THE PRUDENTIALL BALANCE OF RELIGION, Wherein the Catholic and Protestant religion are weighed together with the weights of Prudence, and right Reason. THE FIRST PART, In which the foresaid Religions are weighed together with the weights of Prudence and right Reason according to their first founders in our English Nation, S. Austin and Mar. Luther. And the Catholic religion evidently deduced through all our Kings and Archbishopps of Canterbury from S. Austin to our time, and the valour and virtue of our Kings, and the great learning and Sanctity of our Archbishopps, together with divers Saints and miracles which in their times proved the Catholic faith; so set down as it may seem also an abridgement of our Ecclesiastical Histories. With a Table of the Books and Chapters contained in this Volume. PSALM. 118. The wicked have told me fables, but not as thy Law. Printed with Licence. 1609. EPISTLE TO THE MOST Noble and renowned ENGLISH NATION my most dear Countrymen. 1. RIGHT Honourable, right worshipful, and dearly beloved Countrymen give me leave to join you all in one Epistle, whom I contain in one breast of love, and include in one link of entire affection. Because the end for which I writ unto you concerneth you all alike and equally, to wit, the true Religion and worship of God, and salvation of your own souls. A matter us of the greatest weight and worthiest of Search, foe in these our miserable days of most controversy and perplexed difficulty. Wherein to help you the better to discern true gold from shining brass, true religion from false and counterfeit. I have framed for you a prudential Balance of Religion. by which every one of you, may by the weights and rules of right reason, and true prudence weigh the Roman Catholic and the Protestant religion together, and distinctly perceive whither of them is more likely to come from God and to lead you to him. Why this course of comparing religions is taken. 2. And this course of comparing these two religions together I have taken before any other, because as the Philosopher teacheth and experience confirmeth. Contraria juxta se posita magis elucescunt: Contraries put together do more appear. As beauty in presence of deformity seemeth more gracious and deformity more ugly; Truth before lies appeareth more love lie, and lies more odious; virtue before vice more amiable, and vice more detestable. Every thing as it were striving to show itself more when it is set as it were to wrestle with the contrary. And I have made choice of comparing these religions according to the rules of ttue prudence and right reason, Why the comparing of religions according to rules of wisdom is chosen before others. rather than otherwise, as the most general, most easy, most evident, and most effectual for all sorts of people. for albeit Catholics & Protestants agree that to be the true religion of God which is most agreeable to his word, yet sith they neither agree which is his word, (Protestant's rejecting much of that which Catholics reverence for God's heavenly word) nor which is they sense thereof, Thus Tertullian lib. de prescript. proved by▪ reason the Cath. religion to be preferred before any heresy. they can not be brought to agree about one balance of God's word whereby they may weigh their religions together. Besides that not only Catholics teach but also Protestants confess, that the weaker sort of Christians can not judge which is the true exposition of Scriptures. And therefore to weigh religions to them by the balance of Scripture, D. Reinolds Confer. pag. 149. were to weigh one unknown thing by an other. But the weights of Prudence and right reason are both common and evident to all, & therefore the weighing of religions by them must needs be most general, most easy, and most effectual with all sorts of people. And if any refuse to have their religion tried by these kinds of weights, What religion is against wisdom and reason is folly. they confess thereby that they fear their religion to be contrary to wisdom and reason, which is as much as to be fabulous and foolish. For what can be opposite to wisdom and reason but folly and fables? 3. Nether let any think that that religion which is most agreeable to Prudence and the light of reason, is not also most agreeable to Scripture. Because reason and Scripture are both God his word and Gods truth, the one natural, written by his own hand in our souls by creation; the other supernatural, written in paper with the hands of his holy Scribes by revelation. The agreableness of Religion and reason. And therefore though these two words be of different degree they can not be contrary, but rather as twins of one and the self same parent have great sympathy and connexion together. For as God doth not by his grace destroy the natural inclination of our will to good but perfecteth it: So by his word and faith he extinguisheth not but increaseth the natural insight which our understanding hath of truth. yea such is the force of our understanding to pierce into God's truth as that by it the Philosophers (as the Apostle witnesseth Rom. 1.) came to know the invisible proprieties of God and his everlasting power & divinity. S. Paul. And sith we see that men by the light of reason know so much of other moral virtues as without all other teaching they perceive in many things what is honest, what dishonest, what just, what unjust, what is virtue, what vice, why should we doubt that God hath given to us equal knowledge of matters of religion and worship of himself. Which virtue as it is the chiefest of all moral virtues, so the knowledge thereof is most necessaire of them all unto us. Yea S. Austin accounted so much of Reason as lib. de util. credendi cap. 12. he said that Recta ratio est ipsa virtus. S. Austin. because it is the natural square and rule which God even in creation giveth to every one to know what he ought to do. Calwin. And Caluin saith that Semen religionis est in mente humana. And jewel art. 6. diuis. 12. that natural reason holden within her bonds is not the enemy, jewel. but the daughter of God's truth. And therefore he must be very unreasonable that will without cause be angry with reason. Doct Reinolds. And Doctor Reinolds in his conference pag. 207. saith, Reason is a notable help of man's weakness. This rule therefore of natural reason and prudence given unto us by God, common and evident to all authorized by verdict of the Apostle, confirmed by reason and approved by consent both of Catholics and Protestants is that wherewith I intent to direct you in the choice of Religion, and the Balance wherewith I purpose to to weigh before your eyes the two more famous religions which are in our Land. 4. Not because I think that only natural light of reason is able without all supernatural illustration from God to discern in all points which is the true religion. But because it is able to discover which is false Religion, and amongst many religions it can judge, which is most likely to be the true for albeit God hath not made his faith and religion evidently true, S. Greg. hom. 26. in evang. because then as S. Gregory saith our faith should have no merit. Nay as Saint Thomas, S. Thomas. 2. 2. q. 1. ●rt. 5. and the said S. Gregory show, it should be no faith, because faith, as the Apostle defineth, it is. Argumentum non apparentium, Hebr. 11. of things not seen. Yet hath he made his faith and Religion evidently credible, and worthy to be believed, or as the Psalmist speaketh, Psal. 92. Credibilia nimis. for if both God and man's law judge the testimony of two or three such eye witnesses, God's religion ewidently credible. as no just exception can be taken against them, to be evidently credible and worthy of belief even in matters of life and death, much more will they judge the testimony not of two, Deuter. 17. but of twelve eye witnesses, which (as they say) have heard, Math. 18. have seen, have fully perceived with their eyes, and have been beholders, their hands have handled, and fingers have touched, 1. joan. 1. 2. Pet. 1. joan. 20. and against whose fidelity no just exception can be made; yea whose virtuous and upright carriage in all other matters the world admired, Eye witnesses, and they many holy. foretold by prophecy past and confirmed by present miracles. and beside have their saying and testimony contested by such wondrous facts as no man's wit can devise how they should be done by any power of nature or art, but be true miracles wrought only by the divine power of God who is above nature, much more (I say) will the law of God and of man too, (if it proceed according to itself) judge the testimony of so many, and so substantial witnesses, contested both by divine propheties afore hand (as is evident by the old law, which that they feyved not nor Devised themselves, is manifest to the world by the attestation by their enemies the jews) and by many wonderful facts present, and those facts so authentically recorded and registered, as it can not be doubted; but they were done, unless against all sense and reason we will deny all records of time past; and so wondrous, and so far above the course and order of nature and art, as no man can justly think, but they be true miracles and contestations from God himself. And this is that kind of authority whereof S. Austin speaketh when he saith, Lib. de util. Cred. cap. 16. that if God have any care of mankind he hath undoubtedly appointed in earth some kind of authority, upon which we relying, may as it were by some steps mount up to God. And no marvel; for sith we have no means to be certain of a thing, but by evidency of the truth or by sufficient authority, and that we cannot have evidency of the true way to heaven, because it is as supernatural as the end itself, and therefore as well out of the reach of our understanding, as other supernatural things are, unless god had provided some certain authority, whereby we might be assured of that way, we could never be certain thereof but ever either erring or doubtful. But god having left such sufficient authority as he hath to show us the way to heaven, hath made it thereby evidently credible, and worthy to be believed, and far more certain to us, then, is they way to a traveler in a straying country by the testimony of those that dwell in the country. 5. And on the other side as he hath endued our will with a natural taste and relish of virtue, whereby of nature we abhor all vice and love virtue. So also hath he infused into our understandings a proportionable and correspondent light and natural insight of truth, which showeth unto the will, which is indeed vice, which virtue. This light cheiflye consists in certain general principles of virtue which God hath given to our understanding as it were rules and squares to direct itself in particular actions, by means of which it is assured that what is agreeable to them is true and virtuous, and what disagreeable false and nought, and what seemeth to be most suitable to them, most likely to be true and good. Of these kind of principles for choice of religion one is that principle which S. Paul mentioneth Hebr. cap. 11. That god is rewarder of them that serve him. And that which the Psalmist mentioneth that Lex Domini est immaculata; Psalm. 18. condemning no virtue, nor admitting any vice, but contrariwise most exhorting to virtue. and deterring from vice; That only God's religion can be confirmed with true miracles. That his Religion hath preachers lawfully sent by him, and the like. And what religion we see clearly to be contrary to these principles, we may be sure cometh not from God. And contrary wise amongst all religions, what we see most agreeable to them, that we may think most likely to be God's Religion. As what religion we find amongst all to be most immaculate from vice, and most urging to virtue, whose Preachers we see to show best warrant for their commission from God to preach it, and to bring best proofs of God's miracles to testify it, that we may be full assured is most likely to be God's religion. For if all reason judge him to be the most likely to be the true Ambassador from a Prince, who bringeth the best assurance and letters of Commission from that Prince, and consequently that which he delivereth to be the Prince his message, rather than any other! what reason, what wisdom, what sense can there be to tinke, but that is most likely to be God's message & meaning which being in itself void of vice, is delivered by those, who show better proofs of their sending and testimonies of their doctrine then any others? And hereupon it comes to pass that whensoever Gods true religion came in question with heresy before men addicted to neither, but guided only by the rules of reason and natural insight of religion given to them by God, it was always judged more likely to be God's truth then heresy. When in the time of the old law the Samaritans contended with the jews for the truth of religion before the King of Egypt, the King having heard the reasons and proofs on both parties, gave sentence for the jews. joseph. 18. Antiq. And in the time of the new law, when Manes the heretic contended with Archilaus a Catholic Bishop before Heathen Philosophers, Hieron in Archla● Epiphan. haer. 66. Cyril. Cateches. 6. judgement was pronounced against the Heretic. Yea generally all sects, as jews, Turks, Heretics in judgement prefer the Catholic Christian religion before all other religions besides their own. See infra l. 2. c. 13. Which is a great argument, that it alone is indeed the true religion of God. For as when divers Cities of Greece contended whether of them deserved greatest praise for a victory which they obtained against the Persians, Plutarch. the judges before whom the cause was brought demanded of every one of them whom they thought to have deserved best after themselves, and all answering that the Lacedæmonians; the wise judges gave sentence that indeed the Lacedæmonians had deserved best of all, for they seeing every city to prefer the Lacedæmonians before others, they perceived thereby, that if their affection had been as indifferent between themselves and the Lacedæmonians, as it was between the Lacedæmonians and others, their judgement would have preferred the Lacedæmonians before themselves, as well as it preferred them before others. And in like sort all sectaries who prefer the christian Catholic faith before all others but their own, would also prefer it before there own, if their judgement were guided with as much in difference to there own religion, as it is to others, and not overweighed with custom of liking there own and affection to there preconceited opinions. 6. Wherefore seeing that on the one side Gods true religion is thus evidently credible, and on the other side our understanding when it is not miseled with passion or affection, Force of understanding. but guided by the principles of religion engrafted in our soul by God and directed by the light of reason is of such force that even by Creatures it can come to the knowledge of God as it is said Rom. 1. that my dear Countrynen may with more facility and perspicuity find out this so important matter as upon which dependeth their eternal salvation, I have framed this prudential Balance in which by the weights of prudence and light of Reason they may weigh and compare the Roman Catholic, and Protestant religion, and see whether of them is more like to come from God, and direct men to their everlasting happiness. And in the first part thereof (which here I offer to them) I compare these two religions according to their first founders in our English nation: And in the second God willing, I will compare them according to their claims to the word of God, their translations or Copies of that word, according to their manner of expounding it and other such general grounds of Religion: In the third I will compare them according to their Doctrines: And in the fourth and last part according to the effects which either of them hath wrought, especially in our English Nation. 7. In this first part I prove that the Roman Catholic, Se l. 1. c. 2. l. 2. cap. 1. What is sewed of luther many by also Prowed of Calwin or any other sect master of our time. and Protestant Religions in our English Nation, came first and originally from S. Augustine, and Martin Luther. And therefore I compare these two religions together in these two first founders of them in our Nation: and lay the qualities and conditions of them fit for Preachers, in the two first books, as it were each of them in his several Scale. And in the third I compare them together according to the qualities described, that thereby the Reader with indifferent judgement may weigh them, and consider, whether is the more likely to come from god and to bring his religion, whether, from the Devil and to preach his deceits. The qualities wherein I compare them are these five. Learning, virtue, motives to preach, In what S. Austin and luther are compared. lawful vocation or mission, and right orders to preach the word of God and administer his sacraments. And the points wherein I compare the Doctrines which they brought, are these few Approbation of Christendom, Wherein their doctrines are compared. allowance of adversaries, divine attestation by Miracles, and continuance. And I show evidently by many irrefragable proofs (whereof ever one is the confession of Protestants) that S. Austin was very learned, Luther ignorant; S. Austin virtuous, Luther vicious; S. Austin moved to preach by heavenly motives, Luther by humane & naughty, Saint Austin lawfully sent to preach his doctrine, Luther not sent at all to preach his; S. Austin rightly ordered to administer his sacraments, Luther not ordered at all to administer his; Saint Augustine's doctrine to have been the universal doctrine of Christendom in his time, Luther's doctrine to have been contrary to the universal belief of Christians in his time; Saint Austin's doctrine to have been confessed by his adversaries then, & ours now, to have been sufficient to salvation, Luther's doctrine never acknowledged of us to be able to assure any; And finally Saint Austin's doctrine to have been confirmed by true, evident and confessed miracles, Luther's to have wanted all colour of such confirmation. 8 All these points (I say) I have proved by evident and irrefragable proofs and testimonies, yea even by the confession of Protestants. Which, what man of judgement and careful of his salvation considereth, will (I hope) make choice rather to follow Saint Austin and his doctrine, than Luther and his. For what wisdom or reason, yea what sense should there be to think that God and his truth were with ignorance, vice, naughty intention, want of mission and orders, want of consent of Christianity, of confession of adversaries, and of miracles; And the devils lies should be with learning, virtue, holy motives, lawful mission, right order, consent of christianity, confession of adversaries, and divine miracles. If any say that though Luther's Doctrine want the foresaid titles of commendation and credibility, yet it hath the gospel which is to be preferred before them all: I desire such to consider with themselves, how unlikely it is, Note. that the gospel should stand with ignorance against learning, with vice against virtue, with wordly against holy motives, with running of his own head against lawful sending, with no orders against right orders, with aversion of Christendom against consent of the same, with detestation of adversaries against their allowance, and finally with want of all miracles, against certain and confessed heavenly miracles; and I hope they will be easily persuaded that howsoever some make show thereof, yet the gospel cannot indeed, and in the right sense stand with Luther against Saint Austin. Or if I cannot persuade such men thus much, yet let me entreat them to suspend their judgement concerning the gospels being on either side, till they see the second part of this Balance, wherein godwilling I shall weigh Saint Augustine's and Luther's religion according to their claims to the gospel, and the right sense thereof, and by God's assistance evidently show, that Saint Augustine's religion hath as much advantage over Luther's, touching the true possession of the gospel, and right sense thereof, as it hath concerning the foresaid titles. All our ancient Clergy, catholic. 9 I have also in this part showed that the Roman religion of Saint Austin hath continued ever since unto our time in all our bishops, Prelates, Pastors, Divines, and Clergy (except Wiclife and his small crew) by the example of their heads the Archbishopes of Canterbury, whom I show to have been in number sixty nine, Likewise all our laity. and in religion perfect Roman Catholics. The like I show of the Queens, ladies, Princes, Dukes, Earls, Nobles, gentile and commons, and generally of all the laity by the example of their heads the kings and princes of this land, who sucessively (besides seventy more, who reigned in some part of England, whiles this land was divided into many kingdoms) have been in number sixty three, and in religion as perfect Roman Catholics as may be. See infra lib. 1. c. 21. In so much that it is confessed by Protestants that they knew not so much of protestancy, as that which they term the head, fountain and soul thereof. Amongst whom you shall see the ancient and renowned king Inas of the Saxons, lib. 1. c. 23. professing S. Peter's supremacy all most nine hundred years ago, and that by letters engraven in stone; building a Seminary in Rome for his subjects there, Henry. 2. led P. Alexander's horse. Hen. 5. sued to have his Country accounted a nation that oweth devotion to the Church of Rome. lib. 1. cap. 25. 26. and making his kingdom tributary to S. Peter. And of the Normans blood you shall see the most victorious Prince Edward the third professing by public letters, that it is heresy to deny the Pope's supremacy, or (as the king speaketh) that the Pope's judgement, omni humanae praesidet cecatura. Amongst them you shall see the ancient and worthy king Ethelred, so devout to mass, as he would rather adventure the loss of his army, of his kingdom & life, than he would miss the hearing of a whole Mass: lib. 1. c. 26. And yet by his devotion miraculously putting his enemies to flight. lib. 1. c. 2. 3. You shall see that wise Prince Henry the third to hear many Masses every day, to kiss Priests hands at Mass time, cap. 26. and prefer the seeing (as he said) of his Saviour there, before the hearing of the best preacher speaking of him. finally to omit many other evident testimonies hereafter rehearsed not only of their assured Roman Religion, cap. 2●. but also of their zeal and fervour therein, And as many Queens. fourteen of them even in the two hundred years after the conversion of our Nation surrendered their sceptres, Crowns, and kingdoms, and became either Monks at home, or traveled in pilgrimage to Rome. Lib. 2. count julian. cap, 10. 10. And were all these Archbishopps and their clergy, were all these kings and their people blind? And hath time (to imitate Saint Augustine's words in the like case) so changed all things upside down, that light is accounted darkness and darkness light, that (to omit very many others confessed of Protestants to be profound divines as you shall see hereafter) S. Austin, S. Theodor, Lanfrancke and S. Anselme who were the very lights of the land and of Christendom also in their time for learning and virtue were blind, and Cranmer. Parkar. Grindall and Whitgift (men of mean learning and as little virtue) did see? what in God's name should make any think so. for number we have all most seventy for four, for continuance all most a thousand years for fifty; for learning we have profound knowledge even by Protestants confession against mean skill; for virtue we have famous and confessed sanctity against ordinary, if not vicious life. If therefore either number, or time, or learning help any thing to find out God's truth, our Catholic Archbishopes are far more like to see and espy it than the Protestant Prelates: or if virtuous life move God to reveal his truth, surely the Catholic Archbishops are more like to know it than the Protestants. And in the like sort touching Princes, for two which Protestants can produce, we can bring above one hundred and twenty: for their child of Nine years old, and their woman we can produce above an hundred, mature, grave, and wise men; who have they in valour comparable to our King Egbert, first author of our English monarchy? to King Alfred the great vanquisher of the daines, and deliverer of his Country; to our King William Conqueror of England? to our Edward the first, Edward the third, Henry the fift, and many more most valiant and victorious Princes? whom in magnanimity have they answerable to our King Ethelstan, to our King Edgar, King Canute, King Richard Ceur de lion, and divers others? who in largeness of Dominion to our King Canute, our King Henery the second King Richard the first and others? who in learning to our King Ethelwolf, King Alfred the great, King Henry surnamed beuclarke & others? who in wisdom to King Inas King Alfred, King William conqueror, King Henry the first, second, fourth, and seventh? whom finally have they to compare for virtue and sanctity with King Ethelbert. King Edmund, the two Edward's. Henry the sixth and very many more? 11. And shall we think that one child and a woman in so short time should espy that divine truth which so many Princes in a thousand years could not find? That the infancy of a child and weakness of a woman should discover that which the rare learning, wisdom, and judgement of so many grave Princes could not attain unto? That the fruitless life of a child, and the ordinary, (if not far worse) life of a woman should deserve of God to have that revealed unto them, which the rare virtue and holiness of so many excellent Princes who preferred his service before their kingdoms, could not obtain? what were this but in matter of religion and everlasting salvation to give that judgement and make that choice which in no other matter we would do? for who is there if it lay in danger of leasing livings liberty or life would not make choice to follow rather seventy then four, an hundred rather than two, men than children and women, and men of famous and confessed learning wisdom and virtue than others of mean learning and ordinary (if not naughty) lives? And will we when it is danger of loss of soul and salvation make the contrary choice? what defence or excuse can we make of this proceeding either before God or man? will we say it is prudence in money matters and temporal affairs to follow many rather than few, men than children and women, learned wise and virtuous, before others less qualified, and not to trust to much to our own judgements; And can we think it prudence to observe the contrary course in matters of religion and eternal salvation? doth the matter so alter the case? Is prudence become contrary to itself? or is God's religion so against all reason wisdom and judgement? Can we not become christians, but we must leave to be reasoable men, admit Christ's faith, but we must banish all reason discretion and wisdom? No surely. 12. I would to God protestants would consider with what confidence and security of conscience we may answer and appear before god at the latter day for our faith. For if any faith or belief of Christianity be laudable or excusable before God, Conversion of our Nation to the Cath. faith prophetied of. surely our is. Because we have taken no new faith, but (to omit all external profess and keep within the compass of our nation) we retain that faith of Christ, Both Histor. St●t. lib. 9 pag. 159. Bale Cent. 1. cap. 61. to which that our nation should be converted from their Paganism, was prophetied and foretold by holy men, as both Catholics and Protestants record, that faith, which our forefathers and nation received above a thousand years ago and from great learned and holy men, lawfully sent, and rightly ordered to preach it, which all christendom, then and ever since held, which the adversaries of it then and now confess to have been sufficient to salvation; and finally which was contested by God by true and confessed miracles. Causes of Catholics confidence for their faith. And therefore we may confidently say to god in the day of judgement, that if we were deceived in our faith, virtue, learning, lawful mission, right order consent of Christedome, confession of adversaries, heavenly miracles, and consequently Gods own testimony have deceived us, which is altogether impossible. And contrariwise I would Protestant's would think with what fear they must come to render account to God, Causes of distrust of Protestants. for forsaking so ancient a faith and the faith of their forefathers for so long time, which so great learning, so much virtue so lawful mission, so right orders, such consent of christendom, such acknowledgement of adversaries such divine miracles did commend unto them, for a new faith never hard of by their forefathers, nor commended unto themselves by any of the foresaid titles, but rather discommended by the contrary; as coming from an ignorant and vicious man, neither lawfully sent, nor rightly ordered, and which was contrary to the faith of christendom, condemned by all the chiefest adversaries, and wholly destitute of all miracles, or divine testimony. Surely if want of learning, of virtue, of lawful mission, of right orders, of consent of Christianytie, of confession of adversaries, of attestation from God; Nay if ignorance, unlawful coming, naughty orders, Doctrine condemned of christendom and of the chiefest adversaries, be like (as they are most like) to deceive, then surely our Protestants be deceived. 13. Open therefore your eyes for God's sake, my most dear Countrymen, and be not wilfully deceived, for wilful ignorance doth not excuse, but increase your fault before God. And consider that we exhort you not to a new religion, but to a most ancient, and as it is commonly termed the old religion; not to a strange religion but the religion of our own Country, Prelates, and forefathers for almost a thousand years together; Not to an untried Religion, but that which hath been tried so many hundred years, and by which it is confessed of our adversaries that divers have been saved and are yet saved. Our first Christian forefathers had good reason to relinquish the Pagan stuperstition of their progenitors, and to embrace the Christian Religion, See this proved lib. 1. cap. 4. 5. 13. 23. which Saint Austin and his fellow labourers preached unto them, because they saw it taught by great learned and virtuous men, to work great piety and godliness in them that embraced it, and to be confirmed from God by assured miracles, such as Britons then and Protestants now confess to be true miracles. And we their children have the same motives, and besides the experience and approbation, of one thousand years continuance to abide and persever in the same religion. But what cause alas had you my dear countrymen Protestants to foresake so ancient, See all this proved. lib. 2. c. 6. 7. 8. 12. 14. so godly a Religion of your forefathers, and embrace this new? what excuse or colour of reason can you make of this your condemning your Ancestors for blind, and their religion for folly? Did you see their religion confuted by public disputation? No. Did you see yours defended by such rare learned men, as never were in England before? No. Did you see it preached by such virtuous men as never England had before? No. Did you see it bring forth such virtuous effects and holy life as never was the like before? No D●d you see it published by men that had better proof of their commission and orders from God than any had here tofore? No. Did you hear it to be more approved of the rest of Christendom than before? No. Did you know it to be approved for good of adversaries more than the religion before? No. Finally did you see it confirmed by more certain and true miracles than was the ancient Religion? No. What reason then can you give either to men now or to God at the day of judgement, of your forsaking your forefather's faith so gravely, so advisedly and prudently embraced of them, and so long time continued, but a vain pretence of God's word wrongly understood, which every Heretic can and doth give, and which when it is opposite (as it is here) to true virtue, lawful mission, right orders and undoubted miracles, is (as is showed before and shall more hereafter) but a vain colour show and shadow of reason, much less able to defend your doings either before men now or God at the latter day. I will here make an end, only requesting you for God's sake to lay all passion aside whiles you read this book, but peruse it with as great diligence, and desire of your own Good as I composed it, and presented it unto you. And God who is the Author of all truth, grant that it work that effect in you which himself desireth. farewell my most dear Countrymen this 6. of january. 1609. TO THE READER. TWo only means (Gentle Reader) hath almighty God given us to be assured of truth. Two only ways to be certain. Science. Belief. The one by Science of evident truth which we ourselves do know. The other by Belief of evident authority of others, who in like manner do know, and whose testimony we have no just cause to mistrust. And therefore as he who should reject evident reason, should both be unreasonable in fighting against reason and injurious both to God and himself by refusing a mean which God hath given him to attain to truth. Why good authority aught to be believed. So likewise he who should reject evident Authority should both do against reason which biddeth him give credit to such authority, and be injurious to God and himself by casting away such a mean as God gave him to assure himself of such truth as by himself he could not know, and finally should be an enemy to humane society which cannot stand unless men do credit one an other in things wherein they have no cause to distrust them for what should we know of things passed before our time, or of things done out of our sight, if we would not believe such as were present and knew them, and either by word or writing have reported them to us. How should we know such to be our parents but by belief? How should any matter be tried in Law but by belief of men's words or writings, what familiarity, human society or friendship could stand if we admit not belief? Wherefore albeit it be a fault to believe upon light or small testimony (which kind of believers the scripture termeth light of heart) as it is a fault to assent to any frivolous reason: yet contrariwise it is a greater fault not to give credit to evident sufficient authority, as it is not to yield to evident reason. For in believing upon weak authority we do but prejudice ourselves, but in not believing sufficient authority we hinder ourselves from knowledge of truth, discredit our own reports to others, do against reason which as well bindeth us to yield to evident authority, as to evident reason, discredit our neighbours and cut in sunder the very sinews of human friendship and society. lib. de util. Cred. cap. 16. Wherefore well said S. Austin that though it be miserable to be deceived by authority, yet most miserable it is not to be moved with authority. And most unreasonably do some Ministers, How many things which are not in scripture are yet to be believed. say that they are not bound to believe the great virtues or miracles of Saints in times past, though never so authentically recorded, because they be not in scripture. Indeed if we urged them to believe these things with divine and christian faith they might have some colourable excuse of such speech, because (as they say) all points of christian faitb are in scripture. But sith we urge them only to give human belief to such matters, either they must show some cause why the authority of such writers is not sufficient to give human credit unto the things by them recorded, or they must reject all human authority, all men's words or writings, and believe nothing but what either God hath written, or themselves have seen. for if Scripture must be the only square of all our belief both human and divine, we must believe nothing but what God haeh written, no not that such were our parents, that there are Turks Moors are any such thing as the Scripture mentioneth not. Or if we admit (as we must needs) that human authority by either word or writing may be sufficient for us to believe things with human faith, as we believe such to be our parents, and the like, we must not think it reason to reject a thing, because it is not in Scripture, Inconveniences of not believing men's authority but we must also show some reason, why such authority as testifieth it, is not sufficient for a wise man to give credit unto: or else we must confess ourselves to be wilful, to reject sufficient authority without, yea against reason; to be in iurious to God and ourselves in rejecting a mean which he hath bestowed upon us, for to know truth; Injurious to our neighbours in discrediting them without cause; and finally pernicious to all good friendship and society which without belief of human authority cannot stand. And to prevent Ministers that they shall not delude the Reader by saying that the authority which I allege for what I say of Saint Austin and Luther is not sufficient. Only Protestant's alleged for what is said of Luther. I beseech him to consider that the Authors which I allege for what I say of Luther are only Protestants, such as by other Protestants are greatly commended. for albeit I might justly allege the testimonies of Catholics against Luther as I show hereafter lib. 2. cap. 1. yet partly to avoid all cavils, but principally because Protestants testify enough against him, I omit this advantage. And the witnesses which I produce for what I write of S. Austin, are partly the said Protestants, partly Catholics, but such Catholics as some of them are great Saints, some great Clerks, some lived when the things were done which they writ, some were domestical, some foreign, and all were before this controversy between Protestants and Catholics arose, and all are greatly esteemed of Protestants as shall appear in the Catalogue ensuing, and finally all are contested and approved in their testimonies of divers Protestants as shall appear hereafter. Which kind of testimony I hope no indifferent man guided with reason will account unsufficient. And for other obstinate persons who (as S. Hierome saith) are wont shutting their eyes to deny what they will not believe, I wrote not this work for as S. Austin adviseth us we should rather pray for these kind of men than reason whith them. For what Readers this book is written. But now let us come to the Catalogue of the Catholic writers, and after of the Protestants. A catalogue Of the chief Catholic writers Upon whose testimonies the Author relieth for what he writeth of Saint Austin. A ALCVIN, lived in the eight age after Christ which was the second of the conversion of our Nation to the Christian faith. He was scholar to S. Bede and Master to the famous Emperor Charles the great of whom what high esteem Protestants make, you may see. Infra. lib. 1. cap. 12. B BEDA, lived with in the first hundred years after the conversion of our Nation and therefore might well learn the truth thereof. How greatly he is accounted of by Protestants both for virtue and learning, you may read. lib. 1. cap. 12. cit. only because his testimony is that, upon which I principally rely in what I say of S. Austin. I would here add what Godwin in the life of Tatwin Archbishop of Canterbury saith, that His history is the most ancient that England hath worthy of credit, And that Cambden in Britan. pag. 12. giveth him this testimony that he is. Inter omnes nostros scriptores veritatis amicus amongst all our writers a friend of truth. And what himself hath in his Epistle to King Cealwulph to put (as he saith) all that hear or read it out of doubt of the verity thereof, that what he writeth of S. Austin and his fellows he learned of Albinus a man (saith he) of great learning, brought up under S. Theodor Archbishop, and Adrian both men of great worship and learning, which things (saith he) the said Albinus knew partly by writing, partly by tradition of Elders, and sent to me by Nothelmus, Bale. Cent. 2. cap. 8. calleth this Nothelmus a learned and grave man who after was Archbishop of Canterbury. Besides this the said History was approved by the said King Cealwulph, and by all writers since, and is the very fountain of all our English Chronicles, whose credit depend upon it. And therefore if it be rejected, all our ancient Chronicles may be contemned as fables, or uncertain tales. C CAPGRAVI, lived under King Henry the fixed. He was (saith Bale Centuria. 8. cap. 1.) Doctor of Divinity of Oxford, and Provincial of the Austin friars, the chief divine and Philisopher of his time, of a clear wit and utterance, he loved the Scriptures singularly, and commented the greatest part of the Bible, and was Confessor to Humphrey Duke of Gloucester. E EALRID lived under King Henry the second. He was (saith Bale Cent. 2. cap. 99 famous for birth, for learning, and for innocent life. He in short time excelled all his fellows in all ornaments of life, left no kind of learning untouched, refused a Bispoprike the better to excercise virtue, and to preach the Gospel. He was an other Bernard, mild in disposition, pious in action, and most modest in Counsel, and was a godly man. And in all kind of writing most like to Bernard. Thus Bale. ETHELWERDUS, seemeth (saith Cambden in descrip Brit. 100) to have been great grand child to King Adulph, and lived about the year. 950. His book was published by Protestants with Malmes buriensis and others. Savill who published him, saith, he is to be commended for his nobility and antiquity. F. FLORENTIUS, lived under King Henry the first. He was (saith Bale. Cent. 2. c. 66.) very learned both in divine and human literature, and got great fame by his writing. He had (saith Bale) a wit apt for any thing, and an excellent memory, let no day pass wherein he did not some what for the honour of his Country, and calleth his Chronicle an excellent comment, which also is printed by Protestants. G S. GREGORY, the great was the chief Author next after God of the conversion of our English Nation unto Christianity, and lived eight years after he had sent S. Austin hither, and had heard of great fruit of his labours. He is one of the famous Doctors of the Church, and greatly reverenced of Protestants as you may see infra. lib. 1. cap. 5. GILDAS, surnamed the wise, a Britain, flourished about the year. 580. which was eighteen years before S. Augustine's coming hither. He was (saith Bale Cent. 1. cap. 66. out of Polidor) a most grave Author, having well learned liberal sciences, gave himself wholly to study the Scriptures and led a most innocent life. This man's writings also have been published by Protestants, and I produce his testimony chiefly to show what was the Religion of the ancient Britons. GEFFOREY of Monmonth lived under King Stephen. He was (saith Bale Cent. 2. cap. 86,) a Briton and learned both in verse and proof, and he highly commendeth his diligence, and saith he excellently deserveth of his Country. Thus he and other Protestants account of this Geffrey, which maketh me to allege his authority against them though Catholics for the most part account him but a fabulous Author, and his books be forbidden by the Council of Trent, and Cambden Britan. pag. 8. calleth his history, Ineptias, fooleries. H HOVEDEN lived under king john, He was (saith Bale Cent. 3. cap. 55) of a noble race, and a famous Chronographer. His history was published by Savill, and dedicated to Queen Elizabeth, where together with Huntingdon he is called a very good and diligent Author, and most true guide of the times past. HUNTINGTON, lived under King Stephen. He was (saith Bale cent. 2. cap. 82. out of Polidor and Leland) an excellent Historiographer, and approved Author, and writ (saith he) finely and learnedly. He is accounted of Cambden in Britan. pag. 306. an Author priscae fidei. Of Doctor Caius lib. de antiquit. Cantabr. pag. 64. Summus Historicus. And his history was published by Savill with the foresaid commendations. Fluyd in descript. Monae calleth him eg●egium Historicum. I. INGULPHUS, lived in the time of the Conquest, & is much desired (saith Savil who published him) of very many, who desire to know our Antiquities. M MALMESBURIENSIS, lived under King Stephen, He was (saith Savil who published him, in his epistle to Queen Elizabeth) amongst the faithful recorders of things done the chief, both for truth of History, and for Maturity of judgement, very learned, and hath comprised the history of Seven hundred years with such fidelity and diligence, that he may seem of all ours to have been the only Historiographer. Camb. in Brit pag. 514. calleth him. Optimum Historicum. an excellent Historiographer. Bale Cent. 2. cap. 73. saith plainly he was the most learned of his age in all kind of good learning, and of singular wit, diligence and industry in searching all antiquities, and compiled a fine and most excellent History. And this man so highly commended by Protestants is the Author upon whom next after S. Bede I rely, and the edition which I cite of his history and of Huntingdon, Hoveden, and Ingulph, is of Frankford Anno. 1601. infol. MARIANUS, lived at the time of the Conquest, He was (saith Bale Cent. 14. cap. 45.) learned both in divinity and Humanity, and lived all most thirty years solitary with admiration of all men and continually studied He is accounted an excellent Historiographer a singular Calculator, and a grave divine, which titles saith he to this d●y all writers de give him. Thus Bale. Cambd. in Brit. pag. 321. calleth him an Historiographer. Antiquae fidei. N. NEUBRIGENSIS, lived under King john. He was (saith Bale Cent. 3. cap. 53.) Doctor of divinity scarce let any hour p●sse without reading of learned books, and written a History with a clear style. O. OSBERNE, lived under King William Conqueror. He was (saith Bale Cent. 2. cap. 54) most familiar and inward with Archbishop Lanfrancke, was the excellentest Musytion of his time, and had a flourishing and eloquent style. OTTERBURNE, He written (saith Bale Cent. 7. cap. 75. out of Leland) a history sincerely, though his chief studies were in Philosophy and Divinity. P. PARISH, lived under King Henry the third. He was (saith Bale Cent. 4. cap. 26.) from his infancy brought up in learning, and continually at study. And written a History from the conquest unto the thirty fift year of the said King Henry with most great diligence and fidelity. And for his singular gifts both of body and mind was dear to that King, at whose command he wrote his Acts. This author is much esteemed by Protestants, because some times he inveigheth bitterly against some acts of the Pope of his time, and therefore was published by them, and greatly commended in the preface by the pretended Archbishop Parker, as it is thought. W. WALSINGHAM, lived under King Henry the Sixt. He was (saith Bale Cent. 7. cap. 88 out of Leland) studious & diligent in Histories. He is much commended by the Protestants, who published him, in a Preface before his history, who is thought to have been pret. Archbishop Parker. WESTMONASTERIENSIS, lived under King Edward the first. He did (saith Bale Cent. 6. cap. 31.) labour singularly in writing, and was in all kind of learning of his time very learned, and composed a Chronicle with notable pains, which Bale termed an excellent and fruitful work, and it hath been printed by Protestants with great commendations. And in the arraignment of F. Garnet, he is called by a Protestant noble man a witness of best regard according to the state of those times. Thus many, thus ancient (to omit the famous Baronius and other later writers also alleged) & thus esteemed of Protestants the●● selves are the Authors whose testimonies I produce for what I say of S. Austin and his successors, and of our Kings, and our forefather's religion. Whose testimony whether Ministers admit or refuse they are overthrown. For if they admit them they are clearly condemned, and if they refuse them, they are contemned. For in matters of Antiquity to refuse to be tried by so many, so ancient, so indifferent writers, and so much commended by themselves, and to say, and that without testimony of one equal writer to the contrary, that they were all either deceived or lied, what other is it, than utterly to condemn themselves and their cause, as not able to abide the only trial, which can be made of ancient matters, that is by histories and ancient records? will they not credit such histories as themselves judge worthy of credit? will they not believe such writers as themselves account especial friends of truth, of singular fidelity, diligence, and indifferent and most excellent Historiographers? will they not follow them in matters of Antiquity, whom themselves term the most true guides of the times past? What other thing were this than obstinately to refuse truth itself. But much more will this appear when they shall be found not only to refuse our writers, though never so ancient and indifferent and esteemed of themselves, but even their own best writers or else be condemned. Let us see therefore the Protestant writers whom we produce as witnesses in this trial of Religions. A CATHALOGVE Of the chief Protestant writers On whose testimonies the Author relieth for what he writeth of S. Austin and Luther. A. ABBOTS, Doctor and Professor of Divinity, & now an earnest writer both against Cardinal Bellarmin, and Doctor Bishop. B. BALE, Bishop of Ossorie in Ireland in King Edward the sixth time, as himself writeth Cent. 8. cap. 100 and one of the first English Preachers of Protestantisme in time of King Henry, for which both under him and after under Queen Marie he suffered as he saith much. As for his skill in Antiquities, he writeth of himself in his Epistle before his foureteeneth century that he had Antiquitatum penetralia, & incognitas orbi Historias, and in the Epistle before the thirteenth century that he had read the histories and Chronicles almost of all Antiquities. And how earnest a Protestant he was, appeareth both by his said sufferings, and also by his most spiteful kind of writing against Catholics, which is so great, as it seemeth malice did possess the heart, tongue, and pen of that man, and himself is fain to excuse it in his epistle to the Count Palatin. Of the Author of the dangerous positions he is reckoned amongst their learned men who in the beginning of Queen Elizabeth's reign Came out of Germany and of other Protestants often times cited. Reinoldes in his Confer. Abbot's de Antichriso The book which I allege of this man is his Centuries of the writeers of Brittany, edit. Basileae. 1559. in fol. BILSON, at this present the pretended Bishop of winchester, and well known for his writings both against Catholics and Puritans. C. CAIUS, Doctor of Physic and half founder of Gonell and Caius College in Cambridge. So well seen in English Antiquities, as by an Oxonian Orator, he is termed the Antiquary. CALVIN, is more famous among Protestants than I need note him, and of such account amongst many as Doctor Covel saith his writings were made almost the rule of Controversies. CAMBDEN, well known for his description of Britanye, and termed of Protestants an excellent Antiquary and greatly commended of divers in verses before his book. The edition of his book cited by me is Londini Anno. 1600. in quarto. COWPER, pretended Bishop first of Lyncolne and after of Winchester, well known for his Dictionary and his Chronicle. D DANGEROUS Positioner, So I term the unnamed Author of a book called Dangerous Positions, by some thought to be the work of Doctor Bancrofte now pretended Bishop of Canterbury, by others of Doctor Sutclife. F. FOX, most famous amongst Protestants for his Acts & monuments of their Martyrs, which they have so credited, as they have set it in divers of their Churches to be read of all. To omit divers high praises given to him, as you may see in the beginning of his book. Ford upon the apocalypse calleth him most holy father. Doctor Abbots in his book of Antichrist cap. 8. termeth him a man of most famous memory; a most grave, and most pious man, and plainly a divine man. Bale Cent. 9 cap. 92. saith he was his Achates. FVLKE, Doctor of divinity and a great writer against Catholics: whom 1 B. alias Bacster in tail of two legged foxes. cap. 13. thus praiseth profound fulke, whose truth and great travel the Church of God hath tried, many a fox hast thou had in chase not able to abide thy hot pursuit. Doctor Reynolds in his preface before his Six Conclusions calleth him a stout and faithful soldier of Christ. G GODWIN, now Subdeane of Excester, & son to Godwin pret. bishop of , as himself saith in his Cathalogue of bishops. H HOLINSHED, notorious for his great Chronicle, and most earnest against Catholics as you may see by what he writeth of S. Austin. HUMPHREY, Doctor of divinity and the Queen's Reader thereof in Oxford, whom I. B. loc. cit. thus commendeth Humphrey of much reading in thy time past, was then a chief hunter of the Romish fox. And Bale Cent. 9 cap. 93. highly commendeth him. I JEWEL, so famous and known to Protestants as I need say nothing. L LUTHER, the father of protestancy, and of what high account he is amongst Protestants you may see infra lib. 3. cap. 1. R. REYNOLDS, Doctor of Divinity who, saith I. B. loc. cit. hath the old fox and his cubs in the chase. S. STOW, well known for his Chronicle and others his writings of Antiquity. SUTCLIFE, Doctor of Divinity and Dean of Excester, and a great writer against Catholics. SURVEYER, so I call the unnamed Author of the Survey of the pretended holy Discipline, by some taken to be the work of the said Doctor Sutclife, by others the work of the Lord of Canterbury. W. WHITAKER, Doctor and Professor of Divinity, and a great writer against Catholics, whom I. B. loc. cit. calleth worthy Whitaker of never dying fame. Doctor Willet in his Tetrastylon pag. 9 termeth him a worthy and learned man. pag. 10. a godly learned man. Doctor Bucley in his Apology of religion pag. 84. An excellent man of blessed memory. These and thus esteemed of Protestants are the Protestant writers, upon whose confession or testimony I chiefly rely in what I writ of S. Austin and Luther. Against whose verdict no Protestant can justly take exception either of ignorance, because they are of the chiefest writers they have, or for partiality, for they were all most earnest Protestants. And therefore no Protestant can justly reject their testimony as insufficient. THE BOOKS AND Chapters contained in this first part of the prudential Balance of Religion. First Book or Scale in which the qualities of S. Austin and of his doctrine are set down. 1. WHat Religion was in this land before the coming of S. Austin. Chap. 1. 2. That Saint Austin was the first preacher of the christian saith to our English Nation. Chap. 2. 3. That Saint Austin preaching took great effect in our Nation. Chap. 3. 4. That Saint Austin was a great Clerk and excellent Divine. Chap. 4. 5. That Saint Austin was A great Saint. Chap. 5. 6. Certain slanders against S. Austin disproved. Chap 6. 7. That S. Austin was moved by holy motives to come to preach to our Nation. Chap. 7. 8. That S. Austin was lawfully sent to preach to our Nation proved by divers authorities. Chap 8. 9 That S. Austin was lawfully sent hither to preach proved by reason grounded in Scripture. Chap. 9 10. That S. Austin was rightly ordered to administer the word and sacraments. Chap. 10. 11. That the faith which S. Austin preached was the universal faith of Christendom in his time. Chap 11. 12. That faith which S. Austin preached is confessed by the adversaries to have been sufficient to salvation. Chap. 12. 13. That the faith which S. Austin preached was confirmed of him by true miracles. Chap. 13. 14. That the faith why h S. Austin preached was the present Roman Catholic faith proved by his Master and sender S Gregory Chap. 14. 15. The same proved by S. Augustine's and his fellows deeds and Doctrine. Chap. 15. 16. The same proved by the confession of learned Protestants. Chap. 16. 17. The same proved by the faith of the English Church which he founded. Chap. 17. 18. That the faith of all the Archbishopes of Canterbury from S. Austin to our time was Roman Catholic proved by general Reasons. Chap. 18. 19 That the faith of every Archbishop of Canterbury from S. Austin to the time of the Conquest was roman Catholic proved in particular. Chap. 19 20. That the faith of every Archbishop of Canterbury from the Conquest to our time was Roman Catholic proved in particular Ch. 20. 21. That the faith of all our Christian English Kings from S. Augustine's time to King Henry the eight was Roman Catholic, proved by general reasons. Chap. 21. 22. Certain objections against the Catholic faith of our Ancient Kings answered. Chap. 22. 23. That the faith of all our Christian Kings to the time of the Monarchy of England was Roman Catholic proved in particular. Chap. 23. 24. That the faith of all our Christian Kings from the Monarchy to the Conquest of England was Roman Catholic proved in particular. Chap. 24. 25. That the faith of all our Kings from the Conquest to King Edward the third was Roman Catholic proved in particular. Chap. 25. 26. That the faith of all our Kings from King Edward the third, to King Henry the eight was Roman Catholic proved in particular. Chap. 26. Epilogue or Conclusion. The second Book or Scale wherein the qualities of Luther, and his doctrine are set down. 1. That Luther was the first Author of the Protestants Religion. Chap. 1. 2. That Wicklef and his followers were no Protestants. Chap. 2. 3. That the old ancient Britons were no Protestants. Chap. 3. 4. When, where, wherefore, and how Luther began protestancy. Chap. 4. 5. How protestancy spread so far. Chap. 5. 6. When, by whom, wherefore, and how protestancy began in England. Chap. 6. 7. That Luther was but meanly learned. Ch. 7. 8. That Luther was a vicious and naughty man. Chap. 8. 9 That Luther was moved to preach Protestantisme with human & noughty motives. Ch. 9 10. That Luther was never sent or called to preach Protestantisme. Chap. 10. 11. That Luther was never ordered to preach the Protestants word, or administer their Sacraments. Chap. 11. 12. That Luther's doctrine was contrary to the universal faith of Christendom at that time. Chap. 12. 13. That Luther's doctrine was never confessed by Catholics to be sufficient to salvation. Ch. 13. 14. That Luther never confirmed his Doctrine by Miracles. Chap. 14. 15. That Luther hath had no succession or continuance of his Doctrine here in England. Chap. 15. The third Book in which S. Austin and Luther and their Doctrines are weighed together, according to the foresaid qualities of them. 1. SAint Austin and Luther weighed according to their learning. Chap. 1. 2. S. Austin and Luther weighed according to their virtue or vice. Chap. 2. 3. S. Austin and Luther weighed according to their motives of preaching. Chap. 3, 4. S. Austin and Luther weighed according to their Mission or sending to preach. Chap. 4. 5. S. Austin and Luther weighed according to their orders of preaching and administering the sacraments. Chap. 5. 6. S. Austin and Luther weighed according to the universality or singularity of their Doctrine. Chap. 6. 7. S. Austin and Luther weighed according to their adversaries allowance of their Doctrines. Chap. 7. 8. S. Austin and Luther weighed according to their Miracles. Chap. 8. 9 S. Austin and Luther weighed acccordinge to the succession and continuance of their Doctrines. Chap. 9 THE FIRST BOOK OR SCALE, IN WHICH The qualities of S. Austin, and of his Doctrine are set down. THE FIRST CHAPTER. What Religion was in this Land, before the coming of S. Austin. THE ancient Inhabitans of this Island, were the Britons, whom we now call Welshmen. Amongst whom the faith of Christ was first planted by the glorious Apostles S. a Metaph. in Sur. jun. Cambd. descript. Brit. pa 52. Baron. an. 58. p. 597. 401. Peter S. b Theod. l. 9 de Graec. Sophron. Natal. Apost. Fortunat. Bale cent. 1. c. 26 Cambd. in Britan. p. 52. Paul, S. c Nicep. l. 2. c. 40 Doroth. in Synop. Simon, and the Apostolic men S. d D. Caius de antiq. Cantabr. Capgrau. in Ios. Bale cent. 1. c. 22. ubi & citat Fleming, Scrop. Polid. Geo. maiorem Cambd. l. cit. joseph of Arimathia (who buried our Saviour) and S. e Doroth. in Synop. Aristobulus, of whom S. Paul maketh mention in his Epistle to the Romans. All these, Protestants grant to have preached Christ's faith in this Island, except Saint Peter; to whom some of them will not have this Land so much behoulden. Which question, because it is beside my purpose, I will not stand to discuss. Only I assure the indifferent Reader, that S. Peter's preaching to the ancient Britons on the one side is affirmed, both by Latin and Grecke, by ancient and new, by foreign & domestical, by Catholic writers (such as f Camb. pa. 80 627. 628. de Baron. Protestants themselves account most excellent, learned and great Historiographers) & by Protestant Antiquaries, such as g D. Bucley 8. Reas. art. vlt. p. 175. of Camb. Protestant Divines term excellent Antiquaries, and excellent men: And on the other side denied by no one ancient writer, Greek or Latin, foreign or domestical, Catholic or other. And what better proof will we require to believe a thing done so long ago, than the assertion of men so many, learned, of such different ages, of such different countries, of such different religion, who have not been gainsaid by any one ancient writer? To argue against such variety & gravity of testimonies without any ancient writer's testimony to the contrary, is indeed rather to cavil (which is no mastery to do against such ancient facts) than to reason, & to show a mind more averted from S. Peter and his Successors, than desirous of truth or honour of his country. 2. This faith thus planted amongst the Britons by the Apostles and Apostolic men, perished not after their departure, but remained, as Gildas c. 7. writeth apud quosdam integrè, amongst some entire, and about the year of our Lord 158. was marvelously increased, and confirmed by means of Pope Eleutherius, who sending hither at the request of Lucius then King of the Britons, his two Legates, S. Fugatius and S. Damian, the King, Queen, and almost all the people were baptised, and this Land was the first that publicly professed the faith of Christ, and justly deserved the title of Primogenita Ecclesiae. For testimony of this, we can produce not only such variety, and weight of witnesses, as for the former, to wit a English. Beda l 1. c. 4. Malmes. in fast. Ethelwerd l. 1. Hunting li. 1. Florent. an. 184. Westm. an. 185 Saunder. lib de schiss. ●eland in Bale p. 23. Welch. Ga●fred l. 4. c 19 Nannius hist. Land●ffen. K●ng Arthur. Foreign. Damasus in Pont Ado. Marian in Chron. Platina in Eleuther Geneb. Martin. Polon. Ponticus Virun. Polidor. Boethius l. 5. hist. Baron. mart. Rom. 26. Maij. Protestant's Bale cen. 1. c. 22. 28. 29 Camb. in Brit p. 51. & 628. Stow anno 179 Holins. p. 74. Caius l. 1. de ant. Godwin in S. Austin Bilson of obedience p. 57 Cooper an. 180. Fox l. 1. p. 51. l. 2. p. 106. 107. D. Sutclif. answer to 3. Conuers. c. 2. Latin, English, domestical, strangers, Catholic, and Protestant's, but even all our English histories, and in a manner all foreign writers, which entreat of these times. And finally, the letters patents of King Arthur alleged by D. Caius a Protestant lib. 1. de Antiq. Cantab. where he saith, that all know this to be true, and Godwin in the life of S. Paulin, addeth, that it cannot be denied. Whereby we may see the impudence of a Minister, who is not ashamed without all testimony to the contrary, to deny this Conversion of Britain by the Pope's means, and to say, that no authentical author avoucheth it: but that it is a fable, and seemeth to be devised by some favourers of the Church of Rome. Which here in the beginning I note, to advertise the indifferent Reader, that he give no belief to such impudent fellows denial without any sufficient witness. 3. The Christian faith thus received, the Britons kept not only sound, Gildas de oxcid c. 7. Bed. l. 1. c. 4 and undefiled from heresies a long time, but quiet also from troubles, and persecutions until the reign of Diocletian the Emperor, Gildas c. 7. Bed. l. 1. c. 6 who began in the year of our Lord 286. & for ten years space raised a more cruel persecution against the Christians, than ever had been before: which passing into this Island honoured it with the glory of many holy Martyrs, Gildas c. 8. who constantly stood, and died in the confession of their faith. Of whom chiefly are named Saint Alban, (whose miracles and martyrdom are largely set down by S. Beda lib. 1. c. 7.) and julius, and Aaron. This storm of persecution being overblown, Constantin the Great, a Briton borne, received the Christian faith, & exalted it in the whole Empire of Rome. In whose time arose the Arian heresy, which running through the world, corrupted also this Island, and shortly after all manner of heresies flowed in, Heresies enter into England. & was there received of the inhabitants, being men (as saith S. Gildas their Countryman) ever delighted to hear new things, and steadfastly retainning nothing certain. And for these heresies, and other vices were the Britons plagued by God with extreme famine, wonderful pestilence, in so much as the quick were not sufficient to bury the dead, and with most cruel, & bloody war of the Picts and Scots, as you may read in Gildas, and in Beda lib. 1. c. 12. & 14. But for the accomplishment of their iniquities, after all this, they admitted the Pelagian heresy, Heresy bane of a Country. which hastened their desolation, and almost utter destruction brought soon after upon them by the Saxons, or English. For as S. Beda saith lib. 1. c. 17. a few years before the coming of the Saxons into this Land (which saith he lib. 1. c. 15. was in the year of our Lord 429.) the Pelagian heresies were brought in. See S. Bed. l. 1. c. 17. & seq. But of this heresy the Land was after rid by the disputation and miracles, first of S. German and Lupus sent by Pope Celestinus anno 429. & after by the same S. German and Severus anno 435. ex Baronio. 4. After this time in this place the faith long time (saith S. Beda lib. 1. c. 21.) remained sound and undefiled. But at last, in all, or most of the Britons it was corrupted by an erroneous opinion about the time of keeping Easter, The Britons error about Easter far different from the Quartadecimans See Euseb. 5. hist c 24. 25. Austin ser. 29 Epiph. haer 50. Theod li. 3. de haeres. which was not (as Beda well quoteth lib. 3. c. 4.) the error of the jews, or Quartadeciman heretics. For the Quartadecimans always kept their Easter on one set day of the moon, to wit on the 15. day after the equinoctial, and regarded no set day of the week. The Britons contrary wise celebrated their Easter always on one set day in the week, to wit on Sunday, as Catholics do, and observed not any set day of the moon, Wherein the Britons erred touching Easter. as the Quartadecimans did. The only difference between them & Catholics was, that whereas Catholics according to the appointment of the Conncel of Nice kept their Easter on the Sunday from the 15. day of the moon to the 21. the Britons kept it on the Sunday from the 14. of the moon to the 20. and so they both included one whole day within the compass of celebrating Easter, to wit the 14. day of the moon, which neither jew nor Christian else included, and excluded the 21. day, which the law expressly commanded. Exod. 11. Which proceeded of mere ignorance in them. For as S. Beda saith lib. 3. c. 4. They knew as Christian men do, that the Resurrection of our Lord ought always to be celebrated on Sunday, but as ignorant men (in that point) they had not learned, when that Sunday should come. Because (as S. Wilfrid in S. Beda li. 3. c. 25. said) no cunning Calculator of times or Astronomer had come to them. Herby it appeareth how fond some Ministers have inferred that the Britons, Magd. cent. 2. c. 2. Fox p. 95. The Britons error came not from Asia. because of this error in keeping Easter, learned their faith of the Asian Churches, where the Quartadecimans were. Both because the Britons error was not the Quartadecimans error, but much different; as also because the Britons in Constantins time (when Religion began first to flourish) agreed with the Roman use of celebrating Easter, as testfieth the said Constantin their Country man, who in Euseb. lib. 3. de vita Constantini, c. 8. witnesseth that the same keeping of Easter was observed in the City of Rome in Italy, afric, Egypt, Spain, France, Britanny, Lybia, and all Greece, in the Diocese of Asia, and Pontus, and finally in Cilicia, unâ & consentiente sententiâ, with one uniform consent. Moreover because as S. Beda li. 1. c. 11. saith, that after the foresaid expulsion of the Pelagian heresy, the Britons kept the faith, sound and undefiled, which he never would then have said, if then they had held their error of Easter, because this error he utterly detested, as himself saith lib. 3. c. 16. and lib. 2. c. 19 calleth it Heresy. And finally B. Colman pleading in England for the Britons observation of Easter, and alleging thereto the antiquity of his Countrymen, ascendeth no higher than Abbot Columba, When the Britons error rose. who came out of Ireland into Brittany, but anno 563. as Beda saith lib. 3. c. 4. which was 33. years before S. Augustine's coming hither, and died as Sigebert in Chron. and Bale writ anno 598. that is, two years after S. Augustine's entrance here. Nether did he ever avouch that the Britons, or Scots had been taught that costom of the Asians, but gathered it themselves by misunderstanding S. Anatholius his writings, Pope john 4. in Bed. l. 2. c. 9 attributeth it to ignorance. Whence it arose. and by imagining that S. john Evangelist kept it so, whereof neither was true, as S. Wilfrid proved to his face, in Beda lib. 3. c. 25. The author therefore of this error among the Britons was no Asian, but their own ignorance (through rude simplicity, as Saint Wilfrid saith) of true calculation of finding the true time of Easter. And the time when this ignorance took effect (as it appeareth by S. Beda's foresaid words lib. 1. c. 11.) was not long before S. Augustine's coming. And for Scotland, Beda lib. 2. cap. 29. writeth that by the letters of Pope john 4. written in the year 638. or as Baron. saith, 639. to the Scots, it appeareth plainly, that at that time this heresy was but a little before risen in Scotland, and that not all the country, but certain of them only were infected therewith. Which also appeareth by S. Gregory lib. 9 epist. 61. which he writeth to Quirinus & caeteris in Hibernia Episcopis Catholicis. But as for the Britons it seemeth by Saint Beda lib. 2. cap. 2. that they were generally all infected with this error, Galfrid monum. li. 11. c. 12. Westmon. an. 596. Godwin Catalogue. of Bishops, in S. Paulin. when S. Austin entered this land. And as for the rest of this Kingdom where the English dwelled they (as both Welsh & English Historiographers agree) pagana superstitione caecati etc. blinded in Heathenish superstition they had extinguished all Christianity in that part of the Land where they dwelled. And as S. Beda writeth lib. 2. c. 1. were all then Pagans and had been ever until that time bondslaves of Idols. Miserable estate of Britain before S. Austin coming. This was the lamentable estate of England and Wales before S. Austin came, miserably oppressed, partly with heresy, partly with infidelity. CHAP. II. That S. Austin was the first Preacher of the Christian Faith to our English Nation. THat our English Nation came hither out of Germany, being sent for of the Britons to aid them against the Scots, and Picts, all Historiographers agree, but they disagree somewhat about the tyme. For some write that it was in the year of Christ 449. but S. Beda lib. 1. c. 15. saith that it was in the year 449. and later indeed it could not be. Sigeb. Chro. saith. an. 431. Malmesb l. 1. an. 449. Bal. cent. 2. c. 43. an. 448. Cambd. in Brit an. 450. When our English nation entered this land. Because at S. Germans first coming hither (which was in the year 429. as S. Prosper who then lived recordeth) the Saxons (as S. Beda. lib. 1. c. 20. affirmeth) waged war with the Britons. For being Pagans, and ignorant of God, and seeing the Land fruitful, and the Britons feeble, they measured right by might, and turned their weapons against the silly Britons, whom they partly killed, Galfrid Mon l. 17. c. 12. Godwin in vit. Paulin. partly drove over seas or into those hilly places, which now are called Wales. And in this part of the Land; which they possessed, extinguished (as both English and Welsh writers record) all Christianity, and continued in their Paganism, which they brought with them, for the space almost of 200. years, till (as S. Beda lib. 2. c. 1. and others record) S. Gregory seeing certain English youths sold for slaves in Rome, Upon what occasion S. Gregory sent S. Austin hither and learning of them that their nation was Heathen, got leave of the Pope (being then himself a Monk) to come to preach to them: but was recalled at the importunity of the Romans: yet himself being after made Pope (and as S. Beda speaketh high Bishop over the whole world) did in the year 596 send hither S. Austin, and his company to preach Christ's faith unto them. Which truth, that S. Austin was the first preacher of Christian faith unto our English Nation here in England, S. Austin the first preacher of Christianity unto our nation. hath been always hitherto as undoubted, as it is evident, and manifest. But now because D. Sutclif in his Subversion of the three Conversions, c. 3. hath called it in question, and is desirous rather to give the glory to a French man and woman, to Queen Bertha, and Bishop Luidhard, who were then in England, or to captive Britons, whom he supposeth to have lived amongst the English, than to S. Austin, I will prove it by as many proofs as can be desired for the belief of any ancient thing. S. Gregory. 2. S. Gregory himself, who sent S. Austin, writing lib. 7. Epist. 30. to Eulogius Patriarch of Alexandria, saith thus: While the English Nation dwelling in a corner of the world, remained till now infidel in the worship of wood and stones, by the help of your prayer it seemed good to me, God being the Author, to send a Monk of my monastery to preach to them. The same he testifieth lib. 27. Moral. c. 8. and in divers letters lib. 9 Epi. 52. 56. 59, and in S. Beda lib. 1. c. 27. 29. 30. 31. 32. which for brevity I omit. And the same witness divers other Popes as Boniface, Honorius, Vitalian, Sergius, Gregorius and Formosus, whereof some were alive in S. Augustine's time, and others lived not long after, whose letters are extant in Malmesb. lib. 2. Pont. Ang. pag. 208. pag. 209. S. Augustine's companions. Likewise S. Laurence, S. Mellit, S. justus, three companions of S. Austin, in their public letters to the Scots in S. Beda lib. 2. c. 4. writ, that the English, to whom they were sent to preach the word of God, were Paynim people, and heathen men. Englishmen, In like manner the English youths before mentioned being asked of S. Gregory, whether they were Christians or no, answered (as testifieth Ethelwerd an ancient Historiographer of the blood royal of England) No: nor as yet hath any preached this unto us. The merchants. And the merchants added ex Beda lib. 2. c. 1. that they were all Paynims. And the very Epitaph set upon Saint Augustine's tomb after his death testifieth, S. Augustine's epitaph. that he converted King Ethelbert and his Realm from the worshipping of Idols to the faith of Christ, in Beda lib. 2. c. 3. Thus you see both private and public, both foreign and domestical testimonies, even of that time when S. Austin lived, contest, that before his coming our English Nation was Heathen. whereto I will add a few witnesses in the ages after, that the reader may be assured how undoubted a truth this hath been heretofore. 3. S. Beda who lived within 80. years after S. Austin saith plainly lib. 2. c. 1. that our Nation had been ever to that time the bondslave of Idols. And Alcuin his scholar, S. Beda. but master to Charles the Great in Malmesb. lib. 1. Pont. Ang. pag. 199. & 1. Reg. c. 14. calleth S. Austin our First Teacher, Alcuin. and Canterbury the First Seat of faith. King Kenulph, who lived within 200. years after S. Austin, King Kenulph. writing letters to Pope Leo 3. in his own name, & in the name of the Bishops, Duke's and all the Nobility of his Realm, confesseth, that from Rome Nobis Fidei veritas innotuit, and that, that Sea imbued his Nation rudimentis fidei. K. Withlaf. King Withlaf in his Charter in Ingulph. pag. 858. calleth S. Austin the Apostle of our Nation. Odo. Odo Archbishop of Canterbury, writing about 800. years ago to his Suffragans, saith that from the Sea of Canterbury, Augustini & aliorum studiis Religio Christianitatis primùm cunctis finibus Anglorum innotuit. And in a Synod held in the year 747. of all the Bishops of England in presence of the King, Two English Synods. and Nobles, S. Austin is called Pater noster, and in honour of him they were wont to keep his day most solemnly. And in an other Synod held about 500 years since, Lanfranc Archbishop of Canterbury saith: Quis nesciat quòd à Cantia manavit Christi credulitas in ceteras omnes Angliae Ecclesias. Superfluous it were to add to these the testimonies of such as have lived since, Protestant's confess S. Austin to have been our first preacher. Fox. both foreign and domestical historiographers, who all deliver this for as certain a truth as can be. Only for the confusion of Sutclif and such as he, I will add the confession of some Protestants. Fox in his Acts and Monuments lib. 4. pag. 172. The Saxons overcoming the Land divided themselves into seven Kingdoms: And so being Infidels, and Pagans continued till the time that Gregory, being Bishop of Rome sent Austin to preach unto them. The like he hath lib. 2. pag. 110. 115. and in his Protestat: Holinshead. pag. 9 Holinshead in descript. of Britain lih. 11. c. 7. Austin was sent by Gregory to preach to English men the word of God, who were yet blind in Pagan superstition. And an. 596. Gregory sent Austin into this Isle to preach the Christian faith unto the English-Saxons, which Nation as yet had not received the gospel. Godwin in the life of S. Austin: Godwin. The Saxons not only expelled Christian Religion, but the followers of the same into a corner of this Island. And our country being in a manner all grown over with Paganism, for there was no public allowance of Christian Religion anywhere, but in Walls, It pleased God to give this occasion of replanting the same here again. And telleth, how Saint Gregory seeing English boys sold at Rome, The English without any inkling of the gospel before S. Austin. was moved to send Preachers. And in the life of S. Paulin: When the Saxons had gotten possession of this Realm, the Britons that were the old Inhabitants being driven into a corner thereof; The rest was without any knowledge, or inkling (Note) of the Gospel. And Cambd. in descript. Brit. pag. 104. writeth, Cambden that S. Austin having rooted out the Monsters of Heathenish superstition, engrafting Christ in English men's minds with most happy success converted them to the faith. Who will see more Protestants, may read Bale cent. 1. c. 73. cent. 13. c. 1. Whitaker contr. Dur. pag. 394. Fulk 1. Cor. 4. Cooper Chron. an. 599. Stow 596. 4. Now let us see what Sutclif can say against this so confessed a truth. For soothe that the English had notice of the Christian Religion before S. Austin his coming, because some Britons lived amongst them, and also because King ethelbert's wife Bertha was a Christian, and had a Christian Bishop with her named Luidhard. Are not these (think we) sound reasons to wrestle withal against such uniform consent both of his own, and our writers? As if we denied that the English had any notice of Christianity before S. Augustine's coming, but such it was as the great Turk hath without any belief, or liking thereof. And as for the Britons they were so far from preaching of their own accord, as by no persuasion, entreaty, Britons refused to preach to the English. or threatful prophesy of Saint Austin they could be brought to do it, as testifieth S. Beda lib. 2. c. 2. and Galfrid lib. 11. cap. 12. Besides that as Bale writeth cent. 1. c. 7. & Both. hist. Scot lib. 9 pag. 171. Aspernabantur Angli dogmata Britannorum. The English (for the hatred of the men) despised the Religion of the Britons. Q. Betta neglected to persuade King Ethelbert to the faith. And concerning the English Queen, she was no English but a French woman, and before S. Augustine's coming she had neglected to persuade her husban as S. Gregory lib 9 Epi. 59 testifieth, who rebuketh her therefore. And her Bishop was not sent to preach to the English, Other nations neglect us, and only Rome helpeth. but as Beda saith lib. 1. c. 25. to assist her, and help her in her faith. Nether doth he make any mention of this Bishops preaching to our Nation. And for other Nations about us S. Gregory lib. 5. Epist. 59 writeth that he heard that the English would willingly be come Christians. Sed Sacerdotes qui in vicino sunt Pastoralem erga eos Curam non habere: but that the Priests about them took no care of them. Be it therefore certain that the first that preached Christian faith to our English Nation was S. Austin, How S. Austin is our Apostle. Malm. l. 1. Hist. c. 2. Godwin in vit. Augustin. Holinshead Chro. an. 602. Apology for oath of allegiance p. 92. 93. iovius descript. Britan. whom therefore Pope Honorius lit. ad Regem Edwin. apud Bedam lib. 2. c. 17. King Withlaf as we heard before, and catholic English writers, and some Protestants also as Cambden Descript. Britan. pag. 515. and 178. Bale cent. 13. c. 7. cent. 14. c. 13. call the Apostle of England. Nether aught Sutclif or others to be offended with this title, because we call not him absolutely an Apostle, or Apostle of the whole world as the 12. were, who were sent in universum mundum, but with this restriction of England. So S. Paul called Epaphroditus the Apostle of the Philippians, Philip. 2. and Protestants call Tindal and Latimer Apostles of England, as you may see in Bale cent. 8. c. 72. 85. and Fox. CHAP. III. That S. Austin and his fellows preaching took great effect in ou English Nation. BEcause some Ministers albeit they can not deny but S. Austin preached the faith of Christ here in England, yet will extenuatt his benefit as much as they can, & say that only a few Saxons were beholding unto him, Ministers ungratul. Sutclif lib. cit. c. 3. and that neither Austin nor Gregory deserved any great praise for the conversion of the Saxons, or English. I will briefly touch what great good he and his fellows here did. First therefore himself, Kingdom of Kent converted by S. Austin. though (through the excessive pains which he took) he lived but a short time: yet did he convert Ethelbert King of Kent, whose dominion reached unto Humber, & many of his people as S. Beda witnesseth lib. 1. c. 26. and christened at one time ten thousand as Saint Gregory lib. 7. Epi. 30. Epitaph. of S. Austin saith he converted this King's people. Fox Acts pag. 119. Cambden in Britan. p. 105. and others do testify. Fox. p. 116. addeth, that he converted innumerable. And pag. 118. baptized a great part. And Godwin in vit. Aug. saith, he converted all the said King's people. Besides this he sent S. Mellit to London, where he converted Sebret King of Essex. And after he had gained (saith Malmesb. 2. part. histor. p. 250) Kent to Christ, S. Austin travaileth through almost all England. travailed throughout all the rest of the English Provinces, so far as the Kingdom of Ethelbert reached. Yet Fox Acts p. 119. and Cambden lib. cit. say, that he passed beyond the dominion of King Ethelbert, and christened many thousands in the river Small. Christened ten thousands at once. Travaileth barefoot. Erecteth Archb. Bishoprics and monast. Beda l. 1. c. 26. 33. li. 2. c. 3. Capgr. in vit. Augustini. Cambden in Brit. p. 178. 438. 490. Ealred in vit. Edwardi. Laboureth to reduce the Britons. And this travail he took (saith Capgrave in his life) on foot, and for the most part barefoot, and had great knobbs on his knees with continual kneeling in prayer. Besides in his time he procured the erecting of the Archbishopric of Canterbury, and the Bishopric of London, and Rochester, & the foundations of the Monasteries of the Augustine's in Canterbury, Westminster in London, Ely in Cambridgshier, and Cernel in Dorsetshier. And as S. Beda lib. 2. c. 4. Laid the foundation of our Church well and strongly. And not content to labour thus for the conversion of English men, endeavoured also to reduce the Britons to the right faith, and took therein (saith Godwin) much pains. Gathered (as you may see in Beda lib. 2. c 2.) two meetings of their Divines, & convinced their error both by disputation and miracles. All parts of England beholden to S. Austin. Whereby we may see that all parts of England both South, West, East, North, and Wales to are greatly behoulden to Saint Austin. The labores of S. Augustine's fellows. S. Laurence. 2. After Saint Augustine's death (which was as some writ about ten years after his coming hither) S. Laurence his fellow labourer, and successor, converted Edbald second Christian King of Kent. And taught the Papists faith (saith Bale cent. 13. c. 2.) almost in all the dominions of the English men. And beside wrote letters which are extant in Beda lib. 2. c. 4. to the Scottish, and Irish people who were entangled in the Britons error. And as Bale writeth cent. 1. c. 74. held a Council with them for that purpose in the I'll of man.. Yea as Capgraue hath in his life, he went to Scotland, and there converted Tenan Archbishop of Irland to the true observation of Easter. S. justus. S. justus also another fellow worker, and successor of S. Austin, converted so many, as Pope Boniface in Beda lib. 2. c. 8. writeth to him thus, you may show whole countries plentifully multiplied in the faith by you. And both of him, S. Mellit. and S. Mellit his Predecessor S. Beda lib. 2. c. 7. giveth this testimony, they ruled, & governed the English Church with great labour, S. Paulin. and diligence. Finally S. Paulin an other of S. Augustine's fellow labourers, and first Archbishop of York, converted, and baptised Edwin King of the North part of England, and by conquest over England, Wales and the Hebrides Isles, with all the nobility (saith Beda lib. 2. c. 14.) of his country and most part of the common people. And, as he addeth c. 17. all his subjects of the Northern parts. And such pains herein S. Paulin took, that as S. Beda saith c. 14. cit. he stayed in one place 36. days together from morning to evening, instructing and baptizing the people. And by means of King Edwin was also Redwald King of Est-england and for a while the potentest King of England, converted and Christened, and also his son Carpwald. Finally to conclude by Saint Austin and his fellow labourers were six English Kings converted from Paganism to Christ's faith, to wit, Ethelbert, Sebert, S. Austin & his fellows converted six English Kings and four kingdom. Edbald, Edwin, Redwald, Carpwald. Amongst whom Ethelbert, Edwin, and Redwald were the most puissant Kings of their tyme. And of the 7. Kingdoms which then were, they converted four viz. the Kingdom of Kent, Kingdom of Estsaxons, Beda lib. 2. c. 16. Cambd. p. 178. Founded two Archb. two Bishop. five Cathedral Churches, six monasteries. Estangles and the Kingdom of the North, and preached, and founded Churches in the fifth Kingdom of Mercia at Lincoln, & in the sixth of Westsaxons at Cernel in Dorsetshier. Founded the two Archbishoprics of Canterbury, & York, and the Bishoprics of London, and Rochester, erected the Cathedral Churches of Canterbury, Rochester, London, Lincoln, and York, Beda sup. Cambd. p. 490. Capgrau in Augustino Ealred in Edwardo. and the Collegiate Church in Southwel. Began the monasteries of the Augustine's, and Christ's Church in Canterbury, of Westminster in London, of Ely in Cambridgshier, of Cernel in Dorsetshier. Whereby it appeareth that not only a few Saxons (as Sutclif speaketh) but the whole nations of English, English. Scottish Welch, Irish greatly bound to S. Austin and his fellows. Scottish, Welsh and Irish were infinitely behoulden to Saint Austin, and his fellows, for leaving their country, for coming so far a journey as is from Rome, for venturing into a barbarous, and unknown Country as ours than was, for hazarding their lives among fierce, and savage people, for recalling so many Kings, and Kingdoms from Paganism to Christianity, for labouring so much to reduce Heretics, for erecting so many Episcopal Sees, and Monasteries, and finally for spending their lives here among us. And if any part of this land took no great commodity by them, it was not to be attributed to them, but to the people's own negligence, and obstinacy. D. Whitak. more grateful than Sutclif. Wherefore D. Whitaker as far more grateful than Sutclif lib. 5. count Dur. pag. 394. speaking of our conversion by S. Gregory means, saith: That he did us a great benefit we will always gratfully remember. And now having showed that S. Austin. was the first Preacher of Christ's faith to our Nation in England, let us see what qualities he had fit for so high a function to wit what learning and virtue. CHAP. FOUR That Saint Austin was a great Clerk and excellent Divine. SOme Ministers are so spiteful against S. Austin our Apostle, as they seek all occasions they can to dishonour him. Where upon Bale cent. 13. c. 1. saith he was ignorant in holy scriptures, and the questions which he sent to S. Gregory and are extant in S. Beda lib. 1. c. 27. were most unsavoury and void of all knowledge of the Gospel, and law of God. But no marvel if he, and suchlike condemn S. Austin as unlearned, who dare condemn the gloriousest lights of Christianity, the greatest Doctors of God's Church of blindness, and ignorance. But how great a Clerk S. Austin was, Arguments of S. Augustine's great learning. though we had no evident testimony, we might ourselves gather by many ways. For as touching his wit, and capacity of learning, it may suffice that he was an Italian, and Roman, His wit. whom in wit we know to excel. The place where he studied was Rome, His place of study. where at that time as joan. Diacon. in vit. Gregor. lib. 2. c. 13. Rerum sapientiâ cum septem artibus floruit. His Master. His Master was S. Gregory himself, one of the four Doctors of the Church, as witness S. Beda Epi. ad Ceolwolph Regem, Ethelwerd lib. 2. c. 1. Malmesb. lib. 1. Pont. p. 195. Amongst his scholefellowes one was (as it seemeth) that great Doctor of Spain S. Isidore. His school fellows. For as Genebr. and Sigebert in Chron. do write, he was scholar to Saint Gregory. His endeavour. And for S. Augustine's endeavour to attain to learning, for proof thereof it may suffice that he was a Monk of Saint Gregoreis own Monastery, where men were not (doubtless) suffered to lose their time, brought up there under regular discipline, and at last made Praepositus eiusdem Monasterij, Superior of the same Monastery. All which testifieth S. Gregory himself lib. 7. Epi. 30. 112. and lib. 2. c. 13. and S. Beda, lib. 1. c. 27. His profit. And finally for his profit in learning, it may suffice that it appeareth by the choice made of him among so many learned men, as then were in Rome, and made by so great a Doctor as S. Gregory was, and so careful to choose sufficient men, and made for so great a matter as to be Dux verbi, First Preacher of Christian saith to Infidels, and converter of learned heretics. For if S. Gregory required so great skill in every Pastor of souls as he wrote lib. Pastor. that Government of souls is the art of arts; How much would he require in him to whom he committed the care of all the Infidels, and Heretics in so great a Kingdom as this is? And besides this the care of S. Gregory to send hither a great learned man, may appear by the like great care which Pope Vitalian had afterward, as is to be seen in Beda lib. 4. c. 1. to provide a great, and famous Divine for the Archbishopric of Canterbury even after all England was converted. For neither was Pope Vitalian more ready to furnish England with learned Pastors, than S. Gregory was, nor was he more able to judge of their learning, nor had he more choice of learned men. If therefore Pope Vitalian sent hither such learned men as S. Theodor and S. Adrian were, what shall we think of S. Austin and his fellows sent by S. Gregory? 2. But besides these collections of ours we have a testimony of S. Augustine's great learning Omni exceptione maius. S. Gregory's testimony of S. Augustine's great learning. For S. Gregory his Master who best knew him, and was best able to judge, and for his holiness and rare humility was least likely to lie, or praise his scholar beyond his deserts, writing to King Ethelbert in Beda lib. 1. c. 32. and exhorting him to follow S. Austin in all points saith. He was replenished with knowledge of the holy scriptures. Ethelvverd. And Ethelwerd, one of our ancientest historiographers, lib. 2. c. 1. saith he was divino eloquio nimis instructus, S. justus great learning. exceedingly instructed in the scriptures. justus one of S. Augustine's fellows, and successors, Pope Boniface writing to him saith: He had brought up King Edbald with great learning, and instruction of holy scriptures, as is to be seen in Beda l. 2. c. 8. And doubt we that S. Austin had not done the like to King Ethelbert? S. Honorius great learning. And of Honorius, another of S. Augustine's fellows Beda lib. 5. c. 20. saith he was a man profoundly learned in holy scripture. And why should we think that S. Austin was inferior to him? Besides S. Beda lib. 1. c. 22. speaking of the British Preachers, whom he accounted most learned men, yet comparing them with S. Austin, and his fellows saith, that these were more worthy Preachers. And besides these testimonies of S. Augustine's great learning we have an evident proof by the effect thereof. For albeit there were among the Britons many viri doctissimi, most learned men. as Saint Beda saith lib. 2. c. 2. Yet Saint Austin feared not twice to challenge them all to public disputations, S. Austin confuted most learned Heretics. and at the first overcame them, and at the second they durst not (as it seemeth) encounter with him. The like disputations had after S. Laurence, and other of S. Augustine's fellows in the I'll of Man with Scottish and Irish Divines, and wrote also to the Britons as saint Beda lib. 2. c. 4. speaketh worthy letters, and fit for their Degree. Protestant's confess S. Austin and his fellows learning. Cooper. Yea the Protestants themselves when they are void of passion confess saint Austin, and his fellows to have been great scholars. For B. Cooper Chron. an. 599. saith that Austin, john, Mellit, and others were godly, and well learned men. Holinshed Holinshead an. 596. calleth saint Austin, and his fellows learned men. And Godwin in vita Honorij, saith: Godwin Honorius (a fellow and successor of saint Austin) was very learned, and some times disciple of Saint Gregory. And in vita Laurentij, that S. Laurence (his immediate successor) was a well learned man. That Deusdedit who was an English man, & scholar to saint Austin, was very famous for his learning, and other virtues. And if the scholar were very famous, what may we think of the Master? Bale Yea Bale himself cent. 13. c. 2. saith that saint Laurence, successor and fellow of saint Austin was very skilful in logic and other Philosophy. 3. But how think you doth Bale prove that saint Austin was ignorant of scripture, or his questions void of all knowledge of the Gospel? Surely not at all. But it must suffice that this Aristarchus hath so judged. But perhaps it displeased Bale that saint Austin should in them inquire about the ceremonies of Mass, Why S. Augustine's questions were unsavoury to Bale. and about the offering upon the Altar, of saying Mass after pollution in the night, or of receiving the blessed Sacrament after a man hath carnally known his wife, which questions (no marvel) if they seem unsavoury to Bale, and void of all knowledge of his new Gospel. Indeed the questions are not of any profound divinity, but of practical matters about the government of the Church and holy ceremonies, and administration of Sacraments, in which matters the greatest Divines unless they have been practised therein (as S. Austin had not been in his monastery) are not always the most skilful. Besides that Saint Austin proposed those questions to saint Gregory not upon ignorance, but upon humility, and desire to be directed by him even in smallest matters. This saint Gregory himself testifieth in these words in Beda lib. 2. c. 23. I doubt not but you have required Counsel in these matters, and I think also I have already made you answer herein, S. Austin could have answered his own questions. Yet that which yourself could say, and think herein, I think you would have it confirmed with my answer. The like account made the French Ministers of Caluin as appeareth by the survey of the holy discipline c. 3. p. 43. in these words. As any doubts did arise amongst them concerning Church causes, though they were but very simple, and such as any student of mean capacity and judgement might very easily have satisfied, yet no man but M. Caluin for his time, and M. Beza afterward was accounted of sufficiency or able to dissolve them. You hear what simple questions the French Ministers sent to Caluin and Beza, and yet without any prejudice of their opinion in learning. And why should not S. Austin do the like? And surely I here admire the goodness of God towards our Nation, that he would Saint Austin should inquire such small matters of S. Gregory, and that his questions should remain to our days. both to show us by our first Apostle what account we should make of the resolution of the Sea Apostolic, What account S. Austin made of the resolutions of the See Apostol. and (as S. Irenaeus lib. 3. c. 3. wrote above 1400. years ago) in all difficulties recur to her, and also to assure us that S. Austin, who in so small matters would do nothing of himself, but by the direction of S. Gregory, would much less vary from him in matters of faith or religion; And consequently, that the faith which he taught our Ancestors, was the faith of the greatest Doctor that ever since S. Peter sat in the Church of Rome, Belt. Woeful cry p. 3. and by the confession of Protestants was as famous and as learned a man as ever was Bishop of Rome, yea omnium Pontificum, Of all the Bishops of Rome, the most excellent for life and learning. Bale cent. 1. c. 68 Which thing well considered, can not but breed great comfort in them, who had the faith of their Forefathers delivered to them by S. Austin, and as great discomfort in them, who have forsaken it. And thus much of S. Augustine's learning: now let us see his virtue. CHAP. V That Saint Austin was a great Saint, and holy man. IF Ministers were before unwilling to grant that S. Austin was our first Preacher or a learned man, much more loath they are to confess that he was a holy man. And not without cause, because thereby they perceive it will follow, that his faith was the true faith of Christ. For as S. Paul saith Rom. 10. The just man liveth by faith. & Heb. 11. without faith it is impossible to please God. By how many kinds of testimonies S. Augustine's great holiness is proved. But I will prove not only by the testimony of them that saw, and knew S. Austin, but also by the testimony of his Master, his own life and death, by public and private testimony of them that lived with him, by all kind of writers following, by the virtuous life of the Church which he founded, and finally by the confession of divers Protestants that S. Austin was a saint and virtuous holy man. 2. As for S. Augustine's Master, Ambros. lib. 2. de Virginibus. saith: How virtuous S. Augustine's Master was. The first spur to learning is the excellency of the Master. And no doubt but the example of an excellent Master is a great spur to virtue. And what Master either in that age, or long before, or after could S. Austin have had comparable to S. Gregory, who for his great virtue, and noble acts is surnamed the great: whom S. Isidor lib. de viris illustrib. c. 7. who knew him saith, S. Isidor. was by compunction full of the fear of God, in humility chiefest, and endued with such light of knowledge, as the like was not then, nor before. 8. Council Tolet. And the 8. Council of Toledo doubteth not to prefer him in moral doctrine before all other Doctors. S. Ildefonsus. S. Ildefonsus also lib. de vir. illustrib. c. 2. writeth that he excelled so high in perfection of all virtues, as setting a side all famous men, antiquity could not show the like. For in holiness he surpassed S. Antony, in eloquence S. Cyprian, in knowledge S. Austin. S. Gregor. Turon. S. Gregor. also of Tours, who knew him greatly commendeth him lib. 10. de Gestis Francorum. c. 1. S. Beda lib. 1. c. 13. saith, S. Beda See S. Damasen orat. 2. de defunctis. He was a man of the greatest virtue & learning of his tyme. And who will see more of this virtuous man may read his life in joannes Diacon. in S. Beda lib. 2. c. 1. Here I will content myself with the judgement of our famous and ancient King Alfred: K. Alfred who thus commendeth him. The true servant of God the Roman Pope Christ's Vicar Gregory, a man of considerate fortitude, King Alfred Praefat. Pastoral. without rashness, endued with chief wit, wisdom and Counsel, an infinite treasure, because he won the greatest part of mankind to heaven, the best man of the Romans, most abounding in greatness of courage, and most free of Majesty. This was the judgement of our great King touching S. Gregory, and of the same mind were all our Catholic writers, as you may see in Florent. an. 605. Malmesb. 1. Reg. c. 3. Westmon. an. 605. and others. In so much as D. Reinolds in his Confer. p. 583. Ancient English men. writeth that our Ancestors had a reverend opinion of the Pope long after S. Gregory for S. Gregory's sake. To these Catholics I will add also the verdict of a few Protestants. Protestant's. D Whitaker. D. Whitaker count Dur. p. 397. saith: He was a learned and holy Bishop and p. 502. I confess Gregory to have been a good and holy man. Godwin. Godwin in vita August. a good man that blessed and holy Father Gregory. Item This good man being made Pope took especial care of sending Preachers into this Land. D. Sutclif Subuers. c. 2. D. Sutclif. Gregory and Eleutherius were Bishops, and famous men in the Church for their painful labours, and constancy in teaching the truth. Bale cent. 1. c. 68 saith he was the excellent of all the Bishops of Rome for learning and life. That against his will and striving to the contrary, and at last compelled, he succeeded Pope Pelagius. That he was a learned, and good man, founded hospitals, invited pilgrims to his table, sent things necessary to the Monks of Jerusalem, and maintained three thousand Virgins. And c. 7 He reduced the Goths from Arianisme to the Church, professed himself by writing the Servant of God's servants, that thereby he might appear most far from all ambition, and desire of command. Bell in his Woeful Cry p. 62. saith: Bel. Gregory was a holy Bishop indeed. And in his Survey p. 156. He was virtuous and learned. pag. 480. D Humphrey. Luth, Gal. 4 I tink Greg was loved. c. 5. the world hath in admiration the holiness of Gregory. A man of sufficient credit. Willet in his Synopsis, A modest and humble Bishop. D. Humphrey, jesuitismi part. 2. pag. 624. Gregory surnamed Great, and indeed great, a great man, and endued with many virtues of divine grace. Thus Protestants account of saint Augustine's Master. 2. As for S. Austin himself, Godwin in Aug. saith: He was a man of exceeding tall stature, well favoured, S. Augustine's virtuous deeds. and of a very amiable countenance. And as for his great holiness it appeareth many ways. For first, being very young, he forsook all the pleasures and commodities of the world, and became a Monk, entering into S. Gregory's monastery, which no doubt was a Nursery of virtue. Where, (as Greg. saith ex Beda lib. 1. c. 27.) he was brought up from his youth in regular discipline, and according to his rule imitated the form, and rule used in the Primitive Church of the Fathers, among whom all things were common. where he so exceeded in virtue as he was made Superior over the Monastery. ex Greg. lib. 7. epist. 112. Secondly, at Saint Gregory's commandment he left his own Country, where he served God in quietness, and came to preach the Gospel both so far of as our Country is from Rome, & to such barbarous people, as our Nation then was. Thirdly, after he entered into England, he lived so virtuously, that albeit he proved, no doubt, his doctrine by great learning, and confirmed it (as shallbe showed hereafter) by many and great miracles, yet as saint Beda affirmeth lib. 1. c. 26. our Country was converted more by the holiness of him, and his fellows lives, than by any other means. See Hunting. lib. 3. After they were now entered (saith Beda lib. cit.) into their lodging they began to exercise the Apostolic order of living of the primitive Church, S. Augustine's and his fellows Apostolic life. serving God in continual prayer, watching, and fasting, and preaching the word of life to as many as they could, despising the commodities of the world as things none of their own, taking of them only whom they instructed so much as might serve their necessities, living themselves according to that they taught other, and being ready to suffer both troubles and death itself in defence of the truth they taught. Whereby many did believe and were baptised, marveling much at the simplicity of their innocent living, and at the sweetness of their heavenly doctrine. Infrà. The King himself being much delighted with the purity of their life, and the example of their godly conversation, as also with their sweet promises, which to be true they proved with many miracles did believe, and was baptised. What pains he took first in persuading our Nation the Christian faith, which was then addicted to Idolatry, after in instructing them, who were so rude and ignorant in all faith, and lastly in baptizing, and administering the sacraments having some times to christian ten thousand at a time, none can express. Capgrave in his life saith, he went trough England on foot preaching, S. Augustine's pains and frequent prayer. Had the gift of miracles and of Prophecy. and most commonly barefoot, and had callum in genibus by frequency of prayers. Much pains also he took with the Welsh men in two Counsels, & besides disputation wrought miracles in their sight. He had the gift of miracles ex Greg. apud Bedam lib. 1. c. 31. And of Prophecy, Beda lib. 2. c. 2. This briefly was the admirable and Apostolic holiness of life of Saint Austin and his fellows, which no doubt he concluded with a happy death. For his Epitaph recorded by S. Beda lib. 2. c. 3. witnesseth after he had converted King Ethelbert and his people to the faith of Christ, fulfilling in peace the days of his office, died the 26. of May. Witnesses of S. Augustine's holiness. S. Gregor. 