the English men's God, for theirs was a good God.  and traded at Namasket and Monomete, where the people had the plague, a place much frequented with Dutch and French. Here the Sachem put a man to death for killing his fellow at play, wherein they are so violent, they will play their coats from their backs, and also their wives, though many miles from them. But our provision decaying, Standish is sent to Mattachist, where they pretended their wont love; yet it plainly appeared they intended to kill him. Escaping thence, we went to Monomete, where we found nothing but bad countenances. Hear one Wittuwamat a notable villain, would boast how many French and English he had slain: This Champion presenting a Dagger to the Sachem Canacum he had got from the English, 
They contrive to murder all the English.  occasioned us to understand how they had contrived to murder all the English in the Land, but having such a fair opportunity, they would begin here with us. Their scornful usage made the Captain so passionate to appease his anger and choler, their intent made many fair excuses for satisfaction: Scarborow a lusty savage, always seeming the most to effect us, bestowed on us the best presents he had without any recompense, saying; He was rich enough to bestow such favours on his friends, yet had undertaken to kill the Captain himself, but our vigilencies so prevented the advantage they expected, we safely returned, little suspecting in him any such treachery.  
During this time a Dutch ship was driven a shore at Massasowat, 
The sickness of King Massasowat.  whose King lay very sick, now because it is a general custom then for all their friends to visit them: Master Winslow, and Master Hamden, with Habamok for their guide, were sent with such Cordials as they had to salute him; by the way they so oft heard the King was dead, Habamok would break forth in those words, My loving Sachem, my loving Sachem, many have I known, but never any like thee, nor shall ever see the like amongst the Saluages; for he was no liar, nor bloody and cruel like other Indians, in anger soon reclaimed, he would be ruled by reason, not scorning the advice of mean men, and governed his men better with a few strokes, than others with many: truly loving where he loved, yea he feared we had not a faithful friend left amongst all his Countrymen, showing how oft he had restrained their malice, much more with much passion he spoke to this purpose, till at last we arrived where we found the Dutchmen but newly gone, and the house so full we could hardly get in. By their charms they distempered us that were well, much more him that was sick, women rubbing him to keep heat in him; but their charms ended, understanding of us, though he had lost his sight, 
His cure by the English.  his understanding failed not; but taking Winslow by the hand, said, Art thou Winslow, Oh Winslow, I shall never see thee again! Hobamock telling him what restauratives they had brought, he desired to taste them, with much ado they got a little Confexion of many comfortable Conserves into his mouth, as it desolued he swallowed it, then desoluing more of it in water, they scraped his tongue, which was all furred & swollen, and washed his mouth, and then gave him more of it to eat, and in his drink, that wrought such an alteration in him in two or three hours, his eyes opened to our great contents; with this and such broths as they there provided for him, it pleased God he recovered: and thus the manner of his sickness and cure caused no small admiration amongst them.  

The King's thankfulness.  During the time of their stay to see his recovery, they had sent to New Plymouth for diverse good things for him, which he took so kindly, that he fully revealed all the former conspiracies against us, to which he had oft been moved; and how that all the people of Powmet, Nawset, Succonet, Mattachist, Manamet, Augawam, and Capawac, were joined to murder us; therefore as we respected our lives, kill them of Massachuset that were the authors; for take away the principals and the plot will cease, thus taking our leaves, & arriving at our fort, we found our brave liberal friend of Pamet drawing Standish to their Ambuscadoes, which being thus discovered, 
A bad example.  we sent him away, as though he knew not suspected any thing. Them at the Massachusets', some were so vild they served the Saluages for victual, the rest sent us word the Saluages were so insolent, they would assault them though against their Commission, so fearful they were to break their Commission, so much time was spent in consultations, they all were famished, till Wassapinewat again came and told them the day of their execution was at hand.  

Captain Standish sent to suppress the Saluages.  Then they appointed Standish with eight chosen men, under colour of Trade to catch them in their own trap at Massachuset, & acquaint it with the English in the Town, where arriving he found none in the Bark, and most of the rest without Arms, or scarce clothes, wandering abroad, all so sencelesly secure, he more than wondered they were not all slain, with much ado he got the most of them to their Town. The Saluages suspecting their plots discovered, Pecksnot a great man, and of as great a spirit, came to Habamak, who was then amongst them, saying; Tell Standish we know he is come to kill us, but let him begin when he dare. Not long after many would come to the Fort and whet their Knives before him, with many braving speeches. One amongst the rest was by Wittawamat bragging he had a Knife, that on the handle had the picture of a woman's face, but at home I have one hath killed both French & English, and that hath a man's face on it, and by and by these two must marry: but this here, by and by shall see, and by and by eat, but not speak; Also Pecksnot being of a greater stature than the Captain, told him, though he were a great Captain he was but a little man, and I though no Sachem, yet I am of great strength and courage. These things Standish bore patiently for the present; but the next day seeing he could not get many of them together, but these two Roarers, and two more being in a convenient room, 
Two desperate Saluages slain.  and his company about him, Standish feased on Pecksnots Knife then hanging about his neck, wherewith he slew him, and the rest slew Wittuwamat and the other savage, but the youth they took, who being Brother to Wittuwamat, and as villainous as himself, was hanged. It is incredible how many wounds they endured, catching at their weapons without any fear or bruit, till the last gasp. Habamack stood by all this time very silent, but all ended, he said, Yesterday Pecksnot bragged of his strength and stature, but I see you are big enough to lay him on the ground.  
