CERTAIN Discourses, written by Sir John Smythe, Knight: Concerning the forms and effects of divers sorts of weapons, and other very important matters Military, greatly mistaken by divers of our men of war in these days; and chief, of the Mosquet, the Caliver and the Longbow; As also, of the great sufficiency, excellency, and wonderful effects of Archers: With many notable examples and other particularities, by him presented to the Nobility of this Realm, & published for the benefit of this his native Country of England.  
AT LONDON, Printed by Richard Johnes, at the sign of the Rose and Crown near Holborn Bridge. 1. Maij. 1590.   

SIR JOHN SMYTHE his proem Dedicatory, to the Nobility of the Realm of England.  
RIght Honourable and most noble Lords:  
Even as the wisdom and humility of the notable men of later ages, have given greater honour to the excellency of men in all Arts and Sciences of former ages and greater antiquity, than to themselves; not only acknowledging themselves to be inferiors unto them, but also, that the greatest skill and knowledge which they have attained unto, hath (in the greatest part) proceeded from such notable men, either by hearing and observing their opinions, or by reading of their works, or else by reading of others that have written of the judgements and actions of such excellent men: Even so, the vanity and overweening of young men, and chiefly of our Nation in this our time (I mean within these twenty years) have so exceeded and superabounded, that they have not been ashamed, not only to attribute unto themselves greater wisdom and sufficiency in all Arts and Sciences, and specially in the Art Military, than to the notable men and great Captains of former ages and greater antiquity, but also to dishable them in respect of themselves and their sufficiency, and all others also yet living, that are men of greater years and antiquity, than they are, both of our own Nation, as also foreign, that have seen and served in the well ordered wars of Emperors or Kings, in times past; saying, (to make the same more probable) that their wars are now grown to greater perfection, and greatly altered from the wars of times past; under pretence whereof, they have of late sought both by public and private persuasions and inducements, to reduce all our ancient proceed in matters Military, which they are utterly ignorant of, to their own errors and disorders, procuring also (as much as they can) by their vain and frivolous objections against our Archery, to suppress and extinguish the exercise and serviceable use of Longbows. But now, let us come to consider, who are these of our Nation that do attribute unto themselves greater wisdom and sufficiency in all Arts and Sciences, and especially, in the Art Military, than to the excellent men of former times and ages, and to the ancient experienced men yet living. Are they newly fallen from heaven with some divine instinct and gift, to renew, reform, and teach us the Art Military? No, no such matter, but even such as we knew children, or very young men within these twenty years. What then? are they noblemans themselves by title, or descended of noble and excellent fathers, or themselves of great sobriety, continency and worthiness of mind? No truly, for such as are Noblemen by birth, or descended of noble fathers, or themselves worthy, do know by good education and instruction, that experience is the mother of Science, and therefore, will not neglect nor contemn the wisdom and sufficiency of former ages, nor the opinions and judgements of the ancient and experienced men of this time; but will (with humility) yield themselves to hear and learn by their experiences. What then? are they endued with any such rare gifts, or corporal presences, wisdoms and virtues, as I have in my time known divers, and do yet know some very few young Gentlemen endued withal, that therefore we may admire, and think them to be extraordinary and notable men? No in troth, but some young, and some now grown to be of the middle age, all which, are but after the common sort, both in their corporal presences, and in their wisdoms and virtues, unless (peradventure) sometimes, when they fall into argument of some such matters, that they would seem to have great skill of, then indeed, they show themselves to be extraordinary: for in stead of alleging reasons and examples, according to the use of other Nations, with quietness and courteous phrase of speech, they argue for life and death, with hasty and furious words, as though there were no more in the experience of men of greater years, but that which they say: which in the opinions of all men of any judgement, that are of wise and brave Nations, is thought more meet for the common sort of such as are chiding women, than for men that do profess any knowledge in Arts & Sciences, and chief Military. What? is the number great of these controllers of Antiquity in matters Military, that are infected with so great an overweening? Certainly, no, the number of the chief of them is very small and few, and therefore, saving for Arithmetikes sake, not worthy to be called Number. And those that are possessed with this overweening, are such as do presume of their long experience in such wars as they have served in, all which are more addicted to self-will, new fashions and fancies, than to any reason and experience Military. What, have they no imitators? Yes, many, that are abused by their persuasions: but yet they are such, as I do think may be easily persuaded and reduced to better judgement upon sound reasons and demonstrations unto them showed, or upon the experience of some new and well ordered wars. But now, I pray you, in what wars of Emperors, Kings, or form Common wealths have these our such men of war served, and learned their great pretended skill and sufficiency? by the which they may with the more reason and experience assume unto themselves, to condemn the ancient orders and proceed Military of divers foreign warlike Nations, as also of our most valiant and wise ancestors; or the experience in the Art Military, of many both foreign as also of some ancient men, yet living of our own Nation, in respect of the wars that they have served in; and therefore, that upon their greater experience and judgement, they should seek to reduce all our ancient proceed and orders Military, to their own opinions and fancies, and therewithal, to procure the utter suppressing and extinguishing of our ancient and peculiar weapon the Longbow? Certainly, all men know, that the chiefest wars that they ever served in, where they have learned any experience, hath been in the disordered and tumultuary wars of the Low Countries under the States, or (peradventure) some little divers years passed, in the intestine & licentious wars of France. Well, if it be so (without any further question) I do not then marvel, that they do allege to set forth and beautify their own sufficiencies, and to disable all others both ancient and modern, that have served in the well ordered wars of Emperors or Kings, that their wars are now grown to greater perfection, and greatly altered from the wars of times past, in the which I do concur with them, and the rather because they verify the old Proverb, which is, That such as were never but in Hell, do think that there is no other Heaven. For true it is, that the civil and licentious wars of France, and the tumultuary and disordered wars of the Low Countries, which have been their schools, and the chief wars that ever they saw, have been altogether without any form Milicia and discipline military, & therefore far different from the well ordered wars that have been in former times, betwixt Emperors, Kings, and form common wealths.  
And now, because I intent in this proem unto your Lordships, as briefly as I can, to show by what means our Nation hath very much decayed, or rather forgotten all our ancient orders and exercises Military, with the wonderful evils that have in other ages, and do now (through long peace) threaten us again to happen, as also that it hath been impossible for them, or any others, to learn any Art or Science Military in the civil wars of France, nor in the disordered wars of the Low Countries under the States, but rather the contrary, that is, disorder and confusion. I therefore will first make manifest by divers examples, by what means and accidents, the Art and Science Military hath in many Empires, Kingdoms and Common wealths, as also in this Kingdom, come sometimes, to be utterly forgotten; and at other times, to grow to great disorder and confusion: and so finally, that it is most evident, that such of our Nation as have seen and served in no other wars, but in such confused and disordered wars, as aforesaid, could no ways attain to any such understanding in the Art and discipline military, that they may be any ways deemed, or thought worthy to control or find fault with the orders and proceed of our wise and worthy ancestors, nor of the old and ancient Noblemen, Gentlemen and Captains yet living, that have been trained up in matters of arms, as it shall evidently appear by a few of their infinite unsoldiorlike proceed and disorders, which I will set down in the end of this Preface. I think it is evident to all men of wisdom and discretion, that have read diverse notable Histories, with consideration and judgement, as also that have well considered of this our age, that there are two things of all others that are the greatest enemies to the Art and science Military, and have been the occasion of the great decay, and oftentimes, the utter ruin of many great Empires, Kingdoms & Common wealths: of the which, the first is long peace, which ensuing after great wars to divers Nations that have had notable Milicias and exercises Military in great perfection, they by enjoying long peace, have so much given themselves to covetousness, effeminacies and superfluities, that they have either in a great part, or else utterly forgotten all orders and exercises Military, in such sort, that when they have been forced to enter into a war defensive for the defence of their Dominions against any foreign Nation or Nations, that have had a puissant and form Milicia, they have been so void of the orders & exercises of war of their forefathers, that either they have been conquered by their enemies invading, or at least, have been put in hazard of the loss of their estates and dominions, as it may very well appear by the Egyptians, who being one of the first Nations of the world, that had the Art and science Military in great perfection, by the which they ●●tained many victories and conquests. And thereby finding no Nation that durst assail them, they did after by enjoying long peace and prosperity, so give themselves to their delights, covetousness and effeminacies, neglecting all orders and exercises Military, that being in process of time, and in diverse ages assailed and invaded by divers other warlike Nations, that had the Art and Science Military, in great perfection, and were alured thereunto, partly by the wonderful fertility of Egypt, but chief, because the Egyptians were grown effeminate without any orders and exercises Military, they came to be by them subdued and conquered, and ever since have lived in subjection, and servitude to divers other Nations. The Macedonians and Grecians also, that had under that notable conqueror, Alexander the great, and other notable Princes and Captains of those Nations, the Art Military in great perfection, whereby they achieved many notable victories and conquests, did after, by living in long peace, accompanied with great dissension, covetousness and superfluities, so forget all their orders and exercises Military, that they came to be conquered by the Romans: and of late years by their like negligence in matters of war, were utterly subdued and brought into servitude by the Turks. The Romans also themselves, after that they had by their notable milicia, achieved wonderful victories and conquests, through the peace but of a few years, did grow so to decay in their discipline Military, that Hannibal that notable Captain of Carthage, achieving diverse victories in Spain against the Romans, and marching with his army through France, and passing the mountains of the Alpes, did (before that the Romans could renew and reduce themselves to their ancient Milicia) invade Italy, and won divers notable battles, and killed divers of their Consuls and their whole Armies, and put Rome itself in great fear to be sacked and conquered. And if we list to consider of our own Country and Nation in divers ages, omitting infinite numbers of other examples of greater antiquity, as also of later ages; we may see, that our ancestors the Saxons, that conquered and expulsed the Britan's (the ancientest inhabitants of this Realm) by reason that they found them altogether without any orders and exercises Military, wholly given to idleness, viciousness & delights, the same Saxons after, by long peace with foreign Nations, being given to covetousness, vice, and superfluities, as also to civil dissension amongst themselves at home, did so confound and forget their Art and Science Military, by the which they in former times had been conquerors, that they themselves came after to be conquered by the Danes, and shortly after by the Normans. All which examples of conquests, and dangers of conquering, with infinite others of great Empires, Kingdoms and Common wealths have proceeded chief through the negligence of their Princes, Rulers and Magistrates, who through long peace, and overmuch security, did govern their subjects only by laws politic, neglecting and contemning all orders and exercises Military. And this doth most manifestly appear by many notable Histories that do contain great actions.  
The second cause which doth confound and disorder all discipline and orders Military, is, intestine and civil wars, as we may see by many examples, of the which for brevities sake, I will only allege two; the one ancient, & the other of this time. The first is of the Arabians, which nation, under Mahomet that false prophet, & his successors, Halifas, conquered a great part of Europe, Africa and Asia, & were (so long as they had but one supreme Halifa or Prince, to govern the Arabians and all their dominions by them conquered) so mighty through their excellent Milicia, that no foreign Nation durst assail them. But after, by their long living in peace and great prosperity; in the end, through the viciousness and insufficiency of one of their supreme Halifas, that at that time reigned over them, fell into revolt and intestine wars amongst themselves, striving for the supreme throne and government; in such sort, that in few years, they did so corrupt and confound their ancient discipline Military, & so weaken themselves by many confused battles, sackings and spoils; and by dividing their great Empire into divers parts, under divers Halifas, that the Turks (a new Nation, who had an excellent Milicia) did invade their dominions, and within few years brought them into subjection to the Turkey Empire.  
Now the other example, which is of our time, is France, which kingdom (until Lewes the eleventh did serve himself with mercenaries) had a well ordered Milicia, offensive and defensive, and that chief on horseback, and yet divers years had some relics and remnants of the same; but now in this later time, the French Nation, having continued seven or eight and twenty years in civil wars amongst themselves, they have so corrupted and confounded all their ancient orders and proceed in matters Military, that they have at this present, no show, token, nor mention of the same, but disorder, disobedience and confusion; which hath proceeded of the like causes that brought the Arabians and many other Nations (through intestine wars) to corrupt and confound their Art and Science Military, as it shall more particularly appear by that which followeth. I think all men of experience & judgement in matters of war, do know, that the first & principal thing that is requisite to assemble and form an army, or armies, and to keep the same in obedience with good effect, is treasure, to maintain pay and reward, with severe execution of excellent Laws Military. Which, what Prince soever he be that hath, with sufficient Generals, & other Officers, to command and govern, may very well have a well ordered Milicia; by reason that no soldiers well paid, and chief being subjects to the Prince that they serve, can use any excuses not to observe all laws and orders Military, of Sea or Land, Town, Camp or Field. Besides that, upon any transgression of orders, it is lawful for the Captains and higher Officers, to correct, reform and punish, according to the laws and ordinances Military: from whence it cometh to pass, that even as the Citizens of a well ordered City, through the execution of good laws, civil and criminal, by excellent governors, do live in great order, quietness and prosperity, without any civil dissension: Even so, an Army in the field, being well paid, provided for and governed, do live as orderly in town, camp and field, without robbing, spoiling, or otherwise injuring any other, but the common enemy.  
Now to maintain, and continue the same, it doth behove a King in his kingdom, and chiefly in the body of the same to be well obeyed; that by the quiet obedience of his subjects, he may receive all his customs, rents and revenues, with all other subsidies and aides, that of antiquity his progenitors have accustomed to receive; with new supplies of men and munitions from time to time to ranforce his Army or Armies. All which, the French Kings (through their subjects so often taking Arms, and such intestine wars so many years) have so come to want, that they have not had any means possible to maintain any other but a deformed and disordered Milicia; by reason that the Nobility and Princes of the blood, upon divers legitimate causes by them pretended, with their friends and followers, taking Arms against them, a great part of the revenue of the Crown, with all other customs, subsidies and aides, have in divers Cities, Towns and Provinces, come to cease, and the same to be enjoyed by the King's enemies armed: by means whereof the French Kings, that have lived in the times of these intestine wars, have not had treasure to pay their Armies, whereby to keep their men of war in any discipline; Besides that, by those continual dissensions, they have lacked a great part of their Nobility and subjects, to ranforce their Armies. The Nobility also, and Princes of the blood, that have continued in Arms against their Kings (notwithstanding their usurped revenue and treasure of the Crown) have been as little, or less able to pay their men of war; so that, all the intestine and civil wars, that have continued so many years in France, with the slaughter and destruction of such infinite numbers of all sorts of people, have been maintained and continued tumultuaritie, more by spoil, sedition, passion and faction; than by any pay, order, and discipline Military.  
Whereof it hath come to pass, that such Armies as have served under the French Kings, or under the Nobility, that have continued in arms against them, (how good Officers & governors soever they had) could not have any certain nor ordered Milicia; by reason, that through the lack of certain pay, and no hope of reward for extraordinary deserts, it hath come to pass, that the soldiers thereby being made voluntary, have obeyed their Captains no otherwise than hath pleased themselves, altering and changing their weapons, as also themselves out of one band into an other, and sometimes horsemen to become footmen, and footmen to become horsemen; besides their foraging and straggling from their Ensigns without order; as also their negligence and lack of vigilancy in their watches, bodies of watches and sentinels, and by disordering themselves upon every light occasion both in battalion, squadron and troop. captains also, have oftentimes form, or rather deformed their bands, both on horseback and on foot, with armours and weapons, new invented by themselves, without controlment, different from all orders Military. The Generals, and whole armies also, both of the one side and of the other have very seldom, or never, according to the Art Military, lodged themselves in any camp form, but dispersed and scattered by bands in many Towns and Villages with great disorder. Besides that, both Captains, Soldiers and all other men of war, for lack of ordinary pay, have lived a great deal more upon the spoil, and misusing of the common people, their fellow-subiects and friends, than upon any spoil, or annoying of the enemy armed: through which great disorders and lack of piety, contrary to all divine & human laws, it hath come to pass, that such Officers, Captains and Soldiers that have served any long time in such licentious and tumultuary wars (be they subjects or mercenaries) can very hardly after be reform and reduced to contain themselves, and live under any discipline Military, where justice without favour is executed, because they never before lived under any severity of laws Martial; but have spent their times, & learned their chief soldiorie, in such disordered & licentious wars, where in respect of spoil and gain, they have accounted and holden both friends & enemies all in one reckoning and degree. Now the civil wars of France having grown to be so disordered, & without any discipline through their intestine dissensions (as I have before mentioned) with many other disorders, a great deal more orderly, and particularly set down by that brave soldier, Monsieur de la Noüe in his discourses: how far of further, then is it evident, that the tumultuary, & confused wars of the Low Countries have been from all order & discipline Military, where both mercenaries and subjects, have served under subjects, called by the title of States? which government hath been popular, and consisted of sundry heads, and of those very few Noble; but Merchants, Citizens and Burghers; whose pay as it was many years to the English, French and other mercenaries more by words and promises, than by any good performance: so the services of such hirelings, were as disordered, and void of all discipline Military; as it hath most manifestly appeared by their proceed and actions; some part of the which, (by the help of almighty God) I will set down, that thereby it may be apparently discovered, what kind of men of war those disordered wars of the Low Countries have bred and brought forth, and of what experience and sufficiency, they may be esteemed to be, that do with such an overweening disesteem, and condemn the great Captains of times past, as also the old men of war of divers Nations yet living, in respect of themselves; saying further, that their wars of the Low Countries do far exceed and excel the wars of times passed in all perfection. And therefore, I will set down and compare part of the opinions, proceed and orders Military, of the great Captains and men of war, both ancient and modern; with the strange opinions, new kinds of Milicias (or rather Malicias, and disorderly proceed of our such men of war. And in all those things which I in this proem will mention concerning them and their wonderful errors and disorders Military, I will not set down any thing of mine own knowledge, nor invented, nor devised by me, but a very few of the smallest of an infinite number of their disorderly proceed, contrary to all piety, and discipline Military, which I have heard many, & many times publicly reported by many valiant Gentlemen of our Nation, that have detested the same; divers of the which are of very good houses, and not any one of them but that hath served in those wars, some of them fifteen or sixteen years past, in the time of the Commendator major Requesenes, others of them a dozen years passed in the time of Don ivan de Austria, and others at the Earl of Leicester's going over, and also before. All which Gentlemen having been eye witnesses of those wonderful disorders (which have redownded to the consumption and loss of many thousands of young Gentlemen, Yeomen, and Yeomen sons, and others of the most disposed and lusty sort of people of our Nation) have moved me (not upon any hate, I protest, that I bear unto any of them in respect of myself, but only for the great love that I bear to my Prince, Country and Nation) to commit those things with great blame of writing, to the intent that hereafter the same may be some kind of terror to all others to take such barbarous and base proceed in hand. And therefore will proceed to the matter.  
First, it is very well known to all men of experience and judgement in matters of Arms, that all such great Captains as have been Lieutenants generals to Emperors, Kings, or form Common wealths, or that with regiments of their own Nation have served foreign Princes, as mercenaries (knowing that justice is the Prince of all order and government both in war and peace, by the which God is honoured and served, and Magistrates and Officers obeyed) have at the first forming of their Armies or such Regiments, by great advise of Counsel established sundry laws both Politic and Martial, with Officers for the superintending and due execution of the same, which have been notified to all their men of war, as also at every encamping or lodging have been set, written or printed in certain tables in convenient places for all soldiers and men of war to behold, to the intent that none might transgress through ignorance: All which by some of the chief of our such mercenary men of war have been so utterly contemned, or by them not understood, that they never used any such matter, but in stead of the same, have only set down a very few written laws, altogether cunningly and artificially, tending to terrify their soldiers from demanding of their pays due; as also from complaining of the misusages of their Captains and higher Officers: but to terrify them from spoiling, robbing, and taking by force from the common country people their friends, with many other great offences, there was no prohibition, nor penalty of laws set down; they often terming those to be best soldiers that could live without pay, by stealing and spoiling most; saying further, that to form and establish many laws politic and Martial, it was the manner of old duncical Captains in times past, who did not understand their excellent discipline of this time, and that all laws of Town, Camp and Field should be in the wisdom and discretion of the General; which their gross and ignorant conceits, through their lack of justice, cost the lives of a great sort of brave men; for in stead of proceeding orderly upon laws Military established (as aforesaid) they proceeded according to such laws as they conceived in their own simple brains. Whereof it hath come to pass, that many of honest parentage have been condemned to death upon divers offences, that the transgressors themselves have not known to be transgressions of death, and others that have committed as great, or greater offences, have escaped with very little or no punishment at all.  
Also, whereas in all ages and times, all Emperors, Kings, and form Common wealths, that have employed their Generals with Armies either in wars offensive or defensive, have established a Counsel of men of great sufficiency both in war and peace to assist their Generals; of the which some of the chief Officers of the Army, by the right and due of their Offices, were always of the same counsel, as also some others, according to the choice and liking of such Princes; and this, to the intent that their Generals in all important matters should consult with them: The conclusion, and resolution of such consultations notwithstanding to remain in the wisdom, judgement and valour of the Generals. And that likewise it hath been always the use of all mercenary Colonels both Almains and Italians, that have been hired into the services of foreign Princes upon all important occasions to consult with their Sergeants Majors, and certain other Captains and Officers for the well ordering and governing of their Regiments. Even so contrariwise, some of our chief men of war that have had great charges in the Low Country wars, have not only contemned and disdained to have any counsel about them, or to take counsel of some of their Captains and other Officers, but have also spoken to the blame and reproach of some notable and very sufficient Generals of this time, because they have used in all important matters to consult with their Counsellors, saying, that they were therefore very simple men, and that they were able to do nothing of themselves, but only by the advise of Counsel. By the which, our such men of war have not only showed a wonderful overweening, and lack of discretion in those their vain and fond opinions; but also have in the government of their charges (which was altogether of their own heads) showed themselves as fond and void of all reason and order Military. Also, whereas all wise and sufficient Generals and Colonels have always had special regard, when the Enemy hath not been near at hand; that their Sergeants Majors, Captains, & other Officers, should oftentimes in the field reduce their bands & regiments into divers forms, and to teach their soldiers all orders Military, with the use of their weapons in every degree, time and place, as also how to lodge in their quarters orderly, and therewithal to understand the orders of watches, bodies of watches, sentinels, rounds, and counterrounds, with many other matters Military, whereby they might be made prompt and ready to encounter with the Enemy: so contrariwise, our such men of war in the Low Countries did very seldom, or rather never instruct nor teach their soldiers any such matter, whereby it hath come to pass, that their old soldiers Piquers with their pikes, Harquebuziers and Mosquettiers with their weapons of fire, have in certain trainings here in England showed and used such Matiches, as they have given occasion to be scorned and laughed at, by such old Captains of experience as have seen their doings.  
And whereas also all men of war in times past have had special care that all their soldiers should be fitly appareled and armed, according to the different weapons that all sorts of their soldiers did use, and that they should not lack any of their weapons, nor any part or piece of their armours, but that the same should be by them fitly and aptly worn, and from time to time kept clean and neat: So contrariwise, some of our such men of war have holden these matters for such trifles, that they have had so little care thereof, that they have been contented to suffer their soldiers to go evil weaponed, and worse armed, and many of them without any kind of armour at all, and in their apparel all to be tottered and torn, and some of them bare legged, or bore footed like rogues: a thing never before heard off in any age, that men of war, and chiefly the English nation, going to the aid of a foreign Nation, and the country and people wonderful rich and plentiful in all abundance, and their Captains themselves very gallant in apparel, and their purses full of gold; that their soldiers should be in such poor and miserable estate. Also, whereas it hath been the use of all great Captains and Chieftains, upon any long march & enterprise intended, with all foresight & providence to provide plenty of victual, and all other things necessary for the sustenance of all their soldiers, even to the meanest & least of account; as also of great store and plenty of powder & shot, with some overplus of weapons of divers sorts for all accidents & employments, with all other things requisite: So some of our such men of war upon their occasions of marches and enterprises, have provided plenty of victual only for themselves and their followers, suffering their bands & regiments to straggle, & spoil the people of the Country oftentimes to their own mischief, & in the rest to take their adventures, and sometimes to starve, or at least to be driven to great extremity of hunger. Besides that, for powder, shot, and overplus of weapons, they have provided no more than that which their soldiers have carried about them, which have been with great scarcity; which doth argue their small care of the health & safety of their soldiers, & their little intention to do any great hurt to the enemy, and therewithal a great ignorance in the Art and Science Military. And whereas also in all well ordered Milicias, the commendation and sufficiency of all Generals, Colonels, Captains and other Officers, hath consisted in knowing how to command, govern, and order their Armies, Regiments, bands and companies, and to win the love of their soldiers by taking great care of their healths and safeties, as also by all examples of virtue and worthiness, not only by instruction, but also by action in their own persons, venturing their lives in all actions against the enemy amongst them, and therewithal accounting of them in sickness and health, or wounds received, as of their own children; and that all Colonels and Captains of horsemen, according to all discipline, have used to serve amongst their horsemen on horseback, and that all Colonels and Captains of footmen, yea even the very Lieutenants generals, and Kings themselves (if their Armies and forces of the field have consisted more of footmen than of horsemen) have always used by all discipline Military, upon the occasion of any battle, to put their horses from them, and to serve on foot, and to venture their lives in the former ranks. Even so contrariwise, the new discipline of some of our chief men of war of the Low Countries hath been, never to win nor procure the love of their soldiers by any affability or favour showed unto them, nor yet by any care taking for their healths and safeties, and upon any accidents of sickness, or wounds received, they have presently disesteemed them, as base and vile creatures, never coming amongst them neither in sickness nor health, but only upon occasion of service: and for any instruction or examples of virtue and worthiness in the actions of their own persons to be showed amongst their soldiers, it hath not been their delight nor profession; and for them to have imitated the great and famous Captains of all other times, both ancient and modern, in venturing their lives amongst their soldiers (as aforesaid) according to their Milicia, that hath consisted more of footmen than of horsemen, it hath been contrary to their new discipline, which hath not permitted that they should learn any thing of any great Captains, but only of themselves: whereof it hath come to pass, that some of our such chief men of war in the Low Countries, whose strength in the field hath consisted of far greater numbers and forces of footmen than horsemen, and that some other ordinary Captains also, whose charges have consisted only of footmen, have (presently upon their squadrons form, and approach or sight of the Enemy) mounted upon horses of swift Carrires, and either have accompanied their footmen upon the flanks or rearward, being so well mounted, or else have put themselves into some bands of horsemen; as though it were against their reputation to serve on foot amongst their soldiers; or rather (as it may be thought) that upon any hard accident they might be ready (leaving their soldiers to the slaughter) to save themselves rather with the force of their heels and spurs, than with any of sword, which amongst many other, hath been one special cause that there have been so great numbers of soldiers at divers times consumed and slain, and never any Chieftain, nor any other of our such men of war. Which their new discipline is such a mockery, and so contrary to all order Military, as that such are not to be accounted worthy to take the charge of men, nor yet to be reckoned amongst the number of soldiers.  