4. Thirdly, for the witness of those, that lived with S. Austin. First is S. Gregory himself, who best knew him, and was best able to judge of his virtue. He writing to King Ethelbert in Beda lib. 1. c. 32. saith, that S. Austin had been brought up in the rule of Religion, and was by the grace of God of much virtue. And lib. 9 epist. 58. writing to S. Austin himself, saith: I have much hope, that by the grace of God thy Creator, and our Redeemer, Lord and God, Christ jesus, thy sins are already forgiven thee, and that thou art therefore chosen, that by thee other men's sins may be pardoned. Nether shalt thou have sorrow of any sin hereafter, who endevourest by conversion of many, to make joy in heaven. And surely who considereth what great perfection Saint Gregory lib. 4. epist. 24. requireth in a Pastor, to wit, that he be Pure in thought, notable in work, discreet in silence, profitable in speech, near to all in compassion, above all in contemplation, fellow by humility to all that do well, stout through zeal of justice against the vices of the offending, will nothing doubt but Saint Austin, whom he chose to so high a function, was an excellent perfect man. And lib. 5. epist. 52. he saith: Augustine's zeal and endeavour is well known to us. and repeateth it epist. 53. 58. 59 Likewise of the Popes, soon after succeeding to S. Gregory, divers other Popes he is highly commended: Of Pope Boniface 4. in Malmsbury lib. 1. Pont. p. 208. he is called the holy Doctor: Of Pope Honorius ibidem p. 209. Austin of holy remembrance. Of Gregory 3. ibidem p. 210. Austin of blessed memory: Of Leo 3. ibid. p. 211. Blessed Augustin. Besides by them who lived with him, and saw his happy end, he is called in his Epitaph, Authors of his epih. tap Blessed Austin. Stow Chron. p. 67. or as Godwin hath, Saint Austin. 5. Fourthly, Witnesses of S. Aust. holiness after his tyme. touching the testimony of those that lived after Saint Augustine's time, the first is Saint Beda, whose testimony of his holy life is already set down, to which I add, that lib. 2. c. 3. he calleth him the dearly beloved man of God, holy Father Austin. S. Beda. and lib. 4. c. 27. The blessed Father Austin. In a Council of all the Bishops of England held anno 747. A council in England. in presence of King Ethelbald and all his Nobility, it was appointed, That the day of our Father Saint Austin be kept holy, as writeth Malmesbury 1. lib. Pont. p. 197. and Fox lib. 2. p. 128. After that, King Kenulph and all his Bishops, Dukes, K. Kenulph and his Bishops and Nobles. and Nobility writing to Pope Leo 3. say thus: Austin of blessed memory most gloriously governed the Churches of England. ex Malmesb. 1. Reg. pag. 31. S. Odo. In the letters of S. Odo Archbishop of Canterbury in Malmesbury 1. Pont. pag. 201. he is called Austin of blessed memory. Of Ethelwerd lib. 2. Ethelvverd. c. 1. & 5. he is called Holy Austin servant of Christ, and innumerable miracles wrought by him. Malmesbury 1. Pont. pag. 196. Malmesb. saith thus: How great the merits of Austin are before God, the great miracles do show, which after so many ages he worketh, not suffering Kent, yea all England to become slow in honouring of him. Huntingdon. Of Huntingdon lib. 3. pag. 321. he is called the servant of God, man of God, to have imitated the Apostolical life of the Primitive Church, to have led a most clean life. Of Hoveden 1. Hoveden. part. Annal. he is called the glorious Doctor of the whole Kingdom, the notable Founder of Christian Faith and Religion. And in like sort is he commended for a great saint, of Westmon. Chron. an. 596. Westm. Marian & others. Odo chron. 583. calleth them tim●●tes Deum. Marianus ibidem. And finally of all writers domestical and foreign, who writ of him before our times. 6. Fifthly, touching the proof of Saint Augustine's holiness by the holy life of the Church which he here founded, that is evident to all them that read our Ecclesiastical Histories. The holiness of our church founded by S. Austin. And so manifest as Fox lib. 2. pag. 114. citeth and approveth these words out of ancient Chronicles: In the Primitive Church of England Religion shined most purely, so that Kings, Princes, Dukes, Consuls, Barons & rulers of the Church incensed with a desire of heaven entered into Monkery, voluntary exile and solitary life, forsook the world and followed Christ. And the same hath Huntingdon lib. 5. in Prologue. and Hoveden 1. Confessed by Protestants. Fox. part. Annal. pag. 412. And the same Fox p. 123. saith: I do read and also do credit that the Clergy of that time (S. Augustine's time) of England applied nothing that was worldly, but gave themselves to preaching, and teaching the word of our Saviour, See more in Fox p. 132. 133. Cambden and fillowed the life that they preached by giving good example. Cambden in descript. Britan. pag. 345. saith: that time was most fruitful of Saints. And pag. 628. he braggeth that no Kingdom hath so many canonised Martyrs and Confessors as England hath, Of some England was called religios● Anglia of others Paradisus Dei See Baron. to 9 Serra. de reb. Mogunt. lib. 3. nota 55. Protestant's confess S. Austin holiness. Fox. and that it, which before times was called a fertile Province of Tyrants; may now be called a fertile country of Saints. And who will see more of the great holiness of our Clergy may read Beda lib. 3. c. 26. Othlon in vita S. Bonifacij. Marcellin. in vita S. Suiberti. Serrarius de Mogunt. lib. 3. 7. Lastly, for the confession of Protestants, Fox in his Acts pag. 105. saith of Saint Austin and his fellows thus: At length when the King had well considered the honest conversation of their life, and moved with their miracles, wrought through God's hands by them, he heard them more gladly and last by their wholesome exhortations and example of godly life, he was by them converted and christened in the year 596. And the same he repeateth again pag. 116. Bilson. Bilson lib. Of Obedience, pag. 57 saith: Austin and his fellows came with religion to God, and submission to Princes. Cooper. Bishop Cooper anno 599. calleth Austin and his fellows, godly and learned men. And anno 630. calleth Paulinus (one of the company) a holy Bishop; Stow Chron. pag. 65. Stow. saith, that S. Austin and his fellows lived in the fear of God. Godwin in vita August. saith: Godwin. He was a Monk of great virtue; and calleth him, Saint Austin. And in vita Paulini, saith: Paulin (his companion) was called away to receive the glorious reward of his blessed labours. Holinshed And Holinshed in the History of England: Austin and his company arrived at Canterbury, where he made his abode by the King's permission, exercised the life of Apostles in fasting, watching, and prayers, preaching, the word of God to as many as they could, despising all worldly pleasures, as not appertaining to them, receiving only of them whom they taught, things seeming necessary to the sustenance of their life, and living in all points according to the doctrine, which they set forth. Iten: King Ethelbert was persuaded by the good example of S. Austin & his company, and by miracles showed, to be baptised. Hereto I might add what divers Protestants have written of the great holiness of some of S. Augustine's company, who succeeded him in the Archbishoprik of Canterbury: But for that we shall have more convenient place hereafter. Now let us see what the malice, and hatred of some Ministers against Saint Augustine's doctrine, hath caused them to object against his person. CHAP. VI Certain slanders imposed upon Saint Austin, disproved. CIcero, in his Oration for Roscius, saith: that as fire falling into water is strait put out: so a slander put upon an innocent man, is quickly extinguished. Which (I doubt not) will prove true in the calumniations objected against S. Austin. The first whereof is cruelty (say they) in exhorting Ethelfrid a Heathen King of the North, against the British Monks, of whom he slew at once above 1200. But this is an impudent slander, devised first (for any thing that I can find) by Bale, who centur. 1. capit. 70. Bale slandereth S. Austin upon reports. fearfully broached it, and therefore referreth it to reports, saying: ferunt, as some report. But afterward Cent. 13. cap. 1. he confidently avoucheth it. After him took up that slander jewel Defence. Apolog. part. 5. Abbots in his Answer to Do. Bishop, p. 198. Sutclif Subuers. c. 3. & 7. and others. That S. Austin was no cause of the death of the British Monks. This false slander is many ways refuted. First, because it is avouched without all testimonies of antiquity. Bale (as I say) having no one to name before, referreth himself to uncertain reports, if he be not both Author, and reporter too. Abbot's citeth jewel, Sutclif, allegeth Thomas Grey, & a nameless Chronicle which he calleth old, as if they should have said, ask my fellow if I be a thief. Secondly, because the Britons albeit enemies to Saint Austin, blamed not him, but others, for this slaughter, as is evident in Galfrid lib. 4. cap. 4. Thirdly, because the slanderers of Saint Austin disagree in their tale more than the accusers of Susanna, and therefore if Daniel might be judge, these would be condemned as well as they were. For some say S. Austin excited King Ethelfrid to this murder, others say, not Saint Austin but K. Ethelbert his scholar: Some say, that Ethelfrid made this slaughter: others, that K. Ethelbert, as Grey cited by Sutclif. So they agree neither in the Author nor Actor of this matter. Fourthly because as Beda testifieth lib. 2. c. 2. Saint Austin was long before that slaughter, taken out of this life to the Kingdom of heaven, and no way caused it but rather forewarned the Britons thereof by prophecy. But it came to pass (saith Beda) by the secret working of God's judgement upon that unfaithful and naughty people. And the same testify our best Historiographers both Catholics and Protestants. Namely Malmesbury lib. 3. Reg. pag. 325 Hunting. lib. 3. Florent. an. 603. Westmon. an. 603. Sigebert an. 602. 615. Stow Chron. pag. 66. Godwin in the life of Saint Austin. Fox Acts pagina 119. where he writeth that Saint Austin forspoke the destruction, and by report of others was dead before it happened. 2. To this Sutclif cap. 7. cit. answereth, Sutclif feigneth corruption in S. Beda. that those words of Saint Beda touching Saint Augustine's death before the slaughter, are added by some forger. First, because after this war Saint Austin ordained justus and Mellitus Bishops, as Beda (saith he) reporteth. Secondly, because they are not in the Saxon Translation of Beda made by King Alfred. Thirdly, because the Chronicle of Peterbrough and Flores Histor. testify, that Saint Austin died three years after this execution. Confuted. But this surmise of forgery in Saint Beda his Latin History is altogether incredible, both because all Latin copies (in which language Saint Beda wrote) have the said words, and impossible it is that either one forger should corrupt all the copies in Christendom, or that in all Christendom men would ago to corrupt Beda in that place, and in no other. And also because till Sutclif no man suspected any such forgery. Finally, because, as it shall appear anon by true Chronologie of time, Saint Austin was indeed dead before the slaughter. And no little presumption thereof it is, that the Britons, who laid the blame thereof on King Ethelbert Saint Augustine's scholar, would sooner have laid the blame thereof on Saint Austin himself who threatfully (saith Saint Beda) prophesied it, if he had been alive, as King Ethelbert was, when it chanced. But little will he marvel to hear Sutclife to suspect Saint Beda as corrupted, who considereth how many and how undoubted books of Fathers in his Challenge he had rejected as either forged or corrupted, Usual with Sutclif to say Authors are forged as Saint Athanas. de vita Antoniuses, Saint Hierom de vita Pauli & Hilarionis, S. Gregory's Dialogues, Saint Ambrose de Viduis, & many others. Which kind of shift, at it is most usual with Sutclif, so in the eye of any wise man it is most desperate. As for his proofs, the first is a manifest untruth. Sutc. belieth S. Beda. For Saint Beda reporteth not that S. Austin ordained Bishops after the said slaughter of the British Monks, but only talketh of the slaughter before he speaketh of the ordination. The cause whereof was, because having told of Saint Augustine's prophecy of the Britons destruction, which prophecy was before he ordained Bishops, to show that it was a true prophecy addeth, that after it happened as S. Austin had fortould, and how long after, he soon after declareth, to wit, long after S. Augustine's death. Sutclifs second proof I greatly suspect to be a forgery of his own. But how so ever that be, there is neither reason that he should urge, nor that we should believe one translation before all originals. Originals to be believed before translations & many before one. For who would not think that, that translation were defective in that place, rather than that all Originals had more than they should. As for the Chronicle of Peterbrough and Flores Histor. we might take just exception against them, as having passed through the corrupt fingering of divers Protestants, but who are they to oppose against so many cited before to the contrary, especially seeing that Flores Histor. cleareth Saint Austin from this slaughter, and attribueth it to Prophecy. And besides his Chronologie (as Godwin in the Bishops of York pag. 442. a Protestant confesseth) is very uncertain, When the British Monks were slain. & in this point is very false. For as Sigebert in Chron. and Bale himself Cent. 1. cap. 74. reporteth out of Masseus the slaughter was done an. 615. At what time as all writers agree S. Laurence was Archbishop, and Saint Austin dead, When S. Austin died. either an. 614. as Malmesbury saith in Hist. and in Fastis; or an. 605. as Sigebert saith in Chron. or 608. as Bale hath cent. 13. cap. 1. or an. 604. as Baron. gathereth out of Beda, and Florent. in Chron. and Stow pag. 62. affirmeth. How then could Saint Austin cause this slaughter, which was so long after his death, and much les go in the army to the slaughter as Sutclif citeth out of an old Chronicle, if he do not lie himself. 3. For this Bilson in his Book of Obedience pag. 114. saith, that the King Ethelbert King of Kent (whom Saint Austin converted) moved King Ethelfrid to commit this massacre, and citeth thereto Galfrid of Munmouth lib. 8. cap. 4. and so indirectly deriveth the fault to Saint Austin his teacher. That K. Ethelbert caused not the British Monks to be slain. But first, if this slaughter were done (as we have seen out of Bale) in the year 615. certain it is, that Saint Austin lived not till that time, but died before, as is already showed, and therefore he could not be the author of this fact. Secondly, in defence of King Ethelbert I oppose against Bilson what Fox saith p. 119. Fox defendeth King Ethelbert. that it seemeth rather suspicious than true, that Ethelbert being a Christian King, either could so much prevail with a Pagan Idolater or else would attempt so far as to commit such a cruel deed. And in truth who so considereth the disposition of that Pagan King in Beda lib. 1. cap. 33. where he is compared to a ravening wolf, will easily see, that he needed no stirrer up to make war against the Britons. And therefore Fox loco cit. rightly ascribeth it to the fierce fury of Ethelfrid, which was so great as he is surnamed Ferus. Besides that K. Ethelbert was more potent than King Ethelfrid, for he had all the South part of England at command, as testifieth Saint Beda lib. 1. cap. 25. and Ethelfrid only the North. And therefore if he would have revenged Saint Austin by war, and bloodshed, he would rather have done it himself, than stirred an other Heathen King against them. But this good King was so far from causing the Britons to be murdered, because they would not receive S. Augustine's doctrine, as that, (as writeth Saint Beda lib. 1. c. 26.) he would not force his own subjects to receive it. As for Galfrid there is no such thing in the place cited by Bilson, which argueth that he cited it out of jewel without seeing the book. But indeed lib. 11. c. 13. Galfrid saith that Ethelbert excited Ethelfrid to go to Bangor and destroy Abbot Dimoth & other Monks, who had resisted S. Austin. But Galfrid is a very fabulous Author, the first broacher of Merlin's Prophecies, Cambd. in Brit. p. 8. calleth his history inepties fooleries, and his book is forbidden by the Council of Trent. and of other incredible fables, and lived many hundred years after Saint Beda, who testifieth lib. 2. cap. 2. that King Ethelfrid came not of purpose to kill the Monks, (but to get Chester, as he, loco cit. and Malmesbury lib. 1. Reg. c. 3. do insinuat) and being to join battle with the Britons, espying the Monks at prayer, and understanding that they came to pray against him, set first upon them, and slew them. 4. The second fault, which Ministers impute to S. Austin, That S. Augustine's not rising to the Britons proceeded not of pride. is pride, because he sat still in his chair when the British Bishops, and Devins came to confer with him. True it is, that S. Austin did so, but that it proceeded not of pride appeareth, because neither S. Beda nor any English or foreign writer unto our times besides the Britons (who were heretics then, & consequently most proud themselves) imputed it to pride. Secondly, because Saint Austin and his fellows, as themselves write in Beda lib. 2. cap. 4. Honoured the Britons with great reverence while they thought they were Catholics. Therefore Saint Augustine's not rising to them proceeded not of pride, but of some other just cause. Thirdly, because the British Priests were such then, as they deserved no honour, yea much dishonour, and therefore it could be no pride in S. Austin to give them none. What kind of men they were to whom S. Austin did not also. For besides that they were heretics, S. Beda lib. 2. cap. 2. calleth them unfaithful, naughty and detestable people. And Gildas their own Country man saith, that they were wolves, enemies of truth, and friends to lies, enemies of God, and not Priests; merchants of mischief, and not Bishops, Impugners of Christ, and not his Ministers, more worthy to be drawn to prison, or to the cage, than to Priesthood. And much more of the like sort. And Fox addeth out of an old Chronicle Acts lib. 2. pag. 114. that all things whether they pleased or displeased God, they regarded alike, and not only secular men did this, but their Bishops & teachers without distinction. Which being so I appeal to the judgement of any indifferent man, whether these men deserved any honour at S. Augustine's hands, especially he being lawfully appointed their Archbishop and Superior by Saint Gregory. Great humility in S. Austin to confer with those to whom he did not rise. And whether it were not great humility in him to seek conference with this kind of people now the second time after he had once before confuted them both by disputation and evident miracle, which made them to confess that he taught the truth. The cause therefore why he arose not to them, why S. Austin arose not to the Britons. was either because he followed the advise of his Master Saint Gregory, who albeit he were one of the humblest men, that ever was, yet lib. 4. Epist. 36. giveth this counsel to Bishops: Let us keep humility in mind and yet maintain the dignity of our order in honour. Or else perceiving the Britons to be obstinate, which well appeared when for so small occasion they would forsake the doctrine, which themselves had seen confirmed by miracle, and confessed to be truth he followed the advise of Saint john Epist. 2. Protest. condemn that in S. Austin, which they commend in Cranmer. If any come to you and bring not this doctrine, receive him not into your house, nor say to him, God speed. But whether S. Austin would not arise to the Britons for these or other just causes to him known, Protestants can no way condemn his fact, who commend a far les excusable fact of Cranmer, Fox Acts: edit: 1596. p. 1599 1699. Latimer, and Ridley. For Cooper Chron. an. 1555. saith, that because the Bishops of Lincoln, Gloster, & Bristol declared themselves to be in the Pope's Commission, neither Ridley, nor Latimer would show any reverence to them, nor put of their caps. The same he writeth of Cranmer pag. 373. And if this behaviour be commended in protestant Prelates, towards their superiors and judges, why should the like be condemned in S. Austin towards his inferiors? 5. The third fault is that which the soldierly-Minister Sutclif objecteth to him c. 3. cit. to wit, extreme Cowardice not beseeming an Apostolic man. Because being sent with his company to England they determined with common consent that it was better to return than go forward. S. Augustine's fear for a time, excused. This we confess was a frailty. Yet first, See inf. l. 2. c. 11. How the Protest: Apostles a●iure their faith. such a one it was as a far greater fell not only to an Apostolic man, but even the Prince of the Apostles S. Peter, when for a woman's word he denied his master, & to all the Apostles when they forsook him. Secondly such a fear it was as might cadere in constantem virum. For our Nation was then (as they said truly) Barbarous, fierce, and Infidel, and who daily made war upon Christians, and whose Ancestors saith Beda l. 2. c. 15. had slain Priests at the Altar, and murdered Bishops with their flocks without respect of dignity. And, as our stories record, had made such havoc of Christians, as they made great hills, yet extant, of their bodies, and were therefore as S. Gildas termeth them, Deo & hominibus invisi. Let Sutclif go now to preach to such Pagans, or to the Indian Cannibals, and then he may be the better suffered to object fear to Saint Austin. Besides, that Godwin also in his life cleareth Saint Austin of this fear. For that he saith not all, but in a manner all were afraid to prosecut the journey, Godwin excuseth S. Austin. and they as it were compelled Saint Austin to go back to crave licence to return. Whereby we see that Saint Austin was little or nothing faulty in this point. Thirdly, I say, that such a fear it was as Saint Austin and his company manfully overcame, S. Augustine's Apostolic courage. and stoutly performed the journey, and abode here, being ready (saith Saint Beda lib 1. cap. 26.) to suffer both troubles, and death itself in defence of the truth they taught. Which is courage well beseeming Apostolic men. 6. The fourth slander or rather many slanders is that, wherewith jewel chargeth him Art. 1. diu. 21. where he writeth thus: He was by judgement of them that saw him neither of Apostolic spirit, jewel slandereth S. Austin & belieth the Britons. nor any way worthy to be called a Saint, but an hypocrite, and superstitious, cruel, and bloody man. and citeth Galfrid lib. 8. cap. 4. But this is most slanderous. For neither is there any word in that place of Galfrid of Saint Austin, or the Briton Bishops, neither lib. 11. cap. 12. where he talketh of this matter, doth he say that the Britons charged Saint Austin with any crime, but that they refused either to be subject to him, or to preach to the English. Because said they (as he reporteth) they had an Archbishop of their own, and the English continued taking their Country from them. And this was all the cause which Galfrid saith they gave. But as for these other crimes of hypocrite, superstitious, cruel, and bloody, as jewel saith, they that saw him and knew him, judged him, that no Briton though than his enemies, but the ungrateful English heretics jewel hath imposed upon him. And if Cham were justly accused of his Father for revealing his carnal Father's shame, what deserveth he who falsely imposeth upon his & upon all English men's spiritual Father, for (to use Saint Paul's words) in Christ jesus he begat us through the Gospel, shameful crimes never imputed to him by his enemies. And this dealing of jewel with Saint Austin bringeth me in mind of his damnable writing against the Catholic faith. For a little before his death he charged his chaplain named john Garbrand, that as soon as he was dead, jewel written against his own conscience. Garbrand should publish to the world, that what he had written, he had done against his own knowledge & conscience only to comply with the State, and to uphold that religion which it had set up. And albeit Garbrand did not for fear publish this so openly as he was charged, yet did he avouch it to divers in Oxford. Author of this is a Protestant of good account, whom I could name, yet living at Lewis in Sussex, who told it to two Catholic Gentlemen of whom I learned it. And the more credible this is, because I could name a Minister, a Doctor, Learned Ministers impugn known truth. and of great account among the Ministers, who confessed to a friend of his, of whom I heard it, that he taught against the truth and his own knowledge. And the same he doubted not to affirm of the rest of his brethren that are learned. And thus having showed that Saint Austin had great learning and virtue, requisite for a first preacher of Christ's faith unto Infidels: let us see what authority he had to preach and how he was sent to do it. CHAP. VII. That S. Austin was moved with holy motives to come to preach to our Nation. ALthough what can be said of this matter, will be clear enough, partly by what hath been already said, partly by what shall hereafter: yet because it helpeth much to the perfect judgement of religions, to know what moved the first Authors & Founders of them in any Country to preach & publish them, for thereby they may judge of their sincerity or fraudulent meaning, and whether they seek the glory of God, and salvation of the Country, or their own good: Therefore I will declare now what motives Saint Austin had to teach us his religion, and afterward, in the Second Book, what motives likewise Luther had to teach us his. First therefore, Saint Austin could not be moved by that proper motive or spur of all Archereticks or Sect-maisters to abducere discipulos (as the Apostle saith of them) post se: Vain glory moved not. S. Austin. that is to be the head and founder of a Sect, because (as shallbe showed anon) his religion was the usual and common religion of all Christendom in his tyme. Secondly, he could no be moved in hope of honour, Nor honour. for in Rome he was head of his monastery, & in England among a fierce, strange & barbarous Nation, he could expect none. Wherefore albeit (beyond all humane expectation) he was made Archbishop, yet having no hope thereof, that can not be justly thought to have moved him to undertake that voyage. Thirdly, profit could not move him to this enterprise. For what profit could he expect here, or what profit did he expect, who (as Saint Beda lib. 1. Nor profit cap. 26. saith of him and his fellows) despised the commodities of this world as things none of their own, taking of them whom they instructed, only so much as might serve their necessities. And being made Archbishop did according as Saint Gregory appointed him in Beda lib, 1. cap. 27. live according to his religious rule, not a part from his Clergy, but followed that trade and form of living which was used in the primitive Church among the Fathers, among whom there was none that said that to be his own, which he possessed, but all things were common. 2 And as for worldly pleasure what should move Saint Austin (think we) to leave his native Country, Nor pleasure. and to seek pleasure in a strange Country, where he knoweth neither place, person nor language? What pleasure should move an Italian to change Italy for England, Rome for Canterbury, especially when our Country (as then it was) was savage and barbarous? What pleasure can we imagine can move a Christian to go to preach Christ's faith among barbarous infidels? Or what pleasure did Saint Austin seek here who with his fellows lived here so Angel like, that as Saint Beda writeth lib. 1. cap. 26. our Nation marveled much at their simplicity, of their innocent living, and our King was then much delighted with the purity of their life and the example of their godly conversation. And being Archbishop, yet left not his religious life, and as is before showed, took exceeding pains in teaching, and baptizing our Nation, and wonderfully laboured to convert the Britons also. Who (as is before said) went still on foot, and for the most part barefoot, and had his knees hard like the knees of a camel by continual prayer. Motives of S. Augustine's preaching Wherefore no human motive, but the divine motives of obedience to his Master and lawful Bishop the great Saint and glorious Doctor of God's Church Saint Gregory, Obedience. who sent him and commanded him to come hither to preach. And of Charity, Charity to save our Nations souls, by bringing them out of heathenish infidelity to the faith of Christ. God's glory. And glory of God were the incitements, motives and causes of Saint Augustine's coming hither, and preaching that religion which he did. And this is manifest both by the testimonies of Catholic Writers and confessions of Protestants which we cited before touching Saint Augustine's holiness, and shall allege in this next Chapter where we shall prove that this great Clerck and holy man Saint Austin moved by these saintly motives to preach to our Nation, was also lawfully sent thereto with sufficient authority and commission. CHAPT. VIII. That Saint Austin was lawfully sent hither to preach, proved by divers authorities and confession of Protestants. TWO things there are required to every lawful Pastor, to wit, both right Orders, and lawful Commission to administer the Sacraments and Word of God. And albeit by order of doctrine, we should speak first of Saint Augustine's orders, yet because his Commission being cleared, his orders will easily appear to be good, I will speak first of his Commission where with he was sent to preach. And that he was sent of Saint Gregory, we need not prove. For as Sutclif saith in his Subversion cap. 3. It is not denied, that Gregory sent Austin. The only difficulty can be whether he were lawfully sent, and by sufficient authority or no. How many ways S: Augustine's mission is proved. But that he was lawfully sent to preach I will prove first by sacred testimony from Heaven; Secondly, by authority of Catholics; Thirdly, by confession of Protestants; Fourthly, by examples; and lastly by reason. The testimony from Heaven is of Saint Peter, By S Peter's testimony from heaven. who appearing in a vision to Saint Laurence successor of Saint Austin, when he upon the revolt of our country to Paganism intended to abandon the Land, scourged him (saith Saint Beda lib. 2. cap. 6.) with sharp stripes a great while in the close night, and asked why he would forsake the flock which he himself had committed unto him. Behold Saint Peter from Heaven testifieth that he had committed English men to the teaching of Saint Laurence, one of Saint Augustine's fellow labourers, & whom Saint Austin himself appointed & consecrated for his successor. And when Saint Laurence awaked (saith Godwin) he found it more than a dream, for all his body was gore blood. Wherefore going immediately to the King Edbald, he showed him his wounds, and together related to him the occasion of them, which struck such a terror into the King, as by and by he renounced his Idols, and caused himself to be baptised. The apparition of S Peter to be true. Now that this apparition to S. Laurence was no dream or illusion appeareth many ways. First, by the real wounds, which both Saint Laurence felt, and the King saw. Secondly, by the authority of Saint Laurence, who being so holy a man would never avouch an idle dream, or illusion for a certain vision. Thirdly, by the belief given thereto by King Edbald and his people, who doubtless examined it thoroughly, before they would upon the credit thereof forsake their Idols. Fourthly by the heavenly effect which it wrought, which was the recalling of our Country from Paganism to Christianity, to which end the Devil would never cooperat any way. Fifthly, by the authority of S. Beda and our best Chroniclers Malmesbury lib. 1. Reg & lib. 2. Pont. Huntingdon lib. 3. Marianus an. 617. Westmon. anno 616. ibidem. Florent and others, who have credited and recorded it as a true vision. Protestant's confess S. Peter's apparition. Lastly, by the confession of divers Protestants, as Godwin in the life of Saint Laurence, and Holinshed in the life of King Edbald. And surly who well considereth it, can not but account it a singular favour of God, and honour to our country, that first in the Britons time it should receive the faith of Christ by the preaching of S. Peter, S. Peter's care of this Country. by whose month as he saith Acts 15. From ancient time God hath made choice that Gentiles should hear the Word of God and believe. And afterward in our English Ancestors time should recover the same faith again by the means of Saint Gregory one of the gloriousest successors of Saint Peter that ever was, and moved thereto by him from Heaven. Which amongst other things declareth that to be true which the same Saint Peter said to Saint Brithwald, Ealred in vit. S. Edwardi. Sur. tom. 1. Regnum Anglorum, regnum Dei est. The Kingdom of England, is the Kingdom of God. 2. As for the authority of Catholics, S. Augustine's mission proved by authority of Catholics. S. Gregory. the first place is due to Saint Gregory, who writing to Eulogius Patriarch of Alexandria lib. 7. epist. 30. saith: While the English Nation abiding in a corner of the world, remained hitherto in infidelity in the worship of wood and stones, by the help of your prayers it seemed good to me, God being the Author to send a Monk of my Monastery thither to preach. Lo he ascribeth the sending of S. Austin to God as Author, and to holy men's prayers as helps thereunto. And again writing to Saint Augustine's company in Beda lib. 1. c. 23. saith: Let neither the travail of the journey, nor talk of evil tongues dismay you. But with all force and fervour make up that, which you have by the motion of God begun. And lib. 5. epist. 52. saith, he sent Austin, auxiliante Domino; By God's help. and 54. disponente Domino; by God's disposition. Superfluous it were to cite the rest of the Popes, who followed Saint Gregory, and cooperated all they could to our conversion, as Boniface 4. and 5. divers ancient Popes. Honorius, Vitalian, and the rest who undoubtedly taught Saint Austin to have been lawfully sent. Only I will add the names of those Princes & Bishops whom Saint Gregory testifieth to have helped, and encouraged Saint Austin in his Godly enterprise. Bishops of Germany or France. First, he saith lib. 7. epist. 30. that by his licence Saint Austin was made Bishop of the Bishops of Germany, and with their comforts brought to the English Nation. And epi. 114. he sendeth a Pall to Siagrius Bishop of Aust, & maketh his See next to the See Metropolitan, because in the business of Saint Augustine's mission (saith he) we know thou showedst thyself so careful, devout and helper in all things as thou shouldest. lib. 9 Kings of France. epist. 53. writing to Theodorick King of France. What great favours your Excellency showed to our most reverent brother, and fellow Bishop Austin in his journey to England certain Monks coming from him have told us. And 55. to Clotarius another French King writeth thus: Some who went with our most reverend brother, and fellow Bishop Austin unto the English Nation returning to us have told us with what charity your Excellency refreshed the said brother of ours in your presence, and with how great help you furthered him in his voyage. Queen of France. And 56. writing to Brunechild the Queen of France, he hath these words: With what favour and help your Excellency succoured our most reverend brother and fellow Bishop Austin going to the English Nation, neither did fame before suppress in silence, and afterward some Monks coming from him to us have particularly related. You see the mission of Saint Austin was not only allowed as lawful, but also holped and furthered by the Christian Bishops and Princes of that tyme. 3. After Saint Augustine's time Beda lib. 1. S. Beda cap. 22. speaking of Saint Austin, and his fellow Preachers, saith: the goodness of God provided them for our English people, And c. 23. saith, that Gregory being moved by inspiration of God thereunto, sent the servant of God Saint Austin. After him Ethelwerd lib. 2. cap. 1. Ethelwerd Gregory sent Saint Austin, confirmat eum divino admonitu. Florent Chron. ann. 596. saith: Gregory moved by God's instinct, sent Austin and others to preach the Word of God to the English Nation. Of Protestants, Stow pag. 65. saith: Protestant's confess S. Austin to have been sent of God. Gregory was moved of godly instinction to send Austin to preach to the Angles. Godwin in vita August. It pleased God, etc. Apology for the oath of allegiance: Albeit Gregory sent Aust●n and others as he said with divine revelation into England unto King Ethelbert, King's Majesty in his oration to the parley. 19 Novemb. 1605. D. Covel defence of Hooker. p. 77. Buny Treatises of Pacificat. p. 109. Some in Peury. Hooker yet etc. Luther lib. cont. Anabapt. Fatemur in Papatu esse verum praedicandi officium. We confess, that in the Popedom is the true office of preaching. The lawfulness also of Saint Augustine's sending must needs all such Protestants confess as do derive the authority of preaching in Luther, and their first Preachers from the Church of Rome, of whom we shall speak in the second book. And also all such as do grant, 3. book of Eccles. of Polic p. 188 D. Baron. his 4. sermons p. 448. Feild. lib. 3. of Church. p. 183. Fox jewel Caluin. 4. justit c. 17. paragr. 49. Whitak. count Dur. p. 397. Bel Survey pag. 257. that the Church of Rome is a true Church of Christ, or that Papists may be saved, which cometh to one, because none can be saved out of the true Church. For if the Church of Rome be yet a true Church, and can send preachers lawfully, it can not be denied, but it had the same goodness, and power to send in Saint Gregory his tyme. And this also are they likely to grant who will needs have S. Gregory and likewise the Church of Rome in his time to have been Protestant, or at least Saint Gregory was a true and virtuous Bishop. Finally they also must needs grant that Saint Austin was lawfully sent who say (as D. Feild doth lib. 3. Of the Church, cap. 6. 8. and others do) that before Luther's division their Church was all one, & the same Church with ours. For surely that Church allowed of Saint Augustine's mission. And therefore if she had authority to approve Saint Augustine's mission, he was lawfully sent. S. Augustine's mission proved by examples. Rome 1000 years ago used to send preachers into all the world. 4. Fourthly, I prove that Saint Austin was lawfully sent of Saint Gregory by examples. For as Saint Laurence, Saint Mellit, and Saint justus fellows and successors of Saint Austin write in their letters to the Bishops and Abbots of Scotland in Beda lib. 2. cap. 4. The accustomable manner of the Sea Apostolic was to send into all places of the world to preach the word of God. And this custom of the Church of Rome, sending preachers to all places of the world may be proved by induction ever since Saint Peter tyme. S. Clement For Saint Clement 3. Pope after Saint Peter, sent Saint Dennis into France, as testify Hilduinus in Areopagit. and the French Chronicles. Whereupon the French Bishops writing to Pope Leo anno 400. acknowledge the See of Rome fontem & originem religionis suae. Pope Eleutherius about the year 170, S. Eleutherius. sent hither Fugatius and Damian, as is before showed. S. Victor. And Pope Victor his successor about the year 203. sent others into Scotland, as witness Boethius libr. 6. Hist. Scot Genebr. in Victor. Baron. and others. About the year 255. S. Stephen Pope Stephen consecrated Saint Mellonus a Briton, Bishop of Ro●e, and sent him thither to preach, as testify the Author of his life, and Bale cent. 1. cap. 31. In the year 432. (saith Bale cent. 1. cap. 43.) died Saint Ninian, who being a Briton (as he saith there after Beda lib. 3. cap. 4.) coming from Rome preached to the South Picts, and converted them to Christianity. S. Celestin About the year 429. Pope Celestin sent hither Saint German and Lupus to confute and expel the Pelagians, as testifieth Prosper in Chronic. Bale cent. 1. cap. 45. Baron. an. 429. And the same Pope about the year 434. consecrated Palladius Bishop for Scotland, and sent him thither, as testify Prosper Chron. Beda lib. 1. cap. 13. Baron. an. 429. Hunting. lib. 1. and others. And about the same time also he sent S. Patrick to Irland, as testify Marianus in Chron. Cambd. in Hibernia. Bale cent. 1. cap. 49. where he saith that Saint Patrick preached sinceram Christi religionem. And thus you see how before S. Gregory, Ancient Britons scott's Picts and Irish received preachers from Rome. Popes sent preachers hither to all the ancient inhabitants of these two islands, and that they received his Legates, which Legates also for the most part were Britons. Which declareth plainly what opinion those ancient Nations had of the Pope's authority to send preachers hither. 5. In like sort after S. Gregory's time, the Pope sent preachers both hither, and into other countries. For about the year 635. Pope Honorius sent hither Saint Birin, P. Honorius. who converted the West country, as Beda saith lib. 3. cap. 7. Godwin in vita Birini. Bale cent. 13. cap. 4. And cap. 5. he addeth that he sent also Saint Felix, who converted the Eastangles. In the year 668. P. Vitalian Pope Vitalian sent hither S. Theodore and Saint Adrian, as writeth S. Beda lib. 4. cap. 1. Godwin in Theodor. Bale cent. 13. cap. 6. and others. About the year 690. Pope Sergius 1. P. Sergius. sent S. Willebrord and other English Monks to preach to the Frisons and Saxons, as testifieth Marcellin in Sur. tom. 2. Beda lib. 5. cap. 11. 12. Bale cent. 1. pag. 78. cit. About the year 719. Pope Gregory 2. sent Saint Boniface an English man, called the Apostle of Germany, P. Gregory .2. thither to preach, as testify Bale cent. 1. pag. 79. and all Germane writers. About the year 870. Pope Adrian 2. P. Adrian 2. sent Saint Cyrill and Methodius to preach to the Moravians and Slavonians, Baron Martyrol 9 Martij. Sigebert. in Chron. About the year 970. Pope john 14. invited (saith Bale cent. 2. P. john 14. cap. 30.) the Kingdom of Polony to Papisme, and sent thither Cardinal Giles. About the year 989. Pope john 15. P. john 15. sent S. Adilbert to preach to the Hungarians & Bohemians. About the year 1000 Saint Boniface was sent by the Pope to the Russians. About the year 1145. Pope Eugen 3. sent Adrian an English man, and afterward Pope, P. Eugen. into Norway, as Bale saith cent. 2. pag. 178. About the year 1252. Pope Innocent 4. P. Innocent. 4. sent the Franciscans and Dominicans unto the King of Tartary, whom they converted, and christened, as writeth Bale cent. 4. cap. 17. About the year 1494. Pope Alexander 6. sent Bucill and 11. P. Alexander 6. Monks more into the West-Indies then newly discovered by the Spaniards. And at the same time were Franciscans sent by the Pope into the East-Indies, and since that Dominicans, jesuits, and other religious men have been sent into divers barbarous Provinces of both Indies, afric, and Brasile. And in almost all these missions have those which were sent by the Pope, converted those Nations, to whom they where sent, God cooperating with them, and confirming their words with miracles following, & are therefore termed the Apostles of those countries. And if this so long continuance of the Pope's sending Preachers into all parts of the world, and Gods marvelous and miraculous concourse with them, by the conversion of the Nations, to which they were sent, be not enough to prove that S. Gregory had sufficient authority to send Saint Austin hither, I know not what authority can be sufficient. CHAP. IX. That Saint Austin was lawfully sent hither to preach, S. Augustine's mission proved by reason. proved by reason. BY reason I will prove it. First, Out of what protest grant Bilson. out of that which Protestants have granted. For, It is well known (saith B. Bilson de Obedien. part. 1. pag. 60.) that the Pope was not only Patriarch of the West parts, but of the four patriarchs which were the chief Bishops in Christendom in order, and accounted the first. And pag. 318. Patriarch of the West we grant he was. The same in other terms confesfeth jewel art. 9 diuis. 26. where he saith: jewel. The Pope had in his province one great part of Christendom. Reinolds. And Reynolds Confer. pag. 541. where he calleth his diocese a Princely diocese, and insinuateth it to contain all the West Church. the Pope's Patriarchat lawful. For the East he divideth among the three other Patriarches, Likewise the grant that he usurped not his Patriarchat. But (saith Bilson, pag. 60. cit.) it was given him by consent of men. and pag. 319. it came by custom, as the Council of Nice witnesseth. D. Dove of Recusancy p. 80. What authority the Pope hath had over the Latin Church, hath been given him by human constitutions, and general consent of Princes and States. Caluin lib. 4 Institut. cap. 7. §. 1 Decreto Nicenae Synodi primus inter Patriarchas locus tribuitur Romano Episcopo. Finally, they grant that the Pope's Patriarchat over the West is not new, Popes Patriarchat ancient. but begun even in the time of the primitive Church. For Feild lib. 3. of the Church, cap. 1. saith: In the time of the Nicen Council, and before, as appeareth by the Acts of the Council, there was three principal Bishops or Patriarches of the Christian world, namely the Bishop of Rome, of Alexandria, of Antioch. Thus briefly you see the Pope's Patriarchat over the West granted to be most ancient, and lawful. Hence I argue thus. A Patriarch hath authority to send preachers to all parts of his patriarchy: Ergo the Pope had authority to send preachers to England, England ever under the Pope's Patriarchat. which is a part of the West. The Antecedent none can deny. The Consequent notwithstanding Bilson lib. cit. pag. 320. doth strangely deny. But no marvel if strange and unheard of shifts be found to maintain false doctrine. For saith he: Pope Innocent 1. epist. 91. inter epist. Aug. confesseth he had no authority to call one poor Briton out of this Realm. And the Britons would yield no subjection to Austin the Romish Legat. Therefore England was not within the compass of the Pope's Patriarchat. 2. But the first of these proofs is a manifest untruth, and the second a mere folly. For untrue is it, that Saint Innocent confessed he had not authority to call one out of Britain. For the Briton of whom he spoke was Pelagius the heretic, who at that time was not in Britain, but in Palestine, as testifieth Saint Austin epist. 32. written the same year, which was an. 416. Nether had Pelagius been in Britain long time before that. For as Baron showeth an. 405. out of Saint Chrysostom and Isiodor Pelusiot. He was brought up in the East, and after that lived, as Saint Austin saith epist. 95. long time in Rome, where being discovered, he fled, as Baron telleth an. 412. into Sicily, and thence into Palestine, where (being by his hypocrisy and fraud absolved from heresy, and finding favour at the Bishop of Jerusalem, but contrariwise condemned by Pope Innocent and Zozimus) he stayed, and for any thing I find there died. For if himself had brought his heresy into Britain, Beda lib. 1. cap. 17. Would never have ascribed the bringing of it to one Agricola long after. And therefore I doubt of that which Bale cent 1. cap. 38. citeth out of Walden. that Pelagius was a suis Britannis pulsus in exilium ob heresim, unless by driving into banishment he meant keeping out of the Country, as perhaps Pelagius was. Besides Innocent saith not, that he had not authority to call Pelagius wheresoever he were, yea he insinuateth the contrary; but that Pelagius if he were obstinate would not come at his call, and that others, that dwelled nearer to him might do it more conveniently, than he who dwelled so far of as Rome is from Palestine. His words are these, Qui Pelagius si confidit, etc. Which Pelagius if he trust and know that he deserveth not to be condemned of us, because he reiectets that which he taught, he should not be sent for of us, but he himself should make haste that he may be absolved. For if he think yet as he did, when will he present himself to our judgement upon any letters whatsoever, knowing that he shallbe condemned? And if he were to be sent for, that might be better done of them who are nearer, than so far of as we are. But there shall want no care of him if he will be cured. 3. Bilsons' proof out of the Britons denial of subjection hath no more colour or reason, than a few rebels denial of subjection hath to prove a Prince to have no authority over a part of his Kingdom. Cathol. Britons ever took the Pope to be their superior. For their Catholic Ancestors did ever acknowledge themselves under the Pope his jurisdiction, as appeareth both by that which hath been said before as also because the Archbishops of the Britons not long before Saint Augustine's coming were the Pope's Legates, as writeth Galfrid a man of good account among Protestants lib. 9 cap. 12. Dubritius (saith he) Primate of Britanny, and Legate of the See Apostolic was famous with such great piety. And had Palls from Rome, as is evident in the life of Saint Samson. Nether did the heretic Britons refuse to be subject to Saint Austin, because they thought Saint Gregory to have no authority to appoint an Archbishop over them, (for undoubtedly they would have alleged this as a reason of their refusal if they had so thought it) but only because, as Saint Beda reporteth lib 2. c. 2. Why the Britons refused to be under S. Austin. they said with themselves. If he would not so much as arise to us, If we should subject ourselves to him he would despise us. If he had risen to them they were determined to subject themselves to him, as Beda there saith, which they never would have done if they had doubted his authority insufficient. Secondly I prove it by reason grounded in scripture. Second reason in proof of S. Augustine's mission. The authority which Christ left in his Church to preach to all Nations he gave to every Apostle, as appeareth by his words Matth. 28. Docete omnes gentes, Teach all Nations. And Protestants who teach, every Apostle to have been head of the rest of the Church besides them selves, do not deny: Therefore this authority must remain in some successor of one or other of those Apostles, and must not be only in the whole Church, because it must descend to some such as Christ gave it unto. Authority to send preachers to all nations must remain in some one Bishop. Besides if authority to send to all Nations were not in some one Bishop or other, but in the whole Church only, when soever there were Preachers to be sent to Infidels, there ought to be a general Council called, which were both absurd, and was never practised in God's Church. But authority to preach or send preachers to England was more likely to be in Saint Gregory, than any other Bishop. For touching the Patriarches or Bishops of the East, it is a thing unheard of, that any of them should have jurisdiction over England. And as for the Bishops of France, certain it is they never had any authority over England. And the same I may say of Scotland, Ireland, Flanders, Spain, and all other countries. The doubt only may be of Britons, because they once had authority over the Country, No Bishop could sand preachers to England but the Pope. which the English possessed. But that could yield them no spiritual authority over the English in Saint Augustine's time, because neither was the English ever subject to the Britons, nor was there in Saint Augustine's time any British Bishop alive who had had any diocese within England: Therefore they could at that time claim no more authority to send Preachers into England, than the Bishops of Wales can now. Wherefore if this authority was then in any Bishop (as needs it must be) it was in the Bishop of Rome, who ever since the primitive time of the Church hath used to send preachers hither as is before showed. And if any require the Prince's approbation for the lawfulness of a Preachers mission, this also S. Austin had as is evident by S. Beda l. 1. Protestant's confess the Pope to have been the chief B. of Christendom. D. whitak c. 25. Besides Protestants confess the Pope to have been always the chief Patriarch & Bishop of Christendom. Saith D. Whitaker lib. 6. cont. Dur. p. 464. I will not deny that the Bishop of Rome was Primate of all Bishops. And p. 148. Rome the Seat of the first Patriarch. The See of Rome, saith Caluin l. 4. c. 7. §. 26. Caluin. was in times past the chief of all jewel art. 4. diu. 16. jewel. Of the patriarchs the Pope had the first place both in Council, and out of Council. And. 26. Of the Patriarches the Bishop of Rome was ever the first. And .32. Victor saith that Rome is the chief or head over all others, which of our part for that time is not denied. Bishop Bilson pag. 60. Bilson. saith it is well known that the Pope was the chief of the Patriarches. D. Reinolds Confer. pag. 568. Among all the Apostolic Churches, Reinolds the Roman for honour, and credit had the chiefty And 554. Chrysostome and Basile gave the Pope a supreheminence of authority. pag. 368. Cyprian giveth a special title of honour and pre-eminence to the Church of Rome. The Fathers apply the name of the Rock to the Bishop of Rome. Finally Fox in his Acts pag. 18. saith, that in Lyrinensis, Pascasin, justinian, Athanasius, Hierome, Ambrose, Austin, Theodoret, and Chrysost. S. Peter with his successors is called Head of the Church, Chief of Bishops, Prince of the Apostles. And the like confess all other Protestants. Therefore if authority of sending preachers remain in any Bishop, it is most likely to remain in the Pope. Third reason for proof of S. Augustine's mission. 4. Thirdly, I argue thus. Who hath authority to govern the whole Church of God, hath authority to send Preachers to all Nations: But Saint Gregory had authority to govern the whole Church: Ergo he had authority to send Preachers etc. The Mayor needeth no proof. The Minor I prove thus. Saint Peter had authority to govern the whole Church, even as it includeth the rest of the Apostles; But Saint Gregory succeeded (though not immediately) Saint Peter in that authority: Protestant grant every Apostle to have been Head of the rest of the church Ergo, That Saint Peter had authority over the whole Church besides the Apostles, the Protestants do grant. For they teach that Christ made every one of them Head and Governor of all the Church besides themselves. D. Whitaker lib. 5. pag. 365. cont. Dur. Quis Petrum, etc. Who confesseth not that Peter was the foundation of the Church, seeing that it is common to all the Apostles? And lib. 9 pag. 745. Super Petrum, etc. Upon Peter is the Church founded, but not upon him only, Et Petro totius, etc. And to Peter is the care of the whole Church committed, but not to him only, Quia hoc common, etc. Because this was common with the rest of the Apostles, as the Scripture, and Fathers most clearly testify. Declarat. of discipl. print at Geneva 154●. Christ commended to Peter all his flock. Behold how he confesseth that both Scripture and Fathers testify, and that most clearly, that the care of the whole Church was committed to Peter. D. Reynolds Confer. pag. 32. As the name of foundation is given to the Apostles, Apoc. 21. so the twelve foundations do prove them twelve heads. Ibid. All the Apostles were heads. Item pag. 26. Christ promised to build his Church not upon Peter's doctrine only, but upon his person in some sort. And pag. 28. Christ's words to Peter import this sense: Upon thee I will build my Church. And Bilson lib. of Obedience, pag. 87. granteth, The same saith Fulk Annotat. Mat. 16. joan. 1. that the Rock on which the Church is promised to be built Matth. 16. was Peter's person, and that the Church was built upon him, but not upon him only, but the rest of the Apostles too. And if passion did not blind their eyes, they would see that the Scripture and Fathers do as plainly testify that Saint Peter was Head of the whole Church, even as it includeth the rest of the Apostles, as they testify that every Apostle was Head of the rest of the Church beside themselves. S. Peter as plainly over the Apostles as over the rest of Christians For the places of Scripture out of which they do or can prove that every Apostle was head of all other Christians (as you may see in Whitaker loco cit. pag. 147. and Reynolds loco cit.) is Matth. 28. where every Apostle is bidden to teach all Nations. and Ephes. 2. where Christians are said to be founded upon the Apostles. And Apoc. 21. where the twelve Apostles are called the foundations of the Church, by which places they do prove (and well) that every Apostle was made Head over every Christian, and the whole Church beside themselves; because there is no exception made of any man, whom they are not to feed, nor of any Christian in the Church, which they founded. And therefore in the commission given by Christ to every Apostle in the word Nations, are included all other beside themselves. And in the speech of the Apocalyps under the word Church, are understood all other Christians whatsoever. And consequently every Apostle is by the plain verdict of Scripture Preacher to all Nations, and Founder of every Christian beside themselves. In which authority because their Apostleship did consist, How some Fathers say that others were equal in the Apostleship with S. Peter. and therein all the Apostles were equal to S. Peter (for every one of them was as well sent to all Nations with authority to found Churches every where, as he was) some Fathers say, that other Apostles had parem potestatem with S. Peter, as Anaclet dist. 21. c. Come in novo. Cypr. de unit. Eccl. Chrys. in 1. Gal. & that the Church is equally founded on all the Apostles, because over the rest of the Church beside, the Apostles every one of them had equal authority with Peter: & the Church, (not including the Apostles) was equally founded on every one of them. 5. But by the same manner, and in the same evidency that Protestants do prove that every Apostle was Head over all the Church besides themselves, do we prove that Saint Peter was head over all the Church even as it includeth the rest of the Apostles. For as in their commission, Teach all Nations, and the other speech of them Foundations of the Church, Proved by Scripture that S. Peter's commission includeth the rest of the Apostles. all are included beside themselves, because none are excepted, as they are by reason of that relative opposition which is there found between Teachers, & Taught, Founders, and Founded; & therefore every one of the Apostles being in this speech called a teacher & foundation none of them in the same speech can be meant to be taught, or founded himself. So in like sort in S. Peter's Commission joan 21. Feed my sheep, Luc. 22. Confirm thy brethren. and in Christ's words of him Mat. 16. Thou art Peter, and upon this Rock will I build my Church. No one Apostle or other besides himself, who alone is spoken to, and is in them appointed Feeder and Confirmer and Foundation, is any more excepted than any other Christian is excepted in the Commission of the Apostles in general. And therefore are they as well and as clearly included in his Commission under the name Sheep, Brethren, Church, as other Christians are included in theirs under the name of Nations and Church. And therefore Saint Bernard said de Consider. Nihil excipitur, ubi nihil distinguitur. There being no distinction in these words of Christ, my Church, my Sheep, thy Brethren, made from the rest of the Apostles, they are not excepted, but included in them. Wherefore if Protestants will here admit their common rule of expounding one place of Scripture by an other, they must confess that Scripture as clearly maketh S. Peter Head of the Apostles, as it maketh them Head of all other Christians. Secondly proved by confession of Protestant's. Secondly I prove by confession of Protestant's, that Christ in his words My Church, My Sheep, Thy Brethren, spoken to Saint Peter, included the rest of the Apostles. For D. Reynolds Conference. p. 385. saith, that Christ by, My Church, Mat. 16. meant generally the Catholic Church, all the chosen. But the Apostles were chosen, yea the chiefest of them. And p. 386. It is the Church of Gods elect, and chosen, which Christ doth call in this place (Math 16.) my Church, where he addeth, that this is clear and out of all controversy. And p. 368. Christ said of his whole Church that the gates of hell. etc. Therefore the whole Church was founded on Peter. The same he repeateth Conclus. 1. p. 615. and Conclus. 2. p. 625. and generally all Protestant's grant the same. For out of this place they prove that the Elect can not fall from God, because Christ here said that Hell gates should not prevail against his Church, That is (say they) against his Elect. In like sort the said Reinolds Conf. p. 386. saith, that these words, My Sheep, john 10 (where it is said my sheep hear my voice) included all the Elect. Therefore joan. 21. the very same words include all the Elect (beside Peter, who is excepted because he is appointed to feed them) unless we will, not upon any different occasion ministered by scripture, but upon our own preconceited opinion expound the same word, now one way, now an other. Finally the said Reinolds Conf. pag. 103. confesseth that by, Thy Bethrens Luc. 22. Christ meant all the faithful. Then surely he included all the Apostles. Thirdly by authority of Fathers 6. Thirdly, I prove that S. Peter was head of the whole Church by the authority of holy Fathers, whom because Whitaker confesseth (as you heard before) to teach most clearly, that the Church i● founded upon Peter, I will omit their words and remit those that list read them to Bellarm. l. 1. de Pont. c. 10. Only I will show that they teach that the Church (as it includeth the rest of the Apostles) is founded upon Peter only. Cyprian. epist. ad julian. Ecclesia quae una est super unum. The Church which is one is founded upon one, who by the commandment of our Lord received the key thereof. In which words we see, that as the Church is said to be one only, so it is said to be founded upon one only. And lib. 1. epist. 8. Ecclesia una & Cathedra una. etc. One Church and one Chair was by our Lord's word founded upon Peter. And Saint Hierom. in 2. Isaiae▪ after he had said that the Apostles were, Montes, mountains, addeth: Super unum montium Christus fundat Ecclesiam, & loquens ad eum: Tu es Petrus. etc. Upon one of the Mountains Christ foundeth his Church, and speaking to him thou art Peter. etc. S. Leo serm. 2. de Annivers. saith, Saint Peter was plus ceteris ordinatus. etc. ordained more than the rest, whiles he is called a Rock, a Foundation, and appointed porter of the kingdom of heaven. And for this cause the Fathers when they speak of Peter in respect of the rest of the Apostles, they manifestly prefer him in authority before them, ceteris praelatus discipulis. Preferred before the rest of the disciples saith S. Basil. homil. de judicio Eccles. And this is so evident as D. Reinolds Confer. pag. 179. confesseth that the Fathers call Peter the mouth, the Top, the highest, the Precedent, the head of the Apostles, and pag. 562. The Prince, the Top, the Chiefest of the Apostolic company, the Teacher of the whole world, and a Father of the household. And granteth also that some of these Titles touch government, and signify a pre-eminence in government. Reinolds deviseth an authority in S. Peter to avoid his supremacy. Whereupon he is enforced pag. 180. to acknowledge that Saint Peter was superior among the Apostles, as a Precedent of a Parliament in France, or as a Consul among the Romans. But who well considereth, shall easily perceive that this is but an authority devised of purpose to delude the words of the Fathers, who speaking of Saint Peter's authority over the Apostles, use the very words which we do, to declare his supremacy. And therefore if they be understood by their own words, and not as Reinolds pleaseth to expound them, they using the same words as we do, must be understood as we are. But because this question is some what beside my present purpose, I will urge it no farther. Only I would know of Reinolds how Peter did come by his Consulship over the Apostles, which he granteth to him. Did the Apostles give it him? But where readeth he that? Did Christ bestow it on him? But where? if not Math. 16. and john. 21. In which places if Christ gave him any authority over the Apostles he gave him as full power over them as over other Christians. For there is no limitation of his power towards some more than towards others, but they are as well to be founded on him as others are, & he was to feed them, as well as others. Nether doth this his authority over the rest of the Church, and the Apostles too, prejudice the supreme authority of Christ over all, any more than the like authority which the Protestant's grant every Apostle had over the rest of the Church. Secondly, I would know of Reinolds why he doth not grant this Consulship over the whole Church to the Pope, or at least to some one Bishop or other, but will make every Prince head of the Church in his Kingdom. That S. Peter's authority remaineth in some Bishop of the Church. 7. Now that this authority of Saint Peter remaineth still in the Church, and descended from him to some Bishop, I prove, because all the ends for which either Christ declared, or the Fathers affirm, that Christ instituted this authority, to remain as well after his death, as before. The first was, that the gates of hell should not prevail against the Church. Math. 16. Secondly, that what is loosed in earth, may be loosed in heaven. ibi. Thirdly, that Peter might confirm his Brethren Luc. 22. Fourthly, that he might feed Christ's sheep. Io. 21. Fiftly, that one being made head, occasion of Schism might be taken away. Hierom. lib. 1. cont. iovinianum. Sixtly, that the origine of the unity of the Church might appear. Cyprian. de simple. Praelat. because, as he saith, lib. 1. epist. 3. Priestly unity rose from Peter's chair. And epist. ad Fulcian. Our Lord began the origine of unity from Peter. This cause allegeth also Leo. epi. 84. and Anast. and Optat. l. 2. contra Parmen. But all these ends remain after Saint Peter's death. Therefore the authority also remaineth. Besides S. Austin saith l. de Pastor. c. 1. Christiani sumus propter nos, Praepositi non nisi propter vos. Therefore Saint Peter being made Chief of God's Church, for the good of it, left his authority in the Church. Whereupon S. Austin tract. 50. in joannem, saith, that when Peter received the keys, Ecclesiam sanctam significavit, he represented the holy Church, because he received them, as her Governor under Christ, and for her good. And therefore as long as she remaineth, the authority which Saint Peter received for her good must remain. Aaron's authority remained in his Successors. Therefore Peter. Secondly, I prove it, because God in the old law instituted one high Priest, who under him in spiritual matters should be head of the Synagogue, as in plain terms confess Caluin lib. 4. Instit. c. 6. §. 2. Whitaker count Dur. p. 151. Reinolds Conferen. pag. 204. 205. And his authority descended to his successors, so long as the Synagogue continued. Wherefore well said the Archbishop of Canterbury, Survey cap. 8. We must not dream that when the Apostles (S. Peter) died the authority which was given to them, ceased, no more than we, may that the authority of Aaron, and his natural sons expired, and ended with them. But the government of the Synagogue was but a figure of the government of the Church. For as Saint Paul saith: Omnia in figura contingebant illis. Therefore, etc. Who will see more of this matter may read Stapleton. contr. 3. q. 2. That the Pope is Successor to S. Peter. 8. Only this remaineth, that we prove that the Bishop of Rome (& consequently Saint Gregory) was successor to Saint Peter in this authority. Which I prove, First, because no other Bishop ever claimed it. For albeit the Patriarch of Constantinople in Saint Gregoryes time claimed to be universal Patriarch, that is (as Saint Gregory understood him) to be the only proper, and formal Bishop, as shall be more declared hereafter, yet he acknowledged himself under the Pope, as Saint Gregory himself withal witnesseth in these words, lib. 7. epist. 63. De Constant. sede quis dubitet eam Sedi Apostolicae esse subiectam, etc. Who doubted but the See of Constant. is subject to the See Apostolic (of Rome) which both the most religious Lord the Emperor, and our (Eusebius) religious brother, Bishop of the same City do daily profess. Where, by the way I note, that Eusebius is not the name of the Patriarch of Constantinople, at that time, but a surname given unto him for his great external acts of religion, who also was for his abstinence named jeiunator, that is, Faster. Secondly, because the Bishops of Rome have always challenged, and often practised the same authority. The Church of Rome saith (Fox Act. lib. 1. pag. 1.) in all these ages above specified (from the Apostles) that challanged to itself the title and ringleading of the whole Universal Church on earth, by whose direction all other Churches have been governed. And pag. 18. What so ever was done in other places, commonly the manner was to write to the Roman Bishop for his approbation. The testimony of the Roman Bishop was sometimes wont to be desired in those days (of Pope julius) for admitting Bishops in other Churches, whereof we have examples in Socrates lib. 4. c. 37. When Bishops of any other Provinces were at any dissension, they appealed to the Bishop of Rome. Doct. Reinolds Confer. pag. 457. Popes of the second 300. years after Christ claimed some sovereignty over Bishops. pag. 383. Zozimus, Boniface, Celestin did usurp (saith he) over the Churches of afric, whiles Austin was alive. pag. 544. They would have Bishops, and elders appealle to Rome. And. pag. 550. Popes (namely Innocent, Leo, Gelas. Vigil. Greg.) taught that the Fathers by the sentence of God decreed that whatsoever was done in Provinces far of, should not be concluded before it came to the notice of the See of Rome. And this they say all Churches took their beginning from the Roman, that all Bishops had their honour from Peter. And yet himself saith pag. 545. that Pope Innocent was learned and Catholic. And pag. 540. That S. Austin allegeth his authority against heretics. And that in those times Popes were learned, and Catholics. pag. 552. 554. 555. and sued unto by S. Basil, S. Chrisostom, and S. Augustin, and the African Bishops, sought unto them for their advise and counsel, for their authority and credit. Of such account were those Popes that claimed the supremacy even amongst the chief Doctors of the Church. Doct. Whitak. lib. 7. cont. Dur. pag. 480. saith, that Pope Victor practised authority over extern Churches, who was not long after S. Peter, and by the judgement of Protestants a godly martyr. Wicklif in Fox pag. 445. confesseth the Bishop of Rome to be Christ's Vicar on earth. And Luther for some years after he began Protestancy confessed the same, as you may see lib. de Captiu. Babyl. in initio, and in Fox pag. 774. Edit. 1596. 9 Thirdly, I prove it, Third reason that the Pope succeeded Peter in his authority. because the Pope is successor to Saint Peter in his Bishopric, therefore he is more like to have his authority than any other. That the ancient Fathers say, that Saint Peter was Bishop of Rome, Protestants neither do nor can deny. And therefore I will for brevity omit their testimonies, and content myself with these men's confessions. The learned and ancient Fathers (saith Bilson lib. of Obedience pag. 143.) call the Bishops of Rome Peter's successors. pag. 380. Saint Peter founder of Saint Leo his Church. The Fathers say (writeth Reinolds pag. 218. 219). Peter was Bishop of Rome, and he nameth Hierom, Euseb. Irenaeus. Bishop Cooper in Chron. Linus first Bishop of Rome after Peter. But saith Reinol. they meant improperly. And why so? Because (saith he) Peter being Apostle could not be Bishop of one City. When the Fathers call Peter Bishop of Rome they mean properly. Secondly, because Irenaeus lib. 3. c. 3. nameth Linus first Bishop of Rome, and Eusebius in Chron. calleth Euodius first Bishop of Antioch, which could not be if Peter had been a proper Bishop. But against these cavils I oppose the propriety of the word Bishop, which no Father or ancient writer hath signified that he used improperly when he called S. Peter Bishop: And all words (especially in histories) are to be taken properly, when the Authors declare not the contrary, else we should never be sure how we should understand the writer. Secondly, they say, that S. Peter was first B. of Rome. Negare non potes (saith. Optatus l. 2. writing against heretics) Thou canst not deny that thou knowest, that to Peter first was an Episcopal Chair set in Rome in which first sat Peter, to whom succeeded Linus. Lo how certain was it then that the very heretics could not deny, but they knew it to be so. Wherefore I ask when the Fathers said Peter was first Bishop, how they used the word Bishop? If improperly, than they meant so of Linus. If properly, then we have our purpose. Thirdly, in reckoning of the Catalogue of the Bishops of Rome, they always name Peter first. Iren l. 3. c. 3. Euseb. Chron. Epiph. haer. 27. Hier. in Clement, Optatus l. 2. Aug. ep. 165. But what should he do in the Catalogue of proper Bishops, if he were none himself? Besides they reckon him first Bishop of Rome as they reckon Mark first B. of Alexandria, but Mark was a proper Bishop. Fourthly, they call the See of Rome the seat or chair of Peter, S. Cyprian lib. 1. Epist 3. lib. 4. epist. 2. S. Hierom in Pet. ep. ad Damasum Aug. lib. 2. cont. Petil, cap. 51. Sozom. lib. 1. c. 14. Prosper lib. De ingratis Bernard epist. 237. And in like sort they call it sedes Apostolica as Caluin confesseth, and is evident ex Concil. Chalcedon. Act. 16. And Rein. Confer. pag. 369. The Fathers in speaking of the Church of Rome mention often the Chair, and seat of Peter. Hierom honoureth the Bishop of that See with the name of Peter's Chair. Fiftly, they call the Bishop of Rome successor to S. Peter. S. Hier. ep. ad Damas'. Concil. Ephes. 1. Tom. 2. S. Eulog. apud Greg. lib. 6. ep. 37. And that they mean of a proper successor, appeareth by that they attribute that peculiarly to the Pope. Sixtly, & lastly they say that Peter sat in the Bishop's Chair of Rome as they say his successors did. Cathedra (saith S. Austin lib. 2. cont. Petil.) quid tibi fecit Romana in qua Petrus sedit, & in qua nunc Anastasius sedet? What hath the Chair of Rome done to thee in which Peter sat, and in which now sitteth Anastasius? Therefore either Peter was a proper Bishop, or Anastasius was none. To conclude, Reinolds saith P. Damas'. succeeded Peter in his chair. Reinolds himself though unawares confesseth it pag. 376. where he saith that Damasus succeeded Peter as in Chair, so in doctrine. 10. As for the first of Reinolds cavils. It is no more against Peter's Apostleship to be Bishop of one City, than it was to take a particular care of the jews, as he did, nor more than it is for the Bishop of Winster to be Parson of Eastmean. And for the second, Irenaeus doth not call Linus first Bishop of Rome, but only saith that Peter, and Paul gave him the Bishopric to govern the Church, to wit under Peter, and in his absence. Euseb. indeed calleth Euodius first Bishop of Antioch, but that he meaneth of pure Bishops which were not also Apostles. For before he had said Petrus Ecclesiam Antiochenam fundavit, òbique Cathedram adeptus, sedit. And Rein. loco cit. confesseth, and both he, and all grant that Linus was Peter's successor. And as for Ruffian, his words prove no more, but that Peter instituted Linus to help him, especially in his absence, as Valerius did institute S. Aug. in his life time, who after his death succeeded him, and so did Linus to Peter. Thus have I proved that S. Gregory was successor to S. Peter in his Episcopal See, and that he succeeded him also in faith I need not prove, because protestants, although they find some fault with Greg. doctrine, yet they confess (as is showed before) that he taught as much as is needful to salvation, and consequently he wanted no thing to true succession to S. Peter. 11. Fourthly I prove that the Pope was most likely, to succeed Saint Peter, Proved out of Fathers that the P. succeedeth peter in his authority. by that which the Father's attribute to him. Saint Hierom epist. ad Damasum de nomine hypostasis. Ego nullum primum, nisi Christum sequens beatitudini tuae, id est, Cathedrae Petri communione consocior, super illam Petram aedificatam Ecclesiam scio. Quicunque extra hanc domum agnum comederit prophanus est. I following none foremost but Christ, communicate with thy Holiness, that is with the Chair of Peter. Upon that Rock do I know the Church was built, who soever shall eat the lamb out of this house is profane. Note how he saith, that he followeth first Christ, and next the Pope, and that the reason, which he giveth hereof after, was not why he followed Christ first, for that were needles to prove amongst Christians; And if he would have given any, it would have been, Hierom followeth the P. next after christ because Christ made the P. the rock of his Church. because Christ is God; But the reason which he giveth, was why he followed the Pope next to Christ, to wit, because he knew him to be the Rock, on which the Church was built. Whereby it is evident, that by the Rock, he meant not Christ, as Bilson lib. de Obed. pag 87. and others would, but Pope Damasus as Reinolds confesseth p. 370. 376. But yet he meant not (saith Reinolds) the succession of the Popes, because Hierom writeth that Pope Liberius had before subscribed to Arianisme. But if Hieroms words be well pondered he will be found to have said, both that Pope Damasus was the Rock, and that his succession to Saint Peter in his Chair of Rome, was the cause why he was the Rock. For if a subject writing to the King should say: Nullum primum nisi Deum sequens maiestati tuae, id est, Throno Conquestoris (in temporalibus) consocior. Super illam petram aedificatum Angliae Regnum scio. Quicumque extra hanc domum aliquid egerit, rebellis est. He should confess that both the King were head of the Realm, and with all tell how he came by that authority, to wit, by succession to the conqueror. So Saint Hierome in the foresaid words both said that Pope Damasus person, which he meant by Beatitudini tuae, was the Rock on which in his time, the Church was built: and said with all that his person had that authoriry by his succession to Saint Peter in his Roman Chair, and therefore added these words, id est, Cathedrae Petri, as a further explication of the former. And consequently he meant that the Church is built upon all Popes that lawfully succeed in the Chair of Peter. Which is so evident as Doct. Feild lib. 1. de Ecclesia▪ D. Feild. cap. 41. confesseth plainly that Saint Hierome loc cit. said, that Peter's Chair is the Rock the Church is builded upon. As for Reinolds reasons, were it truth that S. Hierome wrote (as Reinolds saith) of Liberius, which yet divers deny, and Reinolds must deny, if he will speak agreeably to himself. For pag. 570. he saith, that the words of Austin (ep. count Donat. and Hierome ep. cit.) do import a sincerity of faith in the Roman Bishops to their time, which would not be true, if Liberius had fallen. But admit I say it were true, that Liberius had denied his faith, that maketh no more against his Rock ship, than the like fault in S. Peter did against his. For as S. Peter though he denied his faith, yet taught not infidelity as he was Apostle, and Pastor of the Church, so neither Liberius though he committed a personal crime, yet taught he no heresy, as successor to S. Peter, in which sort only he is the Rock of the Church. 12. Secondly, S. Austin ep. contra Donat. saith: S. Austin. Numerate Sacerdotes vel ab ipsa Petri Sede. Ipsa est enim Petra quam non vincunt superbae inferorum portae: Number the Priests even from the very Seat of Peter; Succession of Popes by S. Austin the Rock of the Church. It is the Rock which the proud gates of hell do not overcome. Behold how the very succession of Popes from Peter, is called the Rock of the Church, as the Chair of Peter was before called of S. Hierome. To this Bilson pag. 88 First saith that the text is corrupted, and that it should be ipse and referred to Peter's person. But this is a mere surmise refelled in all the copies in Europe. Secondly he saith, that though it be ipsa, and grammatically agree with the substantive Petra, which followeth, yet it may be meant of Peter's person. But if Saint Austin had meant that Peter alone had been the Rock, and that his successors partaked nothing with him in that, he would never have bid us number his successors too, and then tell us that that was the Rock. Wherefore Reynolds Confer. pag. 384. confesseth that Saint Austin applied this text the gates of hell, etc. to the Church of Rome. And Bilson himself as doubting of either of the former answers saith thirdly, that Saint Austin said not that Peter's Seat is the Rock of the Church, but that hell gates prevail not against it. But to our purpose all is one, that in Saint Augustine's judgement Peter's Seat (that is Peter's successors in Seat) are either the Rock of the church, Theodoret. or so surely founded thereon, as the gates of hell shall not prevail against them. 13. Thirdly, Theodoret an ancient and Grecian Doctor writing to Renatus, saith of the Roman See: Tenet enim sancta Sedes gubernacula regendarum cuncti orbis Ecclesiarum. That holy seat hath the government of all the Churches of the world. Which words are so plain, as jewel Art. 4. Diu. 21. findeth no better answer than (judging others by his own humour) to say, That man naturally advanceth his power at whose hands he seeketh help. As if Theodoret were such a man as would give an Antichristian title (for so Protestants account the government of the Churches in the world) or S. Leo accept it for flattery. Finally the great Council of Galcedon ep. ad Leonem, calleth Pope Leo their head, and say that to him. Concil. Galcedon. Vineae custodia a Domino commissa est. The custody of the Vinyard (that is the Church) was committed by our Lord. And thus I hope I have sufficiently proved both by revelation from heaven, by the authority of the Church then alive, and since, by the examples of Popes ever since S. Peter's time by confession of Protestants, and finally by reason taken out of scripture, that S. Greg. had lawful authority to send S. Austin. Now let us come to S. Augustine's orders. CHAP. X. That S. Austin was rightly ordered to administer the Sacraments, and preach the word of God. 1. THat S. Augustin was created Priest at Rome is evident by his saying Mass, preaching, and Christening as soon as he came to Canterbury, as is before rehearsed out of Beda lib. 1. cap. 26. And after he had converted King Ethelbert he came (saith Beda cap. 27.) to Arles, where of Etherius Archbishop of that City he was consecrated Archbishop of the Nation of Englishmen; according as S. Greg. the Pope had commanded. And the King (saith the same S. Beda cap. 26.) gave him place for his See in the City of Canterbury. Here by the way I note, that whereas S. Greg. lib. 7. epist. 30. saith, that S. Austin was created Bishop a Germaniarun Episcopis, he doth not gainsay S. Beda, who saith he was created by the Bishop of Arles, because France was of the writers of that time called Germany, as appeareth by Venantius Fortunatus in Carmine de Nuptijs Sigeberti & Brunechildae, which might be, partly because the French at that time and long after governed a great part of Germany, partly also because the Francs who then ruled in France were Germane come out of Germany. But to our purpose. That S. Austin was rightly ordered. That S. Austin was rightly created Priest appeareth, by that he was made by the authority of S. Gregory, or his predecessors, whom protestants account to have been true Bishops of Rome. And Doct. Reinolds Confer. pag. 362. acknowledgeth the Pope to have yet Bishoply power over his own Diocese. S. Austin therefore being a Roman, and made by the Bishoply authority of the Pope, was rightly made Priest. And in like sort it may be proved that he was rightly consecrated a Bishop. For he was made by the authority of the Pope with the consent of the King of England. Secondly I prove that S. Austin was lawfully consecrated Bishop by the consent of the Christian world. For S. Greg. commanded him to be made Bishop, the French Bishops made him, the English Christians received him, and the East Church, to whom S. Greg. wrote of the matter, never disliked him, and all the Christian world hitherto hath approved him. Nether did the Britons (though enemies) take any exceptions against his orders. Thirdly because all protestants call S. Austin a Bishop, and number him first in the Catalogue of the Archbishops of Canterbury. And if their Bishops and Ministers will have any orders at all, they must confess that S. Augustine's orders were good, and sufficient. For as Doct. Feild saith, lib. 3. of the Church cap. 39 In England they which had been Bishops in the former corrupt state of the Church (so he termeth Catholic times) did ordain Bishops and Ministers. And Sutclif. answer to exceptions pag. 88 saith. Coverdal and Scory (who were Bishops in King Edward's time) laid hands upon Bishop Parker. Bel in his Funeral professeth openly that he hath not departed from the substance of his Popish orders, but only from the ceremonies thereof. Besides, evident it is, that what Bishop or Priest so ever had been made in King Henry's time, was never consecrate a new in King Edward's days. Who had been made in Queen Mary's days was accounted to have sufficient orders in Queen elisabeth's Reign. And yet what Priest apostateth from his faith is, without more orders, thought to have orders enough fore ministering the Sacraments and word of God, or protestants have no order at all. And thus having showed that S. Austin was the first Preacher of Christian faith to our English Nation, and that he had both sufficient learning and virtue to discharge such a function, and withal lawful commission and right orders to administer the Sacraments, and preach the word of God; now let us see what kind of faith and religion it was, which he preached; and first what kind in general, and afterward what it was in particular. CHAP. XI. That the Faith which Saint Austin preached to our English Ancestors, was the universal Faith of Christendom at that tyme. 1. THis I prove first by the testimony of those that lived in that time, S. Augustine's universal religion proved by S. Greg. among whom the chiefest and principal is S. Gregory himself, who having been long time the Pope's Legate in Constantinople, and after being Pope and receiving letters from all parts of Christendom, could not be ignorant what was the universal faith of East, West, and of all Christendom at that time. He I say writing to S. Austin. lib. 9 Epist. 58. hath these words. f All the aithful of S. Augustine's time joyed at our Nation's conversion by him. Quis sufficiat, etc. Who can tell what joy arose in the hearts of all the faithful that the English nation by the working of Almighty God his grace, and the labour of thy brotherhood, having cast away the darkness of errors, is endued with the light of the holy faith, that with sincere devotion it trampleth the Idols to which before with mad fear it bowed unto, that with a pure heart it is subject to Almighty God. Behold S. Greg. witnesseth that all faithful of that time acknowledged and rejoiced that Austin brought the faith to our English Nation, and that they by his means served God with most sincere devotion and pure hearts. But yet more plainly avoucheth he this truth, Moral. 27. cap. 6. Where glorying in God of the conversion of England he writeth thus. S. Augustine's doctrine the faith of Christendom from the East to the west. Behold now the faith hath entered the hearts almost of all Nations. Behold God hath joined the bounds of the East and west in one faith. Behold the tongue of Brittany which knew nothing but to roar rudely, of late hath begun in God's praises to sound out the hebrew Alleluia. O most comfortable speech to all those that follow S. Gregory and S. Augustine's doctrine, Great comfort for Catholics. to hear avouched by irrefragable testimony that it was the faith of the Church of God from the East to the west above a thousand years ago. For as Tertullian saith. Admit that God had neglected his Church, and permitted it to run into errors, is it likely that so many and so great Churches would conspire wholly in error? No surely. 2. The next is S. Austin himself who in Beda lib. 2. cap.▪ 2. saith thus unto the Britons. S. Augustine's. Doctrine proved to be universal by his own testimony Although in many other points you do contrary to our custom, or rather contrary to the custom of the universal Church of Christ. Behold how he testifieth his custom to be the custom of the universal Church of Christ in his tyme. And lib. 1. cap. 27. in his questions proposed to S. Greg. he asketh, Where there is but one faith, why be there so many sundry customs of Churches, and one custom of Masses observed at Rome, another in France? Here he manefestly testifieth that there was but one faith and one mass in substance every where, and the difference only in ceremonies. S. Greg. communicated with all parts of Christendom. The same also may be proved by the communion which S. Gregory (whose faith was undoubtedly the same with S. Austin) had with all Christendom. For lib. 6. epist. 4. & 5. he communicateth with Cyriacus the Patriarch of Constantinople lib. 4. epist. 34. 36. lib. 7. epist. 30. he communicated with the Patriarch of Alexandria, and gloried to him of the conversion of England. lib. 1. epist. 25. lib. 4. epist. 37. lib. 6. epist. 24. lib. 7. epist. 3. 47. he communicated with the Patriarch of Antioch; under which three Patriarches was almost all the Eastern Church. And touching the Western Church lib. 1. epist. 4. lib. 4. epist. 46. He communicated with Leander Primate of Spain. lib. 4. epist. 51. He communicated with Vigilius primate of France. lib. 9 epist. 61. he communicated with all the Catholic Bishops of Ireland. lib. 2. epist. 28. he communicated with all the Bishops of Italy. lib. 1. epist. 60. 61. he communicated with januarius of Sardinia. lib. 1. epist. 68 he communicated with all the Bishops in Sicily. lib. 1. epist. 76. with Leo Bishop of Corsica lib. 1. epist. 75. with all the Bishops of Numidia. lib. 2. epist. 15. lib. 3. epist. 16. with all the Bishops of Dalmatia. lib. 3. epist. 37. He communicated with all the Bishop of Vizach, and epist. 30. With the Bishop of Istria. And lib. 7. epist. 30. with the Bishops of Germany, and consequently with all Catholic Churches in the East and west. S. wilfrid avoucheth S. Augustine's doctrine to be universal. 3. Of those that lived after S. Augustine's tyme. First is S. Wilfrid Archbishop of York, who was borne soon after S. Augustine's death. For as S. Beda saith. lib. 5. cap. 20. He went up to Rome in the time of Honorius Archbishop of Canterbury who was one of S. Augustine's fellows, and he was as S. Beda there writeth a worthy Prelate and notable Bishop. This man therefore in Beda. lib. 3. cap. 25. disputing with the Scots for the Roman observation of Easter and shaven Crowns, saith thus, The Easter which we observe we have seen to have been in like manner observed in Rome, in all Italy and France. This manner we know to be observed in afric. in Eegipt, in Asia, in Grece, and throughout all Nations and tongues of the world where the Church of Christ taketh place, besides these few Scots, and the Picts, and Britons, with whom these men do fond contend against the whole world. Behold how S. Wilfrid avoucheth his Religion even in that point wherein the Scots then dissented from us, to be the Religion of all the Christian world. Nether did the Scots, or could they deny it. S. Ceolfrid The next is S. Ceolfrid Abbot, and Master to S. Beda, who lived in the same time, who writing to Naitan King of the Picts in Beda. lib. 5. cap. 22. and speaking of his time saith: The whole Catholic Church agreeth in one faith, in one hope, and one charity towards God. The third is S. Beda himself who, lib. 2. cap. 2. saith, S. Beda. The Britons preferred their own Traditions before all other Churches, which throughout the whole world agreed with Austin in Christ. What I pray can be said or imagined against these so manifold or irrefragable testimonies. Were S. Gregory, S. Austin, S. Wilfrid, S. Ceolfrid, S. Beda ignorant what was the universal faith of Christendom at that time? or were they so impudent as they would write, yea avouch to their adversaries face a known untruth? No surely. And this truth Protestants also partly openly confess, partly tacitly grant and acknowledge. For Napier upon the Revelation of S. john, See more infr. lib. 2. cap. 3. saith. Between the year of Christ 300. and 316. the Antichristian and Papistical Religion reigning universally without debatable contradiction 1260. years. And Brocard also upon the Revelation pag. 110. writeth that the Church (of Protestants) was trodden down and oppressed by the Papacy even from Siluesters time unto these times. Bale cent. 1. pag. 69. saith. From this time (of Boniface 3. who succeeded S. Greg. with in a year or two) the purity of heavenly doctrine vanished in the Church. pag. 65. After Greg. time purity of doctrine perished, And 73. From Phocas who lived in S. Greg. time who (saith he) begot the Papacy till the renewing of the Gospel (by Luther) the doctrine of Christ was all the while among Idiots in holes. Now if the heavenly doctrine of protestants perished strait after S. Greg. time, and ever since hath been only in Idiots, and lurking holes, how could it be the universal faith of all Christendom in his time? Can the universal faith of Christendom perish in one or two years? Would all learned men, and open Churches forsake it in so short time, and only Idiots and holes keep it? See more of this matter lib. 2. cap. 1. infra. CHAP. XII. That the doctrine which Austin taught was the true way to salvation. Proved by the open confession of his Adversaries, and other things affirmed by them. 1. THe first adversaries which S. Austin had to his doctrine were the Britons before mentioned. Of whom S. Beda l. 2. cap. 2. writeth that S. Austin having cured a blind man whom they could not, The people praised S. Austin as a true preacher of all truth and verity; Britons approve S. Augustine's doctrine. And the Britons confessed indeed that they understood that to be the true way of righteousness, which Austin had preached, and showed to them. The same writeth Huntingdon lib. 3. Stow Chron. pag. 66. and others. And albeit his preaching to them, than took not that effect, which he intended, yet if Fox say true lib. 2. pag. 123. that in Ina his time began the right observing of Easter day to be kept of the Picts and of the Britons, with in short time the whole Nation not only approved, but also admitted S. Augustine's doctrine. Yea if it be true that Godwin writeth in vit. Theod. That to him all the British Bishops, and generally all Britain yielded obedience, and under him conformed themselves in all things to the rites and discipline of the Church of Rome, they performed this long before, about 60. years after S. Austin. Protestant's account S. Augustine's doctrine sufficient to salvation. 2. The next open Adversaries of Saint Augustine's doctrine in England have been the Protestants; Of whom, divers have in their writings openly acknowledged as much as the Britons did. For jewel in his famous challenge, jewel. offered to recant if any of the holy Fathers who lived in the first 600. years after Christ were found contrary to him in his Articles. In which compass of years both S. Greg. and S. Austin lived. And cried out saying, O Gregory, O Austin etc. If we be deceived you have deceived us. Fulk. Fulk in 1. Cor. 15. Seeing Gregory and Austin, (saith he) taught the truth in all points necessary to salvation, our country hath not believed in vain, nor all our fore Fathers are dead in their sins. Fox. Fox in his Acts pag. 111. 120. 122. Calleth the faith planted here by Austin and his fellow-labourers the Christian faith. p. 115. 116. the faith and doctrine of Christ. pap. 121. Christ's Religion, and that Church, the Church of Christ. And pag. 112. The perfect faith of Christ. Cooper. Bishop Cooper Chron. Anno. 636. calleth it, the right belief. Stow Chron. pag. 9 calleth it the Christian faith. Stow. And pag. 72. pure and incorupted Christianity. Cambden Cambden in descript. Britan. pag. 519. The true Religion of Christ. Godwin. Apology for the oath of allegiance, The faith of Christ. Godwin in Paulin. The Gospel; And in Mellit. The faith of Christ. Holinshed in Brit. Holinshead. The Christian faith. The faith of Christ. The word of God. Bilson of Obed. part. 1. pag. 57 calleth it Religion to God. Bilson. Sutclif Subuers. cap. 3. termeth it Faith, Religion, Christian Religion, Sutclif. and saith the people were converted to Christ, Finally Fox lib. 2. pag. 124. after he had told in particular how every one of those seven Kingdoms which then were in England, was converted, concludeth thus; Fox. And thus by process of time we have discoursed from time to time, how and by what means the Idolatrous people were induced to the true faith of Christ. And who considereth with himself, that not only our Catholic English Ancestors embraced the doctrine of S. Austin, but also the erroneous Britons, and Protestants account it the true way of righteousness, the Gospel, the Faith of Christ. The perfect faith of Christ, the right belief, the true Religion of Christ, pure and incorrupt Christianity, and finally true faith of Christ, need seek no more, but what S. Augustine's faith was, and follow it. To those that grant that S. Augustine's faith was the true way to saluaiion, I might add also the Protestants, who affirm the same of the present Roman faith, whose testimonies you may see in the Apology of Protestants Tract. 1. Sec. 6. Only I will content myself with his majesties words to the parliament 9 of November An. 1605. put forth in print thus: We do justly confess that many Papists especially our Forefathers laying their only trust upon Christ and his merits (as they themselves teach in Bellarm.) may be and often times are saved, detesting in that point and thinking the cruelty of Puritans worthy of fire that will admit no salvation to any Papist. 3. Besides this open confefsion of divers Protestants for the truth of S. Augustine's Religion, it may be also convinced out of divers other things which themselves teach. For it being supposed out of God's word heb. 11 that without the right faith it is impossible to please God: and withal confessed of divers Protestants that S. Austin and his fellows were holy men, it necessarily followeth that his faith was the true faith of God. S. Austin and his followers holy men by Protest. Of S. Augustine's holiness, & the English people in general some thing hath been said before. Of others Fox lib. 2. pag. 123. saith Cuthbert jaruman, S. Cuthbert Cedda and Wilfrid I judge (saith he) to be of a holy conversation. pag. 125. S. Aldelm. Aldelm a worthy and learned Bishop, of notable praise for his learning and virtue. Ibid. he calleth S. john of Beverly and S. Egwin Saints. pag. 127. S. john Beverly. Touching the integrity and holiness of Bedas life. It is not to be doubted, S. Beda. with great comfort of his spirit he departed this life. pag. 128. He entituleth S. Boniface a Martyr of God. S. Boniface. And yet pag. 129. calleth him a great setter up and uphoulder of Popery. pag. 112. calleth king Edmond three times Saint. S. Edmond. Item pag. 121. King Oswald a Saint (saith he) had great virtues, and by prayer overcame his enemies. S. Oswald Cooper Chron. an. 636. calleth Birin Saint an. 643. Oswald a holy king. 869 holy king Edmond. Stow Chron. pag. 78. Cedda a holy man. jaruman a Bishop of great virtue. Ibid King Sebbi, very devout and godly. pag. 81. Kinesburg and Kineswith for holy conversation excelling. pag. 99 Cuthbert Saint. Bale cent. 1. cap. 76. saith of S. Aidan, that he was a man of most innocent life and full of the spirit of God, and yet was Oswald his scholar a manifest Papist, praying before crosses and for the dead, even when himself was ready to die. ex Bed. lib. 3. cap. 2. & 12. The same Bale cent 1. cap. 83. saith, that Aldelm went happily to Christ, and yet withal confesseth that he wrote for shaven crowns after the Roman manner, feasts of Saints, single life, and such things, and was long time familiar with P. Sergius. cent 1. cap. 93. He calleth Ceolfrid, Beda, S. Ceolfrid S. Willebrord. Willebrord, Boniface and the like most holy monks, And addeth cent. 2. cap. 1. that Beda had a most happy end; And yet the same man saith of Boniface pag. 79. that he brought the Germans to Papisme: and pag. 103. Was the next to the Pope the great Antichrist, and signed a hundred thousand men in Bavaria with the Pope's mark. And cent. 2. cap. 5. writeth that Willebrord preached Papistry. Of S. Beda he saith cent. 2. cap. 1. That he can not be excused from all superstitious doctrine. And in the same place saith that Ceolfrid used the new ordinations of the Roman superstition. And that he was a plain Papist appeareth by his epistle in Beda lib. 5. cap. 22. where he teacheth one sacrifice of the body of Christ, round shaving of Monks, Calleth Peter head and Primate of the Apostles. Whereupon Fox lib. 2. pag. 126. termeth him a shaveling, condemneth him for calling Peter a Mediator, and termeth it a Monkish epistle, And in like sort Bale speaketh of divers others. S. Hilda. For cent 1. cap. 94. he saith: S. Hilda Abbess was a most holy woman, Ibid. john of Beverly a man very learned and pious, accounted it most sweet to preach Christ's Gospel out of the Pulpit, and ended his life in great constancy of evangelical spirit. And cent. 2. cap. 1. Calleth him a most holy prelate. Cambden also Descrip: Britan. pag. 518. Calleth S. Werburg Saint. S. Werburg. S. Milburg. S. Botulph pag. 526. S. Milburg a most holy virgin. p. 612. King Oswald Saint and pag. 150. That that age was most fruitful of Saints. pag. 473. Botulph most holy. And pag. 472. Guthlac lead his life in great holiness. This by the confession of Protestants was the fruit of S. Augustine's religion. And if it be true, (as most true it is which our Saviour said) that we can not gather grapes of thorns nor figs of brambles: And if it be true that virtue springeth not out of the devils seed, nor Saints out of his Religion; Sure it is also, that S. Augustine's Religion came not from the Devil but from God. Can any man of sense think that so great sanctity can stand with ignorance of the true way to salvation? With ignorance of the true worship of God? That men become Saints and attain to heaven by Religion of Devils? Are Devils so bountiful to men, as they will teach them the way to heaven? Or have they such skill as they can invent new ways to heaven besides the way that Christ taught? And this for the virtue of S. Augustine's followers; Now let us see what account Protestants make of the learning of some of them. 4. That we may be assured that it was not ignorance which made our Ancestors embrace S. Augustine's doctrine, That our Ancestors followed not S. Austin upon ignorance S. Aldelm, Bale saith cent. 1. cap. 83. Did so study both Divine, and Human learning, that be far passed all the Divines of his time, most learned in Greek, and Latin, S. Aldelm. in Verse, and Prose, and clear in wit and speech. Fox Acts 125. saith, he was a learned Bishop of worthy praise for his learning. Cambd. Descript. Brit. 210. saith, he was surely worthy that his memory should remain for ever. For he was the first Englishman that wrote in Latin, and first that taught Englishmen to make Latin Verses. Godwin in Vit. Aldelm. He became Very learned, in Poetry excellent, and writ much in Greek and Latin, Prose and Verse, but his chief study was divinity, in the which no man of his time was comparable unto him. And yet to assure us also of his Religion lib. cit. affirmeth, that he wrote at the commandment of Monks for shaving and anointing of Priests, for feasts of Saints, and single life, and other, (saith he) new rites, and that he had great familiarity with Pope Sergius. And cent. 14. cap. 26. saith, that Maidulph master of S. Aldelm was sullied with Papistical blemish, and was a most eager defender of the Roman constitutions. And yet the same Maidulph, (saith Cambden Brit. pag. 210,) was of great learning and singular piety. S. Beda. Of S. Beda Bale cent. 2. cap. 1. giveth this testimony. He was so practised in Profane writers that he scarce had his match in that age, he learned Physic, and Metaphysic out of the purest fountains. He knew the mysteries of the Christian faith so sound, (note) that for his exact knowledge both of Greek and Latin many preferred him before Gregory the Great. There is scarce any thing worth reading to be found in all Antiquity which in due places is not read in Beda 〈◊〉 if he had lived in the times of Austin, Hierom, Chrisostom; I doubt not but he might have contended for equality with them. He put forth many books full of all kind of learning. Thus Bale of S. Beda: and in like sort Fox Acts. pag. 127. saith, he was a man of worthy and memorable memory and famous learning, The whole Latin Church at that time gave him the mastery in judgement, and knowledge of the holy scripture. Stow Chron. pag. 93. Beda a famous learned man. Cooper Chron. An. 729. Beda for his learning and godly life was renowned in all the world. Bel in his Downfall Beda for virtue and learning renowned in all the world. Cambden. Brit. pag. 670. Bede the singular glory of England, by piety and erudition obtained the name of venerable, wrote many volumes, most learnedly. And yet how plain a Papist S. Beda was shallbe showed both by his own doctrine, and by open confession of Protestants cap. 17. 