The Town he left to the guard of weston's people: 
The Saluages over co●●med.  three Saluages more were slain; upon which rumour they all fled from their houses. The next day they met with a file of Saluages that let fly their Arrows, shot for shot till Hobamack showed himself, and then they fled. For all this, a savage Boy to show his innocency, came boldly unto us and told us: Had the English Fugitives but finished the three Canowes' they were a making, to have taken the ship, they would have done as much to all the English, which was only the cause they had forborn so long. But now consulting and considering their estates, those that went in the Pinnace to Barty Isles to get passage for England, the rest to New Plymouth, where they were kindly entertained. The Sachem Obtak●est, & Powas, and diverse other were guilty, the three fugitives in their fury there slew; but not long after so distracted were those poor scattered people, they left their habitations, living in swamps, where wi●h cold and infinite diseases they endured much mortality, suing for peace, and crying the God of England is angry with them. Thus you see where God pleases, as some flourish, others perish.  
Now on all hands they prepare their ground, and about the midst of April, in a fair season they begin to plant till the latter end of May; but to God pleased, 
An extreme drought.  that in six weeks after the latter setting there scarce fell any rain; so that the stalk was first set, began to care ere it came to half growth, and the last not like to yield any thing at all. Our Beans also seemed so withered, we judged all utterly dead, that now all our hopes were overthrown, and our joy turned into mourning. And more to our sorrow, we heard of the twice return of the Paragon▪ that now the third time was sent us three months ago, but no news of her: only the signs of a wrack we saw on the Coast which we judged her. This caused not every of us to enter into a private consideration betwixt God and our consciences, but most solemnly to humble ourselves before the Lord by fasting and praying, to relieve our dejected spirits by the comforts of his mercy. In the morning when we assembled all together, the skies were as clear, and the drought as like to continue as ever; yet our exercise continued eight or nine hours. Before our departure, the skies were all overcast, 
A wonderful blessing & sign of God's love.  and on the next morning distilled such soft, sweet, moderate showers, continuing fourteen days, mixed with such seasonable weather, as it was hard to say, whether our withered Corn, or drooping affections were most quickened and revived; such was the bounty and mercy of God. Of this the Indians by the means of Hobamock took notice, who seeing us use this exercise in the midst of the week, said; It was but three days since Sunday, and desired to know the reason; which when he understood, he and all of them admired the goodness of God towards us, showing the difference betwixt their conjurations and our prayers, and what storms and dangers they oft receive thereby. To express our thankfulness, we assembled together another day, as before, and either the next morning, or not long after, came in two ships to supply us, and all their Passengers well except one, and he presently recovered. For us, notwithstanding all these wants, there was not a sick person amongst us. The greater ship we returned fraught; the other we sent to the Southward, to trade under the command of Captain Altom. So that God be thanked, we desire nothing, but what we will return Commodities to the value.  

Thus all men find our great God he,  
That never wanted nature,  
To teach his truth, that only he  
Of every thing is Author.   
For this year from England is gone about forty sail of ships, only to fish, 
Forty sail sent to fish.  and as I am informed, have made a far better voyage than ever.  
Now some new great observers will have this an Island, because I have writ it is the Continent: others report, that the people are so bruit, they have no religion, wherein surely they are deceived; for my part, I never heard of any Nation in the world which had not a Religion, 
Their Religion.  dear, bows and arrows. They believe as do the Virginians, of many divine powers, yet of one above all the rest, as the Southern Virginians call their chief God Kewassa, and that we now inhabit Oak, but both their Kings Werowance. The Masachusets' call their great God Kiehtan, and their Kings there about'ts Sachems': The Penobscotes their greatest power Tantum, and their Kings Sagomes. Those where is this Plantation, say Ki●htan made all the other Gods: also one man and one woman, and of them all mankind, but how they became so dispersed they know not. They say, at first there was no King but Kiehtan that dwelleth far westerly above the heavens, whither all good men go when they die, and have plenty of all things. The bad men go thither also and knock at the door, but he bids them go wander in endless want and misery, for they shall not stay there. They never saw Kiehtan, but they hold it a great charge and duty, that one age teach another; and to him they make feasts, and cry and sing for plenty and victory, or any thing is good. They have another Power they call Hobam●ck, which we conceive the Devil, and upon him they call to cure their wounds and diseases: when they are curable he persuades them he sent them, because they have displeased him; but if they be mortal, than he saith, Kiehtan sent them, which makes them never call on him in their sickness. They say this Hobamock appears to them sometimes like a Man, a Dear, or an Eagle, but most commonly like a Snake; not to all, but only to their Powahs to cure diseases, and V●deses, which is one of the chief next the King, and so bold in the wars, that they think no weapon can kill them: and those are such as conjure in Virginia, and cause the people to do what they list.  