And whereas also all great Captains, Chieftains, and men of charge have holden for a Maxim, to preserve by all means possible the lives of their soldiers, and not to employ and hazard them upon every light occasion, and therewithal to esteem the preservation of the lives of a very few of their soldiers, before the kill of great numbers of their enemies: Even so contrariwise, the new discipline of some of our men of war in the Low Countries, hath been, to send, and employ their soldiers into many dangerous and vain exploits and services, without any reason Military, having sure regard to their own safeties; as though they desired and hoped to have more gain and profit by the dead pays of their soldiers slain, than increase of reputation by the achieving and prevailing in any such enterprises.  
Besides that, it hath been sometimes a practice by some of our such men of war, when they have borne any hatred or malice to such as have served under them, to devise some dangerous enterprise of purpose to employ them in, from whence they might hardly escape with their lives, to the intent that they might hit two marks at one shoot, that is, take revenge of such as they hated, and gain the dead pays of such as were there slain; which was an infernal invention. And this I would not have set down if I had not heard it most constantly affirmed by some of those themselves, that have been of purpose sent to such banquets, and have with great danger escaped out of such enterprises. And whereas there is nothing more requisite to keep men of war in obedience and discipline, than pay and good usage of their Chieftains, Colonels, Captains, and other Officers, (which hath been the cause that in all well ordered wars both ancient and modern, the Generals, Chieftains and Captains, have always used to procure and liberally to pay, or to see the same paid to their soldiers, without defrauding them of any part thereof:) so some of our such men of war have in those wars procured pay for their soldiers; but when they have obtained and received it, they have used divers ways to defraud them of the same, but chiefly two, specially to be noted; of the which the first hath been, that presently upon the receipt of their pay, (or else that they have been assured that they should receive the same) within a day or two days after, they have presently devised some very dangerous enterprise to employ their bands and companies in, to make proof how many in such exploits should lose their lives, that they might enrich themselves by their dead p●ies; during which employments, some of our such chief men of war that devised the same, remained in great towns feasting, banqueting, and carousing with their dames. And their second policy and practice hath been, that they have plainly kept and converted (or rather perverted) a great part thereof to their own uses, lodging their soldiers dispersed and straggling in Villages, and in stead of pay have suffered them to go alla picoree, that was, to rob and spoil the Boors their friends: whereupon it came to pass, that the Boors fearing such mercenaries more than their enemies, did arm themselves, and stood upon their guards, in such sort, that at times it cost the lives of a great number of our brave Nation. And for Captains, diverse ways to become Merchants, and chief in selling their bands one to an other, as also in letting them to farm for a yearly rent unto their Lieutenants, as if they were flocks of milk Ewes, it hath been too often put in practice. And whereas also, all Generals and Chieftains of all Nations of any judgement, upon the approach of any City, Town, or place fortified, have used to approach the same with trenches, crosse-trenches, gabions, and diverse other ordinary and extraordinary inventions, (according unto the situation of the ground) for the preserving, and saving of the lives of their Soldiers, and that they have not offered to give any assault, until by the battery and effect of great Ordinance, planted upon 〈◊〉 Caveleeres (by us called Mounts) or by battery from the counterscarp cut, and opened, the flankers of the bulwarks, platforms, and revelins have been taken away, and the Artillery of the inward Mounts dismounted, and a sufficient breach in the Curtain made assaultable, with the dry or wet ditches filled to take away the effects of Casamates, as also to make the entrance of the Soldiers into the ditches and breach more easy, and with less danger; and otherwise with great order of their Armies of horsemen and footmen reduced into 〈◊〉 Squadrons and other forms, for the guard of their Camps and Field: So contrariwise, our such men of war (being ignorant of all discipline Military) have been so prodigal of the lives of their Soldiers, that they have divers times sent them (as it were to the butchery) to give assault to certain sconces, and other such fortifications, without any such order of approach, or taking away any flankers, or making any breach.  
Besides that, in this later time (I mean within these very few years) most grossly and ignorantly in the time of Winter, with some thousands of our brave English people, they lay shooting off guns divers weeks against some great Town well fortified, with a broad and a large river navigable being betwixt them, without any other ways besieging of it, their Camp lying in a wet moorish ground, where their soldiers in their watches and sentinels stood to the mid legs in dirt & mire, with frost, snow, rain and mists, and small store of victual, and at their dislodging from thence, did dislodge straggling by bands, without any chieftain to direct and govern them. All which disorders cost the lives of some thousands of our gallant English Nation, the dead pays of the which so great numbers of soldiers so fond and wilfully cast away, did redound greatly to the enriching of some of our such men of war. And now in the same later time, when all things should by all reason have been reduced unto order and discipline, because the nature of the war was altered from mercenary and voluntary, to princely authority; I mean the Summer before the Earl of Leicester went over, our such men of war that had served divers years before in those parts devised a new invention, never heard nor read of before amongst any men of war, but only upon some great lacks and extremities, and that was, that their Soldiers, in stead of pay with money, should be paid in Provand, which was bread and cheese, and other such victual of the best cheap and basest sort, and that taxed by measure; saying, that it was not convenient that their Soldiers should receive their own pays, because they knew not how to lay out their money, but that they would spend it idly; which simplicity and ignorance, if it had been in them (as it was not) they, and their officers, by good instruction should have reform the same. But such covetous men of war, under that pretence (as though their Soldiers had been either natural fools or children) did contrary to all Military order put the greatest part of their Soldiers pay into their own purses, allowing them great scarcity of Provand. By which means it came to pass, that divers thousands of their Soldiers in those plentiful Countries, partly by hunger, and partly by evil lodging, & altogether by the small care and misuse of our such men of war did perish. Besides that, great numbers of such their sick and starved Soldiers, by the order of the Earl of Leicester, were in those parts embarked, and transported into Essex, Kent, and other parts of England, to recover health, of which foresaid great numbers of miserable & pitiful ghosts, or rather shadows of men, the Essex and Kentish carts and carters (that carried them) can testify; of which, scarce the fortieth man escaped with life. Also, when any of their Soldiers, through the naughtiness, or scarcity of their victual, or by their evil lodging, or by the pestering, or lying of two or three hundred of them together in some one Church, and so in divers Churches, upon the bare pavements, or upon divers other disorders, and misusages of some of our such men of war, fell sick; our such men of war presently did casse, and discharge them out of their bands for dead men, turning their Provand money with all overplusses into their own purses, procuring new supplies of well appareled, and lusty young men out of England, to the intent to serve their own turns, and to consume people after people. All which marvelous disorders of some of our such men of war against their Soldiers, contrary to all discipline Military, by them practised and used, with infinite others (which to rehearse would make a huge volume) were the occasion that many thousands of the lustiest and disposed sort of our English people, were in those wars (as it were) wittingly and willingly cast away; besides great numbers, that at divers times did choose rather to fly to the enemy than to serve under such cruel and disordered chieftains; And these wonderful disorders, with innumerable others did continue and increase until such time as divers young Noblemen lately coming to take principal charges in those wars, as also divers knights and Gentlemen of Noble and of Worshipful houses, and themselves of great valour and worthiness did complain of, and discover those most strange and wonderful abuses, unto the Queen, and to her Counsel; who understanding thereof, did very nobly reform and redress divers of those disorders, taking further order, that the aforesaid new devised Provand should be abolished, and that in stead thereof, the Soldiers should receive their own pays in money; which, with the wise and worthy proceed and courses of the aforesaid Noblemen, Knights and Gentlemen, that began with great order and Discipline, to serve in those wars, some at, and others since, the going over of the Earl of Leicester, hath of late greatly prevailed and redounded to the reformation of divers of those strange inventions, and abuses, invented and brought into those wars by the aforesaid new fantasied men of war.  
But now, for excuse used by some of our such men of war, for the casting away and loss of such great numbers, and many thousands of our gallant English people in those Low country wars, as also in later wars, (I mean not in France, where I never heard any blame, but great honour imputed to the Chieftain, and commendation to the Captains; but in a very short war of a great deal further distance, but of a wonderful consumption of our brave Nation, through great disorder, and lack of discipline Military: the particularities whereof, because I have not hitherto handled, I omit) some of our such men of war have not been ashamed, many times to report and say, that all those brave people that have been consumed and lost in the Low Countries, and those other forementioned wars, by their disorders (as aforesaid) were the very scum, thieves, and rogues of England, and therefore have been very well lost, and that the Realm (being too full of people) is very well rid of them, and that if they had not been consumed in those wars, they would have died under a hedge, with divers other such brutish and infernal speeches, even like unto themselves, and to the new discipline by them invented and practised, rather to dispeople a kingdom of England of the youth and flower thereof, than any ways to do any hurt unto the enemy. Whereas contrariwise it is very welknowen unto all the justices of peace in all shires of England, from whence those Soldiers did go voluntary, or otherwise, even from the beginning of the first voluntary wars, until this day, (saving such as were levied in the City of London by commission, and some few rogues in one year levied in other shires) that they were in a very great part young Gentlemen, and in a far greater part of Yeomen and yeomen's sons, and the rest of the bravest sort of Artificers, and other lusty young men, desirous of a gallantness of mind, to adventure themselves, and see the wars, many thousands of the which (being the very flower of England) did far exceed, and excel our such men of war both in goodliness of parsonage and worthiness of mind; and these were no rogues, nor thieves, nor the scum of England, as those our such men of war do ofttimes report: for it is very well known in all shires by experience, that such malefactors and base minded people, never had any desire, nor will to go into any wars and actions Military, but have hidden and absented themselves away during the times of musters and levies, and when the same have been past, they have again followed their vile occupations of robbing, pilfering and stealing. Besides that, it is most manifest, that before some of our such men of war took those voluntary wars in hand, there were very few thieves and rogues in England, in comparison that there are now, that have come out of their discipline; for it is certain, that this new deformed Milicia and evil government of our such men of war, by suffering their soldiers for lack of pay in those wars to go a robbing and spoiling the country people their friends (as aforesaid) hath brought many of them from good to evil, and made most of those that have returned into England impudent rogues and thieves, that were true men before they went over. By which their marvelous disordered, and deformed discipline, it is come to pass that many, and many thousands of the bravest and lustiest sort of people able to wear arms, and to serve in any wars either offensive or defensive, are (as aforesaid) consumed in those wars, and the number of exercised and expert soldiers, meet upon any occasion to serve the Prince and Realm, by those services no ways increased; by reason that all such as have come out of those services (unless it be the Captains, and a few Officers of bands) are almost all turned from miserable soldiers that they were in those Low Countries, to most impudent rogues and thieves, that by no order, nor policy can be reform and reduced to any honest course of life, all which hath come to pass through the extreme evil government of some of our such men of war (as aforesaid.) And whereas they talk and boast so much of their new discipline Military, and of their own sufficiencies, and that they do exceed and excel all the ancient men of war of times past, as also such as are yet living: Certainly, all men that list may behold their new Milicia of their own forming, as aforesaid, of thieves and rogues that do swarm in all the high ways, and gaols of England. Which doth make manifest the great insufficiencies of such as have been Authors, actors and performers of that infernal discipline: some of the which also have not contented themselves to work the aforesaid great evils to their Country and Nation (before declared) but have of late years, since they came out of those Low Country wars sought to bring to pass two other such notorious and deformed effects amongst the English Nation, as may in time to come, be the utter ruin of this most noble kingdom and people; even as the like hath been of divers other great Monarchies: of the which two effects, the one hath been to celebrate; the other to abolish and extinguish. That to celebrate, hath been to the feasts of Bacchus, with carousing and drunkenness. Which most foul and detestable vice, is enemy to all Discipline and Exercises Military, and to be short, to all virtues and excellencies both of body and soul, and in the rest is the very mother and nurse of effeminacy, of cowardice, of sensuality, of rebellion, of covetousness, and all other vices that can be imagined; as we may evidently see by our next neighbours the Flemings, and Dutch, whose vices and imperfections (saving only their policy to grow rich, and gather goods) for brevities sake I overpass. And this foreign vice hath been brought out of those Low Countries by some of our such men of war within these very few years, whereof it is come to pass, that nowadays there are very few feasts, where our said men of war are present, but that they do invite, and procure all the company, of what calling soever they be, to carousing and quaffing; and because they will not be denied their challenges, they will with many new congees, ceremonies and reverences, drink to the health and prosperity of Princes; to the health of Counsellors, and unto the health of their greatest friends both at home and abroad; in which exercise they never cease till they be dead drunk, or as the Flemings say, Do't drunken. Which their quaffings, and carousings, with all their ceremonies, is no other but a blaspheming and offending of God in the highest degree, a touching of the honour of the Princes, unto whose healths they carouse, and a very offering of sacrifice unto Satanas, or rather to Belzebub himself the Prince of fiends. Certainly, a wonderful pitiful case, that any of our such men of war or nation under the pretence of souldiorie, and warlike Discipline, should nowadays in stead of praying to God, for the health of Princes, which hath been always very commendably used amongst all good subjects, Christians, drink and carouse drunk to the health, & prosperity of Kings, Kingdoms, and States; And that men that have been created by God to his own similitude and likeness, should contrary to his glory, by such filthy disorder make themselves far inferior to most brute beasts. And this aforesaid detestable vice hath within these six or seven years taken wonderful root amongst our English Nation, that in times past was wont to be of all other Nations of Christendom one of the soberest; And this is one of the fruits and merchandise of their discipline that our such men of war have brought in amongst us.  
Now, the other effect that they have sought most blindly and maliciously to bring to pass, to the great danger that upon divers accidents may hereafter happen to the Crown and Realm of England and English Nation, hath been, and is to seek to abolish and extinguish the notable exercise and use of our Longbows and Archery; by which weapons our ancestors, with many miraculous victories, have made our Nation famous both in Europe, Africa and Asia, so that in stead of Archery, which is the soberest exercise of all others to avoid drunkenness and other evils, and a most manly exercise and wholesome for the health of the body, and to increase strength; and for battles and victories of far greater effect, than any other weapon that ever was or shall be invented; our such men of war under pretence of the excellency of the weapons of fire by them misreported, would bring in carousing and drunkenness: which two things, I mean of the neglecting and suppressing of the use and exercise of Bows and Archery, and bringing in of superfluities and drunkenness, hath been the ruin of many great Empires, Kingdoms and commonwealths, as it is apparent by the testimony of many notable histories. As for example, the Egyptians (before mentioned in this proem) under their most valiant and mighty King Sesosis or Sesostris, and other their notable Princes, did conquer a great part of Asia, Europe & Africa by their notable Milicia, which did consist most of Archery and Bows: but after, through long peace, and the negligence of some of their effeminate Kings, the same warlike Nation did grow to such drunkenness and gluttony, that thereby forgetting the use and exercise of their Bows, they were conquered and subdued Alexander the great, the greatest part of whose Army did consist of Archery, and after that many times subdued and kept in servitude by the Milicia and force of Archery of divers other sober Nations. The Empire of Constantinople, and Rome also at such time as they were under one Empire, and that the Emperors held their imperial seat in Constantinople, as careful as some of those Emperors were to keep their subjects the Grecians in exercise of Arms, and chiefly of Archery, yet after in the time of other Emperors that were careless and effeminate, their subjects giving themselves, through long peace, unto feasting and drunkenness, and neglecting the exercise of Bows and Archery, did so forget the use of that most excellent weapon, that they were many times vanquished by the Milicia of the Arabians, that consisted most of all of Bowemen: which conquering Nation at that time gave themselves to labour and travel, and to the exercise of their bows, with great sobriety, and not to drunkenness. And the subjects of the very same Empire of Constantinople long after the time of their great overthrows by the Arabians, through the negligence of some of their effeminate Emperors, as aforesaid, were by the constraint of certain imperial statutes and ordinances of some other wise and valiant Emperors, reduced in a great, part from their drunkenness to sobriety, and from idleness to their ancient exercise of Archery, by the which they did defend themselves against the Turks and Saracens (during the time of those worthy Emperors) very valiantly; but after again in process of time, through the effeminacy and negligence of other Emperors of no valour nor worthiness, the said Grecians did return again to their former drunkenness, superfluities, and utter forgetting of the use, and exercise of their bows and Archery. Whereby it came to pass, that Mahomet the second of that name of the house of Otoman, with his notable Milicia of Turks and janissaries, that consisted most of Bowemen (a Nation no ways given to drunkenness) did utterly subdue and conquer that Empire. Besides which examples, I could (if it were not too long) allege many others of many kingdoms, and mighty Nations, that through the detestable vices of drunkenness, covetousness and superfluities, have given themselves to effeminacy; and forgetting of all use of their Bows and Archery, and other exercises Military: by means whereof they have been after conquered, and brought into servitude by other sober and valiant Nations, that have had the use of the Bow in great perfection. And to be brief, there is no man that hath read many notable histories of great antiquity, as also of later ages with observation, but he shall most manifestly see, that drunkenness, covetousness and superfluities, have caused the forgetting and contempt of the use of Archery, and all other exercises Military, which hath been the ruin of most of all the Empires, Kingdoms and Nations that have been known, or written of in Europe, Africa, or Asia; And if any of our such men of war be so obstinate, that they will not believe such notable Histories, let them then resort to the Bible, which is the Book of God, and then (if they be not possessed with some infernal spirit, that doth breed in them infidelity) they shall not only there see the great account, that King David that holy prophet made of that weapon after the overthrow and death of King Saul, slain by the Philistines, great effects performed with that weapon by the jews under josuah their most excellent Captain, that did depose so many Kings; with many other particularities: by the which it may be justly gathered, that God gave such excellent effects to that weapon, that when he divers times promised help to the jews against the Gentiles, he made special mention of that weapon. And when it pleased him to punish the jews for their idolatry gluttony, by the hands of the Gentiles, they received divers overthrows, by the effect of Bowes. Besides that, King David doth call Bows a mighty power, and in his Psalms, the vessels of death. By which examples before alleged (that drunkenness and neglecting of the exercise, and use of Bows, hath been the ruin of many Empires and kingdoms) I think all men of consideration and judgement may evidently see what pernicious and dangerous matters our such men of war have by their evil and foul examples, and sinister persuasions, sought to draw, and persuade our Nation unto. Which with their innumerable disorders Military by them committed in the Low Countries, as also elsewhere, to the consumption, and destruction of many and many thousands of our Nation (as is before declared:) may, I think, evidently show how unfit and unable such men of war are to compare themselves with the great Captains of former times, or with the ancient men of war yet living, that have been trained up in matters of arms in the wars of Emperors or Kings, as also how much more insufficient they are to erect and innovate any new Discipline Military amongst us, or any ways to suppress or find fault with the exercise, use, and effects of our peculiar, and most victorious weapon the Longbow.  
And now that I have in this proem laid open many foul & detestable proceed & disorders of some of our such men of war, practised and put in execution by them in the Low countries, as also some here at home, greatly to the hurt & prejudice of our country & Nation: I think it good to notify unto your Lordships, that I have not taken it in hand, & performed the same any ways moved thereunto upon any private hatred or malice by me to any of them borne. For I protest, that if they were all my very near kinsmen, the cause being public, I would respect them no more than I have respected these; but as for those men whosoever they be, to my remembrance, I have had very little or no conference with any of them. Besides that, there is none of them, to my knowledge, that ever gave unto me (in respect of mine own particular) any occasion of offence: but the very original and principal cause that hath moved me to set down my discourses following, as also this my proem to your Lordships in this form and phrase, hath been the exceeding love, and extraordinary zeal that I bear unto my Prince, Country and Nation. That seeing and foreseeing the wonderful evils that have already, and are likely daily, and from time to time more and more to ensue (if the same be not speedily provided for and remedied) to no less in process of time, than to the ruin or great hazard of this most noble Monarchy; I therefore thought it my duty, all private passion of fear, of love, of hatred and affection set aside, to make manifest unto your Lordships those great disorders and evils before declared; that by your being put in remembrance, and knowing of them your Lordships (being the Nobility and Magnates of the Kingdom, and the very eyes, ears, and of the King, and the body of the watch, and redress of the Common wealth) may provide for, prevent, and reform the aforesaid great evils that do threaten hereafter to ensue: all which have come to my knowledge by the certain and assured reports of very many both wise and gallant Gentlemen of principal houses, and others of very good sort, that have served some of them at one time, and some of them at other times, even from the first voluntary going over into those wars, till within these two years and a half, and within these three years last passed; all which Gentlemen have greatly detested those aforesaid infinite disorders.  
And now, because that no Chieftain, Colonel, nor Captain, that have in those wars governed themselves and their charges with great care, reputation and worthiness (and therefore deserved great praise, and commendation) shall justly think themselves any ways reproached or touched, by any thing contained in this my proem or discourses following; I notify unto them that no part of my intention nor meaning, nor any word to my knowledge in these contained, do any ways sound to the touch or blame of any such worthy men, but altogether to their praise and commendation: for I would be sorry to err so greatly, as any ways to touch with blame any men of worthiness, but rather with my word, writing and action, to increase their reputations; for if I have in respect of the public cause touched our such men of war aforesaid, with reproach, they themselves upon a guilty conscience, will discover who they are, by blaming and detesting my proem and discourses, by the which the honour and virtue of such men of worthiness shall shine, and flourish the more through the clearness of their consciences not touched, according to the old saying, that the reproaching of vice is the honouring of virtue: for in troth, mine intention in this my proem, and discourses, hath been only to discover the great disorders, and evils that some men of charge of our Nation (under pretence of a new discipline Military by them invented in the Low Countries) did with great covetousness practise, and exercise, to their own gain and profit in that their disordered Milicia, neglecting and contemning all true honour, reputation and worthiness, to the great dishonour of our Country, and Nation. That thereby all young Gentlemen that have misspent their times in those tumultuary, and disordered wars without any discipline, as also all other young Gentlemen that are desirous to follow the profession of Arms may reject, and detest such new disordered, and detestable disciplines, and reduce themselves, and follow the true discipline Military of all warlike and worthy Nations both ancient and modern, which do all concur and conform in one; and that is, that all true and universal disciplines Military do (as I have learned by hearing the opinions of divers great Captains, as also by reading divers histories) briefly consist as folweth. That be he Emperor King, or a Lieutenant general of an Emperor, or of a King that doth command and govern an Army.  
First of all, that he do make God to be loved, feared and served throughout his whole Army: the second, that he do know how to command and govern, with great providence, care, order and justice, and by rewarding the good, and punishing the bad, and by keeping his whole Army in discipline to make himself to be no less loved than feared. The third is, often to consult with his counsel, and to know, how of himself (after the opinions of his counsel heard) with valour to resolve and perform, and in the rest, himself to know upon all doubtful occasions and accidents, how to prevent, remedy and execute, as also to direct others with great skill and dexterity. And these are the most principal points that do belong to the General of an Army.  
The sufficiency of Colonels doth consist in the governing of their Regiments with all care, valour, affection and diligence; and that they do make their Regiments as well in particular bands, as in the whole body of the same, to observe all orders Military in lodging, dislodging, in marching, and in fight, as also that they do live in great order, without straggling, spoiling or any ways injuring: And in the rest, that the Colonels themselves do with all obedience.  
The sufficiency of Captains, doth consist in knowing how to govern and order their bands and Companies, & to win the love of their soldiers, by all examples of virtue and worthiness, not only by instruction, but also by action in their own persons, accounting of their soldiers as of their own children. And in the rest to be obedient, valiant and resolute, as also of sufficiency to perform and execute all commandments and directions with discretion, valour and judgement.  
The duty and sufficiency of soldiers, doth first and principally consist, to be obedient to their Captains, and all other their superior Officers. The second, that they do know how to apparel and arm themselves fitly, and to handle and use their weapons in every time and place, and to know and observe all orders Military. The third is, to be sober, patiented, and able to endure labours and travels.  
The sufficiency of all higher and lower Officers of Armies under the General, is to know how to perform their Offices with all care, fidelity, diligence and obedience.  
And such a Prince or Lieutenant general of an Army, as hath those sufficiencies in him (that I have before mentioned) cannot fail to frame good Officers of his Camp & Army, as also good and sufficient Colonels and Captains. And such Officers, Colonels and Captains cannot fail to make good soldiers: All which, with the serving of almighty God, tendeth to the orderly proceeding and managing of a war in all affairs and actions to the end of the same with victory.  
And this that I have above set down, is a principal part of a Milicia, and discipline Military of all warlike Nations; and the contrary is tumultuary, and clean opposite to all Art and Science Military. And this I have written in the end of my proem for a note and remembrance, for all young Gentlemen of our Nation, that have a desire to win honour by following of actions of Arms. And now I proceed to my discourses.   