5. The third whereof I will speak is Alcuin scholar to S. Beda, Alcuin. but master to Charles the great. Of whom. Bale cent. 2 c. 17. Writeth thus. He was thought by far the most learned Divine of his age, yea of all English men from the beginning after Aldelm and Beda, in so much that he was master to Charles the great, and the first beginner of the University of Paris, skilful in Latin, Greek, and Hebrew. Cambd. in Brit: pag. 629. Calleth him the only glory of York. And yet who readeth this Alcuins book de Divinis Officijs shall clearly see that he, and our Country then was as perfect Papists as any now are. For there he shall find all our Ceremonies at Baptism of exsufflation, exorcizing, of salt, Chrism, and the like. Our Ancestors. used all our present Cath. Ceremonies in baptism. Our three Masses on christmas day, Our candles on Candlemas day, Our Ceremonies in the holy week of keeping the Sepulchre, hallowing the font, putting out all the candles but one. There he shall see our seven orders, our attire of Bishops at mass, our Transubstantiation, our Extreme Unction, and that accounted a Sacrament, our Confession of all our sins, our singing Mass, and praying for the dead. These, to omit innumerable more, confessed in like manner by Protestant's to have been great scholars, and profound Divines, show that it was not ignorance or want of knowledge which made our Forefathers to follow S. Augustine's doctrine, nor that the Protestants learned men have by their learning discovered in it errors, as they call them. For whom have they had comparable to any of these in learning, and industry whom of their own have they so much commended as they have done these? Comparaison of Protest: learned men with ours Let any Protestant desirous of truth take Tindal, Latimer, Ridley (whom they term the Apostles of England) and consider whither in learning, or virtue they be comparable to these three. And then judge with indifferency on whose side truth is most likely to stand. For all reason teacheth that they are most likely to find truth, who abounded with most learning to search it, and were endued with most virtue to have it from God. What reasonable man than is there that forsaking the Doctrine of S. Aldelm, S. Beda, and Alcuin, whom not only we, but very Protestants confess to have been most industrious to find truth, most skilful to discern it, and most virtuous to deserve to have it taught of God, will follow Tindal, Latimer, Ridley, whose learning by the judgement of Catholics was very mean, and their life very vicious; and by the judgement of their own men are but meanly commended either for good life, or good learning. CHAP. XIII. That the Doctrine which S. Austin preached he sealed and confirmed by true miracles. How many kinds of proofs for S. Augustine's miracles. 1. THat Saint Austin confirmed his doctrine by miracles, I will prove. First by the testimony of those who lived in his time, secondly by the testimony of those that lived soon after, and lastly by the plain confession of Protestants. Witnesses then living. Of those that lived in his time, first is S. Gregory who writing to Eulogius Patriarch of Alexandria lib. 7. epist. 30. saith. S. Gregory. Both he (Austin) and they, who were sent with him shine with so great miracles in that (English) Nation, that they may seem to imitat the virtues of the Apostles by the miracles, which they work. And lib. 9 epist. 56. writing to the Queen of France saith. What and how great miracles our Redeemer hath wrought in the conversion of the foresaid (English) Nation, The Q. of France knew that our nation was converted by great miracles. it is already known unto your Excellency. And can any man think that this great Doctor would write to a Queen of France that she knew what miracles were done in England, if they were not manifest, and out of all doubt? And lib. 9 epist. 58. writing to S. Austin himself he saith. Rejoice that English men's souls are by outward miracles drawn to inward grace. Ib. Diligently discuss thyself, who thou art, and how great the grace is in that Nation, for whose conversion thou hast received the gift of miracles. And lib. 27. Moral .. cap. 6. Whereas by good precepts, and heavenly words, yea with manifest miracles too, the grace and knowledge of God is powered into it (English hearts) etc. By which words (saith S. Beda lib. 2. cap. 1.) this holy Father doth declare that Austin and his company brought the English men to the knowledge of truth, not only by preaching to them in word but also by showing them heavenly signs and miracles. 2. The second testimony is the public Epitaph which the English men set upon S. Augustine's Tomb after his death in these words. S. Augustine's Epitaph. Here resteth the body of S. Austin first Bishop of Dorobernia, that was sent into this Land by S. Gregory Bishop of the City of Rome, approved of God by the working of miracles, and brought Ethelbert and his people from the worshipping of Idols unto the Faith of Christ. The third testimony of those that lived in S. Augustine's time, are the Britons, The Britons. who by the miraculous cure of a blind man, wrought by S. Austin in their sight were compelled to confess (as S. Beda saith, lib. 2. cap. 2.) that to be the true way of righteousness, which S. Austin preached. And this testimony is much to be regarded, Why the testimony of the Britons for S. Augustine's miracles is much to be regarded. for it is the testimony of many, of enemies, of eye witnesses, and of those among whom (saith S. Beda lib. 2. cap. 2.) were plures viri doctissimi. So they can be no way suspected either of partiality, being enemies, or of insufficiency being many and present, and through their learning most able to judge. Cambden also citeth a piece of a History, An unnamed Author of S. Augustine's time. written (as he saith) in that time, which recordeth that S. Austin having blessed the River Small, and appointed that of ten thousand men (besides women and children) two and two should go in, Great miracles. and christian each other, besides that none perished in so deep a water, this miracle also happened, that all sickness and deformity was cured by that Christening. 3. After S. Augustine's time lived S. Beda who lib. 1. cap. 26. writeth. Witnesses of S. Augustine's miracles after his tyme. The King being much delighted with the purity of their life (S. Austin and his fellows) and the example of their godly conversation, as also with their sweet promises, which they proved to be true by the working of miracles, S. Beda. did believe and was baptised. And lib. 2. cap. 2. he reporteth the Prophecy of S. Austin of the destruction of the Britons for their obstinacy, and the event answered thereto after his death. Which is so sure a token of divine revelation as the Prophet Esay. cap. 41. saith, Tell us what things are to come hereafter, and we shall know that you are Gods. The like prophetical knowledge of things past is attributed to S. Paulin, one of S. Augustine's fellows, by him lib. 2. cap. 12. and Godwin in vita Paulini, Fox Acts pag. 121, Holinshed pag. 108. and others. Likewise lib. 2. cap. 6. He recounteth the miraculous scourging of S. Laurence successor to S. Austin by S. Peter for intending to abandon our country, upon the revolt thereof to Paganism. Which miracle is contested also by our chiefest historiographers Malmsbury lib. 1. Reg. and lib. 2. Pont. Huntingdon lib. 3. Marian. an. 617. Westmon. an. 616. Florent. an. 616. and confessed by some protestants, as Godwin in vit. Laurentij, and Holinshed pag. 158. In like manner lib. 2. cap. 33. Beda telleth how Peter a companion of S. Austin being drowned, Our Lord (saith he) made that every night there appeared a light from heaven upon the place where he lay buried. Ethelvverd. After S. Beda lived Ethelwerd who lib. 2. cap. 1. writeth. That by the prayers of S. Austin Bishop our Saviour jesus Christ showeth innumerable miracles to his faithful, at whose Tomb unto this day no small miracles are wrought. Malmesb. Huntingt. westmon. Capgrave. To these witnesses we may add Malmsb. lib. 1. Pont. Hunting l. 3. westmon. an. 603. and Capgrave also, who in the life of S. Austin writeth. That there were none or few in S. Augustine's company who had not the gift of curing, that they lightened the darkness of the heathens no less by miracles, than by preaching. And he addeth that S. Austin cured all the weak and sick that were brought unto him, or visited of him. Protestant's confess S. Augustine's miracles. 4. Thirdly amongst protestants Fox lib. 2. pag. 116. writeth that when the King had well considered the honest conversation of their (Austin and his fellows) life, Fox. and moved by the miracles wrought through God's hand by them, and in the margin putteth this note, (Miracles wrought by God for the conversion of this land) he heard than more gladly. pag. 118. he mentioneth S. Gregory's letter testifying Saint Augustine's miracles, and pag. 119. he saith that Beda, Cestrensis, Huntingdon, jornalensis, and Fabia testify the foresaid miracle of the blind man. Godwin. Godwin in the life of S. David, I doubt not but God afforded many miracles to the first infancy of our Church. Nether therefore would I be to peremptory in derogating to much from such reports as we see no reason why they may not be true. And in the life of S. Austin. Austin wrought a miracle by healing a blind man for confirmation of his doctrine. Holinshed in Descript. Brit. King Ethelbert was persuaded by the good example of S. Austin and his company, and for many miracles showed, to be baptised. And pag. 602. Austin to prove his opinion good, wrought a miracle by restoring to sight one of the Saxon Nation that was blind. And the same miracle acknowledgeth Stow Chron. pag. 66. and of foreign Protestants Hemingius in exposit. psal. 84. part 1. cap. 6. Stow. Hemingius. 5. Concerning the witnesses which I have produced to testify that S. Austin wrought these things which we call miracles, The qualities of the said witnesses for S. Augustine's miracles. I would have the Reader to consider, first that some of them were then living, as S. Greg. the Britons, and Authors of the Epitaph. Others lived after as the rest. Secondly, some were foreign as S. Greg. others Domestical in England. Thirdly some are public as the Epitaph, others private. Fourtly some were enemies to S. Austin as the Britons, the others, friends. Fiftly, some were great Clerks as S. Greg. S. Beda, and some of the Britons, who by their learning could judge of the miracles; others of less account. Sixtly some were great Saints, as S. Greg. and S. Beda were, who would not deliver an untruth, or uncertain fables for true and certain miracles; others of meaner qualities. Seventhly some were eye witnesses, as the Britons (and they enemies too who would find what fault they could) and the authors of the Epitaph; others by report. Lastly some are Catholics, some Protestants. And what greater variety of testimonies, or better qualified witnesses, would we ask to believe a thing than these be? 6. This great weight and variety of witnesses we have to believe that S. Austin did these things which are accounted miracles, No author before our Days nor reason against S. Augustine's miracles. weather they be true or false, which we shall see anon. And to the contrary there is no Author, foreign or Domestical; eye witness or other; friend or foe; Catholic or Protestant, before our days: nor any reason at all besides that which Fulk Anotat. in Io. 14. giveth against S. Augustine's miracles, See more of this in the preface to the Reader sup. and Fox lib. 2. pag. 122. against other miracles. uz. That they are not in scripture: therefore they are not bound to believe them. As if God were bound to write all the miracles, which he worketh, or we not bound to believe with human faith (of which alone we speak in this matter) that which is avouched by so sufficient human authority, we bond to belewe with human faith what is delevered with sufficient authority. as we can take no just exception against it, either for skill to know the truth, or for will to speak it. If not, then farewell all human belief, which can require no more than so sufficient human authority, Inconveniences of not belewing human authority. farewell all human authority, which can afford no greater certainty; farewell all human conversation, which cannot stand without the belief of such authority, and let us believe nothing but what God hath written or ourselves have seen. Let us not believe any Records or Histories of times past, See S. Aust. lib. de vtil cred. cap. 12. no that ever there was such a man as S. Austin. And for times present, let us believe no jury, nothing done in far countries, nothing done out of our presence, no not that such were our parents, because none of these are written in God's word, but are delivered to us by human authority, to which (as they say) we are not bound to give credit. Thus you see to what inconveniences this kind of senseless reason would lead us, if we should follow it in other like matters. But beside, it is fond in itself, for it is taken from negative authority: which kind of argument (saith jewel Art. 2. Diu. 13.) Unless it be in consideration of some other circumstance is so simple as that a very child may soon answer it. And justly, Negative authority no authority. for negative authority is no authority, and silence no witness. Whereupon the law saith. Qui mutum exhibet nihil exhibet; especially when the silence is of such which had no cause to speak of the matter, as the scripture had none to fortel S. Augustine's miracles. And therefore to argue from such negative authority is to argue from no authority and to seem to use reason, when indeed there is none. For who would suffer a Malefactor, against whom many honest men have deposed, to clear himself because divers standers by say no thing against him? Would their silence, which in any man's judgement maketh no more for him than against him, be preferred before the depositions of divers witnesses omni exceptione maiores? And so, besides that the scripture was written many hundred years before S. Austin was borne and therefore could not speak of his miracles but by prophecy, the silence thereof in his miracles maketh no more against them than for them. For as it affirmeth them not, so neither doth it deny them. And therefore as Fulk argueth; The scripture affirmeth not S. Augustine's miracles; therefore they were not. another might with as good reason say. The scripture denieth them not, therefore they were. But leaveth them to the authority and credit of those that report them. Which (as hath been showed) is as great as can be required to human belief: and therefore bindeth us to give human credit unto them. S. Austin. For as S. Austin said well lib. de util. cred. cap. 16. It is miserable to be deceived by authority, but most miserable not to be moved by it. A part of beasts not to be moved with authority. Because to be deceived either by probable reason, or sufficient authority is a thing incident to man. But not to be moved with convincent reason, or such sufficient authority, as no just exception can be taken against it, having no reason or authority to the contrary, is the part of a beast uncapable of reason, or authority. 7. For this cause, perhaps some will grant that S. Austin did these things, That S. Augustine's miracles were true miracles. which are reported of him, but yet will say, that they are not true miracles, but false, such as may be done by nature, art, or the devils help. But against these I oppose. First that they say this without the authority of any ancient writer at all or any other before our days. See Alan. Copus Dial. 5. cap. 18. Secondly they say it without any reason taken from the miracles themselves. For the sudden cure of a blind person, whom the Britons could not cure, what suspicion giveth it of a false miracle? That he was blind the Britons saw, that they could not cure him, themselves experienced. Thirdly I oppose the manes whereby S. Austin cured him, which was as Beda testifieth lib. 2. cap. 2. By prayer to the Father of our lord jesus Christ, beseeching that he would restore light to the blind person that by corporal illumination, and lightning of one man his spiritual grace might kindle many. Which mean of prayer to God, is quite opposite to the working of false miracles, which is by calling upon the Devil. Fourthly I oppose the end for which most of S. Augustine's miracles were done, which was to draw Pagans from Infidelity to Christianity, and from vice to virtue, as the effect did show. But the Devil would do nothing (and much less a miracle) to draw men from Infidelity, and vice to which he enticeth them all he can; or to Christianity and virtue, from which he driveth them by all means that in him lieth. Therefore S. Augustine's miracles came not from the Devil. And this trial of miracles by the end of them protestants allow as the true touchstone to try them by. As Fox Acts pag. 351. where he crediteth the miracle wrought in the king of Tartary his child, which when it was born was ugly and deformed, and being Christened became fair and beautiful. Because (saith he) it served to the conversion to the Christian faith, to which use properly all true miracles do apertain. And yet that faith to which that King was brought, and for which that miracle was wrought was Papistical as Bale granteth cent. 4. pag. 303. 8. Fiftly I oppose the admirable, and by Protestants confessed holiness of Saint Austin and his fellows. What affinity or commerce had such great virtue with the Devil; From which how far he was, so far was he from working those miracles, which Austin and those virtuous men did. Sixtly I oppose the judgement of S. Gregory, Beda, and other learned, and holy men hitherto who accounted them for true miracles. Who if learning, or virtue can descry false miracles, were as like to descry them as any now living. yea better, because many of them were present, and might consider many circumstances, which might help them to find out the truth, which now we do not know. Seventhly I oppose the judgement of the Britons amongst whom there were as S. Beda saith, plures viri doctissimi, and who all were opposite to S. Austin, and therefore they wanted neither skill, nor will to discover the falsity of his miracles, if any had been. Lastly I oppose the confession of the forenamed Protestants, who having duly considered all circumstances, have not only judged, but confessed, written, and subscribed that S. Augustine's miracles were true miracles wrought (as Fox speaketh) through the hand of God. 9 For this, perchance, some may be persuaded to confess that both S. Austin wrought these wondrous things which are recorded of him, That a miracle can not be wrought to confirm an untruth. and also that they be true miracles, and yet may say as Fulk doth Annot. in Marc. 9 That Heretics may work miracles to confirm their erroneous opinions. That is direct blasphemy against God. For a miracle can not be wrought but by God his divine power, who useth it as a seal to confirm his Doctrine with. Whereupon S. Paul. 1. cor. 12. called miracles signs of his Apostleship, And marc. 16. they are called confirmations from God, and our Saviour Io. 5. calleth them a greater testimony than S. john Baptist. And biddeth the jews if they will not believe him, believe his miraculous works. And S. Austin lib. de util. cred. cap. 14. saith, that Christ by miracles got authority, by authority deserved credit, by credit gathered multitudes, by multitude got antiquity, by antiquity strengthened Religion. Certain it is therefore, that as God can not contest, or confirm a lie, so he can not with heretics cooperat to a miracle to confirm their erroneous opinion. Wherefore as our Saviour said to the jews. If I cast out Devils in the finger of God surely the Kingdom of God is come amongst you. So might S. Austin say, if I by the finger of God work miracles, surely the Kingdom of God is come amongst you. That S. Austin wrought miracles for confirmation of that which protestāns deny. 10. The last evasion which any Protestant can find why he should not believe the doctrine of S. Austin confirmed of him by true miracles, is that which Fulk also giveth 2. cor. 12. To wit: that we are not certain whither his miracles were to confirm any of that corruption which he brought in. To which I reply, that this is but a guess of a distrustful mind. For who told him that S. Austin wrought no miracles for confirmation of that which he accounteth corruption. Secondly that God in conversion of Infidels useth not to work miracles for confirmation of every Article of faith, but to authorize the Preacher for a true messenger of God, and the faith and religion which he teacheth for his divine truth and way of salvation. And this Saint Augustine's miracles did prove sufficiently, and it is all we seek. Thirdly I say that S. Austin wrought a miracle to confirm that which Protestants now account corruption. For the end for which he cured the blind man in the sight of the Britons, was as S. Beda saith lib. 2. cap. 2. that they should conform themselves to the holy Roman Church, namely in administering of baptism. But the manner of administering of baptism which S. Austin exhorted the Britons to, was undoubtedly the same which his master S. Gregor. lib. de Sacrament. and our ancient Contreyman Alcuin lib. de divinis office. describe, which Catholics now use, and Protestants reject, to wit, besides baptizing with water, to exorcize the child, and to breath in his face, to make the sign of the Cross in the child's forehead, and breast, to put salt into his mouth, and to touch his nostrils and ears with spittle, and to anoint him between the shoulders. Surly these things considered, me thinks S. Austin may say to us as Saint Paul did to the Thessalonians. My Gospel was not to you in speech only, but in verity and in the holy Ghost, and in much plenty. And that our Ancestors and we may say with the great Doctor Richard de S. Victore. The things which we believe were confirmed with so many, so great, so wonderful miracles, that it may seem a kind of madness any way to doubt of them. I would the jews (Protestants) would mark. I would the Pagans (Puritan) would consider, with what security of conscience we may appear before God touching this part. May we not with all confidence say to God, Lord if it be an error we were decevied by thee? For the things which we believe were confirmed amongst us with so great signs and wonders, and with such, as could not be wrought but by thee. Surely they were delivered unto us by men of great holiness, and approved with great and authentical testimonies, thyself cooperating and confirming their speech with signs following. 11. Finally if any men be found so Thomas-lyke, and hard of belief, that he will not believe that S. Austin wrought any miracle, let them answer that which S. Austin saith lib. 22. de civit. cap. 5. against the Pagans, S. Austin. who would not believe the miracles of the Apostles. If they believe not, that miracles were wrought by the Apostles of Christ (by S. Austin and his fellows) that they might be credited; this one miracle alone sufficeth, that all the world should believe without miracles. That our English Ancestors should without all miracles forsake their ancient, and easy Religion, and follow a new, and difficult both for points of belief, as the mystery of the Trinity, Incarnation, Eucharist, and more difficult to practice, as to refrain both act, and thought. 12. If any ask why are not miracles now done for confirmation of S. Augustine's doctrine as well as then, Why miracles are not now. I answer with S. Gregory homil. 29. in Euangel. S. Austin● The multitude of the faithful was to be nourished with miracles, that it might increase to faith. Because we water the plants, which we set till we see them to have taken root, but after that we leave watering them. S. Greg. And with S. Austin lib. 22. de civit. cap. 8. I might say that miracles were necessary before the world (of Brittany) did believe. Who so ever now requireth wonders to believe, he is a great wonder that believeth not when the world believeth. Was it sufficient for the jews to believe the doctrine of Moses, that their Forefathers saw it confirmed of him by many wonders? And shall it not suffice us that our Forefathers testify that they saw S. Augustine's doctrine confirmed in like sort? Were not our Forefathers to be credited as well as those jews? Or are we more incredulous than their posterity? And hitherto Gentle Reader we have showed that Saint Austin had all things requisite to a sufficient and lawful Preacher of God's word, what hath been hitherto proved. to wit great learning, famous virtue, lawful vocation and right orders: we have also showed that the Doctrine which he preached was the universal faith and religion of all Christendom at that time, is confessed by the greatest Adversaries thereof to have been sufficient to bring men to heaven and was approved and contested by God by many miracles to be his divine and infallible faith; what now remaineth but to seek out what S. Augustine's Religion was in particular, that finding it we may be sure to have found a Religion taught unto our Ancestors above 1000 years ago by a great Divine, by a famous Saint and a lawful Preacher rightly sent and ordered, which so long since was the Religion of all Christendom, was approved by God himself by true miracles, and is confessed of the adversaries to have been sufficient to salvation. Than the which I know not what more any reasonable man can desire. CHAP. XIIII. That S. Austin was a Roman Catholic, proved by his Master S. Gregory. 1. HOw careful S. Austin was to follow the doctrine and Religion of his Master S. Gregory appeareth by what was said before out of S. Beda. lib. 1. cap. 27. of the questions, S. Augustine's Rom. religion proved by S. Gregory. which S. Austin sent unto him so far as from England concerning small matters. And therefore his Religion may be evidently gathered by that of S. Greg. But because it would be tedious to prove that Saint Greg. was a Roman Catholic in all substantial points of Religion, I will for proof hereof make choice of two especial points: To wit. The Pope's Supremacy, and the Sacrifice of mass. Because in the first of these points Do: Reinolds in his Confer: pag. 568. affirmeth the very being, and essence of a Papist to consist. And D. Whitaker count Dur. pag. 503. saith: It is the head of popish Religion of which almost all the rest depend. And in the mass (saith D. Sutclif in his Answer to Exceptions pag. 11) The very soul of Popery doth consist. And D. Whitak. loc. cit. pag. 426. affirmeth that, Nothing is more holy and divine in our conceit. And lastly I will prove it be the open confession of divers Protestants. S. Greg. believed the Pope's supremacy. 2. As for the first point of the Supremacy S. Greg. lib. 4. Epist. 32. faith of Saint Peter (who as Bill on saith lib. 1. of Obed. pag. 380. was Founder of the Roman Church) It is manifest to all that know the Gospel, that by our Lord's voice the care of the whole Church was committed to S. Peter Prince of all the Apostles. And lib. 1. epist. 24. Peter holding the Princedom of the Church accounted himself the chief in the Church. And lib. 11. epist. 44. he calleth the Roman Church Caput fidei, the head of the faith. His words are these: Admonemus ut Apostolicae sedis reverentia nullius praesumptione turbetur. Tunc enim status membrorum integer manet, si caput fidei nulla pulsetur iniuria. Likewise lib. 7. epist. 49. he saith, The care enjoined to us of all Churches doth bind us. lib. 7. epist. 6. Who doubteth but that she (Church of Constant.) is subject to the See Apostolic. And epist. 64. If any fault be found in Bishops I know not what Bishop is not subject to her (Church of Rome) Which last words do so plainly avouch S. Greg. opinion of the supremacy, as Doct. Reynolds Confer. pag. 547. findeth no better shift than impudently to say that either Greg. written not so, or he written an untruth to cheer up his subjects. Caluin lib. 4. cap. 7. §. 12. saith that, There is no word in all Greg. writings wherein he more proudly boasteth of the largeness of his Primacy than this. Furthermore S. Greg. lib. 7. epist. 69. Without the authority and consent of the See Apostolic what so ever is done (in councils) hath no force. And contrariwise lib. 7. epist. 115. That reverence is carried of the faithful toward the See Apostolic, that what is appointed by her decree shall not after be disturbed. And the Archbishop of Ravema writing to him lib. 10. epist. 36. saith. The See of Rome sendeth her laws to the Universal Church. And himself lib. 12. cap. vlt. The See of Rome doth look over the whole world, and sendeth new constitutions unto all. And lib. 11. epist. 56. writeth that the cause of a Bishop who had no Patriarch or Metrapolitan over him, was to be judged (immediately) of the See Apostolic, which (saith he) is omnium Ecclesiarum caput, head of all Churches. Which proof showeth that he meaneth not head ship in excellency of gifts as Reinolds would Confer. pag. 548. but in government. In like sort in psal. 4. poenit. he calleth Rome the head of all Churches and Lady of Nations, which Title of the head of all Churches because Pope Boniface 3. who succeeded S. Greg. within one year or two procured the Emperor Phocas to declare to appertain to the Bishops of Rome, he is accounted of all Protestants generally to be the first true Pope and Antichrist of Rome. But if S. Greg. authority were not so great in the Church as Ministers are ashamed to account him an Antichrist, they would as soon call him Pope and Antichrist, as they do Pope Boniface, because he avoucheth the same Title which Boniface did. 3. Nether did S. Greg. only claim this Supremacy but also practised it often times. S. Greg. practiseth the supremacy. For. lib. 2. Epist. 14. He excommunicated the Archbishop of Salona in Dalmatia. lib. 4. Epist. 50. He deposed Anastasius Archb. of Corinth in Greece. And Epist. 15. made the Bishop of Prima justiniana his Legate, and likewise the Bishop of Arles in France. Epist. 51. And. lib. 5. Epist. 24. When there arose a controversy between a Priest of Chalcedon, and the Patriarch of Constantinople according to the Canons (saith he) it fell to the See Apostolic and was ended by our judgement. And lib. 10. Epist. 30. He maketh a Bishop swear that he will In all things abide in the Communion of the Bishop of Rome. And in Bed. lib. 1. cap. 27. Taketh upon him to commit all the Bishops and Priests of Britain to S. Augustine's charge, and without ask the Prince his leave, appointed him to erect two Archbishoppriks', and 24. Bishoprics. Finally he took upon him to depose kings, and princes. For lib. 11. Epist. 10. He saith Siquis etc. If any king Priest judge or secular person knowing this constitution of ours shall attempt to break it, Let him want all Dignity of his power, and honour. And lib. 12. cap. vlt. If any king Prelate judge or secular person of what Degree or highness soever (do violate the privilege of S. Medards Monastery, Let him be deposed. And (as Baron: An. 600 writeth out of the Chronicles of Milan) gave the Bishop of that City authority to choose what king he would after the race of Lomburdian kings was ended. Protestant's opinion of S. Gregory about the supremacy. For these speeches and acts of Greg. Doct. Reinolds Confer pag. 549 saith of him and of all the Popes for 300. years before him that they avouch more of their See than is true and right. But now the question is not about right, Reinolds. but about S. Greg● opinion of Supremacy. And pag, 545. saith that S. Greg. is somewhat large that way. pag. 550. The primacy which Greg Leo and others give to the See of Rome doth so exceed the truth that etc. And pag 17. he saith that Leo the great (who was Pope 130. years before Greg.) cherished the egg of the Pope's Supremacy. And pag. 16. saith, Leo made Peter a fellow, head, a party, Rock, and half foundation with Christ. Which saith he pag. 10. Leo did that he might rise up with S. Peter. And Doct. Whitak, Whitaker Fulke. lib. de consil. pag. 37. Leo was a great builder of the See of Antichrist. Fulkin 2. Thessaly. 2. Leo and Greg. were great workers and futherers of the See of Antichrist, and of the mystery of iniquity. And ibid. he doubteth not to say that the mystery of iniquity did work in the See of Rome in Peter's time, and did show itself in Anicetus, Victor, Cornelius, Sozimus, Bonifacius, Cel●stinus. By which confession of Protestant's a man of mean eyesight will easily see, what S. Greg. and his Predecessors thought of the supremacy. For if they were not of greater authority for their learning holiness and antiquity, they would have been as well accounted Popes and Antichrists as their successors are. In what sense S. Gregory impugned the Title of universal Bishop. 4. If any object that S. Greg. vehemently impugneth the Title of the universal Bishop, which the Patriarch of Constantinople in his time usurped, calling it proud, sacrilegious, and such like, which he would never have done if he had thought himself to have been head of all the Churches in the world; I answer, that S. Greg. could not doubt, but that the Title of universal Bishop might in some sense agree to the Pope. Because the Council of Chalcedon which lib. 1. Epist. 24. he professeth to reverence as one of the four gospels, offered it to his Predecessors as himself testifieth lib. 4. Epist. 32. Whereunto he addeth Epist. 37. That his adduersarie the Patriarch of Constant. knew well that per Calcedonense Concilium huius Apostolica Sedis Antistites Vniversales oblato honore vo●ati sunt. And lib. 4. epist. 36. saith that the Patriarch of Alexandria knew it also to be so. Which he would never have said, unless it had been both certain and evident, so as his Adversaries could not deny it. Whereto lib. 7. epist. 30. he addeth, that it was given to his Predecessors by Fathers after the Council. And in the said Council, Which (as Reinolds saith Confer. pag. 563.) was a Company of 630. Bishop's sound in Religion and zealous of the glory of God. (although it hath been falsified by the Grecians as witnesseth S. Greg. lib. 5. epist 14.) yet thrice is Pope Leo called Universal Patriarch without the gain saying of any one. Which so many and so zealous would never have permitted, if it had been altogether unlawful. And the same Reinolds confer. pag. 562. professeth that the said Council named Pope Leo their head. And pag. 561. That he was Precedent of the Council. S. Beda calleth S. Gregory over the whole world. And of Bed. lib. 2. cap. 1. S. Greg. is called high Bishop over the whole world. Besides that, Popes were before that time called Bishops of the Universal Church, as it is to be seen in Pope Leo Epist. 54. 62. 65. Sixtus 1. epist. 2. Victor epist. 1. Pontianus and Stephanus epist. 2. Which in sense is all one with Universal Bishop, if this Title be taken in the proper sense. why the Patriarch of Constant unlawfully took the title of universal Bishop. But S. Greg. condemned it in the Patriarch of Constant. both because it could no way pertain to him in the proper sense, for that he was not head of all the Church, and also because he claimed it in such a sense, as is utterly unlawful both to the Pope, and to any Bishop else, and is in deed sacrilegious. For as S. Gregory witnesseth lib. 4. epist. 34. 36 38. lib. 5. epist. 60. lib. 6. epist. 31. 37. and lib. 7. epist. 29. and 30. He would be called Universal Bishop in such sort as his brethren being despised, he alone might be called Bishop, or that he might seem to have denied his brethren to be Bishops. That is, so as if himself alone were the only true and proper Bishop, and others but his Deputies or Vicegerents, and not so formal nor true Bishops as he. In which sense that Title is truly sacrilegious; as robbing all other Bishops of their Episcopal Dignity. S. Gregory for Mass. 5. And for the second point of Mass; S. Greg. himself saith, lib. 7. epist. 29. thus: We do the solemnity of the Mass every day in honour of them (Martyrs). Sutclif in his Answer to the Catholic supplication denieth these words to be in the place cited. Which who will seek shall take a taste of his impudency. Doct. Reinolds in his Confer. pag. 532. jewel art. 1. diui. 31. And art. 3. diuis. 21. and others say, that S. Greg. Mass was a Communion, because in the Canon thereof are these words, who so ever shall receive of this participation of the Altar the holy body and blood of thy son. But so they might prove that our Mass were no true Mass, because the said words are in the Canon thereof. And they prove no more, than that the Church prayeth for all such as shall communicate at mass, and there shall receive (not bare bread and wine) but the body and blood of Christ. That S. Greg: mass was no Protestant Communion. For to say that S. Greg. mass was a Protestantish Communion of very material bread and wine, as jewel speaketh Art. 8. Divi. 2. were great impudence. First, because in S. Greg. Massse is the Canon of our Mass, in which the substance of our Mass consisteth. And therefore his mass can be no more a Protestant Communion than ours. And beside in the same book of S. Greg: is the very form wherewith our Priests are made to say our Mass, vz: Take power to offer Sacrifice and to say Mass as well for the living as for the dead. Secondly Saint Greg. Mass was a true sacrifice of the body and blood of Christ, as appeareth by these his words lib. 4. Dialag: (which book Bale cent. 1. cap. 68 confesses to be his) cap. 58. We must sacrifice the daily hosts of his (Christ's) flesh and blood; The host sacrificed at Mass saveth the soul according to S. Greg. for this wholesome sacrificie doth save the soul from everlasting death, which mystically representeth to us that death of the only son, who albeit rising from death now dieth not, and death hath now no more power over him, yet he living in himself immortally and incorruptibly is sacrificed for us in this mystery of the holy Oblation. Christ sacrificed at mass without dying. For his body is there received, his flesh is divided for the salvation of his people. His blood is not powered now into the hands of the Infidels but into the mouth of the faithful. Christ's blood powered into the mouths of the faithful. Lo how he professeth that we daily sacrifice Christ's body and blood, and that this daily sacrifice saveth the soul from eternal death, and that though Christ be not killed thereby, yet is he sacrificed; and his flesh and blood distributed to the people when they communicate at Mass. which is the very doctrine which we teach. S. Greg. believed Transubstantiation. Again, in S. Gregory's Mass Transubstantiation was believed, as appeareth by these words of Doct. Humphrey jesuit. part. 2. rat. 5. pag. 626. 627. Gregory and Austin brought in Oblation of the holy host, Transubstantiation etc. How then could his Mass be a Protestant Communion? moreover in the Mass which his scholar S. Austin taught our Forefathers, The mystery of the flesh and precious blood (saith Beda lib. 5. cap. 22.) of the immaculate lamb is offered to God the Father in hope of redemption? And S. Greg. lib. de Sacram. ante Canonem calleth the host of his mass the wholesome host of the whole world, the vital host, The host of Mass a vital host expelling sins. which expelleth all sins and causeth wariness to avoid them for ever. Is this likely to be very material bread? And again l. cit. Dial. cap. 57 he telleth us that while one was captive amongst enemies, Mass looseth the bonds of a captive. his wife got sacrifice certain days to be offered for him, who long time after returning to his wife told her what days his bonds were loosed, which she knew to be the days, when she got sacrifice offered for him. Mass saveth from drowning as many faithful witnesses testify. Ibid. When a Bishop (saith S. Greg.) offered the Sacrifice of the wholesome host for the soul of him whom he thought was drowned, he was saved from drowning, as many (saith he) faithful, and religious men have witnessed to me and do witness. S. Greg. appointed 30 Masses to be said for one dead. And cap. 55. he telleth of two delivered out of the pains of Purgatory by his Mass. whereof 30. Masses were said for one of them by his own appointment. Thirdly S. Greg. Mass was said in honour of Martyrs, as is already showed, and offered for the dead as is evident; and Reinolds loc. cit. confesseth, but so is not their communion. Fourthly Barnes. cent. 1. cap. 68 saith that Greg. ordered the ceremonies of the Mass and made up the Canon thereof. And Ibib. telleth what parts he added to the Mass. Again Kemnit. in Examen. pag. 826. 827. confesseth Mass as it is now, to have been finished in S. Greg. time. But now it is far different from Protestants communion. And it is evident that nothing since his time is added to the Canon, which includeth the substance of the Mass. Finally Fox Acts pag. 130. saith that about the year 780. Pope Adrian ratified and confirmed the order of S. Greg. Mass, At what time (saith he) this usual Mass of the Papists began to be universal, and uniform and generally received in all Churches Lo he confesseth that our usual Mass came from S. Greg. and telleth the time when it began generally to be received in all Churches, To wit about 900. years ago. Protestant's confess S. Greg. to have been a Papist. 6. Lastly I will prove S. Greg. to have been a Roman Catholic by the open confession of our Adversaries, Fulk. in Apoc. 6. saith, Greg. was superstitious in relics And 2. Thessaly. 2. Greg. was a great worker and furtherer of the See of Antichrist, Fulk. and of the mystery of iniquity. Io. 21. Gregory gathered some thing for Peter's Primacy. Ib. We go not about to clear Gregory from all usurpation of jurisdiction more than to his See appertained. He thought to highly of his See And Math. 4. Gregory allowed of Images Hebr. 11. Allowed Images to be in Churches Acts. 17. Greg. allowed Images to be lay men's books Math. 16. and 1, Cor. 3. Gregory granteth Purgatory. Sutclif. Sutclif Subuers. cap. 4. Greg. used litanies, allowed Purgatory, esteemed much relics of saints. Whitak. cont Dur. pag. 480. Greg. Purgatorium ut certum dogma tradidit. Whitaker. Fulk 1. Timoth. 4. Gregory indeed willeth holy water to be made and to he sprinkled in the Idols Temples, Altars to be built, and relics to be laid up. Gregory indeed did send many superstitious tokens, as a little Key from of S. Peter for his blessing. Math. 16. Greg. favoureth the supremacy of S. Peter. Bale Cent. 1. cap. 68 Greg. burdened the Church and Religion of God more than all, Bale. with more than jewish Ceremonies. He ordered the rites of Mass, commanded Masses to be said over the Dead bodies of the Apostles, S. Greg. described to have been a professed Papist. devised Litanies, and Procession, permitted the Image of the blessed Virgin to be carried about, confirmed Pilgrimage to Images by Indulgences for the people's devotion; he was a Maintainer of Pardons, S. Greg. granted indulgences. granted Indulgences to those that visit Churches on certain days, made four books of Dialogues for strengthening Purgatory. Admitted adoration of the Cross, and Masses for the dead, Called the English men to Romish rites by Austin the Monk. And much more there. And cap. 70. Gregory brought in Ceremonies, Procession, Suffrages, adoration, Masses, trust of men's works. Item. After Greg. time purity of doctrine decreased & the Invocation of dead Saints together with sale of Masses increased, and the Mystery of the Eucharist began to be offered for the dead. Bishop's also from the doctrine of faith, fled to trust to men's works, and human satisfactions, which (saith he) is manifest of Gregory. Item. Greg. sent Austin to the English men that he might bring in not Christ, but the Roman Religion stuffed with the commandments, and traditions of men. And finally cap. 71. he saith in plain terms that Greg. brought Papistry into England. Also Doct. Humphrey jesuitismi part. 2. rat. 5. pag. 626. 627. Greg. and Austin brought into the Church a burden of Ceremonies, Humphrey. The Bishops Pal to use only at Mass, Purgatory, Oblation of the wholesome host, prayers for the dead, Relics, Transubstantiation, Transubstantiation. new hallowing of Churches. Of all which what other proceeded but that Indulgences, Monkery, Popery, and the rest of the Mass of Popish superstition should be builded thereupon. Answer to the Examinat. printed at Geneva 1566. pag. 45. And all these things did Austin a great Monk being taught of Gregory a monk, bring into England. Who will see more of S. Greg. confessed Papism by Protestants may read Osiander cent. 6. pag. 288. But what we have cited out of English Protestants will suffice I hope to persuade any in different man that S. Greg. was a Papist. Who will see more out of S. Greg. himself may read lib. 7. epist. 53. and 109. lib. 9 epist. 71. lib. 12. cap. vlt. lib. 1. epist. 25. 33. lib. 8. epist. 22. CHAP. XV. That Saint Austin and his fellows were Roman Catholics, proved by their own deeds and Doctrine. 1. FIrst Saint Austin was a Benedictin Monk, Answ. to D. Bish. pag. 197. or (as Doctor Abbots calleth him of the colour of his habit) a black Monk, Which kind of Monk's Bale cent. 13. cap. 4. accounteth one of the horns of the beast, so he termeth the Pope; And cent. 1. cap. 100 saith they filled all with superstition, and Idolatry. And Fox lib. 3. pag. 153. condemneth these kind of Monks as superstitious, tied to a prescript form of diet, apparel, and other things, and forbidden to marry. Secondly he was a Romish Priest and Romish Archbishop as Doct. Abbots calleth him pag. 198. And Romish Legate as Bilson termeth him lib. de Obed. pag. 114. And what mass or service of God, a Romish Priest useth every one knoweth. Thirdly, when he and his fellows came into England, they came as S. Beda lib. 1. cap. 25. and all other writers agree carrying before them in place of a banner a Cross of silver, and the Image of our Saviour painted in a table, and singing the Litanies. Which Litanies (saith Bale Cent 1 pag. 62.) were superstitious. Fox lib. 2. pag. 116. saith they went in Procession. Beda lib. 2. cap. 26. In Canterbury they resorted to an ancient Church built in the honour of S. Martin, made while the Romans yet dwelled in England, and began there first to say service, say Mass, pray, preach and christian. cap. 27. Saint Austin was made Archbishop by the authority of Pope Greg. (or as S. Beda speaketh of,) at the commandment of S. Gregory. He inquireth of Gregory how offerings at the Altar should be distributed, what Ceremonies he should use at Mass, and the like cap. 29. He received from Gregory all such things as were necessary for the furniture, and ministry of the Church. As holy vessels, Altar clothes, Ornaments for Churches, apparel for Priests, and Clergy, and a Pal to were only when he said Mass & authority to institute 12. Bishops under him and 12. under a Bishop of York, and superiority over all the Priests of Brittany cap. 30. S. Austin is appointed by Gregory not to pull down the Temples of Idols, Holy water. but to make holy water, and sprinkle about the same Temples, to build Altars, and place relics in them. cap. 33. Saint Austin builded a Monastery in which King Ethelbert through his advise built a new Church in the honour of S. Peter and Paul lib. 2. cap. 2. Saint Austin exacted of the Britons to celebrate Easter, and administer baptism after the manner of the holy Roman Church. And cap. 35. Beda speaking of the Church of the Augustine's in Canterbury saith, This Church hath almost in the midst of it an Altar dedicated in the honour of S. Greg. Pope, on the which Altar every Saturday their memories are solemnly celebrated by the Priest of that place. cap. 4. S. Paulin used an Altar of stone. And cap. 20. a great golden Cross and a golden Chalice consecrated for the ministry of the Altar. 2. Besides Pope Boniface 3. was by the Emperor Phocas declared to be the true Ecumenical Patriarch, S. Austin alive when the Pope (as Protest: say) became Antichrist. or head of the Church as all writers Protestants and Catholics do agree which was done in the year 605. as some say, or 606. as Baron. And this Pope Boniface thereby (as generally all Protestants affirm) became the first Pope and Archbishop of Rome. Whitak. cont Dur. pag. 501. I affiirme (saith he) that in the time of Boniface 3. Antichrist openly placed his Throne in the Church of Rome. Fulk Answer to a Counter Cath. pag. 72. The Popes from Boniface 3. were all blasphemous Heretics and Antichrists. And in 1. joan. 2. Boniface 3. went manifestly out of the Church and became Antichrist. Fox lib. 2. pag. 120. Rome ever since Boniface 3. hath holden maintamed and defended his Supremacy. The same hath Cooper Chron. An. 611. The like hath Bale Cent. 1. pag. 69. 70. Downham of Antichrist, and generally all Protestants. But S. Austin was both in this Pope's time, for he subscribed to the Charter of king Ethelbert made An. 605. and after. For as Bale saith Cent. 13. cap. 1. He died. 608. or as Malmsb. in fastis saith 613. and yet is he not found but to have obeyed this Pope Boniface as he did obey Gregory. Which he would never have done if he had thought it Antichristian for the Pope to be head of the Church. S. Mellits communion with a Pope whom Protestant's account the second Antichrist. Yea S. Mellit one of his fellows and Successors went to Rome about the year 610. to common saith Beda lib. 2. cap. 4. and counsel with the Apostolic Pope Boniface 4. the immediate successor of Boniface 3. for necessary causes of the English Church, sat in a Council with him, subscribed to what was decreed of that Council, and brought the Precepts to be observed of the English Church. And cap. 7. S. Beda writeth, Also S. justus. that this S. Mellit and S. justus (an other of S. Augustine's companions and successors) received eftsoon exhorting Epistles from this Boniface. And cap. 8. he saith that justus received also authority to ordain Bishops from the high Bishop Boniface and a Pal. And cap. 17. and 18. that S. Paulinus and S. Honorius received also their Pals from Pope Honorius. And S. Paulin, and S. Honorius. Which Pal was given by Popes to Metropolitans as a token of agreement in faith. And therefore Pope Pelagius Predecessor to S. Greg. decreed D. 100 That what Metropolitan so ever after three months of his Consecration shall not send to Rome to declare his faith and receive his Pal shall lose his Dignity. This we see how S. Austin and his fellows by their life and deeds professed their agreement and faith even with those Popes, whom Protestants account the first Antichrists. But besides this, we have also the testimony of the Popes of that time, and of S. Augustine's own fellows. Popes whom Protest. account antichrist's approved S. Augustine's doctrine. For Pope Boniface 5. writing to S. justus aforesaid in Bed. lib. 2. cap. 8. saith thus. After we had read the letters of our dear son King Edbald we understood with what great learning and instruction of holy scripture you have brought him to the belief of the undoubted faith. Lo this Pope approved the doctrine and faith of S. justus, which he could never have done unless S. justus had allowed the Supremacy. And S. Laurence, Mellit and justus writing to the Scottish Bishops in Beda lib. 2. cap. 4. profess, that it was the customable manner of the See of Rome even in their time to send preachers into all places of the world. Which custom they could never have accounted lawful, unless they had thought that See to have jurisdiction, and government in the whole world. S. Austin calleth the Pope Father of all Christendom. Yea S. Austin in his speech to King Ethelbert in Capgrave calleth S. Greg. totius Christianitatis Patrem, the Father of all Christendom. And thus much of S. Austin and his fellows deeds, and doctrine out of Chatholick writers. S. Augustine's acts of Papistry out of Protestants. Now let us come to Protestants. 3. Bilson and Abbot's a● is aforesaid call S. Austin a Romish Monk, a Romish Priest, a Romish Legat. Which names show of what Religion they account him. Abbots. Godwin in vit. Aug. saith, S. Greg. being made Pope sent Austin hither, Godwin. unto whom he appointed 40. other that should aid him in this holy work. Ib. he testifieth that S. Greg. sent him a pal, and Church ornaments. That he dedicated a Monastery to S. Peter and Paul, that he claimed authority over all this Island Entered the place of Counsel with his Banner and his Cross, and with singing Procession. Fox. Fox Acts. pag. 116. They went with Procession to Canterbury singing Alleluyae with the Litany. Sutclif. Sutclif Subversion, cap. 5. Austin brought in an Image of Christ, and a silver Cross, and began (saith he) to chant Litanies. Now wh●ther these be signs of protestancy or Papistry I leave to every one to judge. Holinshead. Also Holinshed descript. Brit. testifieth (as before we heard out of Saint Beda) that S. Austin came with a silver Cross and Image of our Lord and Saviour painted in a table, singing Litanies. And that in Canterbury they accustomed to pray, say Mass, preach and baptise in S. Martin's Church. And that S. Greg. sent to Austin a Pal, which (saith he) was the ornament of an Archbishop. And that Mass and Litany was at that time in France. Again that Laurence with his fellow Bishops wrote letters to the Britons to conform them in the Unity of the Roman faith. Item Mellitus solemnizing Mass distributed etc. Now what Mass it was that Romish Priests, Romish Monks, Romish Legates as Bilson and Abbots call them, said, I leave to every one to judge. And if any body should doubt, Fulk. Fulk in Hebr. 10. may put him out of doubt. For there he writeth S. Beda said that, English men in his time understood the wholesome sacrifice (of Mass) availed to redemption both of body and soul. Which Fulk calleth superstitious, and undoubtedly meaneth the Mass. And thus much of S. Augustine's Papistry by his own deeds both out of Chatholick and Protestant writers. CHAP. XVI. That Saint Austin was a Roman Catholic, proved by the confession of learned Protestants. D. Abbots 1. DOctor Abbots in his late answer to Doct. Bishop pag. 197. calleth S. Austin a black Monk. pag. 20. The Italian Monk, brought new observations from Rome, and the English received the same. pag. 198. A Romish Priest, required the British Bishops to be subject to his Romish authority. A Romish Archbishop brought in novelties and superstitions, and did contaminat the faith of Christ, Mellitus, Laurentius, jewel. justus, all of Augustine's company and condition jewel Art. 3. Diu. 21. It is thought of many that Austin corrupted the Religion that he found here with much filth of superstition. D. Fulk. Fulk 1. Cor. 4. Austin did not beget the Nation of the English men to Christ by the pure Gospel, but with the mixture of Traditions. And that Christian Religion which he found in the Britons he laboured to corrupt with Romish inventions. 1. Cor. 15. Austin did not in all points teach the true faith to the Saxons. 2. Cor. 12. Aust. brought in corruption. Sir Francis Hastings in his Waste word once or twice saith, that Austin brought in the Romish Religion. Osandes. Osiander Epit. Hist. cent. 6. Aust. thrust Roman rites and customs upon the English. To wit Altars, Vestments, Masses, Chalices, Crosses, Candlesticks, Censars, Banners, holy Vessels, holy water, and books of Roman customs. B. Bale. See Magdeburgenses cent. 6. Bale cent. 1. pag. 19 After Augustine's Apostleship (saith he) under the English Saxons there followed an other kind of Monks which corrupted all with most filthy superstitions & Idolatries. And cent. 1. cap. 70. Austin entered not with the Gospel (of Luther) of Christian peace, but with the banner of his Apostleship, with a silver Cross, Litanies, Procession, Images, painted Pictures, Relics, and ritual books. And cap. 72. Aust. made Elbald drink of the cup of the whore, cap. 73. King Ethelbert first of all English men received of Greg. 1. Bishop of Rome by Austin the opinions of the Roman Religion with all (saith he) the imposture or deceit, and died the one and twentieth year of his received Papisme. And pag. 73. he calleth our primitive church a carnal Synagogue. And yet further cent. 8. cap. 85. Austin (saith he) brought in Popish Monkery, & besides the Pope's traditions (o filthy and blasphemous mouth) brought no thing but man's dung. Cent. 13. c. 1. Austin the Roman brought hither Romish rites without sound doctrine. The King received Romanisme with the annexed Idolatries. He brought in Monks, Altars, Vestments, Images, Masses, Chalices, Crosses, Candlesticks Banners, holy (as they call them) Vessels, holy water, and books of Roman customs. Their cheeffest studies were about the oblations of Masses. And finally Cent. 14. cap 31. he saith, Austin disposed all things in England to the form of the Synagogue of Rome, and made English men honourers of the Pope. Thus plainly is S. Augustine's Roman Religion confessed by Bale who was both as earnest a Protestant and as skilful in antiquities as ever ●nglish Protestant was. Holinshead. Holinshead also Descript. Brit. cap. 27. saith The Inhabitants of Brittany received the Doctrine of Rome brought in by Austin and his Monks. Ib. Austin indeed converted the Saxons from Paganism but imbued them with no less hurtful superstition than they did know before. For besides the name of Christ and external contempt of their pristinat Idolatry, he taught them nothing at all, but rather made an exchange from gross to subtle treachery, from open to secret Idolatry, and from the name of Pagans to the bare Title of Christians. So far were these men from thinking S. Austin to have been a Protestant, or to have agreed with them as Fulk would 2. Cor. 12. in the chief and most essential points of faith. CHAP. XVII. That S. Austin was a Roman Catholic, proved by the Doctrine and faith of the English Church which he founded. 1. IN this Chapter I will first set down what Catholics have written of the faith of our Primitive Church, and after what Protestants. First therefore our Primitive English Christians said Mass, Mass in honour of Saints. and that in honour of Saints. Beda lib. 4. cap. 14. Let them say Masses and give thanks that their prayer is heard, and also for the memory of King Oswald. Likewise they said Mass for the dead, and consequently believed it to be propitiatory for sins. Mass for the dead. Ibid. cap. 22. Tuna a Priest and Abbot did often times cause Mass to be said for his (brothers) soul Item lib. 5. cap. 13. and lib. 3. cap. cit. They erected Monasteries that daily prayer might be made for the dead. Offered to god the precious body and blood of Christ. Secondly they did believe that they offered to God the precious body and blood of Christ as we believe we do at Mass. Beda lib. 5. cap. 22. All Christian Churches throughout the world should prepare bread and wine for the mystery of the flesh and precious blood of the immaculate lamb, and when all lessons, prayers, rites, and ceremonies used in the solemn feast of Easter were done, should offer the same to God the Father, in hope of their redemption to come. lib. 4. cap. 28. S. Cuthbert offered the host of the wholesome Sacrifice to God. Thirdly, Confession of sins and penance for them. they confessed their sins to Priests, and they enjoined penance. lib. 4. cap. 25. Adaman in his youth had committed a certain grievous sin, resorting therefore to a Priest confessed his sin to him. The Priest when he had heard his sin, said, a great wound requireth a great cure and medicine, therefore give thyself to fasting, and prayer as much as thou art able. And lib. 4. cap. 27. He telleth how Saint Cuthbert heard men's confessions, and enjoined them penance. Miracle for confession. And lib. 5. cap. 14. He telleth a dreadful punishment inflicted by God on one, because in time of sickness he would not confess his sins. Fourthly, Priest's could not marry. their Clergy after holy orders taken could not marry. S. Greg. in Beda. lib. 1. cap. 27. If there by any in the Clergy out of holy orders that can not live chaste, they shall take wives. The same hath S. Beda l. 5. c. 22. Fiftly, Dirige & Mass for the dead. they song dirige over night, and in the morning said Mass for the dead. Beda lib. 3. cap. 2. The religious men of Hagstalden have of long time been accustomed to come every year the eve and the day that S. Oswald was slain to keep Dirges there for his soul and in the morning solemnly to offer for him the sacrifice of the holy Oblation. Sixtly they used holy water and consecrating Churches. Holy water, candles. Crosses, holy oil &. Beda lib. 5. cap. 4. The Bishop (S. john) sent the sick Lady some of the holy water which he had hallowed in the Dedication of the Church, and also candles lighted, Crosses, and holy oil as we do now as is evident by Malmsb; lib. 2. Pont. pag. 235. and Ealred in vit. Edwardi. Seventhly, they blessed themselves with the sign of the Cross. Blessing with the sign of the Cross. Beda lib. 4. cap. 14. Cednam blessing himself with the sign of the holy Cross laid down his head on the Bolster, and so falling a little in a slumber ended his life in quiet. And lib. 5. cap. 22. Every congregation of faithful men accustometh to bear the sign of the Cross on their foreheads, that by the Diuin power of the same they may be defended from all assaults of the Devil. Eightly, their Priests and Monks used round shaven crowns. Priests have shaven crowns. Beda lib. 5. cap. 22. It behoveth them which being either made by vow Monks or by profession of the Clergy to bind themselves more strictly with the bridle of continency for Christ's sak, to bear in their head by clipping, the form of a crown. Ibid. All Priests and Religious men had their heads shaven round after the true shape of a crown. But as Bale saith Cent. 14. pag. 194. Tonsura est Romanae Bestiae character. Ninthly they erected many Altars in one Church with Martyr's relics, Many altar Sinono Church. used lights and other ornaments as Catholics do Beda lib. 5. cap. 21. Acca employed his diligence to gather together out of all places the holy Apostles and Martyrs relics to the end he might in honour of them build certain Altars apart by themselves in little chapels made for the same purpose, within the precinct and walls of the same Church. moreover he prepared holy vessels lights and other necessaries to the better adorning of the Church of God. And lib. 3. cap. 6. They worshipped Relics. Tenthly to omit many more certain Marks of Roman Religion. S. Peter's supremacy believed. They accounted S. Peter Primate and head of the Apostles Beda lib. 5. c. 22. I desire with all my heart to follow the steps of Blessed S. Peter head of the Apostles. Ibid. They were reduced to the order of S. Peter Primate and head of the Apostles, and committed as it were to his Patronage and protection. The Pope high B. over the whole world. They accounted the Pope high Bishop over the whole world. So in plain terms S. Beda calleth S. Greg. Pope l. 2. c. 1. Accounted the Church of Rome the Catholic and Apostolic Church. lib. 3. c. 25. And l. 4. cap. 23. Going to Rome, counted a thing of great virtue and devotion. And l. 3. c. 25. Held without all controversy that these words (upon this Rock I will build my Church) were principally spoken unto Peter, and that unto him the keys of the Kingdom of heaven were given. And the Bishops being deprived of their Bishoprics both by the King and by other Bishops appealed to Rome: Beda lib. 5. cap. 20. Appeals from the Bishop● and king to the Pope. Wilfrid the virtuous Bishop of York appealing to the See Apostolic for his cause and by that full authority absolved etc. Item. Five years after he was accused of King Alfrid and many other Bishops and deprived of his Bishopric wherein upon repairing again to Rome and obtaining licence to plead his own defence before his accusers, Pope john and many Bishops sitting in judgement, It was by their Definitive Sentence concluded, that in some part his accusers had falsely forged surmises, The Pope wrote to the Kings of England requiring them to see him restored. Protestant's confess the Rom. faith of our primitive Church. Fox. And thus much out of Catholic writers: now let us see what Protestants writ of the faith of our Primitive church. 2. Fox in his protestation before his Acts. After the coming of Austin and his fellows from Rome Christian faith began to enter and spring among the Saxons after a certain Romish sort. Acts. pag. 154. Good works done for cleansing from sin. The causes why solenm Monasteries were first founded in England by kings Queens and Kings daughters and rich Consuls are these, pro remedio animae meae etc. For remedy of my soul, for remission of my sins, Foundation of protestancy unknown to our primitive Church. for the safety of my Kingdoms and people which are under my government, In honour of the most glorious Virgin. Whereupon afterward pag. 170. he concludeth that the doctrine of justification by only faith, (which pag. 840. he calleth the foundation of their Church) was then unknown. Bale. Bale Cent. 1. cap. 72. saith. English men after Austin did dedicat their Churches to dead Saints. Our first Christian K. a perfect Papist. And cap. 73. King Ethelbert received the Roman Rites and doctrine with all the imposture. and Cent. 14. cap. 54. saith that the two Hewalds (who were the first English martyrs) passi sunt pro Papismo, papistici Martyrs. Our first Martyrs suffer for Papistry. Bilson. Papistical Martyrs suffered for Papistry. Bilson of Obed pag. 321. The Saxons were soon entreated to receive the Bishop of Rome for their Patriarch. Stow. Stow pag. 77. citeth this Charter of King Ethelbert. King Ethelbert by inspiration of God gave to Bishop Mellit for remedy of his soul, the Land which is called Tillingham for the Monastery of S. Paul, which kind of giving goods is quite opposite to protestancy, Honour of S. Peter counted sign of Christianity. Reinolds. as you may see more hereafter. And pag. 78. saith: King Sebert to show himself a Christian built a Church in honour of S. Peter. Reinolds Confer. pag. 12. This imagination of the key and Porter and opinion of power to shut and open committed to Peter only (over all the Church as it includeth also the Apostles) King Oswie conceived, Keys given only to Peter. and all his Clergy did agree unto it. And of S. Beda the principal Doctor of our Primitive Church, Osiander. Osiander Epit. Cent. 7. pag. 331. saith thus. He was wrapped in all the Popish errors and articles in which we disagree this day from the Pope. S. Beda a perfect Papist. Whereby we may see how perfect a Papist S. Austin was. Fulk in Hebr. 10. Fulk. Beda lived in a superstitious time (yet lived he 80. years after S. Austin) long after Antichrist did show himself. Beda said that men understood that the healthful sacrifice (of mass) availed to the redemption of the body and soul everlasting. And in 1. Pet. 3. Beda was carried away with the errors and corruptions of his tyme. And thus I hope I have sufficiently proved the Roman Catholic faith of our first Apostle S. Austin by the faith of his master S. Greg. by his own deeds and doctrine, by Confession of Protestants, and finally by the doctrine of our Primitive Church which he founded, and how it was that Christian Religion which was first founded in our Nation, and our English Ancestors embraced when they forsook Paganism. Now it remaineth to show that the same Religion hath continued also constantly unto this late lamentable revolt to Protestancy in all our Nation both in the Clergy and Laity, which I will declare in all the Archbishops of Canterbury who were the chief of the one order, and in the Kings who were heads of the other. And by the way I will name in every King's time some of the notable men who successively have confirmed it by their holy life and miracles. CHAP. XVIII. That all the Archbishops of Canterbury from S. Austin to our time were Roman Catholics, proved by general reasons. 1. FIrst, because there is no mention or memory in any Chronicle of England, No record that any Archb: was Protest: before this time. in any writer domestical or foreign, no record or monument of antiquity that till Cranmer any of the Archbishops varied from the faith of his Predecessors. Therefore to affirm the contrary, is either to profess to know things passed by revelation, or to affirm that which neither himself knoweth, nor any man ever told him. Secondly because all the Archbishops unto S. Odo his time (which was An. 958.) had been Monks as S. Austin was, which Odo himself testifieth in Malmesb. lib. 1. Pontif. pag. 200. And Fox lib. 3. pag. 151. where he saith. All the Archb. of Cant. Monks till S. Odo. This Odo was the first from the coming of the Saxons till his time which was Archbishop of Canterbury being no Monk, all the other before his time were of the profession of monks. And therefore he could not be persuaded to accept the Archbishopric until he had professed himself a Monk. In a manner all monks till An. 1184. And after that unto Archbishop Baldwin an. 1184. in a manner all the Archbishops were Monks, as Godwin a Protestant yet living (which shall suffice to advertise the Reader of now because hereafter I shall often allegd him) testifieth in the life of Archbishop Hubert. And what kind of Monks these were and what undoubted Catholics, hath been showed before. Thirdly, Archb: were chosen by Monks. they were elected by the Monks of Christ-church in Canterbury where were Monks (saith Malmsburie lib. 1. Pont. p. 203) ever since the time of S. Laurence successor to S. Austin as is evident by the epistle of Pope Boniface to King Ethelbert Ibid. pag. 208. and appeareth both by their lives in Godwin, and by the judgement of Pope Innocent 3. in Paris pag. 287. Who, when the Bishops of England challenged right in the election of the Archbishop, the Pope hearing both parties gave sentence that Monachi legittimè probaverunt etc. That the Monks had lawfully proved, that the ●●or and Covent of the Church of Canterbury have for long times past elected Bishops in their Chapter without the Bishops even unto this time, and have obtained their election to be confirmed of the See Apostolic. And Fox Acts pag. 232. writeth that the practice of the Monks was first to keep the election in their own hands as much as they could, and secondly either to give the election to some Prior or Monk of their own house, or to some Abbot or Bishop which some time had been of their company. And Ibid. he addeth that the Archbishop of Canterbury was commonly set up by the Pope, especially since the Conquest. And pag. 349. that it hath been always the practice of the Church of Rome ever to have the Archbishops of their own setting up, or such a one as they might be sure of on their side. And this election of Archbishops by Monks continued till Cranmers' time. For (as Godwin writeth) Archbishop Deane who was the last but one before him, was elected by them. And the same he intimateth of Bishop Warham who was the very last before Cranmer. Now of what religion they were whom Monks did choose every one knoweth. All the Archb. confirmed by the Pope. Fourthly they were all confirmed by the Pope: this is manifest by Godwin in their lives. And no marvel, for before S. Augustine's time Pope Pelagius Predecessor to S. Greg. made a law, quisquis Metropolitanus ultra tres Menses consecrationis suae ad fidem suam exponendam, & Pallium suscipiendum ad Apostolicam sedem non miserit, commissa sibi careat dignitate. Whereupon Reinolds Confer. 458. saith that Pelagius lest he should rashly give consent to the allowing of any Metropolitan that were not sound in faith, required them to make profession of their faith and so to send for the Pal, that is to say to send for his consent whereof the Pall was a token. Yea pag. 543. speaking generally of the Popes of the last 200. years after Christ, saith they required the confirmation of the Metropolitans by their consent. And besides this profession of faith, it was after decreed by Pope Alexander 3. saith Fox pag. 229. An. 1179. in the Council of Lateran, that no Archbishop should receive the Pal unless he did swear this oath I. N. Bishop of N. from this hour forward will be faithful and obedient to blessed S. Peter, the holy Apostolic Roman Church and my Lord Pope N. and his successors Canonically entering. The oath of Bishops to the Pope. I will never by Counsel consent or deed be in cause that they lose life member or be wrongfully imprisoned. And what so ever they shall commit to me either by themselves or their messengers I will never wittingly reveal to their prejudice to any person. With due respect to my vocation I will aid them in the holding and defence of the Roman Papacy and S. Peter's regalities against all men. I will give honourable entertainment to the Legate of the See Apostolic in his going and return and assist him in his need. Being called to a Synod I will come unless I be stayed by some Canonical let. I will yearly visit the Court of Rome if it be on this side the Alps, or every second year when it is beyond the mounts unless I be dispensed withal by the See Apostolic. I will neither sell give nor pawn nor farm out a new nor any way alien the Lands and livings belonging to my Bishoply maintenance without the privity of the Pope of Rome. So God me help. etc. And the like Oath did S. Boniface the Apostle of Germany in his Consecration swear to Pope Gregory in the year 723. and the Pal was delivered to him with these words. Speech at the delivery of the Pall. To the honour of Almighty God the blessed Virgin Mary and the blessed Apostles S. Peter and S. Paul and my Lord Pope N. and the holy Church of Rome, as also the holy Church of N. committed to you: We deliver a Pal taken from the body of blessed S. Peter, that is the fullness of Pontifical function, to the intent you use the same on certain days expressed in the Privileges granted to it by the See Apostolic etc. Now that our Archbishops did receive their Pal from the Pope is manifest and confessed by Godwin almost in every one of their lives, and shallbe more plainly showed hereafter, and is acknowledged by Fox lib. 3. pag. 152. and lib. 4. pag. 172. Therefore there can be no more doubt that our Archbishops were perfect Papists then the Popes were Popes. Our Archb. were the Pope's legates. Fiftly, our Archbishops were ever the Pope's Legates in England. The Archbishops of Canterbury were (saith Camb. Brit. pag. 296.) Legates of the Bishop of Rome, and as Vrban 2. said, as it were Popes of an other world. And Pope john 12. in his letter to S. Dunstan: We fully confirm thy Primacy in which thou oughtest according to the custom of thy Predecessors to be Legate of the See Apostolic as it is known that Austin and his Successors Bishops were. And can we think that the Pops Legates were not Papists. Finally divers of them have been canonised by the Pope, How many Archb: of Canterb: canonised and their memories in the Roman martyrologue. To wit. S. Austin, S. Laurence, S. Mellit, S. justus, S. Honorius, S. Theodor, S. Dunstan, S. Anselm, S. Thomas, S. Edmund, S. Elpheg, to whom Godwin addeth S. Eadsin, which would never have been done if they had not been known Roman Catholics. CHAP. XIX. That every one of the Archbishops of Canterbury from S. Austin, to the time of the Conquest of England were Roman Catholics, proved in particular. S. LAURENCE II. 1. THe first Successor of S. Austin and second Archb. of Canterb. was S. Laurence, of whom S. Austin himself made choice, and consecrated him whiles he lived, but in what year he entered is not certain, but he died in the year 619. as may be gathered out of Beda. The learning and virtue of S. Laurence. He was saith Godwin in his life a very Godly and well learned man and took great pains not only with his own charge but also to reduce the Britons scott's and Irish men to one consent in matters of religion. Bale Cent. 13. cap. 2. writeth that he was very skilful in Logic and other Philosophy. Beda lib. 2. cap. 3. saith he endeavoured to lift up the building of the English Church to the perfect highness, both by often words of holy exhortation and also by continual example of devout and godly works, and therein also telleth how he laboured to reduce the Britons and Irish as a true Pastor and Prelat. And thus much for the worthiness of this our holy Prelate. But as for his Roman Religion although that be evident by what hath been said before of S. Austin, yet will I add what Bale saith of him Cent. 13. cap. 2. He was sent of Greg. to instruct the English Saxons in Roman Religion, he taught the, people the Papistical faith almost in all the Dominion of the English men. S. Mellit Archbishop. III. 2. THe third Archbishop was S. Mellit who succeeded An. 619. For as S. Beda saith lib. 2. cap. 7. he died An. 624. after he had been Archbishop five years. Of whom and his successor S. justus Beda lib. 2. cap. 7. writeth. That they governed the English Church with great labour and diligence, The virtues of S. Mellit. that he was noble by birth, but much more noble for the excellency of his mind, often troubled with sickness, yet ever free and sound of mind, did always fervently burn with the fire of inward charity and was wont with his holy prayers and holy exhortations to drive from himself and others all ghostly temptations And. Miracles. Ibid. reciteth how that by prayer he quenched a great fire that burned Canterbury. Godwin in vita eius saith: he was a man of noble birth, but of greater mind, exceeding careful of his charge, despising the world and never caring but for heaven and heavenly things. His Rom. Religion. His Roman Religion is manifestest because as Godwin confesseth he was an Abbot of Rome, sent hither by Greg. and went after to Rome to confer with Pope Boniface sat in Council, and was by him honourably entertained. S. justus Archbishop. FOUR 3. The fourth Archbishop was Saint justus who immediately succeeded S. The virtue and learning of Saint justus. Mellit An. 624. and died (as it seemeth by Beda lib. 2. cap. 18.) An. 633. He governed (saith S. Beda lib. 2. cap. 7.) the English Church with great labour and diligence. And as Pope Boniface testifieth (in Beda lib. ●. cap. 8.) of him so greatly and earnestly laboured for the Gospel, as he could show whole countries plentifully multiplied by him, and brought up king Edbald with great learning and instruction of holy scriptures. Godwin in his life saith he travailed painfully 12. His Cathol. Religion. years. His Roman Catholic Religion is manifest by his Pall received from Pope Boniface, Beda lib. 2. cap. 8. And by what Bale writeth of of him Cent. 13. cap. 3. Where he calleth him, Pedagog of the Roman faith, And addeth that he brought king Edbald to the Roman faith. S. Honorius Archbishop. V 4. The fift Archbishop was S. Honorius, who succeeded (as appeareth by Beda lib. 2 cap. 18. and Baron. affirmeth An. 633) and died as Beda writeth lib. 3. cap. 20. An. 653. having sat 20. years. S. Honorius his great learning and virtue. He was (saith Beda lib. 5. cap. 20.) one of S. Greg. scholars, and profoundly learned in holy scriptures. Pope Honorius writing unto him (in Malmsb. 1. Pont. pag. 208.) saith, He governed his flock with much toil, much labour and trouble, evils increasing. And the same saith Godwin. As for his Roman Religion that is manifest by his Pal. which Bed. lib. 2. cap. 18. His Cathol. Religion. saith. He received with a letter from Pope Honorius, which also Godwin confesseth. And Bale addeth, that he first divided England into Parishes after the Papistical manner. Which thing also testifieth Camb. in Brit. pag. 131. and Stow An. 640. And all these Archb. were Italians, and fellow labourers of S. Austin. Deusdedit Archbishop VI. 5. The sixth Archbishop was Deusdedit an English man, who succeeded (saith Beda lib. 3. cap. 20) after a year and a half, to wit An. 655, and governed the See 9 years four Months. He was (saith Godwin) famous for his learning and other virtues and attended carefully his charge. The learning and virtue of Archb. Deusdedit. Capgrave in his life saith of him: He was a man worthy of God, famous for his life and learning, watchful in prayer and of most unspotted purity. But his Roman Religion is manifest by what hath been said of his Masters and Predecessors. His Rom. Religion. After him (saith Beda lib. 3. cap. 20.) Damian was consecrated. But because he saith no more of him, and Godwin reckoneth him not amongst the Archbishops, but amongst the Bishops of Rochester, I will also let him pass. S. Theodore Archbishop. VII. 6. The next Archbishop chosen (saith S. Beda lib. 3. cap. 29. by the Clergy of England) was Wighard a Priest of great virtue and worthy to be a Bishop, whom the kings of England sent to Rome to be consecrated: but he dying there before his consecration Pope Vitalian made choice of S. Theodore a Grecian borne, whom he consecrated (saith Beda lib. 4. cap. 1.) An: 668. (and not 666. as Bale fableth to make the time agree with the number of the Beast in the apocalypse) and continued Archb. 22. The admirable learning of Saint Theodor. years three months. He (saith Beda lib. 4. cap. 2.) and Adrian his fellow were exceeding well learned both in profane and holy literature and gathering a company of scholars unto them, powered into their bosoms wholesome knowledge and besides their expounding of scriptures they instructed their scholars with music Astronomy and algorithm, Beda. and so brought them up in the tongues as some of them yet living can speak Latin and Greek as well as English. Nether was there since English men came to Brittany any time more happy than that. For England had most valiant & Christian Princes the people were wholly bend to the joyful tidings of heaven, and there wanted no cunning and expert Masters to instruct them in the scriptures. Thus S. Beda of Saint Theodore his great learning. Pope Agatho who than lived so highly esteemed his wonderful learning that he deferred the calling of the sixth general Council for his coming. In ep: apud Malmsb: lib. 1. Pont: Malmesb. pag. 196. and lib. 1. Reg. pag. 11. saith of him and S. Adrian that they had learned thoroughly all good learning and made this Island a dwelling place of Philosophy. Godwin. Godwin saith: He was well seen in all good learning, that England never had so happy days nor so many learned men as under him. England never so learned or so happy as in Saint theodor's time. And a little after. Amongst a great number of others there were of his breeding Beda▪ john of Beverley, Albinus, and Tobias, all excellent and very famous men. He founded (saith he) a school or university at Greclaed. And as Caius addeth lib. 1. antic Cantab: an other in Canterbury. Bale. B●le Cent. 13. cap. 6. giveth this testimony of his excellent learning. He was accounted inferior to no Romish Monk of his time for either divine or human learning, either Latin or Greck tongue. He brought hither all arts of calculating, Counting, Versifying singing, arguing. etc. He taught Latin and Greek. Saint Theodor his great virtue. Beda. Thus both Catholics and Protestants admire this great Archbishop's learning. S. Beda lib. 5. cap. 8. thus witnesseth that he was worthy of perpetual remembrance for his singular virtues. And addeth this of him and his Precessors. Of whom with the rest of his Predecessors equal both in dignity and degree, it may be truly verified that their names shall live in glory from generation to generation time out of mind. For the Church of England for the time he was Archbishop received so much comfort and increase in spiritual matters as they could never before nor after. Florent. Florent. Chron: An: 690, calls him Archbishop of blessed memory. Capgrave. Capgrave in his life saith In his time England shined with great abundance of Saints like most bright stars. S. Theodor his Cathol. faith. 7. But as for his Roman Religion that is so manifest as all Protestants confess it. Bale Cent. 13. cap. 6. saith. It is manifest that he came with the Character of the great Beast, Bale. (so Bale commonly termeth the Pope) He gave the veil to Votaries in divers places for service of Popish Religion, and finished many things which served to further the kingdom of Antichrist. And Cent. 1. cap. 80. In the year 666. the Papists Mass began to be made Latin. Item Pope Vitalian (who sent Saint Theodor) made all things to be done in Latin in the Christian Churches, as in hours, in stations, in Masses and Prayers. And pag. 71. Vitalian sent the Monks Theodore and Adrian into England, that they might confirm in the popish faith those that wavered, Perfect Papistry of England in S. Thedor his time. and that they might sign his believers with the Character of Antichrist (So this heretic termeth Christ's Vicar.) He appointed Latin hours, Latin songs, Masses, Ceremonies, Masses Idolatries and Procession in Churches in Latin, appointed shavings, commanded anointings etc. And Cent. 13. cap. 7. Theodore appointed many things in a Council for setting up of Purgatory. Fulke Apoc: 13. Fulk: Composition of the latin service by Pope Vitalian to be observed in all regions subject to the Romish Tyranny. Fox. lib. 2. pag. 124. Fox. Theodore was sent into England by Vitalian the Pope and with him divers other Monks to set up here in England Latin service, Masses, Ceremonies, Litanies, with such other Romish Ware. pag. Saint Theodor a confessed Papist and all followed him. 125. He addeth that Theodore was present at the sixth general Council under Agatho, where marriage was forbidden to the Latin Priests. Who well remenbreth this, and marketh also that S. Beda lib. 4. cap. 2. writeth, Priest's forbidden marriage. that Theodore visited all the Country over wheresoever any English people dwelled, for all men did receive him gladly and hear him. He did teach the right way and path of good living. Unto him all the whole Church of the English Nation did consent to subject themselves. All Engl. gladly received S. Theodor. Whereto Godwin addeth that all the british Bishops and generally all Brittany yielded him obedience, Godwin. and under him conformed themselves in all things unto the rule and discipline of the Church of Rome. Note. Who (I say) marketh this, will never doubt but all England was at that time perfect Roman Catholics. Besides that as S. Beda recordeth lib. 4. cap. 18. Pope Agatho sent hither a Nuntio to examine the faith of the English Church. English faith approved of the Pope. Whereupon Theodore called a Council and sending a Copy of their faith to Rome, it was received most gladly of the Pope. So that S. Theodore and our English Church in his time, were all of one faith with the Pope. Brithwald Archbishop. VIII. 8. THe eighth Archb. of Canterbury was Brithwald, who was elected (saith Beda lib. 5. cap. 9) An. 692. and consecrated the next year by Godwin Archbishop of France. He sat (saith Beda lib. 5. cap. vlt.) 37. years 6 months, and died An. 731. Beda cap. 9 cit. saith. He was a man doubtless well travailed in the knowledge of holy scripture, The learning of Archb: Brithwald. and very skilful in Ecclesiastical and Monastical orders, censures, and discipline. The same saith Florent. Chron. An. 692. and Marian Ibid. Godwin in his life saith: He was very well learned in Divinity and other wise. Pope Sergius (who gave his Pal) testifieth in his epist. in malmsb. lib. 1. Pont. pag. 210. His virtue. that Brithwald got not his Bishopric fastu aut tumore, sed mente subnixa & humili. Bale Cent. 1. cap. 99 saith he was a fine young man borne to great matters and got great fame of virtue and learning. etc., His Roman Religion appeareth both by that Bale Godwin and others say he was an Abbot. His Rom. Religion. And as Bale writeth. l. cit. Images honoured in England An. 71●. lived an Ermit from his youth. And held a Council in London An. 712. in which according to the decree of Pope Constantine he appointed Images of dead Saints to be honoured, and Masses to be said before them. Item. How much (saith Bale) this man profited Papistry Geruasius declareth in his Catalogue. And cap. 94. About the year 714. under Archbishop Brithwald there was a Synod at London for confirmation of Latin mass, Priests forbidden to marry. and for putting away Priests wives, so he term h Concubines. And cap. 91. That he held a Synod An. 710. Cuius Synodi vigore introductae sunt Imagines in omnes Anglorum Ecclesias. Besides he was nexu spiritualli adunatus to Boniface that notorious Papist, as Boniface testifieth ep. apud Baron. An. 734. Capgrave in S. Egwins' life hath Pope Constantins Epist. to this Archbishop, in which the Pope writeth that Brithwald sent Saint Egwin twice to Rome, Two Engl. Kings request the P. to confirm their Charters. 900. years ago. and that two English kings requested him to confirm their Charters of gifts that they had given to S. Egwins' Monastery. Tacwin Archbishop. IX. 9 THe 9 Archbishop was Tacwin consecrated in the year 731. sat three years, The learning and virtue of Archb. Tacwin. Died An 734. He was a man (saith Beda lib. 5. cap. vlt) certes notable for his godliness and wisdom, and well conversant in holy scriptures. Pope Greg. 3. in his letter to the Bishops of England in Malmsb. lib. 1. Pont. pag. 210. saith that he knew him a religious man and of great virtue. Florent. An 731. Huntingdon lib. 3. pag. 339. accord with S. Beda. Godwin in his life saith, he was a man very religious & no less learned. Bale Cent. 2. cap. 3. saith, he was notable for Religion and wisdom, excellently learned in scripture, and spent his youth in best studies. His Rom. religion. His Roman Religion appeareth by that as Bale saith, He wholly dedicated himself to the Benedictin Rules. And as Godwin saith, and Pope Gregory l. cit. testifieth, travailed to Rome in person and there received his Pal. Which also contest Beda in Epit. Hoveden part 1. and others. Nothelm Archbishop X. 10. THe tenth Archbishop was Nothelm, The learning and virtue of Archb. Nothelm. chosen an. 734. sat five years, died an, 739. Bale Cent 2. cap. 8. saith. He was a learned and grave young man, of tried honesty and known to the whole Island for his memorable deeds. Beda in the Preface of his History saith he was much helped by him. His Rom. religion. His Roman Religion is clear by his going twice to Rome, where he received his Pal, as write Godwin in his life, Hunting lib. 4. pag. 340. Hoveden 1. part Anal. Westmon an. 736. Besides that S. Boniface that notorious Papist asked his advise in matters of religion Ex Ep. Bonif. in Baron. an. 734. Cuthbert Archbishop XI. 11. THe 11. Archbishops was Cuthbert chosen an 742. and died an 758. or (as Bale saith) 760. He was (as Bale Cent. The rare learning and virtue of Archb. Cuthbert. 2. cap. 14. hath) borne of noble race, a man of great renown for his rare learning and civil behaviour. Godwin addeth to his praises that he was a good Pastor. His Roman Religion appeareth both by his great familiarity with Saint Boniface the Apostle of Germany, His Rom. religion. whom Fox lib. 2. pag. 128. confesseth to have been a Papist, and Bale Cent. 2. cap. 13. saith was next to the great Antichrist, at whose advise he called a Council in England, In which among other things, S. Augustine's day made holy day. he appointed that our S. Augustine's day should be kept holy day. And also because he had a Pal from the Pope, Ex Westmon. ad 740. Besides he sent most friendly letters and presents to the foresaid S. Boniface Ex Epist. in Baron, an. 740. Bregwin Archbishop XII. 12. THe 12. was Bregwin, chosen an. The great learning and virtue of Archb. Bregwin. 759. & sat three years, born (saith Godwin) of noble parentage, chosen in regard of his modesty, integrity, and great learning. Westmon. an. 760. saith he was a wise man and learned. His Cathol. religion. His Roman Religion is known, both because he was a Monk, as Capgraue saith in his life, and because he made earnest suit to the Pope that the Archbishops might be buried in Christ-church in Canterb. and not in the Augustine's as before: as Godwin in vit. Lamberti writeth. Lambert Archbishop XIII. 13. THe 13. is Lambert, Rom. religion of Archb. Lambert. chosen as Malmsberie hath in Fastis an. 762. sat 27. years. His Roman Religion is out of doubt, by that as Godwin saith in his life and Malmsb. lib. 1. Pont. pag. 198. he had been Abbot of the Augustine's; and as Florent. saith Chron. an. 764. received his Pal of Pope Paul. Ethelard Archbishop XIIII. 14. THe 14. Archbishop was Ethelard, created an. 793. or as Malmsb. in Fastis saith 791. and that he sat 13. years, but Godwin saith he sat but 8. or 9 years. But he is manifestly overseen. For he putteth his entrance an. 793. and his death an. 806. which time includeth about 13. years. The worthiness of Archb. Ethelard. He was saith Malmsb. 1. Reg. cap. 4. a stout man and worthy of God. And lib 1. Pont. pag. 199. very industrious and gracious with the Peers of the Realm. He carried the Letters of King Kenulph and of the Bishops of England to Pope Leo for restitution of the Diocese of Canterbury and was entertained benignly. And P. Leo in his epist. to King Kenulph calleth him most holy most dear and most skilful. Which words (saith Malmsb.) that high and holy Pope would not have iterated unless he knew them to be true Ibid. A man after the first Doctors to be compared with the chiefest Bishops. And I had almost said (saith Malmsb.) to be preferred before them. His Cathol. religion. As for his Roman Religion that is manifest by his foresaid going and sending to the Pope. Which also Fox lib. 2. pag. 134. and Godwin confess. And by that as Godwin saith in his life he was a Monk and (in B. of Winchester) he was an Abbot, Our ancient Kings hope to buy heaven by god works. which also testify Malmsb. 1. Reg. cap. 4. Hunting lib. 4. Hoveden pag. 403. In Ingulph he subscribeth to a Charter in which King Offa professeth. Per bona opera mercari praemia sempiterna. Wulfred Archbishop XV. 15. THe 15. was Wulfred who succeeded (as Godwin saith) an. 807. Rom. religion of Archb: wulfred. but Malmsb: saith 804. with whom also agreeth Florent. Chron. an. 804. he sat 25. years. And his Roman Religion is clear, See the Charter to which he subscribed in Indulph pag. 855. because (as Godwin writeth) he was made Archbishop at Rome by Leo 3. And again the 9 year after his consecration went to Rome. Florent. an. 804. and Westmon an. 806. say he had a Pal of Pope Leo. Theologild Archbishop. XVI. 16. T Theologild was the 16. Who (as Godwin saith) succeeded an. 832, but Malmsb. in Fastis saith 829 and died the same year. Of him little is written. But as Godwin saith, Rom. religion of Archb. Theologild. he was Abbot of Canterbury which putteth his Roman Religion out of question. Celnoth Archbishop. XVII. 17. THe 17. place occupied Celnoth an. 830. as Malmsb. in Fastis, Or an. 831. as Florent. in Chron. Oran. 832. as Godwin in his life, and sat an. 41. as Malmsb. and Florent agree; Godwin saith an. Rom religion of Archb. Celnoth. 38. His Roman Religion is manifest by his Pal which (as Florent an. 831. and Westmon. an. 832. write) he received of Pope Gregory. And by his subscription to a Charter in Ingulph, Wherein King Withlaf offereth a Chalice and Cross of gold to the Aultare in Croiland, King of England giveth his princely rob to make a Chisible. and clamidem coccineam ad Casulam saciendam his scarlet rob to make a Chisible. And pag. 862. publicly professed himself to be cured of a disease by the merits of S. Guthlac. Athelard Archbishop. XVIII. The worthiness of Archb. Athelard and his 3. Predecessors. 18. THe 18. Archbishop was Athelard An. 893. saith Godwin, but Malmsb. in Fastis an. 871. he sat 18. years and as Malmsb. lib. 1. Pont. pag. 199. saith of him and his three Predecessors they did many worthy things both towards God and the world, but for want of writers all is obscure. Godwin saith he was a great divine, and some times Monk of Christ-church in Canterbury by which his Roman religion is out of doubt. His Rom. religion. Plegmund Archbishop XIX. 19 THe 19 was Plegmund, Entered (saith Godwin and Malmsb. in Fast) an. 889. sat an. 26. as both agree. But in lib. 1. Pont. Malmsb. attributeth to him 33. years. He was (saith Godwin) the most excellent learned man of his time. Most excellent learning of Archb. Plegmund And as Fox saith lib. 3. pag. 170. Schoolmaster to King Alfred Hunting. lib. 5. pag. 351. saith, He was chosen of God and all the people. And Florent. an 872. addeth that he was Venerabilis vir sapientia praeditus, and an. 889. Literis insigniter eruditus. His Cathol. faith. His Roman religion is out of question, because as Godwin writeth, In his youth he was an Hermit. And being chosen Archbishop travailed to Rome in person, and was there consecrated. And was Legate to Pope Formosus, as he testifieth epist. 2. in these words. We command Plegmund to be our Legate in all matters. Althelin Archbishop XX. 20. AThelin succeeded in the 20. place an. Rom. Religion of Archb. Athelin. 915. as Godwin hath, and Malm●b. in Fast. and sat 9 years who (saith Godwin) had before been Abbot of Glastenbury. And therefore no question can be made of his Religion. Wolfhelm Archbishop. XXI. 21. THe 21. Archbishop Wolfhelm entering an. The famous learning and virtue of Archb. wolfhelm 924. as Godwin and Malmsb. in Fast. agree, died also 934. Who was (saith Godwin in the Bishops of Wells out of Polidor) famous as well for virtue as learning. S. Odo Archbishop XXII. 22. THe 22. Archbishop was S. Odo an. 934. as Godwin and Malmsb. in Fast. accord, and sat an. 24. in great favour and authority under divers Princes. His parents (saith Godwin) were Danes of great wealth and nobility, who disinherited him for Christian religion. King Edward signior perceiving his great excellency of wit set him to school where he profited exceedingly. S. Odo his rare learning both in greek and latin. Bale Cent. 2. cap. 30. saith, He was so skilful both in Greek and Latin that suddenly he could utter either in prose or any kind of verse what so ever he would. Godwin saith he preached painfully. Florent. an. 958. and Westmon Ibid. say: Odo a man famous for wit, His great holiness. laudable for virtue and endued with the spirit of Prophecy. In Malmsb. lib. 1. Pont. pag. 200. He professeth that he would spend all the riches in the world if he had them, and himself for his flock. His miracles. And Malmsb. there saith that he wrought miracles. Fox lib. 3 pag 151. saith, A zealous care of the Churches of the Lord reigned in him and other Archbishops then. And thus much of his learning and virtue. His Rom. religion. His Roman religion is out of all doubt. For Godwin saith being elected he would not be Archbishop before he was made Monk as all his Predecessors (said he) had been. And as Bale saith l. cit. He received a Pal from Pope Agapit 2. Priest's marriages forbidden Decreed that marriages of the Ministers of the Church are to be accounted Heretical, and exalted Popish monkery. Thus Bale. But it spiteth Fox most that Osbern in vit. Some denied Transubstantiation. Odonis writeth that in his time certain Clerks seduced by wicked error endeavoured to avouch that the bread and wine which are set on the Altar after consecration remain in their former substance and are only a sign of the body and blood of Christ. And for their conversion. Odo did (as Osbern Malmsb. and an other Author who as Fox saith wrote in the time of Alfricus the 4. Arch. after Odo, A great miracle to confirm Transubstantiation. write) by his prayers obtain of God that the Sacrament should appear in form of true flesh and blood, and again return to their pristinat shape. This history Fox pag. 1139. dislyketh. First because Osbern saith but quidam. But so also writeth his brother Bale loc. cit. Capgrave in Odone and others. Secondly that Osbern saith this miracle was done to convert the Clerks, and the other Author saith it was done to testify Odo his holiness. As if it could not be done for both ends. But it sufficeth us, 1. that Odo and England then believed Transubstantion, so odious a thing now to Protestants. 2. that S. Odo confirmed it by such a miracle as some Priests who then began to deny it, believed to be a true miracle and were converted thereby. Fox denieth a miracle which divers that saw it confess and were converted by it. Now whether they, who were then present and saw it, or Fox who lived above 600. years after, were more like to know the truth of that miracle let every one judge. But here I would wish the careful Reader to note, first that the denial of Transubstantiation and the real presence of Christ in the sacrament began in England above 300. years after the land was converted to Christianity, to wit, Transubstantiation the ancient faith of England. circa An. 950. as Bale saith, which showeth that the ancient English Christians believed Transubstantiation. Secondly that Transubst. was denied but of a few, and consequently the general faith of England believed it. Thirdly, that this heresy was soon extinct, and the Authors confuted of S. Odo Primate of this Land both by miracle and by writing, Denial of Transubst. confuted of S. Odo by miracle and wtiting. which writing (saith Bale l. cit. he entitled) Defensio Eucharistiae. And for this Fox. lib. 3. cap. 151. saith that Odo might seem to be the worst that occupied that place. So he termeth light darkness, and darkness light. S Greg. scent hither the belief of Transubstant. But for Transubstantiation you heard before confessed by Doct. Humphrey that Saint Austin brought it into England. And before S. Odo, S. Odo. Alcuin. that great English Divine Alcuin professeth it clearly in these words. Bread of itself hath not reason, Lib. de dluin office c. de missa. but the Priest prayeth that it be made reasonable of Almighty God by passing into the body of his son. Item. After Consecration it is one thing and seemeth an other. Transubstant. plainly professed. For it seemeth bread and wine, but it is in truth Christ's body and blood. Wherefore God providing for our weakness who use not to eat raw flesh nor duink blood maketh that these two gifts do abide in their ancient form and yet it is in truth Christ's body and blood. And S. Beda cited by Walden. S. Bede. Tom. 2. cap. 82. There it seen the shape of bread where the substance of bread is not: neither is it any other bread then that which came from heaven. S. Dunstan Archbishop. XXIII. 23. IN the year 959. succeeded S. Dustan, and died in the year 988. as all agree. The great learning and rare virtue of S. Dunstan. He was (saith Godw.) borne of good parentage and for the most part brought up in the Abbay of Glastenburie, where besides other good learning he was taught to sing, to play upon Instruments, to paint and carve, In all which he proved very excellent. For his manifold good parts made much of the Kings, most gracious unto King Edward and King Elbred under whom he ruled all things at his pleasure, His miracles. and for the most part admired for a most holy and virtuous man, and after canonised for a Saint. The like hath Bale Cent. 2. cap. 38. Malmsb lib. 1. Pont: pag. 202. saith, Surius Tom. 3. written by Osborn in the time of the Conquest. He adorned the steps of his promotion with unwearied virtues, Those times were happy which had such a Prelate as did nothing less than he said. And much there of his virtue and miracles. But who readeth his life in Surius will admire him. But his Roman religion is confessed of Protestants. His Rom. Keligion. For Godwin saith. Godwin. He was a Monk, and bewitched (so he speaketh) the foresaid Kings with love of Monkery, Married Priests persecuted Fox. and applied all his endeavours to the raising of Monks and Monasteries, and persecuted married Priests. Fox. Acts. lib. 3. pag. 136. saith he was drowned in all superstition. And pag. 158. An enemy to priests wives. Bale. Cent. 2. cap. 38. He received a Pal of Pope john. 13. at Rome, of whom he obtained a Breve by which he might condemn the marriages (the Concubines in deed) of the Ministers of the Church and compel them to keep the vove of single life, Priests compelled to keep their now of single life. and that he did annihilat (saith Bale) the word of God (as Luther understandeth it) for the Pope's traditions. And cap. 40. That he had a Vision at mass though Bale call it a dream. And there is extant the Ep. of pope john. 12. to S. Dunstan, wherein he maketh him his Legate and giveth him a Pal to use at Mass. Ethelgar Archbishop. XXIIII. 24. AFter Saint Dunstan succeeded Ethelgar in the year 988, and sat two years. His Rom. Rom. Religion of Archb. Ethelgar. religion appeareth by that (as Godwin saith) he had before been Abbot of Winchester which Malmsh. lib. 1. Pont. pag. 203. saith he was made by Saint Ethelwald who was a notorious Papist. Syricius Archbishop. XXV. Rom. religion of Archb. Syricius. 25. THe 25. Archbishop who succeeded An, 990. as Malmsb: hath in Fast: & sat as he saith five years, was Siricius, Whose Roman religion can not be doubted of. For (as Godwin saith) he was a Monk of Glastenburie, and by Saint Dunstan made Abbot of S. Augustine's in Canterbury, and by him also preferred to the Bishopric of Wilton. Alfricus Archbishop. XXVI. 26. GOdwin and Malmsb. in Fast do-put this Alfricus after Syricius, although Malmsburie. 1. Pont. pag. 203. put him before Syricius. He entered as is said in fastis An. 995, and died An. 1006. as all agree. Of these three Bishops little is written, because the Danes rage was in their time most furious. Rom. religion of Archb. Africus. But his Roman religion is out of question. For as Godwin testifieth he was brought up in Glastenburie, disciple (as Bale saith Cent. 2. cap. 41.) of S. Ethelwald, Alfricus counted a crafty Papist. and Abbot of Abingdon, and for his craft (saith he) in promoting Papistry made Archbishop of Canterbury. To this man Fox would gladly attribute a sermon in the Saxon tongue published by Protestants of the Eucharist. But himself is doubtful pag. 1040. Edit. 1596, And the Protestants that published the sermon deny it in their Preface before it. And if he were the Author of that sermon, it would not be a point of protestancy as you may see by what Bale hath said. S. Elpheg Archbishop. XXVII. 27. NExt followed S. Elpheg an. 1006. and sat 7. years. wondered virtue of S. Elpheg. He was (saith Godwin) of great parentage and wonderful abstinence, never eating, drinking, nor sleeping more than necessity compelled him, spending his time altogether in piety, study or other necessaire business. So that what with preaching and example of holy life he converted many unto Christ. And in the Bish. of Winchester he addeth that he was a learned man. Malmsb. His learning and miracles. lib. 1. Pont. pag. 203. saith His life was full of virtues and miracles, being at Rome he manifestly told unto his company the death of Kenulph who had succeeded him in Winchester, was slain of the Danes rather (saith Florent. An. 1012.) than he would pill his floock to ransom him with 3000. pounds. His body (saith Malmsb. His body. in corrupt ) retaining marks of fresh blood remaineth to this day uncorrupted. His Cathol. faith. The Roman religion of this blessed man is evident, both by his going to Rome after he was chosen Archb. which undoubtedly was to fetch his Pal; and because (as Godwin saith and Florent: Malmsb. 1 Reg. cap. 11. saith of . and Vestmon An. 984). he was Abbot before he was Bishop, and finally Canonised by the Papists. Living Archbishop. XXVIII. 28. Living succeeded an. 1013. and sat 7. years. Of whom little is written, but that he fled the Realm for fear of Danes. But his Roman religion is certain by that which hath been said of his Predeccessors. Agelnoth Archbishop. XXIX. The worthiness of Archb. Agelnoth. 29. THe 29. is Agelnoth surnamed the good (saith Godwin and Florent. an. 1020) and son to the Earl Agelmar. He entered an. 1020. and sat 18. years. He was so dear (saith Bale Cent. 2. cap. 46.) to King Canut that he used his wit and help chiefly in dispatching matters. His Rom. religion. His Roman religion is manifest For as the same Bale writeth he went to Rome as the manner (saith he) was that receiving his Pal he might swear Antichrists (so he still termeth the Pope) faith. The like saith Godwin. And of his going to Rome for his Pal testify Malmsb. lib. 4. Pont. pag. 289. Hunt. lib. 6. Florent. an. 1021. Hoveden 1022. Fox lib. 3. pag. 163. addeth that King Canut following much the superstition of Agelnoth went a Pilgrimage to Rome. And Bale l. cit addeth. That he persuaded King Canut to resign his crown to the Crucifix, and calleth him a Bishop of superstition. Eadsin Archbishop XXX. 30. IN the year 1038. succeeded Eadsin, The virtue and religion of Archb. Eadsin. and died 1050. His Roman religion and virtue appeareth by that (as Godwin saith) after his death he was made a Saint. Malmsb. lib. Pont. pag. 204. and Florent. an. 1043. writ that he anointed King Edward Confess. who was a notorious Papist. Robert Archbishop. XXXI. 31. THe next was Robert who, succeeded an. 1050. and sat two, or (as Malmsb. in Fastis saith) 3. years. His Roman religion is manifest by that he was a Monk, Rom. religion of Archb. Robert. brought up (as Godwin saith) in the Monastery of Gemetica in Normandy: had a Pal from Rome as he saith in the life of Stigand. And being accused went (saith Malmsb. 