Their Government.  For their Government: every Sachem is not a King, but their great Sachems' have diverse Sachems' under their protection, paying them tribute, and dare make no wars without his knowledge; but every Sachem taketh care for the Widows, Orphans, the aged and maimed, nor will they take any to first wife, but them in birth equal to themselves, although they have many inferior Wives and Concubines that attend on the principal; from whom he never parteth, but any of the rest when they list, they inherit by succession, and every one knows their own bounds. To his men, he giveth them land, also bounded, and what Deer they kill in that circuit, he hath the sore-part; but it in the water, only the skin: But they account none a man, till he hath done some notable exploit: the men are most employed in hunting, the women in slavery; the younger obey the elders: their names are variable; they have harlots and honest women: the harlots never marry, or else are widows. They use divorcement, and the King commonly punisheth all offenders himself: when a maid is married, she cutteth her hair, and keeps her head covered till it be grown again. Their arts, games, music, attire, burials, and such like, differ very little from the Virginians, only for their Chronicles they make holes in the ground, as the others set up great stones. Out of the Relations of Master Edward Winslow.  

An answer to Objections.  Now I know the common question is, For all those miseries, where is the wealth they have got, or the Gold or Silver Mines? To such greedy unworthy minds I say once again: The Sea is better than the richest Mine known, and of all the fishing ships that went well provided, there is no complaint of loss nor misery, but rather an admiration of wealth, profit, and health. As for the land were it never so good, in two years so few of such small experience living without supplies so well, and in health, it was an extraordinary blessing from God. But that with such small means they should subsist, and do so much, to any understanding judgement is a wonder. Notwithstanding, the vain expectation of present gain in some, ambition in others, that to be great would have all else slaves, and the carelessness in providing supplies, hath caused those defailements in all those Plantations, and how ever some bad conditions will extol the actions of any Nation but their own: yet if we may give credit to the Spaniards, Portugals, and French writings, they endured as many miseries, and yet not in twenty years effected so much, nay scarce in forty.  
Thus you may see plainly the yearly success from New England by Virginia, 
The ordinary voyage to go to Virginia or New-England.  which hath been so costly to this Kingdom, and so dear to me, which either to see perish, or but bleed; Pardon me though it passionate me beyond the bounds of modesty, to have been sufficiently able to foresee their miseries, and had neither power nor means to prevent it. By that acquaintance I have with them, I call them my children, for they have been my Wife, my Hawks, Hounds, my Cards, my Dice, and in total, my best content, as indifferent to my heart, as my left hand to my right. And notwithstanding, all those miracles of disasters have crossed both them and me, yet were there not an Englishman remaining, as God be thanked notwithstanding the massacre there are some thousands; I would yet begin again with as small means as I did at first, not that I have any secret encouragement (I protest) more than lamentable experience; for all their discoveries I have yet heard of, are but Pigs of my own Sow, nor more strange to me, then to hear one tell me he hath gone from Billingsgate and discovered Gravesend, Tilbury, Quinborow, Lee, and Margit, which to those did never hear of them, though they dwell in England, might be made some rare secrets and great Countries unknown, except some few Relations of Master Dirmer. In England, some are held great travellers that have seen Venice, and Rome, Madrill, Toledo, Seville, Algere, Prague, or Ragonsa, Constantinople, or jerusalem, and the Pyramids of Egypt; that think it nothing to go to Summer Isles, or Virginia, which is as far as any of them; and I hope in time will prove a more profitable and more laudable journey: as for the danger, you see our Ladies and Gentlewomen account it nothing now to go thither; and therefore I hope all good men will better apprehend it, and not suffer them to languish in despair, whom God so wonderfully and oft hath preserved.  
What here I have writ by Relation, if it be not right I humbly entreat your pardons, but I have not spared any diligence to learn the truth of them that have been actors, or sharers in those voyages; In some particulars they might deceive me, but in the substance they could not: for few could tell me any thing, except where they fished. But seeing all those have lived there, do confirm more than I have writ, I doubt not but all those testimonies with these new begun examples of Plantation, will move both City and Country, freely to adventure with me more than promises.  