Authorum nomina, in quibus & huius Proemij, & tractatus varia exempla, résque diversae continentur.  

1 Biblia Sacra.  
2 Diodorus Siculus.  
3 Herodotus.  
4 Thucydides.  
5 Quintus Curtius.  
6 Cornelius Tacitus.  
7 Plinius.  
8 Titus Livius.  
9 Plutarch.  
10 Beda.  
11 Appianus Alexandrinus.  
12 Paulus Diaconus.  
13 Pomponius Mela.  
14 Vegetius de re militari.  
15 Adrianus.  
16 Polidorus Virgilius.  
17 Historia Imperatorum.  
18 Herodianus.  
19 Eutropius.  
20 Sparcianus.  
21 Lewis de Caravajal, & multi alij.    

Faults escaped in the Printing (the Author being absent) are thus to be amended.  

In the proem.  
Folly 3. pag. 1. lin. 35. retained, for, attained.  
Fol. 6. pag. 2. lin. 3. Commendator major, for, Comendador mayor.  
Fol. 6. pag. 2. lin. 14. blame of writing, for, blame to writing.  
Fol. 6. pag. 2. lin 16. therefore will proceed, for, therefore I will proceed.  
Fol. 10. pag. 1. lin 17. the counterscarp cut, and opened the flankers, for, the counterscarp cut and opened, the flankers.  
Fol. 10. pag. 2. lin. 34. scaritie, for, scarcity.   

In the Discourse.  
Fol. 2. pag. 1. lin. 18. Armies and Camps, form either of, for, Armies and Camps form, either of.  
Fol. 4. pag. 1. lin. 5. Besies, for, besides.  
Fol. 4. pag. 1. lin. 7. press, for, press.  
Fol. 10. pag 2. lin. 13. Sardenna, for, Sardena.  
Fol. 14. pag. 1. lin. 1. Marinnan, for, Marinan.  
Fol. 17. pag. 2. lin. 5. kneeling upon their knees, for, kneeling upon their right knees.  
Fol. 20. pag. 2. lin. 10. as, for, is.  
Fol. 24. pag. 1 lin. 12. being employed, for, are to be employed.  
Fol. 25 pag. 2. lin. 28. & 31. Aches, for, aches.  
Folly 34. pag. 1. lin. 8. Sir William Old, for, Sir William Odle.  
Fol. 34. pag. 2. lin 3. forcing, for, farcing.  
Fol. 38. pag. 1. in margin. Harquebuziers, for, Harquebusses.  
Fol. 41. pag. 1. lin. 24. Gabo Saballa, for, Gabo Sabada.  
Fol. 43. pag. 2. lin. 14. killed foreign Archers, for, killed with foreign Archers.   
Whereas the leaves of the proem are not numbered with folios; pleaseth it the reader to count the leaves from the beginning thereof, to the place agreeable to the number of the Errata.   

Certain Discourses concerning the forms and effects of divers sorts of weapons; and other very important matters Military, greatly mistaken by divers of our men of war in these days; and chiefly of the Mosquet, the Caliver, and the Longbow, as also of the great sufficiency, excellency, and wonderful effects of Archers, with many notable examples, and other particularities. Composed by Sir john Smythe, Knight. 1589. And printed 1590.  
THe strange opinions, so wonderfully mistaken in these our days in all matters Military, by divers of our chief men of charge and war, (as they are accounted) that have learned their greatest skill in matters of Arms, serving under the States, in the tumultuary, licentious, and starving wars of the Low Countries, or peradventure some little in the civil wars of France, have moved me to take in hand this discourse, to discover their strange and erroneous opinions Military, by them published to our Nobility and chief Magistrates, as also to all the better sort of our people and Nation; which upon any important war, either offensive or defensive, may greatly redound to the loss and danger of our Prince, Country and Nation. In the which discourse, my meaning is not to touch the reputation of divers of our ancient brave Captains and Soldiers, who were men of good skill and sufficiency before they entered into those wars, nor yet the reputation and honour of divers Noble men, 
No Noble nor worthy men, any ways intended to be touched in this discourse.  as also Gentlemen, of noble or worshipful houses, that of very late years have entered into those services, rather to win reputation, knowledge and honour, than for any hope of gain, or spoil; of the which there be divers that by the testimony of their honourable actions, and government of themselves, and the charges unto them committed, have deserved great praise and honour; but only to touch with blame and discommendation, such, as attaining (I wots not how) to the highest places of office & charge to command our English Nation in those parts, have through their covetousness, and lack of love towards the soldiers of their Nation, so corrupted, or rather (as much as in them hath lain) subverted all discipline Military, to the great loss and dishonour of our Country and Nation, that neither they themselves, nor any of their imitators, are worthy to be accounted in the number of men of war, and much less to be esteemed by men of experience and judgement in actions Military, to be any ways worthy to command and govern soldiers. In this discourse (also) I mean not at this time to meddle with the infinite numbers of disorders Military by them committed in the Low Country wars, where they made a far greater war upon our people & Nation, than upon the Enemies of our Country; but to handle divers abuses of theirs, and chiefly, the abuses that they have sought to bring our Nation into by mistaking of fortification, and of the effects of divers weapons out of their due times and places, attributing to some weapons such effects as are not to be performed with them, and detracting (most ignorantly) the excellent effects of our peculiar and singular weapon the Long Bow, seeking by extolling the effects by them misreported and mistaken of the Mosquet and Caliver, to make our Nation believe that our Long Bows have utterly lost their ancient effects, and therefore no more to be used, but to be utterly suppressed and extinguished, with divers other gross errors, contrary to all reason and experience Military of all ancient and modern warlike Nations. The most of the which that shall fall into my memory, I will (with the help of almighty God) answer in such sort, as all men of experience and judgement in matters of Arms, that have served in Armies and Camps form, either of Emperors, Kings, or Common wealths, shall easily discover their lack of experience and knowledge in matters Military. And therefore I will begin with one of their toys, and so proceed to greater matters.  
These our such men of war before mentioned, in a manner, utterly ignorant of all our ancient discipline and proceed in actions of Arms, have so affected the Walloons, Flemings, and base Almains discipline, (as some of them term it) that they have procured to innovate, or rather to subvert all our ancient proceed in matters Military, and therefore have left nothing in a manner untouched, without seeking to alter and change the same: as for example; They will not vouchsafe in their speeches or writings to use our ancient terms belonging to matters of war, 
Vain innovation of our ancient terms of war.  but do call a Camp by the Dutch name of Legar; nor will not afford to say, that such a Town, or such a Fort is besieged, but that it is belegard: Their Ensigns also they will not call by that name, but by the name of Colours, which term is by them so fond & ignorantly given, as if they should be opposed as young scholars in their accidens, and should (in stead of Ensigns) be asked how many Colours of footmen there were in the Army by Remenen under the Count Boissu against Don ivan d' Austria, they must then either answer, a hundred, or more or fewer, as white, black, blue, green, yellow, russet, etc. or else forsake their new term of Colours, and say so many Ensigns, Bands, or Companies, which in troth is no direct answer to the question. The body of the watch also or standing watch (as we were wont to term it) they now call after the French, or Walloons, Corpse du guard, with many other such Wallon and Dutch terms, as though our English Nation, which hath been so famous in all actions Military many hundred years, were now but newly crept into the world, or as though our language were so barren, that it were not able of itself, or by derivation to afford convenient words to utter our minds in matters of that quality.  

They fondly scorn our ancient manner of arming.  But that which is more strange, these our such new fantasied men of war do despise and scorn our ancient arming of ourselves both on horseback and on foot, saying that we armed ourselves in times passed with too much armour, or pieces of iron (as they term it). And therefore their footmen pikers, they do allow for very well armed when they wear their burgonets, their collars, their cuirasses, and their backs, without either pouldrons, vambraces, gauntlets, or tasses.  
Their Horsemen also, and themselves serving on horseback with Lances, or any other weapon, they think very well armed with some kind of headpiece, a collar, a deformed high & long bellied breast, and a back at the proof; but as for pouldrons, vambraces, gauntlets, tasses, cuisses, and greves, they hold all for superfluous. The imitating of which their unsoldierlike and fond arming, cost that noble & worthy Gentleman Sir Philip Sidney his life, by not wearing his cuisses, who in the opinion of divers Gentlemen that saw him hurt with a Mosquet shot, if he had that day worn his cuisses, the bullet had not broken his thigh bone, by reason that the chief force of the bullet (before the blow) was in a manner past. Besides that, it is a great encouragement to all foreign Nations their Enemies that are better armed, to encounter with them and their soldiers that they see so ill armed. And as their ill arming is an encouraging to the Enemy, so it is unto them a discouragement, and a great disadvantage. For in case any horseman or footman piquer so ill armed, should be wounded on the thigh, or chiefly on the arm or hand, either with Lance, Pique, Sword, or any other weapon, his fighting for that day were marred; besides that, by such wounds received, he is put in hazard either to be slain or taken. And to the same effect it hath been a maxim in all ages amongst all great Capraines, and skilful soldiers, that the well arming of horsemen and footmen is a great encouragement unto them to fight valiantly; whereas contrariwise being evil armed, it is a great discouragement unto them encountering with well armed men, and most commonly through wounds received, the very occasion that doth make them to turn their backs.  
And as they do mistake the convenient arming of horsemen and footmen, so they also mistake the weaponing of them: for whereas Swords of convenient length, form and substance, have been in all ages esteemed by all warlike Nations, of all other sorts of weapons the last weapon of refuge both for horsemen, and footmen, by reason that when all their other weapons in fight have failed them, either by breaking, loss, or otherwise, they then have presently betaken themselves to their short arming Swords and Daggers, as to the last weapons, of great effect & execution for all Martial actions: so our such men of war (contrary to the ancient order and use Military) do now a days prefer and allow that armed men Piquers, 
Their mistaking of swords  should rather wear Rapiers of a yard and a quarter long the blades, or more, than strong short arming Swords; little considering (or not understanding) that a squadron of armed men in the field being ready to encounter with another squadron, their Enemies, aught to straighten and close themselves by front and flanks, and that after they have given their first thrush with their Piques, and being come to join with their enemy's front to frunt, and face to face (and therefore the use & execution of the pikes of the foremost ranks being passed) they must presently betake themselves to the use of their Swords and Daggers; which they cannot with any celerity draw, if the blades of their Swords be so long: for (in troth) armed men in such actions, being in their ranks so close one to another by flanks, cannot draw their Swords if the blades of them be above the length of three quarters of a yard, or a little more: besies that, Swords being so long, do work in a manner no effect, neither with blows nor thrusts where the is so great, as in such actions it is; as also, that Rapier blades being so narrow, and of so small substance, and made of a very hard temper to fight in private frays, in lighting with any blow upon armour, do presently break, and so become unprofitable. Horsemen also, & chiefly Lances, wearing their Swords by their sides (as Soldiers ought to do) cannot readily draw them without letting fall their bridles out of their left hands, if their Swords be above the length of three quarters of a yard, or a yard at the most, & yet that too long. All which considered, their opinion of such long Swords, or Rapiers to be worn either by horsemen, 
Their mistaking of daggers.  or footmen armed, is very ignorant.  
Long heavy Daggers also, with great brawling Alehouse hilts, (which were never used but for private frays and brawls, and that within less than these forty years; since which time through long peace, we have forgotten all orders and discipline Military) they do no ways disallow, nor find fault withal, but rather allow them for their Soldiers to wear, than short arming Daggers of convenient form & substance, without hilts, or with little short crosses, of nine or ten inches the blades, such as not only our brave Ancestors, but all other warlike Nations, both in war and peace, did wear, and use. By the which they evidently show that they do very little consider how over-burdensome and cumbersome, such Alehouse Daggers are for all sorts of Soldiers both horsemen and footmen, as also how unfit they are to be used with the point and thrust by Soldiers, Piquers or Halberdiers against their enemies in squadron. Where, by proof, reason and experience, in all battles and other encounters, the nearness and press being so great, short, strong, and light arming daggers are more maniable, and of greater execution amongst all sorts of armed men, 
I would wish that all the pikes throughout England (that are for the field) should be reduced into one uniformity of length, that is, either to seventeen foot long by the rule, or else to eighteen foot, and not above, which are two foot longer than the Spaniards do use in their milicia, & therewithal, I would have them to be made so light, & of very good wood, that they should be both portable and maniable, which many of our pikes at this present are not.  than such long deformed Daggers, as aforesaid.  

* Their mistaking of pikes.  Piques also (which are the strength of the field, as well against horsemen as footmen) they do allow of divers lengths, so that they seem long, having no regard to their uniformity of length, nor whether they be portable or maniable, through their too much wood, or no; whereby they show the little skill they have in the use of that weapon, considering that Piquers being reduced into squadron to fight, should have all their pikes of one equal and proportionate length, to the intent that all the ranks being closed by front and flanks, either to charge an other squadron of Piquers their Enemies, or to receive, and repulse a charge of Lances, all the points of the Piques of every rank carrying one equality, and so diverse ranks being incorporated by front and flank, with their Piques bend against their Enemies, may altogether give a greater blow to the repulsing either of horsemen or footmen, than if they were of diverse lengths like Organ pipes, and thereby become of less force and resistance. Besides that, it is a very uncomely sight to see a square of Piquers enlarged in their ranks to march, that the but-endes of their pikes through their disequality of length, should disorderly precede one another. All which being neglected and contemned by our such men of war, is by the Almains, Switzers, Spaniards, and other Nations skilful in the Art Military, greatly regarded.  
Halberds of the Italian fashion, 
Their mistaking of Halberds.  with long points, short edges, and long staves, to be placed within a squadron of pikes, they do better allow of, than of Halberds, or Battle-axes with short points, long edges, and short staves. In the which they show that they do very little consider or know, that when two squadrons do encounter, and that the first thrush of pikes being past, they do presently come to join with short weapons, as with Swords, Battle-axes, and daggers, and that then, weapon's that are with long points, long staves, and short edges do work no effect, by reason that the ranks being so close, and near by front and flanks in their distances, and the press on both sides so great, as in such actions it is, they can have no room, to stand thrusting, and foining with long Halberds, nor Piques, as our such men of war do imagine: but then is the time that the ranks of short Halberds, or Battle-axes of five foot and a half long, with strong short points, short staves, and long edges in the hands of lusty soldiers that do follow the first ranks of Piquers at the heels, both with blow at the head, and thrust at the face, do with puissant and mighty hand, work wonderful effect, and carry all to the ground. And of the great and excellent executions of such short Halberds and Battle-axes in battles, our most worthy Ancestors, and divers other warlike Nations had experience many years past, when they did use to fight many great battles. Now peradventure some not skilful in matters Military may happen to say, that such opinions in weapons mistaken is no great matter: howbeit they are much deceived; for in matters Military there is no mistaking so small, that in true understanding is not great, and chief the mistaking of weapons, with the which all effects & executions of war are performed.  