1. Pont pag. 204.) to Rome, from whence he came with letters to clear him, and to recover his See. Stigand Archbishop XXXII. 32. THe last Archbishop before the Conquest was Stigand, who an. 1052. usurped the seat whilst his Predecessor lived, and was deprived an. 1069. He was (saith Godwin) stout and wise enough. His Roman religion is manifest, by that (as Godwin writeth) he laboured to procure a Pal of the Pope, Rom. religion of Archb. Stigand. but could not because of his unlawful entrance. And therefore as Ingulph who lived then, writeth. pag. 898, Malmsb. lib. 1. Pont. pag. 204. Florent. An. 1058. he procured one of an Antipope which then was, The first and last Archb. in the Saxons time said Mass and had a Pall. and used it (saith Florent. An. 1070,) in Missarum celebratione. Thus you see all the Archbishops of Canterbury in the Saxons time for 466. years together were Roman Catholics. And as S. Austin the first of them had a Pal from the Pope and said Mass, so did the very last. Now let us show the same of all the Archbishops from the Conquest unto our time. CHAP. XX. That all the Archbishops of Canterb from the time of the Conquest unto our time were Roman Catholics. 1. THe 33. Archbishop of Canterbury and first after the Conquest of England was Lanfranck. He entered an. 1070. being Monk and Prior of Becco in regard (saith Godwin) of his singular wisdom and great knowledge of all good learning that those times could afford. The singular great learning and wisdom of Arch: Lanfranck Was first called by Duke William to be Abbot, and after having conquered England for his wisdom and faithfulness he made choice of him for Archbishop of Canterbury, Godwin. as one in all respects most fit and worthy, which being well known to all men, the Covent of Canterb. at the King's first nomination readily chose him. The nobility and Laity willingly received him with great applause. Bale. Bale Cent. 13. cap. 12. saith he was the most perfect of his time in all kind of Logic or subtility of Aristotle. He corrected and amended according to the right faith all the books of the old and new Testament which had been corrupted by fault of the writers and also the writings of the holy Fathers. Fox. Fox lib. 4. pag. 184. From his commendation and worthiness I list not to detract any thing. Stow. Stow Chron pag. 148. Lanfranck skilful in science prudent in Council and government of things and for religion and life most holy. His holiness. And pag. 171. reporteth that King William Conqueror being ready to die said that he supposed that the praises of Lanfranck and Anselme his Successor sound in the uttermost corners of the Earth. He was busy (saith Godwin) in exhorting King Rufus to virtue and godliness. Protestant's forced most highly to commend their learning and virtue who condemned their Doctrine. And as long as Lanfranck lived (saith Stow pag. 179.) Rufus seemed to abhor all kind of vice in so much as he was counted the mirror of Kings. This high praise for learning and virtue Protestants give to this Archbishop whom to their confusion they confess (as you shall hear anon) to have been a most notorious Papist and the greatest enemy of Berengarius, Archb. Lanfranc first confuted the deniers of Transubstantiation. whom they account their Patriarch for the denial of the real presence. If I should allege the sayings of Catholic writers in his commendation, I should never make an end, Only therefore I will cite two who lived in his time, and quote some others. Malmsb. Malmesbur. lib. 3. Hist. pag. 109. saith he was a man comparable to the Fathers in Religion and learning, on whom in earnest may be verified A third Cato came from heaven. So heavenly savour had embued his breast and mouth So all the Latin Church did by his learning stir itself up to the study of the liberal sciences. So by his example or fear Monastical perfection did go for ward in religion. And much more he hath of Lanfranck 1. Pont. pag. 213. & sequ. Ingulph also: Hist. Ingulph. pag. 901. saith, he was the most commended and clear Doctor of all liberal sciences, and most expert in temporal affairs and most holy in life and religion. Marian The like also hath Marian who lived at that time Chron. Florent. Huntingt. an. 1070. Florent: and Westmon. Ibid. Huntingdon lib. 7. Neubrigen lib. 1. cap. 1. Paris. Hist. pag. 8. Walsingham in ypodigmate. Capgrave and Trithem in Lanfranco. 2. And no les notorious was the Roman religion of this worthy Archb. Rom religion of Archb. Lanfranc. than his learning and virtue was famous. Which for brevity sake I will only prove by the confession of Protestants. Bale Cent. Bale. He an heretic who in faith differeth from the Church of Rome. 13. cap. 12. saith plainly. He did many things for the exaltation of Papistry. Defineth him to be an Heretic who differeth from the Church of Rome in doctrine of faith. Which is as much as any Papist now can or will say. And Cent. 2. cap. 62. Lanfranck and Anselm set up the mouldy (so this wretch blasphemeth) Idol of the Mass, Priest's marriages condemned. and condemned the holy marriages of Priests. Fox lib. 4. pag. 173. citeth this beginning of his letter to Pope Alexander. To the Lord Pope Alexander high overseer of all Christian Religion, Fox. Lanfranck due obedience with all subjection. Pag. 394. he calleth him a stout Champion of the Pope. Pag. 1147. chiefest trobler of Berengarius. And pag. 1148. citeth this profession of Lanfranck, Lanfranck his, profession of Transubstant. I believe the earthly substances which upon the Lord's table are divinely sanctified by the ministration of the Priest to be converted into the essence of the Lords body, the outward forms only of the things themselves and qualities reserved. Bilson. Bilson of Obed. pag. 681. Lanfranck and Anselm came in with their Antichristian devices and inventions, and chargeth him to have first brought Transubstantiation into England. Lanfranck altered nothing in our English faith. But how false this is appeareth by that no one Author of that time chargeth him with altering any point of the faith of the English, and also by that which before we showed out of Protest. that S. Greg. sent in Transubstantiation into England, and that S. Odo defended it both by writing and miracles. And who will more of lanfranck's earnestness in Roman religion, may read his Epistle to Pope Alexander 2. and Alexander's to him, and his book against Berengarius for the real presence. S. Anselm Archbishop. XXXIIII. 3. THe 34. Archbishop was S. Anselm an. 1093. and died an. 1109. A most worthy man (saith Godwin) of great learning. The admirable learning and holiness of S. Anselm. as his works yet extant testify, and for integrity of life and conversation admirable. Undoubtedly he was a good and holy man and as worthy the honour of Saint as any I think (saith he) ever was canonised by the Pope since his tyme. Thus the Protest. themselves commend this blessed man. Of whom who list to know more, may read his life in Surius written by Edner his chaplain. Malmsb. who then lived lib. 4. Reg. saith none was more observant of justice, none at that time so sound learned, none so wholly spiritual the Father of the country the mirror of the world. And much more lib. 1. Pont. pag. 216. & seq. As for his religion that is manifest to be Roman. His Rom religion. For he was a Monk and scholar to Lanfranck as Fox saith pag. 185. had his Pal from Rome, appeased from the King to the Pope, and pag. 186. he writeth how he told King Rufus to his face that it was un just to command Bishops not to appeal to Rome. Unjust to forbid appeals to Rome. pag. 195. He was superstitious in religion. Bale Cent. 13. cap. 16. and others writ that he procured that Kings should not invest Bishops. Cent. 2. cap. 50. He augmented the impudency of the Pope's being their Counsellor in Rome, Priests forbidden to marry and their Vicar in England. Finally they all agree that he forbade Priests marriages, and as Godwin speaketh persecuted married Priests extremely. pag. 163. Priests forbidden to marry. from the first infancy of our Church. In so much as Fox pag. 191. Bale Cent. 2. cap. 59 make him the first that forbade Priests in England to have wives, and Cambd. in Britan. saith, wives were not forbidden to Priests in England before the year 1102. Which how untrue it is appeareth by S. Greg. words to S. Austin in Beda lib. 1. cap. 27. where Saint Greg. appointeth that, if there be any among the Clergy out of holy orders which can not live chaste they shall take wives. S. Gregory. wherein he clearly excludeth all in holy orders from wives. and in Concil. Rom. If any Priest or Deacon marry a wife be he accursed. And about 100 years after that, S. Beda. Beda lib. 5. cap. 22. said plainly that English Priests professed to bind themselves to chastity. And Prologue. in Samuel writeth thus, We who have purposed according to the custom of Ecclesiastical life to abstain from wives, and to live single. And S. Bedas scholar Alcuin l. Alevin. de Virtutibus cap. 18. Chastity is necessary to all but chiefly to the Ministers of the Altar of Christ. For he must have such Ministers as be not corrupted by any contagion of the flesh, but rather shine with continency of chastity. Bale. Bale also Cent 1. cap. 64. writeth thus. About the year 719. under Brithwald Archbish. brithwald was a Synod held at London for prohibiting of Priests wives, as Nauclerus (saith he) and others affirm. And after that again. S. Odo Archb. S. Odo. as the same Bale hath Cent. 2. cap. 30. Decreed that the marriages of the Ministers of the Church were Heretical. Yea Cambd. himself pag. 259. writeth that King Ethelwolph about the year 855. Cambden. had a dispensation of the Pope to marry because he was sacris ordinibus initiatus in holy orders. But what dispensation had that King needed, if it had been lawful for Priests them to marry. And after this King's time, S. Dunstan. Dunstan and his fellows (saith Fox Acts pag. 156.) caused King Edgar to call a Council of the Clergy, Fox. where it was enacted and decreed that the Canons of divers Cathedral Churches Collegiates, Parsons, Vicars, Priests, and Deacons with their wives and children should either give over that kind of life, or else give room to Monks. And Cambden in Brit. pag. 211. saith this Council was held an. 977. how then could he say that Priests wives were never forbidden before, an. 1102. After that also Lanfranck (as Fulk Annotat. Lanfrank. in Math. 8.) in a Synod at Winchester made a decree against the marriage of Priests. Fulk. And Fox Acts pag. 195. citeth an Epistle of S. Anselm where he hath these words. Because so cursed a marriage (of Priests) was forbidden in a Council of his Father (he meaneth the Conqueror) and of the said Archbishop Lanfrancus lately, I command that all Priests that keep women shallbe deprived of their Churches and Ecclesiastical Benefices. wives forbidden to priests in England both by Archb. and counsels. Whereby it is evident that Priests were not first forbidden to marry or have wives by Anselme, but by many both Archbishops and Counsels, ever since the infancy of our English Church. Rodolph Archbishop. XXXV. 4. THe 35. Archbishop was Rodolph, Entered an. 1114. and died an. 1122. He behaved (saith Godwin) himself well in the place, was very affable and courteous, and willing to please. Malmsb. 1 Pont. pag. 250. saith, The marverlous learning and piety of Archb: Rodolph. he was marvelously learned and eloquent And pag. 252. very religious. His Roman religion is evident, for as Godwin testifieth he was a Monk and scholar to Lanfranck, His Rom. religion. received a Pal solemnly from Rome, and after travailed in person to Rome. William Corbel Archbishop XXXVI. 5. TO him succeeded William Corbel an. 1122. and departed 1136. He was (say Marian. and Continuat. Florent. Piety and Rom. Religion of Archb. Corbel. ) vir eximiae religionis. His Roman religion is undoubted, because as Godwin saith, he was a monk and the Popes Legat. Called a Synod wherein many Canons were made against the marriage of Priests. And finally crowned King Stephen at Mass. Continuat. Florent. who then lived saith he went to Rome for his Pal, and had it of Pope Calixtus, and again an other time; and was honourably received of Pope honorius, who made him his Legate in England and Scotland. Theobald Archbishop XXXVII. 6. THe 37. was Theobald chosen an. The worthiness of Archb. Theobald. 1138. and deceased an. 1160. He was (saith Godwin) of so sweet and gentle behaviour, being very wise withal, as he was greatly esteemeed of high and low, Kings, Nobles and Commons. His Religion is known, His Rom. religion. by that as Godwin witnesseth, he was a Benedictin monk, and Abbot, consecrated of the Pope's Legate, received his Pal from Pope Innocent. 2. who also endued him and his successors for ever with the Title of Legatus natus, which they all kept till the later end of King Henry 8. Continuat. Florent. addeth that being called of the Pope he went to a Council held in Rome. S. Thomas Archbishop. XXXVIII. 7. THe 38. Archbishop and first Englishman after the Conquest was S. Thomas, Elect an. 1161. & martyred an. 1171. He was (saith Neubrigen. who then lived lib. 2. c. 16.) vir acris ingenij: The excellent parts and virtue of S. Thomas Archb. A man of a sharp wit and competent eloquence comely in favour and finely handed, comparable to the best in the effectual dispatch of any business, he had so spetial a prerogative of honour and love in the Prince's heart that he seemed to be his fellow mate in the Crown. And Paris who lived soon after pag. 272. saith, a primis adolescentiae annis. From his very youth he was adorned with manifold grace. And pag. 167. Carnem cilicijs attritam cum femoralibus cilicinis edomuit. His flesh worn with haireclothe, His wondered austerity of life. he tamed with breeches of the same. Hoveden part 2. Anal. saith, Irreprehen sibilis vita singulis diebus etc. Irreprehensible he received day by day three or five disciplines at the Priest's hand, his inner garment was of rugged haircloth of Goats' hair wherewith his whole body was covered from the elbow even to the knees he lay upon the bare ground before his bed, and never ceased from prayer until for very weariness he laid down his head upon the stone be there placed instead of a bolster. The same and much more is written in his life by four writers of great credit who then lived. Fox Acts. pag. 206. saith of him thus. threatenings and flatter were to him both one, great helps of nature were in him, In memory excellent good, full of devotion. Godwin saith he was most canonically elected and presently after his consecration became so grave so austere so devout in all outward show as he seemed quite an other man. And as Westmon an. 1162. writeth a Courtier's life he changed into a most saintly. Thus both Catholics and Protestants writ of this blessed martyr. His Rom. religion. His Roman religion is doubted of no man. Fox Acts pag. 206. saith he was without all true religion, superstitious to the obedience of the Pope, and pag. 779. saith Lanfranck Anselm Beket brought the Pope's judicial authority from Rome into this Land, both over Kings and subjects, which ever since hath continued till these later years. Bale Cent. 2. cap. 100 saith he was Legatus a latere. The Pope's Legat. & assiduus labour etc. and his continual labour was to subject the Prince's Majesty to Antichrist. How God rewarded the penance of king Henry. 2. What great penance King Henry 2. did of his own accord for being some cause of this blessed man's death, and how God the same day rewarded him with a miraculous victory over the Scott, you may read in the Chronicles. And how great the devotion of our Forefathers was to this Saint appeareth by the inestimable riches which they gave to his shrime, of which Erasmus writeth vilissima pars etc. Devotion of England to Saint. Thomas. The basest part was gold, all shined, glittered and cast forth lightning by reason of the rare and mighty gems and precious stones yea the whole Church in every part abounded more than with royal riches. Godwin in vit. Baldwin, Every one thought himself happy that could do anything to his honour. (Of these riches King Henry 8. had 24. wain Loads beside that which others embezeled) And our Ancestors devotion towards him appeareth by the hard marble stones which are to be seen worn round about the place where his shrine stood with the knees of those that came to pray there. As protestant with admiration do show to those that come thither. Richard Archbishop XXXIX. 8. IN the year 1173. succeeded Richard. The worthiness of Archb. Richard. and departed this life an. 1183. A man (saith Godwin) very liberal, gentle and passing wise. His Roman religion is certain. His Rom. Keligion. For as the same Godwin and Fox pag. 394. confess, he was a Benedictin Monk and consecrated of the Pope. Which also testifieth Westmon. an. 1174. Hoveden 1175. saith he held a Council wherein he decreed Patrum (saith he) regulis inherentes insisting in the rules of ancient Fathers that Priests should have no wives, and be shaven. Priests commanded to put away women and to be shaven. Baldwin Archbishop XL. 9 THe 40. Archbishop Baldwin succeeded an. 1184. and deceased an. 1190. a●very comely man (saith Godwin) modest and sober, of such abstinence as fame durst never stamp any sinister report upon him. The admirable virtue and learning of Archb. Baldwin. Of few words slow to anger, and very studious from his childhood. Fox Acts. pag. 230. addeth, that it is said, that he never eat flesh in his life. He went with King Richard into the holy land, where saith Godwin by preaching, counsel, liberal alms, and continual example of a most virtuous life he did great good, and there died. Bale Cent. 3. cap. 27. saith he was eloquent in speech an exact Philosopher and was accounted in those days fit for all manner of study. He was very diligent and careful in the discharge of his Archiepiscopal function behaving himself as a worthy Pastor. His Rom. religion. The Roman religion of this holy Prelate is manifest. For as Fox Godwin and Bale L. cit. say he was a Cistertian Monk and at the commandment of the Pope razed down to the ground a Church which himself had built. Reginald Fiz jocelin Archb. XLI. 10. THe next was Reginald fiz jocelin, elected saith Godwin by the Monks of Canterbury an. 1191. but he at first withstood what he might, Rare humility of Archb. Reginald. and with tears unfeignedly besought them to make choice of some other, and died within few days after. Yet his Roman religion is clear. His Rom. Religion. For as Godwin saith the Pope presently afforded him his Pal. Hubert Walter Archb. XLII. 11. IN the year 1193. succeeded Hubert Walter and died an. Great worthiness of Archb. Hubert. 1205. Who was (saith Paris Hist. pag. 26.) vir profundi pectoris etc. A man of a deep reach, and a singular pillar in the Realm, of incomparable stability and wisdom. (The same hath Stow pag. 244.) and pag. 324. A magnifical and faithful man, who as long as he lived kept King john from mischief and misery. He was (saith Godwin) an excellent and memorable man, a bridle unto the King and an obstacle of tyranny, the peace and comfort of the people, And lastly a notable refuge both of high and low against all manner of injury and oppression, faithful and loyal to his Prince, loving and very careful of his country, in which he caused many excellent laws to be established. King Richard ceur de Lion had experience of his great wisdom, and other manifold virtues. Nether was there ever Clergy man either before or after him of so great power, never any man used his authority more moderately. His Rom. Religion. And as for the religion of this worthy Prelate it is manifest. For as Godwin testifieth he founded a monastery for his own soul's health, and for the souls of his Father and mother, as himself speaketh in the foundation, and an other of Cistercian Monks. After his election professed himself a Monk, had a Pal from the Pope, and was his Legat. Pope Celestin the third (in Hoveden pag. 763.) praiseth him exceedingly, and maketh him his Legate at the request (as he saith) of King Richard and all his Suffragans, and testifieth that of Hubert's deserts, virtue, wisdom, and learning, the universal Church rejoiceth. And pag. 755. Hoveden writeth, that this Archbishop held a Council, wherein he appointed divers things concerning Mass, and Priests, especially that they should not keep women in their houses. Priests forbidden to keep women. Stephen Langton Archbishop XLIII. 12. THe 43. Archbishop was Stephen Langton an. 1207. and died an. 1228. He was (saith Westmon an. 1207.) A man of deep judgement, Singular learning and worthiness of Archb. Stephen. of comely parsonage, fine behaviour, fit and sufficient (as much at lieth in a man) to govern the whole Church. Paris in his Hist. pag. 297. addeth that there was none greater nor equal to him for manners and learning, in the Court of Rome. Godwin saith he was a man, in regard of many excellent gifts both of mind and body very fit for the place, brought up in the University of Paris, and greatly esteemed by the King and all the nobility of France, for his singular and rare learning, made Chancellor of Paris, was admirably learned, and writ many notable books. He divided the Bible into Chapters in such sort as we now account them, Who built the Archb. palace in Canterb. and built in a manner all the Archbishop's Palace at Canterbury. The like commendations of learning yieldeth Bale unto him Cent. 3. cap. 87. As for His Roman religion there can be no doubt. His Rom. religion. For he was both Cardinal of Rome and made Archbishop by the Pope's absolute authority as the said Authors and all Chronicles testify. He built also a sumptuous shrine for the bones of S. Thomas of C●nterburie, and as Bale speaketk after his manner, He largely poured out dregs out of the golden cup of the harlot. Incomparable learning and virtue of Archb. Richard. Richard Magnus. Archbishop. XLIIII. 13. THe 44. Archbishop was Richard Magnus, elected An. 1223. and continued about two years. He was (saith Paris who then lived Hist. pag. 494) Incomparable for learning and virtue. Fox Acts. pag. 274, saith that he was of a comely parsonage and eloquent tongue. Godwin addeth that he was a man very well learned, wise grave well spoken, and of good report stout in defending the rights and liberties of the Church and of a parsonage, all straight, and well favoured and that the Pope delighted much with the eloquence, gravity, and excellent behaviour of this Archbishop. His Rom. Religion. The Roman Religion of this notable Prelate is evident. For as Godwin saith he was elected by the Pope himself, and so great in favour with the Pope, as both he and Fox l. cit. writ, that he obtained of the Pope what so ever he asked. S. Edmund Archbishop. XLV. Famous learning and virtue of Saint Edmund. 14. THe 45. Archbishop was S. Edmund elected an. 1234. and deceased an. 1244. A man (saith Westmon. an. 1234.) mirae sanctitatis & mansuetudinis of admirable sanctity and meekness, desiring the peace and honour both of the King and Realm. Paris (who then lived Hist. pag. 730. 743.) writeth much of his miracles, which Westmon an. 1244. saith were so many. His Miracles. viderentur etc. that the Apostles times seemed to be returned again. And Bale Cent. 3. cap. 96. confesseth that cum aqua lustrali etc. With holy water he wrought many miracles. That omni tum literarum etc. He exercised himself in all manner of learning and virtue. Fox Acts. pag. 339. calleth him a Saint. Godwin saith he was a man very well known, and indeed famous for his virtue and great learning. His Rom. Religion. The Roman religion of this holy Archbishop is certain. For as Godwin writeth he was chosen by the procurement of the Pope, and had his Pal from him, as both he and Fox pag. 279. do testify, and opposed himself against the marriage of a noble woman, Marriage after vow of chastity forbidden. who upon the death of her first husband had wooed chastity; and was after his death canonised for a Saint by Pope Innocent 4. Bale saith he was chosen Tanquam ad Rom. Pont.. etc. As one more ready at the Pope's beck. And that ut Virginitatis assequeretur donum. Strange deed of S. Edmund to keep his virginity. To attain the gift of Virginity, he betrathed himself with a ring to a wooden Image of the blessed Virgin wore hearcloth, preached the word of the Cross for the Pope. Boniface Archbishop. XLVI. 15. IN the year 1244. was chosen of the monks at the instance of king. Henry 3. Boniface son to the Earl of Sauoie, who deceased An. 1270. He was (saith Godwin) of a comely person, and performed three notable things whorthie memory. Notable deeds of Archb: Boniface. He paid the debt of two and twenty thousand Marks that he found his See indebted in, He built a goodly Hospital at Maidston And lastly fineshed the stately Hall at Canterbury with the buildings adjoining. Of his Roman Religion there can be no doubt. His Rom. Religion. For as Godw. writeth he was consecrated with the Popes own hands, and obtained of the Pope the Bishopric of Valentia, and divers other spiritual promotions. Robert Kilwarby Archbishop. XLVII. Famous learning and sanctity of Archb. Robert. 16. THe 47. Archb. was Robert Kilwarby, elected An. 1272, and continued about six years. He was (saith Paris, Author of that time, Hist: pag. 1348.) Non solum vitae religiosae sanctitatis etc., accounted most famous not only for the holiness of a religious life, but also for knowledge and learning. Godwin writeth that he was a great Clerk, and left many monuments of the same in writing behind him. In both Universities disputed excellently, and showed himself in divers kinds of exercises. His Rom. Religion. Of his Roman religion can be no question. For as Godwin and Bale cent. 4 cap. 46. writ, he was made Archb. by the Pope ex plenitudine potestatis, by his absolute authority. And beside he was a Franciscan friar as Godwin rightly saith, and Bale wrongly maketh him a Dominican, and Provincial of their order in England, & built the Grey friars house in London, and finally was Cardinal. john Peckam Archbishop. XLVIII. 17. IN the year 1278. succeeded john Peckam, and departed this life An. Rare learning and behaviour 〈◊〉 Archb. john. 1292. A man (saith Westmon An. 1278.) Perfectissimus in doctrina most Perfect in learning. Godwin saith of rare learning used great lenity and gentleness every where, and of an exceeding meek facile and liberal mind. His Roman religion is undoubted. His Rom. Religion. For all writ he was a Franciscan Friar, and their Provincial as his Predecessor had been, and made Archbishop as Westmon. And Godwin. l. cit. and Fox Acts p. 349. and Bale Cent. 4. cap. 64. affirm by the mere authority of the Pope. whereupon he is termed of Bale magnus & robustus Antichristi miles a mighty and stout Champion of Antichrist. Robert Winchilsey Archb. XLIX. 18. THe 49. Archbishop was Robert Winchelsey, elected an. 1294. & deceased an. 1313. Walsingham ypodigmat. pag. 100 writeth of him that. He ruled the English Church notably in his days. Exceelent learning virtue and wisdom of Archb. winchelsey. Godwin saith that being a child he was admired for his towardliness, and loved for his modest, and gentle behaviour, governed the University of Paris with great commendation of integrity and wisdom, gave proof of excellent knowledge of all good learning by preaching and disputing, and was chosen to be Archbishop with the King's good liking and applause of all men, and coming to Rome the Pope a good and virtuous man (saith Godwin) and Cardinals were amazed at his rare learning joined with discretion and wisdom. He was a stout Prelate and a severe punisher of sin. Such preferments as fell to his disposition he ever bestowed on men of excellent learning, maintained many poor scholars at the Universities, and to all kind of poor people was exceeding bountiful. In so much as therein I think he excelled all the Archbishops that ever were before or after him. Besides the daily fragments of his house he gave every Friday and Sunday to every Beggar a loaf of bread. Were not these admirably learned and virtuous men more likely to know the truth than Cranmer and such like. And there were every such alms days four or five thousand people. Besides this every great festival day he sent 150. pence to such poor people as could not fetch his Alms. Thus writeth Godwin of this admirable Archbishop, which joined to that which hath been recited out of himself and others of the rare learning and virtue of many Archbishops, before, and shallbe of many others hereafter, were enough to confound any Protestant, and condemn their religion. As for his Roman religion it is apparent. His Rom. religion. For he was chosen by the Monks, went to Rome, admired of the Pope and Cardinals, and answered thus to the King, Under God our universal lord we have two other lords, a spiritual lord the Pope, and a temporal lord the King, and though we be to obey botb, yet the spiritual rather than the temporal▪ as Godwin testifieth. Walter Reinolds Archbishop L. 19 IN the year 1313. succeeded Walter Reinolds and died an. 1327. He was (saith Godwin) but meanly learned, The great wisdom of Archb. Reinolds. but very wise and of good government, singularly favoured of King Edward, 2. for his assureed fidelity and great wisdom. At the instance of the king (saith Godwin) he was thrust into the See by the Pope, received his Pal, and procured divers Bulls from the Pope, His Rom. Religion. which putteth his Rom. religion out of question. Simon Mepham Archbishop LI. Great learning of Archb. Mepham. 20. THe 51. Archbishop was Simon Mepham, consecrated An. 1327. and died An. His Rom. Keligion. 1333. He was (saith Godwin) very well learned, and Doctor of Divinity. his Roman relegion is certain. For as Godwin writeth He was elected by the Monks, and afforded consecration by the Pope at Avignon. john Stratford Archbishop. LII. 21. THe 52. Archbishop was john Stratford, elect An. 1333. and continued about 15. years. Famous learning of Archb. Stratford. He was (writeth Godwin) famous for his learning, and government of the Archdeaconry of Lincoln, a good Bishop, and both diligently and faithfully served his king to the last hour, a very gentle and merciful man, and gave alms thrice every day to 13. poor people. His Rom. Religion. His Roman religion is evident. For he was (as Godwin saith first made Bishop of Winchester by the Pope, and after preferred by him also to the Archbishopric of Canterbury. john Vfford Archbishop LIII. Nobility and learning of Archb. Vfford. 22. IN the year 1348. succeeded john Vfford, and died the same year. He was son of the Earl of Suflolke, and Doctor of law. And as for his Roman Religion that is out of doubt, His Rom. Religion. because (as Godwin saith, he was pronounced Archbishop by the Pope. Thomas Bradwardin Archbishop. liv. 23. THe 54. was Thomas Bradwardin, elected an. 1349. and deceased the same year. He was (saith Godwin) a good Mathematician, a great Philosopher, Eccellent learning and holiness of Archb. Bradwardin. and an excellent Divine. But above all (saith he) is to be commended his sincerity of life and conversation. He was Confessor to King Edward 3. and in that office he behaved himself so as he deserveth eternal memory for the same. He was wont to reprehend the King with great boldness for such things as were amiss in him, and in that long war of France he would be never from him, but admonished him often secretly, and all his army in learned and most eloquent sermons publicly, that they waxed not proud of their manifold victories. And some there be that have not doubted to ascribe that notable conquest rather to the virtue and holiness of that man than to any prows and wisdom of others. It it certain he was elected Archbishop without his seeking, and hardly (saith he) should you find any Archb. in any age to have obtained his place in better sort. This high commendation giveth Godwin unto this great and worthy Prelate, and withal as great a discommendation to his Protestant religion. His Rom. Religion. For (as Godwin himself saith) he was consecrated at Avignon by a Cardinal in the Friar minors Church which sufficiently enough testifieth his Roman religion in so much as Bale Cent. 15. cap. 87. calleth him Papistam a Papist. Simon Islip Archbishop. LV. Learning and good deeds of Archb. Islip. 24. IN the year 1349. was elect Simon Islip, and died an. 1366. He was (saith Godwin) Doctor of Law, a very frugal man, and built the College of Canterb. in Oxford. which is now a part of Christ-Church. His Roman religion is undoubted. His Rom. Religion. For as Godwin writeth the Pope bestowed the Archbishopric upon him. And in his Epitaph. S. Peter is professed Princeps Apostolorum, The prince of the Apostles. Simon Langhorn Archbishop LVI. 25. THe 56. Archbishop was Simon Langhorn, elect an. 1366. and continued but two years. He was (saith Godwin) first a Monk, than Prior, lastly Abbot of Westminster. Thence elected Bishop of London, then of Ely, and lastly of Canterbury. Rom. religion. of Archb. Langhorn How Roman a Catholic he was, appeareth by Godwin, who writeth that the Pope removed him from Ely to Canterbury, sent his Pal, and lastly made him Cardinal and Legate into England as appeareth by his Epitaph. In this Archbishop's time Wicklef began to be angry (saith Godwin) with the Pope, Why wickliff revolted from the Cathol. faith. Archbishops and Monks, because this Archbishop displaced him out of Canterb. College. And the better to wreak his anger upon them, went out of the Church and began his heresies. William Witlesley Archbishop. LVII. 26. THe 57 Archbishop was William Wittlesley, Great learning of Archb. witlesley. elected an. 1368. and died an. 1374. He was (saith Godwin) Doctor of Law, and preached in Latin very learnedly. He was a Roman Catholic as the same Godwin declareth saying that he was advanced by the Pope's only authority. His Rom. Religion. Simon Sulburie Archbishop. LVIII. Notable learning and qualities of Archb. Sudburie. 27. THe 58. was Simon Suldburie, elected an. 1375. and died an. 1381. He was (saith Godwin) a noble Prelate, very wise, learned, eloquent, liberal, merciful, and preached in Latin very learnedly. Stow Chron. pag. 458. saith he was eloquent man, and wise beyond all wise men of the Realm, and fulfilled most worthy martyrdom, being slain of the rebellious commons. His Rom. Religion. His Roman religion is notorious. For (as the said Godw. writeth) he was household chaplain to Pope Innocent, and one of the judges of his Rota, who bestowed upon him the Archbishopric, and sent him his Bulls. William Courtney Archb. LIX. Nobleness and great learning of Archb. Courtney. 28. IN the year 1381. succeeded William Courtney, and deceased an. 1396. He was (writeth Godwin) son to hugh Courtney Earl of Devonshire, and was a great Lawyer. His Rom. Religion. As for his Roman religion there can be no doubt. For (as Godwin saith) the Pope bestowed the Archbishopric upon him, sent him his Pal, and (as Walsingham writeth) made him Cardinal. And Eox Acts pag. 505 saith, He set King Richard 2. Upon the poor Christians of Wicklefs side, condemned some, made divers abjure and do penance. Thomas Arundel Archbishop. LX. 29. IN the year 1396. succeeded Thomas Arundel, Nobleness and worthiness of Archb. Arundel. and died 1413. He was (saith Godwin) son to Robert Earl of Arundel and Warren, was undoubtedly (saith he) a worthy Prelate, wise and very stout. And Walsinghan who them lived, Hist. pag. 432. saith he was eminentissima turris Ecclesiae. etc. A most eminent Tower, and invincible Champion of the Church of England. His Rom. Religion. As for his Roman religion there can be no doubt thereof. For Godwin writeth that by the Pope's provision he was made Archb: of Canterb; and received his Pal. Fox Acts pag. 524. citeth his Constitution wherein he professeth S. Peter's supremacy, and pag. 507. saith He was a great enemy of English (Wicklefian) books, and the Authors of them. Bale Cent. 7. cap. 50. saith he imprisoned the Wiclefists, and made them abjure their heresy. Henry Chichley Archbishop. LXI. The learning and worthiness of Archb. Chichley. 30. THe 61. Archb: was Henry Chichley in the year 1414. and departed this wordl. An. 1443. He was (as Godwin writeth) Doctor of law, much employed in Embassages of the King, wherein he ever behaved himself wisely, and to the kings good liking. He always enjoyed his Prince's favour, was wise in governing his See, laudably bountiful in bestowing his goods to the good of the common wealth, and lasly, stout and severe in administration of justice. In Hiham Feris he built a goodly College, and also an hospital, and in Oxford two Colleges, and called one Bernard's College an other All souls. His Rom. religion. As for his Roman religion there can be no question of it. For as the said Godwin writeth the Pope bestowed the Archb. upon him, sent him his Pal, and made him Cardinal, and his Legate in England. And Bale Cent. 7. cap. 50. accounteth him a persecuter of Wicklefists. And as is said in the Epitaph of his Tomb was made Bishop by the Pope's own hands. john Stafford Archbishop LXII. 19 IN the year 1443. succeeded john Stafford, and died. Nobility and great learning of Archb. Stafford. His Rom. Keligion. 1452. He was (saith Godwin in the Bishops of ) a man very noble, and no les learned, son unto the Earl of Stafford and Doctor of Law. As for his Roman religion that is manifest, because as Godwin writeth he was made Archb. by the Pope's absolute authority, and before obtained of Pope Martin the Bishopric of . john Kemp Archbishop. LXIII. 15. IN the year 1452. succeeded john Kemp and deceased An. 1453. He was saith Godwin Doctor of Law. And his Roman religion is certain for as Godwin writeth, The learning and religion of Archb. Kemp. The Pope bestowed the Archb. upon him, sent him his Pal, and after made him Cardinal which also testifieth Bale Cent. 11. cap. 55. Thomas Bourchier Archbishop. LXIIII Nobility and learning of Archb. Bourchier. 33. THe 64. Archb: was Thomas Bourchier elect An. 1454, and deceased An. 1486. He was son to Henry Bourchier Earl of Essex, brought up in Oxford, of which University he was Chancellor. Bale Cent. 11. cap. 75. saith he was a man honourable for his learning, virtue, and the blood of the Earls of Essex. His Rom. religion. His Roman Religion is manifest by Godwin. john Morton Archbishop. LXV. 34. THe 65. Archb: was john morton An, 1487. and died An. 1500. He was (saith Stow Chron. Eccellent learning and virtue of Archb. Morton. pag. 789) of excellent wit learning and virtue. Godwin saith, he was Doctor of la, had manifold good parts, great learning in the la, wisdom, discretion, and other virtues, notable loyalty, and faithfulness to his Prince. Bale Cent. 11. cap. 85. Vir moribus etc. A famous man in that age for virtue and learning, severe, and a lover of justice A man that in his time surpassed all the Prelates of England in wisdom and gravity. As for his Roman religion that is manifest. His Rom. religion. For he was elected by the Monks, confirmed readily by the Pope, and made also Cardinal, and procured Saint Anselm to be canonised. Henry Dean Archbishop. LXVI. 35. THe 66. Archb. was Henry Dean An. 1501. and died An. Archb. Dean learned and wise. 1502. He was (saith Godwin in Bishops of Salisbury) Doctor of Divinity, a wise and industrious man. His Rom. Religion. And of his Roman religion none can make doubt for he was an Abbot, chosen by the Monks, had his Pal from the Pope, and took his oath of fidelity to the Pope set down before c. as you may see in Godwin. William Warham Archbishop LXVI. 36. THe 67. Archbishop. was William Warham an. The wisdom and learning of Archb. warham. 1504 and deceased an. 1532. He was as Godwin writeth Doctor of la, and greatly commended for his wisdom by King Henry 7. That he was a Roman Catholic is manifest. His Rom. religion. For as Godwin writeth, he said mass, and was chosen by Queen Catherine for one of her Advocates to defend her marriage with King Henry 8. which was contracted by the Pope's Dispensation. And undoubtedly when he received his Pal he took the foresaid oath of fidelity to the Pope. Thomas Cranmer Archbishop LXVIII. 37. THe 68 Archb. but first forsaker of S. Austin and his Predecessors faith was Thomas Cranmer in the year 1533. and put to death 1556. He was not chosen for any deserts, but being chaplain to Anne Bullen, and known to desire her preferment and to further King Henry's lusts, was by him first sent in Embassy about the divorce, as you may see in Fox pag. 1689. and after nominated to this dignity, Wh● Cranmer was made Archb. to the end that if the Pope refused to pronounce sentence of divorce between him and Queen Catherine, Cranmer might do it. He was so carnal and so womanish, His carnality. as his own mother would often say, she ever thought women would be his undoing. Wherein she was nothing deceived. For as Godwin confesseth. He being yet very young left his fellswship in jesus College in Cambridg for love of a woman whom he married. And after, being Archb. in his return from Rome, he brought with him a Duchwoman, to whom (saith Fox pag. 1037.) it is supposed he was married, whom all King Henry's time he carried up and down with him in a Trunk, and in King Edward's time married her. He was also treacherous to his Prince. For albeit he had receaned so great favours of King Henry 8. and was by him, His treachery to his Prince. appointed one of the Executors of his will, yet straight after his death he agreed to the breaking of it. And after King Edward's death wrought all he could to the advancing of Queen jane & utter excluding from the crown of King Henry's lawful daughter and his right Prince Queen Marie and first subscribed to the disinheriting of Queen Marie, His rebellion. and to that rebellious letter which he and his accomplices sent to Queen Marie, Fox. pag. 1698. And Fox to his everlasting confusion hath set down in his Acts pag. 1299. edit. 1596. and marvel it were if one who thus forsook God and his Prince, should not also forsake his Predecessors faith? Cranmer forsook God and his prince If he who had thus lost, as Saint Paul speaketh, a good conscience should not also make ship wrack of his faith. How long a Rom. Cathol. For first he was a Roman Catholic, and so continued from his childhood till he was Archbishop, and a while after. At his first going to the Pope was by him made his Penitentiary as Fox hath edit: 1596. pag. 1690. went to Rome for his Pal and there took the usual oath of fidelity to the Pope. But in the next year after, to wit in the year 1534. When king Henry by Parliament procured himself to be termed head of the Church he also forsook the Pope in that point yet in all other agreed with him as the king did, and both by words and deeds persecuted the Protestants, Song Mass solemnly in King Edward 6. time. as you may see in Fox in Lambert's death and others. And after King Henry's death under king Edward song Mass with great majesty for the king of France his soul assisted with 8. Bishops as writeth Stow Chron. Inconstant even in heresy. pag. 1547. yet after he fell to Lutheranism, and set out a catechism wherein with Luther he taught the real presence of Christ in the blessed Sacrament; Sliedan lib. 26. An. 1555. But staying not long there, from thence turned with the Duke of Summer. In his recantation in fox pag. 1710. He taketh god to witness he recanted of his own mind and for conscience sake, and yet soon after recalled his retantation. Cranmet condemned for rebellion and herefir. Sleidan l. 25. f. 429. The miserable end of the Archb: that first forfooke S. Augustine's faith. The great nobility rare learning and virtue of card. Pole. to Zuinglianisme, and published an other catechism which denied the real presence. After all this under Queen Marie for hope of life recanted all his heresies, and both by tongue and pen professed the Roman Catholic faith. But perceiving that he should die, choosing rather to die in account of Protestants a martyr, than in judgement of both them and us a malefactor, he finally ended his life in Zuinglianisme, being both condemned for Heresy against God, and for rebellion against his Prince as Fox confesseth pag. 1698. Edit. 1596. And so as his faith had been far different for a time from his Prededessors so was his end ignominious and far from the glory of their happy departures. Reginald Poole Archb. LXIX. 30. THe 69. and last Catholich Archb. hithertho, was Reginald Poole consecrated an. 1555. and departed this life an. 1558. the same year and day that Queen Marie died. He was son to Sir Richard Pool Cousin german to King Henry 8. and of Margaret Countess of Salisbury Daughter of George Duke of Clarence and brother of King Edward 4. He was a man (saith Godwin) of manifold and excellent parts, not only very learned, which is better known than it need many words, but also of such modesty in behaviour and integrity of life and conversation, as he was of all men both loved and reverenced. And beyond seas he was so famous, that without all seeking of his he was first made Cardinal, after Legate to the Council of Trent and twice elected Pope; Card. Poole might have been Pope. Ridley highly commended Card. Pool. His Rom. Religion. to which supreme dignity wanted nothing but his own consent. He was by the confession of Ridley in Fox Edit. 1596. pag. 1595. a man worthy of all humility reverence and honour, and endued with manifold graces of learning and virtue. As for his Roman religion it might seem needles to prove it if Doctor Bukley and some other Ministers were not ashamed to challenge him for a Protestant whose impudency I will refel with the testimony of their own Authors. For Godwin saith in King Henry's time he dealt by letters to his friends to exhort them from all conformity to reformation and being accused in the Conclave of favering protestants and of other matters, He cleared himself (saith Godwin) of all these suspicions absolutely so that the next day they were more resolute to make him Pope than before. And infra he saith Queen Marie loved him for his learning and nobility but above all for his religion and finally that he reconciled England to the Pope and received from him his Pal. Bale Cent 8. cap. 100 saith he was a Cardinal soldier of Antichrist, not to be commended for any virtue by the servant of God, and saith that in an Oration to the Emperor he called the Germane Protestants new Turks, Sleidan lib. 10. in fin. and their Gospel Turcicum pestiferum & adulterinum semen Turkish pestiferous and adulterous seed. An. 1607. which Crashew was not a shamed in his sermon at Paul's Cross to affirm that Pool said o the written word of God. Farther more Bale termeth this worthy Prelate and great ornament of our Nation horrible beast a rooter out of the truth of the Gospel a most wicked Traitor to his country, and prayeth God to confound him. So undoubted it was while Cardinal Poole lived that he was no Protestant but a most earnest Roman Catholic. See Andreas Dioditius in vit. Poli. Which who readeth his book and considereth his deeds may yet see more fully. But by him may the judicious reader see with what truth or face our Ministers challenge S. Austin and other holy and ancient Archbishops of Canterbury to be of their religion. Epilog. First and last Cath. Archb of Canterb. said Mass and have palls from Rome. The number of our Archb. Their continuance, learning virtue and wisdom. 39 THus you see the first and the last of the Catholic Archbishops of Canterbury, namely S. Austin and Cardinal Pole to have said Mass and had their Palls from Rome, and all of them (except one) ever since the first Christianity of our Nation unto our days, for number three score and nine for continuance of nine hundred fisty and eight years, for learning many of them most famous, for wisdom most excellent, and for virtue divers of them most admirable, as you have heard by the very confession of Protestants themselves. Who will not adwenture his soul rather with these than with Cranmer. Thus many (I say) thus excellently qualified primates and Pastors of all England, thus long to have taught the Catholic faith, to have followed it themselves, to have defended it with their great learning, maintained it by their miracles, authorised it by their notable virtues, and finally to have lived in it most religiously, and died most happily; What shall we think of them? That so many, and great Clerks were so many hundred years ignorant of the truth? That so many and so great Saints so long time miss of the way to heaven? That all our Ancestors who so many years followed them were christened in vain, believed in vain, and worshipped and served God in vain, and finally died in their sins; and are damned and gone to hell? No way to heaven but by Christ and his true faith. As we must needs think unless we grant the Roman Catholic faith to be the faith of Christ and right way to salvation. Shall, I say such an unchristian, unnatural, and unreasonable thought enter into our hearts? And not rather follow the advise of S. Paul saying Mementote Praepositorum vestrorum qui vobis locuti sunt verbum Dei, quorum intuentes exitum conversationis imitamini fidem, Beholding the end of the conversation of your Prelates follow their faith. Let us behold the holy conversation and happy & virtuous end of those holy and worthy Prelate: and primates of England, assuring ourselves that virtue can not follow the Devil, nor God's Saints be condemned to Hel. Let us embrace their faith which was the root of their virtue, and their chief guide in their way to heaven, whither they are happily arrived and we shall assuredly follow if we keep their faith and imitat their virtue. And thus having showed that all our Archbishops of Canterbury, and consequently all our Clergy, Bishops, Archdeacon's, Deacons Canons, Pastors, Vicars, Monks, All Besides wickliff and his small number. and Friars were Roman Catholics even from the first Christianity of our Nation to our age, Let us proceed an show the same of our Christian Kings and Laity. CHAP. XXI. That all our Christian English kings to king Henry 8. time were Roman Catholics proved by general reasons. 1 No record that any of our old christian Kings was Protestant. 1. FIrst because (as I said of the Archbishops) there is no script, no scroll, no record, no monument, to testify that our former Christian kings were of any other religion than king Henry 8. was before he began the change. Therefore they that affirm the contrary either know it by revelation, or speak without book. Besides it is impossible that there should be an alteration in religion which is the most markablest thing in a Common wealth, and that there should be no mention thereof; and altogether incredible in England, where we see the first alteration from Paganism to Christianity, and now lately from Papistry to protestancy recorded in all Histories. yea private mutations made by kings in some Churches from Priests to monks or contrary wise. And can we think that a mutation from protestancy to Papistry (if any such had been) would have been omitted and forgotten. 2. All the Archbishops of Canterbury were Roman Catholics as is before showed, 2 All their Archb. were Catholics. and yet none of them troubled by the kings of former times for his religion▪ yea most of them greatly honoured by them, and divers made Archbishops by their king's procurment. 3 They suffered Archb. to be consecrat of the Pope. etc. 3. They suffered the said Archbishops to go to Rome (where divers of them were consecrated of the Pope) to receive their Pal, to be his legate, and take their foresaid oath of fidelity to the Pope, which if they had been Protest. and not perfect Roman Catholic they would never have permitted. yea some of the kings procured Pals for their Archb: King's procure palls from the P. for their Archb. as King Edwin for S. Paulin in Beda lib. 2. cap. 17,. King Alfwald for Archbishop Eanbald, Florent. An. 779. Huntingdon lib.. 3. king Rufus for S. Anselm, Fox Acts. pag. 185. 4. Nine of the ancient kings left their Kingdoms and became monks, 4 Many ancient Kings became Monks. as Fox confesseth Acts. pag. 133. whose names are these, king Kinegilfus, K. Cedwalla, king Ina, king Ethelred, king Sigebert, king Coenred, king Offa, king Edbert, Monks vowed chastie poverty and obedience. to whom pag. 131. he addeth king Kenred. Now monks in that time vowed chastity as is evident in S. Beda lib. 5. cap. 22. lib. 4. cap. 25. lib. 3. cap. 25. And poverty lib. 1. cap. 25. And obedience. lib. 4. cap. 5. And how Papistical this is, and contrary to protestancy every one knoweth. Beside as Fox saith pag. 115. most like they did this for holiness sake, thinking in this kind of life to serve or please God better, or to merit more which Kind of act or end of theirs is plain Papistical, and quite opposite to protestancy. And therefore Fox saith, that these Kings were far deceived. To these Kings we may adjoin 19 Queens and Kings daughters whom Fox also pag. 134. confesseth to have left their royal estate, Many ancient Queens and K. Daughter's nuns. and becomen Nuns. Yea pag. 137. he citeth out of an ancient Chronicle, That in the Primitive Church of England Kings, Devotion of English to monkish life. Princes, Dukes, Earls, Barons, and Rulers of Churches incensed with a desire of heaven, labouring and striving among themselves to enter into Monkery into voluntary exile and solitary life, forsook all and followed the Lord. The same hath Huntingdon. lib. 5. Houed. and others. Is this think we a proceeding of Protestants or rather of earnest and devout Roman Catholics? 5 Out ancient Kings desire the P. to confirm their Charters. 2. Fiftly. They desired the Pope to confirm their Charters which they made. This you may see of King Ethelbert the first Christian King, in Malmsb: lib. 1. Pont. pag. 208. Of King Coenred and King Offa in Capgraue in vita Egwin. Of King Egbert in Florent. Chron. An. 676. of King wulfer in engulf. pag. 884. Of an other King Offa in Paris An. 794. Of King Edgar in Malmsb. lib. 2. Reg. pag. 57 6. They suffered appeals to Rome from themselves. 6 Kings suffer appeals to Rome. This is evident in King Egbert and King Alfred in Beda lib. 5. cap. 20. 7. They believed S. Peter to be Prince of the Apostles as is to be seen in King Offa his Charter in Cambden in Brit. 7 Our Kings believe S. Peter's supremacy. pag. 613. and S. Peter to be higher in degree than S. Paul, as is to be seen in King Ina his verses there pag. 193. and Peter only to have had the keys. to wit of all the Church, as Reinolds confesseth Confer. pag. 12, And finally the Church of Rome in their time to be the Catholic and Apostolic Church, as Beda testifieth lib. 3. cap. 29, at what time the Protestants account the Roman Church the who are of Babylon, and the Pope Antichrist. 8 Many of our Kings canonised by the Pope. 8. Seven of these our English Kings are Canonised by the Roman Church in the Martirologe, to wit, Ethelbert, Richard, Oswald, Sebbi, Edmund, Edward martyr, Edward Confessor, 9 Our ancient Kings know not justification by only faith. which would never have been done if they had not been Roman Catholics. 9 Our ancient English Kings could be no Protestants therefore they were Roman Catholics. For no others challenge them for theirs. That they could be no Protestants most manifest. First because the opinion of justification by only faith is accounted of Protestants the foundation, What is the foundation and soul of Protetestancie Luther. head, and chiefest point and soul of their Doctrine and Church, It is (saith Luther Prefat. in jonam) the head of Christian Religion, the sum of the scriptures. Prefat: ad Galath: If the article of justification (by only faith) be once lost, then is all true Christian doctrine lost. And as many as hold not that doctrine are jews Turks Papists or heretics. Item. By this only doctrine the Church is built and in this it consisteth. And in cap. 1. Galath. If we neglect the Article of justification we lose all together. And in cap. 2. It is the principal Article of all Christian doctrine all other Arcicles are comprehended in it. Fox Acts. Fox. pag. 840. saith It is the foundation of all Christianity, Chark. And pag. 770. the only principal origen of our salvation. Chark in the Tower disputation saith. It is the soul of the Church. And the same say all other protestants. But this foundation, this head, this soul of protestancy, our ancient Kings knew not, as Fox plainly confesseth in these words pag. 170. The Doctrine of justification (by only faith) was then unknown. And pag. 133. writeth thus of our ancientest Christian Kings. Our Kings knew not the Protestant Gospel. They lacked the doctrine and knowledge in Christ's Gospel especially (saith he) in the Article of free justification by faith and therefore (saith he) they ran the wrong way. Lo he granteth that they were ignorant especially of that which Protest: esteem the especiallest point of protestancy. And Ibid. speaking of our ancient Christian Kings hath these words: How great the blindness and ignorance of these men was who wanting no zeal wanted knowledge, seeking their salvation by their meritorious deeds, which I writ (saith he) here to put us in mind how much we at this present are bound to God for the true sincerity of his truth hidden so long before to our fforancestors, and opened now to us. A plain confession that none of our Anceitors were Protestant's. This only lamenting to see them have such works and want our faith, and us to have right faith and want their works. Can he say more plainly that our Ancient Princes and Christian Ancestors knew not so much as the foundation of Protestancy, and wanted their faith? And with what face then can any man challenge them for Protestants. And here I challenge Abbots or what minister so ever, What must be showed of ministers that say our Anceitors were Protestant's. to show one ancient English man, Woman, or Child that held this foresaid foundation, head, and soul of their religion; And if they can not (as indeed they can not) let them confess, that there was never ancient English Protestant, unless they will make Protest: without head or or soul. 3. Moreover to build or endow Religious houses (as Doc. Abbot's saith Answer to D. pag. 100 Bishop) for redemption of their sins and purchase of their soul's health proceeded of the want of the sight of the sun of righteousness. For what end our Kings built and endued monasteries. And Fox. pag. 133. saith it is contrary to the rule of Christ's Gospel. But the same Fox Ibid. testifieth that our first Christian king's built monasteries seeking for merit with God, and remedy of their souls and remedy of their sins, and proveth it by a Charter of King Ethelbald, which he might have proved by as many Charters of those ancient kings as are extant. One of King Ethelbald I will cite out of Ingulph. made to free monks from taxes the third year of his Reign which was 718, some what more than a hundred years after S. Austin. Ego Ethelbald etc., I Ethelbald King of marchland for the love of the celestical Country, Good works done to free the soul from bond of sin. and for the redemption of my soul have providently decreed to free it by good work from all bond of sin. King Ethelbert also Pro animae suae remedio etc., for the good of his soul gave to Mellit Bishop the land called Tillingham out of Stow Chron. pag. 77. And so of the rest. Our first Christian K. gave land to Churches for help. of his soul. Again Fox pag. 154. The causes why solemn Monasteries were first founded by Kings, Queens, King's daughters, and rich Consuls, are these, Pro remedio animae meae, pro remissione peccatorum meorum, pro redemptione peccatorum meorum, & pro salute Regnorum meorum quique subiacent regimini populorum in honorem gloriosae virgins. For the redemption of my soul for the redeeming of my sins and for the safety of my Kingdoms and people subject to my government to the honour of the glorious Virgin. And therefore by D. Abbots his verdict, and by evident inference our ancient Princes wanted the sun of Protestants righteousness. 10 10. And lastly I prove it by the plain confession of Protest. For Fox Acts. pag. 132. saith our first Christian Kings were devout to Church men, especially to the Church of Rome. Which was, in the opinion of Protestant's, Our Kings devour to the P. when he was in opinion of Protestants. Antichrist when the Pope was known Antichrist, That is, in Boniface. 3. time, and since. Bale Cent. 1. cap, 73, saith of king Ethelbert our first Christian king that He received the doctrine of the Roman Religion with all the imposture thereof, and died the 21. year of his received Papistry, Can he speak more plainly? And Cent. 13. cap. 5, Felix saith he converted the East part of England to Papistry. A Plain confession of Protestants that our nation was first converted to papistry. And Ibid cap. 4. he saith that Birin under colour of the Gospel taught the West saxons Papisticam fidem Papistical faith. The same confess divers other Protestants, as hath been showed before when we proved that S. Greg. and S. Austin were by the confession of Protestants plain Rom. Catholics. 4. To all these particular proofs I add a general one vz the English names which our ancient Kings and people gave to their service and their Pastors; See in Ingulph. how ancient Knights were want to go to confession before they were knighted. also their Church's Tombs and Epitaphs and finally all their ancient Monuments do testify and proclaim their Catholic Roman religion. For their service of God they called Mass, Nether can it be showed, that ever they called it other wise, and of it have they termed the chief feasts of the year, as Christmas, Candlemas, Michaelmas, Name of Mass. Martin mass. As likewise they have termed Shrevetide of their Shreiving and confessing themselves before they began their lent Fast, Palmesonday of the Palms which they carried on that day, as Catholics at this day do; Ember days of the Catholic fast of Quator tempora corruptly pronouncing the last word. of Priests. Their chief Doers of their service they termed Priests. That is (as Protest. confess) Sacrificers, and therefore their ministers abhor the name. Reinold conf. pag. 466 467. Their chief Churches they built in form of a Cross. The chief Altar therein on high and toward the East, Form of Churches. and divers Altars in little chapels about; erected therein a Roodloft with the Rood or Cross of Christ upon it, adorned their chapels even the very glass windows with Pictures. In like sort they buried their dead with Crosses as was seen on the tomb of King Arthur, Burial of dead. and their Bishops with Chalices as in the Tomb of S. Birin, and usually on the Epitaphs desire men to pray for the soul of the dead. Epitaphs. And where I pray you was the Protestant Communion when our first Christian Ancestors termed their chief service of God, Mass, and thereof named their principal feasts in the year? where were their Ministers when they termed their Pastors. Priests and sacrificers. Where were their Churches when all the Cathedral Churches were built in form of a Cross, with one high Altar, and divers little Altars in the Church about; where were they themselves when our Ancestors even dead did by Crosses where with they were buried, and the Epitaphs of their Tombs profess the Roman Catholic religion. CHAP. XXII. Certain objections of Ministers that our ancient Kings were not Roman Catholics disproved. 1. ALbeit every one of judgement will easily see that what can be objected against this so clear, D. Dove of recusancy will have Bellarm: to be a Protest: or no perfect catholic. and by the Adversaries confessed truth, is but cavils which want not against almost the evidenst truth that is: yet for satisfaction of all sorts of people, we will propose what D. Abbots in his Answer to D. Bishop's epistle pag. 199. lately hath collected for proof that our ancient Kings were Protestants, or at least not perfect objection. 1 Roman Catholics. First he saith that our ancient Kings had the supremacy in causes Ecclesiastical. Answer. This is evidently false by what hath been said in the 5. 6. and 7. proof of the former Chapter. To which I add that (as it shallbe showed hereafter) King Edward 3. whom Protestants account to make most for them, professed it to be a savour of heresy to deny the Pope's supremacy in causes ecclesiastical. 2. Abbot's saith that the kings founded Bishoprics and invested them at their objection. 2 pleasure, as did Edward Confessor the Bishopric of Exester. Answer. That in S. Augustine's time or long after the King founded Bishoprics and invested Bishops is apparently false. For it is evident in Beda lib. 1. cap. 29. That S. Greg. at his own pleasure appointed two Archbishoprics, & under each of them twelve Bishoprics to be erected in England. And lib. 2. cap. 4. That S. Austin by his authority founded the Archbishopric of Canterbury, and the Bishoprics of London and Rochester, Our ancient Kings took not upon them to erect Bishoprics. and that the King then did only build them Churches, endow the Bishoprics with lands and give them (saith Beda lib. 1. cap. 28.) Possessions necessary for their maintenance. And above 800. years ago when King Offa would alter the Bishoprik of Lichfeild in to an Archbishopric, K Ethelbert. he took not upon him to do it by his own authority or of the Bishops of his realm, K. Offa. but procured Pope Adrian to send two legates for that purpose. Malmsb. lib. 1. Reg. cap. 4. K Edward Sen. And▪ 700. years ago mhen King Edward Senior erected five Bishoprics in the West country, it was done by the express commandment of Pope Formosus. Malmsb. 2. Reg. cap. 5. K Willi● Conq. And about 500 years ago, when King William Conqueror would have some English Bishops deposed, and Bishoprics translated from little Towns to greater Cities, he procured Pope Alexander. 2. to send a Legate hither to do it. Malmsb. 1. Pont. But yet we grant that a while before the Conquest, and somewhat after, Kings took upon them to invest Bishops and Abbots as appeareth in Ingulp. pag. 806. But this fact of theirs done of some ignorantly as must be thought of King Edred and others before the Conquest who were perfect Catholics in faith (as shall appear hereafter) and also virtuous in life; of others perhaps presumptuously and covetously against the order of the Church, proveth no more that they were no Catholics, than worse facts of theirs against the law of Christ proveth them to have been no Christians. For if Princes may by every fact of theirs be judged of what religion they are, they would sometimes seem no Christians nor yet to have a God. As for S. Edward he might well do what he did, for he was appointed by the Pope to be his Vicegerent and as it were Legate as we shall show in his life. objection. 3 2. Thirdly, they made (saith Abbots) laws for the order and government of the Church, as is to be seen in the laws of Edward, of Alfred, of Ethelstan, and Canutus in Fox Volume. 1. in fine, and by many laws made since the Conquest against intrusions of the Pope, as is to be seen in Sir Edward Cooks reports part 5. Answer. Touching the laws of the Christian Kings before the Conquest, I answer that they are not Ecclesiastical laws such as define any thing as a point of faith, or prescribe any thing concerning Religion and worship of God, but are mere commandments partly for execution of former Ecclesiastical laws, partly for procurement and conservation of external peace, quietness, and order of the Church, which kind of laws Princes may make, as is to be seen in Stapleton Relect. Controu. 2. q. 5. Ar. 1. See stapleton. Besides that, Christian Princes appoint thus some times things in ecclesiastical matters not of authority, but upon zeal, and not to dispose of faith and religion. As for the laws made since the Conquest which may seem prejudicial to the Pope's authority, the chiefest Authors of them, were Edward 3. and Richard 2. who (as shall appear hereafter) plainly professed the Pope's Supremacy. And therefore what laws they made, were no way to deny his authority, but to restrain the execution thereof in some cases: because as the Apostle saith Omnia licent sed non omnia expediunt. All things are lawful but all things are not expedient. So they thought that some execution of his authority in some matters would be prejudicial to their temporal state, and therefore thought it not expedient that in those cases it should be practised. As for Cook's reports they have been so answered as I think neither himself nor any for him will objection. 4 reply. fourthly, saith Abbots Then were the scriptures in four several languages of so many several Nations, besides the Latin tongue common to them all Beda lib. 1. cap. 1. This is untrue, Answer. and Beda rather saith the contrary. His words are these. This Island at this present to the number of the 5. books of Moses, doth study and set forth the knowledge of one perfect truth, that is with the language of the English, the Britons, the Scots, the Picts, and the Latin which by study of the scripture is made common to all the rest. In which words he saith, that the Inhabitants preached and published Christ's truth in five several languages, but the scripture they studied only in Latin, and thereby it, became common to all the Inhabitants. And before in the life of Theodor, we showed by the confession of divers Protestants, that mass was in his time, (which was before S. Beda) in Latin only. But admit that the scripture were then in Latin and in English too, how proveth that, that English men than were no Catholics. Have not English Catholics now the scripture in English? fiftly, saith Abbots, objection. 5 Then were they in Monasteries commanded to be exercised in the reading of scriptures, and every one was required to learn the Lords prayer and Creed in the English tongue. This is not worth the answering. Answer. For what doth the Monks reading scripture, or the people's learning the Lords prayer and Creed in English make against Catholic Religion? 3. Sixtly, saith Abbots, Then was the Communion objection. 6 ministered in both kinds as Paris in Heraldo and Rafo reporteth of some soldiers. Answer. What Paris saith of soldiers I know not. For at this present I have him not at hand. But that English men in our Primitive Church communicated only with form of bread, appeareth by Beda. lib. 2. cap. 5. Where Pagans say to S. Mellit, Why dost thou not give unto us of that white bread which thou didst give to our Father Seba, and dost yet give to the people in Church? But if S. Mellit had communicated people in both kinds, it is likely they would have demanded both. Besides that Beda expoundeth that place of Luke: (Cognoverunt eum in fractione panis (where mention is of one only kind) of sacramental communion: Therefore he (and consequently our English Church then) allowed communion in one kind. But whether they communicated in both or one kind, maketh little to prove that they were not Catholick●, because till lay people were forbidden, it was lawful for them to communicate objection. 7 in both kinds. 4. seventhly then (saith Abbots) was Transubstantiation unknown, and when it began to be broached or not long after, Elfricus Archbishop of Canterbury contradicted it. Answer. How untrue this is of Transubstantiation hath been showed before in the life of S. Greg: and S. Odo As for Elfric the Protestant Bishops themselves who published that sermon confess, See before how Bale confesseth Archb. Alfric to have been a Papist, and of Transubstant. in. S. Odo Archb. that the Author thereof was no Archbishop of Canterbury. More likely it is to be true which Fox Acts. pag. 1148. saith that it was Elfric surnamed Bata, an Heretic, who (as S. Dunstan appearing to one in a vision said (as reporteth Osbern) attempted to disherit his Church, but I have stopped him (saith S. Dunstan) & he could not prevail. Albeit indeed that sermon doth more approve Transubstantiation than disprove it. For in that is said, that Christ turned through invisible might the bread to his own body and wine to his blood. And that holy howsel is by might of God's word truly Christ's body and his blood: And that after their hallowing, bread and wine truly are Christ's body and blood. And what other do Catholics now say, but what here is said? Vz. That bread and wine are by invisible power turned into Christ's body and blood, and become after consecration truly (not figuratiuly) his body and blood. And though the Author of the sermon ad, that the sacrament after consecration is not bodily but Ghostly Christ's body, yet the word ghostly is not added to deny the word (Truly) which is absolutely affirmed, but only to deny the word (Bodily) that is carnally and after a capernaitical manner which is Catholic doctrine. For though the Eucharist be truly and really Christ's body, yet is it not Christ's body after a carnal manner, but after a spiritual & mystical manner. Now where he saith (which Bilson lib. of Obed. pag. 681, and Protestants urge) that holy howsel after bodily understanding, is a corruptible and mutable creature, maketh nothing against Transubstantiation. For his meaning is, that the sacrament according to bodily understanding, that is, according to the outward form which with bodily eyes we see and understand, is a corruptible thing, which no Catholic denieth. Again where he sayeth, that there is much between the body that Christ suffered in, and the body that is hallowed to howsel. He neither said nor meant that there is much between Christ's body wherein he suffered and the body of the howsel. (Albeit this also be true, because Christ's body when he suffered was after the manner of visible bodies, palpable, and part in one part of place, and part in an other: and here it is invisible, and after the manner of spirits, all in every part of the sacrament: For which difference and less S. Austin lib. de symbolo cap. 10. said much mo●e, to wit, that in the resurrection shallbe no flesh and blood. In Resurrectione non iam caro erit & sanguis, because they shall be in far different manner) But he said that there is much between the body of Christ and the body that is hallowed to housel, which is most true, for this body is the body of bread. objection. 8 5. eightly saith Abots Then the, Bishops and Princes of this Land did condemn the second Nicen Council for worshipping of Images, out of Hoveden part. Answer. 1. An. 792. To this I answer, that it is no way likely that our English Bishops would then condemn such honouring of Images as catholics use, because they knew that not only their Christianity began by S. Austin with use of Images, but also that Archb. Brithwald (as is before rehearsed out of Bale Cent. 1. cap. 99) held a Council in London An. 712. Wherein he commanded upon the Decree of Constantine Pope of Rome that Images should be worshipped. But that which our English Clergy then disproved was, as Hoveden writeth Imagines adorari debere, that is, adored or worshipped as God. which Houed: well understood when he added. Quod Ecclesiae Dei execratur, which the Church of God doth detest. Which (he being a perfect Roman Catholic as Abbots can not deny) could never say of such honour as Catholics give to Images, but might most truly say of worshipping them as God. For this the Church of God did always and doth accurse. Nether, though some Catholics term that worship Latria which is given to the cross of Christ, did ever any Catholic affirm that any Image or creature whatsoever, was to be worshipped as God, as I could easily show, if it were not besides my purpose. But in that our English men were misinformed of the Council of Nice, as if it had commanded Images to be worshipped as God, which it did not, as (to omit other testimonies) testifieth D. Feild lib. 3. of the Church cap. 20. and 36. objection. 9 6. Lastly he saith that then were tithes paid to married Priests, and so continued to Pope Hildebrand (who lived in King William Conquerors time) and our most ancient Cathedral Churches were places for married Priests, Malmsb. lib. 2 Reg. cap. 7. calleth these Priests irregulares and vagos. Answer. not for Popish Votaries, as appreareth by the Records of the Church of Worceter. That there were married Priests or rather that Priests kept women as their wives in Pope Hildebrands' time, and before we deny not. But that there were such ever since the first Christianity of English men till that time, or that marriage of Priests was not always forbidden in England, is most untrue, as hath been sufficient clearly proved in the life of S. Anselm, and by the testimony of Protestants. Likewise most untrue it is, that our most ancient Cathedral Churches were places for married Priests. For the most ancient of all is Christ-Church in Canterbury, where King Ethelbert the first Christian King of England placed monks (as Pope Boniface in his letter to him in Malmsb. lib. 1. Pont. pag. 208. testifieth. And Malmsb. Ibid. pag. 203. addeth this: It is manifest that there have been Monks at Christ-Church in Canterbury ever since the time of S. Laurence Archbishop who first succeeded S. Austin. As for the Record of Worceter if there be any such ancient thing, and not forged by some Minister, it is like to have been devised by some married Priest, when in King Edgar and King Edward martyrs time they pleaded for that Church against Monks, (who were restored to divers Cathedral Churches which had been possessed of priests ever since the destruction of England by the Danes) by the judgement of S. Dunstan S. Oswald King, Edgar, & two Counsels or Parliaments as you may read in Osbern (who lived in the time of the Conquest) in the life of S. Dunstan. As for the first Cathedral Church of Worceter, it was, (as Godwin saith in the Bishops of Worceter) a monastery built by S. Egwin. I say the first, For that which is now, was long after founded by S. Wulstan Bishop of Worceter, as you may see in his life in Godwin. Or if the first were built of Sex wolf (as Cambden saith in Brit. pag. 512. It is nothing likely that he would build it for married Priests, seeing (as Beda saith lib. 4 cap 6) he was a monk himself, and built that Monastery which now is called Peterborough. But especially because neither then, nor long after there were any married Priests in England, as is evident by these words of S. Beda lib. 5. cap. 22 written long after the foundation of Worster Church. It behoveth them who being either made by vow Monks, or by profession of the Clergy, do bind themselves more strictly (then married men) with the bridle of continency. Behold how in Bedas time Monks by vow, and the Clergy by profession, did (as they do now) bind themselves more strictly to chastity then other men did. Which in other words is to say, they did not marry. And thus much for the refelling of these slender objections, which if they be compared with the former proofs wherewith we showed that our ancient Kings were Roman Cathol. will (I suppose) seem to any of indifferent judgement to deserve no answer. CHAP. XXIII. That all the Christian Kings of England from their first Christianity to the time of the Monarchy of England, were Roman Catholics, proved in particular. 1. WHen S. Austin entered there were 7. English Kings in this Land. Whereof four were converted by S. Austin and his companions. But partly because it were to tedious to discourse of all these Kingdoms, partly also because what is proved of one of them, will easily be believed of the rest, I will discourse only of the Kings of the West country, who in time subdued the rest, and whose royal blood yet enjoyeth the crown in their rightful heir both by the English and Scottish line, His majesty descended of the West Saxon Kings by both the English and the Scottish line. our Sovereign Lord King james. If any asked me why God permitted the Western Kings to conquer the rest? I will not take upon me to have been of God's counsel, yet have I noted divers notable things peculiar to them, which whither they might move God to bless them with such temporal benediction or no, I leave to the reader to judge. The first is, First Christian K. of west saxons became a Monk. that the first Christian King of that country, namely Kinegilsus left his Kingdom and became a Monk as testifieth Fox Acts. pag. 110. 134. which we read not of the first Christian Kings of the other Kingdoms. West saxon Kings first went to Rome. The second is that the kings of this country, first left their Kingdoms and went on Pilgrimage to Rome. This is manifest by S. Beda lib. 5. cap. 7. in the valiant King Ceadwall. Who in the year 689. before all other kings went on Pilgrimage to Rome. The third is, First made their kingdom tributary to the See Apostol. that these kings first of all other our Princes made this land tributaire to Rome for the Peter pence. This all our Chronicles writ of King Ina in the year 726. These three notable things these Kings performed first, and therefore perhaps their Kingdom continued longest. But now to come to the Kings in particular. King Kynegilsus first Christian King of the west Saxons or west Country. 2. THe first Christian King of the West Saxons was Kinegilsus alias Cynegilsus, Kinegilsus 1 Christian K. of the West Saxons. who began his reign An. 611. as some writ, or as o●hers. 612. two or three years before the death of S. Austin our Apostle, if he died not before 614. as Malmsb. recordeth; The valour of K. Kinegilsus and reigned 31. years. He was converted to the Christian faith & Christened by S. Birin in the year of our Lord 635. & was a valiant Prince▪ and had prosperous success in his wars against the Britons, and against Penda the cruel Pagan King of the Mercians or Middle English. K. Kynigilsus a Rom Catholic As for the faith of this ancient and valiant King, that appeareth to be Roman Catholic many ways. First because he was converted by S. Birin, whom both Catholics and Protest. grant to have been sent hither by Pope Honorius, Beda lib. 3 cap. 7. Godwin in Birin. Cooper. An. 6●6. Bal Cent. 13. cap. 4. who was the fourth Pope after Boniface 3. which Pope Protestant's (as is showed before cap. 13) account the first Antichrist and head of the Papist Church, because he procured Phocas the Emperor to declare that he was head of the Church, and in like sort they account of all the Popes since that time. And it is not likely that Pope Honorius would send any hither that did not believe him to be head of the Church, in which point (as D. Reinolds and D. Whitaker say) the essence of a Papist doth consist. Besides this Honorius in his Epistle in Beda lib. 2. cap. 18. plainly calleth S. Peter head of the Apostles, and cap. 17 he sendeth two Palls, one to the Archbishop of Canterbury, and another to the Archb. of York; K Kinegilsus converted by a Canon regular. more over he was a Canon regular as saith Ciacon in his life, as also was S. B●rin whom he sent, which order Bale Cent, 1. cap. 82. calleth one of the horns of the beast, and Cent. 1. cap. 70. plainly refuseth Honorius as a Papist saying, P. Honorius a Papist. He instituted the feast of the Exaltation of the holy Cross, added the invocation of the dead Saints to Greg. Litanies, and ordainet that there should be a Procession every Saboth day. Hence the Procession in Churches seem to have had their beginnings. Secondly the same S. Birin, Apostle (as Camb. calleth him in Brit. pag. 338.) of the Westsaxons, S. Birins esteem of a Corporas. wa● so addicted to mass and things belonging thereto, a● for the love of a Corporas which he had left on the shore when he took ship for England, Miracle touching a Corporas. when he could not persuade the mariners to return to fetch it, he adventured his life by walking on the sea to go for it, as Malmsb. lib. 2. Pont. pag. 241. jornelasensis, and so many Authors affirm as (saith Fox lib. 2. pag. 122. I can not but marvel, And if he were not obstinate could not but believe. And Capgrane in his life saith that his bones were found in Pope Honorius 3. and Archb. stephan's time with a leaden Cross upon his breast a little Chalice and two stoles. Thirdly this King became a Monk as Fox testifieth lib. 2. pag. 110. and 134. and for what end hath been before declared, which is an evident badge of Papistry. Fourthly his Godfather in baptism was King Oswald as Beda saith lib. 3. cap. 7. which Oswald erected Crosses and prayed before them, and being to die himself prayed God to have mercy on the souls departed, out of Beda cap. 2. cap. 12. which are evident tokens of Papistry. Fiftly, This truth is evident by the open confessions of our adversaries. For Bale Cent. 13. cap. 4. writeth that, Protestant's confess K. Kinegilsus to have been a Papist. Birini opera etc. By the industry of Birin in the year of our Lord 635. Dorchester with the country thereabout under pretence of the Gospel received the Papistical faith. And that S. Birin was enroled amongst the Papistical Saints. Thus the Roman religion of this first Christian King is both evident, and confessed. Holy men in K. Kinegilsus time. 3. In this King's time, besides S. Austin and his fellows, of whose miracles wrought for the testimony of the Roman Catholic faith is before spoken, See Bed. lib. 3. cap. 7. Sur. tom. 6. Malmsb lib. 2 Pont. Capgraue in Birin. lived the said S. Birin, whom to omit Catholic authors Cooper Chron. An. 636. calleth a holy man. Cambd. in Brit. pag. 338. saith, He was admirally famous for the opinion of sanctity. Godwin in his life saith he was a very zealous and devout man. The holiness of the converter of K. Kinegilsus to the Cath. faith. And Fox Acts lib. 2. cap. 122. saith, that by his godly labours he converted the King to the faith of Christ. And amongst others his miracles walked as is said upon the seas (a thing scarce heard of since S. Peter time) to fetch his corporas, Fox dare not deny S. Birin Walking on the sea to fetch a Corporas. which is so certain as Fox. L. cit. dare not deny, yet saith he (if we will believe him on his word) that if this miracle were done, it was not done for the holiness of the man (yet you see how holy, himself, and other Protest. confess him to have been) or corporas, but for conversion of the heathen. But it sufficeth that God would work so great a miracle for conversion of the heathen to the Roman faith. In this King's time lived also King Oswald, Miracle for confirmation of prayers made before Crosses whom Fox Acts pag. 133. calleth a Saint, and who by virtue of prayer (which he made before a Cross) with a far less army vanquished his enemies, as not only S. Beda lib. 3. cap. 2. and Catholic writers, but Fox also Acts lib. 2. pag. 121. Cambd. in Brit. pag. 720. and others do grant. So well did God then like praying before Crosses. As for divers other miracles done by S. Oswalds' relics and by very chips of his Cross, which S. Beda lib. 3. cap. 2. 10. 11. & other English writers do record, Fox dare not deny Saint Oswalds' miracles. Fox loc. cit. says, he hath not to affirm what the people of that time affirmed of him, As if he were amazed, not knowing whether to confess the miracles, and so condemn his religion of falsity; or deny them, and so condemn himself of impudency; Protest. confess miracles to have been done by relics and the Cross Especially seeing that jewel Art. 1. diu. 19 Bel. Survey pag. 353. and D. Whitak. lib. 10. cont. Dur pag. 866. confess that God hath often times wrought miracles by the relics of Saints, and also done strange miracles and driven away Devils with the Cross, as testify jewel Art. 14. Diu 3. And Fox himself Acts pag. 85. testifieth that Constantin the great professed that he did overcome his enemies salutari Crucis signo: Feild. lib. 3. of Church cap. 20. lib 4. cap. 31. by the wholesome sign of the Cross. In this King's time also Sigebert King of the East Angles left his Kingdom, and became a Monk, A King a m●nk and divers King's Daughters nuns. and S. Edburga daughter to King Ethelbert, S. Eanswid daughter to King Edbald, and S. Ebba a Lady of the blood royal left their estates, and became nuns. Beda lib. 3. cap. 18. Capgrave in vita Eanswidae, Cambd. in Brit. pag. 670. Hunting lib. 2. King Senwalch the 2. Christian King. 4. THe second Christian King of the Westsaxons was Senwalch, son (as Beda lib. 3. cap. 7. and others record) of Kinegilsus, began his Reign An. 643. and reigned 31. years twice vanquished the Britons, The valour and virtue of K. Senwalch. and took a great part of land from the Mercians, and as Malmsb. writeth lib. 1. Reg. cap. 2. was comparable to the best Princes, the middle and last of his time▪ and so religious that (as Florent. An. 843. Fox. Acts. pag. 122. Stow pag. 96. write) he built the Cathedral Church at Winchester, and gave all the country within 7. miles about for maintenance of Priests that should serve therein, though Godwin in vita Agilberti say his Father began the work, and that he did but finish and confirm his Father's deed and grant, and add thereto three Manners. K. Senwalch a Rom. Catholic But as for the Roman Religion of this religious and virtuous King it is manifest, first by what hath been said of his Father. Secondly because after the decease of S. Birin aforesaid, his Bishops was Agilbert, as Beda lib. 3. cap. 9, Malmsbus. lib. 1. cap. 2. Godwin in Agilbert and all agree. which Agilbert was so notorious a Papist as Fox in his Protestation before his Acts reckoneth him amongst Romish monks much drowned (as he saith) in superstition with Dunstan, Lanfranc, and such like. And in a Synod defended the Roman use of Easter and round shaving of Priests crowns, as is to be seen in Beda lib. 3. cap. 26. and Fox Acts pag. 123. Thirdly because after Agilbert his Bishop was Elutherius, who at this King's request as Beda lib. 3. cap. 7. Godwin in vita Elutherij write, was consecrated by S. Theodor, whom (as is before showed) Protestant's confess to have been a notorious Papist. Fourthly because S. Egelwin or Egwin was brother to this King, as testifieth Malmsb. lib. 2. Pont. pag. 255. Which Egwin Bale Cent. 1. cap. 91. saith was a Benedictin Monk ad superstitiones natus, borne for superstitions, helped, ut statuae ponerentur in Templis & venerarentur: for the placing of Images in Churches and worshipping of them, and was after canonised, and how great he was with Pope Constantin appeareth by his life in Capgraue. Fiftly, because in this King's time came the said S. Theodor into England, unto whom (writeth Beda lib. 4. cap. 2. and Godwin in his life) all the whole Church of the English Nation did consent and submit themselves: Therefore than this King and all his Christian people were as sincerely Papists as S. Theodor himself was. Holy men in K. Senwalch his time. 5. In this King's time among other holy men lived the blessed Bishops S. Chad and Tedda, whose virtue and miracles are recorded by S. Beda lib. 3. cap. 23. and lib. 4. cap. 3. likewise there lived in that time K. Oswin who vowing to God to make his daughter a Nun if he overcame his enemies, K. Oswin voving to make his daughter a Nun getteth a miraculous victory. got the Victory though he had but one Legion against thirty ex Beda lib. 3. cap. 24. Hunting. lib. 3. Westmon An. 855. And if he had not been prevented by death meant to go to Rome, and there to end his life, as witnesseth Beda lib. 4. cap. 5. K. Sebbi and his son become Monks. There lived also S. Sebbi King of the East saxons who together with his son Sighard became a Monk as may be seen in Beda lib. 4. cap. 1. Malmsb. 1. Reg. cap. 6. Stow Chron pag. 79. In like sort there lived Oswie a marvelous devout and godly man (saith Beda lib. 3. cap. 14) and Sigibert a holy King of Essex, divers King's daughters holy nuns. of whom writeth Beda lib. 3. cap. 22. And at the same time S. Eartongatha daughter of Ercombert King of Kent; S. Edelburg daughter to Anna King of East England, and Sedrido his daughter in law, S. Eartongath. S. Edelburg Sedrido. with divers others went into France, and there became nuns flourishing with great virtue and miracles, as you may read in S. Beda lib. 3. cap. 8. Hereswid. S. Withburg. Elfled. S. Hilda. Likewise Hereswid mother to Adolph King of East Angles ex Beda lib. 4. cap. 23. And in England became nuns S. Withburg daughter to the said King Anna ex Florent An. 798. Elfled daughter to King Oswiex Beda lib. 3. cap. 24. and also S. Hilda a Lady of the blood royal ex eodem lib. 4. cap. 23. and divers others. Bale Cent. 10. cap. 9 and Capgrave in Botulpho maketh mention of certain sisters of King Athelmond King of Sussex who in this king's time An. 650. were Noon in Gallia Belgica. Then also lived S. Bathilda in Engl. woman Q. of France and after nun. Sur. tom. 7. And Fox lib. 2. pag. 133. saith king Cissa built the Monastery of Abington An. 666. Cooper saith, 665. In this time also as S. Beda writeth lib. 3. cap. 26. Even the habit of religious men was had in great reverence. Honour of our Anceitors to Priests and Monks. So that where any of the Clergy or religious persons came he should be joyfully received of all men as the servant of God. If any were met going on journey they ran unto him and making low obeisance desired gladly his benediction either by hand or mouth who would ever have thought that the children and posterity of these Ancestors would make it treason to be a Priest, or think it a pleasing thing to God to make them away with cruel deaths. Queen Sexburga. III. 6. The next Christian Prince was Sexburga vife to King Senwalch. Who began to reign An. 672. or; 674. as others say, and held it one year. Non Deerat saith Malmsb. lib. 1. Reg. cap. 2; The valour of Q. Sexburg. The woman wanted not spirit to dispatch the affairs of the Realm, she raised new armies, and ●etained the old in obedience, she governed her subjects with clemency, threatened her enemies terrib●ly, executed all things in that manner that besides her sex nothing made any difference. Her Rom. Religion. The Roman religion of this noble Queen is manifest by what hath been said of her husband, and by the Council which S. Theodor in her time (as Huntingtod lib. 2. pag. 318. saith and appeareth by Beda lib. 4. cap. 5.) kept at Hereford with all the Bishops of England. Stow Chron. pag. 96. saith she builded a Nonuery in Shepei, and become herself a Nun and abbess in Ely: But I think that was an other Sexburga Queen of kent, of whom we shall speak hereafter. For Malmsb: saith she died after she had reigned one year. In the reign of this Queen Florent: faith in Chron: befell that famous act of a far more renowned Queen Ethelred of Northumberland, who was twice married and lived 12. years with herlast husband Egbert a young man and King of Northumberland, S. Ethelred twice married and yet a virgin. Bed. lib. 4. cap. 19 Camb. in Briton. pag. 438. Stow chron. pag 92. Florent. An. 672. Huntingt. lib. 2. westmon. An. 679. S. ethelred's body incorrupt. Also S. Edilburgs. Miracles by relics. and yet (as both Catholic and Protestant writers have delivered) could by no means be persuaded to have carnal company with either of them, and this year with her husband's licence left the wordl, & became a Nun. Sixteen year after her death her body, in testimony of her incorrupt virginity. was found incorrupt in S. Bedas time, as himself testifieth. lib. 4. cap. 19 The like he reporteth lib. 3. cap. 8. of Saint Edilburgs' body after 7. years burial. And he addeth that Devils were cast out, and divers diseases cured by the clothes in which Edilburgs' body had been wrapped. King Escuin 4. Christian King. The Valour of K. Escuin. 7. TO Queen Sexburg succeeded King Escuin in the year 674. or 675. as others say. He was (saith Malmsb.) Kinegilsus great nepheu by his brother, and of notable experience in the wars. For the Mercians he over throw with a dreadful slaughter .. But as for his Roman Religion that can not be doubted of, His Rom Religion. For therein there is no mention made that he varied from his Praedecessors, and because his Bishop was the foresaid Elutherius, and heady, of whom we, will speak hereafter. S. Ercenwald and his miracles. In this King's time lived S. Ercenwald Bishop of London whose great virtue and miracles wrought even by the chips of his litter (as in the Apostles time by S. Peter's shadow and S. Paul's napkins) are mentioned in S. Beda lib. 4. cap. 6. Where also cap. 7. and seq: he relateth the great miracles done by God in the nunnery of Booking which Ercanwald founded, and whereof his sister Edilburg was Abbess. Florent. An. 675. Cambd. Brit. pag. 453. Stow. pag. 81. In this King's time also died Wolfher King of the middle English who builded Peterborow. and whose wife S, Ermenild and his daughter S. Werburg and his two sisters S. Kinesburg and Kineswith became nuns. One Q. and 3. King. daughters nuns. Likewise his brother merowald had by his Queen S. Frmenburg three holy virgins S. Milburg, S. Mildred, and Milgith and one virtuous son Saint Meraefin. Florent. An 675. malmesb. 1. Reg. cap. 4. This account those great Princes then made of monkish life. King Kentwin 5. Christian Prince. 8. The 5 Christian Prince was King Kentwin, who began his reign An. 677, as Malmsb. hath in Fastis, or 676. as Florent hath in Chron, The valour of K Kentwin. and ruled 9 years. He was as they say son to the foresaid Kinegilsus, and notae in bello experientiae marvelous expert in war as Malmsb. hath lib. 2. Reg. cap. 2. And as Florent addeth An: 704. He chased the East Britons by the dint of the sword. His Rom. Religion. His Roman religion is manifest. First because (as Fox writeth Acts lib. 2. pag. 110.) He died at Rome, and because his Bishop was S. Heddie made Bishop, (as Godwin saith in his life,) An 673. and died 750. as Beda hath lib. 5. cap. 19 and was (saith Bale Cent. 1. cap. 86.) a Monk, and consecrat by that famous P●pist S. Theodor; which also affirmeth Florent. An. 676. Thirdly because in the fift year of this king (as Huntingdon saith lib. 4.) was that Council in hatfeild by Saint Theodor in presence of john Legat of Pope Agatho, where the English Bishops professed their faith in such sort, as it was well liked of Pope Agatho, Saints in K. Kenti wins time as may be seen in Beda lib. 4. cap. 17. and 18. In this king's time lived the for said S. Heddi a very virtuous and holy man saith Godwin in his life, And Beda lib. 5. cap. 19 saith undoubtedly that he was a just man, and testifieth that S. Aldelm his familiar friend and successor, Great miracles by the Dust of S. Heddi his grave. and greatly esteemed of Fox Acts pag. 125. Cambd. in Brit: pag. 210, Bal Cent. 1. cap. 83, was wont to tell that at the place where he died many great miracles and cures were done, and that men of that Province had made a deep pit by carrying a way the Dust thereof, which cured many both men and beasts. In this king's time An. 679. did S. Wilfrid convert Sussex, and wrough divers miracles as is to be seen in Beda lib. 4. cap. 13. And Stow confesseth Chron: pag. 7. And yet is he confessed to have been a Papist by Bale Cent. 1. cap. 88 and Cent. 14. cap 21. to have maintained Non interpretabilem Papae authoritatem, as he termeth it; And then also lived the most devout woman Abbess Hilda of the blood royal, ex Beda lib. 4. cap. 23; A great miracles for Confirmation of mass. And in this King's time also An. 679. befell that great miracle for the approving of Mass and praying for the dead which S. Beda recounteth lib. 4. cap. 22. of a Priest Who thinking his brother had been slain in a battle but indeed was taken prisoner did often times (saith Beda) cause Mass to be said for his soul. By the saying of which Masses it came to pass that no man could bind him but he was straight loosed again about eight a clock in the morning when Masses began to be said. This miracle fell not out upon an obscure person but in one that served Queen Edelred and in an Earl's house, and not in England only but in Friesland also, whither the man at last was sold. And many saith Beda that heard these things of this man were stirred in faith and godly devotion unto prayer alms and and charitable deeds and to offer unto our Lord hosts of the holy oblation and sacrifice for the delivery and relief of their friends that were departed This same (saith he) was told me of them that heard it of the very man on whom it was done And therefore knowing it to be true and certain I doubted no whit to put it into this our Ecclesiastical History. Which words of this great Doctor and Saint then living may suffice to confounded the incredulity, of any Minister. In the same King's time also as Beda recordeth lib. 4. cap. 4. was a great mortality stayed by the intercession of S. Oswald, Plagne ceaseth by intercession of Saints. and Masses said to give God thanks therefore at the appointment of S. Peter and Paul appearing in a vision Which vision to be true, Two Queens nonns. appeared by the miraculous effects following. In this King's time also lived Sexburg Queen of Kent who having left her Princely state became a Nun under her sister Saint Edelred in Ely, and succeeded her in the Abbesseship And Also as Beda saith lib. 4. cap. 26. Eanfled Queen of Northumberland wife to King Oswin with her daughter Elfled in the Monastery of Whitbie. King Cedwalla VI. 9 IN the year 686. succeeded king Cedwalla who saith Beda lib. 5. cap. 7. held it two years, The valiantness of K. Cedwalla. and leaving it An. 688. (as Beda hath in Epit.) was baptised of the Pope at Rome on Easter even An. 689. and there died. He was as Beda writeth lib. 4. cap. 15. a valiant young man, Subdued Sussex and the I le of wit. And as Malmsb. addeth lib. 1. Reg. cap. 2. often times overcame the Kentish men. His. Rom. Religion. His Roman religion is undoubted. For as Beda hath lib. 5. cap. 7. being not yet Christened, he left his Kingdom and country and went to Rome, thinking it to be singular glory and renown to him to be regenerate at the Sea Apostolic with the Sacrament of baptism. And withal hoped that as soon as he was cleansed from sin he should departed this world, Both which (saith Beda) by the providence of God were fulfiled. For he was baptized by Pope Sergius and named Peter, that he might bear his name whose Tomb he came to see, and died while he wore his white apparel of innocency was buried honourably in S. Peter's Church where in our time his body was found near to S. Peter's Sepulchre. Saint Cuthbert, and his religion and miracles. In this King's time died S. Cuthbert. For as S. Beda saith lib. 4. cap. 27. He was consecrat Bishop An. 685. & having been two years Bishop soon after died, and was wont, (as there and sequ. Beda writeth) to hear men's confessions, to offer sacrifice to God, and whose body eleven years after his death was (as S. Beda saith who then lived) found whole and sound, and the joints and sinews soft and pliable and many miracles wrought thereby. Devotion of Eng●: people. In this time saith Beda lib. 4. cap. 27. it was the manner of the people of England when any of the Clergy or any Priest came to a Village, they would all by and by at his calling come together to hear the word and willingly hearken to such things as were said, and more willingly follow in works such things as they could hear and understand. King Ina. VII. 10. THe 7. Christian king was Ina who began his Reign An. 688. as appeareth by S. Beda in Epit. & Malmsb. in Fastis, and held his kingdom (as Beda lib. 5. cap. 7. and all testify) 37. years. He was saith Malmsb. lib. 1. Reg. c. 2. fortitudinis unicum specimen: The admirable virtues of K. Ina. Malmsb. The only mirror of fortitud, the Image of wisdom, and his like in religion you could not find. How worthy he was in the affairs of God the laws may witness, which he made for correcting of the people's manners wherein to this day appeareth a lively representation of his piety Bale Cent. 1. cap. 97. saith, Balc. magni consilij & fortunae homo a man of profund judgment and great fortune. Fox Acts. pag. 127. Fox. A worthy and valiant King Cooper An. 687. Cooper. Ina of great power and wisdom and there with valiant and hardy and in feats of arms very expert. To which Stow Chron pag. 96. addeth that he was the pattern of strength and manliness, Stow. an Image of wisdom, and his like of no man known at that time for religion and framing his life thereafter. These high praises for religion Valour and wisdom (three singular properties of a Prince) do both Catholics and Protestants give to this renowned Prince. His Rom. Religion. Now let us see what his religion was. First his Bishop was S. Aldelm a notorious Papist, as is showed before whose commandments (saith Malmsb. L. cit) audiebat humiliter ad-implebat hilariter. He humbly listened unto, and cheerfully fulfiled. Secondly he built saith Stow loc. cit. and others Glassenburie Abbey, and erected also a Chapel of gold and silver (so termed of the ornaments) with ornaments and vessels of gold and silver, Chlaices' Images of gold and silver. gave to the Altar 264. pounds of gold, a Chalice with a Paten of ten pounds of gold, a Censor of 8. pounds, a holy water bueket of 20. pound of silver Images of our Lord and our Lady and the 12. Apostles of 175. pounds of silver and 28. pounds of gold, a Pall for the Altar. etc. Three Queens nonns. Thirdly his wise Queen Ethelburga lived a Nun at Berking as Fox saith Acts pag. 125. and others. His sister Queen Cuthburga of Northumberland a Nun at Winborn as Camb. in Brit. pag. 182. and Likewise an other sister of his called Quenburga as writeth Florent An. 718. K Ina pilgrim to Rome and granteth the Peter Pence. Westmon and others. Fourthly himself as Fox saith pag. 125. setting a side all the pomp and pride of this wordl associated himself in the fellowship of poor men and traveled to Rome with great devotion, where (as he saith pag. 110) he became a Monk and pag. 125. granted a penny of every house to be paid to the Court of Rome. Beda. lib 5 cap. 7. malmsb: loc. cit. Cooper An. 723. Bale Cent. 11. cap. 97. Sleidan. lib. 9 Stow pag. 96. Bal. lib. cit Cambd. in Brit. p. 192. And pag. 136. founded the English School or Seminary there. Fiftly as Cambden testifieth in Brit. pag. 193. he made verses to be engraven in the forefront of Glossenburie in which he plainly confesseth S. Peter's supremacy (saith he) that he was in Degree higher than S. Paul; had the Keys of heaven, was the Porter, and the firm Rock. The verses are these. Caelorum portae lati duo Lumina mundi o'er tonat Paulus, fulgurat Arce Petrus. Inter Apostolicas radianti luce coronas Doctior hic monitis, celsior ille gradu. S. Peter's supremacy professed by letters engraven in stone. Corda per hunc hominum reserantur, & astra per illum Quos docet iste stilo, suscipit ille Polo. Pandit iter Caelo hic dogmate clavibus alter Est via cui Paulus, iaenua fida Petrus. Behold Christian Reader this ancient and famous King and consequently all England in his time, which is 900. years ago believing, and not believing only but professing, nor professing but engraving in stone for testimony to all posterity that S. Peter was in degree above all the Apostles, S. Peter in degree above all the rest of the Apostles. was the peculiar Rock of Christians, the proper Porter of heaven, and especially had the keys of the celestial Kingdom; Which is plain-ly that supremacy which their Posterity Catholics do attribute unto S. Peter and his successors. And of the royal blood of this undoubted Catholic and revounend King and so devoted to the Church of Rome as first of all Christian Kings of the wordl, His majesty descendeth of K. Ina. by his brother. he made his Kingdom and every household thereof tributary thereto by payment of yearly pension by his brother Ingles came King Egbert, who after reduced England to a monarchy as testifieth Paris Hist. pag. 126. and of this King Egbert by lineal succession descendeth our present Sovereign Lord King james. 