But because some Fortune-tellers say, I am unfortunate; 
The objections against me.  had they spent their time as I have done, they would rather believe in God then their calculations, and peradventure have given as bad an account of their actions, and therefore I entreat leave to answer those obiecters, that think it strange, if this be true, I have made no more use of it, rest so long without employment, nor have no more reward nor preferment: To which I say;  
I think it more strange they should tax me, 
My answer.  before they have tried as much as I have, both by land and sea, as well in Asia and Africa, as Europe and America, where my Commanders were actors or spectators, they always so freely rewarded me, I never needed be importunate, or could I ever learn to beg: What there I got, I have spent; yet in Virginia I stayed, till I left five hundred behind me better provided then ever I was, from which blessed Virgin (ere I returned) sprung the fortunate habitation of Summer Iles.  
This Virgin's Sister, now called New England, at my humble suit, by our most gracious Prince Charles, hath been near as chargeable to me and my friends: for all which, although I never got shilling but it cost me a pound, yet I would think myself happy could I see their prosperities.  
But if it yet trouble a multitude to proceed upon these certainties, 
Considerations.  what think you I undertook when nothing was known but that there was a vast land? I never had power and means to do any thing, though more hath been spent in formal delays than would have done the business, but in such a penurious and miserable manner, as if I had gone a begging to build an University: where had men been as forward to adventure their purses, and perform the conditions they promised me, as to crop the fruits of my labours, thousands ere this had been bettered by these designs. Thus betwixt the spur of desire and the bridle of reason, I am near ridden to death in a ring of despair; the reins are in your hands, therefore I entreat you ease me, and those that think I am either idle or unfortunate, may see the cause and know: unless I did see better dealing, I have had warning enough not to be so forward again at every motion upon their promises, unless I intended nothing but to carry news; for now they dare adventure a ship, that when I went first would not adventure a groat, so they may be at home again by Michaelmas, which makes me remember and say with Master Hackluit; Oh incredulity the wit of fools, that slovingly do spit at all things fair, a sluggards Cradle, a Coward's Castle, how easy it is to be an Infidel. But to the matter: By this all men may perceive, the ordinary performance of this voyage in five or six months, the plenty of fish is most certainly approved; and it is certain, from Cannada and New England, within these six years hath come near twenty thousand Beaver skins: Now had each of these ships transported but some small quantity of the most increasing Beasts, Fowls, Fruits, Plants, and Seeds, as I projected; by this time their increase might have been sufficient for more than one thousand men: But the desire of present gain (in many) is so violent, and the endeavours of many undertakers so negligent, every one so regarding their private gain, that it is hard to effect any public good, and impossible to bring them into a body, rule, or order, unless both honesty, as well as authority and money, assist experience. But your homebred engrossing Proiecters will at last find, there is a great difference betwixt saying and doing, or those that thinks their directions can be as soon and easily performed, as they can conceit them; or that their conceits are the fittest things to be put in practice, or their countenances maintain Plantations. But to conclude, the fishing will go forward whether you plant it or no; whereby a Colony may be then transported with no great charge, that in short time might provide such fraughts, to buy on us there dwelling, as I would hope no ship should go or come empty from New England.  

The charge.  The charge of this is only Salt, Nets, Hooks, Lines, Knives, Irish-rugges, course cloth, Beads, Glass, and such trash, only for fishing and trade with the Saluages, besides our own necessary provisions, whole endeavours would quickly defray all this charge, and the Saluages did entreat me to inhabit where I would. Now all those ships till these last two years, have been fishing within a square of two or three leagues, and scarce any one yet will go any further in the Port they fish in, where questionless five hundred may have their fraught as well as elsewhere, and be in the market ere others can have the fish in their ships, because New England's fishing begins in February, in Newfoundland not till the midst of May; the progression hereof tends much to the advancement of Virginia and Summer Isles, whose empty ships may take in their fraughts there, and would be also in time of need a good friend to the Inhabitants of Newfoundland.  

The order of the western men.  The returns made by the Western men, are commonly divided in three parts; one for the owner of the ship; another for the Master and his Company; the third for the victuallers, which course being still permitted, will be no hindrance to the Plantation as yet go there never so many, but a means of transporting that yearly for little or nothing, which otherwise will cost many hundreds of pounds. 
The gains.  If a ship can gain twenty, thirty, fifty in the hundred; nay three hundred for one hundred in seven or ten months, as you see they have done, spending twice so much time in coming and going as in staying there: were I there planted, seeing the variety of the fishings serve the most part of the year, and with a little labour we might make all the Salt we need use, as is formerly said, and can conceive no reason to distrust of good success by God's assistance; beside for the building of ships, no place hath more convenient Harbours, ebb, nor flood, nor better timber; and no Commodity in Europe doth more decay than wood.   