Their mistaking of the convenient height and length of Calivers.  Calivers also (as they term them) being of a greater length and height of bullet, and more ranforced than Harquebusses, and therefore a great deal heavier, they do better allow of, than they do of light, well form and ranforced Harquebusses; alleging for their reasons, that Calivers will carry further point and blank, and also give a greater blow than Harquebusses. In the which they do very little consider, that neither Calivers, nor Harquebusses (considering their uncertainty) are to be used by any skilful soldiers with any volleys of shot against the Enemy in the field, above three or four scores at the farthest, and that Harquebusses within that distance will wound and kill aswell as Calivers; besides that, through the lightness and shortness of them they are so maniable, that the Harquebuziers may skirmish a great deal longer, and with more dexterity and certainty, than the Caliuerers with their Calivers, as also that upon a hasty retreat they may very well save and keep their pieces being so light, to the intent to make head again, whereas the Caliuerers in such actions, through the overmuch heaviness of their pieces, do most commonly cast them away, and trust to their heels: whereby with great reason it may be concluded, 
Harquebusses of convenient height and length ranforced, better than the ordinary long and heavy Calivers.  that light Harquebusses well form of convenient length, and ranforced, such as the old bands of Italians and Walloons do use, are a great deal more maniable, more fit, and therefore of greater effect for soldiers to use in the field, than our ordinary and heavy Calivers that our such men of war do so much allow of.  
Now, some of our such men of war that were of great offices and charge under the Earl of Leicester, that was Lieutenant General of the Queen's Army at Tilburie this last summer 1588. seeing the Essex regiment of 4000 footmen reduced into great bands of 400.500. and 600. to an Ensign, under the charge and government of Knights and Esquires of great worship, discretion, and desire to do service to their Prince & Country, they persuaded him with great vehemency, that it was very meet and convenient that all that whole regiment should be reduced into bands of 150. soldiers to an Ensign, 
Their mistaking of small bands to be better than great.  or into 200. at the most, and therewithal that all those small bands should be committed to the charge of our trained Low Country Captains (as they call them) of the which there were a great number attending, some of them more hungry after charge, spoil and gain, than skilful to do any great service, or to win reputation, or the love of their soldiers. And the chiefest reasons that they did allege for reducing them into such small bands, were, that the Enemy by seeing so great numbers of Ensigns in the field, would judge the Army to be very huge, and great in numbers of men, and therefore redoubt them the more; besides that, by the employment of such a number of trained Captains, the regiment, and so consequently all the whole Army assembled and reduced into such small bands, should be the more full of men of service and skill: which their reasons may seem pretty to such as know very little of matters Military, and that do not fall into the reckoning of their second meanings, which I omit. Howbeit, how unsoldierlike persuasions and opinions these were, how unprofitable for the Prince, and unfit and unready for services in the field, I will (by the help of almighty God) make evident.  
When the great Princes of Germany, upon any occasion or injury offered, are disposed to make war one against another, or upon an imperial Army assembled to invade, or resist the Turk, being bound (as they are) by their tenors Military to the Empire, some to find horsemen, and others to find footmen at their own charges, they then upon such occasions have always used, and do still use, to form their regiments of footmen into great bands of 500 to an Ensign, and that they use especially for two causes, the one thereby in their regiments, and so consequently in their whole Armies to save the pay of a great sort of Captains, 
The reasons and causes wherefore the Princes of Germany do use great bands of 500 in their services of the Empire.  Lieutenants of bands, Ensign-bearers, and other Officers, which would be greatly increased, and so amount to a far greater charge and pay, in case they should compose smaller bands of 300 to an Ensign, or under that number: the other cause that doth move them to form their bands so great, is, that their milicia consisting of Harquebuziers, Piquers, and some Halbarders, with a few slath swords for the guard of their Ensigns, that those sorts of weapons, by reason of the greatness of the bands being in great compartments and divisions, may be more readily and easily drawn out and separated, and with a great deal more celerity incorporated with the other great compartments of the like weapons of other great bands, to form their squadrons with sleeves, wings, troops, or forlorn hopes (according to the order and direction of the Colonels, and Sergeants Majors) than if their bands were smaller either of 300. or under that number, whereby the compartments of weapons should be also the smaller, & thereby in number the greater, and so consequently would require a longer time, not only to draw out, but also to incorporate compartments with compartments for the forming of battles with sleeves, wings, and forlorn hopes, as aforesaid. Besides that, such great bands, both by reason and experience are as ready, or rather more ready to be employed either in whole companies under their Captains and Lieutenants, or divided into parts and Corporolates under their Corporals and Sergeants for watches, bodies of watches, Sentinels, and all other ordinary, and extraordinary employments & actions Military in Camp, Town, or Field, than any small bands are. Now, peradventure some such as do not understand this order Military of the Princes of Germany above mentioned, will say, that all the Regiments of footmen Almains, that either the King of Spain, or the French King have hired and employed any ways in their wars, have been but of 300. to an Ensign, which is very true; howbeit the cause thereof hath been, that when such Princes have occasion to employ any Mercenary regiments of Almains, 
The cause wherefore the mercenary Almane Colonels do use small bands of 300. in the service of foreign Princes.  they do send their Commissaries into Germany, to hire so many Colonels as they will have Regiments, in case that they had none before in their ordinary stipends and pay; and those Colonels do make choice of Captains for the levy of their Regiments, at their own pleasures, and therefore will accept of no Captains, but of such as will compound with them and buy their Captainship, so as the more bands the more Captains, and the more Captains the more compositions and profit; which peradventure was the cause that moved some chief officer, or officers under the Earl (as imitators of the Almane Mercenaries) to persuade him to reduce all the great and honourable bands aforesaid, into little bands of 150. or 200. thereby to have the more compositions and sums of money at our Low Country Captains hands, some of the which would not let to give largely to obtain Companies, intending after by fleecing and ransoming of their soldiers being men of wealth, to pay themselves again with great interest, which two or three days before the breaking up of the Camp, they very prettily did begin. Howbeit, it seemeth that such great Officers and persuaders, had little regard to the profit of the Prince, nor yet to the reducing of the Army with celerity and dexterity into squadrons and battles, and other forms Military as aforesaid, considering that those small bands of 150. or 200. soldiers to an Ensign, did consist of five different sorts of weapons, viz. Piques, Battle-axes, Mosquets, Harquebusses, and Long Bows, and that therefore every one of them was to be reduced into five divers divisions, which besides the uncomely sight to see so many small compartments in every such little band, it would have required a far longer time upon the daily & ordinary dislodging of an Army reduced into Vanguard, Battle, and Rearward, to have drawn out so great a number of compartments out of such a number of little bands, than out of bands of 500 to have drawn a few great compartments, and to have encorporated and reduced them into any form Military. Now, whereas our such men of war persuaded with the Earl, that the Enemy would judge the greatness of the Army by the greatness of the number of Ensigns, and therefore redoubt the more, & that by the number of such little bands under so many trained Captains, the Army should be so much the more full of men of service, it argueth the insufficiency and lack of judgement of such persuaders. For there is no Enemy skilful in the Art Military, that will judge of the greatness or smallness of an Army in the field, by the great or small number of Ensigns or pieces of Taffeta, but by the frunts and flanks of the squadrons marching, and chiefly by good espials, or by prisoners taken. And as for the dismissing and cassing of the Knights and esquires that were Captains of such honourable Companies, that such Low Country Captains might have supplied their places, upon the dividing of those great bands into hundreds and fifties, or into two hundreds, I think it had been a great deal more meet for the reasons before alleged, that all the whole Army (if it had been far greater than it was) for the defence of the realm, should have been reduced into great bands of five hundreds, under the charge of Knights and esquires, well chosen, and of great worship in their Countries, and that a great part of our such Low Country Captains (〈◊〉 never knew what discipline Military meant, nor yet what it is to command and govern, as it may well appear by their infinite disorders in the Low Countries) should have been distributed, and placed throughout those great bands as Sergeants, or Ensign bearers under such discreet and worshipful Gentlemen, to the intent that they might first learn to obey, before they should have authority to command and govern the Yeomanrie of England.  
Now, whereas I have heard of some of our ancient and most sufficient Captains, that our English milicia of footmen many years past, did consist of bands but of 100 to an Ensign; and that I have likewise heard by divers old and notable Captains Italians, that the Italian milicia also before the Emperor Charles, as also in the beginning of his time, did consist of bands of footmen but of 100 to an Ensign, and that those bands of hundreds did consist every one of them but of one sort of weapon, as amongst the Italians of a hundred Piques, (saving that of that number there were a very few partisans for the guarding of their Ensigns) and of a hundred Harquebuziers: so our bands of hundreds did also consist of 100 Archers, & of 100 Battle-axes, without composing them of divers sorts of weapons, according to the modern use, which certainly (in mine opinion, saving only for the increase of the charges of the Prince) was a very convenient order, considering that every sort of weapon being reduced into bands by themselves, without compartments of divers sorts of weapons in any one band (unless it had been of Battle-axes with Piques, because those two sorts of weapons are to enter into the body of a squadron) would have wrought that the Sergeants Majors, and other Officers of the field, might with great facility and celerity have reduced any mean Army into many forms of battles both to march and fight, as also that they might have been lodged in their quarters with great order and readiness in a Camp, or Camps form.  
Now, whereas our such men of war did persuade with the Earl for the reducing of the great bands of footmen into small companies of one hundred and fifty (as is before declared:) so did they likewise persuade with him to reduce all those small bands into little Regiments of one thousand under every Colonel; 
Their mistaking of small Regiments to be better than great.  by which their persuasions they did very manifestly show that they understood very little, for what causes and reasons Regiments were first instituted, and since amongst many Nations continued: howbeit, I do persuade myself by that which I have heard, partly from their own speeches, partly also from others of very great credit, that in all their proceed in matters of war, they do rather follow the new fashions of the disordered wars of France, and the Low Countries under the States, than any reason and experience Military. For in troth, bands of horsemen and footmen, of which Armies do consist, were at the first reduced into Regiments for divers causes, and chiefly for five.  
The first, that they might be the better & the more orderly governed, and the more ready upon all occasions to be commanded and employed.  
The second, that they might be the better, and the more conveniently lodged in their quarters.  
The third, that they might be the more orderly and readily placed in their watches, bodies of watches, and Sentinels.  
The fourth, that they might for the defence of their Camp be the more readily reduced into divers puissant bodies of squadron by themselves, with sleeves and wings in the places of assembly.  
And the fift, that upon the dislodging of an Army reduced into Vanguard, Battle, and Rearward, divers Regiments might the more orderly and readily incorporate, and reduce themselves into three mighty battles, or more, according to the order and direction of the Lieutenant general, or high Marshal of the field, or else of the Sergeant Maior Maior, by some called the Sergeant Maior general.  
Now, the lanceknights Almains (which is the Nation of Christendom most skilful of all others that ever I saw, to perform these actions and effects before declared, with many other matters Military both for the Camp & field) to the intent to perform all such actions with the more celerity and dexterity, have used of great antiquity to form all their Regiments of footmen of ten Ensigns to every Regiment, and so they did use many years past, when every one of their Regiments did consist of five thousand soldiers, at which time their bands did consist of five hundred to every Ensign. And of later years they reduced their Regiments to be of four thousand, and their bands to be of four hundred to an Ensign. And last of all, their Regiments to be of three thousand, and so their bands to be of three hundred to every Company, which doth at this present continue, unless it be in the public services of the Empire against the common Enemy the Turk, or in their own private services, as is before declared.  
Now, if our such persuaders before mentioned were of so great consideration and judgement, as they would seem to be, they would very well know that great Regiments of five, four, or three thousands that do consist of great bands of five, four, or three hundreds, are a great deal more ready to be commanded and governed, and therewithal to perform all actions Military, with a great deal more celerity and dexterity, than if they were reduced into little Regiments of thousands, & small bands of hundreds and fifties. And that may be with great facility considered by the like comparisons and reasons, which I have before alleged, that great bands of five hundreds, and so consequently by the like reasons of four or three hundreds are more ready to be reduced into form, and employed in all important services with more celerity & dexterity, than small bands of hundreds and fifties, or two hundreds are: Besides all which, by forming of such small Regiments of one thousand, the Prince doth consume a far greater pay, than by forming of great Regiments of five, four, or three thousand, by reason of the great number of officers, which are increased by such great numbers of little Regiments. And for further proof and confirmation of every forementioned particularity, I were able to allege many more reasons, if it were not to avoid prolixity. Howbeit, peradventure it may now be said unto me, that the Tercios of the Spaniards that have served many years in the Low Countries, do consist some of them but of twelve hundred, and others of fifteen hundred, and some of more, and others of fewer, which I confess to be true, but that hath proceeded of this, that they are not entire Tercios, nor never were since they were drawn out of such principalities where they before were resident, as for example: when the Duke of Alba was to come out of Italy with his Army, to suppress the intestine tumults of the Low Countries, the whole Tercios of Sicily, Naples, Sarden●a, and Lombary were not drawn out of those governments, but certain great parts of them, which notwithstanding were called by the names of Tercios, with additions of the names of the governments & principalities from whence they came, as though they had been entire, whereas in troth they were but certain great parts of those Tercios. For a Tercio is not to be holden for complete of any smaller number than of 3000. soldiers, according to the ordinary regiments of Italians, Walloons, and other Nations that are in these days of the like number.  
Calivers and Mosquets for services in the field they extol and magnify, 
Their vain opinions of the effect of Calivers & Mosquets.  and chiefly Mosquets, persuading as much as they can all Magistrates, and men of account, that battles and victories in these our days are to be obtained chiefly by the force and excellency of those weapons; and that the foreign Enemy seeking to invade us in any Haven with a Navy and Army royal, should with four or five thousand Mosquettiers and some Caliuerers, be repulsed and kept from landing. And that certain Sconces by them devised without any Bulwarks, Flankers, Travesses, Mounts, Platforms, wet or dry Ditches in form, with Counterscarps, or any other good form of fortification, but only raised and form with earth, turf, trench, and certain points, angles, and indents, should be able to hold out the Enemy landed some three or four days, until the force of three or four shires were assembled. They also do further attribute such excellency unto Mosquets, that no squadrons of horsemen or footmen, what number soever they have of Archers, are any ways able to abide the volleys and terror of that weapon, being in great numbers within 20. or 24. scores, but that they must of necessity be dismembered and broken. To the weapon of Calivers before mentioned, they also give exceeding commendation for skirmishes and encounters in the field, saying that they may skirmish with that weapon 10. or 12 scores of, to the great terror and hurt of the Enemy. Upon which excellent effects by them attributed to the aforenamed weapons of fire, they have persuaded (as much as doth in them lie) that all our bands of late years erected for the defence of the Realm, should be filled with many Mosquettiers and Caliuerers, and few Piques, and for short weapons being Bills (which I call Battle-axes) they make small account.  
Now, for answer to some of these unsoldierlike opinions, I say, that if any such as do hold that wonderful opinion of the effects of Mosquettiers (how good soldiers soever they think themselves) were at any Haven in England with five or six thousand of the best Mosquettiers that they ever saw of our English nation, without 〈…〉 of horsemen and footmen of other weapons to back them, I think they would work very small effect against the Enemy landing, although they had ensconsed themselves (as they term it) in such Sconces as they and their Engineers form this last summer 1588. upon the Sea coasts of Suffolk, and in Essex and Kent, on both sides of the river of Thames. For if they should see a Navy with an Army of thirty or forty thousand men (besides seamen, and such as should be left for the guard of the ships) under some notable and sufficient General enter into any capable Haven of England, with wind and weather fit for their purpose, with intention to invade (which God forbidden) they should find themselves in their opinions wonderfully deceived. For this they are to know, that such a General being with his whole Navy entered into such a Haven, doth take order before, that proclamation be made throughout all his ships and vessels, that no man upon pain of death being landed, shall straggle or stray abroad, but all soldiers to reduce themselves with all celerity under their Ensigns; which done, a Cannon is discharged out of the generals ship, which is a warning for all Captains, Officers and Soldiers to arm themselves and to take their weapons. And upon the second Cannon discharged, the Captains, and Ensign-bearers with their Ensigns in their hands, with such convenient numbers of Mosquettiers, Harquebuziers, Piquers, and Halbarders, as the long boats, Shallops, Fregatts, Azabres, and other such vessels of oars lying ready at the ships sides are capable of, do enter into them, every long boat having two Bases afore-ship ready charged, and gunner's ready to discharge them. Then upon the third Cannon discharged, all the long boats and vessels of oars for the landing of men, do row with all fury towards the land with a wonderful terrible noise of trumpets & drums. Now, if our such men of war with their Mosquettiers would give their volleys of Mosquet shot upon these shipboates full of men, with intent to destroy great numbers of them being so thick and so many, they shall find that discharging their Mosquet shot from higher grounds downwards into the sea, which by the Italians are called Botti di ficco, accounted of all other dischargings most uncertain, as also by the overmuch distance, and continual motion of the shipboates rowing, and with the swelling of the salt water (how calm soever it be) made more uncertain, they shall shoot very uncertainly, & therefore work very little or no effect to the destroying of their enemies, or any ways to keep them from landing. Besides that, the Enemies out of such their ships as are nearest unto them, will discharge Cannon, Culverin and Saker shot to the terrifying of them; so as their shipboates in despite of their Mosquets coming to land, and they presently sending certain troops of Harquebuziers, with some Halbarders under their conductors, to skirmish and entertain the Mosquettiers, whilst the Piquers and other weapons do reduce themselves into form under their Ensigns, they shall find in the space of three or four hours above twelve or fifteen thousand men landed; who then taking some ground of advantage to fortify, and to place their victual, powder, and all sorts of munitions, they with all speed possible do proceed to the landing of their Artillery and Munitions, with all the rest of their Army both of horsemen and footmen. Which being by them performed, they presently make their approach upon their indented Sconce, not with any crooked or cross trenches, gabions, nor mounts, according to the order of approaching, and battering of places in form fortified, but with other inventions gardable against Mosquet shot (that peradventure our such men of war are ignorant of) as also with Mosquet and arqebus shot, with pikes, and half pikes, swords and targets, and with ladders if it be needful, in such terrible sort, as that great number of our unskilful Mosquettiers and Caliuerers within their Sconce, would be found scarce able to abide the first charge and assault, seeing so puissant an Enemy landed. And I doubt rather when they should see with what terror the Enemies do approach the land, and the small annoyance that they with their Mosquet shot should work upon them, that they would scarce abide the landing of the first boats full of soldiers, without abandoning both Sconce and shore to the Enemy.  
And whereas our such men of war the last summer had many devices in their heads of ensconcing of Sconces for the defence of divers Havens; 
A vain opinion of ensconcing of Sconces in the dry grounds of England.  if they were men of understanding in fortification (as they would seem to be) they might very well know that there is a great difference betwixt the situations and natures of the dry grounds of England, and those of Holland, Frizeland, and other such low and flat Countries full of rivers, great ditches, marshes, and wet grounds, where they may ensconce themselves with small cost within little islands, or upon points & meetings of rivers▪ or elsewhere, by the opening of sluices and dykes, or cutting of banks and trenches, they may environ themselves with water on every side. The best sort of which Sconces being more strong by nature and situation, than by any art or form of fortification, may in those parts resist and hold out a weak or an unskilful Enemy some long while: but such their ensconcing in the dry grounds upon the Havens of England, are to small purpose to hold out a puissant Enemy, if he should land, or any ways to keep him from landing. And therefore I conclude, that such fortifications in England are very scorns and mockeries, and would be rather profitable for the Enemy landed, than any ways to annoy or to resist the Enemy. Besides all which before alleged, it is further to be noted, that a puissant and mighty Enemy that in the time of summer intendeth the invasion of foreign dominions by sea, to the intent to give battle and subdue, doth not always bind himself to land his Army in a Haven, but sometimes upon an open coast and shore, if the sea (without hidden rocks and flatts) be deep, and the wind and weather fair, having commodity by the depth of the sea to approach his Navy, and to cast anchor in open road, near unto a commodious shore & country to land and march upon. So as it behoveth all such Princes, as doubt the invasion of their dominions by sea, not only to expect and provide for the resisting of the Enemy in their Ports and Havens, but also to have as great regard to some such open and commodious shores, as are before mentioned. Which cannot be performed 〈◊〉 with ensconcing of Sconces, 〈…〉, but only with a great and extraordinary wisdom, and with the valiant hands of a puissant Army and Camp form. Now, whereas they attribute such excellency unto Mosquettiers with their Mosquets, that being in great numbers, and backed with some squadrons of Piques, 
An unsoldierlike opinion of the effects of Mosquets for services in the field.  they are able 20 or 24. scores off to break and dismember squadrons both of horsemen and footmen; True it is, that Mosquets being in the hands of skilful Mosquettiers, are of great effect for divers purposes; and that kind of weapon of that length with rests, and so ranforced, was first used in Italy above 60. years passed (as I have divers times heard ancient Captains of the Italian and Spanish Nation say) and that at that time they were employed for the defence of places fortified, as also out of trenches against places fortified being besieged, which were the very natural places and of greatest effect for that weapon; howbeit, since that time they have been used in most Armies in the field both on horseback and on foot, 
Mosquettiers on horseback were used in the Emperor Charles, and Henry the French Kings times, to flank a square of Lances, and to give a volley at another square of Lances their enemies, and they did use to wear half cuirasses, with rests of iron, to pull forward or put backward, to discharge their Mosquets from.  but chiefly on foot, but never in any great number until the Duke of Alba came to govern the Low Countries; who greatly increased the number of that weapon for soldiers on foot. To the which increase of Mosquettiers he long before had persuaded with the Emperor Charles, howbeit he could never bring it to pass, because there were divers great & notable Captains, such as the marquess of Guast, Don Fernando Gonzaga, ivan Baptista Castaldo, Antonio Dorea, and the marquess of Marin●an, with divers other principal men of his council of war, that did utterly mislike the increasement of that weapon for the field, as too burdensome and heavy for soldiers to use in battles or great encounters; but for within towns besieged, or out of trenches against places fortified, they did greatly allow of them: But the Duke at this time being Lieutenant general and absolute Governor in the Low Countries (as aforesaid) seeing the numbers of Rutters in all Armies increased, and that the most of those Rutters, as also that many Captains and Officers of footmen were armed at the proof of the arqebus, he to the intent to frustrate the resistance of their armours, did increase his numbers of Mosquettiers, the blows of the bullets of which, no armours wearable can resist. And this I have heard of divers ancient Captains both Italians and Spaniards, who did rather allow of the opinion of those great Captains, than of the Duke of Albas' so great increasing of that weapon. Since whose time the Duke of Parma after the death of the Commendador and Don ivan d' Austria, being appointed by the King of Spain to be Lieutenant general and governor there, seeing the greatest part of the Low Countries revolted, and lost through Don ivan d' Austria's composition; & that he was therefore to recover city after city, and town after town, because they were all fortified more or less, and that when he had won them, he must keep & defend them with garrisons; for the which two effects of winning & defending of towns & places fortified, that kind of weapon being very excellent, he increased his Mosquettiers to a far greater number (as I have heard) than the Duke of Alba ever had. Howbeit, I know that the Duke of Alba had more cause to use Mosquettiers in services of the field upon divers occasions, than any of his successors governors of those Provinces ever had, by reason of the often invasions of Count Lodowick, the Prince of Orange, and others; and therefore he being (as he was) a great Captain, and of great experience and skill in all discipline and science Military, did use to confer with his Colonels, and Maestros de Campo, and Sergeants Majors of the use of all weapons in their due times and places, and of their distances in every sort, as of very important matters belonging to the Art Military; in such wise as there was not any Captain, Alferez, Sergeant of band, or Cabo de Esquadra, that did not know (both by instruction and practice) the particular operations and effects of all weapons, and chiefly of the Mosquet and arqebus, in which two weapons the Spaniards have been accounted of many years to be most perfect and skilful, in such sort as there were not any Captains or Leaders in his Milicia so ignorant, that would permit their Mosquettiers to give any volleys from their rests, either at horsemen or footmen in march, or any motion, above 8. or 10. scores at the farthest, because they knew (both by instruction and experience) that with that weapon (being for divers causes very uncertain) they should in discharging farther of, have wrought very small or none effect to the annoyance of their Enemies. For although the Mosquet ranforced and well charged with good powder, would carry a full bullet point and blank 24. or 30. scores, 
If Mosquettiers may give effectual volleys 24. scores of (as it is fondly reported) then some number of Archers being chosen, that could with their flights shoot 24. or 20. scores (as there be many that can) may by the same reason give volleys of flights at their enemies 18. scores of, which both the one & the other are mockeries to be thought of, because there is no weapon in the field effectual, further than to a convenient and certain distance.  doth it therefore follow that they should give volleys of Mosquet shot 20. or 24. scores of? whereas in failing to take their just sight at point and blank no more but the length of a corn, their bullets do work as much effect against the Moon, as against the Enemy that they shoot at. Besides that, in so great a distance of ground, how truly soever they take their sights at point and blank, the air doth work very great effect with their bullets that are lower by a bore than the height of their pieces, to carry them from the mark or marks that they are shot at. As also that by proof they may find, that in giving their volleys of Mosquet shot but only twelve scores, at either horsemen or footmen that are in motion, they shall work no great annoyance, by reason that the bullets being so much lower than the height of their pieces (as is aforesaid) do naturally mount and fly uncertainly. Besides that, no Mosquettiers in actions of the field can have the time to charge their pieces and take their sights at point and blank, as they may being within trenches, or from out of Bulwarks, Curtains, and Rampires in places fortified; where, with great leisure they may charge their pieces with full bullets and charges, and shoot from very certain rests, as it were de man puesto (as the Spaniards call it.) By which reasons and experiences of the use of that weapon in the field, the lack of experience and judgement in our such men of war, that talk of 24. or 20. scores like novices and Visonos, may very evidently appear and give occasion to any such as have seen the true effects thereof, to think that they never saw any important matter performed with that kind of weapon in the field.  
Now, whereas they give so great commendation to the Caliver, that with that kind of weapon soldiers may give volleys of shot in the plain fields 10. or 12. scores off, to the great annoyance both of horsemen and footmen; To that I answer, that it is a very unsoldierlike opinion, and contrary to all experience and use of old soldiers, and chiefly of the old bands of Italians, Spaniards, & Walloons, who by long experience do better know what effects both Harquebusses and Mosquets of all heighthes do work, than they do. And because that by continual experience they know the wonderful uncertainty of those kinds of weapons in the field, they will never skirmish, nor otherwise give any volley above 10.20.30. or 40. paces off at the farthest, although it be at a whole squadron or troop of horsemen or footmen: saving that true it is, that the old soldiers Harquebuziers Spaniards, seeing their enemies in the field some 8.9. or 10. scores off, by the commandment of their officers do sometimes give a very few shot at their enemies, with no other intent but to abuse and procure them to give their volleys with all fury, that thereby they may spend their powder and bullets, heat their pieces, and work no effect, whereby they still keeping the force of their shot, may after give their whole volleys at their enemies, approaching within 10.15. or 20. paces; and for that effect the Spaniards do use this phrase; 
This phrase may be interpreted, discharge a far of, to draw on, and deceive dotterels.  disparese de lexos, para atraher, y engannar bobos, which our such men of war may truly confess, if ever they saw, and encountered with any puissant numbers of those Nations in the field.  
Now, because they do so much mistake the effects of those two weapons of fire, the Mosquet and Caliver, attributing such excellency unto them for the field, as is not to be performed with them, thereby to bring our Magistrates, and the better sort of our people & Nation into misliking of our ancient weapon the Long Bow, wishing the utter extinguishing of that kind of weapon as unprofitable and of none effect for the wars of these our days, I will set down the perfections and imperfections both of the Mosquet, Caliver and the Long Bow, attributing unto each one of them the true effects, that by common experience and reason have been, and may be wrought with every sort of them in the field, that by comparing the perfections, imperfections, and effects of the soldiers, and their weapons of fire, with the perfections, imperfections, and effects of the Archers & their Bows, all men of consideration and judgement (be they soldiers or men of peace) may judge which of those three sorts of weapons are of greatest effect for battles and great encounters, and other actions in the field, and not in places fortified.  
And therefore beginning with Harquebusses, by many miscalled Calivers: which Harquebusses if they be well ranforced, and the Cannons of them not above a yard in length, and the bore & bullets not too great, with stocks of good form, I think them to be very maniable weapons, for such soldiers as are well practised, 
The proper times and places for Harquebuziers.  & do know how to use them, & do work most effect in woods, and whereas vines or shrubs do grow, & from behind old ruined walls, as also whereas there be trenches, deep ways, banks, hills, rocks, or hedges, or any other covert, where they may lie close, and find any thing to serve them for rests to discharge their pieces from, and so upon the sudden giving volley after volley are of great service, & chief for ambushes, being fair weather over head. And also in the plain fields two or three ranks of them being placed almost close to the front of a squadron of pikes, and likewise upon the flanks and back of the same squadron, are of good effect to give their volleys at a squadron, or divers squadrons of Lances charging the pikes; and that they must perform altogether upon their right knees from under the pikes, which must guard them against the charge of the Lances. But they must take heed that they do not give their volley at the horsemen till they come within eight, ten, or twelve 〈◊〉 and not eight, ten, or twelve scores, as our such men of war do fond talk and teach; and in that sort they may work very good effect, if their pieces be charged as they ought to be. If two squadrons of Piquers also should come to join and charge the one the other, certain numbers of Harquebuziers being reduced into sleeves. wings, and troops, upon the flanks and corners of a squadron, are of good effect, giving their volleys not too far off, so long as there are no horsemen in the field to break them.  
Harquebuziers also being reduced into wings, and little squares and troops in the field, advanced and retired with some societies, or Cameradas of lose shot are of good effect for skirmishes against the like weapons, and against Mosquettiers, so that they be backed with Piques, Halberds, or Battle-axes, and that in that kind of action, they do not discharge their pieces above thirty, forty, or fifty yards, or three score at the most, and that with great order and discretion. And these are the chief effects of that kind of weapon.  
Now, as for Mosquettiers with their long ranforced and heavy pieces of great munition and bullet, they do work very good effect in the like places and seasons, saving that they are not to be employed as lose shot in skirmishes: howbeit, the very proper and apt places for Mosquettiers in the field, is to be reduced into sleeves, wings, broad squares or troops, to flank a 〈…〉 of armed men, or to defend a strait. 
The most apt and proper places for Mosquettiers to work good effect.  For those kind of soldiers having their Mosquets long, ranforced, and of great munition and bullet, clapping their pieces upon their forks, may shoot with some certainty from of those rests, to the annoyance and mischief of well armed men, be they on horseback or on foot: howbeit, for the skirmish they work little effect, by reason that the soldiers being in continual motions, and troubled with heavy pieces of great length, as also with their forks hanging upon their fingers, cannot use their Mosquets with so much readiness and dexterity, as the Harquebuziers their Harquebusses; being a great deal more light and short, and without forks. And to use their pieces without rests (as some of our such men of war do permit them, when they come new to the field lusty and strong) is contrary to the use of that weapon, because they perform no effect against the Enemy, by reason they are not able (how strong soever they be) to bear their Mosquets with their left arms at any point and blank, being in continual motions; besides that, it is the next way to make them lame in their arms, shoulders, and backs. Two ranks of Mosquettiers also being reduced before the front of a squadron of pikes, kneeling upon their knees, and encovered with pikes, and using their Mosquets as skilful soldiers should do, may work the like effect, or better against a squadron of Lances charging, than three ranks of Harquebuziers can do. But they must take heed that they give not their volley of shot at the Lances any greater distance off, than fifteen or twenty yards, because they may shoot the more certainly, and not fail to light either upon the horses or men. And now having declared the chief effects of both those sorts of weapons, I will proceed to the imperfections and common accidents of them both, as also of the better sort of such soldiers as do handle and use those weapons, of what Nation soever they be.  
All Harquebuziers in skirmishes, or great encounters, or being reduced into any form, do commonly discharge their pieces without taking any certain sight at point and blank, and out of their point and blank they do neither kill nor hurt, 〈…〉 If Harquebuziers also or Mosquettiers in taking their sights, do fail but the length of a wheat corn in the height of their point and blank, 
The imperfections and uncertainties of the arqebus and Mosquet.  they work no●● effect at the marks that they shoot at, although they be very great; and in case they do take their sights at just point & blank, yet by reason that their bullets are lower by 〈◊〉 boars than the height of their pieces, the said bullets do naturally mount, and fly uncertainly and wide from the mark or marks that they are shot at, and the further in distance the more they fail. The arqebus & Mosquet also being discharged but seven or eight shoots in haste, do grow hot, and then do work small effect, but danger to the soldiers that do occupy them.  
If the powder also with the which they are charged be not well corned, and with sufficient quantity of saltpetre, and kept very dry, it furreth the pieces, and carrieth the bullet's point and blank but a little way, and many times go not off at all. The match also if it be not of very good substance, well wrought, and very well twisted, and kept very dry, whereby the coal of the same may be hard and good, it giveth no fire to the touchpowder; besides that, if the touchpowder be not dry it taketh no fire, how good soever the coal of the match be. The Harquebuziers and Mosquettiers also, charging their pieces in any actions of the field, if in moving or traversing their grounds, they do not look well to the keeping up of the mouths of their pieces, but that by any chance the ends of them do go any thing downward, the bullets that are smaller by 〈◊〉 boar than the height of the cannons of their pieces, do fall to the ground; whereupon it happeneth, that many Harquebuziers and Mosquettiers thrusting nothing after their bullets to keep them close to the powder, do in vain discharge the powder without the bullets. Also if arquebusiers or musketeers do not continually keep their pieces clean without moisture or rust, and also take great heed that they do not overcharge them, they either put their pieces in hazard of breaking, or else themselves to be overthrown with the recoiling of them. Or if Harquebuziers or Mosquettiers in charging their pieces, do not charge them with convenient and full charges, and chiefly the Harquebuziers, and that the powder be very good and dry, as also that they do with their scouring sticks thrust either paper or felt, or something else between the powder and the bullets, or at the least after the bullets, whereby the whole charges of powder being restrained may take fire, and give the more force to the bullets likewise restrained, they perform but small effect; for such Harquebuziers and Mosquettiers, as charging their pieces in actions of the field, do not use to put any thing between the powder and the bullets, nor yet after the bullets to keep the powder and bullets firm and close together, do discharge much of the powder whole out of the mouths of their pieces unfired, unless the powder be marvelous dry and good; for bullets for the field being smaller and lower (as is aforesaid) than the heights of the pieces by 〈…〉 bore, the first powder within the Cannons next unto the touch hole taking fire, doth drive out the bullets, with the powder next unto the bullets unfired, because that both the powder and bullets do lie lose unrestrained, by means whereof the bullets do neither work that effect in their distances of point and blank, that otherwise they would do, nor yet in the force of their blows. Besides all which defaults & defects, neither the arqebus nor the Mosquet in wet weather in the field do work any effect. All which so many imperfections of Harquebuziers and Mosquettiers (as are before declared, with many others that I omit) are the causes that upon many great skirmishes and encounters that have been very hot, and continued many hours, with new supplies on every side, it hath often happened, that in discharging on both sides many thousands of bullets within three, four, or five scores, and nearer, there hath not been on both sides slain and hurt with bullets thirty men, 
Very few hurt in skirmishes with arqebus shot in the field.  which greatly argueth the insufficiency of those kinds of weapons for battles and great encounters. So as it is to be noted, that such of our men of war as do give so singular commendations and praises to the effects of Harquebuziers and Mosquettiers, as also to those weapons, and do not know all their imperfections and failings before declared, with many more, do show that they have had very little experience of those weapons in the field, nor yet that they themselves do know how to handle and use them, and therefore do talk like novices they wots not what. 
Another great insufficiency of Harquebuziers and Mosquettiers in the field.  Moreover, concerning the insufficiency of those weapons of fire, it is farther to be noted, that if there be any number of horsemen either Lances or Stradiotts in the field, where Mosquettiers or Harquebuziers are in action, and that they have no horsemen on their side to answer them, that it doth then behove the shot with all celerity to reduce themselves under the guard of their squadrons of pikes, or if the number of them be so great that the squadrons of pikes cannot encover them, the overplus must retire themselves to some such grounds of advantages, as the horsemen may not be able to come to charge them: for in case they should abide in the plain field, not encovered with pikes, nor guarded with any ground of advantage, 
Mosquettiers and Harquebuziers not able to abide the charge of Lances nor Stradiotts.  a thousand brave Lances or Stradiotts, were able to break three thousand of the best Mosquettiers, or Harquebuziers of any Nation. And now to the perfections and imperfections of our ancient weapon the Long Bow, comparing the different effects and advantages of that weapon, with the aforenamed weapons of fire.  