11. In this King's time besides himself three other English Kings left their Kingdoms also and became Monks, to wit, Four Kings leave their kingdom and became monks. Ethelred, and Coenred Kings one after the other of mercia or middle England, and Offa King of Essex. The two last went to Rome, and there entered into Religion. The third remained here in England, & after was made Abbot of Bardney near Lincoln. And besides the Queens before mentioned Kineswitha daughter, of King Penda and also espouse to the said King Offa became a Nun having before persuaded him to give over both his Kingdom and suit to her. And besides these Osrick King of Northumberland as Godwill in the Bishops of Gloster saith, Three Queens of mercia Abbesses one after the other. but indeed King of the Victians as Beda called him lib. 4. cap 23. about the year 700. founded a Nunnery in Gloster, in which Kineburg Eadburg and Eva all Queens of Mercia were successiuly Abbesses. The same saith Cambd. in Brit. pag. 316. Such rare and admirable love of God, and contempt both of pleasures and glory of this world, reigned in our Kings, Protestant's glory of the holiness of our Cath. ancestors. Queens, and Princes of those days, that justly Cambd. in Brit. pag. 345. calleth this age seracissimum Sanctorum saeculum: a most fruitful wordl of Saints. Oh when will Protestants breed such an age. In this King's time fell that most dreadful pumishment of God upon that Captain who in his sickness would not confess his sins lest he should seem fearful. Which S. Beda recounteth lib. 5. cap. 14. where he telleth how a little before the man's death Angels appeared and showed to him a fair book, Dreadful punishment of one that differed his confession. but little in quantity wherein all his good deeds were written, and after there came a huge multitude of Devils, who in a great black book showed him all his ill deeds and sins, Westmon An 921. Godw. in B. of york. and one of them struck him on the head and other on the feet which, strokes crept into his body & wh●n they met he died in desperation. In this King's time also died S. john of Beverley who made S. Beda Priest, Miracles of S. John of Beverlay. whom he recounteth lib. 5. cap. 2. that by making the sign of the Cross upon the tongue of a Dumb man he restored his speech, and that he helped an Earl's wife with holy water, and cap. 5. cured an Earl's son and his chaplain by his blessing. In this time also lived S. Wilbrord an English man, who An. 697. was consecrat Bishop by Pope Sergius, and sent to preach in Friesland and Germany, which also S. Swibert and many English more did Marcellin. 1. mort Surio tom. 2. Beda lib. 5. cap. 11. In this time also lived S. Boniface the Apostle of Germany, whom Pope Greg. 2. sent thither to preach An. 719. whose oath of fidelity and plain Papistry you may read in Surius Tom. 3. and Baron An. 723. See also Surius de rebus moguntin. At that same time also lived that great Eremit and S. Antony of England S. Guthlac; S. Guthlac the S. Antoine of England. Of whom because Fox Acts pag. 125. saith, that he secth no great cause, why he should be Sainted, Nether believe I (saith he) his miracles. I will in this Saint give the reader a taste of Fox his impudency, His holiness. and a full assurance (if any can suffice) of S. Guthlac his miracles. Whereby every indifferent man may judge of the like miracles of Saints. As for his holiness Cambd, in Brit. pag. 472. saith thus Guthlacus summa sanct titate etc. Guthlac here (at Crowland) lead an heremitical life in exceeding great sanctity, in honour of whom King Ethelbald with wonderful expense founded a Monastery in a Marish and unstable ground, for religion and wealth very famous. Behold this Protestant acknowledgeth that S. Guthlac led a most holy life, and was so esteemed, that King Ethelbald (who lived at that same time) soon after his death, His miracles. built a goodly Monastery in his honour. And who will read his life in Surius Tom. 2. shall find that he was an admirable Saint. 12. But as for the miracles of S. Guthlac if any human testimony or evidence can make a thing certain and undoubted, they are so. For Ingulph in his Hist. printed and published by Protest: (who lived in the time of the Conquest) setteth down the Charter of King Kenulph a worthy Prince as all our Chronicles testify, dated Anno Christi 806. in which the King saith that he and his Queen were eye witnesses of many miracles done at is shrine in these words Kenulphus Dei misericordia Rex etc. Kenulph by the grace of God King etc. The King and Q. of England fair say were eye-witnesses of S. Guthlacs' miracles. Be it known to all men that our Lord hath magnified his Saint, the most blessed Confessor of Christ S. Guthlac, who corporally resteth in Crowland Monastery with most famous signs and worthy wonders, yea with fresh and in numerable miracles, as both I and my Queen have seen with our own eyes in our Pilgrimage. English Pilgrims with images of Saints in their hats. And there the king freketh all Pilgrims that come to S. Guthlac cum signis eius in caputijs aut capellis, with his images in their hats or caps. from all tax and toll. And to this Charter subscribe the said king kenulph, and Cuthred king of kent, Celwal ●rother to King Kenulph, Testimony of K. Burdred for Saint Guthlacs' miracles. Wilfrid Archb. of Canterb. two Bishops, and one Abbot, and divers others. And he setteth down an other Charter of king Burdred, in which he testifieth that Crowland. Pro frequentibus miraculis etc. In respect of the frequent miracles of the most holy Confessor (S. Guthlac) is always a fertile mother amongst the vineyards of Engaddi. And that God by apparent miracles of S. Guthlac hath vouchsafed to show his mercy. To which Charter subscribe the king An. 851. with the whole consent (as he saith) of the Parliament then gathered against the Danes, Archb. Ceolreth, six Bishops, two Duke's, three Earls, and divers others. And Ingulph addeth that in the Parliament the Archb. Ceolreth and divers others, Many cured miraculously in the Parliament. as well Prelates as Nobles were suddenly and miraculously cured of a kind of palsy, which at that time much offended England and there upon omnes ad visitandum etc. All presently bound themselves in conscience by a most strict vow to visit in a devout Pilgrimage with all possible speed the most sacred tomb of the most blessed Saint Guthlac at Crowland. The whole parliament voweth pilgrimage. What now will Fox say against this cloud of witnesses omni exceptione maiores? Will he say (as Ministers use to say of Priests and Monks) that they forged these miracles for gain? But this were madness to say of such great Kings and Princes; or will he say that they were deceived? Fox his confusion. But some of them were eye witnesses, and some of them were such in whom the miracles were wrought, as the Archbishop, and Bishop of London, who testify the same in their subscription. But by this the indifferent Reader may both perceive, what credit he may give to the miracles of other Saints and with what impudence (without any testimony to the contrary) they are denied of Fox and such like. And therefore I will not make any more Apology hereafter for the miracles which I shall rehearse, but only cite my Authors from whom I have them. King Ethelard. VIII. 13. KIng Ina going to Rome An. 728. as Florent hath Chron. left his Kingdom to Ethelard, Valour of K. Ethelard. who held it most quietly (saith Malmsb. lib. 1. c. 2.) 14. years▪ he was saith Malmsb. Cousin to King Ina, and a valiant Prince. His Rom. Religion. His roman religion appeareth, both by that King Ina so notorious a Papist chose him to whom he would commit his kingdom, as appeareth by Beda lib. 5. cap. 7. and also by other things which are by Protestants confessed of the religion of this time. In this King's time died S. Egbert Priest Anno 729. Saints. Ex Beda lib. 3. cap. 27. who led (saith he) his life in great perfection of humility and meekness, continency, innocency and righteousness, and converted the Scots to the right observation of Easter. And S. Beda himself, that glorious doctor of our English Church, the flower of Christianity at that time for virtue and learning of whose high praises given to him by Protestants, and of his perfect roman Religion I have said enough before. Here only I will add the Elegy of Malmsb. lib. 1. cap. 3. Bedam (saith he) mirari facilius etc., you may sooner admire then worthly praise Beda, who living in the farthest corner of the world with the flash of his doctrine have a light to all Nations. Here wit faileth words are wanting, while I cannot tell what most to commend, whither the multitude of his volumes, Florent. Westmon. Anno. 734. Huntingt. lib. 4. or the sobriety of his style. For doubtless the divine wisdom had with no sparing draft given him to drink, that in so short a scantling of his life could perfect so huge volunes. The report of his name was so famous that the chiefest in Rome had need of him for the resolving of doubtful questions. And much more there of his holiness. Writers Procure their works to be approved of the Pope. Where also he addeth that he died anoiled and howseled. The like hath Florent: and Westmon. Anno 734. and Hunting. lib. 4. Caius de antiq. Canterb. pag. 138. proveth that Beda went to Rome, and there read his books coram Romana Ecclesia: Before the Church of Rome and then gave them to other to copy forth, which was (saith he) ordinary in the Ecclesiastical writers of that age to deliver their works first to the Pope of Rome to be examined. K. Ceolwolph a Monk. In this King's time Anno 737. (as is in the Epitome of Beda) Ceolwolfe King of Northumberland (to whom Beda dedicated his history) left his Kingdom, and became a Monk. And as Malmsb. 1. Reg. cap. 3. flourished with miracles. And about the same time Frigedida Queen of the westsaxons went to Rome, Hunting. lib. 4. pag. 340. Q Frigedida a pilgrim. Godwin in the Bish. of Salsbery, which at that time (saith Beda lib. 5. cap. 4. And Hunting: Devotion of English in going to Rome. l. cit) many English men both of the nobility and commons spiritual & temporal were wont to use with 〈◊〉 emulation. In this King's time also about the year 730. as Godwin hath in the Bishops of Oxford, (though Capgraue in her life say 750.) lived the holy Virgin S. Frideswid, S. Frideswida. who flying to save her maydenhood from Prince Algarus, he was miraculously struck blind, Cambd. in Brit p. 331. and she after became Abbess of a nonry built by her Father Didan. These days were so far from Protestancy, and so manifestly Catholic, as Bale Cent. 1. cap. 93. saith they were pessima tempora pubescente Antichristo: Very bad time when Antichrist grew to riper years: And Centur. 2. cap. 6. writeth of Cymbertus an English Bishop of S. Bedas time, After the custom of the rest in the same age he taught and commended the Roman customs to be observed in his Churches. And Fulke Annot. in Hebr. 10. saith Beda lived in a superstitious time, long after Antichrist did openly show himself. And 1. Petri 3. Beda was carried away with the errors and corruptions of his time. Fox Acts pag. 126. calleth this time a Monkish age, And S. Ceolfrid master to S. Beda a Shaveling. So plainly do they confess England this time to have been Roman Catholic. King Cuthred IX. 14. IN the year 741. as Florent hath in Chron. Anno. 740. Malmsb. in Fastis succeeded king Cuthred, and died saith Hunting. lib. 4. and Malmsb. lib. cit. the 15. year of his reign. He was Cousin as Florent. and Malmsb. and others say (as Westmon. hath brother) to king Ethelard, The valour of K. Cuthred. and was as Hunting. lib. cit. and Hoveden pag. 408. Rex magnus. A puissant King, and mighty Prince, famous for his prosperous reign and victories. His Rom. Religion. His Roman religion is manifest, both by that which hath been said of the former King, and also because in his time, (as Stow saith Chron. pag. 88) Pope Zacharie wrote a letter hither wherein he threatened to excommunicate them that would not amend their incontinent life. The Pope threateneth to excommunicate ill livers in England. S Richard K. a pilgrim and his two sons and daughter. Which was read in presence of the King and Nobles; no man thinking that the Pope took more upon him than he might. In this king's time S. Richard forsook his Kingdom and country, and went on Pilgrimage to Rome, and died by the way at Luca. His two sons S. Willibald and Winnibald, and his holy daughter S. Walburg following their Father's example, left also their estates and country and went into Germany to help. Surius tom. 1. Baron. An. 750. S. Boniface their Kinsman in the conversion of that Nation. King Sigibert. X. 15. IN the year 754. as Malmsb. hath in Fastis succeeded King Sigibert. who (as Malmsb. saith 1. Reg cap. 2.) after a year was deposed by the consent of all, for his naughtiness. In his time An. 754. (saith Beda in Epit. Sigebert in Chron: and others) was S. Boniface an English man, and Apostle of Germany martyred in Friesland with 53. more of his company. This blessed Saint and great ornament of our Nation Bale Cent. 1. cap. 79. saith was very superstitious, Saints and martyrs. See the many and high praises of this S. Boniface both of catholics and Protestants ancient and new in Sacrari●s d rebus moguntin lib. 3 not. 57 58. 59 and brought the Germans to Papistry. And other where saith was next to Antichrist meaning (after his manner) the Pope. Fox Acts pag. 128. calleth him Martyr of God. Stow Chron. pag. 85. saith, He was martyred for the profession of Christ and his holy Gospel. Cooper pag. 716. The Germans about this time received (by Boniface) the faith of Christ. And yet was this Boniface so notorious a Papist, as Fox. pag. 129. termeth him a great setter up and uphoulder of Popery. Bale Cent. 1. cap. 79. plainly saith he brought the Germans ad Papisticam fidem, to the Papistical faith. And Cent. 13. cap. 3. citeth these words of Boniface out of his epistle to the Pope. How many scholars or disciples so ever God hath given me in this my Legacy I cease not to incline to the obedience of the See Apostolic. Surius tom. 3. Serrarius de rebus Moguntin. He imposed (saith Bale) single life upon Priests. By this & much more in his life in Surius and Baron Tom. 9 you may see what religion England then professed, from whence S. Boniface and all his fellow labourers in Germany did come. King Kinulph. XI. 16. IN the year 755. (as Malmsb. in Fastis, Florent in Chron: and others agree) succeeded king kinulph, and reigned 29. years as Malmsb. hath in Fastis, died An. 784. ex Florent, The valour of K. Kinulph. Malmsb. in his History saith. 31. years, Houed: writeth the same, Malmsb. 1. Reg. cap. 2. Clarus morum compositione militiaeque gestis. Honourable both for his virtuous behaviour & warlike prows. The like hath Hunting. lib. 4. and Houed. pag. 408. Cooper. Chron. An. 748. saith the virtue of this man surpassed his fame. The Roman religion of this king is evident by his Charter set down by Godwin in the Bishops of Bath in these words. His Rom. Religion. Ego Kenulphus. I Kinulph King of the West-Saxons will bestow a piece of Land, Good deeds for satisfaction of sins. humbly ascribing it for the love of God and satisfaction of my sins with consent of my Prelates and Nobles, to God's blessed Apostle and servant S. Andrew. Which kind of gift is contrary to the foundation of protestancy, as is before showed out of Fox, Abbots and others. And Fox Acts pag. 130. addeth, that about the year 780. (which was in this king's time) Pope Adrian ratified and confirmed by revelation the order of S. Gregory's mass. When S. Greg. order of Mass became universal. At what time (saith he) this usual Mass of the Papists began to be universal and uniform and generally received in all Churches. In this King's time Egbert or Edbert King of Northumberland leaving his Kingdom became a Monk, K. Eadbert a Monk. Epitome. Bedae An. 758. Florent. Westmon. An. 757. Malmsb. 1. Reg. cap. 3. Stow Chron. pag. 93. Fox Acts. pag. 131. In this King's time An. 781. also died Werburga quondam (saith Florent.) sometime Queen to Ceolred King of Merchland. Q. Werburg a Nun. By which kind of speech he insinuateth that then she was a Nun, which is plainly affirmed by Hoveden pag. 404. And in Germany lived S. Lullus, S. Burcardus, S. Willebald, Saints. S. Liobe, and many other English both men and women, disciples of this foresaid S. Boniface, who with virtuous life and miracles planted there the Catholic Roman faith, which they carried with them out of England. King Bithricus XII. 17. THe 12. Christian King was Bithricus, who began his reign An. 784. and reigned 16. years as Malmsb. saith 1. Reg. 2. and in Fastis, The virtues of K. Bithricus. and died An. 800. He was saith he pacis quam belli studiosior, more desirous of peace than of war Ethelwerd. l. 3. calleth him Regem pijssimum. A most godly Prince. His Rom. Religion. Cooper An. 778. saith he Knightly ruled the Land. His Roman religion is most notorious. For as Hunting. lib. 3. Houed pag. 404. Westmon An. 739. and others writ, Pope's legates honourably received of all England. in his time came Legates into England from Pope Adrian antiquam (say they) renovantes &c. renewing the ancient League and Catholic saith, who were honourably received both of the Prelates and Princes, and held a Council at Cealtid ex Houed. pag. 410. Besides he married the daughter of King Offa, K. Offa and King Kenred become monks. Peter pence. Hunting. lib. 4. pag. 342. Houed pag. 409. Bale Cent. 2. cap. 15. who in his time left his Kingdom, went to Rome with Kenred King of Northumberland, and there bound his Kingdom to pay the Peter pence, and finally became a Monk as Fox writeth lib. 2. pag. 3. and pag. 129. and others. Besides of this King Offa Stow writeth pag. 89. that he caused the relics of S. Alban to be taken up, and put in a Shrine, Malmsb. 2. Reg. cap. 4. and adorned with gold and precious stones, and builded there a Prinely Monastery, His Charter (saith he) is dated An. 793. with the witness of himself, his son Egferd, 9 Kings, 15. Bishops, 10. Dukes, etc. By which we may clearly perceive the Roman faith of all our Nation then. Westmon. also An. 794. Telleth how King Offa with the counsel of his Bishops sent to the Pope to have privileges for that Monastery, Pope confirmeth our King's Charters. and the Pope answered that he should grant what he thought convenient Et nos (saith the Pope) And we by our privilege will confirm our original. And as Paris hath An. 794. Many Princes became monks. He excepted it from all jurisdiction of Bishop or Archbishop, & subjecteth it immediately to the See of Rome. His diebus (saith Bale Cent. 2. cap 15. In these days many Princes in England with shaving took upon them the profession of Monks. In this King's time An. 793. was the Innocent and holy King Ethelbert of East-England slain, S. Ethelbert. K. Ethelrida his spouse an Anchoress. Malmsb. in Fastis & 1. Reg. cap. 5. Florent. Chron. Stow pag 74. Fox Acts. pag. 129. And Etheltida his espouse daughter of King Offa made herself an Ancoresse or recluse ex Ingulph. In this time also was found the body of S. Withburg daughter of King Anna after 55. years burial, ex Florent An. 798. S. Fremund K. In his time also lived S. Fremund King and son to King Offa Virro (saith Cambd. in Brit. pag. 500 magni nominis. A man of a worthy name, and singular piety towards God was canonised for a Saint. And Rictrith iamdudum Regina tunc Abbattissa obijt. Q Rictrith Nun. Rictrith sometime a Queen then Abbess died, Houed. An. 786. And An. 799. died Osbald then Abbot, K. Osbald Monk. Saints. but once King of Northumberland, Houed. Ibid. In this time also died S. Lull. Archbishop of Mentz whom not only Malmsb. lib. 1. Reg. cap. 4. but Bale also Cent. 13. cap. 56. commendeth saying he was homo tum eruditionis etc. A man of approved learning and sanctity, and gave himself as an example of virtue to the Gentills that had any inclination to the Christian faith. And yet was he scholar and successor to Saint Boniface that famous Papist. Ibid. cap. 57 Bale calleth Saint Burchard his fellow, Virum pium ac religiosum: a godly and religious man. And cap. 70. he saith that S. Wilhad Archb. of Brome and fellow labourer with them, Martirij desiderio pro Rom. Ecclesia flagrabat: Burnt with desire of Martyrdom for the Church of Rome. English desire to die for the Church of Rome. In his time also lived that great Clerck Alcuin Confessor to Charles the Great of whom enough hath been said before. 18. Thus thou seest Christian Reader how clearly the Catholic Roman religion hath been deduced through all those our first Christian Kings for the space of the first 200. years after our conversion from Paganism to Christianity. The effects of Catholic religion in our nation in 200. years. And what notable contempt of the world and holiness of life it bred in that time in our Kings, Queens, Princes, Ten Kings Saints in 200 yaers. Clergy, and Commons, in so much that ten of those Kings that then were are now accounted Saints: To wit, Ethelbert, fourteen Kings Monks or Pilgrims. Edwin, Oswald, Oswi, Sebbi, Sigebert, another Sigebert, Richard, Ethelbrit, Fremund, And fourteen of them forsaking their Kingdoms, either became Monks, or went on Pilgrimages to Rome, namely Kinegilsus, Centwin, Cedwall, Ina, Sebby, Offa, Who would not adventure his soul sooner with thes holy Kings, Queens and Princes than with one boy and a Woman. Prince's Confessors. See marcellin in vit. Simbert. Prince's martyrs. Sigebert, Ethelred, Coenred, another Offa, Cealwolph, Eadbert, Kenred, Osbald, to whom I may add Oswin prevented by death. And 13. Queen's nuns to wit Bathildis, Ethelreda, Sexburg, kineswith, (espouse to King Offa) Eadburg, Eva, Emenild, Edelburg, Ethelburg. Canfled, Cuthburg, Werburg, Erigedida, Rictirth to whom I may add Heseswid mother to King Adolph. Besides, many King's sons as Sighord, Willibald, Winnibald, Merefin, Adelbert, and many more whose names we know not. And many Prince's Martyrs as Ruffian Wulfhale, Elbert, Egbrigh, and one Confessor S. Pumold, And many Kings and Queen's daughters that became nuns as Edelburg Eartongath Sedrido, Withburg; King's daughters Mildred, Milhith, Walburg, Etheldrida. 19 Can such admirable contempt of the world spring from the devils religion? or rather from his who in our baptism bindeth us to renounce the world and pomps thereof. Can grapes spring of thorns. Can so great virtue and holiness of life rise from the Devil, the utter enemy of virtue? or rather from God, from whom (as S. james saith) cometh all goodness? Can Protestants imagine that God revealed his truth to them, and hide it from so great Saints and servants of his as those were? Did God hide his truth from those virtuous princes and reveal it to a boy and a woman. who sought it so diligently, followed it so earnestly, and (as S. james speaketh) by their works have showed their faith, and yet notwithstanding perished everlastingly as (no doubt) must needs be both thought, and said if Protestants religion be the only truth of Christ, and Christ's truth the only way (as no doubt it is) to salvation. No hope of salvation to our Ancestors if the Cath. faith be not the faith of Christ. And therefore how soever some Ministers say that they will not judge their Forefathers, they cannot but think that these holy Princes and their people are damned (which they are a shamed to say) or that there are divers ways to heaven, which is right Atheism, or rather Antichristianisme. For if there be any other way to heaven than that which Christ taught, we make Christ a liar. But let them think as they list, I hope all men that are careful of their salvation and withal consider that as there is but one God and one Christ, so there is but one baptism and one faith, to wit the Catholic (which who keepeth not entirely shall perish everlastingly) will both think and say: Moriatur anima mea morte justorum, Athan. in Symbolo. & fiant novissima mea horum similia. Let my soul die the death of the just and let my end belike to these men. And now let us go from the Kings of a part of England to the Monarches of the whole. CHAP. XXIIII. That all the Kings of England from the Monarchy to the Conquest were Roman Catholics, proved in particular. King Egbert XIII. 1. THe thirteenth Christian King of the westsaxons and first that reduced England to a Monarchy, was King Egbert, who began his reign An. 800. & reigned 37. years, died An. 837. He was (saith Malmsb. lib. 1. Reg. cap. 2.) worthily to be preferred before all Kings, The worthiness of K. Egbert. 1 Monarch of England. And lib. 2. cap. 1. Regis Inae abnepos. King Ina his great grandchild by his brother Inegilse, suldued the minds of his subjects by clemency and meekness, and left his son great occasions of commendations. Houed. hist. pag. 407. saith he was Vir strenuissimus ac Potens: most stout and puissant. And (as all our English Chronicles testify) in his time subdued all the rest of our English Kings. Hunting. l. 4. Wallos vicit: sabdued the Welshmen. Florent An. 836. Danos fugat: Put to flight the Danes. The Roman Catholic religion of this victorious Prince is evident. His Rom. Religion. First because he suffered his son and heir Ethelwolph to be a Monk and subdeacon, as both Catholics and Protestant's affirm, & Godwin in the Bishops of Winchester saith it is certain. Whereby (saith Bale Cent. 2. cap 20.) He became the Pope's Creature by both professions. Secondly, because he committed his said son Ethelwolf to S. Swithin to be taught, as testifieth Florent. An. 827. Gotzelin, and Godwin in vit. Swithini, Surius tom. 4. And as addeth Gotzelin inter precipuos amicos numeravit. reckoned him in number of his especial friends. Now this Swithin was a Roman Catholic. For, as Bale l. cit. granteth he was a Monk, and as Malmsb. lib. 2. Pont: Gotzelin. l. cit. Westmon. An. 862. and others report wrought miracles by the sign of the Cross, is canonized by the Papists for a Saint. Thirdly because K. Kenulf (who in his time was King of midlengland, & as Malmsb. saith lib. 1. Reg. Nulli ante se Regi. Nothing inferior, in power and religion to any King before him, and whose praises shallbe advanced on high so long as there is found any indifferent judge in England, writing with all his Bish. and nobility to Pope Leo beginneth his letter thus. Domino beatissimo: To my most holy Lord and well beloved, Lord Leo the Roman Bishop of the holy, & Apostolic See, Kenulf by the grace of God King of Merchland with the Bishops, Dukes, & all Degrees of honour within our Dominions with health of most sincere affection in Christ. Infra. The sublmity of the See of Rome is our health, The prosperity of Rome, the joy of England. & the prosperity thereof our continual joy. Because whence you have your Apostolical dignity, thence had we the knowledge of the true faith. Wherefore I think it fit that the ear of our obedience be humbly inclined unto your holy commandments, & with our whole forces to fulfil what shallbe thought convenient by your holiness to perform. But now I Kenulf by the grace of God K. humbly beseech your Excellency to receive me in quiet peace into your holiness lap, & whom no means of merits do support, let the large abundance of your blessing enrich for the government of his people, that almighty God by your intercession may together with me encourage the Nation against the invasion of foreign foes which your Apostolical authority hath imbued with the rudiments of the Christian faith. Rome taught England the faith: All K. kenulph's Predecessors had the pope's blessing. This blessing have all the Kings who swayed the Mercian sceptre deserved to obtain at your Predecessors hands, this same do I in humble manner request & desire to obtain of you most holy Father, first by way of adoption to receive me as your child, as I love you in the person of a Father, & shall embrace you with the whole force of obedience. Again he saith: Excellentiae vestrae: We in most humble manner beseech your Excellency, to whom the key of wisdom is given by God. Again: With great humility & also affection we have written these to you most holy Pope, Our K. and Peers write with great humility to the Pope. beseeching in most earnest wise your Clemency kindly & justly to answer these things which we have been urged to propound. We send you here as a small token of my loving mind, that is 120. Mancuzes with letters requesting you to accept thereof in good part & vouchsafe to bestow your blessing upon us. And the Pope answering him saith ●hat this K. professed to be willing to lose his life for him, & acknowledged (saith the Pope) that Nostris Apostolicis, etc. That no Christian presumeth to go against our Apostolical Decrees. Yea Fox p. 132. speaking of this K. & the others before him saith, They wanted the knowledge & doctrine in Christ, especially in the Article of free justification in faith. Which, p. 840. he termeth the foundation of the Church and all Christianity, and therefore (saith he) they ran the wrong way. And so concludeth that Protestants truth was hidden to our forancestors, In which I verily believe him. King Ethelwolph XIIII. 2. THe 14. Christian King was Ethelwolph, son to the foresaid King Egbert, who began his reign An. 837. and reigned 20. years and odd months. He was (saith Malmsb. lib. 2. cap. 2.) by nature gentle, and more desirous of peace than of war. Virtues and valour of K. Ethelwolph. And yet (saith Malmsb. l. cit.) Danos non semel per se & suos Duces contudit: The Danes he overcame more than once by himself and his Generals. And besides other victories at Okley in Surey slew so many Danes (saith Floren: and westmon. An. 851. Houed pag. 413. and others) as never was heard in one Realm, and at one time neither before nor after. His Roman religion is most notorious. His Rom. Religion. First by that which hath been said in the life of his Father. Secondly because he procured a dispensation of the Pope because he had been a Monk and subdeacon that he might marry. which Pope Malmsb. 1. Pont. saith was Leo 3. Bale Centur. 2 cap, 20. saith was Gregor. 4. others say Leo 4. Thirdly he first sent his son Alfred to Rome to be instructed (saith Westmon. An. 854.) of the Pope in manners and religion. King's son sent to be instructed of the Pope. And after went himself, and stayed at Rome a year, and there (as all Catholic and Protestant Chronicles confess) bound all England to pay the Peter pence. Ethelw. lib. 3. cap. 3 Stow pag. 89 Coper. An. 852. Hoveden. pag. 415. Huntingt. lib. 5 Ingulp. pag. 862. Westmon An ●57. What manduka is. And as Bale pag. 116. speaketh Provinciam suam etc. He made his Country tributary to the Roman synagogue, & so (saith he) was all England made subject to the Roman Beast. Besides this he appointed every year 300. Mancuzes, which were (as Caius saith lib. 2. de antiq. cantab. pag. 287.) thirty pence a piece to be sent to Rome whereof one hundred should buy oil for light in S. Peter's Church, and one hundred for the same use in S. Paul's, and one hundred should be given saith Florent Anno. 855. universali Papae Apostolico To the Universal Apostolic Pope. The same hath Fox lib. 3. p. 136. Fourthly he gave (saith Fox) to holy Church and religious men the tenth of his goods and Lands in West-Saxons with liberty and freedom from all service and civil charge. And Fox setteth down his Charter in these words. Ego Ethelwolphus etc. The faith of King Ethelwolph and his Noble●. I Ethelwolph King of the West Saxons with the consent of my Prelates & Nobles will grant an hereditary portion of my land to be forever possessed by God & the blessed S. Marie and all the Saints of God. Behold how the King by the advise of his Bishops and Nobles giveth Land to God and his Saints, and to what purpose himself declareth in these words following, For the redemption of our souls, Good deeds for remission of sins. for the remission of our sins. Which intention, as you heard before out of Abbots & Fox, is contrary to the Protestants Gospel. And therefore Fox upon these words saith, Note the blind ignorance and erroneous teaching in these days, and addeth that they were led with pernicious doctrine to set remission of sins and remedy of souls in this donation, and such other deeds of their devotion. And further the King saith, Westmon An ●54. as Malmsb. testifieth lib. 2. cap. 2. Placuit Episcopis cum etc. It hath pleased the Bishops with the Abbots and the servants of God to appoint that all our brethren and sisters in every Church shall sing on wednesday in every week fifty psalms, K. Ethelwolph requireth Masses for him alive and dead. and every Priest two Masses, one for King Ethelwolph, & another for his Duke's consenting to this gift, for their reward & remission of their trespasses. And for the K. living let them say Oremus Deus qui iustificas etc. For the Duke also living also Praetende Domine etc. But after their death for the K. alone, & for the Duke's deceased jointly together, & this be so firmly ordained throughout all the days of Christianity even as their liberty is established, so long as faith increaseth in the English Nation. This Charter of Donation was written in the year of our Lords Incarn 844. Indict. 4. the fift day of Novemb. in the City of Winchester, in the Church of S. Peter before the head Altar. And this they did for the honour of S. Michael the Archangel & also for the blessed Marie Q. the glorious mother of God & of S. Peter the Prince of the Apostles, and in like manner of our most holy Father Pope Greg. and of all Saints. In this Chapter I note how, K. Ethelwolph commanded not in spiritual matters. not the King but Bish. appoint Priests to pray & say Masses for him, and that S. Peter is called Prince of the Apostles; the other points of Papistry therein are more evident than that I need to point to them. All England Papist in K Ethelwolhps time. And yet (as Ingulph saith p. 862.) to this chapter subscribed all the Archb. & Bishops of England, K. Bardred, & King Edmund after martyr, and Princes of a part of England under King Ethelwolph, Abbots, Abbesses, Dukes, Counts, and nobles of the whole Land, & innumerable multitude of other people. By which we may see the universal faith of our Country of that time. And in a Charter of King Berthulphus in Ingulph p. 861. The King prayeth God Quatenus pro intercessione Guthlaci etc. That through the intercession of S. Guthlack and all the Saints he would forgive me & all my people our sins. Pardon of sins asked by intercession of Saints. In this King's time An. 850. S. Wolstan nephew to two KK. was unjustly murdered, and afterward honoured by God with miracles, Florent. Chronic. Saints. Also S. jeron. an English Priest martyred in Holland, An. 849. Bale Cent. 13. cap 75. In this K. time also lived one Offa K. of Eastengland, who leaving his Kingdom, and travailing to the holy land, in old Saxony (from whence our Nation came into England) elected S. Edmund for his heir, and sent him into England: Capgraue in vit. Edmundi. Florent. An. 855. Houed. pag. 415. Stow pag. 76. King Ethelbald. XV. 3. THe 15. K. was Ethelbald elder son to K. Ethelwolph who began his reign An. 857. and reigned five years. He was at first dissolute and nought, as you may see in Malmsb. lib. 2 cap. 3. But peracta poenitentia (saith Westmon. Anno. 859.) Having done penance all the time he lived after, he governed the Kingdom with peace and justice. Wherefore Hunting. lib. 5. pag. 348. calleth him optimae indolis aevenem: a youth of very great towardness, saith that all England bewailed his death. King Ethelbert XVI. 4. THe 16. king was Ethelbert brother to the former, begun his reign An. 862. as Malmsb. hath in Fastis, and held the government five years. He was saith Ingulph pag. 863. Valour of K. Ethelbert. Validissimus adolescens, A most valiant young man and an invincible triumpher over the Danes, he stoutly for five years space governed the Kingdom. Malmsb. 2. Reg. cap. 3. saith he ruled strenuè dulciterque: Manfully and sweetly. Houed pag. 405. saith pacifice & amabiliter, peaceably and gently. In this King's time died S. Swithin Anno 862. Florent. & Westmon. in Chron. Saints. As for the Roman religion of these two Princes, His Rom. Religion. that appeareth both by what hath been said of their Father, and what shallbe said of their two brothers. King Ethelred XVII. 5. THe 17. king was Ethelred 3. son to king Ethelwolfe, Who began his reign saith Malmsb. lib. 2. cap. 3. Anno 867. and reigned 5. years, as his brothers did. Fortitude and piety of K Ethelred. Of him and his brethren Malmsb. saith, They boldly and stoutly entered battle for their Country, and addeth that this king besides ordinary skirmishes, fought 9 pitched Battles in one year against the Danes, nine battles in one year. & was oftener Conqueror: And that he slew one king of them, 9 Earlers, and innumerable people▪ which also testify Ethelwerd lib. 4. cap. 12. Hunting lib. 5. Cambd. in Brit. saith, He was Princeps long optimus. Couper Anno 863. satih he was among his subjects mild gentle, & pleasant, against his adversaries severe, fierce, and hardy. Of this Fox lib. 3. pag. 141. telleth that being to join battle with the Danes, Miracle in confirmation of Mass. his brother Alfred gave the onset while the King saith Fox, was at service and meditations, and albeit word were brought him that his brother had the worst, yet would he not saith Fox stir one foot before the service was fully complete; And addeth that through the grace of God, and their godly manhood the King coming from his service recovered the victory, & slew as Ethelwerd (who as himself saith descended of that K. lib. 4. c. 2.) saith one King, Marvelous victory. five Earls. And that I may say so (saith Ethelwerd) almost all the chiefest youth of the Barbarians, that neither before nor after was there such a slaughter heard of since the English entered Brittany. England defended by devotion to Mass. See you here this marvelous and miraculous victory confessed by Fox to be obtained by the grace of God and the devotion of the King to his service! But what service this was which God would thus approve by so miraculous a victory, and by which England was then defended from destruction of Danes, Fox was ashamed to tell. But our ancient Historiographers Florent. & Westmon. An. 871. & Houed. part. 1. pag. 416. saith plainly it was Mass said by a Priest. K. Ethelreds Rom Religion. Which alone sufficeth both to show that this King was a Roman Catholic, and that Mass is divine service. Saints. Besides that, Malmsb. writeth, that this King entered battle, cruse Dei consignatus: Signed with the cross of God. And (as Fox saith, and Godwin in the Bishops of Exeter) he builded the Abbey of Exeter. In this King's time An. 870. ex Malmsb. was holy King Edmund (Cooper saith Anno. 869. slain of the Danes because he would not forsake the faith of Christ. Westmon. 870. K. Edmund. His brother Edwald. The same hath Fox pag. 140. Florent. Anno 870. Of his great miracles wrought after his death you may see in his life, in Surius Tom. 6. His brother and heir Edwald (saith Fox l. cit. and Capgraue in vit. Edwald.) became an heremit. Duke Fremund. Fremund also saith Bale Cent. 2. cap. 22.) son of Algarus Duke of the West-Saxons, a beautiful young man, and only son, relinquished the government of the common wealth, which his parents left him, that he might follow Burchard the Monk, and was after as Capgr. saith in his life, slain of the same Danes which slew S. Edmund. Chastity of S. Ebb and her nuns. In this time also S. Ebb (saith Stow Chron. p. 101.) Abbess of Couldingham, cut of her nose and upper lip, and persuaded all the sisters to do the like, to keep her virginity from the Danes, Westmon. An. 870. who thereupon burned the Abbey and nuns therein. King Alfred the great. XVIII. 6. THe next K. was Alfred the fourth son of K. Ethelwolfe, who (as Malm. hath l. 2. c. 4.) begun his reign An. 872. & ruled 28. years & a half. The worthiness of K Alfred crowned of the Pope. He alone of all our Kings. (saith Fox l. 3. p. 141.) took his crown & unction of the Pope. And that we may see how God blessed him whom his vicar crowned and anointed, he alone for his admirable deeds both in war & peace, is surnamed the Great. And the praise which not only Catholics but also Protestants give unto him in all kind of virtues surpass in my judgement the praises of all Christian kings that ever have been. But for brevity sake, I will content myself with the praises given to him by Protestants, who (you may be assured) knowing him to be so manifest a Roman Catholic, as shall appear anon, would give him no more than he deserveth. Cambden Cambd. in Brit. pag. 243. and 331. calleth him Clarissimum & pientissimum Regem. Bale. A most renowned and godly King. Bale Cent. 2. cap. 26. saith he was Egregiae indobis & formae adolescens: A young man of a notable towardness and beauty, born unto learning and virtue He called for the best learned men to be his Counsellors and instructors: Eight hours every day he spent in reading, writing, and disputing. He governed all things with an exceeding good wit, and with singular providencie. He was esteemed an Architecter, and most perfect Geometrian, a Grammarian, a Philosopher, a Rhethorician. an Historian, physician, and no vulgar Poet. Three Colleges he founded at Oxford, one for grammarians, an other for Philosophers, the third for Divines. Of studies and the common wealth he best deserved. Cooper An. 872. Of fair stature, and comely parsonage, and no less renowned in martial policy than civil government. Stow Chron. pag. 105. Victorious Prince, studious provident for widows, Orphans and poor people, endued with wisdom, justice, fortitude, and temperance, a most discreet searcher of truth a most vigilant and devout Prince in the service of God, and divided the day and the night into three equal portions whereof the one he spent in study prayer and such things as belonged to his mind and soul, the other in eating sleeping and other excercise of the body, the third in the affairs of the common Wealth. Fox. Fox lib. 3. pag. 141. saith Amongst all the Saxon Kings hitherto is found none to be preferred or all most to be compared with this Alfred, for the great and singular qualities in this King worthy of high renown, whither we behold his valiant acts and manifold travels for his country, or his godly and excellent virtues joined with a public and tender care of the weal public or whither we respect his notable knowledge of good letters with a fervent desire to set forth the same throughout all his Realm. And p. 143. 145. giveth him high praises for continence, valour, and learning, concluding thus. This valiant virtuous and learned Prince Christianly governed his realm, And much more with great admiration of this King, which you may read in him, and in Malmsb. lib. 2. cap. 4. Hunting. lib. 5. Ethelwerd lib. 4. engulf, Florent. pag. 309. Westmon. Chron. Houed. p. 417. and others. His learning. 7. Only I will out of them note some of his virtuous. Fortitude. Of his great learning is spoken before. For his valour Bale Cent. 3. cap. 43. saith, he fougt 57 times with the Danes. Cambd. in Brit. pag. 213. Nobili praelio contudit, and pag. 444. Wisdom. Danos contudit ad libitum: He repressed the Danes at his pleasure. And as Malmsb. and others testify made them become Christians, or forswear the Realm. Malmsb. lib. 2. cap. 4. Westmon. An. 892. For his government saith Caius de Antiq. Cantab. pag. 328. Christianissimas leges scripsit & promulgavit. He writ and promulgated most Christian laws, and caused such peace as he made bracelets of gold be hung up in the high way which none durst touch. Chastity. For his chastity it was such, that as Cooper An. 872. after many Catholic writers testifieth, he desired of God sickness that he might not offend against chastity. As for his piety and devotion it was such as Florent. Westmon. An. 871. and others writ Missam audire quotidie: Devotion The religion of K. Alfred. That he daily heard mass, and said his hours and Matins, and in the night season unknown to all his servants he frequented Churches to hear service. Which alone sufficeth to show his Catholic Roman religion. But besides this (Bale & Fox l. cit. & Stow p. 99 Caius l. cit. p. 325. confess) he was crowned & anoinred of Pope Leo, & as Bale saith termed his adoptive child. & as is before said instructed of him in manners & religion. Moreover as Caius saith. In reparandis, ornandis etc. In repairing beutifying & enriching Monasteries he laboured earnestly, amongst which he builded two of great renown. But Fox reckoneth three, one at Shasburie, one at Ethling, S. Cuthbert encourageth the K. to recover England. the third at Winchester. The cause of the building his Monastery at Ethling, was because he being almost quite vanquished of the Danes, and lying there hid for a time, S. Cuthbert appeared to him bad him be of good courage assuring him both of the present vision and future victory over the Danes by a present miracle. Profess of the truth of S. cutbert's vision to K. Alfred. This vision was (as is said) confirmed then by a present miracle, and by the perfect conquest of the Danes after following, believed of this notable prudent King, and testified (as Fox p. 142. confesseth) by Malmsb. Polichron. Houed. jornalasensis & others, and yet is termed of him without any reason or testimony, a dreaming fable, only (as we may imagine) because it is said to come from S. Cuthbert For soon after p. 149. he crediteth a Vision of Egwin a Herlot, albeit it have nothing so good testimony, because therein is no mention of any Saint. Finally this excellent King in his preface before the Pastoral of Saint Gregory calleth him Christ's Vicar, & sent alms to Rome Westmon. An. 889. & also to India, to perform (saith Fox p. 142.) His vow to S. Thomas which he made during the time of his distress against the Danes. In this King's time Burdred King of Merceland forsaking his Kingdom went to Rome, A King goeth to Rome. and Anno. 889. his Queen Ethelswitha followed him. Hollemen in time of K. Alfred. In this king's time also lived S. Grimbald, whom king Alfred called out of France to teach in Oxford, and S. Neotus, Scientia (saith Bale Cent. 2. cap. 1. In knowledge and manners excelling, in counsel good, in speech wise, by whose counsel Alfred founded a school at Oxford. King Edward the elder. XIX. 8. IN the year 901. succeeded King Edward the Elder son to king Alfred, The worthiness of K. Edward son: and reigned (saith Malmsb. lib. 2. cap. 3) 23. years, others say 24. He governed the land (saith Fox lib. 3. pag. 146. right valiantly, in Princely government, and such like martial prows he was nothing inferior to his Father, but rather, exceeded him, subdued Wales & Scotland, & recovered all out of the Danes hands. The same saith Cooper An. 901. Stow p. 107. A great victory. Malmsb. l. cit. Florent and Westmon. An. 924, Houed. p. 122. And Ingulph. and Hunting. lib. 5. say that in one battle he slew two kings, and 10. Earls of the Danes. And Ethelwerd lib. 4. cap. 4. writeth that in all he slew 4. kings of them. His Rom. Religion. The Roman religion of this valiant and victorious Prince is evident. First because as king Edgar his grandchild in an oration (which Fox hath lib. 3. pag. 170.) testifieth he accounted S. Dustan his Father, helper and fellow worker in all things, chose him as Bishop and Shepherd of his soul, and keeper of his manners, obeyed him in all things, and preferred his counsel before all treasure. Secondly because he obeyed the commandment of the Pope, who threatened him excommunication if he procured divers Bishoprics to be erected, ex. Malmsb. l. cit. Cambden in Brit. p. 198. Thirdly because two of his daughters Edfled and Edburga became nuns & the third Ethelhild vowed virginity, ex Malm. l. cit. Houed. p. 421. Two daughters of King Edward nuns and the third vowed virginity. And as Bale saith Cent. 13. c. 77. Gregory a son of his, became an hermit in Swiseland. Fourthly because he took away his brothers or his brother's sons wife from him, because she had been a Nun, Hunt. lib. 5. Westmon. An. 801. In his time lived the said S. Edburg his daughter, Saints. and S. Fristan Bishop of Winchester a man (saith Godwin in his life) highly esteemed of, for his learning, but much more for his great virtue and holiness. King Athelstan. XX. The Worthiness of K. Ethelstan. 9 IN the year 924. succeeded king Athelstan, son to king Edward, and held the Crown. 16. years, ex Malm. lib. 2. cap. 6. He was (saith Fox p. 147. Cooper. An. 925. and Stow p. 107.) a Prince of worthy memory, valiant, and wise in all his acts, and brought this Land to one Monarchy: For he expelled the Danes, subdued the Scots quieted the Welshmen. The like saith Bale Cent. 2. cap. 22. and also Catholic writers, as you may see in Malmsb. l. cit. Hunt. lib. 5. Houed. pag. 422. His religion. His Roman religion is most evident. For going to the Battle of Brumford against many kings, and innumerable enemies, Ingulpg. Florent. An. 938. Hunt. lib. 5. pag. 422. he visited (saith Ingulph) S. john of Beverley by the way, with great devotion, and God so blessed his devotion as in the battle he slew (saith Malmsb) the king of Scots, & five kings more, A wonderful victory. 12. Earls, innumerable multitude of his enemies, and got one of the greatest victories that ever English won. And in his return gave great gifts and privileges to S. john of Beutrley, and made it a sanctuary for all debtor and Malefactors, Ex Ingulph, and Cambd. in Brit. pag. 636. Besides he was, saith Ingulph and Malmsb, greatly delighted with a piece of the holy Cross, How K. Ethelstad esteemed relics. and Crown of thorns which Hugh king of France sent unto him: Made S. Aldhelm his Patron, Cambd. p. 210. Built (saith Fox pag. 149) the two Monasteries of Midleton and Mithelney for his brother's soul. Why Kings builded monasteries. Whereby (saith Fox) it may appear that the especial cause of building Monasteries in those days was for the releasing sins both of them departed and of them alive, which cause, saith he, how it standeth with Christ's (Luther's) Gospel, let the Christian Reader try with himself. Thus Fox, which confession of his may suffice to show how all that king's time all the Realm was Roman Catholic. All Christendom of the same faith with K. Ethelston. And how all Christendom abroad agreed with him in religion appeareth by the marriage of his sisters to the Emperor, king of France, & other Christian Princes. In this king's time befell a miracle in Duke Elfred whom the king sent to Rome to purge himself of treason by his oath before S. Peter's sepulchre. Miracle by S Peter. But (saith the K. in his charter, which Fox pag. 148. Malmsb and others have,) having taken his oath, he fell before the Altar, and was carried by the hands of his servants to the English school, and the next night after he ended his life. Then also lived Saint Birnstan Bishop of Winchester Qui etc. saith Florent. An. 932. Malm. Polichron: Saints. Houed. jornelacensis & others more as Fox confesseth p. 148. who daily song mass for the quiet rest of the souls departed. King Ewmund XXI. 10. THe 21. Christian King was Edmund son to the foresaid Edward, who began (saith Malmesb.) An. 940. Worthiness of K Edmund. and reigned six years and a half. He was (says Cooper An. 940. and Stow p. 108.) a man by nature disposed to nobleness and justice. Huntin. lib. 5. calleth him invictum, unconquered, & saith omnia illi faeliciter successisse: all things fell out happily to him: And Fox lib. 3. pag. 130. writeth that he achieved noble victories against his enemies, and set his study in maintaining & redressing the state of the Church, which stood all then in building of Monasteries & Churches, His Religion. and furnishing them with new possessions. and restoring the old▪ Infra. In the time of this king Edward or shortly after, Straight life used for merit sake hardness, restraint of life with superstition were had in veneration, & men for merit sake with God gave themselves to lead a straight life. which alone would suffice to show of what religion this King was. Besides, that (as Stow saith p. 108. Florent. An. 942. Westmon. An. 940. Houed p. 423.) he was altogether counseled & lead by S. Dunstan, at whose request he re-edified Glossenburie, and made S. Dunst●n Abbot thereof with a Chapter extant in Malmsb. lib. 2. cap. 7. He granteth many privileges to Glossenburie for hope of aeternal reward and forgiveness of his sins, In thi● King's time lived his wife S. Elfegia who (saith Ethelwerd lib. 4. cap. 6.) was canonised after her death, Saints. and miracles wrought at her tomb. King Edred. XII. 11. The 22. Christian King was Edred, third son of King Edward. He entered An. 946. and held the crown nine years and a half, as Malmsb. hath lib. 2. cap. 7. The worthiness of K. Edred and his virtue. His magnanimity (saith he) did not degenerate from his Father and brethren. He subdued the Northumber's and Scots. He humbled himself to the feet of holy men devoted his life to God and S. Dunstan by whose counsel he made his court a school of virtue. Thus Malm. Cooper An. 946. Stow Chron. pag. 108. saith he was a great maintainer of honesty & most abhorred naughty & unruly persons, in feats of arms much commended, whereby he kept in obeissance the Northumber's and Scots and exiled the Danes. His religion. As for his Roman religion there can be no doubt. For as Fox writeth pag. 152. He was much ruled by the Counsel of S. Dunstan, in so much as in histories he is reported to have subjecteth himself to much penance inflicted on him by S. Dunstan: Such zealous devotion (saith he) was then in Princes. And as Florent. An. 955. Malmsb. l. cit. Houed. pag. 423. Westmon. An. 955. writ, when he fell sick Accersivit etc. he sent for blessed Dunstan his confessor. Ingulph saith Above all the Kings his Predecessors he had the purest conscience, and a special devotion to S. Paul. And p. 876. he citeth his Chapter in the which he erected a new the Abbey of Crowland as he saith In the regard of the redemption of my soul and is sorry that by the destruction of that monastery, prayers for the souls of the kings his prodecessors have been intermitted. To which Chapter subscribe two Arcbishops, 4. Bishops, many Abbots, and Earls. And Stow pag. 198. saith the King sealed this Charter with seals of gold. King Edwin. XXIII. 12. IN the year 955. (saith Malmsb. l. 2. c. 7.) succeeded Edwin, son to king Edmund, & reigned 4. years. He was so beautiful as Ethelwerd lib. 4. c. 8. saith he was commonly called Pancalus, but as Malmsb. he abused his beauty to lewdness, for which and for banishing of S. Dunstan (writeth Cooper An. 955.) he was audible to his subjects. Fox pag. 152. addeth that he was deposed of the Northumber's and mercians, & Edgar chosen in his place, yet as it seemeth he amended. For Hunting. l. 5. writeth that he ruled his kingdeme not without commendation, & Osbern in vit. Dunstani writeth, that by the prayers of S. Dunstan he was at his death delivered from the Devils. His Roman religion appeareth by the possession which, as Malmsb. saith, Religion of K. Edwin. he gave S. Aldelm, whose body, saith he, was then found, and in scrinio locatum, placed in a shrine. In the Register of the Abbey of Bury she is said, to have given to that Monastery the town of Becklis, and divers other things. King Edgar. XXIIII. 13. THe 24. K. was Edgar, second son to king Edmund, who began his reign, (saith Malmsb. lib. 2. cap. 8.) Anno 959. and reigned 16. years. The praises of K. Edgar. The praises which both Catholics and Protestants give to this king are exceeding. Malmsb. calleth him honour & delitiae Ang: The honour and delight of English men, and saith that inter Anglos etc. amongst English men the report is, that no King neither of his or any former age in England, is to be compared with Edgar. Ingulph an ancient & grave author p. 889. saith he was flos & decus &c. The flower and ornament of all his Ancestors, and the mirror of the Western climate of the world, the beauty glory and rose of Kings. Florent An. 975. and Houed. p. 426. add, that he was as worthy to be remembered of Englishmen, as Romulus of Romans, Syrus of Persians, Alexander of Macedonians, Arsaces of Parthians, Charles the great of the French. Huntingdon lib. 5. p. 356. saith Edgar the peaceable, a King magnificent, a second Solomon, in his days the Land was much bettered, he was most devout to God, he built many Monasteries. And Malmsb. saith that in the year 1052. (which was about a hundred years after his death) his body was found Nullius labis conscium void of corruption, and that it wrought miracles. The like praises do the Protestants afford him. Cooper An. 959. A Prince of worthy memory, for his manifold virtues gratly renowned, so excellent in justice and sharp correction of vices as well in his Magistrates as other subjects, that never before his day was used less felony and extortion. Of mind valiant and hardy, & very expert in martial policy. The like saith Stow Chron. pag. 109. Fox Acts. lib. 3. pag. 154. saith he was much given to all virtuous, and princely acts, worthy of much commendation and famous memory, excellent in justice, maintained the godly, loved the modest, Fox calleth this King a Poehnix. was devout to God, and beloved of his subjects whom he governed in much peace and quietness, so God did bl●sse him with abundance of peace. No year passed in the time of his Reign in which he did not some singular and necessary commodity for the common wealth. A great mantainer of religion and learning. He had in readiness 2600. ships (The same say Florent. and Westmon. Anno 975. Houed. pag. 426.) of war, and made 8. The religion of K. Edgar. King's to row him in a boat, he setting at the stern & guiding it. The Roman religion of this renowned K. is manifest. For Fox l. cit, Ingulph pag. 885. saith He was a great Patron of Monkish religion, builded, (as some say) as many Monasteries as there be sondays in the year, or as Edner reporteth 48. pag. 156. Edgar was seduced by Dunstan, who was drowned in all superstition and did seven years penance at Dunstan's appointment. And pag. 161. and 169. reciteth an oration in King Edgar which also is in Stow pag. 111. wherein the King speaketh thus to the Clergy. It belongeth to me to rule the lay people, It belongeth to me to provide necessary things to the Ministers of the Church to the flock of Monks. Behold how he distinguisheth between governing lay people, and providing for clergy. Item he complaineth there that Priests crowns are not broad nor lay people, and providing for clergy. Item he complaineth there That Priests crowns are not broad nor their rownding convenient, and that they came not devoutly to Mass, Constantins sword in the King's hand S. Peter in the Bishop's hands. and saith to the Bishops, I have Constantins sword, and ye have Peter's sword in your hands, let us join right hands, let us cuple sword to sword that the Lepers may be cast out of the Temple. Touching which oration, Fox noteth the religious zeal and devotion of Kings, and the blind (saith he) ignorance and superstition of that time in both estates Ecclesiastical and civil in esteeming Christ's religion chiefly to consist in giving to Churches and maintaining of Monkery, wherein it appeareth (saith he) how ignorant that time was of the true doctrine of Christ's faith. K. Edgar's time knew not the Protestant's Doctrine. And putteth this note in the margin. The doctrine of justification unknown. Bale Cent. 2. cap. 34. saith Edgarus etc. Edgar earnestly serving the desires of Monks, And by the enchantments of Dunstan, Ethelwald, and Oswald, being made an Image of the Beast, did speak only as they gave him breath, & all things than were ruled at their beck. Ingul. pag. 883. setteth down his Charter of Peterborowh, wherein he calleth S. Peter Superum janitorem. The porter of heaven, and saith he appointeth there a market for divers good purposes both of temporal and spiritual profits, that God's ministers may be helped more near at hand, and that the Christian people meeting there amidst worldly affairs may demand God's help, Note. whiles by demanding S. Peter's protection and by hearing the mystery of Mass according to the faith of each one the faults of divers sins may therein be redeemed. And again: Hanc regiferam libertatem etc., we have procured this royal liberty according to the primitive institution thereof, to be strenghned from the See of the Apostolic Roman Church, by the author himself of this writing most reverend Ethelwald. And to this Charter subscribe two Archbishops, three Bishops, many Abbots, Dukes, and nobles. And Malmsb. l. cit. citeth an other Charter of that king granted to Glassenburie, which he requested to be confirmed by Pope john 12. which Pope confirmed it saying that he took the Monastery in protectione Romanae Ecclesiae & beatorum Apostolorum Petri & Pauli: In protection of the Roman Church and the blessed Apostles Saint Peter and Paul. In this king's time lived Saint Merwin saith Florent. Saints in this King his tyme. An. 967. whom he made Abbess of Rumsey, and confirmed that Monastery (saith Stow pag. 113.) in the presence of all the Nobility. Also Saint Editha his own daughter, who from her infancy was brought up in a Monastery, and would not refuse that life to enjoy the crown after her brother King Edward's death. Also S. Elsted a nun whose life and miracles you may read in Capgraue. S. Edward Martyr XXV. 14. I In the year 975. begins S. Edward the Martyr saith Malmsb. lib. 2. cap. 9●. son to King Edgar, The virtues of K. Edward martyr. and reigned three years, who did (saith he) follow the steps of his Eathers religion and yield both ear & mind to good Council. Engulf pag. 889. saith he was a simple and most holy young man, following much his Father in manners. Cooper An. 975, and S●ow pag, 113. say he was in all kind of honest virtues comparable to his Father Edgar, began his sovereignty with much modesty and mildness, & worthily favoured of all. Fox Acts. pag. 159 Authors describe him to be a virtuous and noble Prince, much pitiful & bountiful to the poor. And Caius de Antiq. Cantab: Miracles. pag. 294. saith he is worthily termed a martyr. Cooper An 977. saith after his death God showed for him many miracles, which also testify Malmsb. l. cit. Westmon. Anno. 979. and others. whereby the Reader make perceive what account he may make of Fox, who l. cit. calleth them tales. His religion. His Roman religion is manifest partly by what hath been said of his Father, partly because Fox saith l. cit. He was by Dunstan's means elected and consecrated. Which also testify Malmsb. l. cit. Florent. Anno 975. And because as Fox & the same Author's testity he stood with Saint Dun●●an against Priests Wives. Saints. In this King's time lived three great Saints S. Dunstan S. Ethelwald & S. Oswald, of whom we will speak in the time of the next King when they died. King Egelred. XXVI. 15. IN the year 979. saith Malmsb. lib. 2. cap. 10. succeeded King Egelred, son to King Edgar, and reigned 37. years. Who (as say Florent An. 978. Qualities of K. Egelred. Houed. p. 427. and Cooper An. 978. was Moribus elegans pulcher vultu & decorous aspectu. excellently mannered of fair fa●e and gracious countenance. His Roman religion is manifest, by what hath been said of hi● Father. His religion. Secondly because his mother built two Monasteries one at Amsbury, an other at Whorwel and became a Nun Cambd. in Brit. pag. 177. 221. 228. and as Malmsb. l. cit. saith Corpus silicio, etc. She wrapped her-bodie in hair cloth. In the night laid on the ground without pillow she took her sleep etc. Thirdly because in his time lived these notorious Papists S. Dunstan, S. Ethelwald, and S. Oswald. Fourthly because he confirmed the Charter of Euisham Monastery, & libertatis privilegium, etc. And the privilege of the liberty confirming, signed it with the sign of the Cross, Cambd. in Brit. pag. 327. Fiftly because he received the Legate of Pope john 15. and by him made peace with the Duke of Normandy, Miracles. Malmsb. l. cit. In this time was S. Edward, King and martyrs body found incorrupt An. 979. Houed. pag. 407. Then also lived S. Dunstan of whom some thing hath been said in the Archbishops, Saints. & S. Ethelwald Bishop of Winchester, who (saith Godwin in his life) was a great Patron of Monks and no less enemy to married Priests. And S. Oswald Archb. of York whom Godwin confesseth to have been very learned and for his integrity and conversation much reverenced. The greatest fault (saith he) I find in him was, in that he was very earnest in setting forth that doctrine of Devils that debarreth men (who have promised to God the contrary) from marrying. In this time also was martyred S. Elpheg Archb. of Canterbury, And S. Edmund King and martyr miraculously flew Swain King of Denwark (as in the Ecclesiastical histories it is reported of Saint Mercury Martyr that he slew julian the Apostata) This miracle Fox himself dare not discredit, but lib. 3. pag. 161. writeth thus of Swain. Miracle. He entered the Territory of Saint Edmund, wasted and spoiled the country, despised the holy Martyr menacing the place of his sepulchre. Wherefore the men of the Country fell to prayer and fasting, so that shorlie after Swain died suddenly crying and yelling. Some say (saith he) that he was strooken with the sword of S. Edmund. In fear whereof Canutus his son granted them the freedom of all their liberties and great freedoms, quitted them of all tax and tribute. And after that time it was used that Kings of England when they were crowned sent their Crowns for an offering to S. Edmund's shrine, and redeemed the same again with condign price. And these times were so evidently Papistical, as Fox in his Protestation before his Acts saith thus: About the year of our Lord 980. sprung forth here in England, (as did in other places more,) a Romish kind of Monkery much drowned in supestition. Of this swarm was Egbert, Agelbert, Egwin, Boniface, Wilfrid, Agathon, james, Roman, Cedda, Dunstan, Oswald, Athelm, Lanfrancke, Anselm and such other. But well it is that this james was (as S. Beda saith lib. 2. c. 20.) a good & godly man, & Deacon to S. Paulin, who was S. Austin's companion, by whom we may see the religion of S. Austin and his fellows. Agilbert, Agatho, Wilfrid, Roman, Cedda, were holy men much commended by Beda lib. 3. cap, 25. and lived in S. Augustine's time, or very soon after, long before this time. The others Egbert, Boniface, Danstan, Oswald, Anselm, were the famousest Saints which England hath. King Edmund Ironside XXVII. 16. THe 27. Christian King was Edmund Ironside, son unto King Egelred, who succeeded An. 1016. and reigned one year. The valour of K. Edmund Ironside. He was (saith Malmsb. lib. 2. cap. 10. a young man of notable towardliness of great strength both of mind and body, and therefore surnamed Ironside of the English men. The like say Hunting lib. 6. Westmon. Anno 1016. Cooper Anno 1016. and Fox Acts Pag. 162. wri●e that he was of lusty and valiant courage in martial affairs both hardy and wise, and could endure all pain. His religion. His Roman religion is manifest by that as the Register of Bury saith he re-edified Glassenburie destroyed (as it seemeth) by the Danes, and by what hath been said of his Father. King Canut. XXVIII. 17. THe 28. king was king Canut, a Dane who by force of arms and dint of sword got the kingdom, beginning his reign Anno. 1017. and reigned 20. years, Composed (saith Malmsb. lib. 2. c. 11.) his life magna civilitate & fortitudine. Virtues of K. Canut. Of whom Hunting: lib. 6. Polidor. L. and others recount this story, Fox p. 164. That as he sat by the sea side his flatterers magnifying him, called him Lord of the land and sea, whose flattery to discover he commanded the waves not to come near him, but they rising according to their course bewet the king, whereat he smiling said to his coutriers, lo he whom ye call Lord of Sea and land cannot command a small wave. Cooper An. 1018. saith he was a sage gentle and moderate Prince. And An. 1027. for his virtuous life worthy to live perpetually. He was of great magnificence, & used such justice & temperance that in his days was no Prince of such renown, towards God humble and lowly. Bale Cent. 2. cap. 45. saith, he was juvenis etc. a young▪ man of excellent wit and high mind and notable in Christian modesty. That great king who was withal king of Denmark and Norway was evidently a Roman His religion. Catholic. First because after the said speech of his, touching the Sea, he went to Winchester as Fox pag. 163. Bale l. cit. Stow pag. 120. Florent. Houed. An. 131. Hunting. l. cit. and others writ, and taking his crown from his head set it upon the head of the crucifix. Quo etc. (saith Bale) By which he signified that the Kings of those times were no Kings, but only the likeness of Kings and Images of the Beast. Secondly Fox pag. 163. writeth that following much the superstition of Agelnoth Archb. of Canterbury he went on Pilgrimage to Rome, and there founded an hospital for Pilgrims, gave to the Pope precious gifts, and burdened the Land with a tribute called, Romescot. In his letters to the Nobles and Bishops of England in Malmsb. and Ingulph himself saith that he went oratum etc. to pray for the redemption of my sins, and saith that he had long vowed it, and thancketh God that he had there honoured S. Peter and Saint Paul, and all the holy places of Rome. Et ideo hoc maxim, etc. And therefore I have done this principally because I have learned of wise men, that Saint Peter the Apostle hath received great power of our Lord of binding and losing, and that he is the Porter of heaven, and therefore I thought it very profitable to require especially his protection with God. Thirdly in his Charter in Malmsburie he saith, he granteth privileges to that Monastery by the counsel of the Archbishop Agelnoth and also of all the Priests of God, and with the consent of all my Peers for the love of the Kingdom of heaven, and pardon of my offences, and the relaxations of the transgressions of my brother King Edmund. Whereby we see that both himself and his Bishops and nobles were Roman Catholics. Fourthly he built (saith Fox l. cit. Cambd. Brit. pag. 415.) Saint Bennets in Norfolk, and turned Saint Edmund's Bury into an Abbey of Monks, And Bale libro cit. addeth, It is found that next after God he endeavoured to appease Saint Edmund by prayers and offerings. King Herold. XXIX. 18. IN the year 1036. succeeded King Herold son to King Canut by Elfgina an English woman, as witnesseth Ingulph, and reigned 4. years and 4. months, ex Malmsburie lib. 2. cap. 12. His Roman religion is manifest both by his Father, Rom. region of K. Herold. & by that which Ingulph writeth of him pag. 895. He gave to the Monastery of Crowland a Cloak of silk set with golden buttons which he wore at his coronation, and he had done to us many more good things if over hasty death had not taken him away. King Hardy Canut. XXX. 19 THe 30. King was king Hardi-Canut, son to king Canut & Emma, who had been wife to king Egelreld. Began his reign An. 1040. & ruled two years. He showed (faith Malm. l. 2. c. 12.) exceeding great pity of mind towards his brother S. Edmund the Confessor. Rom. religion of K. Hardi Canute. His Roman religion appeareth both by his Father, & because as testifieth Registrum Burinense Dedit S. Edmundo libertatem. King S. Edward Confessor. XXXI. Virtues of K. Edward Confessor. 20. IN the year 1042. Edward Confessor & son to the foresaid king Egelred began his reign, and reigned 24. years. He was (saith Malmsb. lib. 2. cap. 13.) devout unto God and therefore directed by him, whilst he reigned, all thing at home and abroad were quiet and calm. He slew by his Captains Machetat king of Scots, and put another in his place, & brought wales into the form of a Province under England. Illud celeberime fertur etc. That is most famously reported that he never touched any woman's chastity. And Florent. An. 1066. calleth him Decus Anglorum, The honour of Englishmen. But who will see more of his virtues may read his life written by a most ancient and grave Author in Surio Tom. 1. This only I will not omit, that to him did God first give the virtue of curing the kings evil and the cramp, from whom all our Princes since have received it. Fox lib. 3. pag. 164. and Cooper An. 1043. say that he was a man of gentle and soft spirit, The like Cambd. in Brit. p. 330. Bal. Cent. 2. cap. 12. Stow. pag. 121. never dealt with his wife fleshly, guided the Kingdom with much wisdom and justice, from whom issued as out of a fountain, much godliness pity & liberality towards the poor, gentleness and justice towards all men, and in all honest life he gave a a virtuous example to his people. Bal. supra. And pag. 16. calleth him virtuous and blessed King. Cooper pag. 1065. addeth That he purged the old laws and piked out of them certain which were most profitable for the Commons. To these high praises Stow Chron. 122. adjoineth that God greatly glorified him in his life by wonderful signs, The religion of K. Edward Confes. and cured the king's evil. Now let us see what the religion of this great and holy king was. First he vowed to God, that if he got the crown he would go, to Rome on Pilgrimage, Westmon. An. 1049. Ealred in vita Edwardi. Secondly, when his people would not suffer him to leave the Land for fear of the Danes invasion, he demanded dispensation, and obtained it of Pope Nicholas. 2. Nichol. in ep. ad Edwardum. Ealred in vita: Thirdly, sent two Abbots to a council held at Rheims by Pope Leo, Florent. and Houed. Anno. 1050. Fourthly he built the Monastery of Westminster: principally for the love (saith Camb. in Brit. pag. 376. of the chief Apostle, whom he honoured with a special & peculiar affection. Fiftly, whiles he was at Mass, God revealed unto him the drowning of the K. of Denmark which intended to invade England. Houed. An. 1066. Ealred in vit. Sixtly, Pope Nicol. writing to him, thanketh God that King Edward had love to S. Peter and with us he consented in all the Apostolical Decrees, and therein absolved him from his vow, & Westminster from all Episcopal jurisdiction, and saith that to him and his successors we commit the advousion, and tuition of all the Churches of England that in any place you may determine by the Counsel of the Bishops and Abbots what things be just and right. Whereupon Bale l. cit. saith: That sub Nicolao 2. facti sunt Anglorum Reges etc. under Pope Nicolas 2. the Kings of England were made the Pope's Vicars. seventhly, writing to the Pope. He professeth the Pope's supremacy, In which (as Protestant's say) the essence of a Papist consists, in these plain words, To the chief Father of the universal Church Nicolas, Edward by the grace of God K. of England due obedience. Ealred in vit. And in his laws in Fox pag. 166. appointed that a King shall swear upon the Evangelists and blessed relics of Saints that he will maintain the holy Church with all integrity. And so manifest it is, that this K. & our Country in his time were Roman Catholics, as Sir Edward Cook the King's Attorney in F. Garnets' Arainment (which since is printed) openly called, the time of Edward Confessor. Henry 1. Edward 1. Richard 2. Henry 4, and ●. the very midnight of Popery, That times of England most flourishing which Protest: confess to have been Papistical. which were in truth the most flourishing times, that ever England saw. For what King have we in virtue comparable to King Edward Confessor? in wisdom, to King Henry the first? in valour and victories to King Edward the first, the Conqueror of Scotland? and Henry 4. of England, and Henry the fift Conqueror of France? King Herold. XXXII. 21. THe 32. and last King of the Saxons was King Herold who took the crown An. 1066. and held it not one year. Valour of K. Herold. He was saith Cooper An. 1066. valiant and hardy. Florent. An. 1066. saith he was left successor by Saint Edward and chosen of all the nobles of England and crowned of Aldred Archb. of york & began to put down unjust laws & to set up just to become a Patron of Monasteries, to honour and reverence Bishops Abbot's Monks and Clerks, to show himself pious humble and affable, to hate malefactors and to labour by sea and Land for defence of his Country he overthrew the king of Norway in a great battle, but was soon after himself slain and England conquered in a rueful battle in Sussex by William Duke of Normandy and after king of England. His Rom. Religion. His Roman religion is manifest both by what hath been said of king Edward, and because as Cambd. hath in Brit pag. 384. Waltham Monastery he founded in the honour of the holy Cross where he made his vows for victory against the Normans. Westmon An. 1066. saith, oravit ante crucem He prayed before the Cross. Thus you see the Roman Catholic religion deduced not only from all our Christian kings for the 200. years unto the Monarchy but also from the monarchy all the Saxons time unto the conquest thereof by the Normans for the space of 266. years: in which time two of the said Kings have been Saints to wit Saint Edward martyr and Saint Edward Confessor. Three have gone on Pilgrimage to Rome, namely king Ethelwolph king Alfred the great and king Canut: To whom we may add king Burdred and king Edward Confessor who would have gone. Two kings daughters Saints namely S. Edburga daughter to king Edward and S. Editha daughter to king Edgar. And if we will know why God permitted our Country to be subdued of strangers. It was saith Malmsb. lib. 3. in Guilielmo. 1. because the studies of learning and religion had decayed, Not a few years before the Normans coming the Clergy could scarce stamer out the words of the Sacraments, he which knew his grammar was a wonder and a miracle to the rest, Monks were fine in apparel and had every kind of meat indifferent making a mockery of their rule, The nobles givin to glutonie and Venery did not go to Church in the morning after the manner of Christians but in their chambers dallying with their wives heard only the solemnisation of their wives heard only the solemnisation of Matins and Mass by a Priest, making much haste therein. Every one commonly was given to tippling continuing in this exercise nights as well as days, whereon vices ensued companions of drunkenness. But I would not have these sayings to be understood of all. I knew many of the clergy at that time walked the path of sanctity in true simplicity. I knew many lay-men of all sorts and conditions within this same country pleased God. Hunting. also lib. 6. writeth that before the Conquest, a man of God told them that for their sins in murder and treason, and because they were given to drunkenness and carelessness of the service of God, there should come from France a Lord that should depress them for ever, and not only they but the Scots also should rule over them to their deserved confusion. S. Edmund also prophesied of this conquest of England which though Fox pag. 165. call but a dream yet the event following showeth it was too true a vision. CHAP. XXV. That the Kings of England from the Conquest to King Edward 3. time, were Roman Catholics proved in particular. 1. THe 33. King of England was William the Conqueror who entered this Land An. 1066. and reigned 21. years. He got the crown of this Realm partly by dint of sword and conquest, partly by the grant of King Edward Confessor, whose cousin German removed he was. For as himself saith in his Charter, in Cambd. in Brit. pag. 111. What right K. Will. had to the Crown of England. He got the Kingdom by the help of the grant of God and of his cousin glorious King Edward, who appointed him his adopted heir to the Kingdom of England. And Guitmundus in oratione ad Regem, saith: He got England by the gift of God and by the friendship of Edward his Kinsman. And Ingulph who then also lived, saith. An. 1065. Edward chose William and sent Robert Archb. of Canterb. who should declare it unto him. And pag. 911. In the Kindred and consanguinity of Edward our famous King, William framed his conscience to invade England. Paris pag. 1057. It is said that blessed S. Edward gave the Kingdom to William as a Legacy on his death bed. The like hath Walsing. ypodigm pag. 28. Houed. pag. 609. and others. Finally Fox Acts pag. 165. King Edward thought to make Edgar Adeling his heir, but fearing partly the mutability of English men partly the malice and pride of Herold and others, perceiving thereby that be should not so well bring his purpose to pass directed solemn Ambassadors to the Duke of Normandy assigning and admitting him to be his lawful heir next to succeed him after to the Crown. And King William trusting to the right of this title offered Herold (as Fox pag. 166. 167. and others writ) to try their two titles before the Pope, but Herold refusing, William nevertheless sent and got his title approved by the Pope's judgement. This King saith Hunting. lib. 6. pag. 370. was wise, Valour and virtues of K. William Conq. but crafty, rich but covetous, vainglorious but loving his reputation, loving to the servants of God, hard to this withstanders, the only author of peace that a little girl loaden with gold might pass tbrough England untouched. The like hath Malmsb. lib. 3. and Cooper An. 1067; Bale Cent. 2. cap. 56. addeth that he was of great courage and excellent in the knowledge of warlike affairs. His Rom. religion. His Roman religion is manifest. First because as Westmon. An. 1085. and others writ, Paris. An. 185. Every day he was present at Mass heard matins laud's Evensong with the Canonical hours, K. Will. Conq. heard every day Mass matins and Houred. neither would he suffer even upon most urgent and difficult affairs, himself to be hindered. In the mean season he ceased not to kneel and to pray devoutly. Secondly because as soon as he had gotten the victory he sent Herold's Standard to the Pope. Stow in Herold, Cambd. in Brit. Thirdly he built two Monasteries one at Battle in Sussex orarent: that they might pray saith Westmon. An. 1067. Paris 1066. Pro ibi mortuis for the dead there. And an other at Cane in Normandy. Fourthly he made his daughter Cecilia a Nun: K. Will. daughter a Nun. Paris An. 1075. Stow. pag. 177. S. Osmund was so inward with this King as Bale saith Cent. 13. cap. 14. That he could not be absent scarce any time from King William's presence. And yet as he both there saith, and Fox Acts pag. 184. Godwin in the Bishop of Salisbury, this Osmund in the year 1076. was author of the office or manner of saying Mass matins and administering Sacraments after the use of Sarum which (say they) was afterward in a manner received through all England Wales and Ireland. sixtly Pope Alexander writing to him ep. 10. saith Among the Princes and rulers of the world we understand the notable form of your religion, and writeth to him to persist in the study of most Christian devotion. And Pope Greg. 7. whom Protest. call Hilddebrand, Love between P. Hildebrand and K. Williliam. and hate most of all the Popes lib. 1. ep. 31. calleth King William, the most loving and principal son of the Roman Church. And ep. 69. saith: That King William rejoiced in his promotion, and showed all the affection of a good son from his heart. And l. 6. ep. 30. We loved always King William peculiarly amongst the rest of that dignity. And lib 7. ep. 26. saith, that his Queen Mathildis offered him what soever we would have of theirs he might have it without delay. And lib. 7. ep. 5. saith, That the King of England although that in some things he behaved himself not so religiously, notwithstanding because he would not consent to enter into league against the Sea Apostolic with some, that were enemies to the Cross of Christ, being requested thereto but compelled by oath the Priests to leave wives, the lay men to pay the tenths which they detained, is praysworthie sufficiently and more to be honoured than other Kings. This thus Pope that then lived. seventhly King William although he deposed almost all the old English nobility, yet he took not upon him to depose any one Bishop or Abbot but procured Pope Alexander to send down two Legates to do it. eightly, K. Will. Conq. took not upon him to depose Bishops or dispose of Bishoprics. King William preferred Lanfrank to the Archbishopric of Canterbury as all know, whom the protestants confess to have been a notorious Papist. Ninethly, he glorieth in his death bed (as Stow Chron. pag, 171. Baron An. 1084. and an other author then present write) that he had increased 9 abbeys of Monks, What account K. Will. made of Monasteries. and one of Nonne●, and that in his days 17. monasteries of Monks and six of nuns were builded: With such compass, saith he, Monasteries fence of Countries. Normandy is fenced and all things which any noble men in Lands or Rents have given to God or Saints for their spiritual health, I have courteously granted and confirmed their Charters. These studies I have followed from my first years. This I leave unto mine heirs to be kept in all times. In this my children follow me continually, that here and for ever before God and men you may be honoured. Finally as Stow p. 174. and the said Author's report, b●ing to give up the ghost, K. William's last words praying to our ladies with great devotion he lift up his eyes to Heaven, and holding abroad his hands said, I commend my soul unto our blessed Lady Marie Mother of God, that she ●y her holy prayers may reconcile me to her most dear son our Lord jesus Christ. And with these words (saith Stow) he presently yielded up the ghost. And pag. 176. he addeth that he was buried at a Mass, and that the Preacher desired all to pray for the dead Prince. This was the end of this victorious and undoubted Catholic King. Fox his confess: of the Cath. time under K. William Conq. and since. 2. And so Catholic these times since the Conquest have been, as Fox Acts pag. 167. speaking after his manner saith, Before the Conquest infection and corruption of religion was great, but in the times following it did abound in excessive measure. Which he said only because the histories of the times following are more exant & perfect, and so afford more plain and more frequent testimony of the Catholic faith then those of the former times, though they as you see afford sufficient. Bilson also of Obed. pag. 321. saith that the Pope enforced upon the Normans the headship of the Church. Wherein he confesseth that the Normans admitted a chief point of Papistry. Saints in K. William's time. In this king's time lived that holy Queen of Scotland S. Margaret grandchild unto king Edmund Ironside, whose holy life is written by Tungat an English man Bishop of S. Andrews in Scotland. Who was saith Bale Cent. 2. cap. 60. oculatissimus testis Virtutum eius: a most certain eye witness of her virtues. And Fox Acts. pag. 185. calleth her virtuous and devout lady. And yet was she a manifest Papist. For being to die she called for Priests, and made her confession, Florent An. 1093. malb. l. 4. and was anoiled and houseled, as testify the said Turgot, Houed. An. 1093. Hunting. lib. 7. pag. 373. and others. In her life time She was a maintaner of piety, justice, peace, Holiness of Q. Margaret. frequent in prayer, who punished her body with fasting and watching▪ and of this holy Queen is his present Majesty descended by both the Royal lines of England and Scotland. In this kings time also lived Berengarius a French Deacon, who is the first that is named to have denied the real presence of Christ's body and blood in the Eucharist, as the holy Church teacheth saith malmsb. l. 3. who lived about that time. The same denied some ancient heretics in S. Ignatius time as he testifieth ep: ad Smyrn. but nameth none. But they were then so fully put down, as from thence to Berengarius (which is almost a thousand years) none is found to have denied Christ's real presence in the Sacrament, Berengar. who denied the real presence denied also marriage and baptism of Infants. Massou. Annal. franc. lib. 3. besides such as denied that he had any real body at all. Berengarius denied also marriag to be lawful and the baptism of Infants, as Durand then Bishop of Liege writeth in his epistle to Henry then King of France tom. 3. Biblio. Sanctor. in fine. and Protestants confess, namely Oecolampadius l. 3. p. 710. Crispin l. of the Church p. 289. But at last this Berengarius recanted all his heresies and died a good Catholic, as the said Malm. witnesseth. Against him wrote our great learned Prelate Lanfranc & many others. King Willam Rufus XXXIIII. 3. THe 34. Christian King of England was William Rufus Anno 1088. and reigned 13. years. Virtues of K. Rufus for a time. He (saith Stow Chron. pag. 179.) as long as Lanfranc lived seemed to abhor all kind of vice, so that he was accounted a mirror of Kings. Cooper Anno 1089. writeth that in martial policy he was very expert, and diligent in all matters he went about, steadfast and stable in his promiss, and marvelous painful and laborious. But at last vices overwhelmed his virtues. His Rom. Religion His Roman religion is manifest. First because as Malmsb. hath lib. 4. Paris An. 1087. He was brought up by Lanfranc, and by his means chief, made King. secondly because Fox writeth lib. 4. pag. 184. Lincoln Minster in his time had a Romish dedication. And as Paris saith pag. 767. that being done the king called two Cardinals who were present, who had received fullness of power of our Lord the Pope for the disposition of Bishoprics, and of the same Church. The ordination was such, that the Bishop being chosen & the Canons placed in their possession, from thence forth they should in orderly discipline of life serve God and his blessed mother day and night. thirdly because (as Stow hath Chron. pag. 160.) Rufus gave to the Monks of the Charity the manner of Berdmonsey, and builded them a new house. And in his Charter yet extant he confirmeth his Father's grant to the Monastery of battle and saith he doth it for the soul of his said Father, A plain Papi●●● c●l Charter of K Rufus. and also of his mother matildis of godly memory, and for the soul of his most glorious predecessor King Edward, for my own salvation likewise and my Successors, and for the quiet rest of those that were slain there in battle. Which how evident a sign of Papistry it is hath been showed before. Fourthly Rufus being once very sick made his confession to S. Anselm. Malm. 1. Pont: p. 217. and nominated him Archb. of Canterb. whom the Protestants confess to have been a notorious Papist. Fiftly Malm. 1. pont. p. 220. Florent. An. 1095. Fox lib. 4. p 185. and others testify, that he sent two messengers to Pope Vrban to entreat him to send his Pal for him (Anselm) and with charge & pains provided it. And that Gualther the Pope's Legate dealt so with the King, that Vrban (there being an other Antipope) was proclaimed lawful Pope throughout all the realm. Wherefore though this king took upon him to forbid Bishops to account any for Pope, or to appeal to the Pope without his licence (wherein he was resisted by Saint Anselm as you may see in Malmsb. 1. Pont. pag. 217. 219.) it argueth not that he thought he might do so lawfully any more, than that he might be (as Fox termeth him pag. 1092.) a pillar and raviner rather of Church goods, or as Godwin in the life of S. Anselme termeth him the most Sacrilegious Simonest that ever reigned in England. In so much as Hunting. and Paris say An. 1100. when he died, he had in his hands one Archbishopric, two Bishoprics, 12. abbeys, &, as Stow saith pag. 183. said he would have all the spiritual livings in the whole Realm. And Malmsb. lib. 4. addeth that he encouraged the jews to dispute with the Christians, swearing that if they overcame he would be of their religion. Other horrible Villainies of his, report Hunt. Paris l. cit. and others more, which declare that he little cared to break Gods or the Church's laws, but convince no more but that he was an ill Christian, and an ill Catholic for life. Saints in K. Rufus time. In this King's time died S. Wulstan Bishop of Worceter, whom Godwin calleth Saint, and confesseth that men had a great esteem of him for his straitness of life, and opinion of holiness. And of other Authors of that time he is much commended, Marian, Cistertian order 〈◊〉 founded by an English man. Florent. Chron. Malmsb. 1. Pont. And his life is to be seen in Surius Tom. 1. In this King's time also S. Stephan Harding an Englishman founded the order of Cistertian or white Monks, as Bale Cent. 2. cap. 63. Fox Acts pag. 185. Malmsb. lib. 4. Reg. pag. 127. and others writ. Malmsb. termeth him The chief Author of the whole fact, and especial ornament of our days. In this king's time died also the foresaid Saint Osmund Bishop of Salisbury, the Author of that manner of saying mass, breviary, and administering Sacraments, which is called the use of Sarum. King Henry I. XXXV. 4. THe 35. Christian king was Henry 1. youngest son to William Conqueror, and borne in England, began his Reign An. 1100. and reigned 35. years. For his knowledge (saith Fox lib. 4. p. 191.) and science in the 7. liberal sciences he was Surnamed Beuclerck. Valour and qualities of K. Henry. 1. Cooper and Stow An. 1101. say he was a noble & valiant Prince, & mighty of body of comely visage, pleasant, & sweet countenance, excellent in wit & eloquence, & had good hap in battle. The like writ Catholics of him. As for his religion it is evident to be Roman Catholic. His Rom. Religion. Fi●st because his Archb. was S. Anselm, to whose piety he ascribed his conquest of Normandy: Ediner in vit. Anselm. Secondly because he built a Church at Dunstable, and by the authority of Eugenius 3. Pope (saith Cambd. in Brit. p. 350.) placed there Canons regulars. Paris p. 98 and Walsing. p. 38. name four Monasteries which h● built. Thirdly because (as Stow saith p 204.) Atholph Prior of S. Oswald was his Confessor. Fourthly he yielded up the investiture of Bishops. Fox 194. Malmsb. 5. Reg p. 152. Florent. Westmon. An. 1107. Houed. 1108. Fiftly saith Paris p. 96. Houed. An. 113●. Malmsb. lib. hist. novel. lib. 1. Pope Innocent the second was most honourably entertained of him, and by his help was admitted through all France. sixtly Fox p. 192. setteth down this letter of his to Pope Paschal. [To the venerable Father Paschal chief Bishop Henry by the grace of God K. health. I greatly rejoice with you at your promotion the See of the Roman Church requesting that the friendship which was betwixt my Father & your Predecessors may also continue betwexne us firm & sure.] And at the same time saith Fox pag. 193. he sent another letter to the said Pope craving of him his pal for Gerard Archb. of York, the form whereof here followeth. K. Henry 1. Professeth the P. to be universal. P. To his reverend and beloved Father Paschal Universal Pope, Henry by the grace of God king of England] & endeth thus [I pray our Lord long preserve your Apostleship.] Ibid. Fox writeth that this king's Embasador said to the Pope [that England of a long continuance had ever been a province peculiar to the Church of Rome and paid duly unto the same yearly tribute] Finally in this king's time the Cistertian Monsts entered into England. Fox Acts p. 185. Cistertian monks enter into England. Bale Centur. 2. c. 63. And in his last sickness as the Archb. of Rouen writeth to Pope Innocent in Malmsb. hist. Novel. l. 1. Manner of King Henry's death. he confessed his sins was absolved, and received the body and blood of our Lord with great devotion, & lastly at his own request was aneyled. And the King's Attorney in the arainment of F. Garnet calleth this King's time the very midnight of Popery. S. cutbert's body found incorrupt. In this King's time say Florent. & Houed. An. 1104. was the Shrine of S. Cuthbert opened by Ralph Abbot, after Archb. of Canterb. & found incorrupt, in the presence of Prince Alexander after K. of Scotland, & many more. Saints. See Saint Anselmes' miracles in malb. 1. Pont. p 216. 229. In his time died S. Anselm before spoken of, & Thomas Archb. of York, who when the physicians told him that he must either use the company of a woman or die, he made choice of death. Archb. Thom. would rather die than use the company of a woman. For which Godwin in his life accounteth him a martyr, though a little before he had said that Saint Oswald in debarring Priests from marriage had set forth the droctrine of Devils. King Stephan XXXVI. 5. THe 36. Christian king of England was Stephan, grandchild by a daughter unto the Conqueror. Valour of King Stephen. He was crowned An. 1135. and reigned 19 years. He was (saith Malmsb. lib. 1. Hist. Novel.) Diligent and stout in war, of an immoderate mind, prompt to enterprise any hard thing, & to his enemies inexorable, affable to all men. Westmon. An. 154. A notable soldier and in courage excelling. The like hath Hunt. l. 8. Cooper Anno 1136. And Stow p. 206. saith he was a noble man and passing hardy, of passing comely favour and parsonage, in all princely virtues he excelled, as in Martial policy, affability, gentleness, and bountiful liberality towards all. His Rom. Religion. His Roman religion is clear. First because his brother Henry Bishop of Winchester was in his time Legate to the Pope. Hunting. l. 8. Malmsbur. hist. Novel. Secondly, because Stow saith pag. 215. He founded the Abbeys of Coxall in Essex, of Furnis in Lankashier, of Feversham in kent, Fox pag. 201. Cambd pag 682. &. 388. a nunnery at Carew, an other at Higham. Thirdly, because being to give battle on Candlemas day, he heard Mass (saith Hunting. lib. 8.) and the candle which he offered, broke; and the Pix in which the body of Christ was put fell down upon the Altar. which were taken for aboadments of the loss of the battle. Fourthly, because in this King's time began (saith Fox Acts pag. 201.) appellations from councils to the Pope by Henry Bishop of Winchester brother to the King. In this King's time Anno 1137. saith Bale Cent. 2. cap. 63. began in England the Monks called Robertins of Robert their beginner. But Capgraue in the life of Robert saith these Monks were Cistertians. Monks enter into Engl●nd. In this time (saith Bale ibidem) entered into England the Monks called Praemonstratenses, Anno 1145. And Anno 1147. begins the Gilbertin Monks and nuns, founded by S. Gilbert Lord of Sempringham. Cambd. Brit. p. 475. Neubrig. l. 1. c. 16. Capgrave in Gilberto. And this time Nicolas Breackspear an English Monk and Cardinal, afterward Pope, converted Norway, (saith Bale l. cit.) ad Papismum, to Papistry. And so manifestly were the times under King Stephen Papistical, as Bale cent. 2. c. 74. speaking of them saith here we understand that there was great want of the pure doctrine of Christ jesus. And cap. 73. saith it was a most corrupt age. In this King's time died also Saint William Archbishop of York & Kinsman to King Stephan a man (saith Godwin in his life) very noble by birth but much more noble in virtue and good manners, Saints. Miracles. many miracles (writeth he) are said to be wrought at his Tomb. King Henry II. XXXVII. 6. IN the year of our Lord 1155. King Henry second, grandchild by the Empress Maude to Henri, 1. succeeded and reigned 33. years. The worthiness of King Henry. 2. He was (saith Fox Acts pag. 234. Eloquent, learned, manly and bold in chivalry. The like hath Cooper Anno. 1155. and Stow pag. 216. Cambd. pag. 247. hath much of his praise out of Catholic writers of that time. Under him (saith Fox Acts pag. 224.) the Dominion of England extended so far as hath not been seen before Whom Histories record to have possessed under his rule, First Scotland, to whom William King of Scots with his Lords temporal and spiritual did homage both for them and their successors, the seal whereof remaineth in the King's Treasury, as also Ireland, England, Normandy, Guiens▪ Aquitan unto the mountains of Pirenei. He was offered also to be King of jerusalem by the Patriarch and Master of the Hospital. Now let us see what was the religion of this potent King, His Rom. Religion. and of England when her Dominion was the largest that ever it was. First Fox Acts pag. 234. telleth how this King heard Mass. Secondly Stow pag. 232. telleth how he built the nunnery of Font Euerard, the Priory of Stoneley, of S. Martin in Dover, and of Basingweck. To which Cambd. in Brit. pag. 488. addeth Newsted in Nottingham shire, and pag. 321. Circester in Glostershier. Carthusiian Monks come into England. Thirdly he brought Carthusians into England and built them a house at Withan, Godwin in vit. Hugonis Lincoln. Houed. saith this was An. 1186. Bale Cent. 2. cap. 63. saith it was 1180. And after Carthusians (saith he) came in Knights of Rhodes and of the Temple. And Cambd. Brit. pag. 728. saith the Carmelits were brought in at this time. Fourthly, (saith Stow pag. 216.) he was directed chiefly by Thomas Becket in all things. Fiftly, (saith the same Stow pag. 218.) He obtained of Pope Adrian 4. both to have Dominion of the Irish people, Bal. Cent. 2 p. 180. and also to instruct them in the rudiments of faith. And the Pope in the letters of the grant calleth him a Catholic Prince. Sixtly, he & Lewis King of France going on foot, performing the office of lackeiss and holding the bridle of his horse on the right and lef● side, Baron. tom. 12. conducted Pope Alexander with great pomp through the City Taciac unto the river of Loir, Robert Monten. Genebre. in Chron. Bale Cent. 2 c. 94. Neubrigen l. 2. c. 14. Thom. Cant. in Ep. ad Henr. 2. Seventhly Houed. p 502. setteth down the letter of Gilbert Bishop of London to the Pope, in which the Bishop writeth that the K. never averted his mind from the Pope, nor ever meant it, but would love him as a Father, and reverence the Church of Rome as his mother, and had assisted the Pope in all his necessities with all his heart and strength. And pag. 550. relateth a letter of Cardinals who writ of the King, how obedient he showed himself to the Church, of which said they in this our short relation it is not needful to relate. Eightly, Fox. pag. 227. Cooper An. 1072. and others writ, that he agreed with the Pope that he should not hinder appeals to Rome, and that neither the King nor his son should depart from Pope Alexander, so long as he should count him or his son for Catholics. Bale Cent. 3. cap. 4. saith He permitted Appeals to the Pope and willingly submitted himself and his Kingdom to the Pope's pleasure. And English men came into greater subjection of Antichrist than ever at any time before. Ninthly he persecuted certain Germane Heretics, whom Bale Cent. 2. cap 95. calleth Christians; and others whom Bale cap. 97. calleth preachers of God's word. And Houed pag. 1573. reporteth that he and the King of France purposed to go in person against the Albigenses, whom Protestants commonly account brethrem of their Church. Finally his death was thus: Cùm eager esset. saith Houed. pag. 654.) When he was sick unto death he caused himself to be carried into the Church before the Altar and there he devoutly received the communion of the body & blood of our Lord confessing his sins, And being absolved by the Bishop and Clergy he died. And the times of this King were so manifestly Roman Catholic, See more of this K. Rom. relig. in Baron tom. 12. as Fox Acts pag. 224. saith, This age was all blinded and corrupted with superstition. And yet pag. 225. affordeth it then the name of a Christian Realm that had the word of God. And p. 227. noteth the blind and lamentable superstition and ignorance of these days. Bale Cent. 3. cap. 14. crieth out that sub Honorio 2. under Honorius 2. The life of man was corrupted upon earth by Antichristian Traditions. Saints. In this King's time lived the holy Eremit S. Gudrig Virro (saith Cambd. Brit. p. 668.) antiqua & Christiana simplicitate totus Deo devotus, A man of ancient & christianly simplicity wholly devoted to God. Whose holiness is described by divers, Capgraue, Houed. Miracles. Anno. 1169. Westmon. Anno. 1171. Neubrigen. lib. 2. c. 20. and 28. In his time also lived and died glorious S. Thomas of Canterb. of whose miracles Fox Acts pag. 225. saith he hath seen a book to the number of 270. of curing all diseases belonging to man or Woman, amongst which he nameth one most subject (as he thought by reason of the matter) to laughter. But who considereth, that all the membres of our body were alike created of God, & may as well be restored by him again when they are lost, and weigheth the testimony which Fox bringeth himself of the miracle, may by this judge of the certainty of the rest. The matter was thus. An inhabitant of Bedford having had by form of the law (which then was) his eyes plucked out, and his stones cut away, but unjustly, made prayer to S. Thomas for the restoring of them, which was done. That the man had been thus maimed, the Burgesses and Citizens of Bedford (saith Fox) did testify with public letters. And whither he was cured or no, was easy to know. All that Fox saith against this or the rest of the miracles is, that there was no necessity of a miracle in a Christian Realm having the word of God. Forsooth he must tell God when there is necessity, yea tie God's hands to do nothing but for necessity. Had not the jews the word of God when they had the daily miracles of Probatica piscina? Doth not the virtue of miracles shine in the Church for ever as the notes of the English Bible imprinted An. 1576. johan. 14. do teach? But well it is that Saint Thomas his miracles have so many and so authentical testimonies, as he must needs conremn all human authority who denieth them to have been done. King Richard Coeur de Lion. XXXVIII. 7. IN the year 1189. succeeded K. Richard Coeur de Lion, so surnamed of his courage, Valour of King Richard Ceur de Lion. son to King Henry 2. and reigned 10. years. He was saith Cambd. de Brit. pag. 331. Animi excelsi & erecti &c. Of an high and uprighit mind altogether borne for the Christian common wealth, Polid. lib. 14. England's glory and terror of the Pagans. Cooper Anno. 1189, big of stature, and had a merry countenance, in which appeared as well a pleasant gentleness, as a noble and princely Majesty, to his soldiers favourable, bountiful, desirous of war. Subdued the Kingdom of Cyprus, conquered the City of Acon, vanquished the Sultan in the holy Land, whither he went with an army of 30000. foot and 5000. horse. His Rom. religion. The Roman religion of this famous and magnanimous King is manifest. First because Houed. who then lived pag. 656. 