Master Dee his opinion for the building of ships.  
MAster Dee recordeth in his British Monarchy, 
The effects of shipping.  that King Edgar had a Navy of four thousand sail, with which he yearly made his progress, about this famous Monarchy of Great Britain, largely declaring the benefit thereof; whereupon he projected to our most memorable Queen Elizabeth, the erecting of a Fleet of sixty Sail, he called a little Navy Royal: imitating that admired Pericles Prince of Athens, that could never secure that tormented estate, until he was Lord and Captain of the Sea. At this none need wonder, for who knows not her Royal Majesty during her life, by the incredible adventures of her Royal Navy, and valiant Soldiers and Seamen, notwithstanding all treacheries at home, the protecting and defending France and Holland, and reconquering Ireland; yet all the world by Sea and Land both feared or loved, and admired good Queen Elizabeth. Both to maintain and increase that incomparable honour (God be thanked) to her incomparable Successor, our most Royal Lord and Sovereign King james, this great Philosopher hath left this to his Majesty and his Kingdom's consideration: that if the tenths of the earth be proper to God, it is also due by Sea. The King's high ways are common to pass, but not to dig for Mines or any thing: So England's Coasts are free to pass but not to fish, but by his Majesty's Prerogative.  
His Majesty of Spain permits none to pass the Pope's order, 
The Pope's order for the East and West Indies.  for the East and West Indies but by his permission, or at their perils; if all that world be so justly theirs, it is no injustice for England to make as much use of her own shores as strangers do, that pay to their own Lords the tenth, and not to the owner of those liberties any thing to speak of, whose subjects may neither take nor sell any in their Territories: which small tribute would maintain this little Navy Royal, and not cost his Majesty a penny, and yet maintain peace with all Foreigners, and allow them more courtesy than any Nation in the world affords to England. It were ashame to allege, that Holla●d is more worthy to enjoy our fishing as Lords thereof, because they have more skill to handle it then we, as they can our wool and undressed Cloth, notwithstanding all their wars and troublesome disorders.  
To get money to build this Navy, he saith, 
How to get money to build this little Navy.  who would not spare the one hundreth penny of his rents, and the five hundreth penny of his goods; each servant that taketh forty shillings wages, four pence; and every foreigner of seven years of age four pence, for seven years; not any of these but they will spend three times so much in pride, wantonness, or some superfluity: And do any men love the security of their estates, that of themselves would not be humble suitors to his Majesty to do this of free will as a voluntary benevolence, or but the one half of this (or some such other course as I have prounded to diverse of the Companies) free from any constraint, tax, lottery, or imposition; so it may be as honestly and truly employed, as it is projected, the poorest Mechanic in this King-would gain by it. Then you might build ships of any proportion and numbers you please, five times cheaper than you can do here, and have good merchandise for their fraught in this unknown Land, to the advancement of God's glory, his Church and Gospel, and the strengthening and relief of a great part of Christendom without hurt to any, to the terror of Pirates, the amazement of enemies, the assistance of friends, the securing Merchants, and so much increase of Navigation, to make England's trade and shipping as much as any Nations in the world, besides a hundred other benefits, to the general good of all true subjects, & would cause thousands yet unborn to bless the time, and all them that first put it in practice.  

Contention for New-englands' goods, not her good.  Now lest it should be obscured as it hath been to private ends, or so weakly undertaken by our overweening incredulity, that strangers may possess it whilst we contend for New-englands' goods, but not England's good; I have presented it as I have said, to the Prince and Nobility, the Gentry and Commonalty, hoping at last it will move the whole land to know it and consider of it; since I can find them wood and half victual, with the foresaid advantages: were this Country planted, with what facility they may build and maintain this little Navy Royal, both with honour, profit and content, and inhabit as good a Country as any in the world within that parallel, which with my life and what I have, I will endeavour to effect, if God please and you permit. But no man will go from hence to have less freedom there then here, nor adventure all they have to prepare the way for them will scarce thank them for it; and it is too well known there have been so many undertakers of Patents, and such sharing of them, as hath bred no less discouragement than wonder, to hear such great promises and so little performance; in the Interim, you see the French and Dutch already frequent it, and God forbid they in Virginia, or any of his Majesty's subjects, should not have as free liberty as they. To conclude, were it not for Master Cherley and a few private adventurers with them, what have we there for all these inducements? 