The imperfections of the Long Bow.  The imperfections of the Long bow, do consist only in the breaking of the Bow or bowstring, for the which in times past (when there was great account made of Archery) there was special care had, that all Liveray, or war Bowes being of the wood of Yewgh, were longer than now they use them, and so very well backed and nocked, that they seldom or never broke: Besides that, the Archers did use to temper with fire a convenient quantity of wax, rosin, and fine tallow together, in such sort that rubbing their Bows with a very little thereof laid upon a woollen cloth, it did conserve them in all perfection against all weather of heat, frost, and wet; and the strings being made of very good hemp, with a kind of waterglewe to resist wet and moisture; and the same strings being by the Archers themselves with fine thread well whipped, did also very seldom break; but if any such strings in time of service did happen to break, the soldiers Archers had always in readiness a couple of strings more ready whipped, and fitted to their Bows, to clap on in an instant. And this I have heard of divers Yeomen, that have served as soldiers Archers in the field.  
And now having before in this discourse declared all the greatest and most perfect effects of Harquebuziers and Mosquettiers for services in the field, and but a part of the imperfections of them, and their weapons of fire; because there are many more, which for brevities sake I have omitted, and that I have last of all declared that the imperfections of the Bow do consist only in the breaking of the Bow and bowstring; because that Archers, if they be well chosen, and sound of limbs, their weapons do not permit any such accidental imperfections and failings in them, as the forenamed weapons of fire do in the soldiers that do handle and use them; which hath already appeared, and shall after in this discourse be made more manifest. I will now therefore proceed to the consideration and examining of three most important things, 
Archers do far exceed and excel all Mosquettiers and Harquebuziers in three most principal effects.  in the which all effects of Mosquettiers, Harquebuziers and Archers, and their weapons do consist; and that is, whether Mosquettiers or Harquebuziers with their weapons of fire, or Archers with their Bows and sheaves of arrows, upon all occasions in the field, be most ready with all dexterity and celerity to execute the effects of their weapons, by discharging and giving volleys at their Enemies. The second is, whether the Archers with their weapons, or the other soldiers with their weapons of fire, do fail lest to shoot, discharge, and give their volleys. And the third is, whether by reason and common experience the bullets of weapons of fire in the field, or the arrows of Archers do annoy the Enemies most, be they horsemen or footmen.  
To the first I think, that there is no man of any experience in the aforenamed weapons, that will deny, but that Archers are able to discharge four or five arrows apiece, before the Harquebuziers shall be ready to discharge one bullet; I mean the Harquebuziers beginning to charge when the Archers do begin to take their arrows to shoot. The reason is this, because good Harquebuziers are first to charge their pieces with powder by one of three ways: the first (which is best) is out of the mouths and charges of their flasks: the second is by certain charges filled with powder, which Harquebuziers do wear, or carry divers ways: and the third is by cartages, with the which they do charge their pieces both with powder and bullet all at one time, and yet by which of all these ways soever, or any other they do charge them, they must (if they be good Harquebuziers) use with their scouring sticks to thrust a quantity of paper or felt, or something else both before, but chiefly after their bullets, to keep them close to the powder; to the intent that their bullets upon no accidents may fall out, or at least lie lose unrestrained from the powder, as also that their pieces may carry the further point and blank, and their bullets give the greater blows; which done, they must presently put touchpowder into their pans, and their matches into their cocks or serpentines; all which to perform requireth a good time. Whereas the Archers in the field continually having their Bows bend, have no more to do but to draw their arrows out of their cases and sheaves, to nock them in their Bows, to draw them to the heads and shoot; all which is performed almost in an instant. Now to the second; Archers have no accidents nor impediments to hinder them from the performance and execution of their dischargings and volleys, whereby they should any ways fail to discharge the same, unless their Bows or bowstrings should break: whereas Harquebuziers have not only the same let, in case their pieces by overcharging, or overheating, or cracks, or rifts, do break, but also if that through the negligence of the Harquebuziers, the powder with the which they charge their pieces, by any accident have received any wet, or moisture, or that through the lack of the closeness of their flasks, the air of some moist weather hath penetrated and entered into the flasks, and caused the powder to give and dank, by means whereof the Harquebuziers giving fire with their matches 〈◊〉 serpentines to the touchpowder, oftentimes their pieces do not discharge, or sometimes lieth sissing in the touchhole or piece, until the Harquebuziers have lost their point and blank, and then peradventure in vain do go off. The touchpowder in the touchboxes also, if either by the negligence of the Harquebuziers (as aforesaid) or by the fault of the touchboxes, through the moistness of the weather, the powder hath given, and become dank, then oftentimes the powder will take no fire; whereby the Harquebuziers do not only fail of their dischargeing, but also become unprofitable, till they have dried or changed the same. Harquebuziers and Mosquettiers also in pouring touchpowder into their pans, the wind (if it be great) will blow and disperse the same, in such sort, that they shall very often fail to discharge their pieces; and so likewise if Harquebuziers in putting their matches into their serpentines do fail to set them of a convenient length, that thereby they may strike just in the powder and pans, but that they do set the same too long, whereby the matches, if they be any thing too lieth, do hang downward, and with the coming down and stroke of the cocks they fall double and short of the pans and powder; or if the same matches by any accident have received outwardly any wet or moisture, than the coals do burn inward, leaving a beard outward, so as thereby although the ends thereof do light in the midst of the pans and powder, yet the same do give no fire to the towchpowder. By all which aforesaid means and accidents, with divers others both Mosquettiers and Harquebuziers, do fail to discharge their pieces: of all which imperfections and other accidents, Archers with their Bows are void. So as by all reason and experience, it is most manifest that Archers are four times more ready to give their volleys of arrows, than Harquebuziers, or Mosquettiers their volleys of bullets. Besides all which unreadynesses, and failings before mentioned, if in the time of any battle, great encounter, or skirmish, the weather doth happen to rain, hail, or snow, the aforenamed weapons of fire can work no effect, because the same doth not only wet the powder in their pans and touch holes, but also doth wet the match, put out, or at least damp the fire, and doth mar the powder in their flasks and towchboxes; unless the soldiers have very good provision, and besides; be wonderful careful with their saltenbergs or mandilions to encover and preserve the same. Whereas contrariwise, neither hail, rain, nor snow, can let or hinder the Archers from shooting, and working great effects with their arrows. All which argueth & proveth a singular advantage and excellency of Archers and their weapons, above all Harquebuziers and Mosquettiers with their weapons of fire. Now, peradventure some not skilled in the perfections and imperfections of Harquebuziers and Mosquettiers, will say that they have seen the soldiers of those weapons of fire, charge and discharge with a great deal more celerity than I have before mentioned; whereunto I answer, that although it be very commendable for all Harquebuziers and Mosquettiers to know how to charge and discharge apace, with all other particularities belonging to weapons of fire, yet such Harquebuziers or Mosquettiers as do use to charge & discharge so fast, are the worst of all others. For by often experience, such soldiers for haste do commonly charge their pieces with uncertain charges of powder, & do neither use with their scouring sticks to thrust paper nor any thing else betwixt their powder & bullets, nor yet after their bullets to restrain & keep close the same, whereby their dischargings against the enemy might be the more effectual: besides that, in their dischargeing, they take no kind of sight at point & blank, nor yet at the ends of their pieces, but do discharge at a venture; whereby it cometh to pass, that such quick and hasty Harquebuziers, do work no other effect but spend powder, match & shot, and heat their pieces oftentimes to their own mischiefs; and therefore (in troth) are more meet to scar Crows in a corn field (unless they reform themselves) than with any weapons of fire to be employed against the Enemy.  
And now to the third, and last; which is, whether by reason and common experience, the bullets of weapons of fire in the field, or the arrows of Archers do annoy the Enemies most, be they horsemen or footmen. I think it superfluous again to reiterate, and set down the different advantages and chief effects of Harquebuziers, Mosquettiers, and Archers; because I have already made them so manifest, as also that the Reader hereafter shall see in many parts of this discourse divers reasons, & many notable examples and experiences, that Archers in the field do far exceed and excel all Mosquettiers and Harquebuziers in terrifying, wounding, and killing both horses and men. And therefore will only in this place answer one objection, which I have divers times heard alleged in commendation of the effects of weapons of fire, and the dishabling of the effects of Archers, and that is; there are many that have reported that the blows of the bullets of Mosquets and Harquebuziers, are no less than death to such as they light upon; whereas contrariwise the blows of arrows do but only gall, or lightly wound: which in troth is greatly mistaken by all such as do hold that opinion. For that by common experience it hath been seen in all skirmishes and great encounters, that for every one that hath been slain dead in the field by the shot of Mosquer or arqebus, there have been four that have not died by the hurts of such weapons of fire, although some of them have remained ever after maimed, and some not. Whereas by true experience, Archers with their arrows do not only greatly wound, but also sometimes kill both horses and men, in such sort as they never departed out of the field alive, as it shall hereafter appear by divers ancient as also modern examples. Besides that, I, and divers other Gentlemen of our Nation yet living, that were in France in King Edward the sixt's time, and also divers times since, have many times heard French Captains and Gentlemen, attribute all the former victories of the English against themselves & their ancestors the French, more to the effect of our Archers, than to any extraordinary valiancy of our Nation; and therewithal further report and say, that they did think that the English Archers did use to poison their arrow heads; 
A wrong opinion conceived by the French Captains and Gentlemen of our English Archers.  because that of great numbers of the French Nation that many times had been wounded or hurt with arrows, very few had escaped with their lives; by reason that their wounds did so impostume, that they could not be cured. In which their conceits they did greatly err; because in troth those impostumations proceeded of nothing else but of the very rust of the arrow heads that remained rankling within their wounds; and therefore by the common experience of our ancient Enemies, (that we have so often vanquished) not only the great, but also the small wounds of our arrows have been always found to be more dangerous and hard to be cured, than the fire of any shot unpoysoned.  
Besides all which, it is to be noted, that horses in the field being wounded, or but lightly hurt with arrows, they through the great pain that upon every motion they do feel in their flesh, veins, and sinews by the shaking of the Arrows with their barbed heads hanging in them, do presently fall a jerking, flinging and leaping as if they were mad, in such sort, as be it in squardron, or in troop they do disorder one an other, and never leave until they have thrown, and cast their masters. Whereas contrariwise, horses that are in their vital parts hurt with bullets, or that the bones of their legs, shoulders, or backs be broken, they do presently fall down, or otherwise, although they be stricken clean through, or that the bullets do still remain in them, they after the first shrink at the entering of the bullet do pass their Career, as though they had very little or no hurt: And this of the hurting of horses with bullets, both I myself, and all others do know, that have seen any actions performed in the field. And the other of the great disordering of horses with the hurts of our English arrows I have read in divers histories, and also heard reported by divers Gentlemen of our nation that have seen the same. But now because I have divers times heard many vain objections objected by some of our Captains of the Low Countries against Archers, to the disgrace, and dishabling of them, and their weapons in comparison of Mosquettiers and Harquebuziers and their weapons of fire: I will (with the help of almighty God) answer as many of them as shall fall into my memory; and therefore will begin with one of their little fancies that they do allege against the Longbow, and so proceed to their greater, and greatest objections.  
Among many other their fancies they do allege, that the Archers bows, being by them used against the Enemy in the heat of summer, 
An objection against Bows contrary to all experience.  will grow so weak, that thereby they will lose their force and effects. Whereunto I answer, that this objection is a new fancy, and a very dream contrary to all ancient and modern experience of English Archers, whose Bows being made of that excellent wood of Yewgh, do never so decay in strength, neither by hot nor wet weather, nor yet by often shooting in them, but that they will with arrows wound, and sometimes kill both men & horses a greater distance off, than the shot and bullets of Harquebuziers and Caliver 〈…〉 employed and used in the open fields, by skilful conductors and Leaders; by reason of the wonderful failings and uncertainties of those and all other weapons of fire maniable: divers of the particularities whereof: I have before in this discourse made manifest.  
Also they do further allege, 
Another vain objection contrary to all experience and use military.  that upon an invasion of foreign dominions beyond the seas, the weapons, and furniture of Archers, as of Bows, sheaves of arrows and bowstrings, can not be found and provided where Archery is not used; whereas contrariwise, all kinds of munition belonging to the weapons of fire, are easy to be found and provided in all foreign dominions. Which is as much, as if they should say, that if an Army of five and twenty, or thirty thousand of our English nation under some sufficient General were sent to invade France, and disembarking in Normandy, and winning Newhaven and Rouen, should strait march to Paris: (which is no more than divers Kings of England and their Generals have done) where after some encounters and skirmishes the Army coming to lack powder and shot, they should with facility for money provide the same in the heart of the Enemy's Country, where all the Towns in which that provision is to be had are fortified, which is a very mockery and dream to be thought on. But some of our such men of war peradventure will further allege, that they might have the same provision by the way of convoy, either from Newhaven or Rouen, in case they were possessed of those Towns: whereunto it is to be answered, that first the convoy had need to be very strong; besides that, there is no man of any consideration and judgement, but that doth very well know, that Mosquets, Harquebusses, powder, match and lead, are as heavy, and a great deal more heavy to be carried, than Bows, sheaves of arrows and bowstrings are. Besides that, by such their ignorant objections, they do evidently show that they have not read, nor heard, or else for lack of reason not believed, the proceed of the notable Kings of England in their invasions of France, and other Dominions; for if they had, they would not then doubt, but that a King of England, or his Lieutenant general invading foreign dominions, would upon such an enterprise carry all sorts of munition, belonging to Archers, to serve them for many battles and great encounters, as well as King Edward the third, and Henry the fift, and their Lieutenant's general did, whose Armies did sometimes consist of nine, or ten thousand all Archers, and not above four or five thousand armed men on horseback and on foot; which Princes, and their Lieutenants did never omit (according to their milicia) to carry great plenty of sheaves of Arrows, Bows, and all other things requisite aswell for their Archers, as for their armed men, 
By this objection they discover that they never saw any Army royal march in the field.  and all other effects. Besides that, by that their simple and fond objection, they do discover that they have very seldom or never seen an Army royal march in the field; for if they had, they then would very well know, that there is no puissant Army form either to invade or defend, that doth consist of a well ordered milicia, that doth not in the public carriages of the Camp, ordinarily carry all kinds of munitions of weapons and armours offensive and defensive, with all other munitions and necessaries requisite for all purposes, for the public employments and use of Camp, Town, and field.  
Now, whereas some of our aforesaid men of war do further allege, rather upon fancy than upon any souldiourlyke reasons and experience, many vain and frivolous objections, partly against the Bows (as aforesaid) but chiefly against the Archers that do use them, 
An objection that they object against Archers.  how good soever they be, saying that Archers when they have lain some long time in Camp in the field, will become so decayed in strength either by sickness, or otherwise, that they will not be able to draw their Bows, and work that effect that Archers should do; whereas contrariwise, Mosquettiers and Harquebuziers will give as great blows with their bullets out of their pieces being decayed in strength by long lying in Camp, or sickness, as if they were whole. Thereunto I answer, that true it is, that the small love that such men of war as they are, have borne to their soldiers in the Low Countries, allowing them nothing but provand, and lodging them in Churches, upon the bare stones and pavements, aswell in winter as in summer, with many other their abuses and disorders, contrary to all discipline military, have made most of their soldiers unfit and unable to use any sort of weapons, as soldiers should do in the field: howbeit in favour of Archers, to convince their simple and ignorant opinions, 
Harquebuziers decayed in strength, or having cricks, or aches, not able to use their Harquebusses.  I say, that if Harquebuziers happen to be decayed in strength by sickness, or that by long lying in Camp in the field, they shall hap to have any ache, or aches in their necks, shoulders, arms, backs, thighs, legs, or feet, although that they be otherwise heart whole enough, shallbe as little, or rather less able in services in the field to perform the effect of Harquebuziers, than Archers the effect of Archers; for Harquebuziers in such services must be lieth in all their joints and sinews, that they may stoop to their pieces, & traverse their grounds, now retiring having discharged, giving place to their fellows, and then advancing again, giving their fellows retiring time again to charge, with such agility, and dexterity, that they may be ready upon every opportunity, to stoop, and take every little advantage of hillocks, banks, vines, trenches, shrubs, or any such like; besides that, they must have their arms and shoulders very sound to carry their pieces firm in their dischargings at the Enemy, as also to use their scouring sticks, and charge again; which effects they are no ways able to perform if they be grown weak by lying in the field, or if they have aches, or cricks in any part of their limbs, as aforesaid.  
Mosquettiers also, it doth behove to be strong and puissant of body without sickness, aches, or other impediments, and every way sound of wind and limb: for if they be decayed in strength of body by lying in the field, 
Mosquettiers must be sound of body, or else they are not able to use their Mosquets.  or that they have any impediments of cricks, or aches in their necks, shoulders, arms, backs, thighs, or legs, it is not possible that they should be able to use their Mosquets in the field to the annoyance of their Enemies, their pieces being so wonderful heavy, and they troubled with the carrying and use of their rests, and laden with their other ordinary and heavy furniture, if they be any ways decayed, as aforesaid, and therefore are become unprofitable for services in the field: whereas Archers that are not troubled with so heavy weapons and furniture as the Mosquettiers, nor bound by the effects of their weapons to any such nimbleness, 
Archers although with some aches are able to work the effect of Archers.  stoupings and agilities, as Harquebuziers are, may very well draw their Bows, if they be sound without aches from the girdle upward, what aches soever they have from that part downward, so long as they are able to march as fast as armed men Piquers, because that according to the ancient and true use of that weapon, they are to be used rather for battles and great encounters, than for light skirmishes.  
Armed men also Piquers and Halbarders, 
Armed men must be sound and strong, and without aches  will be very unable to march in the field armed, & with their weapons, if they be decayed in strength of body by long lying in the Camp, or by sickness, or that they have any aches, or cricks in their limbs, besides that, upon such diseases they will be a great deal less able to encounter with their enemies in the field upon any occasion of battle or great encounter, and to use their pikes and other weapons, as armed men should do in such actions. All which rightly considered, their unconsiderate speeches, and enabling of Mosquettiers. & Harquebuziers, and disabling of Archers upon the accidents and occasions aforesaid, doth argue their insufficiencies in matters military; because such as pretend to be men of war, or old soldiers, should not speak rashly, 
Old soldiers should speak with consideration, & judgement.  and (as the Frenchman saith) a la volee, but with consideration, reason and judgement; for otherwise, how long soever they have served in wars, it may be rightly deemed that they have spent their times, & employed themselves more to some other base and vile occupations, than to the consideration & exercises of matters Military. Moreover, they object against Archers, 
An objection against Archers answered.  that men in this age are not so mighty and strong of body, as they have been in former ages, and therefore cannot shoot so strong, and work so good effects with their arrows, as their forefathers have done in times past; which is as frivolous an objection as all the rest: and the reason is this, that they may see by experience, (if they list) throughout England, as also amongst other Nations, as many sons, as tall or taller than their fathers, or bigger and stronger, as they shall see lower, slenderer, and weaker. Now, peradventure with more troth some may say, that the subjects of England within these thirty or forty years, have not had so much exercise in Archery, as their forefathers in times past were wont to have, whereby it cometh to pass, that Archers in number are greatly decayed, which I confess to be very true: howbeit, that hath chiefly proceeded through the great fault and negligence of sorts of Magistrates, who having excellent statute and penal laws established in other king's times for the increase and maintenance of Archery, and that boys from their young years should be taught the exercise and use of the Bow, that being come to man's state, they might be the better able to serve their Prince and Country with that kind of weapon, have so neglected, or rather contemned the due performance & execution of those laws, that a great deal more through their own fault, than through the fault of the people, it is now come to pass, that the Realm hath so few good Archers: which their negligence, or contempt, whether it hath proceeded of that they have been carried into the fancies of liking the aforesaid weapons of fire, because they fill men's ears and eyes with such terrible fire, smoke and noise, or else that they have been persuaded thereunto by some old newfangled men of war, that do neither understand the true effects of Mosquetterie, Harquebuzerie, nor Archery, I wots not. But this I know, that if that weapon hereafter shall come to be forgotten and extinguished, through the negligence and lack of good execution of such good laws, that whereas in times past we were wont to give battle, and fight with our Enemies with a weapon so terrible unto them, that they never had any use or skill of, but only to their mischief, and therefore of great advantage for us, and wherein our people and Nation of a singular gift of God, & as it were by a natural inclination with good execution of laws, came to be so perfect & excellent, without any public cost & charges either to King or Realm, we shall then upon any occasion of war offensive or defensive, be driven to fight with them with their own weapons, to our great disadvantage, that is, with the arqebus and Mosquet, in the which they had and have continual practice and exercise, 
A great disadvantage for the English against foreign Nations.  by reason that they are in the continent, where every kingdom and state doth join one to another without any partition of sea, and therefore driven to keep continual garrisons and exercises of war, whereas we contrariwise living in long peace without any such exercises Military, upon the occasion of a war (as aforesaid) must levy and enrol new soldiers, and go about to train and exercise them with those weapons that they never handled before, when we should go to fight and give battle to the Enemy's Army, that is, of old soldiers of long time trained and exercised in those weapons.  