657. Paris 205. and others tell the manner of his coronation was thus. The Archb. Bishops Abbots and Priests in Copes with the Cross before and holy water and incense brought him to the Church. Again he took his oath on the Gospel and many relics of Saints. After coronation began the solemn Mass, k. Richard crowned at mass. and when they came to the offertory Bishops brought the king to offer, and in like sort to take the Pax. And after Mass returned again with Procession, Secondly pag. 222. Paris telleth how he redeemed the relics of jerusalem with 52. thousand Bisantes. Quatenus (saith he) To the end that Saints of God whose bones he redeemed in earth might help his soul by their intercessions in heaven. And pag. 497. He obtained of the Sultan that a certain Priest at the King's stipend might every day celebrate mass of the holy Cross at our saviours Sepulchre during the time of the truce. Thirdly retiring to England saith Westmon. Anno. 1194. he visited S. Thomas of Canterb. S. Edmund, and S. Albon's Shrines, and after went against his Rebels in Nottingham. Fourthly Houed. pag. 658. setteth down a Charter of his where he granteth Land to S. Cuthbert, [For the soul of our Father and Ancestors, and of our Successors, and for our own and our heirs salvation, and for the confirmation and increase of our Kingdom.] Fiftly Houed. p. 677. hath a letter of his to Pope Clement 2. which beginneth thus: [To his most reverend Lord and blessed Father by the grace of God chief Bishop of the holy Apostolic See, health and affection of true devotion in our Lord. The facts of Princes have better end when they receive assistance and favour from the See Apostolic. [And pag. 706. When king Richard went to the holy Land, he left the care of the government of his kingdom unto the See Apostolic. And pag. 753. The same Houed. setteth down a letter of Pope Celestin in which the Pope saith thus, [The Church of England hath always kept the sincerity of her devotion and ancient faith with the Roman Church] Finally a little before S. Richard's death (saith Fox Acts pag. 249. England always devout to the Church of Rome. ) Three Abbots of the Cistertian order came unto him to whom he was confessed, and when he saw them somewhat stay at his absolution said these words, that he did willingly commit his soul to the fire of Purgatory there to be tried till the judgement in hope of God's mercy. Saints. In this public profession of Roman Catholic faith gave this renowned King up his soul to God. In this King's time died Anno. 1189. the foresaid Saint Gilbert, who of his order erected 13. Monasteries in England. Polid. l. 14. Then also lived Saint Hugh of Lincoln, of whom we shall speak hereafter. King john. XXXIX. 8. THe 39 King was King john, brother to King Richard, who began his Reign Anno. 1199. and reigned 17. years. Of this King some ignorant Protestants brag, as if he had been a Protestant. Bale Cent. 1. cap. 75. because for a time he disobeyed the Pope, polid. l. 15. commendeth him of valour, liberality, & Christian piety. But with shame enough For he lost all in manner that his Predecessors had in France, which was near as much as England itself, Qualities of K. Ihon. and had almost lost England too. Was, as the Earl of Northampton saith of him in the arraignment of Garnet, impious, as well sans foy, as sans terre; and that he was as likely to have departed with his soul as his Crown, if necessity had pressed him. Nether was he ill only to himself, but to his people and country, from whom being not content by himself to extort what he would, sent for many thousand Flemings to do the same, to whom he meant to give Norfolk and Suffolk, Paris pag. 360. 367. And pag. 325. he nameth the Ambassador whom King john sent to the Mahometan King of afric to offer the subjection of himself and his Kingdom to him, and to accept the law of Mahomet, which Paris learned of them, to whom one of the Ambassadors told it. Never the less what Christian religion he had, is evident to have been Roman Catholic. His R●m. Religion. First because he was chosen King chiefly by means of Archbishop Hubert, Paris pag. 264. who was a notorious Papist. Stow. pag. 244. Secondly because upon his crownation he took his oath upon the relics of Saints, Paris pag. 263. and next day after his coronation went on Pilgrimage to S. Alban, pag. 264. at Lincoln offered a chalice of gold. pag. 273, holpt to carry on his shoulders the body of S. Hugh pa. 274. Houed. pag. 812. Thirdly he heard Mass (saith Stow pag. 246.) and fell down before the Abbots of Cisterce desiring to be admitted of them for a brother. Fourthly he founded a goodly monastery at Beulieu, & erected a nunnery at Godstow to pray (saith Camb. Brit. p. 329) for his Father's soul, for that persuasion had then possessed the minds of all men. And in his Charter to battle Abbey commandeth all his justices to defend the Possessions of that monastery sicut (saith he) nostra propria: as our own. And Regist. Buriense saith, he gave a great Saphir, and a Ruby to S. Edmund's Shrine. Fiftly when Grecians came to dispute against his faith he would not hear them, Bale Cent. 3. cap. 37. ex Paris. Sixtly Fox Acts. pag. 253. writeth that King john submitted himself to the Court of Rome, and as Bale saith Cent. 3. cap. 75. Acknowledged the Pope to be head of all Christians. And though he disobeyed for a time the Pope, yet that he did not for a difference in religion, but because the Pope would make an Archb. of Canterb. whom the King misliked. And as Cooper saith Anno 1201. For what cause K. John disobeyed the Pope for a time. did this not upon judgement to set up true religion (saith he) but upon covetousness and of a forward mind. Finally, upon his deathbed (saith Fox Acts pag. 256. he much repent his former life, and had (saith Stow pag. 262.) a Confessor at his death, and received the Sacrament at the hands of the Abbot of Crocston, and died with these words: Westmon An. 1216. Deo & sancto Wolstano animam meam commendo: I commend my soul to God and S. Wolstan, Paris pag. 389. Of the manner of his death Fox Acts. pag. 256. writeth thus: Some writ, that he died of sorrow as Polidor, K. John dieth in profession of the Cathol. saith. some of surfeiting, as Redinger; some of a bloody flux, as Houed. some of a burning ague, some of a cold sweat, some of eating apples, some of eating pears, some plums, etc. yet (saith he) most writers agree that he was poisoned by the Monk Simon of Swinfled. But who those were, he writeth not, nor could name one besides a nameless Author of that Chronicle, which, because Caxton printed it is called, caxton's Chronicle. And it is as Stow well saith pag. 494. a fabulous book. And therefore Bale Cent. 3. cap. 75. referreth this to report, saying: serunt, as men report. But who will not believe rather Paris pag. 389. Westmon. Anno 1216. and others living in that same time, or soon after, who say, he died of surfeit & sorrow, than a Chronicle accounted by Protestants themselves a fabulous book or written by a nameless Author long after that time. In this King's time, Saints. died that glorious Saint, Saint Hugh Bishop of Lincoln, and Carthusian Monk, whom Godwin, in his life, calleth Saint. And saith, By his integrity of life and conversation, and the opinion of divers Miracles wrought by him, hath purchased unto himself the honour and reputation of a Saint. He addeth also, that S. Hugh. Grew very famous far and near for his extraordinary abstinence and austerity of life. And that king john and king William, king of Scots, for great reverence they bore to his holiness, helped to carry his Corpse from the gate of the City, until it came, to the Church door. King Henry the III. XL. 9 IN the year 1216. succeeded, king Henry 3. son to king john, and reigned 56. years, died Anno. 1273. He was (saith Cooper Anno. 1218.) of nature gentle, Wisdom and piety of King Henry. 3. of mind sage, and wise. And so pious, as Leolin Prince of Wales, (saith Fox Acts pag. 280.) protested, that he feared more his alms, than his puissance. And Westmon. Anno 1272. speaking of this king, saith. Of how great innocency of how great patience, and of how great devotion he was in obeying his Saviour, our Lord knoweth, and they which faithfully adhered to him, and of how great merit he was with God the miracles after his death testify. His Rom. Religion. The Roman religion of this virtuous king is manifest. First, because, as Fox saith in his Acts pag. 257. He was crowned by Swall, the Pope's Legate; and Stow addeth, pag. 263. Being crowned, the government of the King and his Kingdom was committed to the Legate, to the Bishop of Winchester, etc. Secondly, because Continuator of Paris, who then lived, saith pag. 1349. K. Henry 3. daily, heard 3. sung Masses. and Walsingham in Edward. 1. pag. 19 Every day he was accustomed to hear three song Masses, and desirous to hear more served daily Priests celebrating privately, and when the Priest did elevat our Lord's body he used to hold the Priest's arm, Devotion of King Hen. 3. Bal. Cent. 4 cap. 46. and to kiss it. And when that Lewis king of France said unto him, that he should oftener hear sermons, he answered, I had rather see my friend often than hear an other speak of him, though never so well. Thirdly, his Confessor was a Dominican Friar named john Dorlington, A. Queen a Nun Bale Cent. 4. cap. 56. and Walsing. in Edward. 1. pag. 7. His Queen also after his death became a Nun, Walsing. pag. 14. Fourthly, in this King's time came into England divers orders of Friars, as the Dominicans, to whom, divers kinds of Friars enter into England. saith Stow pag. 268. the King assigned a house in Oxford; The Grey Friars, Cooper, Anno 1222. The Croochet Friars, Anno. 1244. Bale Centur. 4. cap. 3. The Augustine's Friars, Anno. 1252. Centur. 4. capit. 17. to whom cap. 46. he addeth the Paulins, the Friars of Armenia, the Friars de poenitentia, the Friars de Viridi Valle, and the Bonhomes. Which last order Rodulphus l. 2. de Saincto Francisco, saith, was instituted by Richard Earl of Cornwall, and brother to King Henry. Fiftly, when the Pope sent a Legate into England, saith Paris pag. 589. the King met the Legate most dutifully at the Sea coast, and bowing his head to his knees conducted him most respectively to the inermost parts of his Kingdom, when he departed brought him with great honour to the Sea. Stow Chron. Anno 1241. Sixtly, because (as is to be seen in Fox Act. 287. & others) He wrote to the Pope thus: Sanctissimo in Christo Patri etc. To his most holy Father & Lord in Christ Innocent, K. Henry 3. calleth the P Lord in Christ & offereth to kiss his feet. by the grace of God chief Bishop health and kisses of his blessed feet. And in the letter, [May it please your Fatherhood, we beseech you that our laws and liberties which you may rightly repute none other but your own, you will receive to your tuition to be conserved whole & sound.] Upon which words Fox maketh this note: The K. in too much subjection to the Pope. And in a letter in Paris pag. 839 The K. professeth to the Pope that [In all the time of our reign, we have submirted ourselves & our kingdom in all & through all things to the will of your Father hood.] And pag. 863. he citeth letters of the Pope in which he professeth. Profession of the King. [That amongst the rest of the Kings of the whole world, we embrace in the arms of our singular love our most dear son in Christ the renowned King of England, The pope's testimony of K Henry. 3. who as a Prince Catholic and devout, hath always studied to honour the Roman Church his mother with a filial subjection and dutiful devotion, because he would no way departed from her good pleasure, but rather what things he understood to be grateful and pleasing to her, he hath performed with a ready carefulness.] And again. pag. 887. allegeth other letters of the Pope to the King, wherein he saith:] Towards your person, as to a son and special devout of the Apostolic Sea, we carrying a Fatherly affection of love do willingly give audience to your requests, as far as we may with God and do impart our benign favour. To these letters I will add two other public letters of the nobility and Commons, and of the Clergy at the same time, taken out of Fox p. 288. Profession of the nobility and Commons of England of their subjection to the Pope. Paris pag. 901. and others. [To the reverend Father in Christ Pope Innocent chief Bish. The nobles with the Communality of the whole Realm of England sending greeting with kissing of his blessed feet. Our mother the church of Rome we love with all our hearts as our duty is, and covet the increase of her honour with so much affection as we may, as to whom always we ought to fly for refuge. Item. Neither is it to our said mother unknown, how beneficial and bounfull a giver the Realm of England ha●● been now a long time, for the more amplifying of her exaltation. Again Our king being a Catholic Prince, & wholly given to his devotions and service of Christ, so as he respecteth not the health of his own body, will fear and reverence the See Apostolic, and as devout son of the Church of Rome, desireth nothing more, than to advance the state and honour of the same.) And the said Fox pag. 291. and Paris and Westmon. An. 1247. set down an other letter of the Clergy and Communality of Canterbury thus. (To the most holy Father in Christ Lord Innocent by God's provision chief Bishop: The whole Communality both of the Clergy and laity of the Province of Canterbury sendeth devout kissing of his blessed feet. England ever since her first Christianity devout to the Church of Rome. Like as the Church of England, since it first received the Catholic faith, hate always showed itself faithful and devout in adhering to God & our holy Mother the Church of Rome studying with all kind of service to please & serve the same, Church of England prostrate at the Pope's feet. and thinketh never otherwise to do, but rather to continue and increase as she hath begun: So now the same Church most humbly prostrate before the feet of your holiness, most earnestly entreat, etc.) And the same persons writing to the Cardinals, call them Bases fulcientes Ecclesiam Dei, Pillars underproping the Church of God. Moreover the said Paris pag. 929. hath the letters of the Religious men to the same Pope in these words. profession of the religions of England touching their subjection to the Pope. (To our most holy Father & dear Lord in Christ Innocent by the grace of God chief Pastor of the universal Church, his devout sons the Abbots and the Priors of this Province of Canterbury and York health and kisses of your blessed feet. The whole Church is governed undet one Father & Pastor, also the Church of England is a most special member of the Church of Rome.) And pag. 930. The Nobles, Clergy, and Universal People (wish as their duty is health reverently to such a great Bishop.) And ibidem: The king writeth again thus. (He knoweth who is ignorant of nothing, that we always placed our mother the Roman Church in the bowels of our sincere affection as her whom we would love, K. Henry 3. would recur to the P in necessity. and unto whom in imminent instants of necessity, as a son unto his mother, whom she ought to foster and nourish from her dugs of milk, we would recur. Thus the King, Clergy, Religious, Nobles and Commons do most plainly and publicly profess their Catholic religion, and subjection to the Pope, and his spiritual superiority over them, in so much as Godwin in the life of Sewal Archb. of York, Protest. confess K. Henr. Cath. religion. saith: This King subjecteth, and as it were prostrated himself to the Pope. And Bale Cent. 4. cap. 23. noteth that King Henry the third did not reign but bore the Image of the Beast. And cap. 6. speaking of the time of this King, saith, The healthful truth was vanished out of this Land, men being led into perdition. And cap. 34. Under King Henry 3. there was great decay of true faith in Christ even unto our time, in the merits of condignity and congruall of the Papists, in Indulgences suffrages of Saints, Protest. except against all writings from K. Hen. 3. to Luther's time. vows, masses, Purgatory, Images, etc. And therefore exhorteth all to try the doctrine which flourished from the year 1270. to the year 1520. So manifest a thing it is that this King and all his successors and Realm since him to the later end of King Henry 8. were Roman Catholics. And albeit this King and the common wealth in his time repined some what at the Pope, yet that was not for any points of faith or religion, but only (as you may see in Paris the King's Chronicler of that time and others) because he bestowed English Benefices upon Strangers. Westmon An. 1246. Which he being then driven out of Rome and from his own living by a wicked Emperor, was forced to do. Finally this King died (as Continuat. Paris then living writeth pag. 1343.) Confessing his sins, beating his breast, absolved, houseled aneiled, & honouring the Cross. Saints. In this King's time lived the holy Archb. of Canterb S. Edmund, whose body long after his death was found incorrupt, Westmon. An 1247. and others. Also Saint Richard Bishop of Chichester, A man (saith Westmon. An. 1253.) Of eminent knowledge, See Sur. tom 2. and singular or rare sanctity. Godwin in his life saith, All men greatly reverenced him, not only for his great learning, but much more for his diligence in preaching, his manifold virtues, and above all his integrity of life and conversation. In regard of which and many miracles fathered, (saith he) upon him, he was canonised. In this King's time also died that great Clerck Robert Grostet Bish. of Lincoln, whom the Protest. wou●d make one of theirs, only, because he misliked the Pope's preferring of strangers to English Benefices. But that reason is too frivolous. Besides that Westmon. An. 1253. testifieth, that the same year he died he wrote thus to the Pope. Salutem, etc. Your wisdom knoweth that I with a filial affection devoutly and dutifully obey the Apostolical commandments. Rob. Grostets profession of subjection to the Pope and at his death he gave all his books to the grey Friars. Godwin in vita eius, where you see his Rom. religion testified by a Cardinal of that time. ] And your ancient writers are to far from accounting him no Catholic, as they esteem him a Saint, and relat his miracles, as you may see in Paris and Westmon. Anno. 1250. Only Paris pag. 1174. saith, that he had good zeal but perchance not according to true knowledge. In this King's time lived that great school Doctor and Englishman Alexander de Hales. King Edward I. XLI. 10 IN the year of our Lord 1274. succeeded Edward. 1. son to King Henry 3. and reigned 34. years. He was (saith Walsingham in his Ypodigmate pag. 98. Great praises of K. Edward. 1. ) In arms strong, victorious warlike, who gained all England from the hands of valiant Simon de Montfort, Wales he got from Leolin, Aquitan he wrested from the King of France, Polid. lib. 17. Scotland, he often subdued. Camb. Brit. pag. 700. saith: He was a Prince far excelling in whose most valiant mind God choosed a most worthy lodging, that he might match the heigt of royal majesty, not only with fortitude & wisdom but with beauty also and comeliness of body, whom fortune in the prime flower of his age trained up in many wars and most difficult times of the Common wealth, whilst that she disposed him for British Empire. Which when he was established in, he so governed having overcome the Welsh men, and triumphed over the Scots, that by good right he is esteemed another ornament of Brittany. The like high praises give him Cooper. Anno. 1274. Stow pag. 304. Bale Cent. 4. cap. 58. and others. His Rom. Religion. As for the Roman religion of this renowned Prince, it is most clear. First, because (as Walsingham saith, Histor. pag. 16.) His wife Queen Eleoner dying, with continual prayers he did pray unto our Saviour jesus for her, for ever ordaining and procuring for her the celebrations of Masses in divers places of his Kingdom. In every place and village where her Corpse rested, the King commanded a Cross to be erected in memory of the Queen, that her soul might be prayed for of those that passed by. pag. 33. He Translated a stone to Westminster, which the Kings of Scottland at the time of their coronation were wont to use for a Throne, commanding that a Chair should be made thereof for Priests to sit in when they solemnized Mass. Besides pag. 13. His daughter Marie was a Nun. And in ypodingm. p. 88 He commanded that the Crown of gold that was the king of Scots should be offered to S. Thomas the Martyr. And p. 71. He built an Abbey of Cistercian Monks. And as Fox saith Acts pag. 339. Went on Pilgrimage to our Lady of Walsingham, to thank God for his escape of a great danger. And of so great account were religious men in his time, as Stow pag. 329. reckoneth 61. Abbots, and 8. Priors of the Parliament in his tyme. Secondly, because (as Walsingham hath Hist. pag 49.) he writeth thus to the Pope, [To the most holy Father in Christ Boniface by the divine providence chief Bishop of the holy Roman and Universal Church, Edward by the grace of God king of England, Lord of Ireland, Duke of Aquitan, health and devout kisses of your blessed feet. beneath. We do humbly beseech your holiness for as much as etc.] And p. 55. He & Fox 341. set down a letter, wherein the Nobles and all the Barons assembled together in parliament write thus to the Pope. This was scalled with 200. seals. ypodigm pag. 89. [We reverently and humbly beseech your holiness, that you would suffer our Lord king of England, who among other showeth himself Catholic and devout to the Roman Church, etc.] And Westmon. Anno. 1302. putteth the beginning of this letter thus. To the most holy Father in Christ L. Boniface by the divine Providence chief Bishop of the universal Church, The profession of subjection to the P. by the whole Parliament. his devout sons john Earl of Warren, Thomas Earl of Lancaster, etc. Devout kisses of your blessed feet.] Behold how both the king and nobles profess to kiss the Pope's feet, & call him chief Bishop of the Universal Church. In like manner Pope Boniface Writing, in Westmon. Anno. 1301. to king Edward saith: Scimus fili, etc. We know my son, and now a long time experienc the Mistress of things hath taught us how towards the Roman mother Church which in her bowels of charity hath carried you representing a kingly devotion, your reverent regard is showed, your zeal strengthened, and that in all promptitude you obeying the true constitutions of the seat make your repose▪ finally, after the king's death his body lying, at Waltham Destinati sunt, etc. saith Walsing. Hist. pag. 67. There were appointed of every great Monastery near bordering six Monks, Cannons, or other religious, which should watch about the body and continually solemnize the funerals. And the Cardinal Legat granted Indulgence of one year to them, which did say our Lord's prayer and the Angelical salutation for the King's soul. And so manifestly were the times of this king Roman Catholic, as the King's Attorney in the arraignment of Garnet calleth them, the very midnight of Popery. And Bale Cent. 4. cap. 46. crieth out: Under King Edward the golden face of the primitive Church was obscured, the chiefest beauty of the Gospel changed. The house of Israel was turned into rubbish, the Ministers of the Churches degenerated into dregs and excrements, the Friars bearing rule. In this King's time lived that great school Doctor and English man Richard Middleton, Bale Cent. 4. cap. 77. and died that glorious Saint, Saints. S. Thomas of Hereford, who in life was admirable for virtue, and after death wonderful for the greatness and multitude of his miracles, Miracles. See Sur. tom. 5. which were examined with such straightness, and approved with so great authority, as who will believe any human testimony, can not but believe them, as is to be seen in our ancient Manuscript yet extant. King Edward. 2. XLII. IN the year 1307. Edward 2. son to Edward 1. succeeded, Qualities of K Edward. 2. Polid. l. 18. His Rom. Religion. and reigned 19 years. He was (saith Cooper Ann 1308. And Stow pag. 337. fair of body but unsteadfast of manners and disposed to lightness. His Roman religion is certain, both by what hath been said of his Father, and because Caius de Antiq. Cantab. pag. 80. and Stow pag. 337. say, He sued to Pope john 22. to renew the privileges of the Universities, which he did. Item. He builded the friars Church at Langley. Stow pag. 332. Vowed in the battle of Sterling to build a house for the Carmelits in Oxford, which he performed. Stow pag. 334. sent for two Cardinals to make peace between him and the Scots, pag. 336. Had a tenth of spiritual goods granted him by the Pope, pag. 339. Had a Carmelit for his Confessor Bale Cent. 4. cap. 96. And as he saith cap. 82. In this King's time came in the Friars De paenitentia into England, to whom the King gave the Synagogue of the jews. Item the Friars of the order of Martyrs the Sarabitae, the Paulins, and the Trinitaries. Bale Centur. 5. cap. 13. calleth these times the middle darkness of Roman superstition. In this king's time lived that famous subtle doctor johannes Scotus. The Cath. religion hitherto in England without any opposition. And hitherto have we proved the Catholic Roman religion through all our Christian Kings, not only clear and manifest, but also without any opposition or contradiction saving of a few who in Saint Odo his time doubted of the real presence, but were soon converted. Hereafter in our Country the Catholic religion hath found some opposition, (though small) by reason of Wick life, (who arose in the next King's time) and his fellows. CHAP. XXVI. That the Kings of England from Edward 3. to Henry 8. were all Roman Catholic proved in particular. King. Edward. 3. XLIII. 1. THe 43. Christian King of England was Edward 3. son to Edward 2. Worthiness of K. Edward 3. Began his reign Anno. 1326. & reigned 51. years. He was (saith Walsingahm Hist. Anno 1376.) amongst all the Kings of the world renowned, benign, gentle, Po●d. l. 19 and magnificent, courageous of heart, humble, mild and very devout to God. This man (saith Cooper Anno 1327. And Stow p. 438.) Besides all other gifts of nature was endued with passing comely hewty & favour, of wit provident, circumspect & gentle, doing nothing without great wisdom & consideration. Of excellent modesty & temperance, and advanced such persons to high dignity as did most pass others in integrity & innocency of life, in feats of Arms very expert. Of his liberality & clemency he showed very many great examples. Briefly in all Princely virtue he was so excellent, that few noble men before his time can be compared to him. The like praise to him give Fox Acts pag. 374. Bale Cent. 6. cap. 57 & others. His victories. He won the great battle at Cressie where he vanquished the King of France with two other Kings, took Calis, and at the same time overcame the King of Scots, and took him prisoner. And his son Edward surnamed the black Prince with a very small army got the battle of Poitiers Wherein he took the French king, and after that entered into Spain overcame the king and drove him out of the country. So that this king by himself and his company took two kings, slew one, and vanquished three others. Of all our English kings to Henry 8. Fox of most all challengeth this King, and saith pag. 428. That above all other Kings to Henry 8. he was the greatest bridler of the Pope's usurped power. During all his time john Wicklef was maintained with favour and aid sufficient. Indeed King Edward 3. Anno 1374. made a law to forbid all procurement of English Benefices from the Pope: But the cause thereof was, not that the King thought amiss of the Pope's Authority, but because he thought that the execution thereof in this point was incommodious, and inconvenient to his Realm. For other wise none of all our Kings have avouched the Pope's supremacy, (in which Protestants account the essence of a Papist to consist) so clear as he. For in his letters to the Pope extant in Walsingham Anno 1336, and others he writeth thus, Otterborne in Edward: 3. (Therefore let not the envious or sinister interpretation of detractors made of your son find place in the bowels of your mercy and sanctity who will after the ancient custom of our predecessors, persist in yours and the See apostolics favour untouched. But if any such sugestion made against your son shall fortune to come unto your holiness ears, Let not credit be given of your holy devotion by your holiness thereunto, before your son be heard, who trusteth and ever intendeth to speak the truth, and to justify every one of his causes before your holiness judgement, King Edward. 3, accounteth it heresy to deny the Pope's supremacy. whose authority is above all earthly creatures which to deny is to approve an heresy.) Behold the King confessing first that it was hereditary to him from his ancestors to abide firmly in favour of the See Apostolic. Secondly, that he purposed ever to do so. Thirdly that it was heresy to deny the Pope's judgement, praesidere omni humanae creaturae: To bear rule over all human Creatures. Oh when would this famous King have thought that any of his Posterity should make that treason, which himself professeth all his Ancestors to have held, and accounteth it heresy to deny. The same saith Pope Greg. 11. in Walsing. p. 104. Kings of England especial children of the Rom. Church. And Pope Benedict in his answer of this letter in Walsingham pag. 124. saith thus. [Your Progenitors Kings of England, have excelled in greatness of faith and devotion towards God, and the holy Roman Church, as her peculiar foster-childrens and devoted sons, and have preserved the splendour of their progeny from any darksome cloud. Between the state of your Kingdom and also of the Kingdom of France we greatly desire to make a happy success of peace and concord. And against you my son I cannot shut up the bowels of my Fatherly affection.) To which the King returned this answer in Walsingham pag. 130. (We have reverently and humbly accepted the letters of your Holiness. Also with a cheerful heart we do beseech your clemency, that if it please you, you will duly ponder our justice and intention founded upon the truth. And that we as occasion served have favoured the holy Roman Church in all fullness of devotion sound love and gracious favour, K. Edw. 3: Professeth to have ever favoured the Pope. as you may conjecture of a most devout son. For God is the witness of our conscience that we have desired to exalt & defend the honours and liberties of the Church.) And again the king Anno. 1343 writing to Pope Clement in Walsing pag. 150. saith thus, Professeth the P. is Bishop of the universal Church. (To his most holy Lord Clement by the divine providence chief Bishop of the sacred Roman and universal Church, Edward by the same grace of God King of France and England and Lord of Ireland▪ devout kisses of your blessed feet &c.) And then calleth him, (successor of the Prince of the Apostles. Infra. We and ours do desire and aught to reverence your most sacred person and the holy Roman Church. And pag. 15. Clement answereth him thus. My dearly beloved son you have known how to exhibit your sincere devotion to our Lord and to your Mother the holy Roman Church, as of famous memory your Progenitors the Kings of England have done whilst they lived.] And Fox himself Acts pag. 383. setteth down a letter of the K. and nobles to Pope Clement Anno 1343. thus. [To the most holy Father in God Lord Clement by the grace of God of the holy Church of Rome and of the universal Church chief and high Bishop his humble and devout children the Prince's Duke's Earls Barons Knight's Citizens and Burgesses and all the communality of England assembled at the Parliament holden at Westminster the 15. day of May devout kissing of his feet with all humble reverence and humility. The whole Parliament calleth the Pope head of the universal Church. Most holy Father you being so high and holy a Prelate and head of the holy Church by whom the holy Universal Church and people of God ought to be as by the Son beams enlightened etc.] Behold the whole Parliament calling the Pope head and Bishop of the Universal Church, and offering to kiss his feet with all humility and reverence. And again Fox pag. 387. setteth down an other letter of King Edward's to Pope Clement in this sort. [Most holy Father, K. Edw. 3. plainly professeth the Pope's supremacy. we desire your holiness, and in as much as lieth in us, require the same, that you that supply the place of the son of God on earth, and have the government of all Christian men etc.] What could be more clearly spoken for the spiritual supremacy of the Pope? And this same Roman religion of his is evident by many other ways. For he founded (saith Stow pag. 439.) the new Abbey near to the Tower of London, where he placed white Monks to the honour of God and our Lady according to a vow by him made being on the Sea in great peril. And a nunnery at Detford. Cambden. addeth pag. 333. a Friary of Carmelits. He instituted also the order of the garter in honour of God and Saint Georg, and among other rules appointed, that when any of the Knights died the King should make a thousand Masses to be said for his soul, and others many hundreds according to their Degree. He offered (saith Fox pag. 396.) after the blind (saith he) superstition of those days in the Church of Westminster the Vestments wherein Saint Peter did celebrate Mass. His Confessor was Thomas Bradwardin, whom Bale Centur. 5. cap. 87. accounteth a Papist. Finally as Walsingham. An. 1376. writeth he died thus. The Catholic end of K. Edward. 3. The King when he could not speak, with very great reverence taking the Cross did kiss it most devoutly, sometimes stretching forth his hand in sign of craving pardon, and other times also letting fall from his eyes plenty of tears, and kissing most often the feet of the Crucifix. And after his death Pope Greg. 11. lit. in Walsingham Anno 1378. calleth him, Catholicum Principem & Pugilem fidei. A Catholic Prince and Champion of the faith. And so evidently was this King and the Realm in his time Roman Catholic, Protest. confess K. Edw 3. time to have been Cathol. as Fox Acts pag. 377. upon a letter of the King to the Nobles of France maketh this note: Note the ignorance of the time. And pag. 396. The blind superstition of those days. And pag. 424. This is out of all doubt that at what time all the world was in most wild and desperate estate, and that the lamentable ignorance of God's truth had overshadowed all the earth, Wicklef stepped forth etc. Behold here manifest that before Wicklef there was not one Protestant in the whole world. And how ill a Protestant he was shall hereafter appear. All the world ignorant of protestancy. And pag. 425. In this so horrible darkness of ignorance (saith Fox) at what time there seemed in a manner to be no one so little a spark of pure doctrine left, In a manner no one little spark of protestancy. wickliff first raised forsooth the world wickliff sprung up, through whom the Lord would first raise up again the world which was drowned in the depth of human traditions. In like sort Bale Cent. 5. cap. 85. saith, This age was shadowed with the darkness of great ignorance, and blinded with more than Diabolical fooleries. And Cent. 6. cap. 1. the midnight of errors and a dim world. And cap. 8. In these time's darkness of great ingnorance possessed the world. cap. 23. The common blindness of the time was in advancing the Idolatry of the Popish Mass. As for the discontentment which some time this king had with the Pope, that was not for any matter of religion, but because (as Cooper saith Anno. 1343. Why K. Edw. 3. some time discontented with the Pope. ) The Pope gave divers Bishoprics and Benefices in England, which the king thought not expedient for his temporal estate. And as for the favour which Wicklef found in his time, that proceeded rather from the Duke of Lancaster who governed all in the old age of the King, and for a time upheld Wicklef, not upon any liking of his heresy, but to spite thereby some of the Bishops whom he hated, as Stow Anno. 1376, (with whom Fox agreeth p. 393.) testifieth in these words, Why the D. of lancaster a while favoured wickliff. The Duke of Lancaster labouring as well to overthrow the liberties of the Church, as of the City (of London) called unto him Wicklef, etc. And when these contentions between the Duke and others were appeased. He commanded (saith Fox pag. 400. Edit. 1596. Wicklef to submit himself to his Ordinary. The Cath. religion of the D. of lancaster: Which clearly enough declareth the Roman religion of that Duke, which also other wise were evident by the honour wherewith he was received by the Cardinals and Bishops in the Pope's Court, Stow pag. 399. And by his Confessor john Kinningham a Carmelit, who (saith Bale Cent. 6. cap. 4.) first impugned Wicklef. And Cent. 7. cap. 26. saith that Gualther Disse (than who none in Antichristi negotijs actuosior, more busy in the rules of Antichrists) Confessor to the Duke persuaded him for the love at least of Papistry to make war in Spain, which then favoured an Antipope: to which purpose Pope Vrban sent the Duke a standard and made his Confessor his Legate, and gave him authority to preach the Cross with many Indulgences for all them that would follow the Duke. At what time (writeth Bale out of Purney a wiclefist then living) Inualuit tunc Antichristi furor prae caeteris temporibus. antichrist's fury prevailed more than in other times. More over Polidor lib. 19 saith that two Heretics were burnt in London in this King's time, whom Bale Cent. 5. cap. 74. calleth servants of Christ. In this King's time lived the virtuous Lady Mary Countess of Saint Paul, a woman (saith Stow pag. 437) of singular example for life, Saints. who builded Pembroke hall in Cambridge, and S. john of Bridlinghton, of whom we will speak in the next king's time. In this King's time lived that witty schoolman William Occam. King Richard. 2. XLIIII. IN the year 1377. succeeded King Richard 2. Nephew to Edward 3. by his son Edward the black Prince and reigned 22. years. Qualities of K. Richard. 2. He passed (saith Cooper An. 1377. and Stow pag. 439.) all his predecessors in bounty and liberality. His Roman religion is most manifest. His Rom. Religion. First because he was crowned at a Mass whereof Walsingham Anno 1377. setteth down the beginning of the Introit, Gradual, Epistle, and Offertory. Had a Franciscan Friar for his Confessor, Stow pag. 458. In the Commotion of Tiler went to Saint Edward's Shrine, prayed before the high Altar, offered and Confessed himself to an Anchor, Stow pag. 459. and gave to the said Shrine a Ruby then esteemed worth a thousand Marks pag. 593. Made four Kings of Ireland knights at Mass pag. 501. And made the Earl of Northumberland swear to him upon the host after Mass p. 520. But most of all is his religion certain by his own letters to the Pope and by his laws and Acts against the Wicklefists. Fox Acts p. 590. setteth down his letters to Pope Boniface 9 thus. To the most holy Father in Christ and Lord, L. Boniface 9 by the grace of God high Pope of the most holy Roman and universal Church, his humble and devout, Richard by the grace of God king of England and France, and Lord of Ireland, greeting and kissing of his blessed feet. And. pag. 511. he citeth an Act of Parliament than made to declare that urban was true and lawful Pope; And pa. 556. saith, King Richard procured letters Apostolical from the Pope for the confirming of certain statutes of his. And pag. 431. citeth a letter of Greg. 11. written in this king's time to the University of Oxford, wherein the Pope saith, that England doth not only flourish in power and abundance of riches, but is much more glorious and shining in pureness of faith, accustomed always to bring forth men excellently learned in the knowledge of holy scriptures, gravity of manners, men notable in devotion, and defenders of the Catholic faith. The like commendations he giveth in an other letter to king Richard. Yea to testify the Roman Catholic faith of this time, and to stop the mouth of some Ministers, who are not a shamed to say the Pope giveth leave to sin, It pleased God this present year 1608. to raise (in a manner) a knight of that time, and to make him speak. For digging to make a grave in Saint Faith's Church under Paul's, they found the Coffin of Sir. Gerard Bray brook the cords whereof were fresh and the herbs of good savour, and upon his breast a Pardon granted unto him of Pope Boniface of that time, entire and whole in these words. Boniface Bishop servant of the servants of God. To his beloved son Gerard Braybrook the younger Knight and to his beloved daughter in Christ Elizabeth his wife, of the Diocese of Lincoln, health and Apostolical blessing. It hath proceeded from the affection of your devotion whereby you reverence us and the Roman Church, that we admit to our favourable hearing your petitions, those especially which concern the halth of your souls. Hence it is that we inclining to your requests, do by the Tenor of these presents easily grant to your devotion, that the Confessor whom either of you shall think good to choose shall by authority Apostolic give to you a plenary remission of all your sins of which you shallbe in heart contrite and confessed, once only at the point of your death: You persisting in the sincerity of faith, in the unity of the holy Roman Church, and in obedience and devotion to us and our Successors the bishops of Rome canonically elected. So notwithstanding that the said Confessor concerning those things, of which satisfaction shallbe imposed upon either, He enjoin it to be done by you, if you return from peril of death, or by your Heirs, if you than chance to pass from this world, that which you or they are bound to perform as is aforesaid. And lest (which God forbidden) in regard of such favour, you be made more prone to commit sin, We will that if by any such confidence you should fortune to transgress, that the foresaid Indulgence shall not any thing profit you. Therefore let it altogether be unlawful for any man to infringe this our grant and will, or with rash boldness contradict it. If truly any shall presume to attempt it, let him know he shall incur the indignation of Almighty God and his most blessed Apostles Saint Peter and Paul. Given at Rome, at S. Peter's, the 9 of june, in the second year of our Popedom. Behold, gentle Keader, this ancient pardon, and consider by it: First, the high esteem that our Catholic ancestors made of the Pope's pardons, in so much, that this worshipful knight would send to Rome to procure a particular one for himself and his wife. Again how untruly Ministers say, that Popes give pardon and leave to sin, seeing this pardon could not avail for any sins committed upon hope of the pardon. But▪ especially I would have thee consider Gods wonderful disposition in the conserving and revealing of this Pardon at this time. What thinkest thou that this Knight's grave should be never opened till this day? That the Pardon should be preserved from corruption so long lying in the earth? That that only Coffin in which this Pardon was, should have the cords so long time sound & the flowers so long odoriferous, what think we this Pardon availed to the soul of this Knight (for which purpose it only was given) when it wrought such benefit to his dead corpse. But now to come to the King's laws and Acts against the Wicklefists Fox Acts pag. 441. saith, Kings Richards laws against wiclefists whom Protest. account their brethren. The King adjoined his assent to the setting down of an Ordinance which was indeed the very first law which is to be found made against religion and the professors thereof. bearning the name of an Act made in the parliament Anno 5. Kichard 2. wherein (saith Fox) Wicklefs doctrine is called heresy, and notorious errors and slanders, to engender (saith the Act) discord and dissension between divers estates of the realm. And order is taken for to arrest and imprison such till they amend. Ibid Fox citeth the letters patents of the King against Wicklef and some other there named, or any other noted by any other probable suspicion of heresies Again pag. 460. King Richard writeth to the Sheriff of Northampton against the Wicklefists thus. [We willing therefore to withstand the Defenders and maintainers of such heresies, Do will and command as well the forenamed as namely the foresaid john Woodward to bs apprehended, straightly charging the same to be imprisoned by their bodies, or otherwise punished as shall seem good to the justices.] And pag. 504. he setteth down the King's Commission in these words. [We by our special Letters Patents in the zeal of our faith have given authority and licence unto the foresaid Archbishops, and all and every of his Suffragans to arrest all and every one of them that will preach or maintain any such Conclusions repugnant unto the determination of our holy Mother the Church. And in other let●ers chargeth all not to hinder the Bishops of hereford in suppressing the Lolards. Yea pag. 406. Edit. 1596. Fox citeth a law made Anno 2. Richard 2. for burning of Wicklefists Thus (saith Fox pag. 505.) King Richard taking part with the Pope and the Rom●sh Prelates, waxed somewhat straight and hard to the poor Christians of the contrary side of Wicklef, and saith that though none were burnt under him, yet some were condemned, divers abjured, and did penance. And pag. 513. saith. King Richard those to serve the humour of the Pope. K. Richard gathereth a Council against wickliff. wickliff condemned by 10 Bishop● 44. divines 20 lawiers. To this Bale Cent. 6. cap. 1. addeth, that Wicklef was banished for ●ome years. And cap. 77. that Anno 1382. Wicklef was condemned by ten Bishops, and forty four Divines, and twenty Lawyers. And cap. 82. saith, that King Richard at the commandment of Boniface 9 & Cent. 7. cap. 11. gathered a great Council Anno 1392 against the Wicklefists. And Fox pag. 507. K. Richard leaveth all to suppress wiclefists. and Walsingham An. 1395. & others writ, that King Richard being in Ireland, left all as soon as he heard increase of Lollards, and calling the chief of them unto him threatened them greatly, if they followed Lollards any more, and making one of them swear thereto, the K. swore to him, that if he broke his oath, he should die a foul death. So earnest was that King against those, whom Protestants account now their brethren. And albeit he consented to the Law made Anno 1391. against those that procured or brought any excommunication of the Pope against any, yet that Law was not made to deny any point of the Pope's authority, but because (as Polidor saith l. 20) many were vexed daily for causes which they thought could not be known at Rome easily, The King and Lords Temporal and Commons (for the Lords spiritual reclaimed as Fox witnesseth pag. 512.) thought it expedient that in this point the Pope should not use his authority. Besides that when Pope Boniface 9 sent to have these Laws recalled, the King (saith Walsingham in Ypod●gmate, Anno 1391.) silius obediens. As an obedient child, determined to fulfil the Pope's demands, but the Knights of the Parliament would not abrogate the Statute against Provisors, because they would not have English Benefices at any time given to strangers. And the times of King Richard were so manifestly Roman Catholic, as the King's Attorney in the arraignment of Garnet calleth them the midnight of Popery. Bale Cent. 6. cap 96. Saints. saith that Almost all that were in those dark times did err through ignorance of God's law. In this king's time died Saint john of Bridlington whose life is written in Capgraue who (saith Bale Centur. 6. c. 63. Caelesti Theologiae assiduus cultor adhaesit. And William Fleet an Austin Friar, who was canonised as Bale Cent. 6. c. 41. reporteth out of Sabellicus. Henry 4. XLV. IN the year 1399. succeeded king Henry 4. grandchild to king Edward 3. by john Duke of Lancaster, Worthiness of K. Henry 4. and died Anno 1413. having reigned 14. years. He was (saith Polider lib. 21. of a great courage, & after the end of civil wars entertained all most gently. His Rom. Religion. The same hath Cooper Anno 1399. and Stow Chron. pag. 424. His Roman Catholic religion is most notorious. For as Fox Acts pag. 523. and others writ, he made the Statute ex officio. Where is appointed. That who so ever is convicted of (Wicklefs) heresy before his Ordinary or Commissioners, that then the Shreive's. Maiers and Bayliff lifts of the City, country, or Town, shall take the persons after sentence is pronounced, & cause them openly to be burned in sight of the people. And pag. 517. Fox setteth down the King's Decree in parliament, wherein he professeth to be zealous in religion, and reverent lover of the Catholic faith, And minding to root out all heresies out of his Kingdom, And there commandeth one William Santrey a convict heretic to be burnt, which perhaps is he whom Bale Cent. 6. cap. 75. saith was burnt in Smithfield An. 1401. In this time was burnt saith Bale Cent. 8. c. 5. that relapse William Swinderby a smith in London for denying the real presence, & a Tailor the same year 1410. for the same cause Fox pag. 481. nameth his brother john Badby burned then, who (as Walsingham. ypodig. pag 174, who then lived, writeth) said that the Eucharist is not the body of Christ, but worse than a toad or a spider, And perhaps he is that Wiclesist of whom that grave Author Thomas Walden who (was there present) reporteth Tom. 2. c. 63. That standing before the Archbishop & Bishops in presence of the Duke of york & many nobles, Miracle f●●● not of the B● sacrament he said that a Spider was more to be worshipped than the Eucharist, and suddenly from the top of the Church came a great spider & sought to enter into his mouth, & would scarce be kept out by any man's help. Moreover Fox Acts 5. 8. saith that this King was the first of all English Kings, that began the burning of Christ's (wickliff) Saints for standing against the Pope. That K. Henry burned Wiclefs Saints is evident, But he was not the first which burned such as stood against the Pope, as appeareth by what hath been said of Edward 3. K Henry 4. wholly bend to the Pope. And finally he concludeth that this king was bend altogether to uphold the Pope's Prelacy. And therefore in his Considerations, Considerate. 10. saith, Protestants rather died than lived in the days of King Henry 4. And when the Lollards or Wicklefists requested him (as saith Walsingham An. 1410.) either to alter, or mitigate the foresaid Statute, he answered them that he would rather enforce it. And when they proposing to him the same bait, What bait the Wiclefists Proposed to K. Henry. 4. to overthrow religion. The like offer made Protestants which Sir Thom more confuted. as Protestants did to King Henry 8. desired him to take away the Church livings, because with them he might maintain 15. Earls, 1550. Knights, 6200. Squires, and 100 Hospitals, he detesting their malice commanded them to silence. King Henry 5. XLVI. IN the year 1413. succeeded K. Henry 5. son to King Henry 4. and died An. 1422. having reigned 9 years. The rare virtues of K Henry. 5. He was (saith Polidor lib. 22.) the only glory of that time, than whom none borne either for greatness of courage or for virtue was more famous or excellent, whose love even yet remaineth amongst men. The like commendations give to him Walsingham, who then lived Histor. pag. 465. and ypodigm. pag. 178. Cambden Brit. pag. 442. calleth him Optimum Principem. Stow pag. 595. Victorious and renowned King. He won the great battle of Agincourt, and greatest part of France with Paris, and was appointed by the French King Regent of France, and heir after his death. The Roman religion of this Victorious and virtuous Prince is notorious. His Rom. Religion. First because (as Fox saith pag. 569.) he made a Statut An. 2. That all and singular such as were of Wiclefs learning, if they would not give over should suffer death in two manner of kinds, That is, They should be first hanged for treason against the king (against whom they rebelled) and then burned for heresy against God. Secondly, this king (saith Fox pag. 675▪ in all his life and all his doings was so serviceable to the Pope and his chaplains, that he was called the Prince of Priests. The valiantest Prince of England called the Prince of Priests. These were the Lollards who as Walsing. saith Hist. pag. 435. were wont to say. Now the Prince of the Priest's is gone, now our enemy is departed. Thirdly he hanged and burnt Sir john Owldcastel called Lord Cobham, whom though Fox account a principal martyr of his, yet his brother Stow p. 581. calleth him the public enemy. And he was so fantastical at his death, as he talked of his own rising to life the third day pag. 582. He burned also divers other Wicle●ists ex Bale Centur. 7. cap. 5. And Fox pag. 481. telleth that being yet Prince he was at the burning of the foresaid john Badly, and commanded fire to be put to him when he would not recant. Fou●●hly, he built three Monasteries Walsingham. Hist. pag. 452. as Beethlem for Carthusians, Zion for Brigittings, and another for the Caelestins. which two last orders came new into England in his time. Fiftly his ghostly Father and whom he most trusted and in whose arms he died (saith Ba●e Centur. 7. cap. 84.) was the great Clerk and greatest adversaire of the Wicklefists Thomas Walden Provincial of the white Friars. Confession of sins before victory. Sixtly being to give the battle at Agincourt, the night before (saith Walsing Hist. pag. 438.) He and his soldiers spent the night in making their confessions, and providing for their souls. And in ypodigm. pag. 188. telleth how at harflew they had a folemne procession before the blessed Sacrament. Of this religion was that English King and English soldiers who won that glorious battle, who conquered France, and made England renowned. Finally This King as Stow faith Anno 1416. England in her most triumphant time accounted it great honour to be esteemed a Nation that owed devotion to the Church of Rome. sent his Ambassadors to the Council of Constance, where Wickleft and his doctrine were condemned, and there procured it to be ordained, that England (saith Stow) should obtain the name of a nation, and said one of the four Nations that own their devotion to the Church of Rome which until that time men of other Nations for envy had letted. Behold Christian Reader how the most victorious that England ever had, and England in the most triumphant time that ever she enjoyed, strove to be accounted a Nation that owed devotion to the Church of Rome, and accounted that a principal honour. And at that time did God bless our Nation with greatest victories, with happiest success, with largest Empire that ever since or before she obtained. And these times were so evidently Roman Catholic, as the King's Attorney in the arraignment of F. Garnet calleth them the very midnight of Popery. And Fox in Considerate 10. saith Protestant's rather died than lived under this King In this King's time lived that great Clerk Thomas Walden, Saints. who (as Bale said Cent 7. cap. 84.) converted the Duke of Lituania with all his people to popisme and as he reporteth out of divers is canonised. King Henry. 6. XLVII. THe 47. Christian King was King Henry 6. only son to King Henry 5. begins his reign Anno 1422. and reigned 38. years .. The piety of K. Henry. 6. He was (saith Cambd. in Brit. pag. 345. The best and most pious Prince. and pag. 257. A most holy King a pattern of Christian piety and patience King Henry 7. so admired his virtues as he dealt with Pope julius to canonize him. Fox pag. 716. saith, I doubt not but King Henry 6. was a good and quiet Prince Stow pag. 595. saith, he was of nature gentle and meek suffered all injuries patiently. pag. 624. always naturally inclined unto good pag. 705. after his death worshipped by the name of holy King Henry, whose red hat of velvet (saith he) was thought to heal the head ache of such as put it on. In both states he was patiented and virtuous, that he may be a pattern of most perfect virtue. He was plain and upright only given to pra●er and reading of scripture and alms deeds. Of such integrity of life as the Bishop that had been his Confessor ten years avouched that he had not all that time committed any mortal crime. So continent as suspicion never touched him. Polid. l 24. saith many miracles were wroughtly his body. Far from covetousness so religiously affected that on principal holy days he would wore sackcloth next his skin. He pardoned one who had thrust him into the side with a sword, and of his natural inclination abhorred all vices as well of body as of mind. Thus do Protestants commend this holy king. His Rom. Religion. And his Roman religion is manifest. For Pope Eugenius sent to him a golden rose as to a Catholic Prince, Stow pag. 635. And under him were divers Wicklesists burnt An. 1415. 1430. 1431. 1428. And Bishop Peacock made publicly to recant 1457. and had his books burnt before his face, ex Bale Centur. 7. cap. 75. Godwin in Bishops of Chichester, Fox Acts Edit. 1596. pag. 605. & sequen. setteth down the names of divers Wicklefists, whereof some were burnt, some whipped, some made abjure the●r heresy under this king. And pag. 644. he setteth down public letters of the King dated An. 18. Regni where he avoucheth the burning of one White a Wickle●●t, & calleth him Traitor to God. King Edward 4. XLVIII. THe 48. Christian Prince was Edward 4. of the house of York, who began his reign 1460. and reigned 22. years. He was (saith Stow pag. 689) of noble courage and great wit. pag. 722. a goodly parsonage princely to behold, of heart courageous, Valour of K. Edward. 4. politic in counsel, in adversity nothing abashed, in prosperity rather joyful than proud, in peace just and merciful, in war sharp and fierce. His R●m. Religion. His Roman religion is manifest, For (Bale saith Centur. 8. cap. 34.) That his Confessor was john Stanborn a Carmelit. Qui totus iuraverat in Romani Pontificis authoritatem: who wholly swore to the Pope's authority. And Fox Acts Editione 1596. pag. 659. putteth one john Goose a Wicklefist burnt under him. And Ibid. noteth that since the time of King Richard 2. there is no reign of any King to be assigned hitherto wherein some good man or other hath not suffered the pains of fire for the religion of jesus (Wicklef) Besides Stow pag. 690. saith that King Edward went crowned in Westmenster in the honour of God and S. Peter, and the next day in paul's in the honour of God and S. Paul. And his daughter Brigit became a nun polidor lib. 24. King Edward. 5. XLVIIII. THe 49. Christian Prince was Edward 5. son to Edward 4. a child of a 11. years old, who lived not many days after his Father. As for the religion which this child had, it may easily appear by what hath been said of the Father. King Richard. 3. L. IN the year 1483, the 50. Christian Prince was Richard 3. brother to Edward 4, who took the Crown & held it two years. The qualities of this K. are notorious in all Chronicles. K. Richard's religion. And his religion is known both by what hath been said of his brother. And as Polidor l. 25. he began a College in York of an hundredth Priests. King Henry 7. LI. IN the year 1485. succeeded King henry 7. of the house of Lankaster, and reigned 23. years. Worthiness of K. Henry. 7. He was (faith Stow) a Prince of marvelous wisdomme, policy justice temperance and gravity. Fox Acts. pag. 729. saith the same. His Rom. Religion. His Roman Catholic religion is evident. For Fox setteth down divers Wicklefists burnt or otherwise punished under him, as pag. 731. four. whereof one the K. caused to be brought before him, but when he would not be persuaded, was burnt. And pag. 774. he reckoneth divers others, & others abjured and burnt in the cheek. Whereupon Considerate. 10. he saith, Protestants rather died than lived under King. Henry 7. And p. 776. saith thus of K. Henry 7. otherwise a prudent and temperate Prince permitted the rage of the Pope's Clergy so much to have their wills over the poor flock of Christ as they had. Ibid. The persecution began now in the Church to be ●oat and he attributteth the death of the K. to the persecution (forsooth) of the Gospelers. Moreover pag. 799. He roporteth out of G. Lilly. how Henry 7. Anno 1506. send three solemn Orators to Pope julius 2. to yield his obedience, Ex more (saith Lily) to the See of Rome. And Stow p. 811. writeth that Pope julius 2. scent a cap of maintenance, and a sword to King Henry 7. as to a Defender of the Church. And Fox pag. 799. saith that Pope Alexander 6. and Pius 3. had before done the same. King Henry 7. builded also three Monasteries of Franciscans Pollidor in vit. In this king's time lived john Alcok Bishop of Elie, Holy 7 men. A man (saith Godwin in his life) of admirable temperance for his life and behaviour unspotted and from a child so earnestly given to the study, not only of learning, but of all virtue, and godliness, as in those days never any man bore a greater opinion and reputation of holiness, He lived all his time most soberly and chastened subduiing the temptations of the flesh by fasting study and prayer and other such good means. King Henry 8. LII. KIng Henry 8. son to king Henry 7. begins his Reign An. 1509. From the which time to An. 1530. he continued an earnest Roman Catholic. For (as Fox saith pag. 789.) From Anno. 1509. to 1527. divers Wicklefists were presented, troubled & imprisoned. And pag. 836. He setteth down a letter of king Henry Anno 13. To all majors Sheriffs, Bailiffs, and Constables, and other officers to assist the Bishop of Lincoln for punishing Heretics according to the laws of holy Church. And Bale Cent. 8. cap. 62. saith, that two were burnt An. 1515. for the matter of the Sacrament. And cap. 75. that Barnnes was made to recant Anno 1525. And likewise Bilney, Garret, and others An. 1527. Stow also and others writ how king Henry Anno 1511. wrote to the French king to desist from molesting Pope julius 2. and in the next year sent an army of ten thousand men into France in the Pope's defence. And An. 1513. K. Henry 8. zeal in defence of the Pope. Went himself in person with a royal army & conquered Torwin and Turney. And not content thus manfully to have adventured his person to defend the Pope with his sword, did in the year 1521. writ also an excellent book in his defence against Luther. The original whereof I have seen in the Pope's Library with the King's subscription thereto in these bad verses, if I well remember. Hunc librum Henricus Leoni decimo mittit In signum fidei & pignus amicitiae. This book to Leo tenth King Henry the eighth doth send In testimony of his faith, and token of a friend. For which book Pope Leo gave to him & his successors for ever the glorious title of Defender of the faith. And again in the year 1527. When Pope Clement 7. was taken prisoner, he gave monthly 60. thousand angels, for the maintenance of an army for the Pope's delivery. And after this made long time suit to the same Pope that he would by his authority pronounce his marriage with Queen Catherine to be none, and divorce them, which he not granting, King Henry (as you shall hear in the next Book) renounced the Pope's authority, and made himself head of the Church, and yet remained in all other points a Roman Catholic. Whereupon Bale Cent. 8. cap. 80. saith, K Henry 8. newer a Protestant. that King Henry did admit the Doctrine of Antichrist even in the matters of greatest moment, and did retain the contagious dregs. Sleidan Englil. 13. fol. 174. By such phrases this wrech useth to understand Papistry. And Fox pag. 1291. granteth, that Obits and Masses appear in his will. Most sever of all Engl. Kings against Heretics. And as he saith pag. 1135. made it high treason to deny the real presence, and felony to defend marriage of Priests, breaking of vows, or to condemn Communion in one kind, private Mass, or auricular Confession, without all benefit of abjuration or Clergy. Which Laws were severely executed by him. And at his death would gladly have been reconciled to the Roman Church, as Bishop Gardiner (with whom he dealt about that matter) protested openly in a sermon at Paul's Cross. And so Catholic was the people of England in his time even after his revolt from the See Apostolic, as when the Vicar of Croidon a most famous preacher of that time, told them in a sermon at Paul's, that as they had denied the supremacy of the Pope, so in time they would fall to deny other points of the Catholic faith, Zeal of our grand fathers touching the real presence. even the real presence of Christ in the blessed Sacrament, The people at that word cried out. Never Never Never. which yet now we find too true. Queen Marie LIII. AFter K. Henry the eight succeeded in the year 1546. King Edward the sixth his son, a child of nine years old, which child wanting the use of perfect reason, and unfit to govern himself, was the first Protestant Prince that ever was in England, and turned the Roman religion which his Father had left, (though maimed in one principal point) to open protestancy. Not for the miracles or rare virtues of the Preachers thereof, or their convincing their adversaries in disputation, as King Ethelbert changed his Paganism into the Roman religion, as is before showed, but because the Lord Protector and his complices thought it most suitable to their humours, and most fit for their aspiring pretences. But how unfortunate this exchange was, not only to the souls of this King and principal Actors therein, but also to their lives and bodies, you may read in Stow, The ill end of the kringets in of Probestancie. where you shall see that the very same year 1548. that Proclamation was made for receiving in both Kinds, the Lord Admiral (a chief agent in the change of religion) though brother to the Protector, and Uncle to the King, was beheaded for a Traitor, And the next year 1549. When Proclamation was made against Mass, soon after also was Proclamation made against the Protector himself, the principal author of the change, and he cast into the Tower. And in the year 1552. when the new service book of Common prayer begun in Paul's, the said Protector was beheaded, And the next year the King died, and the Duke of Northumberland (an other principal actor in the change of religion though against his own conscience, as he openly declared at his death) was beheaded for treason, and Cranmer and Ridley and other favourers of that change were deprived of their Dignities, and soon after burnt. This was the rueful end of the first setters up of protestancy. For maintenance whereof albeit a new Queen was proclaimed, Nobles sworn, and the strength of England gathered, yet in short time almighty God overthrew it again without any bloodshed by one virtuous woman Q. Marry, protestancy overthrone by a woman without any bloodshed. Virtue of Q. Marie. Author of danger. positions l 2 cap. 14. Her Rom. Religion. In the arraignment of F Garnat. D Dove lib. of recusancy will have Bellarm. to be a Protest. or at lest no perfect Papist. who all the time of her life lived so chastened and religiously, that all her enemies could not to this day fasten the least suspicion of vice upon her. And whom even Protestants writ to have Been of nature and disposition very mild and pitiful. Which argueth that they well deserved the severity which she showed towards them. And so earnest a Roman Catholic she was, as the Protestants writ of her, that there was, Not these thousand years a more obedient daughter to the Church of Rome than she was. Whereby you may judged of the impudency of Doctor Reinolds who in his Confer. pag. 583. denieth, not only all the former Princes, but even Queen Marie ever to have allowed the Pope's absolute spiritual supremacy, (or as he speaketh) the Pope's Monarchy, but only to have granted him such a pre-eminence, as the Duke of Venice hath in that state. But with her in the year 1558. ended all the glory of Catholic Princes of England. Who (except King Henry 8. for a few years, and King Edward 6.) had continued from the year 598. till the foresaid year 1558. the space almost of a thousand years. And after rose a new kind of protestancy, differing from that of King Edward the child's time. Not (as I said before) through any miracles or strange virtue of the Preachers thereof, or their overcoming their adversaries in Disputation, but against the will of all the Bishops and a great part of the Nobility, by the counsel of mere Lay men, and the authority of a woman, who was induced to make this change, not for zeal of religion (which she little regarded) but to assure her state the more, because she feared if she acknowledged the authority of the Church of Rome, her birth might be called in question. But of the cause, manner, and means of erecting protestancy, we shall speak more in the second book. Epilogue. HItherto (gentle Reader) thou hast heard 53. Princes of England successiuly, believing and professing the Rom. Catholic faith, besides 70. and more others, who reigned over certain parts of England, whiles it was divided into divers Kingdoms, whose names only I will here set down. Kings of Kent 13. Ethelbert, Edbald, Ercombert, Egbert Lotharius, Edricus, Withered, Edbert, Edilbert, Alri●us, Edilbert-pren, Cuthred, and Baldred. Kings of the East Saxons 9 Sebert Sigebert Sigher S. Sebba, Sighard, Senfred, Offa, Sclred, Swithed. Kings of Eastengland 13. to wit Redwald, Carpwald, S. Sigebert, Egris. Anna, Ethelere, Ethelwald, Adulph, Elwald, Beorna, Ethelred, Saint Ethelbright▪ S Edmund, kings of middle England 17. Namely Peda, Vulpher, Ethelred, Coenred, Ceolred, Ethelbald, Bernred, Offa, Egfert, Kenulph, Saint Kenelm, Ceolwulph, Bernulph, Ludecan, Withlof, Bertulph Burdred. Kings of the Northpart of England 18. Edwin, Saint Oswald, Oswin, Oswi, Egfrid, Alfrid, Ostred, Kenred, Ostrie, Ceolwulph, Egbert, Ostwuld, Mollo, Alred, Ethelbert. Alswald, Ostred, Athelred, and some kings also of the South Saxons. Consider I pray thee now the number of these kings which is above 120, far above the smallest number of two Protestant Princes. Consider their sex and age, who almost all were men and of mature years, Whereas of the Protestant Princes, one was a child, the other a woman. Consider their wisdom and valour, in which they were inferior to no Princes in Christendom. Consider their virtue, which was so great, as there are more Kings of Ingland Saints, than of all Christendom beside. Consider the end for which they first embraced the faith, which was neither to enjoy their lust, nor to get any Church goods, nor to assure their temporal state, but to gain heaven. Consider the Counsellors, whose advise they followed herein, were not ignorant and lay men, but virtuous and learned Divines. Consider the motives which drew them to the Catholic religion, to wit, rare virtue, great learning, admirable miracles of their first preachers. Finally, consider how long they continued in their faith, to wit almost a thousand years, and how almost in every King's time here lived some notable men, who with rare virtue and miracles have confirmed their faith. Consider I say all this, and then judge whither the Catholic religion of so many and so worthy Kings, or the Protestant faith of one Child and one woman, be more likely to be good and to come from God. Can we think that so many Princes of mature years and judgement should be blind, rather than one child & a woman, that these could see that in so few years which all they could not perceive in a thousand? That these two should hit upon God's truth for temporal ends, rather than they for spiritual? That that should be Christ's faith whereto these two were moved by worldly (if not vicious) motives, than that whereto they were moved by heavenly virtue and miracles? That that should be God's truth which began but the last day, rather than that which hath continued here this thousand years? Finally that a Child and one woman are gone to heaven, & so many virtuous Princes with all their Archbishop's Bishops Prelates Divins and Clergy, with all their Queens, Princes, Nobles Commons and Ancestors for these thousand years, not withstanding all their wisdom, learning, miracles, virtuous lives, and good deeds are gone to hell for want of true faith in Christ? were (as the ancient Father Tertullian saith to certain Heretics of his time) so many millions christened in vain, believed in vain, served God in vain, and are dead in their sins. Perhaps some will say that the foresaid Princes and our Ancestors believed so much of the Christian faith as is necessary to salvation. But than it evidently followeth that the Protestant faith is not the Christian faith. Because (as I have shown before out of the confession of Protestants) those Princes knew not so much of Protestancy as that which Protestants account the soul head and foundation of their religion and without which they say all is lost, To wit, justification by only faith. Yea they are by Fox & others plainly denied to have known the Protestants faith, and affirmed to have held divers points quite opposite to Protestancy. How then could they be saved by any point of Protestancy who knew not so much as the foundation thereof, and with other points of their belief overturned it? Wherefore others ashamed to condemn so many, so worthy, and so virtuous Christians to Hell, and yet not daring to afford them hope of salvation lest they should condemn their own religion, answer, that they will not judge their forefathers, but leave them to God's judgement. But these either are ashamed to utter what they think, or have no firm faith at all. For if they firmly believed their Protestant faith to be Christ's faith they must needs think that all that have died without it are damned, for without true faith it is impossible to please God, or (which is a spice of Atheism and right Antichristianitie) that there are more ways to heaven than by Christ and his faith, that there are many faiths, many baptisms, many Christ's, many Gods. From which irreligious atheism God deliver my dear country. And thus having sufficiently showed how Saint Austin was our English Nations first preacher and what qualities he had fit for such a function and what kind of doctrine his was and how it hath continued in our country ever since, l●t us now view Luther and his doctrine & see whither they have the like or rather quite opposite qualities & conditions, that after having weighed both, we may the better judge whereof to make our choice. Finis Primi libri. THE SECOND BOOK OR SCALE, WHEREIN The qualities of Luther and of his Doctrine are set down. THE FIRST CHAPTER. That Luther was the first Author of the Protestant Religion. Why catholics might be alledaged against. Luther. ALBEIT I might justly produce the testimony of Catholic writers, who lived at the same time with Luther and some of them in the same Country also near unto him to prove that he was the first beginner of protestancy, because they could not be ignorant of so notorious a matter, and being of that fidelity as they cannot be disproved in any other weighty matter, & of that gravity as it can not be thought that they would wittingly make themselves a scorn to the world by reporting notorious untruths, and finally being Catholics whose testimony (as we see in England,) Protestants use to account most sure, Catholic writers I say being thus qualified I might justly produce their testimony especially in so easy a matter for them to know, and so easy to be disproved if it were not true (For what more easy than to name one living man that was Protestant before Luther if any had been) yet partly because I would avoid all cavils, Why their testimonies are forborn. but especially because Protestants themselves testify enough in this matter, I will abstain from Catholic witnesses, leaving it to the judicious Reader to considet how evident our cause is, which we will prove only by the testimony of our adversaries. Five kind of Profess that Luther was the beginner of Protestantisme. And that Luther was the first Author of Protestant Religion, I will prove. First, by the Protestants confession of the invisibility or no appearance in the world of their Church or religion before Luther. Secondly, by their like Confession of the newness or late rising of their Church and faith. Thirdly, by their Confession also of the departure of their first Masters and Teachers from our Church. Fourthly I will prove it by reason. And Fiftly by their plain affirming and granting that Luther was indeed the beginner of their religion. To which profess I will add in the next Chapters a disproof of such as some Protestant's challenge to have been of their religion in England in former times. That the Protestant's Church was not visible before Luther. Luther. 2. thouch the first kind of proof that the Protestant's Congregation was not visible in the world before Luther, it may suffice that Luther himself lib. de Capt. cap. de bapt. complaineth that The Pope's tyranny (saith he) for many ages hath extinguished the faith. And lib. de libert. he crieth out thus. Alas Christian life is unkowne in all the world. Erasmus a Confessor with Fox, Erasm. count Epist. non Sab. Luther. Fox in his Calendar. Reinolds. Comfort. pag. 152. 1●5. Calvin. The alteration of religion with the beginning of Charles 5. took her original. Sleidan. prefat histor. Whitaker. Perkins. and a man of good judgement with Doct. Reinolds writeth that Luther taught many things which for many ages the Church knew not. Caluin Praefat. Institut. confesseth plainly, that his doctrine diu incognita sepultaque latuit; Lay long time unknown and buried. Again: In the ages past there was no face of a true Church. For some ages all things were drowned in deep darkness. And lib. 4. c. 1. §. 11. For some ages the pure preaching of the word vanished. Doct. Whitaker count Duraeum pag. 274. we as plainly know (saith he) the visible Church to have perished as thou knowest a man to be dead: Perkins in his Exposit: of the Creed p. 400. Before the days of Luther for the space of many hundred years an Universal Apostasy overspread the whole world. The protestant Church hid for many hundred years together. And in th● Resor. Catholic p. 3●2. Our Church saith he) in Luther's time began to sh●w itself as having been hid by an universal Apostasy many hundred years together. Can one speak more plainly? And exposit. cit. p, 370. he saith these many hundreds. which he meaneth were nine hundred years. D. Fulke in natis Apoc. 20. Fulke. They (Protestants) were often driven into mountains and desert places of the Alps, Apenin Hercinia silva and other corners of the world, or else dispersed & kept close in all regions of Europe. Surueler. The surveyor of the pretended discipline. c. 8. in this latter age (saith he) when after a long darkness, it pleased God to restore unto us the light of the Gospel. c. 4. All priests and people drowned in Popery from top to toe. Priests of all sorts & likewise the people all of them together from the top to the toe were drowned in the puddles of Popery. And I pray you who was then a Protestant. 3. But how long was this ignorance, this darkness, this drowning of Priests & people in Popery. Fox in his Acts edit. 1596. (which edition I cite in this book) p. 767. Fox. saith. From 400. years heretofore and more the religion of Christ was wholly burned into Idolatry. And p. 390. About the year 1370. all the world (saith he) was in desperate estate and ignorance of God's truth overshadowed the whole world & there seemed in a manner to be no one little spark of pure doctrine left. Again in his Protestation before his Acts. About the year 1215. & 1080, Christian faith was extinguished, than the true visible Church began to shrink and keep in for fear. And further pag. 138 In the time of King Edgar (which was An. 954.) and of the old Monks, superstition began to creep into the Church for ignorance of free justification by faith. And yet further speaking of our Christian Kings from our first Christianity unto the year 800. he writeth thus pag. 120. How much are we (Protestants) bond to God for the sincerity of his truth hidden so long to our Ancestors and opened now to us. Protestantisme hidden to our Anceitors. Ibid. They lacked our faith. Thus Fox confesseth that the Protestants truth was hidden and unknown here for one thousand years almost. Nay p. 138. he feareth no to write that, Shortly after the time of Christ and his Apostles the Doctrine of Christian justification (which pag. 770. he accounteth, the only principal origin of our salvation, and pag. 767. the foundation of all Christianity) began to be forgotten. Bale. In like manner Bale an other great Antiquary Centur. 6. cap. 69. calleth the time of King Richard 2. a darkish age. And Centur. 5. cap 85. The age (saith he) of K. Edward 3. was covered with darkness of extreme ignorance. And in King Henry 3. time as he writeth Centur. 4. cap. 6. Wholesome truth perished from earth. And under K. Henry 2. (as he writeth Cent. 3. c. 14.) Man's life was corrupted upon earth with Antichristian traditions. So that all this time there was no room for Protestants on earth. And yet further Cent. 1. pag. 69. From the year 607. (saith he) purity of heavenly doctrine vanished in the Church. And p. 65. After Greg. the first purity of doctrine perished. And Cent. 1. c. 74. protestancy for a thousand years only in Idiots and in holes. From Phocas (who lived An 602.) till the renewing (saith he) of the Gospel (by Luther) the doctrine of Christ was for that space amongst Idiots and in lurking holes. Dost thou hear Reader in whom and where this new Gospel was for almost 1000 years together? Napier. Napier also in his Treatise upon the Revelat. pag. 145. Even 1260. years (saith he) the Pope and his Clergy hath possessed the outward and visible Church of Christians reigning without any debatable contradiction. God's truth (saith he p 191. 161. 156) most certainly (note the word) abiding so long latent & invisible. Behold this Protestant confessing that their truth was invisible for more than twelve hundred years▪ Fulke. yea Fulk in his Answer to a Counterfeit Cathol. pag. 35. will have the Church to have decayed immediately from the Apostles time. And to conclude with Luther's testimony as I began with it. He Galath 1. fol. 27. Luther. hath these words. When the light of the Gospel after so great darkness begun first to appear. And Galath. 3. fol. 154. Of this difference (taught by me) between the la and the Gospel there is nothing to be found in the books of the Monks Canonists Schoolmen, Luther's doctrine not known to the ancient Fathers. no nor in the books of the ancient Fathers. And Galat. 5. fol. 271. This was common in these our days before the light & truth of the Gospel was revealed. 4. Thus you see it evident by the confession of Luther & divers other Protestant's both domestical and foreign that their Church, their faith & religion was invisible and unknown to the world before Luther. And this invisibility of their Church before Luther's time do all Protestant's maintain, who affirm the calling or sending of Luther Caluin & such like to preach, to have been extraordinary or only from God, because either there was no protest. church or ministry, of which they could be sent ordinarily, or at lest none such known to them. And hereupon may any man of judgement gather that indeed their Church & religion was not at all before Luther. For if it were not visible how came they to knowledge of it? Or if as Fox saith in his Protest. it was not reported in Histories how know they that it was? Can they tell what was in times passed without relation of those who then lived, unless they pretend some such revelation as Moses had to know the Creation of the world? Is it not a mere fiction or imagination, such as every new start up Heretic can avouch? Is it not a witless & witful assertion to affirm that there hath been ever such kind of people, & yet not to be able to name one man of them, one place where they were, one witness of their being? Doth God's word force us to such poor, miserable, yea incredible shifts? Or rather is it not wrongly understood when we are compelled to invent such shameful shifts, or else to confess that God's truth and religion was no where in the world before Luther? jewel. Surely to use even jewels words in the like matter, Articulo 2. division. 8. It must needs be a strange Church that had neither beginning nor ending, no defender, no reprover, no mouth to utter or ear to hear it, nor pen to write, nor place to rest in. Tertullian And we may say to such as Tertullian said to old Heretics. Who are you? whence are you? when came you? Where lurked you so long? The meetings of witches though they be brought together by the devil yet be often times seen. Protestants for one thousand years more invisible them Fairy's. The meetings of Fairies though they be spirits some times are descried. And were there Protestant's these thousand years & yet more invisible than either witches or Fairies? were their Congregations of them & yet neither seen, heard or imagined of by the world? Surely this kind of Church hath her being as Protest. have their justification, that is merely by belief or imagination, not by real existence. But as Tertullian said of old Heretics so some now Will be ee●e without Scriptures that they may believe against Scripture. For what more without Scripture either of God or man, than that there hath been a Protestant Church for these thousand years and yet we neither saw any such, nor any that then lived hath told us? And what more against Scripture than to believe that Chtist and his Church kept (especially for so long time) in penetralibus in corners and lurking holes, Math 4. & 24. that his Church and Pastors are not a city built upon a mountain, a light set open upon a candlestick that it may shine to all? Or how could any of them be saved if they professed it not seeing confession is made to salvation. Rom. 10. 5. And this kind of argument must needs seem forcible both to Protestants and Puritans because they both use it against their adversaries. For hereby the foresaid Surveyor, cap. 5. proveth that the Puritan discipline was never before Caluin, because in all times afore there is no mention or record of it. Now Puritan prove that there were no Anabaptists before this age. And likewise the Puritans prove that Anabaptisme was not before our days as you may see in Colloquio Francatal. whose words because they make much to our present purpose I will here rehearse. If you (say they to the Anabaptists) be the Church of God it will follow that God was without a people and a Church till the year 1522. in which Nicolas Storck and a little after Thomas Muncer laid the first foundation of your doctrine. And this they prove thus. For if you read all Histories from the beginning of the world you shall not find a people which had a Confession of faith like to yours. But because say they neither God was from the beginning without a people and Church, nor the everlasting King jesus Christ without a Kingdom & your Congregation began first An. 1522. it followeth that you can not be the true Church & people of God. Thus Puritan against the Anabaptists, & we object the same to them. 6. As for the second point of the newness and late rising of protestancy Luther Prefat. Epist. Galat. fol. 2. saith thus: That the Protestant's Church is new and lately risen. Luther. apology alias jewel. In these days this healthful knowledge of Christ is now revealed and raised up again. And the Apology of the English Church in plain terms acknowledgeth the newness of their doctrine thus: It was easy for thes men (Papists) forty years ago to devise thes and other greater crimes against us when in midst of that darkness some beam of truth then unknown & unheard of began first to rise. Lo he confesseth that 40. years ago Protest. doct. was not heard of before but then began first to appear. But let us hear him further. When Martin Luther (saith he) & Hulderic Zuinglius most excellent men & sent of God to lighten the world began first to preach & the matter was yet new (note) & the event uncertain and there could be no such heinous wickedness imagined which for the newness (Note again) and strangeness of the matter would not be easily be believed of the people against us. Sleid prafat Histor. saith the original of protestancy was in the beginning of Charles. 5. reign. Reinolds. Behold it twice confessed that their doctrine was new and strange also 40. years ago. And pag. 13. he biddeth us to think of the beginning and proceed of their religion. D. Reinolds also in his Confer. pag. 152. writeth thus: It is more likely that you (Papists) who by long continuance of time have had long occasion to steal away truth should corrupt the Fathers than we who have not had it. Lo Reynolds confesseth that Protestants have not long continued. Caluin. Caluin also 4. instit c. 1. parag. 2. hath these words. Albeit a heavy desolation which we every where see, do cry that there is nothing of the Church remaining. And c. 3. para. 4. plainly avoucheth that there were no Churches rightly settled, Cooper. and therefore they needed to be sent extraordinarily. Cooper in his Chronicle An. 1535. saith, that Luther written that God's light was lately renewed. Fox. And finally Fox to omit others in his Acts p. 788. confesseth most plainly that Luther's doctrine was new in the year 1524. Protestant's doctrine but in the blade. An. 1524. For them (saith he) the doctrine of Luther first beginning to spring and being but in the blade, was not yet known whitherto it tended, nor to what it would grow. And in like sort p. 791. he termeth also, Zuinglius doctrine new. To these I might add that the Patriarch of Constantin. to whom the Protest. sent their doctrine, condemned it and calleth, it altogether new doctrine. And upon the newness of their doct. it cometh that thes terms are most usual with Protest. The doctrine of the Gospel was borne a new. Calvin. 4. instit. cap. 7. 24. Apol. Aug. pag. 56. 194. Whitak. count Dur. pag. 19 140. Bale Cent. 8. cap. 60. 68 100 Cent. 1 cap. 74. Feild. of the Church lib. 3. cap. 39 Survey cap. 8. The Church restored, The Gospel restored. Christ's doctrine renewed, God's word began to shine. The renovation of the Gospel. The rising of the new Jerusalem. The birth of the Gospel. Second birth of Christ Religion borne again. And their first masters their first Bishops their Apostles or Evangelists, Luther, Latimer, Ridly & the like. Hence what will follow every one seethe, to wit, that the Protest. Church or faith is not the Church or saith of Christ, which begun about 16. hundred years ago; but a new Church begun not yet one hundred since. Or that Christ's Church & faith was quite dead & gone, and Luther raised it again to life. And what Church then I pray you was that wherein he was Christened? was it Pagan? were his Godfathers Heathens? was he when he was baptised made a Paynim? whence came this new Church raiser? from what heaven fell he? from what sea sprung he? from what earth rose he? That all the first Protestant Preachers had been before Rom. catholics. 7. Touching the third point to be proved that the Protestants first and chief teachers were once Roman Catholics and went from our Church and religion it is so manifest as neither is it nor can it be denied. For Luther 1. Gal fol. 37. saith thus of himself: I was as earnest for the Pope's laws as ever any was, I honoured the Pope of mere conscience. And fol 38. I di● so highly esteem the Pope's authority that to dissent from him even in the least point I thought it a sin worthy of everlasting death and would myself in defence of the Pope's authority have ministered fire and sword. And fol. 188, We that are old have been trained up in Popish error even from our youth. Thus testified Luther for himself and his German Protestants. Calwin. Caluin 4. instit. cap. 2 parag. 4. for himself and the French Protestants saith thus: We have departed from their (Popish) Church. c. 6. para. 1. We have left the See of Rome cap. 15. parag. 17. We confess we were long time blind and incredulous, understood not the matters of baptism, now we accuse our blindness & hardness of heart. jewel. The Apologer of England speaking for himself & the English Ministers writeth thus pag. 188. We have indeed gone from the Pope we have shaken of the yoke of the Bishop of Rome. Fox. Finally Fox Acts pag. 3. speaking generally of Protestants saith: It is true that we are removed from the Church of Rome. And D. Reinolds amongst his Conclusions maketh this one. Reinolds. That the reformed Churches in England Scotland France Germany and other Kingdoms and Common wealths have severed themselves lawfully (saith he) from the Church of Rome. And if this be so notorious and confessed of all the chief Masters & Churches of Protestants that before Luther's revolt they were all Roman Catholics, undoubted it ought to be of all other Protestants of meaner sort, and consequently there was never a Protestant before him. 8. Fourthly I prove by reason that Luther was the first beginner of Protestancy. For as jewel saith Art. 1. diuis. 7 Eckius, Pighius, A question never answered by Protestant's. Hosius, and others who lived in Luther's time have cried out a main in their books and pulpits where was your religion before Luther began. The like hath Fox Acts pag. 749. and all know to be true. And yet could neither Luther then, nor any since for him name one man woman or child then living who had been a Protestant before Luther. And howsoever it may be thought that before Luther's preaching Protestant's kept secret, yet can it not be thought but when they knew him to preach securely, they would have descried themselves and run to him, if any such had been. Besides that, there are men yet living who can remember that the first Protestants were Catholics before Luther's new preaching. Fox in his Acts pag. 749. proposing the foresaid question to himself nameth a few, who rather show that there were no Protestants in England before Luther. For 1. all the persons whom he nameth abjured their faith as himself confesseth pag. 750. and died (as he writeth) shortly after for grief or lived with shame. For his Church consisting of abured persons How protested they that abjured. 2. these abiurers were (as he setteth down) in the year 1521. four years after Lurhers new preaching, and we ask for Protestants before his preaching. 3. no one of these abjured persons was accused for holding justification by only faith which point is the soul head & foundation of protestancy as hath been showed before and shall hereafter: so that without it they could be no Protestants. And if they had held it, Fox. it would have been discovered. For as Fox saith pag. 650. The Catholic Prelates made such diligent inquisition and examination as neither was any word so closely spoken of them no articles mentioned, but it was it discovered. Wherefore indeed those abiurers were but poor relics of the Lollards of whom we shall speak hereafter. That Luther was Author of protestancy confessed by Protestant's. Covel. Dove. 9 Lastly I prove that Luther was the beginner of protestancy by the plain & open confession of divers Protestants and testimony of Luther himself. For, Doct. Covell in his book of Articles published by authority Art. 19 pag. 130. saith thus: Some Protestant's make Luther & Caluin Authors of the religion among us. D. Dove of recusancy p. 32. Luther (saith he) in his time began a Reformation, harbour. And a book termed the harbour & much esteemed in the beginning of Q. Elizabeth, Luther begot truth. maketh England to speak thus. I am thy country England, who brought forth that blessed man john Wicklef who begot Hus, who begot Luther, who begot truth. And in the margin hath this note. Fox. The second birth of Christ. Fox also Acts pag. 770, saith Luther plucked down the foundation of Papistry by opening one vein long hid before, Luther opened the vein of all truth. the touch stone of all truth and the only principal origen of our salvation, which is our free justification by faith only. And the Author of the book called Prognostica finis mundi or Antichristus writeth thus The spirit which telleth things to come worketh not but in time of the Gospel which Luther as it is confessed (note the word) towards the end of the world did first bring in. And p. 13. Prognost. Luther first brought in his Gospel. Schusselb. Impudency to say there were Gospelers before Luther. Milius. Morgerstern. Ridiculous to say any had pure doctrine be for Luther. The seduction of false prophets is not manifest but under the Gospel which before Luther as we said never went since the primitive time of the Apostles. And Conrad Schusselb. l. 2. Caluin Theol, p. 130. doubteth not to call it impudency to say that many learned men before Luther did hold the doctrine of the Gospel. Georg. Milius in explicat. art. 7. Confess. Aug. If there had been (saith he) right believers before Luther there had been no need of a Luther an reformation. Benedict Morgenstein tract. de Euchar. pag. 145. saith, it is ridiculous to think that in time before Luther any (note) Manifest to the whole world that etc. had the purity of doctrine and that Luther should receive it from them considering it is manifest (note again) to the whole Christian world that before Luther's time all Churches were overwhelmed with more than Cimmerian darkness & that Luther was divinely raised to discover the same and to restore the light of true doctr ne. protestancy began by one man alone Sleid. prefat historia. Thus Protestant's: but let us hear also Luther himself: We dare glory (saith he Prefat. in Corpus doctrinae lipsiae 1561.) that Christ was first published of us. And de Captiu. initio. speaking of his impugning indulgences saith: I alone did then roole thi● stone. And 1. Galat. fol. 26. we by the grace of God have gotten here at Wittenberg the form of a Christian Church. Luther first preached his Gospel. And 3. Galat. fol. 109. many gave thanks to God that through the Gospel which we first (note) by the grace of God then preached etc. fol. 142. we have received the first fruits of the spirit. 4, Galat. fol 205. Sectaries at the beginning of the reformation of the Gospel were glad to hear us and read our books. Luther's Gospel revealed to the world by him. Ibid. The truth of the Gospel, God hath now again in thes latter days revealed by us unto this ungrateful world. 10. Thus you see it evident by many ways that Luther was the first institutor of Protestant religion & founder of their Church, and consequently that their religion and Church, is a devise and invention of man. Whereupon what will follow every one seethe. And as Luther was the Author of Protestancy in Germany, so also from him it spread into England and other Countries, not only by means of his books, but also by his and his scholars Melancthon Pomeran & others particular letters written to English men, and by the example of the Germane Protestant's which as Stow saith King Henry 8. followed in rejecting the Pope, And finally because Tindal who is termed the Apostle of England went as Fox saith, pag. 983. Tindal the Protest. Apostle of England taught by Luther. into Germany and there had conference with Luther. Whereupon the said Fox saith pag. 1013. that from Germany Luther's Gospel began to spread his beams here in England. And so we may justly account Luther the Author or founder of Protestant religion in our English Nation. protestancy came out of Germany into Engl. And howsoever some will obstinately deny, against all the foresaid profess that Luther was the Author of their religion, but it was (forsooth) before Luther, though they know neither where, nor in whom, nor can produce any witness: yet neither doth any, nor can any deny, K Henry ● in Sledan lib. 8. fol. 1●2. saith Protestant▪ came into England out of Germanic but that this late revolt of our English Nation from the See of Rome, came originally from Luther, as the union there of to the said See above one thousand years ago proceeded from Saint Austin: which sufficeth me to compare the union in faith of our English Nation with the See of Rome with the disunion thereof, What is showed of luther the like may be proved of Calvin or any other Sectmaister of our time Besides our ministers say Luther differeth from them in no substantial point jewel Apol Field of Church Reinolds Confer. wickliff no Protestant. in their two principal Authors S. Austin and Martin Luther. And thus having showed that there was no Protestant living, either in England or other where when Luther began, let us see whether there had been any in England in times past. CHAP. II. That Wicklefe and his followers were no Protestants. 1. ALbeit Protestants challenge some few others who lived about Wicklefs time, yet because their greatest hope is in him and his followers. in so much that Doctor Fulke answer to a Counterf. Catholic pag. 24. saith, that he weeneth that we will not deny Wicklef to have been of their Church, I will for brevity sake omit the rest, 1 wickliff knew not so much as the foundation of protestancy. and show that even Wicklife and his company were far from being Protestants. First, because to hold justification by only faith is as is before showed lib. 1. cap. 21. by general consent of Protestants the head, the soul, the foundation of their Church and religion, And as Luther saith Praefat. Epist. ad Galat. As many as hold not this doctrine are either jews, Turks, Popish, or Heretics. But Wicklef and his mates held not justification by only faith. wickliff held not justification by only faith. For as Melancthon chiefest scholar to Luther writeth Epist. ad Fred. Micon. inter Epist. Zuinglij pag. 622. He neither understood nor held the justice of faith. Besides neither Wicklef, nor any of his followers were ever accused by any of the Catholic Inquisitors of those times of that point, albeit as Fox saith pag. 750. their inquisition was so straight, that no article could be mentioned amongst them, but it was discovered. Moreover many of Wicklefes books are yet extant, and nevertheless no Protestant hath yet found this their fundamental Article of justification by only faith in any of his books. How then could Wicklefe be a Protestant who knew not so much as the head soul and foundation of protestancy? 2 wickliff holdeth divers things condemned by Protestant's. 2. Secondly, Wicklef held divers things which Protestants condemn, as that, if any Bishop or Priest be in deadly sin, he doth neither order consecrat nor baptise, which Fox pag. 400. saith can hardly be defended. See more of his Articles in Concil. Constan●●●n. And that so long as a man is in deadly sin he is no Bishop ot Prelate in the Church of God. That temporal Lords may according to their own will and discretion take away the temporal goods from the Church men whensoever they do offend. which articles Fox pag. cit. defendeth no otherwise then by saying that peradventure they were not so strictly meant of him as they were gathered. Moreover Fox pag. 414. amongst other articles of Wiclefe citeth these. To enrich the Clergy is against the rule of Christ There is no greater Heretic or Antichrist than the Clerk who teacheth that it is lawful for Priests and levites of the la of grace to be endued with temporal possessions. To which Stow Anno. 1376. addeth this other. That neither King nor any secular person could give any thing perpetually to any person of the Church. Further more as Fox hath pag. 392. he extolled the perfection of poverty of the begging Friars, and as Stow saith l. cit. adjoined himself to them. And the cause why he inveighed against the Church was as there Stow saith because he had been deprived by the Archbishop of Canterb. of a benefice that he unjustly as was said was incumbent upon. Why wickliff impugned the Cath. faith. Lastly Fox pag. 410. setteth down a letter which he wrote to Pope Vrban 6. Anno 1382. (which was about three years before he died) wherein he confesseth the Pope to be Christ's Vicar on earth and addeth thus: If I have erred in any of thes points I will submit myself to correction even by death if necessity so require. divers other points which Protestants detest are collected out of his books by the Author of the Protestants Apology for the Roman Church pag. 106. And more of Wicklefs wicked life and doctrine you may see in walsingham histor. pag. 188, 206. 302 ypadig. pag. 139 142. 3. 3 Protestant's refuse wickliff. Pantaleon. Melancthon. Thirdly divers Protestants refuse Wicklife for one of theirs and account him an heretic. As Pantaleon Chronall. pag. 119. placing Wiclife amongst Heretics saith thus of him: Wiclife with the Lollard preacheth his heresy in England. And the foresaid Melancthon epist. cit. I have looked (saith he) into Wicklefe, who maketh a great ado about this controversy (of the Eucharist) but I have found many other errors in him by which we may judge of his spirit. Surely he neither understood nor held the justice of saith. He foolishly confoundeth the Gospel and civil affairs, nor perceiveth that the Gospel giveth us leave to use the policy of all nations. He laboureth to prove that Priests should have no propriety. He will have no tithes paid but to those that teach. He sophistically and very seditiously cavilleth of civil dominion. In like manner he sophistically cavilleth at the common received opinion of the Eucharist. And in loc. Com. titul. de potest Eccles. he plainly saith that Wicklefe played the made man. Doctor Caius also lib. 2. dt Antiquit. pag. 268. objecteth Wicklife to the oxonians as a disgrace to their university. Caius. And Stow in his Chronicles describeth Bale Oldcastell and others his followers as notorious malefacors and rebels to their Prince. Stow. Luther. yea Luther himself explicat. Art. 30. speaking of Hussits who were Wicklefists in Bohemia (so termed of Hus Wicklefs principal scholar) saith. So D. Dove of recusancy will have Bellarmin a Protestant or no perfect Papist. They do not well who make me a Hussit, for he held not with me. And in disput. Anno 40. tom. 1. pag. 493. Hus saith he taught horrible and devilish blasphemy. So far was Luther from accounting Wicklefs followers for Protestants. 4. Finally the Sheriffs in England ever since Wicklefs time do take on oath to persecute Lollards, 4 The Sheriffs swear to pesecute Wiclefists. which was the vulgar name of Wiclefs followers. Which King Edward 6. Queen Elizabeth and his present majesty and Ministers would not suffer, nor the Protestant Sheriffs would take such an oath if they accounted Wiclefists Protestant's. And it being thus manifest that Wicklef and his company were no Protestants, much more manifest it is that no other English man before King Henry 8. his time was Protestant. Cranmer. Which thing Cramner never doubted of when (as Bale reporteth Cent. 8. cap. 90. he offered to defend, protestancy not used in Engl for one thousand years before K Edw. 6. that the religion appointed by King Edward 6. was more pure and agreeable to God's word than what (said he) had been used in England this thousand years. So clear it was in Cramners' judgement that protestancy had not been used in England for one thousand years before him. But because some Protestants do hope to find some foating of their religion in the ancient Britons before that time, let us see of what religion they were, that thereby it may appear that neither English nor British were ever Protestants before Luther's time. CHAP. III. That the ancient Britons were never Protestant's. Why Protestants challenge the Britons. 