The necessity of martial power.  As for them whom pride or covetousness lulleth asleep in a Cradle of slothful carelessness, would they but consider how all the great Monarchies of the earth have been brought to confusion, or but remember the late lamentable experiences of Constantinople, and how many Cities, Towns and Provinces, in the fair rich Kingdoms of Hungaria, Transiluania, Wallachia & Moldavia, and how many thousands of Princes, Earls, Barons, Knights, Merchants, and others, have in one day lost goods, lives and honours, or sold for slaves like beasts in a market place, their wives, children and servants slain, or wand'ring they knew not whither, dying or living in all extremities of extreme miseries and calamities, surely they would not only do this, but give all they have to enjoy peace and liberty at home, or but adventure their persons abroad; to prevent the conclusions of a conquering Foe, who commonly assaulteth and best prevaileth where he findeth wealth and plenty, most armed with ignorance and security.  
Though the true condition of war is only to suppress the proud and defend the innocent, as did that most generous Prince Sigismundus, Prince of those Countries, against them whom under the colour of justice and piety, to maintain their superfluity of ambitious pride, thought all the world too little to maintain their vice, and undo them, or keep them from ability to do any thing, that would not admire and adore their honours, fortunes, covetousness, falsehood, bribery, cruelty, extortion, and ingratitude, which is worse than cowardice or ignorance, and all manner of vildness, clean contrary to all honour, virtue, and nobleness. john Smith writ this with his own hand.  
Here follow certain notes and observations of Captain Charles Whitbourne concerning Newfound land, which although every master trained up in fishing, can make their proportions of necessaries according to their custom, yet it is not much amiss here to insert them, that every one which desires the good of those actions know them also. Besides in his Book entitled, A discovery of Newfound land, and the commodities thereof, you shall find many excellent good advertisements for a Plantation; and how that most years this Coast hath been frequented with 250. sail of his Majesty's subjects, which supposing but 60. tons a piece, one with another, they amount to 15000. tons, and allowing 25 men and boys to every Bark, they will make 5000. persons, whose labours return yearly to about 135000. pound sterling, besides the great numbers of Brewers, Bakers, Coupers, Ship-Carpenters, Net-makers, Rope-makers, Hookemakers, and the most of all other mecanicall trades in England.   

The charge of letting forth a ship of 100 tuns with 40. persons, both to make a fishing voyage, and increase the Plantation.  
 l. s. d. INprimis, 10000 weight of Biscuit at 15. s. a 100 weight. 82. 10.  26 Tun of Beer and Cider at 53. s. 4. d. a Tun. 69. 7.  2 Hogsheads of English Beef. 10.   2 Hogsheads of Irish Beef. 5.   10 Fat Hogs salted with Salt and Cask. 10. 10.  30 Bushels of Pease. 6   2 Ferkins of Butter. 3.   200 Weight of Cheese. 2. 10.  1 Bushel of Mustardseed.  6.  1 Hogshead of Vinegar. 1. 5.  Wood to dress meat withal. 1.   1 Great Copper Kettle. 2.   2 Small Kettles. 2.   2 Frying-pans'.  3. 4. Platters, Ladles and Cans. 1.   a pair of Bellowes for the Cook.  2. 6. Taps, Boriers and Funnels. 2.   L●cks for the Bread rooms.  2. 6. 100 weight of Candles. 2. 10.  1, 0 quarters of Salt at 2. s. the Rushell. 10. 4.  Mats & dinnage to lie under it. 2. 10.  Salt Shovels.  10  Particulars for the 40. persons to keep 8. fishing boats at Sea, with 3. men in every boat, imploies 24. and 500 foot of Elm boards of an inch thick, 8. s. each one. 2.   2000 Nails for the 8. Boats, at 13. s. 4. d. a 1000 1. 6 8. 4000 Nails at 6. s 8. d. 1000 1. 6 8. 2000 Nails at 5. d. 100  8.  500 weight of pitch at 8. s. 100 2.   2000 of good orlop nails. 2. 5.  More for other small necessaries. 3.   A barrel of Tar.  10.  200 weight of black Ocome. 1.   Thrums for pitch Maps.  1. 6. Bolls, Buckets and Pumps. 1.   2 brazen Crocks. 2.   Canvas to make Boat sails & small ropes, at 25. s. for each sail, 12. 10.  10 road Ropes which contain 600. weight at 30 s the 100 10.   12 dozen of fishing lines. 6.   24 d●z●n of fishing hooks. 2.   for Squid line.  3.  For Pots and liver mands.  18.  Iron works for the boats ruthers. 2.   10 Kipnet Irons.  10.  Twine to make kipnets' and gagging hooks.  6.  10 good Nets at 26. s. a net. 13.   2 Saynes, a great and a less. 12.   200 weight of Sow-lead. 1.   2 couple of ropes for the Saynes. 1.   Dry-fats to keep them in.  6.  T●ine for store.  5.  Flaskets and bread Baskets.  15.  For hair cloth. 10.   3. Tuns of vinegar cask for water. 1. 6. 8. 1 do●zen of Deal Bourds.  10.  2 Barrels of Oatmeal. 1. 6.  100 weight of Spikes. 2. 5.  2 good Axes, 4. hand Hatchets, 4. Drawers, 2. drawing Irons.  16.  3 yards of wollencloth for cuffs.  10.  8 yards of good Cannasse.  10.  A Grand-stone or two.  6.  1000 of poor john to spend in going. 6. 10.  1 Hogshead of Aquavitae. 4.   4 arm Saws, 4. Handsawes, 4. thwart Saws, 3. Augers, 2. Crows of Iron, 3. Sledges, 4. shod Shovels, 2. Picaxes, 4. Mattocks; and 4. Hammers. 5.   The total sum is 410. 11. 0.  