The excellency of the Long Bow for battles & great encounters.  Now, these weapons the Long Bows (which our such men of war have so much condemned) being in the hands of such soldiers Archers as can well use them, are weapons of singular advantage and effect for battles and great encounters, both against horsemen and footmen, and chiefly being so evil armed, as all Nations in these our days both on horseback and on foot are, because that the Bow is a weapon wonderful ready in all seasons, both of fair & foul weather (which Mosquets and Harquebusses are not) and doth wound, gall and kill both horses and men, if the arrows do light upon any disarmed parts of them; besides that, the Archers being good, they do direct their arrows in the shooting of them out of their Bows with a great deal more certainty, being within eight, nine, ten, or eleven scores, than any Harquebuziers or Mosquettiers (how good soever they be) can do in a much nearer distance, by reason that Mosquettiers & Harquebuziers failing in their points and blank, do neither kill nor hurt (unless it happen as the blind man shooting at the Crow;) besides that, in their points and blank, through the imperfections before declared, they do very seldom hit, whereas contrariwise the arrows do not only wound, 
Differences specially to be noted.  and sometimes kill in their points and blank, but also in their descents & fall; for if in their descents they light not upon the Enemy's faces, yet in their lower descents they light either upon their breasts, bellies, codpieces, thighs, knees or legs, and in their lowest descent, and fall even to the very nailing of their feet to the ground, which with the terrible coming of the arrows in the eyes and sight both of horsemen & footmen, causeth in them a wonderful fear & terror. Whereas contrariwise, Harquebuziers and Mosquettiers with their weapons of fire do no ways terrify neither horses, nor men that are but four, or five times used to their cracks, smoke and noise, unless by great chance they happen to be stricken with bullets; and the reason is this, that the bullets being discharged are invisible, 
Both horses and men that are used to arqebus and mosquet shot, are not afraid thereof.  and therefore do no ways terrify the sight; whereof it cometh to pass that when horses and men that have been in three or four skirmishes do see that they receive no hurt neither by the fire, smoke, nor noise, nor that in many thousands of arqebus and Mosquet shot, there are not twenty men slain nor hurt, they grow after to be far less in doubt of those weapons of fire, than of Piques, Halberds, 
The vollees & sight of arrows flying in the air, do wonderfully terrify.  Lances & swords: Howbeit the volleys of Archers arrows flying together in the air as thick as hail do not only terrify and amaze in most terrible sort the ears, eyes and hearts both of horses and men with the noise and sight of their coming, but they also in their descents do not leave in a whole squadron of horsemen, nor footmen (although they be in motion) somuch as one man nor horse, unstriken and wounded with divers arrows, if the number of the Archers be answerable to the number of the squadron. And therefore for the experience that both I and many others, both Noblemen, Gentlemen and great Captains of many nations, that I have served amongst, have had of the small effect of weapons of fire in the field, with the reasons and differences before alleged; for my part I will never doubt to adventure my life, or many lives (if I had them) amongst eight thousand Archers complete, 
The opinion of the author of the great effects and advantages of Archers.  well chosen and appointed, and there withal provided & furnished with great store of sheaves of arrows, as also with a good overplus of Bows and Bowstrings, against twenty thousand of the best Harquebuziers and Mosquettiers, that are in Christendom. For this I know (as it is before declared) that Harquebuziers, if they be led by skilful conductors, are not to give any volleys of shot above three, or four scores 〈…〉, nor Mosquettiers any volleys of bullets above eight, ten or twelve scores, at any squadrons of horsemen or footmen in motion; and yet that too far, unless their leaders do think rather to terrify their Enemies with smoke and noise, than with any hurt of the bullets. Whereas Archers reduced into their convenient forms, being in so great numbers (as aforesaid) do dim the light of the sun, darken the air and cover the earth with their volleys of arrows, eight, nine, ten and eleven scores distant from them; in such sort, as no numbers of Mosquettiers, Harquebuziers, or Argolettiers, nor yet squadrons of Lances nor of footmen, 
Horsemen and footmen ill armed in these days.  being so ill armed as in these days they are, shallbe found able to abide the incredible terror of the shot of such infinite numbers of arrows. For there is no doubt but that Archers with their volleys of arrows, will wound, kill, or hurt above an hundred men and horses, for every one that shallbe slain or hurt, by the volleys of so great numbers of Harquebuziers and Mosquettiers, as are before mentioned.  
Now, whereas our such men of war do further dishable our Archers, saying, that they are to work in a manner no effect neither against horsemen nor footmen, and that Archers are not able in the field to abide the terror of the shot of Mosquettiers nor Harquebuziers, with many other vain and fond objections, contrary to all reason and experience: certainly, it is not to be thought strange in them, considering that as their overweening and presumption hath extended to show their lack of skill in many other matters military before mentioned, that they pretended to have most knowledge of, as namely in the mistaking of the conveniency of divers sorts of weapons in their due times and places, with many other very important matters before mentioned; so in these matters of our Archery, it is not to be marveled at, that they do so grossly err in their fond opinions conceived and alleged, against the excellent effects of that weapon, of the which they never had any experience, nor yet do know how to order them; as it did very evidently appear to all men of judgement, that saw their disorderly placing of Archers in the battles they form at Tilbury this last summer. 
A great mistaking in placing of Archers, showed at Tilburie.  1588. where the Earl of Leycester, being Lieutenant general of the Army assembled for the defence of the Realm, commanded all such men of war as were the chief Officers of the Army under him, to consider of some excellent order and forms of battle, that should be presented within three or four days after, in the presence and sight of the Queen, her Council, and Nobility: at which time some of the chief Officers of the Camp, that of long time had served in the Low Countries, being there assembled to form three battles, a Vanguard, Battle and Rearward, with wings, sleeves, squares & troops, according to their best skill, & that warning had been given them of the Queen's coming so long before; and therefore had consulted how to reduce them into most strong and beautiful form that they could, to have given battle if the Enemy had been there; they with many terrible oaths and cursings and ban of Archers and their Bows, partly for the hatred they bore to that weapon, but chief (as I think and as it after appeared) because they knew not where to place them; in the end (after long and much a do) they placed certain ranks of Archers in the midst of their squadrons of Piques, behind the Ensigns, & seven ranks of Archers they placed behind upon the very back of the battle, and all the rest they reduced into sleeves, close by the flanks of their three battles, of which sleeves some of them were of five in a rank, and some three in a rank; and because they should be surely guarded with shot, they reduced sleeves, or rather squadrons of Caliver shot close to the flanks of the Archers, of which sleeves of Caliver shot, some were of nine and twenty in a rank, other of fifteen in a rank, and the smallest sleeves of eleven in a rank, which to all men of any judgement in matters Military, might be a wonderful scorn and mockery. For in case that they should in that form have marched against the Enemy to have given battle, they themselves, by their fond and unskilful placing of the Archers, had taken away the whole effect of the volleys of their arrows. For it is to be understood, that when any squadrons of Piquers do approach, with intent to give battle and join with other squadrons of Piquers, or to receive a charge of horsemen, they all upright their pikes, and do close themselves by front and flanks; then the Archers are to give their volleys of arrows at the Enemy, approaching within eight, nine, ten, or eleven scores; and to perform the same, they ought not to have any other weapon placed before them, that may any ways take away their sights to direct their arrows towards the Enemy's faces; but as they were placed, their sights had not only been taken away upon such an action with the smoke of the shot, and with so many ranks and Ensigns closed in front and flanks as were before them, but also the most of their volleys of arrows should have flien through the taffeties of the Ensigns, and have glanced or lighted upon the pikes, either cleaving them, or beating them down: besides that, (to the Archers great disadvantage) they should have lost a great part of their ground, in giving their volleys of arrows at their Enemies, by reason of the distance, so many ranks of other weapons being before them: which most gross and ignorant errors by them committed in their reducing of Archers, contrary to all science Military, with many other their disorders (which I omit) do manifestly show their lack of skill & insufficiency, any ways to control or find fault with that most excellent & renowned weapon. Now therefore, I will proceed to the ancient and orderly forming & use of Archers that hath been used of great antiquity by the notable Kings & great Captains of our English nation, who with the grace of God and marvelous effect of that most singular weapon, have achieved so many and so wonderful victories against both Pagans & Christians.  

The ancient order of forming Archers in the field.  The ancient order of reducing Archers into form by our most skilful and warlike ancestors, was into hearses, that is, broad in front, and narrow in flank, as for example, if there were five and twenty, thirty, five and thirty, or more or fewer Archers in front, the flanks did consist but of seven or eight ranks at the most: and the reason was this, that if they had placed any more ranks than seven or eight, the hinder ranks of Archers should have lost a great deal of ground in the volleys of their arrows at their Enemies, considering the convenient and proportionate distances betwixt rank and rank, and ranks before them, as also that the sight of the hinder ranks should have been taken away by so many former ranks from directing their volleys of arrows towards their Enemy's faces. And whereas the small skill of our such men of war at Tilbury did (as it were) lock up all the Archers, depriving them of all use and effect of their arrows, our ancestors had so great experience of the wonderful effect of that weapon, that they placed their hearses of Archers either before the front of their armed footmen, or else in wings upon the corners of their battles, and sometimes both in front & wings. And in this sort, they placed them in the face of the men at arms of France, & all other brave horsemen of foreign Nations, who in those days were far better armed than any Nations in these our days are. And yet with this good order, the wonderful effect of our Archery and arrows was such, that flying in the air as thick as snow with a terrible noise, much like a tempestuous wind preceding a tempest, they did leave no disarmed place of horse or man unstriken and wounded, as may well appear by many battles and victories; 
Froissart, and the French Chronicles.  and namely by the battle of Crecy, that kind Edward the third and Prince Edward his son won against king Philip of France, where the said king Philip had eight or ten thousand men at arms, and fifteen thousand Genoüeses Crossebowers (which were no ways inferior for services in the field to the Mosquettiers of this time) with so puissant an Army also on horseback and on foot, very well armed and appointed of divers Nations, that they were six at the least, for every one of the English, in which battle were slain eleven Princes, and twelve hundred Knights, besides thirty thousand soldiers of all Nations. 
The notable effect of Archers at the battle of Crecy.  And the wonderful effect and terror of the shot of arrows was that day such, as neither the French king with his men at arms, nor yet any other of his great Captains with their brave and well armed bands of horsemen of divers Nations, were able to enter and break the Archers although they had no pikes, stakes, banks, nor trenches to guard them, but being in the plain and open fields, the Archers with their volleys of arrows did break both horsemen and footmen, wounding or killing both horses and men; in such sort, that the French King himself being in great peril, 
The French Kings horse slain under him with arrows.  had his horse with the shot of arrows slain under him. By which example, and divers others that I will hereafter allege, it may be apparent to any man that is possessed with the grace of God, and therefore of sound judgement, that Archers being in great numbers, and reduced into the form of hearses, or double hearses, as wings to a battle, or squadron of pikes (that they may the more conveniently give their volleys of arrows) need not to be guarded with pikes, nor yet stakes (as some talk of the battle of Agincourt) but they themselves are most brave Piquers; for as a squadron of Piquers well form do with their pikes in their hands work great effect in resisting a charge of Lances, or by encountering with another squadron of Piquers their Enemies: so the arrows of brave Archers reduced into hearses, being delivered out of their Bows, do become so terrible pikes in the eyes and sight of the horses, as also in lighting upon their shafrons, cranets, or steel pectorells; or being not barbed, upon their bare faces and every disarmed part, that the horses with the huzzing, striking, and unaccustomed noise, & with the blows and wounding of the arrows do fly back and athwart the one the other, in such sort, as no force of spurs can make them to go any further against the Archers, but that they do disorder and overthrow one another. Besides that, against squadrons of armed footmen, the volleys of arrows flying in the air, and coming in their eyes and sights as thick as hail, and lighting upon their faces, and every other disarmed part, do so amaze them, that they come to lose their ranks & disorder themselves, before they can come to join with another squadron of armed men their Enemies: and also with their terror do wonderfully confuse and confound the greatest and bravest Captains in their directions and commandments. As it may very well appear not only by the battle of Crecy before mentioned, but also by the battle of Poitiers, where certain years after the same Prince Edward, that was at the battle of Crecy with King Edward his father, having not in his whole Army above eight thousand English and Gascoignes, (of the which there were six thousand Archers, and two thousand armed men) overthrew King john of France that valiant Prince, who at that battle was accompanied with a great part of the Nobility of France, and of other Nations, as Dukes, Princes, Earls, & other great Captains, and had in his Army above threescore thousand horsemen and footmen, of the which there were above ten thousand men at arms, and of horsemen of all sorts above thirty thousand; where a little before the battle, 
Froissart, and the Chronicles of France.  the Prince with his notable Captains considering the small number that he had to make head and resist the French King with so huge an host, did take a ground of some strength and advantage for the guard of the flanks and back of his small Army, and placing a great part of his Archers in front, in the open place where the French horsemen and footmen were to enter and give battle, the Archers with their wondered volleys of arrows (through the great goodness of God) did that day so wound, 
The wonderful effect of arrows at the battle of Poitiers.  kill, and mischief both horses & men, that he overthrew King john of France with his whole Army, & took him and one of his sons prisoners; and of Earls, Barons, Knights and esquires, to the number of sixteen hundred or more; besides that, there were slain the Duke of Athens, with so many Earls, Barons, Knights and esquires, that they were numbered to be above seven hundred, and so many prisoners of all sorts taken by the English and Gascoignes, that they far exceeded the number of the Prince's Army.  

The battle of Navarretta.  The battle also of Navarretta in Spain fought by the same Prince Edward in favour of Don Pedro el cruel, against Don Henry of Castil, may testify the wonderful effect of Archers, where there were above a hundred thousand Spaniards, Frenchmen, Portugueses, Genoüeses' Crossebowers & Mores, both horsemen and footmen overthrown in that battle.  