1. THe reason why Fox, Bale, Fulke & othert calling the ancient Britons for Protestant's, is not because that they can prove that thy held their fundamental point of justification by faith, or any other substantial point of Protestancy, but only because for a while they disagreed from our S. Austin in some things, to wit, about the time of keeping Easter, and manner of baptizing, and such rites (as S. Austin speaketh in Beda lib. 2. cap. 2.) and ceremonies. And also because they think, that by reason of scarcity of Records, we cannot prove that Britons held these points of our faith which Protestants do deny. Which reasons will serve as well to prove that the Ancient Britons were Brownists, or Anabastis, as that they were Protestants. But God willing we will show by irrefragable testimonies of Antiquity, that albeit the ancient Britons were some time infected with some ancient heresy, lib. 1. c. 1. as hath been showed before, yet they ever held so many points of Catholic religion, as they never could be Protestant's, but quite opposite to them. 2. And as for the religion of the Britons for the first 300. years after Christ, which was the time in the persecution of the primitive Church, that may be easily gathered by the religion which they professed straight after the persecution was ended, under their glorious Contriman the first Christian Emperor Constantine the great. Both because there is no mention of any alteration made by them in religion all that time, and also because Gildas cap. 9 and Saint Beda lib. 1. cap. 4. and 8. writ, that till the time of Arian heresy, or as Bale cent. 1. cap. 70. Fox in his Protestat: Fulke annotat. in 2. Cor. 12. testify, till the time of S. Augustine's coming there was no change of their religion. Let us see therefore what religion they professed in Constantins time. 3. First they builded, saith S. Beda lib. 1. Ancient Britons catholics Miracles believed in places of Martyrdoms. Temple of holy Martyrs. cap. 7. a Temple of a marvelous rich work in the place where S. Alban was martyred, and believed in that place sick persons to be cured, & many miracles to be wrought. Secondly they builded, saith he l. 1 c. 8. Temples of holy Martyrs. And the like did Constantin himself Euseb. lib. 3. de vit. cap. 47. To this D. Abbots against D. Bishop p. 173. answereth, That Constantin by building Churches in the honour of Martyrs meant not to honour their persons but to celebrat their names. Objection. This gloss destroyeth the Text. Answer. For if the word (matyrs) do signify their persons, he in building Churches in honour of Martyrs, meant Objection. thereby to honour their persons. Answer. And as to To honour Martyrs by building Churches is to honour them by a religious act. build Churches is no civil or profane act, as is to built Trophies or such monuments, but a religious act, so to honour Martyrs by building of Churches is to give them religious honour. And if Christians by building of Churches in honour of Saints had meant no more than an honourable memory of their names, why did! they never build Churches in honour of Princes, or of any persons alive or dead whose names they might honourably remember? besides that to celebrate ones name & not to honour his person is to imply contradiction, For by celebrating a name we intent not to make such a sound or such letters famous, but chiefly and principally the person signified thereby: And to make a person famous is it no honour to him? And if we make him famous, by a religious act, (as Constantin made the Martyrs famous by building of Churches) we give him a religious honour. Collins. Wherefore Collins in his sermon at Paul's Cross 1607. dedicated to the Archb. of Canterb. and allowed of him saith pag. 52. that building of Churches to Saints was one cause of Protestants for forsaking our Church. 3 Pariers for dead, and in honour of Saints. 4. Moreover Constantin (as Euseb. saith lib. 4. de Constant. ●60. caused himself to be buried in the Church of the Apostles Ita ut post obitum etiam precibus illis quae eo loci ad honorem Apostolorum futurae essent dignus haberetur. Behold Constantin hoping after his death to be helped by prayers: See his majesties allowance of Constantins religion in all points, in Confer. at Hampton Court. pag. 69. Objection. and those made in honour of the Apostles, which are two especial points of Papistry. To this D. Abbots l. cit. pag. 177. answereth, that Eusebius mistook Constantins meaning for he desired no prayers to be made for his soul, Because he said lib 4. cap. 63, Now indeed I know that I am a happy man, that God hath accounted me worthy of immortal life, and that I am now made partaker of the light of God. And again, that he had obtained the true life, & none but himself understood of what happiness he was partaker, and therefore he hastened and would not delay his going to God. Thus Abbots. Answer. To omit that those words God hath accounted me worthy of eternal life are not in Eusebius translated by musculus a Protestant, but for them are these iam me aeternam vitam sortitum liquet. Is it not I pray the (Reader) strange, that Abbot's born last day should know what was Constantins meaning better than Euseb. who lived familiarly with him? Nay better than all men than living, to whom Euseb. saith cap. 59 that his intent was factum perspicuum made manifest? abbots taketh upon him to know the meaning of Euseb. his words letter than himself. Or that Abbots should gather Constantins meaning out of Euseb. his words betrer than Euseb. that wrote them? Perhaps Constantin might, being a very virtuous Prince especially strait after his baptism (as Euseb. saith these words were spoken) say, with S. Paul nihil mihi conscius sum, and thereupon account himself happy & worthy of eternal life and in spe to have obtained it, yet must he needs add also with S. Paul nec tamen in hoc justificatus sum, which might well make him desire prayer for him both alive & dead. If Abbots could prove as he never shall, that Constantin said, as the Protestants do, that he did not probably think, but certainly know, that his soul not soon or late, but immediately after it were out of the body, should go to hea●en as the souls of martens do, he might well say that Constantin cared not for prayers after death. For upon certain knowledge of martyrs happiness we pray not for them, but should do them injury (as S. Austin saith) if we did. For thereby we should show that we were not fuly assured of their happiness. We can not pray for them whom we are assured to be in heaven. But for them whom we only hope are there. Why. But with probable knowledge, or hopeful truth, either of our own or others felicity, we may both desire prayers for us after our death, or pray for others dead. Because though we hope well, yet we are not fully assured, and till we be assured of a thing, we may pray for it. And this was the case of Constantin and S. Monica, when they desired to be prayed for after their death; And of S. Austin and S. Ambrose when they prayed for Monica and Theodosius whom they believed (as S. Austin speaketh) to be in heaven, 4 Translation of relics but were not thereof certain and secure. 5. Again Constantin translated (saith Saint Hierom count Vigilant. 5 Bless with the sign of the Cross ) The holy relics of Andrew Luke and Timothy at which (saith he) the Devils roar, to Constantinople. He signed himself with the Cross, 6 Hope of victory by the Cross. and made himself be painted with the Cross on his head, Euseb. l. 3. de vit. c. 2. & 3. He professed to have overcome his enemies by the wholesome sign of the Cross. Euseb, de vit. lib. 1. cap. 33. 7 Worship of the Cross. See Confer at Hamp. Court about the world Worship. pag. 75. He worshipped the Cross, Sozom. l. 1. cap 8. He worshipped the Cross both because he had had much help by it in battles against his enemies, and by reason of his heavenly vision which he saw of it. But to believe we may be holpen by the Cross (as Constantin did) is papistical, as Do. Abbot's granteth answer to Do. Bishop Epist. pag. 168. 8 Esteeme-of nuns. His mother also did honour and serve as their maiden, Virgins. Deo sacratas Dedicated to God. Ruffin lib. 1. c. 8. which Virgins if they were not Cloister nuns as Abbots termeth them pag. 171. 9 Priests confessed to have pover to judge. Kings. they were votaire nuns, which Protestants can as ill abide. He professed beside that he had no power to judge of Priests. God (saith Constantin, 10 Profession of the Pope's supremacy. in Ruffinus lib. 1. c. 2.) hath made you Priests, and given you power to judge even of us: wherefore we are rightly judged of you. You are given to us as Gods and it is not convenient that men should judge Gods. 11 Priests and people pray for Constant dead His majesty in Confer at Hampt. Court. saith he seethe no reason but what was used in Constantins time may still continue pag. 69. Abbots pag. 191. saith he spoke this of modesty and humility. But I ask whither he spoke thus as he thought or no? If yea? Then he thought Priests to have power to judge him, if no? than he spoke against his conscience, and not humbly but falsely. Further more in his Edict he calleth Bishop Silvester the high Priest and Universal Pope, and the head and top of all Churches in the world. And finally when he was dead, many people (saith Euseb. l. 4. de vit c. 71. together with them that were dedicated to God, with many tears offered prayers to God for the soul of the Emperor. By which you may see the Papistical faith both of that noble Emperor, and of his Priests & people. And to expound their prayers for his soul, of only well wishing as Protestants do to their friends departed, as Abbots expoundeth them p. 178. is ridiculous. For if Eusebius had meant that those only wished well, and not indeed prayed for Constantins soul, he could have said so. Nay he would have said so. For the law of History bindeth the writer to propriety of speech. But, durum telum necessitas, For Protestants can not stand, unless scriptures, Fathers, Historiographers be expounded figuratively. 12 Confession of Protestants. And so manifestly was Pope Silvester who catechized this Emperor, a Roman Catholic, as Bale Cent. 1. c. 36. saith. In these times (of Constantin) Silvester began to lay the foundation of the Pope's Monarchy & finding the key of the Depth he opened the pit, if it be true (which he neither denieth nor reproveth) which Papists writ of him. And Ibid. All the Popes after Silvester to Boniface 3. he termeth mitred Bishops preparing by their Cannons & Decrees the seat for the great Antichrist. And Napier upon the revelation p. 68 calleth the visible Church in Constantins time Antichristian, & Papistical. This was the Papistical religion of this worthy Emperor. And undoubtedly the same was then the religion of the Britons, who were his subjects & Contriemen, & amongst whom (as Sozomen saith l. 1. c. 5. he came to knowledge of Christ. relig. 6. Now for the next 300. years until S. Augustine's coming, that the Britons were no Protestants, may be proved out of divers authors. Religion of Britons for the second 300. years. Gildas. First Gildas cap. 24. testifieth that the Britons had holy Altars of stone, and cap. 26. calleth them celestis Sacrificij sedem. Seats of the heavenly sacrifice: and reprehendeth Priests for sacrificing seldom, & calleth their sacrifices Sacrosancta Christi Sacrificia: 1 Altars of stone. Priest's Sacrifices. Most holy sacrifices of Christ. Which argueth that they then had true sacrifices, true Altars, true Priests. 2 Vows of Chastity, and of Monkish life. No marriage for monks after their vow. Suearing by our lady and Saints. Beda. And touching Vows he condemneth cap. 26. Kings for breaking them, condemneth one King for marrying a woman who had vowed Perpetuam Viduitatis castimoniam: Perpetual chastity in Widowhood. And exclaimeth against an other King for forsaking Monks life, and calleth his marriage after his vow, Praesumptivas nuptias: Pretended marriage. Finally cap. 26. he testifieth, that the Britons used to swear by God, and by our Lady, and all Saints. All these points of Catholic religion Gildas toucheth, Church in honour of Saints. Monks. Anchorets'. and nameth no one point of protestancy. As for S. Beda he saith lib. 1. cap. 27. that they had a Church built in honour of S. Martin. cap. 11. and lib. 2. cap. 2. That they had Monks and Anchorets'. l. 1. cap. 17. that S. German (with whom they agreed in religion) by a few sprincles of (holy) water assuaged tempests and drove away Devils. c. 18. that he carried about his neck a bag of relics, Holy water. Relics: by which putting it to a blind woman's eye he restored her sight. Ibid. That they went to S. Alban to give God praise, 3 Thanks to God by Saints. Lent Pilgrimage. and thanks by him (S. Alban) and there took of the dust where the holy martyrs blood was shed. cap. 20. Observed the 40. days of Lent devoutly singing allelujah after Easter. Ibid. God (saith Beda) gave S. German and S. Luphus' prosperous passage home for their own virtues sake, Prosperous success attributed in part to Saints. and also at the intercession of the blessed martyr S. Alban. All these proofs affordeth S. Beda that the Britons were Roman Catholics before Saint Augustine's coming, and no one proof, that they were Protestants. Galfrid. 7. Galfrid also lib. 9 c. 12. saith that in this time Saint Dubricius the Archb. of Wales was Apostolice sedis Legatus: that is, Pope's legate. the Pope's Legat. Malmsb. lib. 1. Reg. c. 1. Malmesb. Huntingt. And Hunting. lib. 2. say that King Arthur trusting in an Image of our B. Lady which he put in his weapons, Some hope of help by images. he alone put his enemies to flight with great slaughter. Stow also Chron. p. 61. saith that King Arthur's body was found in K. Henry 2. time with a leaden Cross fastened to that side of the stone that lay next his body. Stow. Burial with Crosses. Caius also a Protest. lib de Antiq. Cantab. pag. 75. Caius. Privileges procured from Popes. citeth letters of Pope Honorius dated Anno 624. in which the Pope confirmeth the privileges which his Predecessors had given to the Briton Students, and prohibiteth any Archb. or Bishop to excommunicate the students. Such authority did the Britons acknowledge the Popes to have over them. Bale. Orders after the Rom. manner. Catholic Monkery Purgatoire. Austerity of life. Britons of the same religion with the French. In this time also saith Bale Cent. 14. cap. 6. Palladius was sent of Pope Celestin to set order amongst the Scots after the Roman manner. And cap. 11. Brigit wrought great wonders with holy water. And Cent. 1. cap. 53. Egyptian Monkery (so he termeth our Monkery) about the year 530. under Abbot Congel took great strength and increase. And that S. Columba and Saint Brendan (who filled France, Germany, jerland, with Monks and which Brendan Cent. 14. cap. 78. he confesseth to have held Purgatory) were scholars to this Congel. To which he addeth Cent. 1. cap. 50. That Gildas a Briton of this time did seek the solitary places of the desert, and use heirecloth next his skin; And cap. 61. That Kentigernus used goat skins, and a straight cool. Which is no fashion of Protestats. Finally S. Samson a Briton Bishop going in those times out of Britain into France, his religion was not only there admitted for Catholic, but himself also had there a Bishopric given to him. And his Kinsman S. Maglorius being a Briton, was ordered by him to dispense the quickening body of our Lord: Real presence. Matins. Mass. Did eat barley and bean bread, on Wednesday and friday took no meat, did afflict his flesh with continual wearing of hearcloth, did watchfully say the prayers of the night which are termed Matins, and prostrate before the Altar did sing Litanies, and finally offered sacrifice to God. Surius Tom. 5. What sign is there here of protestancy, or rather not of earnest Papistry? Britons in S. Augustine's time differ not in faith but about Easter. S Augustine's 8. And as for the faith of the Britons in S. Augustine's time, that, (besides some few ceremonies) differed in nothing from S. Augustine's faith, but only about the time of keeping Easter, as may be proved many ways. First, by S. Austin himself, who in Beda lib. 2. cap. 2. speaketh thus to the Britons. Though in many other points you do contrary to our custom (not faith) or rather contrary to the custom of the Universal Church. Yet if ye will agree with us in three things: That is, to celebrate Easter in due time, to accomplish the mystery of baptism according to the manner of the holy Roman and Apostolic Church, and lastly preach to the English Nation the word of God, all your other ceremonies (not heresies) rites, fashions, and customs, though they be contrary to ours we will suffer and bear with them. Behold S. Austin though so earnest a Papist as hath been showed before, yet offering to join with the Britous, if they would amend only three things, whereof the first only concerned faith, the other two concerned ceremonies, and charity. Would he, (think we) who was so nice in matters of religion, as he would not join with the Britons unless they conforned them selves to him in certain ceremonies, have not much more exacted their conformity in Mass, use of Images, and such like points of religion, as it is evident he used. if they had differed from him in such matters? Besides you see, that the other things wherein they differed from him, were but (as he speaketh) ceremonies, rites, fashions, and customs. Secondly, the Britons themselves in Beda lib. 2. c. 2. publicly confessed, that that was the true way of righteousness which S. Austin showed. And the only reason which they give there, why they would not join with him, was pride, as they imagined, in him. Thirdly S. Beda though a perfect Papist, as hath been showed before by the confession of Protestants, yet findeth no more fault with the Britons than S. Austin did. The Britons religion by the Irish and scott's 9 But yet more fully will the Britons religion appear by the religion of Irish and Scots in those days. For as, Laurence Mellit, and justus three follow labourers of Saint Austin write in Beda lib. 2. cap. 4. The Scots did nothing differ from the Britons. And the Irish being converted by S. Patrick a Briton, it is most likely they agreed with them in religion, Hunting. lib. 3. and sure it is, that they agreed with them in the time of keeping Easter. What therefore can be proved of either of these two Nations, may be justly inferred of the Britons. 1 S. Peter head of the Apostles, and hoped to be patron. Adamannus therefore an Irish Abbot in Beda lib. 5. cap. 22. professeth Saint Peter to be head of the Apostles and looked to have him as a Patron before God. And Colman a Scottish Bishop who altogether agreed with the Britons, and obstinately refused to admit the Roman use of Easter, yet never the les agreed with the Catholics without any contradiction (saith Beda lib. 3. cap. 25. 2 Peter's supremacy. ) That these words Thou art Peter & upon this Rock I will build my Church were principally spoken to Peter. And that unto him the keys of the Kingdom of heaven were given. Which briefly is to confess with Catholics, that Peter was head of the Church. For if these words, Upon this Rock I will build my Church were principally spoken to him, surely he was principally made the Rock and head of Christ's Church. Which Bale Cent. 14. c. 21. well perceived, when he writeth that S. Wilfrid (who then disputed with Colman) founded, non interpretabilem (as he speaketh) Papae authoritatem upon these words, Tu es Petrus etc. To whom in this (as you heard) Colman agreed without contradiction, and consequently believed, Non interpretabilem Papae authoritatem, as well as Saint Wilfrid. And from this universal and former belief of Saint Peter's Supremacy, it came that the Picts when they were reconciled to the Roman use of keeping Easter and shaving Crowns, were all glad that they were reduced to the discipline of S. Peter Prince & head (as Beda reporteth their words) of the Apostles. lib. 5. cap. 22 whereby you may see how undoubted a thing the headship of S. Peter was then, Reinolds Confer. even among the Britons, Scots, Picts, & Irish. 3 Purgatoire. Beda. lib. 3. cap. 19 Bale Cent. 14. cap. 79. In which point the essence of a Papist (as Protest. writ) consists. Likewise S. Furseus an Irish man, coming into England telleth how his soul being taken out of his body had seen the fire of Purgatory, ex Beda. And Bale saith he preached the Gospel not without human Traditions, 4 Traditions. Beda. lib. 4. cap. 25. so Bale termeth Papistry. And one Adaman a Scot confessed his sins to a Priest, & did penance enjoined by him, 5 Confession and penance. lib. 3. cap. 3. Ibid cap. 2. Ibid. c. 12. which are substantial points of papistry. Saint Oswald also who was (as saith S. Beda) instructed & christened in Scotland, did (as the said S. Beda writeth) erect a cross & pray before it, and being himself, saith S. Beda, to be slain immediately, 6 Erecting Crosses praying before them and for the dead. he made his prayer to God to have mercy upon the souls of the soldiers. Thus we see that the Irish and Scots, & consequently the Britons, about S. Augustine's time professed S. Peter to be head & primate of the Apostles, believed Purgatory, confessed their sins to Priests, & did the penance enjoined them, erected crosses & prayed before them, hoped to have SS. as Patrons before God, & prayed for the dead. Which whether they be notes of protestancy or Papistry rather I remit to the reader. to. S. Columban also an Irish Abbot, who lived both before & after S. Augustine's coming & whom S. Augustine's fellow labores spoke with all in France, as themselves report in S. Beda: lib. 2. cap. 4. This man (I say) was undoubtedly of the Britons religion, both because he observed Easter as they did, & also because he was brought up with the Briton Monks in Bangor under their famous Abbot Congellus as Bale & Cambd. do affirm; Surius tom. 6. Bale Cent. 14. cap. 12. Cambd. Brit. p. 537. And yet besides his error about Easter, was a perfect Papist as you may see by his life written soon after his death by jonas his disciple (as Bale saith) where among many other notes of Papistry he is reported cap. 5. Cent. 14. cap. 15. Monks have nothing proper. Blessing with sign of the cross. Church dedicated with holy water, Procession, Mass. to forbid his Monks to have any thing proper. c. 8. to bless himself with the sign of the Cross, & c. 23. by it to restore sight to the blind. And c. 24. to visit S. Martin's Tomb. But much more by the life of S. Gallus contryman & scholar to S. Columban▪ written by that grave & ancient Author Walfridus Strabo in Surius to. 5. where c. 6. it is written that S. Columban dedicated a Church in honour of S. Aurelia with blessing holy water & sprinkling it in the Church, with procession & Mass said on an Altar. And cap. 10. S. Gallus is reported to have made a Cross and set it up, Prayer before a Cross and relics. and taking from his neck a bag of relics of our B. Lady and the holy Martyrs S. Maurice and Desiderius, to have hanged them on the Cross, and so prayed before them to Christ that he would in honour of our blessed Lady and the Martyrs & Confessors make that a fit habitation for him cap. 21. he is reported to persuade a Duke's daughter (out of whom he had cast a Devil by the sign of the Cross) to vow virginity and to refuse the marrying of a King, Vow of virginity. which she did and prayed to S. Stephen to help her therein. c. 25. he is reported to offer Sacrificium Salutare: Mass for the dead. The wholesome Sacrifice, & to say Mass pro requie, for the rest of his Father Columban then dead. And cap. 32. When he died, the Cross & candles were carried before his corpse. Cross and candles before the dead corpse. This, was the religion of Saint Columban & Gallus at the time of S. Augustine's coming, & consequently of the Britons. And therefore no marvel if S. Austin took no exception against any point of their religion, but only about Easter. And so far was S. Columban from protestancy, as Bale Cent. 14. cap. 12. saith, he wrote. superstitiously, and praised voluntary and men's works. After Saint Columban and Gallus, lived S. kilian a Scott, whom Bale Cent. 14. cap. 23. manifestly confesseth to have been a Papist, and made Bishop by the Pope about the year 686. And after him Maidulphus a Scott also about the years 690. who (saith he Cent. 14. cap. 26.) was sullied with Papistical blemish and Monkish impostures. And in the same Cent. Bale nameth many Scots who left their country Praedicare Papismum, to preach Papistry. Surius Tom. 3. Baron An. 631. Bishops of Scotland consecrated of the P. And about the year 631. (which was soon after) the custom of Scotland was (saith the Author of S. Wirons' life) for the Inhabitants to choose their Bishop, then to send him to Rome to be consecrated by the Pop●, as S. Wiro was. Of whom it is also written, that King Pepin of France confessed his sins to him. 11. Thus thou seest gentle Reader, that albeit there be so great scarcity of ancient records of British matters, yet on the one side their consent with the Rom. religion in many substantial points, Beza Praefat Bibl. ad Cond. Perkins Refor. Cathol. & such as Beza Parkins, and others confess to be quite opposite to protestancy, is evidently proved many ways. And doubtless their like agreement in more points would be found, if more ancient monuments of those times were extant. And on the other side there is no one ancient monument or scroul which testifieth that they held any one substantial point of protestancy, as justification by faith only, Communion of bare bread and Wine, Denied Purgatory, or prayer for dead, prayer to Saints, & such like. But Protestant's claim them only, because we for lack of ancient records can not show particularly that they agreed with us in all points of faith. As if all were Protestants whom we could not show particularly to have agreed with us in all points, or it may not suffice any reasonable man to show particularly that they agreed with us in many substantial points, & show the same generally in all other points beside one, into which they upon ignorance. Because neither S. Austin nor others found any other fault with the matter of their faith, nor Protestants can show any other, How it is proved by the Britons that the Cathol. faith is the true faith of Christ. Fox. Bale. in which point also Protestants descent from the Britons as well as we. And if unto this evidency of the Catholic Roman religion of the Britons you adjoin what Fulk, Fox, Bale & generally all Protestants writ of the certain truth of their religion, it will evidently follow that the Roman faith is the true faith of Christ. For Fox in his Protestation saith, That religion remained in the Britons uncorrupt, & the word of Christ truly preached till the coming of S. Austin Bale Cent. 1. cap. 90. There was always amongst the Britons preaching of truth most sure doctrine, & such worship as was by God's commandment given of the Apostles to the Churches. And pag. 73. calleth the Britons Church of S. Augustine's time Veram Christi Ecclesiam. Fulk. And Fulk 2. Cor. 12. calleth the Britons of S. Augustine's time Catholics, and saith, with them Christian religion had continued ever since the Apostles times. And thus having showed that before Luther's time there was neither English nor British Protestant in all England; Let us now see when and how protestancy first began in Germany, and after in England. CHAP. FOUR When, where, wherefore, and how Luther began to preach protestancy. 1. LVther having been long time an Austin Friar and all his life before so earnest a Roman Catholic as you heard himself confess supra: cap. 1. Sleidan. lib. 1. fol. 1. and Fox in his Acts p. 770. and others contest, began in the year 1517. and on the morrow (saith Fox pag. 771.) after all Saints in the city of Wittenberg in Saxony to oppose himself against the Catholic faith in the matter of Indulgences by publishing and manteining certain Conclusions against them. The place, year, and day when Luther began protestancy. This (as all Protestant writers agree) was the place, the time, the matter, wherein Luther began first to publish their doctrine. His Masters therein were (as he saith 4. Luther's masters of protestancy. Neque abhominibus neque per homines. When Luther began to preach protestancy he intended no reformation at all. Fox. Sleidan lib. 1. fol. 1. Luther at first impugned pardons only to boult out truth & with submission to the Church. Galat. fol. 208.) his gift of knowledge, his own study, and his outward and inward temptations; By wh●ch last instructor perhaps he meaneth his black master, whom (as we shall see hereafter) he confesseth himself to have had. 2. As for the end wherefore Luther began his new doctrine, that could not be any reformation of religion by him then intended. For as Fox confesseth pag. 771. In the beginning of this controversy Luther neither dreamt nor suspected of any change that might happen in the Ceremonies. And not in the beginning only but even a year after. For Fox l. cit. speaking of the year 1516. saith thus. All this while Luther never thought of any alteration to come of any Ceremony, much les such a reformation of doctrine & Ceremonies as after did follow. And a Protest. writer of Paralippomena Vspergen: whom Fox much followeth saith An. 1518. Luther showed himself to come in public against his will, but could not stay himself. Yea Luther himself in loc. Com. Clas. 4. confesseth that he fell, into this faction (so he termeth it) by chance and against his wil And L. de Captiu. fol. 5. By force (saith he) I was drawn into this quarrel. And epist. ad Leon. 10. fol. 4. Eckius (saith he) drew me into this unexpected quarrel, catching me in a small word about the Supremacy which by chance slipped from me. How then could this man intent reformation of religion by his preaching against the old religion, if, as Fox said, Luther impugneth a religion and yet meaneth not to amend it. for a year after, he did not so much as dream of any reformation, no not in ceremonies? with what conscience think we did he impugn the old religion whiles he neither meant nor dreamt to reform it? 3. Luther sought not God's glory beginning protestancy. In like sort the end for which Luther began to impugn the Cathol. faith could not be God's glory. For what glory could he intent by his new preaching who meant not to make any alteration at all in God's religion. Besides that he often times offered both by word & writing to give over his new doctrine if he might not be bound to recant, or his adversaries bound to silence. For as Fox hath pag. 772. Luther 4 times offered to suppress Protestantisme. Sleidan. Engl. lib. 1. fol. 6. and in fol. 9 in writing to Cardinal Caietan Anno 1518. he promised to proceed no further in any mention thereof, so that his adversaries were likewise bound to keep silence. And (saith Fox) if the Bishop of Rome would have been content with this submission of Luther he had never been touched any further of him. And again in the year 1520. as Cooper hath in Chron. he submitted himself to the P. of Rome so that he might not be compelled to recant. And as Doct. Whitaker lib. cont. Dur. pag. 11. If at the beginning he could have obtained never so little of the Pope he would strait have been quiet. yet Luther himself epistol. ad Leon. 10. saith, Luther offered to recant what he had written touching pardons. I promised silence to Caietan and to make an end of my cause, if the same were commanded to my adversaries. And then (saith he) the matter stood in very good terms, but he began to command me recant, and then it fell into much worse estate. Wherefore what after followed came not by the fault of Luther, but of Caietan, 2 Sleid. l. 1. fol. 10. saith he submitted himself also An. 1519. Sleid. lib. 1. fol. 17. See Sleidan lib. 1. fol. 1. 5. of Luther's submission to the P. and Church of Rome who suffered me not to be silent, when I then most desired. And ibidem, after this again he saith. I yielded to your authority and was ready to be silent. And fol. 5. an other time he offered silence at request of his Friars. Here Christian Reader I appeal to thy conscience, whether this man who so often offered to suppress his new doctrine, so he were not bound to recant it, intended by preaching it any glory of God? Nay whether by offering to suppress it, he did not condemn both himself and his doctrine? Was his cause good which (he speaketh) was at best when it was to be suppressed, and put to pepertuall silence? and became worse when his silence was not accepted, and what followed thereof he would not have imputed to himself: was it God's cause which he would have buried in silence, if he had not been bound to recant? was it God's cause which was at the best when it was to be suprest, became worse when it was published, and whereupon ensueth such evils as Luther would not have imputed to him? Surely this showeth that to be time which D. Empser an ear witness avouched thathe publicly said. That this matter was neither begun for God, nor should end for him. Luther's protestation that he began not for God. was it not his pride, which could not brook the shame of recanting, or his adversaries triumphing over him, which made him go forward to that which his Cnoscience told him was ill begun? 4. What then will you say meant Luther by his preaching against Indulgences? The end for which Luther began Protestantisme. Surely no other thing than for a time to spite the Dominican Friars, and to hinder their credit and gain which having hindered by his new doctrine he meant to have proceeded no further therein, if he had not been bound to recant what upon spite against others he had preached. For whereas the Austin Friars had been wont to publish the Indulgences which the Pope sent into Germany, the Archb. and Prince Elector of Mentz appointed the Dominican Friars to publish those, which were sent in the year 1516. hereupon Luther and divers of the Austin Friars were sore offended. And Luther more impatient than the rest, for to spite the Dominicans, began first to preach, and after to publish conclusions against the valour of indulgences. That this was the true cause of Luther's new preaching, beside the testimony of all Catholic writers, appeareth partly by what hath been already said, partly also by what shall be rehearsed further out of Protestants. Cooper. Sleid. lib. 1. fol. 1. For Cooper in Chron. writhus An. 1517. Leo Bishop of Rome according to the manner of his Predecessors sendeth down general pardons and licence of other things into Germany. By occasion whereof Mar Luther an Austin Friar of Wittenberg first began to preach to the people against Indulgences. Note how he confesseth that P. Leo his sending pardons was no new thing or peculiar to him, but the custom of his Predecessors, & yet that Luther took occasion thereof to preach against them which argueth, that not the pardons themselves gave Luther occasion to preach against them before, but some thing peculiar to those pardons, to wit, the publication of them, not by Austin Friars as the former pardons were published, but by the Dominicans. For. protestants in their public letters in Sleidan lib. 8. pag. 110. say that all this dissension in religion sprung of that some too much extolled indulgences. 5. And this cause Fox insinuateth a little more plainly pag. 771. where he saith, Luther was moved upon the sermons of one Tecelius a Dominican Friar, who caused the Pope's indulgences to be carried about the country, to publish conclusions against them. Lo the Dominicans & their sermons, or rather their reputation which they got by publishing the indulgences, and not the indulgences themselves, moved Luther to preach against indulgences. And what I pray you should make Luther to impugn indulgences then, more than before, and to impugn indulgences before any other point of Catholic faith, but that the Dominicans had th●n & not before the publishing of them, and they were made peculiar publishers of them, & of no other point of religion. And that you may yet more clearly see, that no dislike of the indulgences themselves moved Luther to impugn them Fox l. cit. confesseth that Luther in the beginning did not utterly reject indulgences, but required a moderation in them. Luther offered to recant what he had written touching pardons. Sleid. Eng. lib. 1 fol. 9 Sleid. lib. 1. fol. 2. 5. Luther at first accounted indulgences lawful. And the Author of Paralip. Vspergen. addeth that at first he did but lihgtly strive against them, only for disputation sake: yea Luther himself in one of his Articles set down by Fox pag. 1167. saith thus. Indulgences are in the number of those things which are lawful. And l. de Captiu. I did not think (saith Luther) indulgences to be utterly cast away. And Sleidan his scholar addeth histor lib. 13. that he scarce knew what the name of indulgences meant when he first began to preach against them. How then could indulgences be the cause of his revolt from the Cath. faith? But as the wise man saith that by the devils envy death entered into the world: So may we say that by Luther's envy against the Dominicans Protestantisme entered into the world. And as envy of other men's good moved Luther to begin this tragedy, so his own pride (which would not permit him to recant what he had wickedly taught) made him to proceed, as appeareth by what hath been said already. And Luther himself confesseth in Sleidan l. 13. that the Pope's excommunication of him made him to defend his doings and set forth many books; and Fox pag. 771. What made Luther maintain his doctrine. writeth, that the rage of Friar Tecelius who called him heretic, made him to maintain the matter. So that not God's glory or the goodness of his cause, but even as himself & his best friends excuse him, other men's supposed injuries moved Luther to maintain protestancy. The manner of Luther's proceeding in Protestantisme. His inconstancy. 6. As for the manner how he proceeded in his new doctrine, it was very inconstant, both in particular points & in his whole religion. For in his answer to P. Leo his Bull in Fox pag. 1170. he writeth thus: I embrace with the full trust of my spirit these Articles in the said Bull condemned, and affirm, that the same aught to be holden of all faithful Christians under pain of eternal damnation. And pag. 1174. I confess (saith Luther) all these things condemned here by this Bull for pure, clear, and Catholic doctrine. And yet Fox noteth in the Margin pag. 1167. thus: He retracteth these Articles, he recalleth these. And 1. Galat. fol. 36. whether it be (saith Luther) Cyprian, Austin, Ambrose either Peter, Paul, or John, or an Angel from heaven that teacheth otherwise, yet this I know assuredly that I teach not the things of man but of God. And yet himself lib. de Captivit. writeth thus: I admitted the Papacy to be good by man's law. And ibid. he admitteth three sacraments for a time as he speaketh. And yet soon after cast away the third sacrament, and the Papacy utterly. And lib. cont. Catharin. he maketh this recantation. Luther rejecteth what he taught under pain of damnation, I confess that in the beginning I thought ill of indulgences, of the Pope, the Church of Rome, Counsels, etc. And yet (as you see) he taught his doctrine of indulgences and other things, as pure Catholic, and to be held of all Christians under pain of damnation. Wherefore vain is the excuse which Feild lib. 3. of the Church cap. 42. maketh for Luther by the example of Saint Austin, who revoked some things which he had taught. Fields excuse of Luther's inconstancy rejected. For Saint Austin revoked what he had taught as his own probable opinion, but Luther revoked many things which himself had taught as points of faith, and to be believed under pain of damnation, and therefore was inconstant and wavering in his faith, which Saint Austin was not. 7. And the like inconstancy he used touching his whole religion, doubting for a long time whether he should return to Catholic faith or go on with his Protestancy. For Anno. 1518. which was the second year of his new preaching, Luther's submission to the Pope after he had begun protest. he wrote thus to the Pope as Fox pag. 771. Paralip. Vrspergen. and others do witness: Most holy Father I offer myself prostrate at the feet of your Holiness with all that I am & that; I have, save me kill me, call me, recall, approve me, reprove me as you please. your voice the voice of Christ in you speaking I will acknowledge. If I have deserved death I will be content to die. And again made a Protestation saith Paralip. Vrspergen. that he would neither say nor hold any thing which the Church of Rome did not. And after this the same year being cited by Cardinal Caietan to appear before him at Augusta, he came (saith Fox pag. 772.) yielding his obedience to the Church of Rome, and by writing exhibited to the Cardinal acknowledged his excess in speech against the Pope's dignity, and promised to make amends for the same in the pulpit. And as touching the matter of pardons (saith Fox) he promised to proceed no further in any mention thereof so that his adversaries likewise were bound to keep silence. Likewise An. 1519. which was the third year of his Protestancy he wrote as Sleidan confesseth, that in human things nothing is more excellent than the Church of Rome beside Christ only. And in public disputation the same year confessed freely (as Melancthon cited by Paralip. Vrsper. writeth) that the Pope is the universal Bishop. And yet again An. 1520. (which was the fourth year of his new doctrine) he submitted himself (saith Cooper in Chron.) to the Bishop of Rome so that he might not be compelled to recant his writings. Cooper. An. 1510. Paralip. vsperg. 16. Fox. pag. 1169. But finding that all his submissions would not be accepted without he recanted, and that the same year his doctrine was condemned as Heretical, and himself pronounced an Heretic, unless he recalled it with in 60. days, and being secure by the protection of the Prince Elector, he resolved to proceed in his wicked course, and so went on from nought to worse until he died an. 1546. Protestant's beholden to Luthe●s pride for their religion. But thus you see that as long as Luther had any hope to escape recantation, he still offered to give over his protestancy, which plainly showeth how ill himself liked it, and that only pride and want of humility moved him to maintain it. CHAP. V By what means Protestantisme spread so far. 1. lib. de prescript. THe ancient writer Tertullian noted, that in his time some weak and wavering Christians wondered, that Heresies spread so far and prevailed with so many. And perhaps in our days some may in like sort wonder that Protestantisme is so far extended. But let thes wonderors (as Tertulian termeth them) consider that the Mahometans impiety and the Arian heresy which denied the Godhead of Christ were far larger. Let them also consider what Luther saith 5. Galat. fol. 251. that their is no doctrine so wicked foolish and pernicious, Luther. which the world doth not gladly admit embrace and defend, and moreover reverently entertaineth cherisheth and flattereth the professors thereof. Let them I say consider this with that which anon I shall add, and they will leave to marvel of the spreading of protestancy, which (as all Heresies use to do) creepeth like a Canker. Besides that indeed though the name of Protestants and Protestant religion be far spread, yet neither could Luther in his life time far extend his doctrine (For as himself confesseth 4. Galat fol. 199. 229. he little prevailed, Luther could not far extend his doctrine. And fol. 253. few (saith he) are by our ministery translated out of the bondage of the Devil, And fol. 154 Even now whiles we live and employ all our diligence to set forth the office and use of the law and Gospel there be very few even among those that willbe counted Christians and make profession of the Gospel with us that understand those things rightly. And after his death there is scarce any province city or person which entirely holdeth Luther's doctrine. So that as Tertulian said of valentinians that they were in many places but Valentin their founder no where. So may we say that Lutherans or Protestants are in divers Countries but Luther in none. Which himself not only feared but foresaw and foretold Galat. 4. for 154. 201. And no marvel, for if Luther were not constant to himself how could his scholars be constant to him, if he controlled all the Fathers upon pretence of greater light why should his followers forbear him. 2. But to call all that chaos and confused Mass of opposite errors Protestantisme, which this day goeth under that name, and sprung first from Luther, and after was increased by others, and to omit the particular causes of the entrance thereof into several countries, the general causes of the increase thereof were divers rising partly from some abuses partly from the religious persons and Clergy, partly from the lay people, Causes of spreeding protestancy. but especially from Luther and his adherents and their doctrine. For it can not be denied but there were some abuses in some places of some things belonging to Catholic religion, as namely of indulgences. Of which abuses Luther took his advantage to bring the holy things themselves into contempt, as appeareth by what hath been said before. And this occasion also Caluin & his companions used in setting up their religion in Geneva, Surveyor. as noteth the Surveyor c. 4. where he well observeth, that. when men have been bitten with abuses, it is an acceptable point to hear the things themselves exclaimed against. For it falleth not (saith he) under every simple man's cap to distinguish well in that matter. 3. another cause were the vices of divers religious and Clerks. Amongst whom (especially in Germany) when Luther began divers things were out of order. Whereupon they growing into contempt, it was easy to persuade the people, that their religion also was contemptuous. Men commonly affecting or disaffecting the things as they do the persons to whom they belong. And of this mean principally Luther made benefit for his cause as himself declareth in these words 4. Galat. fol. 229. Luther confesseth that if catholics lives had been good he could have done nothing. If the Papacy had the same holiness & austerity of life which it had in the time of the ancient Fathers Hierom, Ambrose, Austin, & others, when the Clergy had not yet so evil a name but lived after the rules & decrees of the Fathers religiously and holily in outward show and unmarried what could we do now against the Papacy? Ib. If that outward show and appearance of the old Papacy remained at this day, we should peradventure do little against it by our doctrine of faith, seeing we do now so little prevail. This mean used also Caluin as witnesseth the foresaid Surueier c. 4. Surveyor. where also he noteth that it is a plausible matter with the people to hear then depraved that are in authority. In the lay people also Luther found a great greediness, and as the Apostle speaketh itching ears to hear novelties. For as himself noteth 1. Galat. fol. 14. The unscilfull multitude longing to hear news do join themselves to false Apostles. And in others there was a desire of liberty, and of power to check their Pastors. And how many this motive drew to follow Luther Melanchton his chiefest scholar cited by the Surveyor c. 8. telleth in these words. Melancthon confesseth that men followed. Luther only for liberty. Many for no other cause I see do love Luther but for that they think they have cast of their Bishops by means of him, and have obtained a liberty, which will not be profitable for our Posterity. Item. our fellows (saith he) do sight so for their own Kingdom and not for the Gospel. And this mean also used Caluin and his crew at Geneva as the said Surveyor noteth L. cit. saying. Surveyor. So the Gracches moved sedition in Rome by their leges Agrarias. It is a plausible matter with the people, especially to understand of any liberty which may appertain to themselves. And finally in others of the people there was a vehement thirst for the Church goods, which Luther by his preaching exposed to the pray of Princes and people. This bate used the wiclefists in K. Henry 4. time to cach that worthy Prince as Stow reporteth, & with it partly, Protestants caught K. Henry 8. and used it to others. For as the said Surueier writeth. cap. 21. When reformation of religion was first urged it was thought such an effectual motive as would procure attention vz to entitle Princes after a sort to the Church goods. Church, goods confessed to be the effectual motive to protestancy. But did these reformers mean that Princes should keep those goods? No. For he addeth. The learned men persuaded themselves that if by any policy they could overthrow Popery, Ministers move Princes to change religion for Church goods, but mean to get all themselves. it would afterwards be an easy matter to recover them again. Besides (saith he) they did not so yield over their right in that matter to Princes, but it was done with divers cautions and provisos, by virtue whereof they supposed in time to recover all again into their own hands. But (saith he) they played wily beguile themselves. 4 Protestation of false preachers. 4. On Luther and his partner's side the first mean of spreading their religion was which himself in these words 4. Galat. fol. 211. noteth in false Apostles. They make great Protestations that they seek nothing else but the advancement of God's glory, that they be moved by the spirit to teach the infallible truth, and they promise undoubted salvation to those that receive their doctrine. another mean on their side was their dissembled sanctie. Which mean Caluin and his company most used as noteth the said Surveyor cap. 4. where he saierh. Ministees hypocrisy to seduce the people. It is not unknown to any of judgement what the profession of any extraordinary zeal and as it were contempt of the world doth work with the multitude. When they see men go simply in the streets, looking downward for the most part, wring their necks awry, shaking their heads as if they were in some present grief, lifting up the white of their eyes some time at the sight of one vanity as they walk, when they hear them give great groans, cry out against this sin and that sin not in their hearers but in their Superiors, make long prayer, profess a kind of wilful poverty, speaking earnestly against some men's having too much and some men too little, which beateth into the people's head a present cogitation of some division to be made in time. When I say the multitude doth hear such kind of men they are by and by carried away with a marvelous great conceit and opinion of them, especially when they take upon them to show a way or discipline which shallbe nothing prejudicial to the people but rather bring them liberty, and yet shall reform all things amiss as themselves would desire. Hitherto the Surveyor whose words I have cited at large because they lively describe our first Protestant Preachers. 5. But the most effectual mean which Luther had to spread his religion was his licentious and fleshly sweet doctrine, wherewith on the one side he took from his followers all fear of God both in this world and the next, and of man too as much as he could and withal removed from them the exercise of all hard and unpleasing things. And on the other side licenced them to enjoy all the delights and pleasures of this world: and withal assured them both of as much justice in this life and glory in the next, as any Saint in heaven had or hath. Luther's doctrine taketh away the fear of God in this life. For as for the fear of God in this life he taketh that away by assuring those that have his justifying faith, that all their sins are forgiven and all punishment due unto them remitted. Which security Caluin some what increased by adding that who once hath justifying faith, can never lose it which two points, who soever firmly believeth I see not how or why he can fear God in this life. For how can he fear God in this life who is sure that neither he can lose God's favour nor be punished of him for any sin which he committeth? And in the next life too. And as for fear of God in the next world, first Luther took quite away Purgatory, and though he left Hell, yet not for his followers whom he assured that believing as he taught them they could not be damned whatsoveer they did. So rich (saith he) lib. de Captiu. cap. de Euchar.) is a Christian, as he can not lose his salvation with what sins soever, unless he will not believe for no sins can damn him. Taketh also away fear of m●n. And as touching fear of man also he took that away as much as he could. For a Christian (saith he 2. Galat. fol. 66.) is free from all laws and subject to no creature. And lib. de Captiu. A Christian is bound to no law but to Gods. No law can be imposed upon Christians by any right either of men or Angels, but as much as they will themselves. Which doctrine D. Whitaker count Dur. pag. 726. expoundeth thus: The conscience is bound to no law, but Gods. And pag. 731. The particular laws of Magistrates have no command over the conscience. Which who believeth need not fear to break any man's law if he can keep it secret. Luther's doctrine taketh away exercise of all, unpleasing things. In like sort Luther removed from his followers all difficult and hard things. For he taught them that God's commandments were impossible to be kept, Confession Satisfaction, Abstinence, Fasting & austerity of life, he either condemned, or accounted no more acceptable to God than feasting, and pampering our bodies. 6. And on the other side, touching pleasures & delights of this world, he licenced Bishops, Priests, Monks, Friars, giveth licence to enjoy all pleasures. & nuns to break their vows of chastity, poverty, and obedience, and to marry, to to get riches, Luther's general indulgence to sin. and to live at their own command; gave leave to the people to read and understand Scriptures according to their private spirits, to make choice of their Pastors, and to take all or a good part of Church livings. He freed Princes from all Ecclesiastical subjection, and granted to all sorts of people a licence to eat at what time and what meat they list yea he gave a general and direct indulgence for to sin. For 2. Galat. fol. 66. A Christian (saith he) hath nothing to do with the la and sin. 3. Galat. fol. 114. sin in us is no sin. And fo. 140. If sin vex the, think that it is at it is indeed, but an imagination. ibidem True divinity teacheth that there is no sin in the world any more fol. 138. Christ saith he is the only sinner. And his whole drift in that book is to extinguish in his followers all feeling of sin or remorse of conscience thereof, Luther's quiet of conscience in extinguishing remorse of sin. Luther Serm. de natiw. B. Mariae. and this he termeth quiet of Conscience. And withal this (as I said) he assureth every one of his followers that they are as just as our blessed lady, and if they believe as he teacheth them as sure of heaven as she is. And do we marvel to see common people to embrace so secure and pleasing a religion? Surely we need marvel no more than to see water run the lower way or stones roll down the hill. But alas poor souls who like silly fishes are caught with this pleasing bat to their everlasting death. For this learning cometh not from above but as S. james speaketh is earthly sensual and devilish what religion of God can that be which abandoneth all fear of God? what piety can that be which removeth the exercise of hard things as for the most part the acts of virtue are. What Christianity can that be which joineth league with the flesh and the world which Christians renounce in their baptism? And these motives I have noted in the spreading of Luther's doctrine But let us hear the foresaid Surveyor. 7. First (saith he cap. 8. Luther and his partners sought to persuade the Pope and Bishops to to their reformation. Luther's means of spreading his doctrine out of the Surveyor. This is evident by Luther's to P Leo, to the Archb. of Mentz and others. But finding small encouragement of them they were driven (saith he) to fly to the civil Magistrates. & the rather to move them to their reformation they laboured by all means they could to make the Popish Clergy most odious unto them. They inveighed against their pride, against their superfluities, against their corruptions. They persuaded the Princes that Bishops and Abbots had too much, and told free cities that notwithstanding their freedom in respect of the Emperor, yet they were subject to their Bishops, and were not (saith he) discontented that so good an occasion was offered them to procure their greater liberty. Moreover Luther and his were content to yield to much against their mind with many unequal conditions. So at last the civil Magistrates began a reformation. The Pope, the Bishops, and the chiefest of the Clergy impugned it, Whereupon their livings which they had in any of those territories were seized into the hands of the civil Magistrates. Thus you see even by the confession of Protestants, that Luther could not persuade his religion to the chiefest of the Clergy, but spread it by temporising with Princes and States, with yielding too much even against his mind, with exciting cities to rebel against their Bishops, and take their livings from them. Which whither it be an Apostolic kind of proceeding or no, I durst make the Surueier himself judge. Sure I am that he greatly condemneth the like proceeding of Caluin cap. 2. and feareth that Puritans will in time use the like course to reform him and his Company. CHAP. VI When, by whom, wherefore, and how protestancy began first in England. 1. IN the first book you have heard how all our Christian Kings to K. Henry 8. were Roman Catholics. Now it cometh to show when, wherefore, & how he altered the Religion of all his Forefathers and Predecessors. About the year 1527. The Protest. divines in Germane. would not avow. K. Henry's divorce. Sleidan. Engl. lib. 10. fol. 139. Causes of K. Henry 8. revolt from the Pope out of Cooper and Stow. He fell in love with M. Anne Bullen daughter to Sir Thomas Bullen, who not condescending to his lust, unless he made her his wife, he made earnest suit to Pope Clement to be divorced from Queen Catherine daughter to the King of Spain with whom he had been married 20. years, and had had by her divers children, upon pretence that she had been married before to Prince Arthur his brother. But the Pope taking great deliberation and long time in the matter, King Henry in the year 1531. (not upon any dislike of the Pope's religion (but upon occasion of delay (as both Cooper and Stow say in their Chronicles, made by the Pope in the matter of his divorcement, & displeasure of such reports as he heard had been made of him to the Court of Rome, & thirdly pricked forward by some counsellors to follow the example of Germane, caused proclamations to be made in the 29. of September forbidding all subjects to procure any things from the Court of Rome. And not content with this, to spite the Pope more, he compelled the Clergy the same year to give him 130. thousand pounds with the Title of the headship of England, K. Hen. divorced from his first wife after he had married a second. so far forth as the word of God did permit. And in the year 1533. of his own authority he married Anne Bullen, & a good wile after made Cranmer divorce him from his former wife than living, For which unchristian proceeding being excommunicated by the Pope, he was more enraged. And therefore in the year 1534. Protestant's brag of procuring the title of the head of the Church to K. Henry. by Act of Parliament made himself head of the Church, which title Barnes a Protestant saith (as Fox recordeth) that the K. got by his & his fellows labours. And Tindal the Apostle, (as Protestant's call him) of England who then lived, writing An. 1533, to Frith of K. Henry's intention against the Pope & Clergy saith thus in Fox p. 987 I smell a Counsel to be taken little for the Clergies profit in time to come. Why K. Henr. revolted from the P. out of Tindal. But you must understand that it is not of pure heart & for love of the truth, but to avenge himself & to eat the whore's flesh & drink the marrow of her bones. which because it is uritten somewhat enigmaticaly. K. Henr. forsook the P. not for love of truth but for spite and covetousness. Beginning of protestancy in England. An. 1530. Counselars, thereto lay men. Motives▪ spite and Cavetousnes. Fox expoundeth in the margin thus, eating the whores flesh is to spoil the Pope's Church only for the pray & spoil thereof. Thus you see it evident even by the confession of Protestants both the year when K. Henry 8, began to revolt from the Pope. To wit 1530. & his Counsellors therein, to wit, no Bishops nor Divines but lay-men; who hoped (as they were) to be partakers of the pray. And his motive there unto, not dislike of the P. religion or like of a better, but malice against his person, & covetousness of the Church goods. And out of these two fountains have sprung since all the protestancy of Engl. which whether they were liker to be fountains of Gods or the devils religion I leave to every one to judge. 2. protestancy quite altereth K. Henry's proceedings. And as the motives so his alteration were malice & covetuosnes, so his proceeding after was ever cruel covetous & bloody, quite different from his proceedings in the former time, For whereas before in 22. years of his Regn he had been gentle & put none of his nobility to death besides the Duke of Buckingham & Fearle of Suffolk for treason In 16. years after, of six Queens which he had, he put away two, whereof one died for sorrow, other two he beheaded the one for adultery, the other for incest also, a thing unheard of before in Enlgish Q. the fift he caused to be opened for to save the child in her belly, Bloody proceeding of K. Henry after change of religion. first Protest. Queen of England executed for adultery & incest. Queens. Cardinals. abbots. Dukes. Marquis. Earls. Lords. Countess. marquess. Ravine. and the sixth he meant to have executed for heresy. Of Cardidals he beheaded one, condemned an other, brought the third to death with grief and sorrow. Of Lords Abbots he hanged, drawed and quatered six, Prior's five, besides a great number of Priests, Monks, and Friars. And of the Nobility he condemned one Duke to perpetual prison, beheaded a marquess, beheaded two Earls, one Earls son and heir, and five of his uncles all in one day, beheaded six Lords and one Lords son and heir: & hanged one Lord, beheaded one Countess, attainted one marquess; and of knights, gentlemen, and others, executed great numbers. And for his covetousness of Church goods, besides the 130. thousand pounds, exacted as before of the Clergy, the very same year he suppressed the Hospital of S. james near to Charing Cross Anno 1532. suppressed the priory of the Trinity in London. Anno 1534. suppressed the houses of the Observant Friars in England and took to himself all fruits and tenths of all spiritual goods and promotions An. 1534. took the relics and chiefest juells out of Monasteries, Anno 1536. suppressed all religious houses to the value of 200. pounds and under, and took all their lands and grounds. The number of these houses (saith Stow) were 276. the value of their lands then 32000. pounds and more by the year. The movable goods as they were sold at Robin-hood penorthes amonted to more than one hundred thousand pounds. It was a pitiful thing (saith he) to hear what a lamentation the poor people in the Country made for them. For there was great hospitality kept among them, and as it was thought more than 10. thousand persons Masters and servants had lost their livings by the putting down of those houses. Anno. 1538. All Abbeys and religious houses were suppressed, and S. Thomas of Canterbury Shrine pulled down, which was (saith Stow) built of stone above a man's height. The upper part of timber which was covered with plates of gold damasked with gold wire, which ground of gold was again covered jewels of gold 10. or 12. croouped with gold wire into the said ground of gold. Many of these rings having stones in them brooches Images Angels precious stones and great pearls etc., The spoil of which shrine in gold and precious stones saith he filled two great Chests, the which six or eight strong men could do no more than carry one of them at once out of the Church. By which one may gather the inestimable riches which King Henry got by all Abbeys and Shrines. Moreover Anno 1540, he suppressed the knights of the Rhodes. And finally An. 1505. all Chanteries Colleges & hospitals were given to the K. And yet not content withal these Church goods, What mischief one point of Protesancie brought to England. which were inestimable, within two years after, to wit An. 1540 imposed a great tax upon both Clergy & laity as never was heard of before in England, as you may read in Stow & other. And withal coined base money in great abundance which was after called down to half valowe, protestancy at first entrance undid English men, souls bodies goods, houses, Churches monuments. Thus you may see how protestancy or rather one point thereof, to wit, The denial of the Pope's supremacy altered this K. from a liberal and clement Prince, to a most cruel & covetous man, & how it entered into our Country, not only with the loss of our Contrymens' souls, but also of their goods and lives, & made such havoc of men & women, of churches, houses, ancient Monuments, stately buildings as if some fury had come out of Hell, or some mortal enemy had gone roguing up & down our Country. Protestant's wish of Geneva and Beza. Surly who well considereth this may say of Protestancy as Bancroft in his survey c. 3. saith of Geneva. It had been better for this Island if never English man nor Scotish man had been acquainted there And of Luther as he c. 8. saith of Beza those Churches that follow Bezas humour may justly wish he had never been born. And the Dangerous Positioner l. 1. c. vlt. saith he thinketh the Scottish Ministers wrought more mischief in that Country in 30. years than the P. of Rome had done before, in 500 3. Miserable success after Protesancie. Finally the success which this King reaped by his alteration was most miserable. For whereas before he was loved of Englishmen at home, and feared of strangers abroad, after this change made, he was secure of neither. For first Lincolnshyre men rose against him to the number of 20. thousand, Commotions. & straight after Yorkshier men to the number of 40. thousand. And these insurrections being appeased the Yorkshier men twice after attempted an insurrection. And from abroad he was accursed of the Pope, and stood in continual fear that some foreign Prince would invade his Land. prophety of F. Peto. And as Friar Peto then told him to his face openly in the Pulpit at Greenwich, that if he proceeded in his course it woule befall to him, as it did to Achab. that doogs should lick his blood, & there should not be one left of his issue to piss against a wall. The first whereof was seen to be fulfilled after his death, when the lead wherein his body was wrapped, whilst in the carriage thereof to Windsor, it stood in the ruins of the monastery of Zion broke, and his blood ran out, which the dogs lick up as a grave writer reporteth out of their mouth that saw it, and the second we all now see to be accomplished. 4. Catholic religion thus maimed in one point by King Henry, was after his death here turned into Protestancy, First in K. Edward's time and after in Queen Elizabeth reign. But who considereth by what authority by what means, & whose procurment it was done, A child first and after a woman authors of protestancy in England. may justly think that it was not wrought by God. For protestancy was set up, not by the authority of any man but first by the authority of a child of 9 years old scarce come to the use of reason and not fit to govern himself and after by the authority of a woman. Mean, only will and terror. The means by which it was set up was neither miracle nor extordinarie virtue of the first preachers of it or their public confuting by disputation their adversaries as Catholic religion was set up by S. Austin, Frocurers lay men. but merely the will of the Protector in King Edward's time, and of the Qeeene in her time, and the terror of laws. Which means are more seeming as befitting Turkish than Christian religion. And lastly the procurrers of this change were not Bishops or Divins, but either wholly lay-men ignorant of Scripture & divinity, against the will of all the Bishops as it was in Queen Elizabeth's time, or principally Lay-men against the consent of the best learned of the Pastors as in K. Edward's time. And how little these men cared for religion, but even against their conscience sought their own advancements, appeareth by the Duke of Northumberland a principal Doer in the alteration in K. Edward's time, who stuck not to tell even in that time to M. Anthony Browne after created Viscount Mountaigue as I have often heard of his honourable and virtuous Lady lately deceased, D of Northumb. confesseth that against his conscience he set up the new region. that he knew the Roman religion to be the truth, but yet (said he) since we have begun with this new, run God run Devil, we will go forward. And that religion was but a colour of his ambitious pretences is also evident, by what Stow writeth of him. For fi●st he repeateth his Oration to the Lords wherein he saith that God's cause and the preferment of his (new) word was the original ground of proclaiming Queen jane, Sleidan. lib 25. An. 1553. and after reciteth his words at his death where he professeth the Rom. Catholic faith, and professed that he did not for hope of life, but for conscience, and acknowledged the evils then happened to England to have comen by the new religion By this judge of the rest and now let us return to Luther. CHAP. VII. That Luther was ignorant or meanly learned, 1 Luther's young years. 1. THat Luther was but meanly learned when he first begun Protestantisme I will prove many ways. First by his young years for he was but 34. years old when he began this new doctrine. At what years men have rather the ground of learning, 2 Studied in no famous vniuers. Fox. p. 770. than are any way excellently learned. Secondly, he studied in no famous university nor under any notable Master. For the chiefest place where he studied was Erphord in Germany, a place of no name, and his masters names are so obscure as they are not known, unless we reckon his black Master whereof we shall speack hereafter. I might also add that he was brought up in a monastery because D. Whitak. count Dur. p. 733. saith what can we expect out of Monasteries but Monkish superstitions unlearned? 3 Corporal impediment of study. Thirdly, he had a very great impediment of study, For tom. 2. pag. 22. thus he writeth: I dare not read two whole leaves together nor two or three lines of a psalm, nor look upon any thing long. For straight I have a noise in my ears that I am feign to lay down my head to the form. 2. Fourthly I prove Luther's ignorance by his doctrine. For as Field lib. 4 of the Church c. 24. granteth, His ignorant doctrine. Luther made question of S. james epist. & of others. Wittak. count Dur. p. 12. saith he written disgracefully of it, p. 20 doubted of it. & p. 22. called it strawish in respect of S. Peter's and S. Paul's Epistles. And yet as the same Field saith he had but weak and frivolous reasons to doubt, or as Whitak. p. 19 hath, had no just cause of suspicion, or as Fulke addeth in 2. jacob. had no reason. wherefore either Luther had no judgement or learning to think frivolous yea no reason, weighty reason or he had less grace to reject a part of God's word for no reason at all. Moreover Fox pag. 1167. setteth down these Articles which I think few will judge to proceed from great learning. To burn Heretics is against the will of the spirit. To fight against the Turk is to repugn against God Souls in purgatory do sin without intermission, & divers others which Fox is feign to file with his exposition, D. Covell in defence of Hooker: pag. 42. setteth down this Article of Luther: Faith unless it be without even the least good work doth not justify. The devil may administer sacrament by Luther. Weemen may absolve from sins. And p. 101. saith Luther is not afraid to affirm that Sacraments are effectual though administered by Satan himself. Feild also lib. 3. of Church pag. 127. granteth that Luther taught. That when and where no Presbyter can be found to perform the office a lay man yea a woman may absolve. which I think few learned Protest. will defend Caluin 4. Instit. cap. 17. Parag. 30. saith that the Lutherans opinion of the Eucharist raiseth up Eutiches heresy. The God head suffered with Luther. Luther himself lib. de Concil. part. 2. pag. 276. plainly teacheth Divinitatem posse pati, that the God head could suffer. And as Zuinglius respon ad Confess. Luth. fol. 458. testifieth clearly & roundly professed that he would not acknowledge Christ for his Saviour, if his humanity only had suffered. Himself lib. de Captiu. cap. de Euchar. leaveth it free to believe in the Eucharist either transubstantiation or impanation and professeth that he firmly believeth panem esse Corpus Christi, bread to be Christ's body. And c. 3. Galat. avoucheth infants to have acts of faith & belief, lest they are baptised, which S. Austin Ep. ad Dardan. counteth most ridiculous. 3. Fiftly I prove Luther's ignorance by the censure of divers Protestant's, Protestant's censure of Luther. Fox saith p. 488 Luther had blemishes in doctrine, & went awry. Sutclif Answ. to except. p. 41. Luther's opinion (about the Euchar.) is heretical by inference of such Conclusions as follow of it. To which he addeth p. 55. that he is an heretic who holdeth any point condemned for heresy, whereupon an other may infer that Luther was an heretic. Zuing. in his Ep. to Luther Anno 1526. saith we easily see that thou (Luther) art an unscilfull or very raw divine Whitak. count Dur. p. 22. Zuinglius judgeth Luther to be ignorant. It maketh not much matter (saith he) whether Luther said so or no. p. 27. what is it to me? Some Protest contemn Luther's books. I care not what they (Luther and his chief scholars) misliked. And as Fox saith p. 788. Some Protestants give clean over the reading of Luther, and fall in utter contempt of his books. 4. Lastly, Luther's confession of his ingnorance. Sleidan Engl. lib. 16. fol. 232. when Luth began first-to preach against pardon he knew not what that matter meant as him s●lf confesseth. I prove Luther's ignorance by his own confession. For as Sleidan reporteth lib. 13. he said thus. When I began to preach against indulgences I scarce knew what the name of them ment. And in Fox pag. 1173. he confesseth that he is not certain, what is done with a soul which departing without actual sin yet hath the original root of sin, nor whither Fear in a man dying with imperfect charity let his entrance into heaven or no. In like sort in Colleq. Mensal. fol. 154. he professeth that he knoweth not how discern, Legem ab evangelio the law from the Gospel. And other where he saith that he knoweth neither Greek nor Hebrew. And L. de Captiu. cap de bapt. Here (saith he) I confess my ignorance. And cap. de Matrim. unto this day I am so uncertain about vows as I know not when they are to be thought to bind. Ib. I dare not define whither plurality of wives be lawful. And L. cont. Chatharin. plainly confesseth how ignorant he was in the beginning of his new preaching about Indulgences, the Pope, Church of Rome, Counsels & other matters. And 3. Galat. fol. 170. I have scarcely learned the first principles (of the use of the law) See it fol. 12. and 100 Think of this my dear Countrymen. Neander lib. 8. explitet. orbis terra. Fox. p 416. Edit. 1563. Iu●l Apolog. 5. And was this the man that controlled all the Fathers? that condemned all Antiquity of ignorance and blindness? that contemned all the Canonists & school divines? was this the God (as some call him) of divins? was this the conductor of Israel? was this the man that was given by God to lighten the world? O wilful blindness of men, who will follow so ignorant and blind a guide! What must become of both him and them that follow him and forsake the ancient Fathers and Catholic Church, but what our Saviour saith of the like. If the blind lead the blind do they not both fall into the dich. And if Luther who had (as he saith) the first fruits of the spirit, was thus ignorant, Ignorance of Engl. Ministers. what may we think of others who succeeded him? Some of our Ministers (saith Collins in his sermon at Paul's Cross 1607.) are enemies to learning. Godwin in his preface before his Catalogue of Bishops writeth that the best wits daily refuse the universities or divinity at least. Decay of learning in England with protestancy And every age (of Protestant) bringeth les plenty of learned men among us than other, And it is much (saith he) to be feared that our posterity will truly say. Aetes' parentum peior avis tulit Nos rudiores, mox daturos Progeniem ineruditiorem. The Declaration of discipline printed at Geneva an. 1580. saith p. 148. That now in steed of labour idleness is comen into the universities, contention, neglect and almost contempt of all religion with dissolute licence and liberty, whereby they give themselves to all riot and wantonness. It grieveth me (saith that writer) how far they are from Muses & learning. Even the very temples of religion, the altars the Chapels do wax profane unholy and void of all true religion. And much more of the like sort ib. I. B. alias Bacster in his tail of two legged Foxes cap. 11. greatly complaineth of the decay of learning▪ piety and religion; and the contempt and beggarlines of Ministers. Where he saith that some of them have no more knowledge than idols of woad or stone, and termeth them Sir Ihons' lack latin lack learning, lack conscience. O how doth learning decay and ignorance increase, when our adversaries thus openly confess it. And what wilful imprudence is it to think that these kind of fellows can see more than our ancient Prelates and divines. And having thus seen Luther's small learning▪ now let us behold his life and manners. CHAP. VIII. That Luther was a naughty and vicious man. Three kinds of proof of Luther's vice 1. MY proofs of Luther's vicious and naughty life I will reduce to three heads. The first shallbe touching his own deeds. The second touching his doctrine. And the third touching the effects of both. As for his life it seemeth that for a while after he entered into S. Augustine's order he did seriously give himself to piety and devotion. For that he writeth of himself while he was a Friar 1. Galat. fol. 37 I endeavoured myself to keep the Pope's laws as much as was possible for me to do, Luther's piety for the time of his Cath. religion. punishing my poor body with fasting, watching, praying and other exercises. I honoured the Pope of mere conscience & unfeignedly and whatsoever I did, I did it of a single heart of good zeal and for the glory of God. And fol. 38. I kept chastity poverty and obedience, I was free from the cares of this present life, I was only given to fasting, watching, praying. Thus Luther for a time, and happy had he been if he had so continued. But as he entered into religion upon fear because he with whom he walked in the fields was there slain with a thunderbolt. So fear being an ill keeper of continuance, he afterward fell from this zeal of his own good & God's glory, and in steed thereof fostered (as himself writeth fol. 38.) cit. continual mistrust doubtfulness and hatred & blasphemy against God. Luther confesseth that he hated God And praefat. 1. operum tom. 1. I felt myself (saith he) to be before God of a most troubled conscience, I loved not yea I hated (o horror to hear) God just and punishing sins, and with secret if not blasphemy yet with great murmuring I repined at him. Luther's fit disposition to become an Archeretik. I raged so with a fear and perturbed conscience. Thus Luther of himself before he began Protestantisme. And I pray the Christian Reader was this change in Luther from zeal of God's glory to hatred of God, from God or from the devil? was a man in this case likely to have particular light from God touching his truth rather than any in the world beside? Or rather having (as himself confesseth) lost a good conscience, was he not like (as S. Paul speaketh) to make shipwreck also of his faith? was not a man of his disposition fit to be made of the Devil a broacher of heresies, and an apt instrument to lead many souls to hell? 2. Of his envy for which he first began Protestantisme you have heard before, Hic envy. and likewise of his pride for which he continued it. Pride. But his pride was otherwise so notorious as Protestants tax him for it. God (saith Conrade Regius lib. cont. Hessum) for the sin of pride wherewith Luther exalted himself hath taken away his spirit from him, and in steed thereof hath given him a wrathful lying and arrogant spirit. Oecolampad. lib. count confess. Lutheri, writeth that, Luther was puffed up with the spirit of pride and arrogancy. And the Tigurin Ministers in their answer for Zuinglius pronounce that, Luther is carried away with too much insolency. Wrath. ●lenburg. de Ca●sis Cath. fidei. cap. 8. ●al vino. turcism. lib● 3. cap. 6. Of his wrath and anger D. Feild lib. 3. of the Church cap. vlt. confesseth that Luther was of a violent spirit and carried too much with the violent stream of his passions, and the Tigurins Gesnerus and others dislike his distemperate passions. Fulk in cap. 3. Philip. giveth this verdict of him. Luther pursued contentions more bitterly than was meet. The Tigurins respon ad Luther. writ, that he followed too much obstinacy and pride and that much of the malignant spirit was in him. jesner in his bibliotheca saith. He could bear none but such as agreed with him in all points. God (saith he) forbidden lest by his contention and impudency he hurt the Church. Erasmus a Confessor with Fox, and of good judgement and a plain and well meaning man with D. Reinolds lib cont. epist. non sobr. Lutheri, giveth this sentence of him. Luther's epistle breatheth deadly hatred, is all full of impotent if not furious reproaches and malicious lies. He malepertly rageth against Kings and Princes when he list. Extreme hatred desire of command and firebrands of Incitors drive him out of the way. He cracketh nought but devils Satan's, Hobgoblins, wiches, Magaeras & such more than tragical speeches. His mind can be satiated with no raling, he is beside himself with hatred, he hath no sincerity, no sobriety, no Christian modesty. If you take out of his books hyperbols, railing, scoffing, repetition, asseverations, articles of Wiclefs & Hus, perhaps little will remain of his own. Caluin in Schusselburg lib. 2. theol. Caluin. fol. 126. concludeth that. His lechery. Luther in Sleidan. lib. 3. fol 2● my profession is not of life and manners. Luther multis vitijs scatet, hath many faults. As for Luther's fleshly filthiness himself tom. 1. epist. Latin. fol. 334. saith that. I am burnt with the great flame of my untaimed flesh. I am fervent in the flesh sloth lust etc. And as the world knoweth, contrary to his promise made to God; married a wife, and her a Nun. 3. But to leave Luther's carnal vices, and to come to worse, such as by them we may clearly see that Luther's preaching came not from God. Rejected a part of God's word. First he rejected a good part of God's word, as not only catholics say but most Protestant's also confess, to wit the Epistle to the Hebrues, the second of S. Peter, the epistle of S. james & of S. Jude, the second and third of S. John, and the apocalypse. And this he did upon frivolous yea upon no reason as is before showed. Now how hateful a sin it is to reject God's word every one seethe, and God himself declareth by his curse Apoc. 22. Secondly, of that part of God's word which he did admit he corrupted divers places namely Rom. 3. Corrupted the rest. where he the Apostle saith that man is justified by saith he added (Alone) And being asked why de did so he answered so I command & so I will, Biblia German. my will shall stand for reason still to. 5. Germ. fol. 141. And this heinous vice was so notorious in Luther as Zuinglius his Coapostle L. de Sacrant. Tom. 4. pag. 411. 412. thus writeth to him. Thou dost corrupt the word of God thou art seen to be a manifest & common corrupter of the holy scriptures. How much are we ashamed of thee who hitherto esteemed the byond all measure and now prove the to be a false man. Fulke also in his Preface to his Annotat. saith that Luther in his heat misliked a true translation of the Bible. So far could passion transport this new Apostle. Went against his conscience. Thirdly, he impugned that which in his conscience he took to be truth and so committed that heinous sin against the holy Ghost, which our saviour saith shall be forgiven neither in this world nor the next. For as is before declared he often times offered to suppress his new doctrine if he were not bound to recant it, wherein he must needs do againsts his own conscience either in preaching his new doctrine knowing it to be false, or in suppressing it thinking it to be God's truth. And in Colloq. Mensal. fol. 158. himself confesseth thus. Luther. wisheth he had never begun protestancy. I never leaut these thaughts that I wish and desire that I had never begun this business. And in parva Confession. I knew (saith he) that the elevation of the Sacrament was idolatrous, yet I kept it in the Church of Wittenberg that I might spite the devil Carlostadius. o what would not he do or say to spite catholics, who to spite his friend and first scholar permitted (as he thought) idolatry against God. And shall not we wish woe had never known that religion, which the Author thereof wisheth he had never begun? And albeit both he and all Protestants account it a thing commanded by God to communicate in both kinds and forbidden by him to communicate in one only yet as jewel Art. 2. diuis. 6. neither doth nor can deny, he wrote. If perchance the Council should appoint (to communicate in both kinds) we would least of all receive both but then first in despite of the Council we would receive but one or neither and in no case both kinds. Behold how to spite a Council he would either not communicate at all or not so as he thinketh God commanded. And who will see more of this humour of Luther may read Vbenberg de Causis Cathol. fidei etc. cap. 15. But was this man who thus partly rejected, partly corrupted God's word, and sinned against the holy Ghost likely to be a man chosen by God to be a new preacher and restorer of his word, and strangely lightened by the holy Ghost? No Surely. 4. Yea that we may be assured that it was the Prince and spirit of darkness who sent and lightened him, almighty God so provided that no adversary nor stranger, but himself should utter, & not utter only, but writ and print for a warning to all posterity, that in the dark night he learned his doctrine of the Prince of darkness. For lib. de missa angulari tom. 6. jenen. fol. 28. b. and edit. Luther's confession that he learned his doctrine of the devil. Wittenberg. 1577. by Thomas Kelug tom. 7. fol. 228. he writeth thus. Upon a certain time I suddenly waked about midnight, than Satan began his disputation with me saying. hearken right learned Doctor Luther. Thou hast said private Mass these 15. year almost every day, what if private Masses were horrible idolatry? what if there were not the body and blood of Christ, but thou wor●hipedst bread and wine and showedst them to be worshipped of others. To whom I answered (saith Luther) I am an anointed priest, received unction and consecration of a Bishop and did all things by command & obedience of my Superiors. How then should I not have consecrated seeing I pronounced the words of Christ seriously with great earnestness? Thou hearest this. All this said he (the devil) is true. But the Turks and Heathens do all in their temples upon obedience, and do their service with devotion. The priests of Hieroboam did also all things with zeal & with devotion against the priests in Jerusalem. These words are left out in the edition ofr wittenberg. What if their ordination and consecration were false as the Turkish and Samaritans are false Priests, thy worship is false and impious. Here (saith Luther) I began to sweat and my heart to quake and beat within me. The devil can place and urge his arguments fitly to oppose & hath a great and strong voice. And these disputations are not long a doing but straight one answer followeth an other. And I well found then how it falleth out that men over found dead in the morning in their beds. He can kill the body, he can also by reasoning drive the soul into such straits that in a moment it is to forsake the body. Luther confesseth that he was caught of the devil in disputation. Whereto he hath almost driven me full often. Surely in the dispute he caught me, and against my will I would have carried such a heap of blasphemies before God, but willingly would have defended my innocency. Wherefore I marked what cause he had against my priesthood and consecration. Hitherto Luther, whose words whether I have truly alleged or no may be seen in the editions which I named. And after this Luther setteth down five arguments which he learned of the devil against priesthood and Mass. O detestable Master! O hateful scholar! O execrable doctrine! O abominable school! And, O heavens be amazed that a Christian would believe the devil rather than Christ's Church, and that Christians should follow him who professeth to follow the Devil! How ministers gloss Luther's confession. 5. Ministers being greatly ashamed at this testimony of Luther against himself & his doctrine, endeavour to cast many mists before people's eyes that they should not perceive the horror thereof. D. Sutlif l. de Eccles. pag. 298. saith it was a dream. But Luther saith plainly that it was after he awaked, and telleth what a voice the devil used, & how he had like to have died for fear. Field l. 3. of the Church c. vlt. jewel Art. ●. diuis. 2. and others say it was but a spiritual conflict and tempting of Luther to despair. But howsoever the devil meant also to draw Luther to desperation, it can not be denied, but that he meant to persuade him to detest his preisthoud and Mass, as is evident both by the words cited and by the five arguments which the devil brought against the Mass with which Luther (as he saith) was caught, that is persuaded to reject his priesthoud and Mass which before he greatly esteemed. It can not therefore but impudently & against Luther's own words be denied, but that this new doctrine, that Preisthoud and Mass are nought, he learned of the devil, howsoever the devil having persuaded him that, Further confession of Luther's familiarity whith the devil. ment with all to drive him to despair. And howbeit our Ministers be ashamed of Luther's learning and friendship with the devil yet he himself braggeth thereof. For to. 2. Ieren. fol. 77. Believe me (saith he) well, yea very well I know the devil. He often times walketh with me in the Dorter. When I am in company he hurts me not, but when he catcheth me alone then he teacheth me manners. Again. The devil oftener and nearer sleepeth with me than my Kate. I have two marvelous devils, Se● Fevard. in 4. Iren cap. 32 Vlenberg. Cansa. 21. Apol of Protestants trac 2. cap. 2 parag. 2. Testimony of other Prottestants for the same. Erasmus. Fox in Calendar D. Reinol. Confer. pag 155. Ministers of zurich. who among the devils are great Doctors in divinity. And in his letters to the Elector of Saxony. The devil some times so passeth through my brains as I can neither write nor read. And in Colloq. latin. fol. 32. I had rather (saith he) be killed by the devil than by the Emperor. And of the foresaid conference between Luther & the devil Erasmus cont. epist. non Sobr. Lutheri writeth thus. He bringeth in a disputation of the devil with a man, in his book of Mass in corners, & ascribeth such strong arguments to him (devil) as he saith he could not answer them. And again. The devil did impugn his mind about Mass with strong weapons. Thus Erasmus a Confessor and plain meaning man amongst Protestant's. And the Ministers of Zurich in their Confession fol: 25. 26. 127. call Luther the Minister of Satan, and say that he wrote his books impulsu spiritus (Satanae) cum quo disputationem instituit, quique ut videtur Lutherum disputando superavit, by the motion of that spirit (Satan) with, whom he disputed, and who as it seemeth overcame him in disputation. This same also testify Gesnerus, Gesner and others. Tossanus Neostadius, Beza, Caluin and others cited by Feuardent in lib. 4. Iren. cap. 32. Nether was it peculiar to Luther to be thus taught of the Devil. For to Carolstadius appeared a devil whiles he was preaching, as Alberus a Protestant witnesseth to which the Ministers of Basil add that he was killed of a devil. Zuinglius in his book de Subsid. Euchar. professeth that he learned his doctrine about the Eucharist of a spirit which I know not (saith he) albus an alter fuerit, whether it were black or white, that is good or bad God or the Devil. Caluin epist. ad Bucer. confesseth he had, Genium a familiar, to whom he attributeth his vain of cursing. And of Knox his conference with the devil you may see Hamilton Confut. Caluin. pag. 254. And thus much touching Luther's deeds. Luther's wicked doctrine. 6. As for his wicked doctrine some thing hath been said already, and here we will add a little more, referring the chief to the third part of this Treatise. In behalf of sin, he teacheth l. de Captiu. thus. No sins can damn a Christian but only incredulity. And against goods works he hath these two Articles in Fox p. 1167. In every good work the just man sinneth. Every good work of ours when it is best done is a venial sin. In favour of carnal lust he writeth serm. de Matrim. If the wife can not or will not, let the maid come again. As it is not in my power that I should be a man: so it is not in my power that I should be without a woman. Item. It is not in our power that it should be either stayed or omitted but it is as necessary as that I should be a man & more necessary than to eat drink or steep. And l. de Captiu. l. de Matrim. If a woman's husband be impotent than (saith he) I would advise that with consent of her husband she should by with an other, Epist. ad Albert d Mogunt. Horribile est si vir in morte inveniatur sine uxore. or with her husband's brother, yet with secret marriage. If her husband would not consent I would advise that marrying to an other she should fly into some remote & unknown place. Ib. I had rather suffer plurality of wives than divorce. 7. And as for the effects of Luther's new doctrine Erasmus Epist. ad Vultur. saith thus. Bring me one whom this Gospel (of Luther) hath of a glutton made sober, of fierce, mild, Luther's wicked faith of covetous liberal, of an ill speaker, well spoken, of unchaste shamefast. I can show them many who are made worse than they were. Sleidan lib. 6 fol. 83 To this Field lib. 3. of the Church cap. 8. findeth no better answer than to say thus, Erasmus was variable and inconstant. Caluin. But by his leave otherwise judged Fox of Erasmus when he placed him in his Calendar for a Confessor, otherwise D. Reinolds when in his Confer. p. 152. Luther. he termeth Erasmus a man of excellent judgement. & p. 155. Men seven times worse when they are Protestants than before. a plain & well meaning man. And for his judgement of the Lutherans manners Field can not show that Erasmus was various. But what will he say to Caluin who admonit. vlt. ad Westphal. writeth that Lutherans have not one jot of honest shamefastness, are brutish men, & make no account of the judgement of men or angels? What will he say to Luther himself who 5. Galat. fol. 252. writeth that his followers are seven times worse under the name of Christian liberty than they were under the Pope. And fol. 285. This (saith he (is the lot of the (new) Gospel that when it is preached men begin to spoil to rob, By protestancy men grow out of kind. to steal and to beguile. To be brief men seen suddenly to grow out of kind and to be transformed into cruel beasts And much more he hath of the like sort fol. 27. 286. 39 252. And who will see more of the wicked effects of Luther's Gospel may read Schusselb. lib. 2. Caluin. theolog. jezler. de bello Eucharist. Feuardent. in 2. Iren. cap. 9 And also Luther postil. supra. dom. 1. adventus. Smidelin. Cant. 4. in 21. Luc. wigand de malis German. Bulling. conc. Brent. Caluin de scanned and serm. 10. and 11. in epist. ad Ephes. Muscul. L. de Prophet. & cant. 4 de planetis. Here I will add a little of the increase of ill life in England since Protestantisme entered. 8. King Henry after he had admitted one point of protestancy, to wit, the denial of the Pope's supremacy, and permitted the Bible to be read in English, in his oration to the Parliament in Fox pag. 1124. telleth the effects thereof in these words I am very sorry to hear and know how unreverently that jewel the word of God is rhymed, Effects of protestancy in K. Henry 8. days. sung, and jangled in every alehousse and tavern, contrary to the true meaning and doctrine of the same. And yet I am as much sorry that the Readers of the same follow it in doing so faintly and coldly. For of this I am sure that charity was never so faint amongst you, and virtuous and godly living was never les used, God never les reverenced than after Protestantisme entered. Fruits of protestancy in K. Edward time. nor God himself amongst Christians was never les reverenced honoured and served. Thus King Henry of the effects of Protestancy in his time. And as for the effects thereof in King Edward 6. time the Protestant who published Cranners book against traditions telleth us what they were, thus. We were talkers only and not walkers, lip Gospelers from mouth outward and no further, we were even such as the Prophet speaketh of saying. That people honoureth me with their lips but are far from me with their heart, we could speak of God's word and talk gloriously thereof, but in our hearts we were full of pride, malice, envy, covetousness, backbiting, Men no whit bettered under protestantisme. rioting, harlot, hounting no whit bettered at all than we were before under the Pope's Kingdom. Nothing was amended in us but only our tongues no nor they neither if I shall speak rightly and as the truth was in deed. For we used detraction of our neighbour, filthy talk, with many proud brags of holiness: For what end Protestants read scriptures. What Protest. preachers were. we read not the scriptures nor heard them for any amendment of our own wicked lives, but only to make a show and brag thereof, to check and to taunt others yea and to espy small motes in other men's eyes, but nothing desirous to see the great beams in our own. This I say to talk and not to walk, to say and not to do, was not only among the unlearned sort of men, but also among the grave Cleerks and preachers of God's word. And much more their of there like stuff. Fruits of protestancy under Q. Elizab. 9 And touching the effects of Protestancy in Queen Elizabeth's time Fox himself Consid. 3. telleth us then in these words, God grant (saith he) we may do better for worse I think we cannot do if we English men in these reformed days walk with monstrous pride pranking up ourselves more like players on a stage than God's children in his Church. Protest. can not do worse if they would. And Considerate. 4. who (saith he) followeth that he knoweth. To rip up all our deformities in particular I mean not here, neither need I, the same being so evident to all men's eyes, that who can not see our excessive outrage in pompous apparel, our carnal desires and unchaste demeaners without fear of God, Protestants careless security. our careless security without conscience, as though their were no judgement to come, our study upon this world as if there were no other heaven. And much more of the like tune. And in his latin Ep. he complaineth that every blast of tentation carrieth Protestants headlong into pride, avarice, pleasure, filthiness, revenge and what wickedness not. What present Protestants are. And as for the present Protestants Collins in his sermon at Paul's cross 1607. saith, his eyes gush out with water to see there is no religion amongst men for the most part, but that which is tainted with a spice of faction. Protestants churches void of all true religion. The declarat. of discipline pag. 148. saith their very temples chapels and altars wax profane and void of all true religion. the Surveyor cap. 21. saith that men are kept from confession to no conference with their pastor, from long prayer to two or three words and farewell, from superstition to very great security and profanation. And cap. vlt. he citeth the words of a principal Ministers in Scotland touching the increase of vice there, Increase of Protestant knowledge is the disase of conscience. whereof he giveth the cause in these words. The more knowledge (of the new Gospel) increaseth, conscience decayeth. If any be desirous to see in particular what kind of men our Ministers be he may read the danger. Positions lib. 2. cap. 11. & seq. and lib. 4. cap. 4. the Surveyor cap. 3. 8. 18. I. B. his tail cap. 11. and others. For my own part I loathe to move this dunghill any further. Quo modo obs●u●atum est au●um● mutatus est Color optimus. Th●●n. 4. But O what difference is there between S. Augustin and his follows, and our ministers, and between our foresaid virtuous Ancestors and the present Protestants. And thus having showed how unfit Luther was both for learning and life to be a Preacher, and especially a first Preacher immediately sent of God to Preach his heavenly truth, let us see what motives he had to preach, and afterward what Commission. CHAP. IX. That Luther was moved by human and naughty motives to preach Protestantisme. WHat can be said of this matter is clear by what hath been declared in the former Chapter, notwithstanding because we will observe the like of Chapters in discoursing of Luther which we used of S. Austin let us here see what motives Lut ere had of beginning and continuing his Protestants doctrine. The first motive of beginning his doctrine was as is showed before, envy and emulation against the Dominicans for having the publishing of the indulgences which was wont to be given to the Austin Friars. lib. 2. cap. 4. And his motive of continuing and proceeding in his new Doctrine was his pride which would not permit him to recant what himself thought so ill of as he offered to suppress and bury in perpetual silence. Beside these principal motives others he had which set him forward in his new doctrine. For being before a Friar under obedience and bound to poverty & chastity, by his new doctrine he shaked of subjection, & got licence to gather riches, to marry, to enjoy the contentments of the world. To these motives were added vain glory the nurse of all Archeretiks, to have followers termed after him Lutherans, the applause of vulgar and licentious people, and such like. CHAP. X. That Luther was never sent or called to preach Protestantisme. 1. FOr the better understanding of that which shallbe said in this Chapter we must note, first that it is not denied that Luther was once lawfully sent to preach to wit to preach Papistry. For Being made Doctor and Preacher of Divinity by Catholics he was by them sent to preach their faith and doctrine. But it is denied that ever he was sent to preach protestancy, Secondly we must note that there are two kinds of sending to preach, the one extraordinary by God alone as the Prophets and Apostles were sent. Descension among Protestants about Luther's sending. Naz. verum est quod unum est mendacium multiplex est. Luthe-not sent to preach by his Magistrate. The other ordinary by man also, but yet such as God hath given authority unto to send others. So were Timothy Titus & all Pastors in God's Church since the Apostles. How Luther was sent Protestant's can not agree. For some will have him to have been sent extraordinarily by man also, and of these some will have him to have been sent by this man, others by that, which variance alone if Daniel might be judge would descry the untruth of their tale. But God willing I will show that Luther was sent no way to teach protestancy. 2. Amongst those who affirm that Luther was sent ordinarily by man, some say that he was sent by his Magistrate and Prince the Elector of Saxony. 5 Sleid. Engl. lib. 1. fol. 10, saith the D. was at first displeased with Luther and fol. 22. the D. professeth not to mountain Luhers' doctrine See fol, 26, But this can not be. First because Frederick then Elector at the first neither encouraged saith Fox pag. 771. nor supported Luther but often represented heaviness and sorrow, for his proceedings. Secondly because the Elector was a Roman Catholic when Luther begun & a while after. How then cold he first send Luther to preach that doctrine which before Luther he neither believed nor knew of? Thirdly because power to preach is supernatural and mere spiritual, because it pertaineth to care of souls and their direction to a supernatural end But the power of Magistrates is natural & civil and pertaineth to direction of men to their natural end as common to Heathen as to Christian Princes. And who will say that Heathen can send men to preach and give them care of souls. Again who can give power to preach and administer the Sacraments may also himself preach and administer Sacraments, for none can give what he hath not himself. But women may be Princes who yet can not preach. Therefore Magistrates, can give no power to preach. And this divers learned Protest. do grant. For Bilson l. of obed. approved by public authority p. 296. plainly saith that their Bishops have not their authority from the Prince and that the Prince giveth then not Commission to preach, but only liberty and permission. Bilson. And 303. The charge (saith he) which the Preachers and Bishops of England have over their flock proceedeth not from the Prince. And p. 322. Princes have no right to call or confirm preachers. which he repeateth p. 323. And Fulke in 1. Cor. 14. Fulk. The authority (saith he) of civil Magistrates doth give Bihops nothing that is peculiar to Ecclesiastical Ministers. Finally howsoever sovereign Princes could send men to preach, yet subjects as that Prince Elector was to the Emperor, could not against their sovereigns' will send any. And therefore Luther neither was nor cold be sent first, to preach of Duke Frederik. Luther not sent by any Protestant Church. 3. For this cause, other say that Luther was sent by his Church. So Fulk in joan 10. But this is easily disproved by what hath been showed before cap. 1. by the Protestants confession of the nullity, or at least invisibility of their Church before Luther's preaching. For howsoever he might be confirmed of a Church which himself founded, There must be a Protestant preacher before there be a Protest. Church and no Church can send her first preacher. yet cold he not be first sent to preach of a Church which before he preached was not at all, or at least was not visible. Wherefore I demand when the people sent Luther to preach Protestancy? whiles they were Rom. Catholic? But that can not be for no man will send one to preach opposite doctrine to his. Or after that Luther by his preaching had made them Protestants? But than had he preached before he could be sent of them and they could not be his first senders. 