All these provisions the Master of Purser is to be accountable what is spent and what is left, with those which shall continue there to plant, and of the 40. thus provided for the voyage, ten may well be spared to leave behind them, with 500 weight of Biscuit, 5. hogsheads of Cider or beer, half a hogshead of Beef, 4 sides of dry Bacon, 4. bushel of Pease, half a ferkin of Butter, half 100 weight of Cheese, a peck of Mustardseed, a barrel of Vinegar, 12. pound of Candles, 2. pecks of Oatmeal, half a hogshead of Aquavitae, 2. copper Kettles, 1. brass Crock, 1. Frying-pan, a Grindstone, and all the Hatchets, Woodhooks, Saws, Augers, etc. and all other iron tools, with the 8. Boats and their implements, and spare salt, and what else they use not in a readiness from year to year, and in the mean time served them to help to build their houses, cleanse land, and further their fishing whilst the ships are wanting.  
By his estimation and calculation these 8. Boats with 22. men in a Summer do usually kill 25000. fish for every Boat, which may amount to 200000. allowing 120. fishes to the 100 sometimes they have taken above 35000. for a Boat, so that they load not only their own ship, but provide great quantities for sacks, or other spare ships which come thither only to buy the overplus: if such ships come not, they give over taking any more, when sometimes there hath been great abundance, because there is no fit houses to lay them in till another year, now most of those sacks goeth empty thither, which might as well transport men's provision and cattle at an easy rate as nothing, either to New-England or Newfound land, but either to transport them for nothing or pay any great matter for their liberty to fish, will hardly effect so much as freedom as yet; nor can this be put in practice as before I said, till there be a power there well planted and settled to entertain and defend them, assist and relieve them as occasion shall require, otherways those small divisions will effect little, but such miserable conclusions as both the French and we too long have tried to our costs. Now commonly 200000. fish will load a ship of 100 tons in Newfound land, but half so many will near do it in New-England, which carried to Toloune or Merselus, ●here the custom is small, and the Kintall less than 90. English▪ pounds' weight, and the prize when least, 12. shillings the Kintall, which at that rate amounts to 1320. l. starling; and the ship may either there be discharged or employed as hath been said to refraught for England, so that the next year she may be ready to go her fishing voyage again, at a far cheaper rate than before.  
To this add but 12. tuns of train oil, which delivered in New found land, is 10. l. the tun, makes 120. l. then it is hard if there be not 10000 of Co●●fish, which also sold there at 5. l. the 1000 makes 50. l. which brought to England, in sums places yields near half so much more; but ●f at Mers●lus it be sold for 16. d. the Quintal, as commonly it is, and much dearer, it amounts to 1760. l. and if the Boats follow the fishing ●ll the 15. of October, they may take 80000. more, which with their train in Newfound land at 4. l. the 1000 will amount to 320. l. which added to 1320. l. with 120. l. for Oil, and 10000 of Corfish 50. l. and the overplus at Merselus, which will be 440. l. make the total 2250. l. which divided in three parts according to their custom, the Victualer hath for the former particulars, amounting to 420. l. 751. l. so all the charge defrayed, he gains 331. l. 11. s. then for the fraught of the ship there is 751. l. and so much for the Master and his company, which comparing with the voyages hath been made to New-England, you may easily find which is the better though both be good. But now experience hath taught them at New-Plimoth, 
The facility of the fishing lately observed.  that in April there is a fish much like a Herring that comes up into the small Brooks to spawn, and where the water is not knee deep, they will press up through your hands, yea though you beat at them with Cudgels, and in such abundance as is incredible, which they take with that facility they manure their land with them when they have occasion; after those the Cod also presseth in such plenty, even into the very Harbours, they have caught some in their arms, and hook them so fast, three men oft loadeth a Boat of two tuns in two hours, where before they used most to fish in deep water.   

The present estate of New-Plimoth.  