The French Chronicles.  The famous victory and battle of Agincourt, also of later years fought by king Henry the fift against the whole power of France, doth evidently show the most excellent effects & execution of Archers, where with the grace of God and incredible volleys of arrows, the French kings army was overthrown, 
The notable effect of Archers at the battle of Agincourt.  which consisted of above forty thousand horsemen & footmen, of the which there were ten thousand men at arms, all Knights, esquires and Gentlemen; whereas king Henry's Army did consist but of ten thousand Archers, fifteen hundred Lances, & two thousand footmen of other weapons. In which battle were slain the Dukes of Lorain, of Brabant, of Alinçon and Bar, with a great number of Earls, Barons, Knights and Esquires; besides that, there were taken prisoners, the Dukes of Orleans & Bourbon, with many other Earls, Barons and Knights.  
The battle of Herrings also (so called by the French Chronicles) fought in king Henry the sixt's time near unto a village in France called Rowray, 
The marvelous effect of Archers at the battle of Herrings.  not far from Orleans, doth evidently show the great excellency of Archery against all other sorts of weapons; in which battle Sir john Fastolf, with other brave English Captains by the grace of God and terrible shot of the Archers, overthrew the bastard of Orleans, the Lord high Constable of Scotland, the Count of Clermount, with many other Captains of great account and their whole Army of Frenchmen & Scots, in the which there were a great number of French Harquebuziers and Crossebowers, which against the Archers wrought no effect.  
I might also allege for the excellency of Archers the most wonderful victory won by king Richard the first in the holy land, many years before any of these battles before mentioned; where, being General of the Christian Army, by the grace of God, and wonderful effect of his English Archers, he in a most famous battle overthrew that brave Saladin, soldan of Egypt, with his notable milicia of Mamelucks' (by many called Saracens) and all the rest of his Army, which did consist of an innumerable number of horsemen & footmen Turks & Arabians. But for brevities sake, I will omit the particularities of that most famous battle, and of many other great victories that I could allege for proof of the incredible effects of our English Archers in battles: And will now come to answer certain other frivolous objections of smaller moment than these that I have already by such notable examples and experiences of great battles and victories answered.  
Some of our such men of war (because by common and modern experience, no number of Mosquettiers nor Harquebuziers in the plain fields, without succours of some other weapon or ground of advantage, are able to abide the charge of half so many Lances or Stradiots in number as they are, without being overthrown and broken) do therefore think and commonly report, 
Another objection and opinion against Archers answered.  that with a very small number of horsemen they will break a far greater number of Archers: by which their opinions and reports, it seemeth that as they are utterly ignorant, and without any experience of the effects of Archers, so are they as ignorant of all notable histories, or else according to the new fashion, that they do believe nothing but that which they themselves have seen, which in troth appeareth to be very little.  
For answer whereunto (according to the testimony of the French Chronicles) I say, that in King Henry the sixt's time, john Lord of Bellay, being accompanied with two hundred Lances at the least, and taking his way to a town called Man's, met by chance with an English Captain, called Berry, that had to the number of fourscore Archers, who perceiving the French men, 
A wonderful effect of a few Archers.  presently reduced his men into a hearse, turning their backs to a hedge, because the Lances might not charge them in back, but only in front, and so giving their volleys of arrows at the French Lances charging, did so wound and kill their horses, that they overthrew them, and slew and took divers of them prisoners.  
And within a while after a French Captain of the country of Main, called Guion du Coing, departed from a town called Sable, accompanied with six score Lances to seek his adventure, 
The French Chronicles.  where he might find any English men in the fields, who happened to meet with an English Knight called Sir William 〈◊〉 betwixt Man's and Alinçon, that had in his company sixteen or twenty Archers on horseback, who perceiving so many French Lances, alighted on foot, and reducing themselves into form in a broad high way, where the Lances could not charge them but in front, 
A marvelous effect wrought by a small number of Archers.  they put their horses from them, and the French Lances charging them, the volleys of arrows of those few Archers wrought such notable effect against the French horsemen, that they broke and overthrew them, in such sort, that there were divers of the French slain and taken prisoners.  
And in our time king Henry the eight being at the siege of Teroüenne and a convoy of munitions and victuals being at that time to go from Guiens towards Teroüenne, 
Martin du Bellay.  all the French Captains of Picardy and Vermandois having intelligence thereof, did assemble all their men at arms & Lances of those provinces, with some number of shot also both Harquebuziers and Crossebowers, and attended the English convoy in ambush more than a league beyond the town of Ard, towards Teroüenne, where encountering with the English light horsemen avant courirs, they did overthrow them, which being perceived by the English Captains of the convoy, they presently reduced their carriages into a convenient form, and placing convenient numbers of Archers in the two open places of the carriages before and behind, and forcing all other places betwixt carriages and carriages with Archers, where the French Lances might have any entrance; after a long fight and many charges by the men at arms of France and their shot given, the terrible effect of the volleys of arrows was such, that a great number of their horses were wounded or slain, 
A notable effect of Archers  and one of their chief Captains, called Monsieur de Plessis lifting up his sword to strike, was with an arrow shot in at the arm hole through his gusset of mail, and there slain, with many other men at arms, & French Gentlemen of good account: In such sort, that the French, which did far exceed the English in number, were that day repulsed and overthrown by the excellency of Archers. And at this action there is an old English Gentleman yet alive, whose name is Master Caudwell that was there present. And these examples aforesaid, are sufficient (I think) to convince and confound the vain opinions and objections before mentioned.  
Now, if the effect of volleys of arrows be so terrible both against horsemen and footmen armed (as I have before declared by so many reasons & examples) what then are the volleys of arrows able to perform against Mosquettiers and Harquebuziers, that are in a manner altogether disarmed, whose weapons of fire in the field, do rather terrify and make afraid younglings and novices of war, with smoke and noise, than with any often killing, hurting, or wounding them with bullets, whereof not only old soldiers, but horses also that are a little used to their fire, cracks and smoke, are not any thing amazed nor afraid; but three or four volleys of arrows lighting amongst any number of Mosquettiers or Harquebuziers (how old and brave soldiers soever they be) will so amaze and terrify them, that they shall fail to charge their pieces, to put touch powder into their pans, & their matches into their serpentines. Besides that, they will either wound, kill, or mischief them, in such sort as happy those that with three or four arrows in their bodies, faces, arms or legs, throwing down their Harquebusses and Mosquets, can escape out of the terror and danger of the volleys of arrows. For confirmation whereof, there be divers modern examples, with very honourable testimony of such as are yet living, very honourable by birth and parentage, as also by titles of honour and worthiness, of the which that noble Gentleman Ambrose Earl of Warwick is one, 
Ambrose Earl of Warwick's experience of Archers, penned with his own hand.  that accompanied the Duke of Northumberland his father (than Earl of Warwick) a man of great valour and sufficiency for the governing and conducting of an Army, who in the year 1548. was sent by King Edward the sixth, as his Lieutenant general with an Army of horsemen and footmen, to suppress the rebellion of Ket in Norfolk, who at that time lay encamped with a great power of notorious and hardy rebels by the City of Norwich, upon a high hill called Mount Surrey, to the which City the Duke with his Army being come, he with great order did encamp and lodge himself and his Army on the other side of the city and river, & the next day he entered the town and brought in four and twenty field pieces, to the chief charge whereof he appointed the Colonel Courpenick an Alman and a great soldier, with his regiment of Almans, which was twelve hundred, the most of them brave shot, and all old soldiers, with divers other English bands and valiant Captains of our own nation for the guard of the same; but before they could throughlie entrench themselves, those furious Rebels contrary to all expectation, descended down their hill with such a fury of shot of arrows, being all Bowmen, Swords and Bills, that they gave such a terror and fear to our people both strangers and English, as they were feign to run away with the loss of the Ordinance, and slaughter of a great sort of soldiers, and before the Duke could make head against them, they had recovered eighteen field pieces, and carried them up to their hill even with very force of men. And within two or three days after, those gallants did not let to abide the battle against the Duke & his whole Army in the plain field, where the battle was so manfully fought on both sides, that it could be hardly judged by the best soldiers that were there, which side was like to prevail, but in the end, God giving the victory, it was seen by that battle that arrows were a most noble weapon. And whereas the Duke at his first assembling and forming of his Army, had changed many Archers into Harquebuziers (because he had no opinion of the Long Bow) he after that victory and suppression of the Rebels, upon the experience that he in those actions had of the danger and terror of arrows, (his own horse being wounded under him at that battle with three or four arrows, whereof he died) did both then & many times after openly protest his error before Count Malatesta Baglion, an ancient and a noble soldier Italian, and other great Captains Italians and Almans, saying, that from that time forward he would hold the Bow to be the only weapon of the world, and so did all the notable Captains both English and strangers affirm the same. And this I have set down almost verbatim, from the report of the aforesaid Ambrose Earl of Warwick that now is, who was present at that action, and had his horse also wounded under him with two or three arrows.  
In the same year of the reign of King Edward the sixth also, & in the same summer, Sir john Russel knight, Lord privy seal, that was after Earl of Bedford, being sent by the King as his Lieutenant general with a great power both of horsemen and footmen, against the Rebels of the West parts, accompanied with the Lord Grey of Wilton, Sir William Herbert, (after Earl of Pembroke) the Lord of Hunsdon that now is, with many others both Knights & esquires of great worship, and coming to certain skirmishes & encounters with the Rebels, the Archers of the Rebels did so behave themselves with their volleys of arrows against divers old bands Harquebuziers Italians and Spaniards, that they drove them from all their strengths, as from banks, ditches, hedges, and other advantages of ground, to the great mischief of many of those strangers. And of these great effects of Archers against Harquebuziers, 
The Lord of hunsdon's experience of Archers.  I have heard the Lord 〈…〉 aforesaid (who was there an eye witness) very notably report. Besides that, many years passed I have heard Captain Spinola an Italian (who was a very brave soldier, 
Captain Spinolas opinion and experience of Archers.  and wounded with arrows in those services and actions, give singular commendation of the Archery of England.  
To the like effect and singular commendation of Archers, I have also heard the aforesaid Earl of Warwick divers times further report, 
This was also penned by Ambrose Earl of Warwick himself.  that in the year 1562. he being at Newhaven in Normandy Lieutenant general for the Queen that now is, the notable and great Captain Chastillon Admiral of France (being then at the siege of Caen in Normandy, and at that time favoured by the Queen of England) did send to the Earl for a succour of some English bands, of the which he desired that the most might be Archers. But the Earl at that time having no Archers on that side the sea, sent unto him a supply of six hundred brave Harquebuziers, with some armed men also, which he very thankfully received, but therewithal signified unto the Earl that he had rather have had two hundred Archers, 
The Admiral Chastillons' opinion of Archers.  and that he would have performed greater service with that small number of Bows, than with all those brave Harquebuziers. And this message was sent from that great Captain to the Earl by Sir Francis Somserset, Sir Nicholas Throgmorton, and Sir William Pelham.  
And shortly after, that notable Colonel Alman the Reingrave (who had served many years in France) accompanied with many other brave Captains both French and Almans, with a great power both of horsemen and footmen, coming down and encamping not far from Newhaven, there happened a great skirmish betwixt certain English bands of Newhaven, and the French and Alman companies, which continued very hot, with many volleys of arqebus shot, and new supplies on every side, but at the length the French and Almans exceeding the English far in multitude, forced them to retire with disorder even to the very gates of Newhaven; during which action, it happened that fourscore tall Archers (Hamshire men) did at that time land in the Haven, who taking their Bows and sheaves of arrows, with their other furniture, did presently march without any tarriance through the town into the field where the skirmish was; upon whose coming, the English bands that a little before were forced by the often charges and great multitude of the shot of their Enemies, to retire even to the very town-ditches and gates, taking courage a fresh, they and the Bowmen entered again into skirmish with the Almans and French, where the fourscore Archers did behave themselves so notably against the enemies with their volleys of arrows, that with the brave and valiant charges which they and the rest of the English bands gave upon their enemies, but chiefly with the excellency of the Archers, they forced them not only to retire, but to turn their backs: in such sort, as putting a great number of them to the sword, they became masters of the field. Upon which notable effect of those few Archers, as also upon divers others that the Reingrave had before time seen in serving against the English, he shortly after upon the return of a message that had been sent unto him by the Earl of Warwick (Sir Edward Horsey being the messenger) did most highly commend the notable effects, that he long before in divers services had seen performed by the English Archers against both horsemen and footmen: & said also, that long before that time he knew by experience, that great numbers of English Archers were able to perform very great matters in the field; but that so small a number of Bowmen as were in that last great conflict, should be able with their arrows to do so great mischief against his old bands of Almans, French and Gascoignes, 
The Rhinegrave's opinion of Archers.  he would not have believed, if he himself had not seen it. And therefore did with great reason and experience protest and acknowledge, the Longbows of England to be the most excellent weapons for the field that were used by any Nation in Christendom, and said that the Queen of England had great cause so to esteem and account of them. And to this effect I have divers times heard the Earl of Warwick himself very notably report.  

Sir james Crofts experience of Archers.  I have also heard Sir james Croft, that honourable and most sufficient Gentleman, that hath served divers of our Princes in many great and principal offices and charges Military, both in England, France, Scotland and Ireland, declare very notable effects, which he himself hath seen by our Archers in divers actions performed. The particularities whereof, as also his opinion concerning the excellency of that weapon, I remit to his own report.  
Now, notwithstanding all these notable experiences and examples of the excellent effects of Archers against Harquebuziers; our such men of war have used to allege, that neither the Harquebusses were so good, nor yet the Harquebuziers so skilful in those days, as now their Caliuerers are: whereunto it may be answered with great reason and experience of divers ancient Captains both Italians and Spaniards, 
Harquebuziers were as maniable and of as good form fifty or threescore years past, as now they are.  that I have known (of the which some are yet living) that not only the Harquebusses which the Italians & Spaniards did use fifty or three score years past were as maniable, and of as good form as now they are, but also that the Harquebuziers were as skilful and perfect with that kind of weapon, as they are now in these our days. 
Harquebuziers Italians and Spaniards were as skilful fifty or threescore years past, as now they are.  And that hath manifestly appeared by the infinite numbers of great skirmishes that have been very effectually performed with arqebus shot in the Emperor Charles, & the French Kings wars in Italy, France, the Low Countries, and Burgundy, as also in Barbary against the Turks and Moors, and in the wars of Germany, betwixt the said Emperor and the Duke of Saxony, & other Reystates and Princes of Germany. Which opinions aforesaid misconceived, and very ignorantly alleged by our such men of war, to the disabling of the Harquebuziers of other Nations in times past, and enhabling their Caliuerers of this time, thereby to detract the excellent effects of our Longbows, doth further manifest their lack of sufficiency to judge of the exercises and use of those weapons of fire, not only of times past, but also of this present time, and that hath appeared in divers of their services of the Low Countries, as I have heard certain of our old Captains of good experience affirm, that have seen some of their unskilful services in those parts; and was also confirmed by the feigned skirmish that some of their Captains, Officers, and old bands of Harquebuziers and Mosquettiers of the Low Countries of their own training, did the last summer most disorderly perform before my Lord Treasurer at Tilburie, where they discharged one in another's neck, and having discharged their pieces, did run out of their troops and stand still, and charge their pieces again, and returning to give new volleys, did discharge their pieces at their fellows hams, legs and backs, running together thick and threefold so disorderly, that it was a scorn to behold them: and this in the opinion of many Gentlemen, & some old Captains of good service and experience that were there present and beheld the same, who concluded the insufficiency of our such men of war of the Low Countries, by the lack of skill, imperfections, and insufficiencies of their trained soldiers, according to the old proverb; In discipulis magister videtur, like masters like men. Which aforesaid action at Tilburie, doth not only make manifest that our such old soldiers Harquebuziers are now as unskilful, as the new Soldiers Visonos Spaniards of two months pay were many years past, but if that any foreign enemy with such unskilful Harquebuziers as they were, should assail a quarter of the like number of our Archers, they should not be able to abide two volleys of arrows, without casting away their pieces and turning their backs.  
And now having in this my discourse made manifest the excellency of our Longbows and Archers, by many reasons & examples, ancient and modern, both against well horsed and armed Lances, as also Harquebuziers, which I think by all reason may suffice to convince and confound all the ignorant opinions and frivolous objections of our such men of war, as also to induce all such as are of any right consideration and judgement, to acknowledge the sufficiency & excellency of that weapon; & that it is further evident by all foreign Histories that have made any mention of the differences of Bows, used by many Nations, as also by such as have travailed in many parts of Europe, 
Our English Archers and Bows are the most excellent of all other Nations.  Africa, or Asia, that our English Bows, arrows and Archers do exceed and excel all other Bows used by all foreign Nations not only in substance & strength, but also in the length & bigness of the arrows: I will now further show the wonderful effects that hath been wrought by divers sorts of foreign Bows, as Gothian, Parthian, Arabian, Turkish, and Tartarian, all which (as aforesaid) are inferior unto ours: that by such notable effects by them performed, all such as are of sound judgement, not carried with toys, fancies and new fashions, may very well know, that God hath given such exceeding and excellent effects unto that weapon, that of all others it hath ever been, and yet may be justly accounted the chief weapon of battles and conquests.  
I think it is most manifest by all Histories, that have written of puissant and conquering Nations, that in many and divers ages under their great and notable Captains, have given themselves to enlarge their dominions, or with force to possess the habitations of other foreign people, that they have erected some kind of milicia and discipline military, to achieve and perform the same. And as the best kinds of weapons in the hands of well disciplinated, obedient and exercised soldiers, is a principal part of a milicia, 
All conquering Nations have used the Bow as their chief weapon.  to achieve victories; so I think it is most evident, that all those conquering Nations have made chief choice of the Bow, as of the most excellent kind of weapon for victories and conquests.  
And although they have not used in their armies that weapon alone, but other weapons also incorporated with them, yet it is most manifest, that the greatest number of such mighty armies have consisted more of Archers either on horseback or on foot, than of any other sorts of weapons, and by their excellent effects chief, have been achieved most notable and wonderful victories; as for example: Were not divers Emperors and great Captains Romans with puissant armies many times invading the Parthians and Persians, 
All great conquests, next unto God, achieved chief with the force of Arrows.  sometimes overthrown, and many times repulsed by them, and that chiefly by their Archers? Were not Crassus and Cassius with a mighty army which did consist of many legions of old soldiers Romans', overthrown and vanquished in the plain fields with the force of the Parthian arrows? And was not Valerian the Emperor overthrown and taken prisoner, in a great battle by the Persians, and that chief by the great effect of their arrows? Besides all which it is most evident by divers Histories, that neither the notable Consuls of the ancient Romans, nor yet after them the Emperor's Romans with their conquering milicia were ever able to conquer the Parthians and Persians, defending themselves chief with that excellent weapon of Archery on horseback.  
But now to speak of four mighty and conquering Nations, that of later years, but in divers ages, have vanquished and subdued divers great parts of the world. It doth appear by many Histories, that the Goths, Vandals, Alans, and other septentrional Nations, under their notable Princes, & great Captains, making war at divers times upon the Emperor Romans, 
The Goths, vandals, and other Septentrional Nations did achieve all their victories chiefly with their Bows.  and invading Greece, did besiege the imperial city of Constantinople, and did spoil the Panonias, now called Hungary, and Austria, with Illyria, Dalmatia, and many other provinces. Also they invaded and wasted Italy, sacked the most ancient and famous city of Rome, with a great number of other Cities. And in divers notable battles wounded and killed many great Captains, and some Emperors & their Generals with their arrows. After which they passed through & spoiled France, invaded and conquered Spain, and carried their armies to the straits of Hercules, now called Gibraltar. Also the same Vandals and Alans passed the straits, and invaded Africa, and conquered in a manner all the Levant sea coasts of the same now called Barbary. And it is most evident, that they did perform & achieve all those their battles, victories and conquests, more with the effect of their Archers and Bows, than with all the rest of their weapons.  
And not many years after that, 
The Arabians with great numbers of archers on horseback did achieve wonderful victories and conquests.  the Arabians (a nation before that time little spoken of) under their false Prophet Mahomet, & his successors Halifas, with infinite numbers of Arabian Bowmen on horseback, & some numbers of Zagaias (which are double headed Lances) did invade the dominions of the Empire of Constantinople. And with those weapons chief did conquer all Mesopotamia, Suria, Armenia, and Persia. Also, they did win jerusalem and many other Cities and Provinces, and brought the Emperor Heraclius and some other of his successors to be tributaries unto them. And in divers great battles with their arrows did wound and take some Emperors and many of their Generals, prisoners.  
Also, they invaded Africa, conquered Egypt, and subdued all Barbary even to the very Ocean sea. And shortly after passing over the straits of Gibraltar into Spain, and finding the Goths & Vandals possessors of the same, through the exacting and tyrannical government of their two last kings Goths, Vitissa and Don Rodrigo, brought from all their ancient exercises military and use of their Bows, they did conquer the kingdom even to the very mountains Perinëos, and achieved many other notable victories and conquests in Italy, Greece, Sicily, Candia, and other Islands of the Archipelago, and all those chiefly, by the wonderful effects of their Arabian Bows.  