4. Others finding no Protestant people or person who could send Luther to preach Protestancy before he preached it are feign to fly to their utter enemies, to wit the Roman Church, and say that she first sent Luther. So D. Whitak. count Dur. pag. 820. Sutclif Answer to Except. pag. 88 Field l. 3. of the Church c. 6. & 39 Fulk in Rome 10. and English Potestants commonly, thought some of them be ashamed to affirm it in plain terms. Luther not sent of the Rom. Church. Their only reason is, because no other can be found to send Luther. But if they mean of sending to preach protestancy, it is most false and incredible. False, because both P. Leo 10, and Emper. Charles 5. then spiritual & temporal heads of the Rom. Catholics forbade Luther to preach Protestancy, and the one condemned him as an heretic for so doing, the other outlaveth him. And incredible it is that the Rome Church should send a man to preach a religion so opposite to hers as Protestancy is, this were for her to set one to cut her own threat. And if they mean of sending to preach Papistry that availeth them nothing. For I hope they will not say that authority or Commission to preach one religion is authority to preach the contrary, or that the Roman Church when she gave Luther authority to preach Papistry meant to give him authority to preach Protestancy any more than Protest. Bishops when they give their Minister authority to preach Protestancy mean to give them authority to preach Brownisme or Anabaptisme. Besides that the purer sort as our Ministers teach that Popish Priests have no calling as you may see in Penry against some pag. 31. And in truth all Protestant's should teach so if they would speak consequently to their own doctrine. What Church can send men to preach Gods wore is Gods Church. For if she have authority & power to send men to preach the word of God than is she the Church of God for sure it is that God gave this authority to no other company but to his own Church only) And Protest. in going out of this Church & impugning her, went out of God's Church & impugn her. Moreover if the Ro. Church gave Luther his authority to preach she also could take it away, For as willet saith well Synopsis p. 203. authority of preaching in Ministers may be restrained or suspended by Church governors. & we see the practice hereof towards the silemced Ministers. By what authority then preached Luther after he was forbidden by the Rom, Church. Finally if Luther had his authority to preach from the Rom. What confusion will fall upon Protest: if they say their first preachers were sent by the Rom. Church. Church (which in the opinion of Protestant's is the whoare of Babylon the Church of Antich. the Sinagog of Satan) Luther & his Ministers must needs be minions of the Babylonian whore officers of Antich. Ministers of Satan, & in their preaching execute the function, which he whore, Antichrist, & Satan bestowed upon them. 5. hereupon others utterly despairing to find out any company or person to whom they might handsomely attribute the sendind of Luther fly to extraordinary sending by God alone saying that Luther & their first preachers were sent only of God & thereupon call them Apostles or Evangelists. So Cal. 4. instit. c. 3. §. 4. the synod at Rochel An. 1607. art. 32. & others yea the Declaration of discipline printed at Geneva 1580. pag. 139. saith plainly that in our days there was no place of ordinary calling & therefore the Lord extraordinarily stirred up (as it were) certain new Apostles to lighten the world again with the light of the Gospel. Luther not sent extraordinarily. This is a very miserable & impudent shift, For first it is avouched without all proof or testimony beside their own words. And therefore maybe as lightly rejected of us as it is affirmed of them. 2 lie, because all Archeretiks claim this kind of sending & Protestant's bring no especial proof why we should believe Luther in this point more than other Archeretiks yea Erasm. Ep. ad frat. infer Germ. writeth that Mahomet may better challenge the spirit than Luther. Thirdly because Luther himself disclaimeth this kind of sending him. For 1. Gal. foe 11. he saith. God calleth two manner of ways, by means & without means. He calleth us to the Ministry of his word this day not immediately by himself but by man. And addeth that ordinary vocation hath endured from the Apostles to our time & shall to the end of the world. The same hath vogel his scholar in Thesaur: Biblico c. de vocat. Ministror. & others. And who should know how Luther was sent better than himself. Besides D. Feild l. 3. of the Church c. 48. as disclaiming extraordinary calling saith we say our calling and our Ministry is not extraordinary. And D, Fulke in 10. joan. Luther (saith he) had lawful calling both of God & the Church And the 23. Article of the Protestant's faith is this: These we ought to judge lawfully called and sent which be called and chosen to the work by men who have public authority given to them in the Congregation to call and send Ministers. Therefore according to our Protestant's faith Luther cannot be judged to have been lawfully sent unless he had been sent by men & this of public authority in the Church. yea Caluin himself after he had brought divers proofs out of Scripture that to lawful calling is necessary the sending by men, saith thus 4. instit. cap. 3. Parag. 15. we have therefore out of God's word that that is lawful calling of Ministers when they which are thought fit are made with consent and approbation of the people. And Muscul. loc. Com. pag. 394. saith Extraordinary calling is not now in use. D. Seravin in book of degrees of Ministers termeth extraordinary calling an unknown coast. See D. Covell in his defence of Hooker, pag. 86. 6. Fourtly either there were Protestant Pastors before Luther or no? If there were what need Luther extraordinary calling who might be sent of these former Pastors? If there were none? how could there be a Protestant Church which (as Caluin saith loc. cit.) can never want Pastors and Doctors. and as Feild faith lib. 2. of Church cap. 6. The Ministry is an enssentiall note of the Church. Yea as Whitaker saith count Dur. p. 274. the soul of the Church. If any say, that there were Protest. Pastors before Luther but they were invisible, and therefore he was not sent of them. I reply that Field l. cit. c. 10. saith that the Ministry is always visible to the world. and the same saith Caluin 4. instit. cap. 2. Parag. 2. & 11. etc. 1. Parag. 11. And in truth it implieth con radiction that there should have been Pastors preaching the word & administering the sacraments, and yet invisible, especially to such faithful men (forsooth) as Luther was. In like sort I demand whither there were Churches rightly settled before Luther or no. If no then Luther was the settler of the Protestant Church. If yea, then was not he sent extraordinarily. For as Caluin teacheth 4. Instit. c. 3. Parag. 3. that calling hath no place in Churches rightly settled. or as Fulke saith in 10. Rom. it is not necessary but where either there is no Church or the Church is no member of Christ. If then Luther were extraordinarly sent either, there was no protestant Church before him, or it was no member of Christ. Fiftly, Caluin 4. instit c. 2. parag. 14 saith, that no wise man will deny that it is altogether requisite to lawful vocation that Bishops be appointed of men, seeing there are so many testimonies of scripture to this end. And then showeth that though god had extraordinarily called S. Paul, yet he kept (saith Cal. discipliniā Ecclesiasticae vocationis the discipline of Ecclesiastical vocation, in appointing the Church to segregate him & Barnabas, & lay hands upon them, to the end that the Church's discipline in appointing Ministers by men might be conserved. Luther will have a more extraordinary calling than S. Paul. If therefore God had called Luther or Calu. as extraordinarily as ever he called S. Paul. & more I hope of their modesty they will not challenge) yet to conserve Ecclesiast. discipline he would have bidden them go to some Church, to be segregated by her, & have hands laid upon them. unless these new Apostles will challenge more privilege & exemption from all Church's approbation of their calling than S. Paul had 7. Sixtly extraordinary & miraculous mission from God requireth his axtraordinary & miraculous attestation thereof. But Luther had no such attestation. Therefore he had no such mission. The first proposition I prove many ways. First by the example of God's proceedings heretofore. For when he extraordinarily sent Moses to deliver the Israelits he contested his sending by wondrous miracles, & when he sent apostles he confirmed their mission by prodiges & miracles, yea Christ himself though sent most extraordinarily of his Father yet saith If I had not done (miraculous) works in them which no other hath done they should have no sin. And shall we sin it not believing Luther who maketh no one miracle? or will he desire to be believed without miracles more than Christ did? 2 lie, I prove it by the authority of Tertullian who l. de praescrit. biddeth certain Heretics who pleaded extraordinary sending to proffer virtutes to show their miracles. 3 lie, I prove it by reason. For every Prince when he sendeth any extraordinary Ambassador giveth him particular letter of credence. And the particular letters of extraordinary Ambassadors from God are his miracles. 4 lie, I prove it by the inconveniences that otherwise would follow. For otherwise a false Prophet might make his mission as credible to us as a true Prophet. At least one that preached true doctrine but indeed was not sent of God to preach might intrude himself in to that office with as much probability as another that was truly sent. Lastly, I prove that miracles are requisite to extraordinary mission by the Confession of Protestant's. Caluin. 4. instit c. 2. parag. 13. For Calu. saith Because the Ministry of the Apostles was extraordinary, Calvin. that it might be made notable with some more markable note it was to be called and appointed by our Lords own mouth. Luther And if some external note needed to the calling of the Apostles, I hope it needed more to the calling of Luther, Luther. Luther also loc. Com. clas. 4. cap. 20. saith, God sent not any but either called by man or declared by miracles, no not his son. And to. 5. Germ. fol. 491. he asketh a Preacher whence comest thou who sent the? where are the miracles that witness thy sensending from God? Patere legem quam ipse tuleris. And to. 2. fol. 455. If he say that he was sent of God and his spirit as the Apostles, let him prove this by signs & miracles, or suffer him not to preach for whensoever God will change the ordinary course there he always worketh miracles. And 1. Galat. fol. 40. It was necessary for S. Paul to have the outward testimony of his calling. And shall not we think it necessary for Luther? If any (saith the Declarat. of discipline printed at Geneva 1580.) please themselves in this gadding abroad throughout the Churches, and will contend that they may do so, let them show us the signs of their Apostleship as S. Paul did to the Corinthians, let them prove that they are endued with those Apostolical gifts of tongues, healing, doing of miracles▪ let them prove that they are immediately called thereunto of God. Finally I prove that Luther was not extraordinarily sent of God, because he was not extraordinarily assisted by him from teaching false doctrine. For as our English Protest. confess he taught false doctrine in many points. But they can produce no other assuredly sent extraordinarily of God who taught false doctrine. And in my judgement English Protestant's much condemn their own doctrine in defending that Luther was sent extraordinarily from God. English Protestant's condemn themselves in defending Luther's calling. For seeing he hath condemned much of their doctrine for heresy, they must thereby confess that their doctrine hath been condemned of a man especially lightened of God, and extraordinarily sent of him to teach his truth. Wherefore I would they took better advise and followed the counsel of the foresaid Declarator in these words pag. 30. Let inquiry be made into every one's calling, Good advise of a Protestant from Geneva. let them show how they were chosen and ordained as the letters and seal of their calling. Let them rehearse their genealogies and the race of their descent. Let them bring their rods and set them before the Ark of God. And who can not show the marks and tokens of their election and Creation, they that can not fetch their pedigree from Aaron, and whose rods remain dead before the Ark, let them be by the most just authority of God's word displaced. Thus he, whose advise if it be followed, I doubt not but Luther willbe displaced as a false Prophet. 8. The foresaid sixth argument touching miracles much troubleth Protestants, and therefore they answer it diversly. Some by granting that miracles are necessary for the attestation of extraordinary mission, and say as Field doth lib. 3. of the Church c. 48. and Fox p. 789. that Luther wrought miracles. But these we shall disproof of purpose hereafter. Wherefore others despairing to make any probable pretence of miracles, B●●●. deny that they are necessary to assecure us of extraordnarie mission. Because Isai's, Daniel, Zacharias, wrought none, & because S. Paul proved his mission rather by the efficacy of his doctrine than by miracles. And Caluin l. de scandal. saith that howsoever miracles were necessary to the extraordinary vocation of others yet not of them, because they teach no new doctrine but the same which before hath been confirmed with miracles, and because their doctrine is evident & needeth no miracles to prove it. But these their reasons are manifestly false. For Isaias miraculously cured K. Ezechias prolonging his life 15. years, & caused the shadow of his dial to return back 10. lines. Daniel miraculously told both what the K had dreamt, & what his dream signified Dan. 2. & 4. which is one of the greatest tokens of God's assistance that is. And in like sort Zacharias c. 1. & 4. foretold divers things which soon after were fulfilled. S. Paul and Barnabas prove their doctrine by miracles Act 15. where they tell what great signs & miracles God had wrought by them among Gentiles in testimony thereof. And 2. Cor. 11. S. Paul proveth his Apostleship because saith he the signs of my Apostleship were wrought upon you in miracles prodiges and powers. 9 That which Calu. saith, beside that every Sectmaister saith it & with as much colour as he, is evidently false. Though Luther's doctrine were good yet he needed miracles to prove his extraordinary calling. For as for the newness of his doctrine it partly appeareth by what hath been said sup. c. 1, & shall evidently be showed in the 2. part of this Treatise. And how ancient & evident soever his & Luther's doctrine wete and therefore that it needed no miracles; yet if their mission to preach their doctrine be extraordinary, it can not be denied but their mission is both new & unevident, & they needed miracles at least to approve their mission unto us. For God having no where avouched by word that he would send Luther to preach, Protestant's believe that Luther was extraordinarily sent without all proof, testimony or reason. All right believers have not authority to preach. if he avouch not by deeds neither, what certainty have we either from God or man (besides Luther's own word) that Luther came from God neither let any man answer that Luther proveth his doctrine by the word. For now the question is not about his doctrine, but about his authority to preach, which a man may want, & yet teach true doct. Wherefore absurd is that which Bilson affirmeth l. of obedience p. 300. As long as we teach the faith of the Apostles we have their authority. For so every right believer should have Apostolic authority to preach: all should be Apostles or doctors contrary to S. Paul 1. Cor. 12. all should be Pastors and none sheep, all lay men yea women and children might administer the word and sacraments, None could be prohibited or suspended from preaching. Finally this licence of preaching granted to all that have true faith is granted besides God's word or warrant. Wherefore Bilson upon better advise perhaps in his book of government of the Church cap. 9 writeth that they have no part of Apostolic Commission, that have no show of Apostolic succession. And that Pastors do receive by succession power and charge of the word and Sacraments from and in the first Apostles. And I would he would show to whom Luther succeeded in his new doctrine, or else confess that he had no part in Apostolic Commission. Certain therefore it is that though every right believer may confess his faith and also teach it privately when necessity requireth, yet none but Pastors who are lawfully sent can preach it of authority, take care of souls, and administer the Sacraments. And how I pray you should we be assured that Luther was sent of God to do this, rather than any other right believer? This I would gladly know, Tell me this o Ministers. and every one should know before he commit his soul to his guiding whom he knoweth not to have any charge or commission to direct him. 10. But divers learned Protestants finding no colourable answer to make to this demand, Protestant's confess that their Minister's want lawful sending and authority do plainly confess (as Sadeel a Minister of Geneva testifieth in a book written against such) that their ministers are legitima vocatione destituti, destitute of lawful calling. Others though not so plainly do grant the same in saying that such as ate fit may teach the word without sending. Which Caluin insinuateth in cap. 13. Actor. where he saith that we need no testimony from heaven that God sendeth some. Because (saith he) whom God hath endued with sufficient gift seeing they are framed and fashioned by his hand we receive them given to us of him no otherwise than as the proverb is from hand to hand. Whom Calvin alloweth to preach unsent. And to this same end tended Bilsons' complaint l. of obed. pag. 300. that the wicked (saith he) always asked the godly for their authority as the jews asked S John Baptist and Christ. Bilson. And Ib. So long as we teach (saith he) the same doctrine which the Apostles did we have the same power which they had. And pag. 301. He that defendeth truth is armed with authority sufficient though all the world were against him. And that a man may preach without commission he bringeth a similitude that when a city is on fire or entered by enemies every one may cry Alarm though he be no officer, and pag. 310. and 311. he produceth the example of Frumentius and Aedesius who taught infidels the Christian faith having no sending to that purpose. 11. Here thou seest Gentle Reader that confessed by learned Protestants which I intended in this chapter, to wit, that Luther & his first partners were not sent to preach either of God or man, but seeing (forsooth) the Church all on fire with idolatry, See Bal. Cent. 6. c. 85 Cent. 8. cap. 100 Many principal Ministers preached unsent. The want of sending in Luther, Caluin and such like would alone convince them to be false Prophets. & entered by enemies and thinking themselves fit for that purpose came running of their own accord crying Alarm which Luther did not stick to boast of saying as Caluin reporteth l. de reformat. p. 463. Behold I call myself Preacher and with this title have I adorned myself. And who readeth the lives of our first Protestant preachers either in, Bale or Fox, shall see that every one of them fell to preach unsent of any. And the foresaid Declaration of discipline p. 141. saith plainly that many of their worthy men for the love they had to the Gospel thought it lawful for them in these times to take upon them this Apostolical office. 12. But this alone, that Luther Caluin & such like did preach and administer sacraments as Pastors, being not sent, nor having authority given them thereto, would suffice to convince them to have been false prophets, usurpers, & thieves, though no other exception could be taken against them. For to preach, that is, as Pastor to teach, without lawful sending or Commission, is flatly against Scripture, against the example of Christ, his Apostles and all the Pastors, of God's Church, against reason, and Finally against the doctrine and practise now observed of Protestants. It is flat against Scripture. For Rom. 10. S. Paul asketh how shall they preach unless they be sent? Want of sending the very brand of false prophets. In so much as both the Prophets Christ and the Apostles do brand false Prophets with this mark of coming unsent. I sent not saith God Hierem. 23. Prophets & they ran. As many (saith Christ joan. 10. as came (of themselves) are thiefs & robers'. Some going out of us (say the Apostles Actor. 15.) have troubled you with words whom we commanded not. Lo how the holy ghost hath branded false Prophets with this note of coming unsent. It is also against the example of Christ & the Apostles. For of Christ it is said Hebr. 5. Nether doth any take honour to himself but who is called of God as Aaron. So Christ did not clarify himself to be made a Bishop. And joan. 17. and 20. Christ himself avoucheth his sending by his Father. And of the Apostles it is manifest that they preached not before they were sent of Christ. To preach unsent is to imitate Core Dathan and Abiron. Nether can Protestants produce any Pastor of God's Church since the Apostles time, which preached before he was sent. And to do the contrary is not to imitate Christ and his Apostles, but that schismatical crew of Core Dathan & Abiron whom the earth therefore swallowed & hell devoured. See S. Cipr. lib. de simplic. Prelate. Tertul. de prascrip. It is also against reason. For, as Pastor to preach and administer God's Sacraments, is an act of spiritual and supernatural authority, which none can have unless it be given unto him, and learning virtue or other talents what soever wherewith a man is fit to execute such authority are things far different from it, as is both evident by itself, and appeareth in women who may have as much learning virtue and other abilities as some men, & yet none of them can as Pastors preach or administer the Sacraments, because they are incapable of Pastoral authority. Moreover to be a Preacher and Pastor is to be God's Ambassador and steward or dispenser of his spiritual goods and mysteries. And if none can be Ambassador of an earthly Prince unless he be sent, none steward of his house unless he be appointed, none officer over his people unless he be constituted. How can any be Ambassador to God without sending, steward of his goods without appointing, governor of his people without his authority? And I marvel how Protestants can call Luther, Latimer and such like their Apostles, and either confess that they were not sent at all but came of their own good wills, or can not show of whom they were sent, seeing that the very name of an Apostle signifieth one sent. 13. Finally Protestant's themselves condemn such preachers as come unsent. Bilson himself l. cit we detest saith he) these that invade the pastoral function without lawful vocation and election. It is not lawful (saith the English Clergy in the 23. Article of their faith) for any man to take upon him the office of public preaching or administering the Sacraments. No man (saith their Synod in Haga Art. 3.) ought to take upon him to preach or administer the Sacraments without a lawful calling although he be a Doctor or a Deacon or an Elder. And their Synod at Rochel 1607. Art. 32. none must intrude himself into the government of the Church. Thus teach all Heretics after they have gotten possession. But before their own aptness and talents, the glory of God, and the salvation of souls, and truth of their doctrine was warrant and authority enough for them to preach, as appeareth by what hath been cited out of Bilson, Caluin and others. But to conclude this matter with Luther words. He 1. Galat. fol. 11. saith. Luther. Let the Preacher of the Gospel be sure that his calling is from God, and he calleth fantastical spirits, who intrude themselves. He that preacheth unsent cometh to kill. And fol 12. It is not (saith he) enough to have the word and pure doctrine, but also he must be assured of his calling, and he that entereth without this assurance entereth to no other end but to kill and destroy. People need be assured of Preachers sending. Ibid. the people have great need to be assured of our calling that they may know our word to be the word of God. And in the same chapter. There are many (saith Luther) who complain that they have the talon of the Lord and therefore are urged by commandment of the Gospel to teach, otherwise with a most foolish conscience they believe that they hide the Lords money and are guilty of damnation. The devil (saith he (doth this that he may make them instable in their vocation! O good brother let Christ quit the of this The Gospel (saith he) gave his goods to servants called. Noten. Expect his calling, in the mean time be secure yea if thou wert wiser than Solomon or Daniel yet if thou be'st not called fly more than hell to preach. If God need the he will call the. And again. The devil useth to stir up his Ministers that they run uncalled and pretend this most burning zeal that they are sorry that men are so miserably seduced that they would teach the truth and deliver the seduced from the snares of the devil. Thus Luther. and likewise Beza epist 5. and others, which I would they had followed in their first preaching protestancy. Aptness to preach far short of authority to preach. 14. As for Caluins' reason before cited, I say that ability to preach cometh far more short of that spiritual and supernatural power to preach and administer sacraments which Gods Pastor hath, than ability to govern men's bodies & goods in a kingdom cometh short of temporal power to govern such matters. And therefore if none (how able soever he be or think himself) may take upon him to be an officer in the common wealth, unless he be appointed, much les may one take upon him to be a Pastor in the Church and govern souls unless he have authority thereto given which the Declarer of the discipline noted p. 32. When he said. How fit soever a man seemeth to be for any charge, yet nothing is to be taken in hand without the authority of God, who will use in his affairs whom him pleaseth. Why the jeves did ill to ask Christ for his commission. As for the example of the jews brought by Bilson, I grant they did ill in ask Christ and S. John for their commission, because their preaching was both plainly foretold before by God, and then confirmed by the daily miracles of Christ, & others wrought for authorizing of Saint John both in his conception and Nativity. If Luther were Christ, or Caluin S. John, and their preaching as plainly foretold by God, and confirmed by present miracles, we should do like to jews in ask them for their Commission; But seeing they produce neither extraordinary holiness, nor miracles, Why we do well to ask Luther for his. nor prophecy, not any thing else to testify their sending, we should show great lightness of heart yea madness to believe them to be God's messengers without all Commission. The similitudes which Bilson bringeth make nothing against as & may be returned against himself. For us any man (or woman too) when the house is on fire or the city in danger, Gteat difference betuen-teahhing of private men and ptoaching as Pastors. may cry fire & alarm if officers do not perceive the danger. So we say that when a man (or woman also) perceiveth heresy to be taught which the Pastor doth not, he (or she either) may give notice or warning thereof. But yet, as not withstanding this none can, in what danger soever, take upon him to be Captain and command others of authority, but he only who hath such authority given him. So none in what danger of heresy soever can take upon him to be a Pastor and guider of souls preaching tanquam authoritatem habens, but only he who is lawfully called thereto. But Bilsons' error is, in that he distinguisheth not between the advertising or teaching of private men, and the preaching of Pastors, which is an act of spiritual function and authority, and therefore must suppose that authority. From the same proceedeth his bringing of the example of Frumentius and Aedesius who (as private men yea as women may in case of necessity when no others is to be had) being captives amongst infideles taught them the Christian faith. Socrat. lib. 1. c. 19 Raffin. lib. 1. cap 9 Theodoret. lib. 1. c. 23. But neither of them took upon him to be Pastor to the Infidels or as such to administer to them the word and Sacraments, Theodoret. lib. 1. c. 24. before Frumentius came to S. Athanasius & was by him made Bishop and lawfully sent. And by as good example might Bilson have proved that women may preach even without sending, because a woman being in like sort captive among infidels taught them the Christian faith, and was cause of their conversion. 15. And thus thou seest (Gentle Reader) evidently proved both by manifest proofs and open confession of Protestants, What the Protestant and their doctrine be, if Luther were not sent to preach. that Luther preached protestancy without sending and so without all authority, and consequently that the Protestants Church, is a company without a Pastor, their doctrine a message without an Ambassador, and their Bishops and Ministers without prelacy or pastoral authority, but such as S. Cyprian describeth l. de unit Eccles. who amongst straggling companions of themselves take authority without Gods giving, make themselves prelates without any orderly course, and no body giving them a Bishopric challenge the name of Bishops. English Ministers condemns the calling of the English Clergy. And not catholics only thus think but even the purer sort of our English Clergy. For the dangerous Positioner lib. 3. cap, 6. telleth how it was concluded by them in a Synod at Coventrie An. 1588. That the calling of Bishops is unlawful. That it is not lawful by them to be ordained into the ministery. That Bishops are not to be acknowledged for Doctors, Elders, or Deacons, as having no ordinary calling. And cap. 14. he recounteth how some Ministers renounce the calling which they had of Bishops and account their orders only a civil thing necessary for them to keep the ministery. And c. 16. that, the English Prelates have no authority to make Ministers. And thus much of Luther's want of Mission. Now let us see his orders. CHAP. XI. That Luther was never ordered to preach the Protestants word, or administer their sacraments. 1. AS in the former chapter I did not deny that Luther was once sent to preach the Catholic word or doctrine. So Nether in this do I deny that he was rightly ordered to preach the same word, to say Mass and to administer the Catholic sacraments. But as he brought a new word, so he brought also a new sacrament, consisting both of Christ's body & bread also; for preaching and administration of which new word and sacrament I say he was never ordered. And that his Catholic priesthood could be no sufficient ministery of the Protestant word and sacraments is manifest many ways. First, by reason. Luther's preishood could be no Protestant order. For priesthood chiefly consists in authority to offer sacrifice for the quick and the dead, as is evident by these words wherewith men are made Priests. Take power to offer sacrifice to God, and to say Mass for the quick and the dead. And Caluin 4. instit. c 5. para. 5 saith we order none but to sacrifice. D. Sutlif in his Challenge pap. 34. and in his answer to the Cath. Supplicat. sec. 19 writeth that our priesthood is appointed only to offer sacrifice for the quick & the dead. The like saith the Declar. of discipline p. 20. and it is manifest. But the Protestant ministery detesteth all authority of saying Mass, of offering sacrifice, & praying for the dead▪ order to sacrifice (saith the said Declarer l. cit. is to abolish the sacrifice of Christ ib. hands are laid upon priests to an end most contrary to the Gospel. How then can priesthood become protestantish ministery, unless one contrary become the other? or as the said declarer saith well, how can one & the same ordering serve to give one man at the same time offices so divers and contrary one to the other? 2. Reinolds Secondly I prove it by the judgement of Protestants For D. Reinolds in his epist. before his Confer. calleth our priesthood impious. D. Whitaker count Dur. p. 821. biddeth us keep our orders to ourselves. Whitaker. And pag. 653. we judge (saith he) no otherwise of your priests than of Christ's adversaries, and enemies of his priesthood. And pag. 662. you have neither lawful Bishops, nor priests nor Deacons. Powel in his Considerations upon catholics reasons. Powel. The popish ordination (saith he) is nothing else but a mere profanation. D. Fulk Answ. to a Counterf. Catholic pag. 50. you are highly deceived if you think we esteem your offices of Bishops, Fulke. Priests or Deacons any better than lay men, and you presume too much to think that we receive your ordering to be lawful. Penrie. Penrie against Some p. 8. Of this I am assured that Popish Priests are no Ministers. Declarer. The foresaid Declarer p. 20. saith. Priest's oil and power of sacrificing is no sufficient warrant for them to be Ministers it is a profane oil, and can give no men authority to dispose of the Mysteries of God. Shameless boldness for Luther to play the Minister without new orders. Some. Sutlif, which he proveth their at long, and calleth it a shameless boldness of Popish Priests to take in hand to be Ministers of the Gospel without any new calling or appointing thereunto and termeth their orders horrible orders. D. Some also as Penrie saith p. 20. calleth Popish priesthood sacrilege. D. Sutlif Answ. to Exceptions p. 82. The Pope is neither true Bishop nor priest for he was ordained priest but to offer sacrifice and to say Mass for the quick and the dead. But this ordination doth not (saith he) make a Priest, nor had true priests and elders ever any such ordination. And p 87. The Romish Church is not the true Church, having no Bishop nor Priests at all, but only in name. Divines of Geneva. The like he hath in his Challenge p. 33. & seq. Finally the Divines of Geneva in the Proposions pag. 245. conclude that in the Romish Church there is no holy order or Ministry indeed no lawful calling but a mere usurpation. Thus thou seest by the judgement of learned Protestants, that Luther's priesthood was so far from right orders and lawful ministery, as it was impious, opposite to Christ priesthood, a mere profanation nothing better than lay men have, maketh no Minister, horrible, secrilegious, Luther either a lay, profane impious sacrilegious and horrible Minister, or no Ministers at all. and what not, And he having no other orders (as is certain) what an impious, enemy to Christ, profane, lay, horrible and sacrilegious Minister must he have been if he were any. 3. Thirdly I prove it by practice of Protestants that Popish priesthood is no Ministry. For at Geneva when two Bishops, of Niviers, and Troy, fled thither, Lanoyrapliqua Christius. 2. Ch. 17. and took upon them the Ministry with out all more ordering, the Consistory upon mature deliberation thereupon, concluded that they could not do so. And in England every one knoweth that it is made treason to receive popish priesthood and above one hundred have been executed therefore which they would never do, if they thought it to be Protestantish ministery, what a disorderly religion than must that be, which was begun by a man who was never ordered to preach it or admininister the sacraments or service thereof. But what he did therein did only by virtue of impious profane, Lib. de missa angulari. horrible, sacrilegious and treasonable orders, with which before he had said (as himself confesseth (Mass 15. years together, And what orders hath our Protestant English Clergy, Note. whereof the greater number (as every one knoweth and both the Answer to an Examination printed at Geneva pag. 33. and others in Dange: Posit lib. 2. cap. 13. confess) in the beginning of Queen Elizab. time were Popish Priests, never ordered to say the Communion, but the Mass quite opposite thereto? And albeit some of them were ordered to say Protest. service, yet they were made of such Bishops, as either were Popish Priests themselves, as Covendale and Skorey were, or had been made of such Bishops And so all their orders were either Popish or come originally from Popish Priests, See Survey. cap. 16. who not being able to give other orders than they received themselves, did either give Popish orders, or none at all, And our English either have them or none. Wherefore sigh English Ministers orders, came from Parker who was first Archb. of Canterbury under Queen Elizabeth, and that he was made Bishop. (as Sutlif faith Answ. to Except. pag. 88) of Covendall & Skorey who received their orders of Cranmer, English Ministers have only such orders as they account sacrilegious or no orders at all. & he his of P. Clement, 7. I would know what orders, and what authority to give orders, the Pope gave to Crammer? Surely no other did the Pope give or mean to give then Popish, and if Cranmer received no other; he could give no other to Covendall and Skorey, nor they any other to Parker, nor he other to Ministers. judge then good Reader what kind of orders they have (if they have any) by their own verdict, Ministers utterly shame their religion. to wit impious profane, horrible. and sacrilegious. judge also what is to be thought of them and their religion, who hitherto have, and yet do permit Popish Priests that is as they accounted slaves and shavelings of Antichrist, and enemies to Christ, profane, and mere lay men, yea impious & sacrilegious, no way degraded or new ordered of them, but but by virtue only (as they speak) of their greasing of the Romish Antichrist, the mortal enemy of Protestancy, by power of their profane, impious, & sacrilegious orders to be sufficient Ministers of their word and sacram. O impious & Antich. word which can be sufficiently ministered by virtue of impious & Antichristian orders. Note ministers. Can Antich. order Christ's lawful Ministers? Shall his orders become Christ's orders? shall antichrist's shaveling slaves be sufficient Pastors for Christ? Shall Christ be served by no other officers than such as either mediately or immediately were made by Antichrist? See Dove of recusancy Luth. count Anabapt. Is Christ comen to beg orders at antichrist's hands, to receive pastors of his making? Can Antichrist give spiritual & supernatural authority? And have Christ's pastors no other then what came from Antichrist. o shameful Christian religion if this be christian religion which hath no bible or word of God but what came from Antichrist, no sacrament but from Antichrist, no preacher but from Antichrist, no orders but from Antichrist, no spiritual authority or jurisdiction but from Antichrist! S●e Survey cap. 8 3. 1●. Dangor. Posit. lib. 2. cap. 13. what then may we conclude but the religion is Antichristian. And why should Protestant's marvel to hear their own brethren call their Bishops and Ministers, Bishops and Ministers of the devil, enemies of God petty Antichrists. and such like, sith all the orders they pretend they must derive from the pope whom they all account the true Antichrist. No true religion without true calling and right orders. God open the eyes of my dear Countrymen that as they partly see that their Ministers have neither right calling nor lawful orders, so they may also see that they have no true religion, which without pastors both rightly called & lawfully ordered can not stand. And thus having showed how unfit Luther was to be Preacher both for his life learning, calling and orders: now let us come to his doctrine to see whether that be any whit better. CHAP. XII. That Luther's doctrine was contrary to the universal faith of Christendom in his time. 1. THat Luther's doctrine was contrary to the universal faith of Christendom at that time, I prove by many ways. First. by the condemnation thereof by the chief heads spiritual & temporal of the Christian people of that time. For, Luther's doctrine condemned by P. Leo. 10. as Protestants confess, Leo 10. than Pope, & spiritual head of Christian people condemned it An. 1520. whose Bull thereof is extant in Fox p. 1166. And not long after Hieremie Patriarch of Constantinople, & head (as he accounteth himself) of the Greek or East Church condemned their doctrine in a book which is called Censura Orientalis, By Heremie Patriarch of Constantinople. wherein he saith their doctrine was altogether new and directly both against the Gospel of Christ, By charles. 5 Emper. Sleid. also lib. 1 fol. 3. setteth down Emper, Maxmil. letters against Luther. Sleid. lib. 3. fol. 30. 33. 50. 51. By K. Henry 8 Sleid. lib 3. fol. 34. and right reason, and calleth them Heretics. And in the year 1521. Charles 5. then Eemperor of Germany, King of Spain, Naples, Sicily, and Sardinia, and Lord of all the low Countries, first writ a letter to the States of Germany which is set down in Fox pag. 778. in which he professed to pursue Luther and all his adherents by all means that can be devised for to extinguish his doctrine. And soon after directed a solemn writ of outlawry against Luther, and all them that took his part, commanding the said Luther to be apprehended and his books burnt: Likewise the same year 1521. King Henry 8. of England wrote a book against Luther, in which (saith Fox pag. 780. By the French King Sleidan lib. 6. fol. 68 lib. 8. fol. 120. ) First he reproveth Luther's opinion about pardons. 2. He defendeth the supremacy of the Bishop of Rome. 3. Laboureth to refel Luther's doctrine of the sacraments. And again in the year 1523. writ (saith Cooper in Chron.) to the Princes of Germany against Luther. And in the year 1525. (as the same Cooper writeth he entered league with the French King to suppress the sect of the Lutherans which they thought to be no less dangerous than the Turks power. And Anno 1535. he writeth that six were burnt in Paris for Lutherans before the French King his sight And Anno t543. that the French King made straight proclamation against the Lutherans, By james. 5, King of Scotland. And as for james 5. King of Scotland and Grandfather to his Majesty, Hamilton Confut. Caluin. a Scottish writer testifieth that when King Henry 8. having fallen into one point of Lutheranisme promised to make K. james his heir if he would do the like, he rather refused so great a proffer than consent to his desire. And behold the different reward from God of the two King's King Henry 8. issue is quite extinguished, Note. and james his royal progeny we behold not only flourishing, but possessing King Henry's crowme and Kingdom. So hath God even in thy life recompensed, By the States of Suizerland. Sleidan. ib. 3 fol. 54▪ 55. By the learned men of all parts of Christendom. the religious zeal of that most Catholic King. And as for Switzerland Fox p. 792. writeh that Anno 1524. the States of that country in their assembly Decreed that no opinion of Luther's should be taught privately nor openly and wrote to the men of Zurich, and do much lament (saith Fox) and complain of this new broached doctrine which hath set all men together by the ears through the occasion of certain rash and new fangled heads, and will bring destruction both to body and soul. And as for the learned men of that age in all Christian Countries their detestation of Luther's doctrine is evident. By universities. For first the Universities of Louvain, and Colen, condemned Luther's books as heretical in the year 1520. And in the next year the University of Paris did the like. Sleid. Engl. lib. 1. fol. 14. lib. 3 fol. 32. And in all Christian countries almost the chiefest learned men wrote against him, as Eckius Cocleus, Gropperus in Germany; Siluevester, Caietan, Catherine in Italy. Petrus a Soto, Alfonsus a Castro, Canus, Turrianus in Spain. Clictoneus and others in France. By a general Council. Bishop Fishe●and, Sir Thomas More in England. Driedo, Tapper, Erasmus, in Flanders. Hosius in Polony, and others otherwhere. Of the Prelates. legates. 4. Cardinals. 2 Patriarches. 3. Acchb. 25. Bishops. 168. Abbots. 7. Procurators. 39 Generals. 7 besides a great number of famous divines. Luther's doctrine condemned by all manner of ways. And after in the Council of Trent (where the flower of all Christendom was gathered together from all parts of the Christian world) his doctrine was condemned by the subscription of 255. Prelates. Whereby you may see the universal hatred of Christendom both in the Clergy & laity, learned and unlearned, both in the East & West; Latin & Grecke Church against Luther's doctrine. Hereupon Erasmus saith Luther was condemned with, so many judgements, confuted with so many books, strooken with so many thunderboults. 2. Secondly I prove it by the testimony of divers Protest. For, Fox pag. 789. accounteth it a miracle, that Luther (saith he) one man should sustain (for his doctrine) the hatred 〈…〉 wholeworld being set against him, Luther had the Prelates and all Kings of the earth against him. jewel. Luther's Gospel almost against all men. Luther's Gospel against consent of all men. Sleidan prafat. Histor The beginning (of protestancy) was full small and one man alone sustained the malice of all the world. and stand openly against the Pope Cardinals and Prelates of the Church, having the Emperors and all the Kings (saith he) of the earth against him. jewel in his Apology p. 13. speaking of the Protestants matters, saith, they increased invitis prope omnibus, almost against all men's wills. And pag. 201. The Gospel (of Luther) was at this time spread into the world invitis prope omnibus against almost all men's wills. Luther himself L. de Captiu. cap. de Eucharistia speaking of his enterprise, saith I begin a hard matter as which being confirmed by the use of so many ages, and approved by all men's consents, is so settled as it is necessary to change and alter all the face of Churches. And 4. Galat. fol. 187. The world judgeth us to be most pernicious Heretics destroyers of religion etc. fol. 210. This day the name of Luther is most odious to the world. 6. Galat fol. 291. The whole world most cruelly persecuteth and condemneth us. But because this matter is evident enough out of that which hath been said in the first Chapter of this book, I omit further proof, and will add a word or two to show what kind of fellows they were who began first to favour protestancy. What Kind of fellows those Germans were who first favoured Protestants somewhat hath been said before. As for the French men Caluin Prefat. in justit. saith they were beggarly and abject, What kind of men they were who against the world's consent favoured Luther. What Dutrh. What french. What kind of fellous our first Engl. preachers of Protestacie were Bilney. How perverted. wretches, miserable sinners before God and in sight of all men, most contemptuous the excrements & outcasts of the world, and if any thing can be named more wild. Yea of their holy City of Geneva he saith as the Surveyor cap. 2. writeth his words. That the people were, a disordered Dunghill of rifraff. That the Senate of 200. were a tumultuous faction of rakhells and cast aways: & that the chiefest Magistrates of the City yea even the Syndiks were ringleaders of sactions and dissensions. And will English men forsake their worthy virtuous & renowned Ancestors, and follow this scum of the world? And as for England, what kind of followers they were that first embraced protestancy, hath been in part touched before. Wherefore I will here, add only a word of the first Preachers thereof in this Kingdom. 3. Bilney (whom Fox pag. 922. calleth the first framer of the University of Cambridg in the knowlegd of Christ, and was burnt An. 1531. as he saith pag 920.) This man (I say) was as himself testifieth in Fox pag. 915. converted by privy inspiration of the spirit, in reading Erasmus Testament, and was so ignorant as being apprehended An. 1527. he writeth of himself in Fox p. 918. thus, Wither Christ have been a long time heard I know not, for that I have not heard all the Preachers of England. And if I heard them, How ignorant How often times he abjured protestancy. yet till it was within this year or two I could not sufficiently judge of them. Lo this fellow but a year be-before he was apprehended, could not judge of Preachers whither they taught Christ or not. So unconstant also he was in his religion, as first he took his oath that he should not teach, preach, nor defend any of Luther's opinions, but should impugn the same every where Fox pag. 910. And being again apprehended and condemned for Prostancie abjured it, subscribed to his abjuration, went before the procession in Paul's bare headed with a faggot on his shoulder, and stood before the Preachers at Paul's Cross all the sermon time An. 1529. ex Fox pag. 919. And yet not withstanding Anno 1531. again fell to preach heresy, though at his death he recanted all, & died a good Catholic, Latimer. as Sir Thomas More, than chancellor of England, How perverted. How ignorant How often times recanted testifieth and Tindal plainly insinuateth in Fox pag. 986. though Fox deny it. 4. Latimer the Apostle (as Fox and Bale term him) of England, was perverted by this ignorant and inconstant Bilney, and before (as himself saith in Fox pag. 919.) Was as obstinate a Papist as any in England. Whose learning you may gather by his Master, and his inconstancy by his own deeds. For he twice recanted protestancy, once before Cardinal Wolsey, as you may see in Fox p. 1575. and an other time before divers Bishops as you may read in Fox. p. 1577. which Fox there saith was no great matter nor marvel. So little matter he maketh of his religion or his Apostles denying it. No marvel or matter for the Apostles of Protestants, to abjure their faith. Tindal. How often times repenteth. After this he was unbishoped by King Henry. 8. and by him cast into the Tower where he lay all his time after, and at his own death used gunpowder to shorten his life p. 1606. Of Tindal an other Apostle, Fox telleth pag. 981. how he was a schol Master, but mentioneth not how he came to protestancy. And after this, weary (as it seemeth) of this new doctrine, would have been as you may see. p. 982. chaplain to Bishop Tunstal a Notorious Papist p. 987. He would have the real presence accounted an indifferent thing. And p. 985. he telleth that he was strangled before he was burnt, which manifestly showeth that he recanted at his death, which also I have read other where. Thus you may see what double and triple turncotes, what perjured and abjured persons were the Apostles and first preachers of protestancy in England. The Foundations and chief Pillars (as Fox termeth them) of their Church. O what comparison can there be, between such, and Saint Austin, S. Laurence, Saint Paulin? What madness were it to leave these to follow those? CHAP. XIII. That Luther's doctrine was never confessed by Catholics to be sufficient to salvation. 1. You heard before that the adversaries of S. Augustine's doctrine, as well the Britons then as the Protestants now, confessed that he brought the true way to salvation, and that many & great learned men have followed him, and come to heaven by the way which he taught; which testimony proceeding from adversaries mouths must needs seem to be the confession of most evident & manifest truth. Here now it cometh in place to show, that no one Catholic ever acknowledged that Luther's doctrine was the way to salvation or that any have comen to heaven by following him which I show. First, That no Cath. allowed Luther's doctrine as Protest. do S. Augustine's. because not only Pope Leo, but also the general Council of Trent confirmed by the Pope (which no Catholic thinketh can err) hath condemned and accursed his doctrine. And his books are forbidden to be read under pain of excommunication Secondly, because every Catholic believeth & professeth that who keepeth not the Catholic faith wholly & unviolated shall without all doubt perish everlastingly. Thirdly, because no Catholics words can be produced wherein hope of salvation is afforded to Luther & his followers. But on the contrary as many Catholics as write or preach condemn his doctrine for flat heresy, Luther's doctrine condemned by all Kind of Christians. By Grecians By Anabaptists. By Caluinists. By Engl. Protestant's. By how many our Engl. Protest. religion is condemned. See Ihonson against jacob. and himself & all his obstinate followers for heretics, out of noah's Ark, out of Christ's fold, out of God's Church, out of all hope of salvation so long as they follow Luther. 2. Nay, not only Catholics allow not Luther's doctrine but even all other Christians beside condemn it. The Grecians, as is said, condemn Protestants for Heretics. The Anabaptists, as Luther saith, account them worse than Catholics: himself affirmeth his followers to be seven times worse than Papists Caluin judgeth Luther's opinion of the Eucharist less tolerable than the Papists. Sutclif addeth that it is heretical, by inference of such conclusions as may be gathered thereof. The Brownists esteem our Protestant religion a meddle or mode religion. A thousand Ministers in their petition exhibited to his Majesty 1603. affim that it containeth abuses & enormities which they can show not to be agreeable to God's word. Others propose some hundred of doubts against it as you may see in the book of Quaeres and the late silenced Ministers in their solemn printed Challenge made to the Bish. protestāns say that if that be truth which the Bishops maintain against them that then that is false which they both maintain against Catholics, and that, The silenced preachers prefer the Cath. faith before the Protestant. The foundation of Engl Protest. faith condemned, by Protestant's. Confor. at Hampton. Court. p. 6. their departure from the Pope can not be justified, but that he, yea Christ jesus and his heavenly truth in him, have had great wrong. Finally his Majesty with the tacit consent of the Bishops condemned all the English Bibles (the very foundation of our Protestants faith) as ill translated, and gave order to translate the Bible a new. CHAP. XIIII. That Luther never confirmed his doctrine by miracles. 1. SOme Protestants say that Luther needed no miracles for confirmation of his Doctrine, because (saith Feild lib. 3. of the Church c. 48. we teach nothing contrary to the confirmed & received doctrine of the Church of God then in the world when these differences between us and our adversaries began. This impudent saying of his may be joined to an other which he hath L. cit. cap. 42. That there is no material difference amongst the Protestants, See Sleid. lib. 5. fol. 65. no not between Luther and Zuinglius in matter of the Sacrament, nor between Illyricus and others about original sin, nor between Osiander and others about justification as shallbe justified (saith he) against the proudest Papist of them all. But as for the strangeness of Luther's doctrine to all the Church of his time that hath appeared sufficiently here tofore, and shall yet more hereafter. Wherefore Protestants ascribe two kind of miracles to Luther, the one invisible, which Luther himself challengeth to. 4. in Isaiam c. What miracles Luther challenged. Luther's allegation of his miracles disproved. 35. where having told that Catholics object unto him that he could not cure a lame horse, but was altogether destitute of miracles, replieth that by his preaching the spiritual blind began to see the truth, the deaf heard the Gospel The lame that sat in superstition and Idolatry walk. But great fondness it is to allege such miracles for confirmation of his doctrine. First, because we demand visible miracles. Secondly, Because Luther (saith he) wrought those supernatural effects, but no man seethe them. Thirdly, Because every Sectmaister can say so. Fourthly, Because the question is whether his doctrine be such as it can work these spiritual effects. Therefore fond it were to prove his doctrine to be such by these effects, unless the effects were seen, or more manifest than the truth of his doctrine. This is to prove, idem per idem, or, ignotum per ignotius. For it is all one to say Luther's doctrine worketh those spiritual effects, and to say that it is true, One poor friar creeping out of a blind cloister began protestancy. See Brentius answering the like miracle wrought by zuinglius in recognit. count Bullenger. or at least it is as doubtful. Fox Acts p. 789. and others aleadg this for a notable miracle, that one man and a poor Friar creeping out of a blind Cloister should be set up against the Pope and almost the whole world, and work that which all the learned men before him could never compass. Mark good Reader how he confesseth his religion to have begun of one man, and of one Friar creeping out of a blind Cloister, against almost the whole world, and not compassed before of all the learned men that were. 2. But as I said before this is as great a miracle as to see stones roll from a hill: such a one as that notable strumpet bragged of to Socrates saying that her doctrine and p rswasion was more potent than his, because she with a few words could draw cause she with a few words could draw his scholars to follow her. But Socrates rightly answered that it was no marvel, because he lead them up the hill to virtue she drew them down the hill to pleasure Pleasure of marrying, having money, and living at command drew so many Friars and nuns after Luther. Pleasure of eating flesh at all times, never fasting, never confessing, never satisfying drew so many lay people after him Pleasure of living out of all spituall subjection, and getting of Church goods and livings, drew so many Princes after him. And great marvel it is that more did not run together (as S. Peter speaketh Epist. 1. cap. 4.) into the same confusion of lechery. And that we may speak to Luther as S. Hierom lib. 2. did to jovinian, Glory not that thou hast many disciples, that many favour they opinion, that is a sign of pleasure. For they favour not so much thy speech as their own vice. For always false Prophet's promise pleasing things, and sooth much: virtue is bitter and who preach it are replenished with bitterness. And that I may not speak of others Did not Airus draw the whole world? Thus Saint Hierome. And what jovinian, what Epicur what Libertin, hath taught more licentious and voluptuous doctrine than Luther? Of which I will give the Reader a taste by some points which I have gathered out of of two little books which he wrote in the beginning of his Protestancy. By which the reader may imagine what store he uttered after, A taste of Luther's licentious doctrine, when he had more abandoned shame. It will profit the soul (saith he l. de Libert Christiana) nothing if the body pray and do what work soever can be done, in and by the body. Yea meditations & whatsoever can be done by the mind profit nothing. It will not hurt the soul if the body eat, Epist. ad Albert. Mogunt. Horrible est si vir sine uxore in morte inveniatur drink commonly, pray not & omit all things which may be done by hypocrites. No works whatsoever belong to the inward man. By only impiety & incredulity of the heart is he made guilty & slave of sin to be damned & not by any external sin or work. All the commandments are equally impossible. Good works make not a good man, nor ill works an ill man. No ill work maketh man ill & damned, but incredulity And l. de captiu. There is no hope of remedy unless recalling the Gospel of liberty & all laws of all men extinguished at once, we judge & govern all things according to it If we have God's law and natural wisdom it is superfluous yea hurt full to have written laws no law can be put upon Christians either by men or Angels, but as much as they us ill themselves. By only faith although there want other works thou shalt be saved. A Christian is so rich that though he would he can not lose salvation with what sins so ever, unless he will not believe. For no sins can damn but incredulity Thus Luther, & much more in two little books. By which thou mayst see good cause why divers did follow him. And how temporal interest maketh now divers to follow the Puritan Ministers in England, the Surueier telleth p. 246. And cap. 2. how the like bait drew the Genevians to hearken to Caluin and his mates. And the Dangerous Positioner telleth the like motive in Scotland to follow Knox and his companions. Thus carnal pleasure, liberty, and profit were the miracles wherewith Luther persuaded his doctrine. 3. Wherefore Field lib. 3. of the Church p. 48. insinuateth other kind of miracles of Luther, but referreth us for them to Illyricus and Fox. Luther's miracles out of Fox. And in Fox pag. 789. I find these. First that Luther having had warning before, and the pictur of a jew who meant to poison him sent unto him, miraculously scape poisoning. That a stone fell not from the top of a vault before Luther rose from under it. 3. That they who stood under Luther's window where he stood praying, might see him shed rears. Fourthly, That by prayers he had obtained that so long as he lived, the Bishop of Rome should not prevail in his country. The Fift was that Luther compelled by prayer the Devil to throw into the Church an obligation wherewith a man had bound himself body and soul to the Devil. Sixtly, That when he preached they that heard him thought every one their own temptations to be touched. These are the miracles which Fox attributeth to Luther. Against which I might except (as they do against miracles done these days by Catholics) that they are avouched only by Protestants. I might also object that Fox nameth no eye witness of any of these miracles. This also the devil could do by collusion to grace his scholar. But I need not. For besides the fift (which Fox himself dare not avouch but referreth it to report saying, if it be true as it is certainly reported.) What is there in any of the rest which might not be done naturally? Was it a miracle to escape poisoning by a man of whom he was warned before, & who was pictured unto him. Might not the stone naturally have stood till that time when Luther rose? May not an Hypocrite standing praying in a Window to be seen shed tears? May not Luther fain that he obtained that of God which he saw was not likely to be otherwise. And finally might not he who knew the disposition of his scholars and audients, hit on that wherewith they were tempted. Surely these miracles we liken to those ridiculous miracles which the Father's report of the Montanists. Luther's miracles refuted. 4. But against these or whatsoever miracles are ascribed to Luther, I oppose, first that himself lib. cit. in Esai; when it was objected him that he wrought no miracles, never mentioned any visible miracles, yea he addeth that miracula nostro tempore corporaliter amplius non fiunt Quia Christus (saith he) ad finem mundi infirmus est: That himself saith Loc. Com. Clas. 4. pag. 39 Nullas appariiiones Angelorum habeo. And pag. 40. pactum feci cum Domino meo ne vel visiones vel somnia vel etiam Angelos mihi mittat 3. That Fox himself saith p. 1040. The time of miracles is expired, we having the scriptures to guide us. And Caluin 4. Instit. pag. 9 Temporale fuit donum miraculorum, & aliqua ex part hominum ingratitudine, intercidit. 4. Doctor Fulke. Anot in joan. 15. Luther and Caluin work no miracles. Protestant's deny that Luther ever wrought miracle. And in Apoc. 13. you know (saith he) that Caluin and the rest whom you call Archereticks work no miracles. Erasmus also said that Luther could not cure a Lame horse. CHAP. XV. That Luther hath had no succession and continuance of his doctrine here in England. THe last point wherein S. Austin and Luther are to be compared, is succession & continuance of doctrine In which least of all is to be said. For albeit Crammer were for a while and that secretly in King Henry 8. time a Lutheran, as Fox termeth him pag. 1115. tyet shortly after King Edward's entrance, he revolted from that and fell to Zuinglius, denying with him the real presence in the Eucharist, and for that chiefly was burnt, as you may see in Fox. After whom neither Archbishop nor Bishop was a Lutheran in all England, but followed rather Zuinglius or Caluin, albeit also they differ from them in divers points of doctrine as well appeareth by the Puritans who profess to be the pure Caluinists. And for continuance of Luther's doctrine himself had so small hope thereof, as he could not forbear words of despair. For in 3. Galat. fol. 154. I fear (saith he) the proper & true use of the law willbe after our time trodden under foot, & utterly abolished by the enemies of the truth. For even now whiles we are yet living and employ all diligence to set forth the office and use both of the law and the Gospel, there be very few, yea even among those that willbe accounted Christians & make a profession of the Gospel with us, Luther foreseeth that he shallbe forsaken that understand these things rightly. What think ye then shall come to pass when we are dead & gone. And fol. 201. Which thing (that Protestants should not acknowledge Luther for their Pastor) shall one day come to pass, if not whilst we live, yet when we are dead and gone. Sectaries when we be dead shall possess those Churches which we have won and planted by our ministery. So Engl. Minister. And the like small hope our English Ministers have of the continuance of their religion, as appeareth by the Declarat. of Discipline printed at Geneva 1580. I am afraid (saith that Author) lest God be come into England as into some Castle, in the way of his progress for a small time. Caluin in his preface before his catechism did so despair of posterity of succession in his religion as saith he, And Caluin. I dare scarce think thereof. Their consciences telling them all that their doctrine is not built upon that rock on which Christ built his Church and Doctrine, but upon the sands of their human inventions. Libri Secundi Finis. THE THIRD BOOK, IN WHICH S. Austin and Luther, and their doctrines are weighed together according to their qualities. Set down and proved in the two former books. PREFACE. HItherto (Gentle reader have we showed out of authentical and sufficient witnesses that S Austin and Mar. Luther were. the first Founders of the Roman Catholic and Protestant religion in our English Nation; and we have put each of them with his qualities in his several scale. Now it remaineth that with an even hand we lift up the Balance, and weighing them together, judge according to those qualities and enduements which natural reason and true prudence teach us, aught to be in a first Preacher and founder of God's religion in a Nation, whither is more likely to come from God & bring his religion, whither the contrary? CHAP. I. S. Austin and Luther weighed according to their learning. How great a help learning is to discover errors, and to find out truth, and contrary wise how great a hindrance ignorance is to attain to truth, and an aid to lies; as a thing evident by itself need no proof. Hereupon it hath been usual to the Sectmaisters of all times, as they are the beginners of new doctrines unknown to their Ancestors, so to impute to them ignonorance, and to arrogat to themselves especial knowledge and learning, by help whereof (forsooth) ●hey could discover that truth which for ignorance their Forefathers could not find out. It was (saith S. Bernard serm. 65. in Cant.) always the trick of Heretics to boast of singularity of knowledge. Thus the Donatists accused the rest of the world of ignorance. At whom S. Austin lib. 1. cont. Gaudent. cap. 19 jesteth thus. O dolour fraudata sunt tali magisterio tempora antiqua! O sorrow that the ancient times wanted such Masters. And when the Pelagians in like sort condemned the ancient Fathers of ignorance, he exclaimed lib. 2. cont. julian. cap. 10. in these words. And darest thou call those blind? And hath long days so confounded the highest with the lowest, and shall darkness be so accounted light and light darkness, that julian Pelagius Celestius shall see and Hilary Ambr. Greg. be blind. Yea in the time of Tertullian in the primitive Church, there were heretics, who doubted not to impute ignorance to the Apostles themselves, whom Tertul. l. de prescript. refuteth thus, what man well in his wits can think that they were ignorant of any thing whom our Lord gave for teachers, had always in his company, to whom he expounded apart all obscure matters? And when they bragged of their new light he merrily jesteth at them thus: To these alone, & to these first was the truth revealed, Forsooth they obtained greater savour and fuller grace of the Devil. And how usual it is with Luther and Protestants to boast of their especial knowledge, & new light, & to impute blindness ignorance and errors to the former ages and ancient Fathers, no man that either converseth with them or readeth their books can be ignorant. Audemus etc. (saith Luther) we dare glory that Christ was first published of us Wigand l. de Bonis & Malis Germ. ascribeth to Luther such a lightning of the Articles of faith as was not known in the world since the Apostles time. Neander. lib. 8 explicat. orbis te●●a. Fox p 416. edit. 1563. jewel Apolog Others call him the mouth of Christ, Chariot of Israel. Finally some prefer him before all the Apostles but Paul, as Cyriacus Spangenbergius who will justify these verses. Christus habet primas habeas tibi ●aule secundas At loca post illos proxima Luther habet. Let Christ be fi●st and after him S. Paul be best But next to the Luth. deserus to go before the rest. And as Luther challengeth more light & learning than the ancient, Fathers, so Zuinglius challengeth more light than he, and Caluin than they both. And in England the Protestant's of King Edward's time challenged more light than those of King Henry's, & those of Queen Elizabeth more than they both, and the Puritans challenge more light than the Protestant, the Brownists than the Puritan till at last (as his majesty said of the Scottish Ministers) they run mad with their light, Confer. at Hampt. Court. or r●ther turn all into darkness of infidelity & Atheism, as daily, experience showeth. Wherefore to see whither indeed Luther were like to be better learned than S Austin Let us compare them together according to that which hath been told of them. S. Austin was an Italian, Luther a Dutch man: See all these points proved before. l. 1. c. 4. l, 2. c. 7. S. Austin studied in Rome when there was there a famous University, Luther in Wi●tēberg & places of no fame. S. Augustine's Master was S. Gregory one of the four Doctors of the Church, Luther's Master was a nameless fellow, and for Protestancy he had no Master at all, unless you will reckon his black Master S. Austin is not known to have had any corporal impediment of study, Luther is known to have had so great a one as he could scarce read three leaves together. S. Austin had testimony of S. Gregory that he wa● repletus scientia scriptuarum: full of the knowledge of scripture, Luther had testimony of h●s ●●other Zuinglius that he was imperitus vel nimis rudis Theologus an unskilful or too too rude a Divine. S. Austin rejected no part of God's word, Luther rejected divers. S. Austin taught no absurd doctrines, Luther by the judgement of Protestants taught many. S. Austin overcame the Britons amongst whom were plures viri doctissimi Luther (as catholics writ) was overcome in public disputations of one Eckius. S. Austin taught no heresies, Luther as Protestants confess taught divers. Finally S. Austin revoked none of the doctrine which he once taught Luther revoked & confessed his ignorance in many and weighty points. Besides all this S. Austin was nearer to Christ's time by 900. years and more, than Lu●her, and therefore more likely to learn what Christ taught than Luther who was so long after. Now therefore (gentle reader) lift up the Balance of thy judgement with an even hand, & considering that upon this choice goeth thy eternal salvation or damnation: weigh these two men equally, and judge whether is more full, not of words, or brags, but of learning. Whether is liklier to know what Christ taught, or to have erred of ignorance. Whether were likely to have been blind, whether to have seen. CHAP. II. S. Austin and Luther weighed according to their virtue or vice. 1. THe due consideration of the virtuous life of the first Preacher or founder of Religion in any Country, may give to prudent men great light to discern whether his Religion be good or bad, come from God or from the Devil. For albeit vicious men do often times preach and continue the religion which virtuous men first founded, as we see that the Scribes and pharisees in Christ's time taught the Doctrine of Moses, Whereupon he bade the people to do what they taught, and in the day of judgement there willbe reprobates who have prophesied in Christ's name; yet notwithstanding if we look into the scriptures or Ecclesiastical Histories we shall not find but that those whom God sent to be first founders of his religion in any Nation or country, were when he sent them, virtuous and godly men. Such a one was Moses by whom he founded his religion amongst the jews: Mitissimus hominum qui sunt super terram. The most mildest man that was on earth. Such a one was S. john Baptist whom he chose to first sound out the happy tidings of Christian religion to the world. Such were his Apostles who forsook all and followed him, even judas when he chose him for an Apostle, as S. Cyril in 6. joan. Hierom l. 3. cont. Pelag. and others teach. S. Hierom proveth it invincibly out of these words joan. 17. Father whom thou hast given to me I have kept and none hath perished but the son of perdition. For if God the Father gave judas to Christ, surely he was then good. And it may be proved out of the 54. Psalm, where he is prophetically called a man of one mind, & said to have walked in God's house with consent. And before Christ would licence the Apostles to preach to Nations, he bid them abide in jerusalem till they were endued with virtue from above, and made them as S. Paul speaketh Idoneos Ministros Novi Testamenti. Fit Ministers of the new Testament. Such also were those whom we call the Apostles of certain Nations, as to omit others S. Patrick of Ireland. S. Ninian of Pictland, S. Palladius the first Bishop of Scotland. And the cause of this proceeding of God in choosing virtuous men to be the first promulgators of his law in any country is manifold. First because it is more honourable for him to choose for instruments of so notable a work of his, as is the conversion of a Nation from infidelity to faith, and from service of the Devil to his service, men that are like to himself rather than men that are like to the Devil, his own children rather than the devils children, his own servants rather than the devils slaves. secondly it is more effectual for the end which God intendeth. For albeit God could convert a Nation to his faith without virtue or miracles of the Preacher or any other external help; Yet because he disponit omnia suaviter disposeth all things sweetly. he useth these outward helps wherewith he knoweth men to be most draune to embrace his religion, which are virtue and miracles. Of which two though miracles be very potent, yet virtue is more poureful, as S. Chrisostom showeth by the comparison of S. john Baptist and Appollonius Tyaneus. Of whom the one wrought no miracles as the scripture saith, & yet by his virtue struck the jews into such admiration of him, as they doubted whether he were not the Messias of the world. And the other though he wrought many wonders, yet had few or no followers. And S. Chrisost. dout●th not to say, that if the Apostles had not lived virtuously, notwithstanding their great miracles, the world would have counted them but seducers. And in the conversion of our English Nation, albeit the miracles of S. Austin and his fellows did cooperat thereto, yet S. Beda l. 1. cap. 26. attributeth it chiefly & almost wholly to the virtue & holiness of their life. Thirdly this course is most proportionable & agreeable to the end for which God sendeth Preachers to any Country. For as the end of his sending is virtue to be engrafted in that Nation, so the mean most agrea●●, and suitable thereto is virtue in the first preacher. Wherefore howsoever the Successors or as S. Paul termeth them the Pedagogs' in Christ be yet the first Preachers or Fathers of a Nation who (according to Saint Paul's phrase) had begotten them in Christ, aught to be very holy and virtuous men. 2. And the contrary course of sending wicked & vicious men for first preachers of doctrine is usual to the Devil, and well be seeming him. For albeit virtuous men may upon ignorance fall into some one or more errors, yet c●n they not, (so long as they keep their xertue (be enticed by the Devil to forsake their true faith and worship of God, upon which all virtue is grounded. But those who (as Saint Paul speaketh of the Heretics Hymeneus and Philetus) have already made shipwreck of a good conscience, and abandoned virtue, those the Devil puffeth up with a proud conceit of their own learning, and picketh out for Sectmaisters, & for teachers of new doctrines. And therefore howsoever Archereticks may for a time dissemble virtue, as S. Austin writeth of Pelagius, yet mendacia (as S. Cyprian writeth) non diu fallunt. Their Hypocrisy will not diu proficere, sed insipientia eorum manifesta fiet. Simon Magus before he became an Archereticke would have bought God's grace for money. Arius before he became an Archeretick was noted to be ambitious. Berengarius before he broached his heresy was noted of envy at other men's glory. Wicklef, before he began his doctrine was noted of anger, as writeth Godwin in the life of Archb. Simon Langhorn, & is evident in Stow Chron. Anno 1376. Finally Luther before he published his new doctrine was noted of envy against the dominicam Friars (as is before showed) & singularity. In so much as Fox pag. 770. writeth that his friends did think even before he fell from the Church, Luther's singularity. that he would alter and abolish that manner of teaching which then was used. Thus all Archereticks are branded with some notorious vice or other. And perhaps these Archereticks are the false Prophets whom our Saviour gave a mark to know by their life. For which cause also both the scriptures and Fathers have recorded the notorious vices of divers Archereticks as a sure token that such men were not they whom God first sendeth as preachers of a new doctrine, or Apostles to convert a Nation to him. Wherefore let us compare the qualities of S. Austin & Luth. that thereby we may see whether was the more likely man to be choose of God to be he that was first sent by him to convert our Country to his faith & religion. All this was proved before l. 1. c. 5. l. 2. c ●. 3. S. Austin forsook the world from his youth and entered into religious life, Luther, not before he was 20. years old & then upon fear that his companion with whom he walked, was slain with a thunderboult. S. Austin was brought up under S. Gregory, who as S. Beda saith lib. 1. cap. 23. was a man of greatest virtue and learning of his time, Luther under no man of fame. S. austin profited so in virtue as he was made by S. Gregory Praepositus Monasterij: of Luther's like profit no such proof. S. Augustin kept his religious life, Luther soon shook it of. S. Austin came a thousand miles to preach to Barbarous people Luther never went out of his country ●t such purpose, and lived alwaie●●er sure protection of the Prince Fe●●c●●r of Saxony. S. Austin lived in continual prayer (saith Beda lib. 1. cap. 26. Watc●i●●●ng, preaching, despising the commodities 〈◊〉 w●●ld, and single li●e, 〈◊〉 ●h●t al● 〈◊〉 ●a●e a Protes●a●t, Wived, fea●● 〈◊〉 his ●ase and enjoyed the pleasures of the w rld. S. Austin went commonly b●●●foot about England preaching, and had hard knees like a Camel by frequent ●●eling in prayer. No such matter of Luther. S. Austin made English men incomparable more virtuous tha● they were before, Luther made them much worse. S. Austin God approved by many miracles both alive & dead, no such news of Luther S. Austin is highly commended for his virtue by S. Greg Beda & other writers to our age, Contrariwise Luther greatly discommended even of his own brethren. Finally no great vice can be proved against S. Austin, Many and heinous vice are proved against Luth. judge therefore gentle Readee, God being determined to reduce our Nation to Christ's faith, whether of these two men it is most likely he would make choice of, for to effect so notable and so pious a work. CHAP. III. S. Austin & Luther weighed according to their motives of preaching. 1. Much it availeth to try the sincerity of any man's cou●se● or action to examine whether the Counsellor or Actor be like to reap any pleasure o● commodity thereby. For if he can not, most likely it is that he giveth such advice upon sincerity & judgement & otherwise the contrary may be suspected, i● it be not evident. Whereupon ●assius gave that prudent note, which all w●se men in that case do observe, that we shall mark Cui bonum, To whom was the advise good? To whom was there any commodity pleasure or preferment like to redound. And if this course he observed in trial of S. Austin & Luther's religion, we shall clearly perceive that S. Austin is to be preferred before Luther's. For S. Austin left his Country, forsook his friends & acquaintance, left his headship of a Monastery, left his quiet abode at home for to come to preach his religion to our Nation Luther left none of all these to preach his S. Augustin came a thousand miles, and adventured his life her amongst a people of a different religion, Luther never went out of his country to preach his doctrine, nor ever came amongst his own Country men of contrary religion, These points proved before l 1. c. 7 l. 2 c. 9 without a safe conduct S. August got nothing but the title of an Archbishop whereof he had little or no hope at all when he came hither. Luth. got liberty, wife, riches & preferment of the world. Whetfore evident it is that S. Austin was more likely to preach his doctrine upon sincerity & judgement, and for the good of them to whom he preached, because he lost much, got little, & hoped for less than Luther, who by his preaching lost nothing, and got much. CHAP. FOUR S. Austin and Luther weighed according to their mission or sending to preach. SO sure a mark it is of false Prophets to preach without sending as God almighty gave it as a certain note of them in the old law Hierem. 23. I sent them not and they did run. And our Saviour in the new law joan 10. Who entereth not by the door into the sheepfould, but climbeth up otherways, he is a thief and a robber ib. All who so ever have comen (without sending) are thieves & robbers. And he Apostles likewise Act. 15. Some going out of us have troubled you with words, whom we commanded not. And so absurd withal, as nothing can be more. For if none dare take upon him to be the messenger or Ambassador of a Prince, unless he be sent, nor to govern his people unless he be appointed, how absurd is it for any to take upon him to be Ambassador & Messenger of the Prince of Princes, & be disposer of his mysteries and Stuard of his household, and guider of his flock, unless he be lawfully sent? Wherefore let us compare the missions of S. Austin & Luther together, that thereby we may see whether was the true, whether the false Prophet. S. Austin was sent to preach of S. Greg. successor to S. Peter, All these differences proved before l 1. c 8 9 l. 2. c. 10. and first Patriarch of Christendom, Luther when he first preached protestancy, was sent neither of Patriarch nor Bishop nor any man else. S. Austin was sent by the said authority by the which the first preachers of the most part in Christendom were sent, Luther by no authority at all. S. Austin came to preach upon obedience, Luther upon disobedience. S. Austin came of purpose to preach that faith which he did preach, Luther at first meant only to spite others for a time, & not to found any new faith. S. Austin never meant to suppress the faith which he begun to preach, Luther oftentimes offered to suppress his, if he had not been bound to recant it. S. Augustine's sending was contested by S. Peter's miraculous testimony from heaven, Luther had no such. Finally S. Augustine's sending was by God confirmed in the same sort that the sending of the Apostles was, that is. God contesting with signs & wonders, Luther's wanted all such confirmation. judge them indifferent Reader whether of these two men's sending was more likely to be good. CAAP. V S. Austin and Luther weighed according to their orders of preaching & administering the Sacraments. CErtain it is that none can lawfully administer the Sacraments of God but he that hath power & order thereto from God. For are S. Paul saith he b●. 5 Nec quisquam sibi facit honorem sed qui vocatur a Deotanquam Aaron Sic nec Christus semetipsum clarificavit ut Pontifex fieret sed qui locutus ●st ad eum, tu es sacerdos in aeternum secundum ordinem Melchisedech. And if Christ could not offer sacrifice before he was made Priest, how shall man take upon him to administer God's sacraments, Wherefore according to that which hath been said, let us weigh both their orders. Saint Augustine's orders were such as S. Gregoryes were, and consequently such as all as Christendom at that time both approved & used Luther's Ministry (for of his Roman Priesthood we speak not) was such as the Christian world never heard of before. S. Austin was made Priest at Rome by S, Gregory or his predecessors authority, and Bishop in France by his appointment Luther was made a Minister of no man at all. And such orders as he had (he saith) he received from Antichrist, and in the Sinagog of Satan. S. Augustine's administering the word and Sacraments was confirmed of God by miracles, of Luther's doings no such mention. S. Augustine's orders are disliked by none of his fellows Luther's orders are rejected even by many great protestants, judge then good Reader whether thou thinkest best. CHAP. VI S. Austin and Luther weighed according to the universality or singularity of their doctrine. THe word Heretic is originally a Greek word signifying as much in English as a chooser. And an heretic is nothing else but he who holdeth not the universal and general faith of Christians, but maketh choice of some points thereof that he will believe, and denieth the rest. And Catholic likewise is originally a Greek wotd signifying as much as universal or General. So that a Catholic Christian is he who professeth the universal faith of all Christendom. Wherefore if we weigh S. Austin and Luther according to this balance we shall soon see which of them was the Catholic, Sup. l. r. c. 11. l 2. cap. 12. which the heretic. For S. Aust. (as is before showed) preached the universal faith of Christendom, making no singular choice of his own of any points of faith. But Luther as is before declared swerved from the univetsall faith of Christendom and followed that which either none or invisible persons held, whom he never knew where or how many they were or rather none indeed knew it no not himself before he invented it. CHAP. VII. S. Austin and Luther. weighed according to their adversaries allowance of their Doctrine IT must needs be evident truth which the Adversaries confess. For if it might justly be doubted of surely they would never admit it. Wherefore this kind of weapon have all men much esteemed, & used as the sword of Goliath to cut of his own head. This argument Moses used Deut. 32 when he said For our God is not as their Gods are and let our enemies be judges. This argument used our Saviour when being accused of the jews for casting out Devils in Beelzebub, he appealed to the verdict of their children. The same used S. Paul when against the Gentiles he brought the testimony of their poets. The same used the holy Fathers when out of the heretics own Principles they overthrew their Religion. The same now use catholics against Protestants, & Protestants likewise endeavour to use the same against us, as you may see in Morton in his Treatise of equivocation, Bel in his downfall and others. And Archb. Bancroft in his Survey cap. 8. arguing against the Puritans out of their own confession saith you may be hold to build upon it for a truth that they are so constrained to yield unto. Wherefore by the light of reason and example of all, that Religion must needs be thought to have a great advantage of the other, which is by the Adversaries thereof accounted good and the other is not. But in this there is no comparison betwixt S. Augustine's and Luther's religion. See l. 1. c. 12 l 2. cap. 13. For whereas not only the Britons then, confessed S. Augustine's doctrine to be the true way of righteousness, but also divers Protestant's now, have acknowledged it to be the right belief, the perfect faith of Christ, the true religion of Christ, pure & incorrupt Christianity, as hath been declared before, No one Roman Catholic can be named that ever since Lurher began, afforded ever any hope of salvation to those that wittingly and willingly follow his doctrine. CHAP. VIII. S. Austin and Luther weighed according to their Miracles. WHat a certain and infallible way of truth God's miracles are, hath been showed before. And what can be said for S. Augustine's or Luther's miracles is already set down. Here it remaineth that according to the rules of wisdom we weigh & give judgement whether of their miracles were more likely to be true miracles, wrought by God as set by him as it were his seals to either of their doctrine. See these proved before. l. 1. c. 13. l, 2. cap. 14. By S. Aust. means you have divers things done which could not be done naturally. As the curing of a blind man, and the healing of all lame, diseased, and deformed persons, which were cured by baptism at his appointment. Of Luther you have not heard one thing which could not have been done naturally. As the bewraying of a jew of whom he was admonished to take heed. Of rising before a stone fel. Of shedding tears at his prayers, Of touching the temptations of his hearers. Yea the casting in of the obligation by the Devil (which yet Fox dare not avouch) might well have been done of the Devils own accord. Of S. Aust. miracles there were many eye witnesses & divers of these enemies. Of Luther's wonderments not so much as friends alleged for the witnesses. S. Augustine's miracles are testified by great Doctors and famous Saints, as S. Gregory, S. Beda and others, who by their learning could know the miracles, & for their holiness would relate no uncertain fables for certain miracles. Luther's wonderments have no such testimony S. Augustine's miracles were then confessed by his enemies the Britons, & now by divers his adversaries the Protestants. No one past or present adversary ever confessed Luther to have wrought a miracle. Finally no Catholic ever denied S. Austin to have wrought miracles, divers Protestants have denied Luther ever to have wrought any. What man then is there that judging things according to rules of wisdom, will not think S. Augustine's miracles to have been true miracles. For (besides the testimony of the word of God which testified the miracles which we read in scripture) what want they to be accounted true miracles that any other miracles had? The Deeds were supernatural, The effect of them was supernatural & divine vz: the conversion of Infidels, The means of doing them holy, to wit prayer to God, The doers of them were Saints, The testimony of these Deeds are of many, eye witnesses, friends, and foes, learned, & unlearned, holy, and Wicked, foreign and domestical, and confessed of divers which refuse S. Augustine's religion, Than the which greater testimony for miracles can not be required, unless we would have God to speak from heaven. And on the other side, what prudent man is he that will not judge Luther's wonderments to be frivolous. The things reported o him were natural, The testimonies for them are neither of eyewitnesses; nor of enemies, nor of Saints, nor of great learned men, nor are they confessed of any who refuse Luther's doctrine. Yea they are denied by such as were both friends and great scholars of Luther's. Why then should we believe them? Nay why should we not deny them? CHAP. IX. S. Austin and Luther weighed according to the Succession or continuance of their doctrine. TRuly said Gamaliel Acts. 5. of the Christian religion then preached by the Apostles, Si ex hominibus est consilium hoc aut opus dissoluetur, Si vero ex Deo est non poteritis dissoluere. And in like sort of heretics said S. Paul 2. Timoth 3. Vltro non proficient. And S. Austin in ps. 57 compareth the Catholic faith to a River, which having a continual spring ever floweth & never waxeth dry, & heresy to a brook rising up on rain, which while the rain falleth, runneth boisterously, and they who know not that it wanteth a springe would judge that it would last longer than the quiet river, See this proved. l. 1. c. 14. & seq. ad fin. l. 2. c. 1● but as soon as it leaveth raining they see the water gone & the brook dried. Wherefore let us see whither S. Aust. or Luther's doctrine hath continued longer in Engl. in their followers or rather we have seen it already. For. S. Aust. hath had 69. successors in his Archbishopric successiuly all of the same religion with him. 53. kings of England beside divers others as is before declared, & that when the Crown & kingdom was twice violently taken from the Englishemen by Danes & Normans, yet his faith was not taken from his successors Nor by so many so long desolations of the Danes & many severe laws, first by King Henry 8. and then by Queen Elizabeth, and so many bitter torments hard banishments, straight confinments, deep Dungeons could jorns great ●ines, Taxes, and payments, & bloody deaths, could it be rooted these thousand years out of this land, but that this day God be thanked & S. Aust.) there are both noble & ignoble clerks secular & religious, men, women, & Children, who not withstanding all laws, threats, & dangers, will profess to hold the faith of their Apostle S, Aust. to agree with him in all points of religion to honour that See from whence he came, Much more would S. Austin have forborn the Protest. Church. & to refuse (as he did) to join in religion with them who observe not the manner (as he said to the Britons) of the holy Roman, & Apostolic Church. In so much, as not withstanding all the laws, terrors, Proclamations searches, or payments, Tortures, Banishments, & executions which have been made these 50. years, I B in his Tail of Two leg. Foxes. c. 11 yet Ministers in their printed books daily complain of increase of Priests and Catholics And one lately in his sermon at Paul's Cross dedicated to the pretended Archb. of Canterbury and liked of him saith pag. 79. Som. Collins. that no bondage or hard measure can ever be thought able to suppress or reclaim us. This, this, showeth S. Augustine's work to have been of God & the water wherewith he watered the plants of his religion to have an everlasting flowing fountain from Heaven, and the Church which he founded to be built upon such a Rock as the gates of hell shall not prevail against it. And that they which spurn against it do (as S. Paul once did) spurn against the prick. And on the other side Cranmer, if he were (as Fox saith) a Lutheran in King Henry's time, it was but secretly; And if he professed it in King Edward's time, it was but for a very short space, And long since was there not one true Lutheran Protestant to be found in all England. So soon was Luther's work dissolved, so soon was his brook grown dry. And in steed of it runneth now Zuinglius or Caluins brook, which though it see me for the present to be full, and run strongly, yet if the Prince (whose heart is in God's hands) would but either disfancy it, or at least withould his severe hand from Catholics. you should quickly see this full brook brought to a low ebb, and quickly dreaned, and wax as dry as either the brook of Luther, or the brooks of 300. Archereticks more, whereof divers have run far fuller and longer than either Luther's or Caluins hath, and now no sign of them is left, Luther epist. ad Albert, Mogunt. An 1525. forte doctrina mea iterum supprimetur. yea scarce their names are known. This Luther himself both foresaw and fourtould, as is before declared. l. 2. c. vlt. And Caluin also in his Preface before his catechism in these words Of Posterity I am so doubtful as I dare scarce think thereof. For unless God miraculously help from heaven me thinks I see extreme barbarousness hang over the world. And I pray God that a while hence our children feel not this to have been rather a true prophecy than a conjecture. And if we mark we shall see, that as Viper's brood killeth their Mother of whom they came. So new heresies destroy the old from whence they sprang. Thus the Puritan impugneth the Protestant, and the Brownist undermineth the Puritan. Wherefore let all men that be careful of their salvation hearken to S. Hieroms advise saying to a Luciferian Haeretick, I will tell thee my mind briefly and plainly. That we should abide in that Church, which founded of the Apostles, continueth to this day. For shall we doubt (saith S. Austin l. de util. Cred.) to put ourselves in the lap of the Church which from the See Apoostolick by succession of Bishops (in vain Heretics barking about it) hath gotten the height of authority. Epilog. 1. THus we see most dearly beloved Countrymen, that if we compare according to the true rules of prudence and wisdom, the Roman Catholic & Protest. religion in their first founders here in our English Nation, other for learning or virtue, for mission or orders for motives to preach, for universality of religion or confession of Adversaries, for miracles or succession and continuance, the Catholic religion is incomparably to be preferred & chosen before the Protestant. For if learning do help to espy truth S. Austin was liklier to find it than Luther, If virtue deserve to have truth revealed, S. Austin was more likely to have deserved it than Luther, If holy motives entice men to deliver sincerely what they know to be truth, S. Austin was liklier to deal so than Luther. If lawful Mission and true orders testify a true preacher, S. Austin was more likely to be such than Luther. Or if consent of Christianity, Confession of Adversaries. Miracles & Continuance make any thing for proof of true religion, S. Augustine's religion is incomparably before Luther's. And what I say of S, Austin in respect of Luther, may also be said (as appeareth by what hath been written) of S. Augustine's followers in our English Nation in respect of Luther's followers in the same Nation. And contrariwise if ignorance lead to lies, if vice hinder the revelation of God's truth, or cause the taking of it away, Luther is more like to err than S. Austin. If worldly & naughty motives draw men to deceive others, Luther was more like to deceive than S. Austin. If want of lawful mission & right orders descry a false Prophet, Luther is more like to be such than S. Austin. And finally if want of consent of Christianity, want of acknowledgement of Adversaries, want of miracles and continuance, show any thing the untruth of of religion, Luther's religion is more like to be untrue than S. Augustine's. And if any shall say that albeit Luther and the Protest. religion be inferior to S. Austin & the Roman religion in all these points above mentioned, yet are they superior in the word of God, which is to be preferred before all other considerations whatsoever. If (I say) any shall thus object. I request him to consider that one truth is not contrary to an other, nor God's word to right reason nor his spiritual light to the light of nature, nor faith opposite to true prudence. And if therefore right reason light of nature, true prudence stand for S. Austin & his religion, & give sentence against Luther and his protestancy; surely Gods word (howsoever it may seem to some in show of words) yet indeed & in sense standeth likewise on S. Augustine's side, and condemneth Luther & the Protestant faith. For it can not but seem strange that any wise man should imagine that God's word should stand on the one side post alone, or accompanied only with ignorance. vice naughty motives want of lawful Mission, & right orders, want of approbation of Christianity, of confession of enemies, of continuance. and of miracles, And on the otherside with the devils word should stand learning, virtue, lawfully mission, right orders, consent of Christianity, confession of Adversaries, continuance & Miracles. Would God discredit his word with such disgraceful mates, & countenance the devils word with so many & so important titles of commendation? Or can it sink into any man's head that a man should be lawfully sent, have the approbation of Christianity, the confession of Adversaries and God's testimony by assured miracles (as S. Austin is plainly showed to have had) to preach lies? Or if I can not obtain so much of such a man, I request him yet this, that he will please to suspend his judgement till he see the second part of this Treatise, Wherein (God willing) he shall s●e the Catholic religion to go so far beyond the Protestant for right claim of scripture and true sense thereof and other true grounds of religion, as he seethe it exceed protestancy touching the first founder thereof in England in all the points above mentioned. God for his mercy's sake open the eyes of my dear Countrymen, that they may see that which is truth. & move their hearts to embrace & follow that which they see to be his ever sting truth, & their own aeternal happiness. 2. Here I would have made an end, An admonition to those that think men may be saved in both religions. but that I feared that some though persuaded by what hath been showed in this book, that the Catholic religion is in all reason & wisdom to be preferred & followed before the Protestant, may notwithstanding persuade themselves, that the Protestant religion is good enough & sufficient to salvation, whom I beseech for God & their own soul's sake to consider these points following. First, that howsoever the Protestant religion were a likely way to heaven, yet sith the Catholic faith is incomparably far more likely, it is no wisdom in so weighty a matter as is eternal salvation or damnation to leave the more secure (if not altogether certain) way, and to take the more dangerous. What wise man that feareth murdering will travel that way where he hath just cause to think that his enemies lie in way to kill him, when he may go an other way far more void of fear or danger? what prudent man being to pass a dangerous river will not choose to pass rather that way which many expert passengers have used these thousand years and more, & by which we are sure that divers are safely arrived on the other side; rather than a new way which of late some unexpert & jangling fellows have imagined themselves to have found out, but we are not sure that any one that hath gone that way hath escaped drowning and is landed in safety on the otherside? And love we our souls, desire we heaven, fear we hell, & will we make the contrary choice in religion. 3. Secondly I would have them to consider, that it is evident by what hath been declared that not only the Cathol. religion is in all reason to be preferred before the Protestant, See l 2 c. 1. 7 8. 9 10. & seq. but that protestancy is indeed no religion, but a human devise lately invented of one man, and him meanly learned, vicious, and for naughty motives, disliked of himself, & at the first condemned of all Christendom, and wanting all authority of lawful Mission, See l. 2 c. 1 of right orders, and Miracles to approve it. Which kind of superstition rather than religion no man of wisdom can think sufficient & able to save him. For neither can God's religion be an invention of man, but an institution of God himself, neither if it could, were it reason to think that to be a good religion which a naughty & unlearned man, upon naughty motives had devised, & wanted all authority of lawful mission, and right orders to use it, yea which not only all Christendom at the first condemned. but even the inventor himself for many years disliked and offered to suppress. 4. Thirdly I would have them to consider that the Catholic & Protestant religion are not one & the same religion in substance, differing only in some small points, but are indeed two religions in substance. quite opposite in many most substantial parts of reliigon, namely; In the very worship of God: For Gatholiks believe that they ought to worship God with external sacrifice which Protestants account sacrilege: In the very word of God. For Catholics believe many books to be divine as Toby Ecclesiasticus Maccabees etc. which Protestants reject as fabulous. They are also opposite in the exposition of God's word almost in every chapter and verse. They are opposite in God's Sacraments, the catholics believing seven whereof the Protestant rejecteth five. See l. 1. c. 21. Finally to omit many more great oppositions they are opposite in the foundation itself. For the foundation head and soul. of Protestant religion as themselves account, is justification by only faith, which foundation catholics utterly condemn. How then can any reason which judgeth the Catholic religion to be good and to come from God, think that a religion so opposite to it as the Protestant is can also be good and come from the same God: What argreement can there be between Christ and Beli all, between light and darkness, between faith and heresy. truth and lies. 5. Finally I would have them to consider that not only infidelity in utterly rejecting Christ and his doctrine, but also obstinate denial of any one point of his sacred truth maketh a man an heretic and subject to damnation. And as S. james speaketh of God's Commandments, so we may say of Belief, who offendeth in one point is guilty of all. If any (saith Christ Apoc. 22.) shall diminish of the words of the book of this prophecy God will take his part out of the book of life. S. Athenasius. Unless a man (saith the Creed of S, Athanasius) keep the Catholic faith entire and inviolate without doubt he shall perish everlastingly. For as it little helpeth a man to be sound in all other members if he be deadly wounded in one. So it little availeth one to be sound in all other points of faith if he be heretically infected in one. S. Austin. And S. Austin also l. de heres. pronounceth them to be Heretics qui singulis aut non multo amplius dogmatibus oppugnant regulam veritatis; who by one or not many more opinions impugn the rule of truth. To which doctrine also Protestants agree as you may see in D. Sutlif against Exceptions p, 55. and others. And the reason is manifest because the definition of Heresy is pertinatious error in faith, See S. Thomas. 2. 2. q. 5. art. 3. to which it is indifferent whither the error be but in one or in many points of faith ' And can any Christian think that Heresy can be a way to heaven, that an heretic (whom Tertullian▪ S. Cyprian and all the ancient Eathers account no Christian) shall be coheir with Christ, That heresy, Si Hareticus est, Christianus non est. Tert l. de praiscript. Cipria l de unit. Eccles. which as opposite to faith a theological virtue, is one of the greatest sins that is, shall enter into heaven when no sin shall enter. That he who deserveth to be excluded out of the militant Church shallbe admitted into the triumphant, who is condemned (as S. Paul speaketh) by his own judgement shall not be condemned by God, finally who giveth God the lie in one or many points of his sacred truth can be in God's favour and come to his kingdom, No surely, wherefore assuring ourselves that as their is but one God and one faith, so if the Cath. faith be Christ's faith protestancy is heresy if that be the way to heaven, this is to hell if that be the path to salvation this is to damnation, let us reinecting protestancy embrace the Catholic. faith. Amen. FINIS.