AT New-Plimoth there is about 180 persons, some cattle and goats, 
The present estate of the plantation at New-Plimoth. 1624.  but many swine and poultry, 32 dwelling houses, whereof 7 were burnt the last winter, and the value of five hundred pounds in other goods; the Town is impailed about half a mile compass. In the town upon a high Mount they have a Fort well built with wood, loom, and stone, where is planted their Ordnance: Also a fair Watchtower, partly framed for the Sentinel, the place it seems is healthful, for in these last three years, notwithstanding their great want of most necessaries, there hath not one died of the first planters, they have made a salt work, and with that salt preserve the fish they take, and this year hath fraughted a ship of 180. tons. The Governor is one Mr. William Bradford, their Captain Miles Standish; a bred Soldier in Holland; the chief men for their assistance is Master Isaak Alderton, and diverse others as occasion serveth; their Preachers are Master William Bruster and Master john Layford.  
The most of them live together as one family or household, 
Their order of government.  yet every man followeth his trade and profession both by sea and land, and all for a general stock, out of which they have all their maintenance, until there be a divident betwixt the Planters and the Adventurers. Those Planters are not servants to the Adventurers here, but have only counsels of directions from them, but no injunctions or command, and all the masters of families are partners in land or whatsoever, setting their labours against the stock, till certain years be expired for the division: they have young men and boys for their Apprentices and servants, and some of them special families, as Ship-carpenters, Salt-makers, Fish-masters, yet as servants upon great wages. The Adventurers which raised the stock to begin and supply this Plantation were about 70. some Gentlemen, some Merchants, some handicraft's men, some adventuring great sums, some small, as their estates and affection served. The general stock already employed is about 7000. l. by reason of which charge and many crosses, many of them would adventure no more, but others that knows, so great a design cannot be effected without both charge, loss and crosses, are resolved to go forward with it to their powers; which deserve no small commendations and encouragement. These dwell most about London, they are not a corporation, but knit together by a voluntary combination in a society without constraint or penalty, aiming to do good & to plant Religion; they have a Precedent & Treasurer, every year newly chosen by the most voices, who ordereth the affairs of their Courts and meetings, and with the assent of the most of them, undertaketh all ordinary businesses, but in more weighty affairs, the assent of the whole Company is required. There hath been a fishing this year upon the Coast about 50. English ships: and by Cape Anne, there is a Plantation a beginning by the Dorchester men, which they hold of those of New-Plimoth, who also by them have set up a fishing work; some talk there is some other pretended Plantations, all whose good proceedings the eternal God protect and preserve. And these have been the true proceedings and accidents in thos● Plantations.  
Now to make a particular relation of all the acts and orders in the Courts belonging unto them, of the anihilating old Patents and procuring new; with the charge, pains and arguments, the reasons of such changes, all the treaties, consultations, orations, and dissensions about the sharing and dividing those large territories, confirming of Counsellors, electing all sorts of Officers, directions, Letters of advice, and their answers, disputations about the Magazines and Impositions, su●ers for Patents, positions for Freedoms, and confirmations with complaints of injuries here, and also the mutinies, examinations, arraignements, executions, and the cause of the so oft revolt of the Saluages at large, as many would have had, and it may be some do expect it would make more quarrels then any of them would willingly answer, & such a volume as would tyre any wise man but to read the contents; for my own part I rather fear the unpartial Reader will think this rather more tedious than necessary: but he that would be a practitioner in those affairs, I hope will allow them not only needful but expedient: but how ever, if you please to bear with those errors I have committed, if God please I live, my care and pains shall endeavour to be thankful: if I die, accept my good will: If any desire to be further satisfied, what defect is found in this, they shall find supplied in me, that thus freely have thrown myself with my mite into the Treasury of my Country's good, not doubting but God will stir up some noble spirits to consider and examine if worthy Columbus could give the Spaniards any such certainties for his design, when Queen Isabel of Spain set him forth with 15. sail, and though I promise no Mines of gold, yet the warlike Hollanders let us imitate but not hate, whose wealth and strength are good testimonies of their treasury gotten by fishing; and New-England hath yielded already by general computation one hundred thousand pounds at the least. Therefore honourable and worthy Country men, let not the meanness of the word fish distaste you, for it will afford as good gold as the Mines of Guiana or Pot●ssie, with less hazard and charge, and more certainty and facility. I. S. I. S.  
FINIS.    

Errata  
PAg. 1. line 7. for Quineth, read Guineth. pag. 153. li. 5. read from the company. and li. 20. for 25000. pounds read 2500. pounds. pag. 164. li. 53. for 1500. men, read 150. men, pag. 168. li. 11. for Goston read Gofton, and Coranto Quowarranto, and li. 13 read before the judges in Westminster hall, for the Lords of his Majesty's Privy Counsel. There are many other errors, which being but small I entreat the courteous reader to correct as he findeth them.