The Arabians forgetting their Art military, and use of their Bows were conquered by the Turks.  After all which notable conquests achieved by the Arabians under their Halifas, & that they through long peace and some civil dissension, were now grown into ambition, envy and covetousness, and to neglect their ancient discipline military and use of their Bows, the Turks (a new Nation at that time in a manner unknown) coming at the first but with five thousand, all Archers, from beyond the mountains of Caucasus to the aid of Mahomet, than King of Persia, under their brave Captain Tanglaropice Muçaleto, did perform great services unto the Persians. And after upon lack of pay, and some other injuries unto them by the Persians offered, retiring themselves to the mountains, they did most valiantly defend themselves, until that new aides and great numbers of Archers and Aljavas Turks came to join with them. At which time invading the Persians, and overthrowing and killing their King in battle, they conquered all Persia; 
The Turks with great numbers of Archers did achieve many great victories and conquests.  and after invading Armenia did vanquish and kill the Halifa of ●aldac, and did subdue in a manner all the Dominions that Mahomet that false prophet, and his successors Halifas had in certain hundreds of years before conquered in Asia. And all those conquests, with many battles and victories he and his Turks achieved chief with the wonderful effects of their Bows, of which weapon their milicia did principally consist. After whose time, the Sultan's his' successors, and Otoman the first Emperor of the Turks, and his successors did win many battles and victories against the Emperors of Constantinople, chief with the advantage of that weapon.  
And it is further apparent by diverse Histories, that the Tartars inhabiting towards the North and north-east seas of Asia, being reduced into a discipline military under divers of their Princes & Captains, as Hocata Cham, 
The Tartars with innumerable numbers of Archers on horseback, did achieve wonderful victories and conquests.  Gabo Sabada, and Haloon, did with their innumerable numbers of Archers, and Aljavas on horseback, not only subdue all the East parts of Asia, even to the very Ocean seas, but did in diverse ages invade the West parts of Asia, vanquishing and overthrowing in many battles divers Sultan's with their great armies of Turks, and spoiled & made tributary unto them Parthia, Persia, Media, Armenia, Mesopotamia, and Suria.  
And last of all Tamberlan, that valiant Emperor of the Tartars invading Asia minor, and coming to battle with Bayezet, at that time Emperor of the Turks did overthrow & vanquish him & his mighty army and took him prisoner. Which battle and victory he achieved by reason that his army of Tartars did far exceed the Turks in numbers of Archers. Which most excellent effects of Archers before mentioned, was the very cause that moved Amurat (the second of that name) Emperor of the Turks, within few years after to institute for the guard of his person that milicia of the janissaries on foot, who being Christian men's children renied, & taught from their youth the exercise of the Bow, 
The institution of the janissaries on foot is all Archers.  as also of later years of the arqebus, do become most excellent in both kinds of weapons; so as when the Turk doth send any numbers of them under his Bashass to the besieging of any Cities, or towns, they all use to take with them both their Bows, and their Harquebusses; Their Harquebusses to use in trenches against places fortified, and their Bows for services of the field. Howbeit, whensoever the Turk in person with an imperial army doth invade any Prince or Nation, he hath always with him twelve or fourteen thousand janissaries on foot with their Bows and cemitories without any Harquebusses, for his last and most assured refuge, and guard of his person: So as it is most evident that the Bashass, Bellarbies', and Senjaques of the Turks (of the which there be so many notable and excellent Captains able to govern, conduct and command great and mighty Armies, as all the West parts of Christendom have not so many, nor the like) who knowing all the effects of weapons of fire, as well as the best men of war of Christendom, do by all reason military prefer their Bows before their Harquebusses for all battles, and great encounters in the field: And even so likewise two other most puissant and mighty Empires of Asia and conquering Nations, the one of the Tartars, and the other of the Persians, Parthians, and Medians under the Sophy, which Empires and Nations although they have known and had the use of weapons of fire long before they were known in Europe, 
The invention of artillery, powder, shot, and small pieces of fire was not first in Germany (as some do write and tell) but they were first invented, in the kingdom of Cataia, and in use in divers parts of Asia above 800. years past: & that I have read, and also heard reported in Spain by two Ambassadors, the one of Venice, and the other of Portugal.  yet have they always, and do still greatly prefer their Archers and Bows on horseback for battles and victories, before their weapons of fire.  
And now as I have before in divers parts of these discourses briefly set down many notable effects of our English Archers, against both horsemen and footmen of all sorts of weapons, with such and so many notable battles & victories achieved by our English nation, chiefly (next unto God) by the excellency of our said Archers; And that I have last of all briefly declared the wonderful victories and conquests in divers ages achieved by four so notable Nations, and that most of all by the notable effects of their Bows, (I mean the Goths, Vandals, and other such septentrional people, their companions and fellows in arms, as also the Arabians, the Turks and Tartars): So I might further with the testimony of many notable histories, & partly by the very Bible itself, (if it were not to avoid prolixity) show and prove, that all the notable and famous Nations of Europe, Africa and Asia, that have since the beginning of the world, 
Some peradventure will say, that the Spaniards without Long bows, but with Crossbows, arqebus shot, & other weapons, have conquered a great part of the west Indies: whereunto it is to be answered, that those Indians were simple people, that went naked, and had no use of iron nor steel.  even until this present time, achieved infinite victories and conquests, have achieved the same by the wonderful effects of Bows, as by the weapon of all others that God hath put into the hearts of men, to devise and use sometimes to defend themselves withal against foreign Nations, that have unjustly assailed them; & sometimes to invade, and by battles and victories to chasten and punish other such Nations, as in former times had had the perfect use of the same; and yet after in process of time, by the permission of God for their sins, had neglected and forgotten the use thereof, that thereby they might receive the punishment of God, by the well exercised hands in those weapons of other warlike Nations, that were either more in the favour of God, or else appointed by him as instruments, with blood to chasten and punish such transgressors. divers of the which examples, because I have in my poem of these discourses briefly declared, I think it would be holden for superfluous to rehearse, and digress into such innumerable examples of the excellency and marvelous effects that have been in all ages, wrought by infinite Nations with that most miraculous weapon; and therefore will reduce myself, and proceed to the proving and concluding, that although skilful Harquebuziers and Mosquettiers with their weapons of fire, be very excellent in their convenient and due times & places (as I have in divers parts of this discourse particularly declared) yet that for battles & victories in the field, they are no ways comparable to our English Archers and Bows.  
And now again to return to the answering of other objections of our such men of war, who (notwithstanding so many reasons and examples by me before alleged in due & just commendation of Archers) have not been ashamed many times most fantastically to report, 
An opinion contrary to all reason and common experience.  that our arrows will not wound men through single buff jerkins, nor scarce through their ordinary clothes: which ignorant and fond speeches were more seemly to come out of the mouths of novices and younglings that never saw any thing, than from such as professing arms, aught to speak with consideration, reason and judgement. And therefore it is greatly to be pitied, that men of so great ignorance and small understanding in affairs and actions of war, are grown to such an overweening in their own conceits, that in their fond babblings they do make so light of those our weapons, that the great Captains of France, and other Nations in King Edward the thirds time, & other king's times, did by the experience of their dangers & mischiefs so greatly redoubt, that they caused their footmen (although they were as well armed for the defence of their bodies & heads, as footmen now a days are) to carry pavoises of seven foot long, and a foot and a half, or two foot broad, with little holes towards the upper end armed with steel, for them to look through; which pavoises did cover their faces, and all other disarmed parts even down to their toes. And that their men at arms also (because our arrows were so terrible in the sights of their horses, and that they did wound them in the eyes and legs, and every bare and disarmed place, which made them run athwart the one the other, as is before declared) did oftentimes forsake their horses, and reducing themselves into esquadron, came upon our Archers with their lances and swords, the bevers of their helmets down, and armed cap a pie, as it doth appear by divers great encounters mentioned in Froissart, and other histories.  
But because the wonderful effects and mischief of arrows, may further appear to be far different from the dreams and reports of our such fantastical men of war, I will now of many Emperors, Kings, and great Captains that have been wounded and killed foreign Archers and arrows, inferior unto ours, allege a few examples to avoid prolixity, beginning first with some testimony out of the Bible.  

Examples out of the scripture of divers kings that have been wounded and slain with arrows.  Was not Saul (the first King of the jews, and a valiant Prince) in his last battle fought with the Amalakites, afraid of the volleys of their arrows, and himself wounded with an arrow? And was not joram King of Israel slain by jehu his successor with the shot of an arrow, that struck him into the body and through the heart? And was not Achab also king of Israel, in a battle against the Syrians, overthrown and wounded with an arrow, that struck him into the body between the joints of his armour, of the which wound he that night died? 
Examples out of notable histories of many Emperors, Kings, and great Captains wounded and slain with arrows.   
Besides that, it is further manifest by many other notable histories, that Alexander the great, that most mighty Conqueror, besieging the City of Gaza in Syria, was himself sore wounded through the habergin into the shoulder with an arrow, in such sort, that he was by that wound in great danger, and his whole Army thereat greatly amazed. Vespasian also that famous and excellent Emperor, was wounded himself with an arrow in a great encounter and conflict, that he had against the jews by the city of jorpata in juda. The Emperor Decius also was overthrown & slain in a battle against the Goths; and Decius Caesar his son stricken dead with the shot of arrows. The Emperor Valens also was overthrown in a great battle by the Goths, and himself sore wounded with an arrow. Don Alfonso also King of Leon in Spain, and Don Sancho King of Arragon were (although at divers times, & in divers places) wounded and slain by the Arabians and Moors with arrows. Manuel also Emperor of Constantinople, was overthrown in a great battle against the Sultan of Iconio, and himself wounded with arrows, notwithstanding his armour and target, in the which he had thirty arrows sticking. Orcan also son unto Otoman and second Emperor of the Turks, was overthrown, wounded and slain with arrows, in a marvelous great battle fought betwixt him, his Turks and the Tartars. And finally, Mahomet the second of that name Emperor of the Turks, that wonderful Conqueror, that did so prosper in all battles, and besiegings of towns, that he won the two Empires of Constantinople, and Trepizonda, and killed the Emperor Constantine Dragon Paleolego, as also the Emperor of Trepizonda, called Colojani, and besides conquered ten Kingdoms of Christians, and slew four Kings, and all this chiefly by his notable milicia of Archers, yet notwithstanding all those his great victories and conquests, in a great battle fought betwixt him and that famous vaivode ivan Huniades Coruino, he was himself wounded with an arrow, and his Turks thereat so wonderfully amazed, that thereupon he and they were by the Christians vanquished, and compelled with great disorder, dishonour, and loss of his people to retire to Constantinople. Which notable examples of wounding, and killing of Emperors, Kings, and great Captains by foreign Archers, and arrows inferior unto ours, may very well show the overweening, and lack of consideration and judgement of our such men of war, that have sought by their vain and ignorant speeches and words, to deface the force, violence, and wonderful effects of our English Archers and arrows, contrary to infinite examples and notable histories in divers languages, and experiences of many conquering Nations, and most excellent Captains both ancient, and also of this age.  
And now having in this my discourse endeavoured myself by many reasons and examples, to make manifest how our such men of war have mistaken the use and effects of divers sorts of weapons out of their due times and places, with divers other their errors Military, contrary to the modern opinions and use of divers foreign warlike Nations, as also that I have (according to my first proposition) particularly set down the most of the perfections and imperfections of Mosquettiers and Harquebuziers, & of their weapons, with the perfections and imperfections of Archers and their Bows, with many reasons and examples also to show and prove, that the ancient effects of our Archers and arrows, are no ways decayed nor blemished by the effects of Harquebuziers and Mosquettiers, but that they do in the field far exceed and excel the effects of all weapons of fire maniable, and further, that no horsemen nor footmen are able to abide the terror and danger of the volleys of our arrows, with many examples of battles, victories, and conquests, of great encounters and skirmishes, of wounding and killing of mighty Emperors, Kings, & great Captains with arrows; I now come to conclude, that our Archers, being yet so excellent as they are, although in number not so many as they were in times past, may (being well ordered) work as great or greater effects in the field, 
The conclusion of this discourse.  than they did in former ages; considering that all Nations of the occidental parts of Christendom both horsemen and footmen, do now use to wear fewer pieces of armour to cover and defend their bodies, than they did a hundred, two hundred, or three hundred years past, when our Archers wrought so wonderful effects, not only against the men at Arms of France, and other well armed Nations, but also against the shot and volleys of armed Crossebowers; who as they were very skilful with that weapon in those days; so were they no ways inferior to the shot of Mosquettiers and Harquebuziers of these our days.  

A brief comparison betwixt Reisters, Carabins, or Argolettiers, so much used in foreign parts in these our days; & Crossebowers and Archers on horseback, which were used by the English, and divers other Nations many years past: With mine opinion also, concerning which of those weapons are of greatest effect for services in the field.  
divers of our English Captains and Gentlemen that have served in the 〈◊〉 wars of the Low Countries, or peradventure some time in the civil wars of France, do so praise and magnify the shot of Carabins or Argolettiers (as they term them) and of Reisters, which are Pistollettiers, that they will not admit any shot on horseback to be comparable unto them, imitating therein divers foreign Nations, that in these days do use those weapons on horseback. In which their opinions I do not mean to touch them with any blame, because I do not remember any Nation in these West parts of Christendom, that do use at this present any other. Howbeit, when I come to consider of such shot on horseback as hath been used in times past, which are the Longbow and the Crossbow, and that there be some principal Gentlemen and Captains of diverse Nations yet alive, that have seen them used in the field, as namely of our English, that grave and most experienced Gentleman sir james croft; & that I do compare the unreadiness, imperfections and small effects of the weapons of fire aforesaid, with the readiness, perfections and great effects of Crossbows and Longbows. I do (in mine opinion) greatly prefer those two ancient weapons on horseback before the said weapons of fire for all services in the field. And because it may appear unto such Gentlemen as may peradventure read this my opinion, how, & in what sort I would have such Archers & Crossebowers to be horsed, armed and weaponed, I will first make mention thereof, and after briefly proceed to the fortifying & proving of mine opinion by divers reasons.  
All the Crossebowers on horseback under sufficient conductors well skilled in that weapon, 
How Crossebowers on horseback should be horsed, armed and weaponed.  I would they should have Crossbows of two pound and a half of the best sort, with crooked gaffles hanging at their strong girdles after the manner of Germany, that they might on horseback bend their Crossbows the more easily and readily, with four and twenty quarrels in a case, well and fitly set at their saddle pommells, mounted upon good cold geldings of mean size, themselves armed with good morions of the Spanish fashion upon their heads, collars, light and short wasted cuirasses and backs, with sleeves of mail or chained with mail; or else, that they should be armed with morions, light and easy Brigandines, and sleeves chained with mail, with broad short swords by their sides of not above a yard in length, 
How Archers on horseback should be horsed, armed and weaponed.  and short daggers. The Archers on horseback under their Captains or conductors skilful in Archery, I would likewise have mounted upon good quiet geldings of mean size, with deep steel skulls in very narrow brimbd hats, well stuffed for the easiness of their heads; and either jacks of mail, according to the ancient manner when they were called, Loricati Sagittarij, or else light and easy brigandines, or at the least Ilet-holed doublets very easy and well fitted to their bodies, their sleeves chained with mail, with broad short sword and short daggers, their Bows of good Yeugh, long and well nocked and backed, and all their strings well whipped, with sheaves of four and twenty arrows apiece, with shooting gloves and bracers after the manner of our Archers in times past. And all these both Archers and Crossebowers I would have them to be well practised, that they might know how to discharge their arrows and quarrels galloping upon the hand, and in all other motions of their horses, and the Crossebowers to bend again with great readiness. And divers bands being thus horsed, armed, weaponed and exercised, as also reduced into little bands of fifties under sufficient conductors, and other Officers skilful in those weapons, should (in mine opinion) be able to perform greater services in the field either against horsemen or footmen, 
Crossebowers & Archers on horseback of greater service than weapons of fire on horseback.  than any of the forenamed weapons of fire on horseback, considering that both Archers and Crossebowers may with their arrows and quarrels very certainly wound or kill in their points & blanks either horsemen or footmen that are in esquadron or troop, two or three scores off; and roving six, seven, or eight scores, may greatly mischief and annoy the enemy: whereas the Argolettiers and Pistolettiers are not to work any effect against esquadrons, or troops of horsemen or footmen above ten or fifteen yards off at the furthest, and if it be enemy to enemy single, than they are not to discharge their pieces above three or four yards off, unless they will fail four times before they hit once, so uncertain are those weapons of fire: the judgement whereof, (because this mine opinion may seem strange to such as do not know the imperfections of those weapons of fire on horseback) I refer unto any Captains or Conductors of those weapons either Italians, Spaniards, or French that have been used to receive the pay of Emperors or Kings: and if it be of the Pistolettiers, then to the Reisters themselves. 
Harquebuzery more uncertain on horseback than on foot, with the imperfections thereof.  Besides whose judgements, by all reason it may appear, that if the shot of Harquebuzrie on foot in their distances in the field be so uncertain, as I have in my former discourse declared, then of necessity it must be a great deal more uncertain upon horseback, where, by every motion & stirring of their horses (although they be very quiet) they shall in a manner as often hit Barnacles flying in the air, as hurt or kill any horses or men, unless they be very thick and wonderful near. Besides that, the charging of their pieces on horseback (be it with flasks, cartages or charges) is so uncertain as they shall as often spill their powder besides the mouths of their pieces, and fail of their chargings, as charge the same. And also putting their touchpowder into the pans of their pieces, although there be no wind to disperse the same, yet upon every motion of their horses, they are ready to power the powder beside their pans. And if their pieces be petronels, then if their stones should happen to break, or not to stand right in their cocks, whereby they should fail to strike just upon the wheels being firelocks, or upon the hammers or steels, if they be Snap-hances, or being of match, if their matches be not good and stiff, and well set in their serpentines or cocks, they also shall fail in their discharging; besides the difficulty that they shall find at one time to charge their pieces, to have an eye to their enemies, and to govern their horses, using also their scouring sticks as they ought to do: which imperfections of weapons of fire, with many more, in the experience of all old and skilful soldiers, are the cause that the shot of them do terrify and scare new soldiers and novices of war a great deal more with cracks, smoke and noise, than with any often hurting with the bullet. All which unreadinesses, disadvantages and imperfections of Argolettiers, Carabins, Pistolettiers, or Reisters considered with the readinesses, advantages and perfections of Archers and Crossebowers for all services in the field. I come to conclude, that Crossebowers on horseback used by many foreign Nations of great antiquity, and that Archers on horseback used by our ancestors many years past, as also at this present by the Turks, Tartars, Persians, Arabians, and other mighty Nations, do far exceed and excel all weapons of fire on horseback.   

An exhortation to the Magistrates and Gentlemen of England.  
THese discourses which I have handled & set down, with many reasons alleged, as also with very notable examples & opinions of great captains, & testimony of most approved histories, concerning the excellency of Archers and diverse other weapons in their due times and places, with many errors and abuses military by our such men of war practised, and in public places persuaded and taught, I have not taken in hand and performed with any intention or hope to reduce them from their erroneous opinions martial, or to persuade them to give credit to any thing by me alleged and proved, because they are grown to such a selfe-wil & liking of their own opinions or rather fancies military, that their overweening, wilfulness & presumption do extend so far, that divers of the chief of them will give no credit to any history alleged, nor any experience nor example that they hear by their elders reported, nor yet any thing by divers reasons proved; but only unto their own fancies & such few things as they themselves have seen: which doth most evidently argue in them a wonderful arrogancy, and obstinate barbarousness, & that they neither have, nor ever will have any understanding in the science military. For it hath been always a principle in the opinion of all great Captains, as also in all reason & experience, that no man can attain to any sufficiency and excellency in the art and discipline military, but by three principal means, that is, by seeing actions of arms & of war performed, by conference with others to understand the reasons of things in action or already done, & by the discourses of men of experience, and histories of things in times past performed & done: as for example; What doth it avail any Nobleman or Gentleman how excellent a wit & courage soever he hath, in case he had seen all the chief and best fortifications that are in Europe, as also many encamp of armies in camps form, dislodgings, marchings in divers forms, with many battles, skirmishes and great encounters: If he neglecting to learn and understand the causes of those things which he hath seen, hath given himself to dicing, carding, making of love and drunkenness? Or if his pride, arrogancy & overweening, have so possessed him, that he hath disdained to hearken or confer with others, that have been able by experience to instruct and give him the reasons of things by him seen; 
Many have seen much in matters military, and do understand but little.  which in truth are the very causes that there are so many Captains, & Gentlemen of divers Nations that have been in many camps, and have seen divers armies and actions, and yet do understand very little of the Art and Discipline military.  
Now therefore, those our men of war being such as I have before declared, and that notwithstanding there have been such wonderful opinions conceived here at home of their sufficiency, that they have been not only compared with the greatest Captains of this age, but also thought to be the only men of war of Christendom: certainly, it is greatly to be marveled at how any such opinion should be conceived of them, considering that they never served in any imperial or royal wars of Emperors, Kings, nor form Common wealths within the continent of Europe, Africa, nor Asia, where they might attain to any such knowledge in the Art Military, but only in the disordered and tumultuary wars of the Low Countries under the States (where the sovereign government and commandment hath consisted of a broken and uncertain authority, all things tending (with great disorder and confusion) more to the spoil, than to any discipline or Martial service) or peradventure some very little or nothing in the licentious and civil wars of France; in both which wars for the lack of certain and assured pay for the men of war, as also rewards for particular and extraordinary deserts and worthiness, it hath been impossible to establish and continue any form milicia & discipline Military, 
No discipline military in civil wars.  whereby either Captains or soldiers should grow to any skill and sufficiency, but rather to errors and ignorances, as it may very well appear by the politic and Military discourses of that notable and brave soldier Monsieur de la Noüe, where the imperfections and insufficiencies of such as have attained to their chief skill in those wars, are very manifestly set down. To the particularities whereof (because his book is not only extant in French, but also translated into English) I remit those that are disposed to see and consider. Besides all which, the wonderful disorders, and lack of understanding of our such men of war, in all their proceed and actions Military have been such, so many, and so great, almost in all matters that they have taken in hand in the Low Country wars, that not only in the judgement of all the great Captains Italians, Spaniards, Burgonnions, and other Nations, that either have known their services, or served against them, but also in the opinions of some of the wiser sort of the States themselves, they have been judged to be men of no understanding, nor sufficiency in matters of war, although it hath been given out and reported far otherwise to their advantage here at home amongst us, altogether to their marvelous and incredible commendations and praises: whereupon there hath been such credit given to their fond speeches and ignorant persuasions, by the better sort of our Nation, that they have not only since our Nation began first to go over to serve as mercenary soldiers in the Low Countries under the States, brought in great numbers of disorders and abuses Military, far different, or rather clean contrary to the ancient and modern experience, use, and proceed of all warlike Nations, but also in a great part defaced, and decayed the account, use, and exercise of our most excellent weapon the Longbow; which in short time to come (if it be not very speedily provided for by the execution of such penal statute laws, as have been in times past ordained and established for the exercise and maintenance of the same) will grow to be forgotten, and in a manner utterly extinguished; which, if through the negligence of the better sort of our Nation, imitating and following the simple and ignorant opinions of our such unskilful men of war, it should come to pass, it doth in mine opinion argue nothing more, than that God hath withdrawn his hand, and all right judgement in matters Military from us, and that in time to come, upon any great war either offensive or defencive, we shall, when it is too late, repent the same, greatly to the hazard and peril of our Prince, Country and Nation. The consideration whereof, for the great love that I have always borne, and do still, according to my duty, 
The principal causes of writing these discourses.  bear to the Crown and Realm of England and English Nation, was the first and principal cause that moved me to take these discourses in hand, to the intent to advise & persuade (as much as in my power and small ability is) the Nobility, Magistrates, and better sort of our Nation, with all care and diligence to revive, and put in execution the ancient statutes provided and established, for the increase and exercise of the youth of England in Archery, that as God of his great goodness hath blessed our Nation with a wonderful aptness and dexterity in that weapon, 
The English, of all other Nations the best Archers.  more than any other Nation that I have seen, heard, or read of throughout the universal world: so that we may not through the frivolous and vain persuasions of a few unskilful and ignorant men in these our days, as unthankful, neglect that great and especial goodness of almighty God, and singular gift that he hath endued us withal: but that we do with all care and diligence believe, and imitate the great experience of our most worthy Ancestors, that in divers ages, with the advantage of that most excellent weapon, have achieved such and so many wonderful and miraculous victories against divers Nations, both Christians and Pagans. As also that we do give credit to the greatest Captains of our Nation, and divers other Nations that have lived in our time, some of the which being yet alive, and of principal sort and calling, have seen the mighty works and wonderful effects of our English Archers, and therefore with all right judgement, rejecting all new fancies and toys, that we do embrace and esteem that singular weapon, to be the chief and principal of all others for battles, victories and conquests.  
And now to make an end, I do again (as I did in the beginning of my discourse) notify that mine intention hath no ways extended by any thing in my discourses contained, 
No honourable nor worthy minded men any ways intended to be touched in this discourse.  to touch the reputation or honour of any Noblemen, nor Gentlemen of noble or worshipful houses, nor yet any others of worthy minds that have entered into those Low Country services, rather to win reputation, knowledge and honour, than for any hope or desire of spoil, or greedy gain, but only such of our men of war, as neglecting and contemning all true honour & discipline Military, have brought in amongst us a most shameful and detestable art and discipline of carousing and drunkenness, turning all matters Military to their own profit and gain, neglecting to love and to win the love of their soldiers under their governments & charges, making in a manner no account of them, nor of their lives; in such sort, as by their evil conduction, starving and consuming great numbers and many thousands of our most brave English people, as also by their infinite other disorders, they have made a far greater war upon the Crown and Realm of England and English Nation, than any ways upon the enemies of our Country.   
Honour & gloria in excelsis, Deo, omnipotenti, sempiterno, & incomprehensibili. Amen.