THE ANTIQUITIES OF CANTERBURY.  
OR A SURVEY OF THAT ANCIENT CITY, WITH THE SUBURBS, AND CATHEDRAL.  
Containing principally matters of Antiquity in them all. Collected chiefly from old Manuscripts, Lieger-bookes, and other like Records, for the most part, never as yet Printed. With an Appendix here annexed: Wherein (for better satisfaction to the learned) the Manuscripts, and Records of chiefest consequence, are faithfully exhibited. All (for the honour of that ancient Metropolis, and his good affection to Antiquities) Sought out and Published By the Industry, and Goodwill of WILLIAM SOMNER.  
Cic. in Oratore.  
Nescire quid antea quam natus sis accider●, est semper esse puerum.  
London, Printed by I L. for Richard Thrale, and are to be sold at his Shop at Pauls-Gate at the sign of the Crosskeys. 1640.   

  

TO THE MOST REVEREND FATHER IN GOD, WILLIAM, BY THE DIVINE PROVIDENCE, LORD ARCHBISHOP OF CANTERBURY, PRIMATE OF ALL England and Metropolitan, one of the L L. of his Majesty's most Honourable Privy Council, and Chancel or of the University of OXFORD.  
May it please Your Grace.  
AS without the concurrence of divers good reasons to induce me, I had not presumed to present unto Your Grace the following Discourse: So I conceive it very fitting, and my bounden duty, to give Your Grace, and the world, an Account in brief, of the inducements whereby I have been animated to appear in this kind before Your Grace. The chief whereof hath been, and is, Your Grace's interest both in the Author, and in the Worke. In the Author, as subsisting in his place and profession, under God, chiefly by your Grace's favour and Goodness. In the Work, in a double respect: the one, as it is a Discourse of Antiquities; Your Grace's extraordinary care and cost for the Collection whereof, of all sorts, from all parts, Crowned by Your singular Piety and Nobleness in disposing them to the good and service of the public; as they are thankfully acknowledged and worthily celebrated by all the Lovers of Antiquities; so do they give Your Grace an especial interest to all their Labours who are that way inclined. The other; as it handleth more especially the Antiquities of two such Particulars as are of very near relation to Your Grace, the Church, and City of Canterbury. These reasons (may it please Your Grace) not to trouble You with more, in all Humility I hope, may prevail with Your Grace for Your patience and pardon of this presumption: and though not procure Your Grace's acceptance and protection of the Work, yet Your excuse of the Author's boldness, who most humbly craves it at Your Gracious Hands: and with his hearty Prayers, both for the long continuance of Your Grace's Health and Happiness here, to God's Glory and the good of His Church, and for Your endless bliss hereafter, prostrates both Himself and His Labours at Your Grace's Feet with that reverence which becomes  
The meanest of Your Grace's Servants, William Somner.   

THE PREFACE TO THE READER.  
IT is the observation of some ancient Philosophers (who also prove it by divers good arguments) that all men, for the most part, have a natural desire to immortality. But this we all know by common approved experience, that Man that is borne of a Woman is of short continuance. He commethforth like a Flower and is cut down, he flieth also as a shadow and continueth not. Some therefore who knew not of any other world after this, in defence of nature's ways and providence, maintained, that she had in some manner satisfied the desire of man in making him generative. Nam quodammodo ipse putatur vivere, cujus progenies vivit, (For that man in some sort may be thought yet alive, whose progeny is living) as I may say in the words of Cassiodore with little alteration. But if there be any immortality in this, it can be but an immortality of the body, not of the mind, the best and chiefest part of man. The immortality of the mind (all that it is capable of in this world, which though it be not immortality properly, yet may certainly much conduce to allay the complaints of mortal men concerning their shortness of life) doth, as I conceive, especially depend from that Memoria praeteritorum, and Providentia futurorum, (Remembrance of things past, and Foresight of things to come) which the Latin Orator speaks of.  
As for the first, he certainly that knows no more of the world (the time of a man's life being so short as it is) than what hath happened in his time, though he may be in years, and perchance very old in regard of his body, yet in regard of his mind and knowledge, he can be accounted but a very child. Which is the very answer that an ancient Egyptian Priest and Antiquary gave to Solon concerning the Grecians of his time: that they were all, the best and ancientest of them, but very babes and children. And his reason was, because none of them could say any thing of the state of their own country beyond their own and their father's memory: whereas the Egyptians, out of their ancient holy Records, could tell them many memorable things, both concerning Greece in general, and the state of their then famous Athens in particular, for many hundred, if not thousand, of years before. If therefore a man living in a place of note, can by his industry, out of undoubted Records and Monuments (if such be the happy condition of the place, that it afford them) certainly find, what have been the several both material alterations (as in respect of buildings, and the like) and historical events, that have happened to it for divers ages before, and can derive the present times and places that he lives in, by a continual series of chances and alterations from such or such a beginning, I do not see (if knowledge be granted to be the life of the soul, as the soul is the life of the body) but he may reck on his years according to the proportion of his knowledge, accounting himself to have lived so many years, as he is able truly and historically to give an account of.  
Now for that other part of immortality, which is Providentia futurorum, even this hath such dependence of the former, as that he that is well versed in the knowledge of things past, may probably foresee what will happen in time to come. As for example; It was no difficult thing for one of the ancient Grecians (who lived in the days of Pythagoras, and was one of his Auditors) having observed the course of the world, and what had already happened to Greece itself, and to other places in that kind, to foretell of old Greece, then flourishing, that the time would come when it should be the seat of Ignorance and Barbarism; as it is at this day. Upon the same grounds of former age's experience, did another of the ancients both foresee and foretell, above a thousand years before any such thing happened, the discovery of a new world, in these remarkable words of his: 
— Venient annis  
Seculaseris, quibus Oceanus  
Vincularerum laxet, & ingens  
Pateat tell us, Tiphysque novos  
Detegat orbs: nec sit terris  
Vltima Thule.   
As the knowledge of ancient things is pleasant, so is the ignorance as shameful, and oftentimes exposes men to the scorn and contempt of strangers. Tully relates of himself, that being sent with authority to Syracuse, a quondam renowned City of Sicilia, for his own private satisfaction, he enquired of the chiefest of the City about the sepulchre and monument of their famous Archimedes; who (through shameful ignorance of their City-Antiquities) denied that he had any. But Tully knowing the contrary by what he had read, and by good luck remembering some certain verses that mentioned some particulars of his monument, whereby it might be known from others, taking along with him those venerable blocks (who, as ordinary worldly men, had no care but for their profit, no curiosity but for their belly) he repaired to the place, being near the City-gates, where ancient sepulchres and monuments were most frequent, and so neglected (whereby you may judge of the temper of the Inhabitants) that they were almost all overgrown with thickets and bushes. But the place being cleared by men that were on purpose set on work, he found at last by help of the fore said directions, the monument that he sought, with the very marks (a Sphaera, and a Cylindrus) and the inscription (though now half worn out, more through neglect then age) that he looked for. And so, to the great shame of that City, and the inhabitants thereof (noted abroad for their luxurious life and great excess in all worldly things) concludes with these upbraiding insulting words: Ita nobilissima Graeciae civitas, quondam verò etiam doctissima sui civis unius acutissimi monumentum ignorasset, nisi ab homine Arpinate didicisset. As if a man should scoffingly object to us here of Canterbury, that he was fain to come out of Wales or Scotland, of purpose to show us the monument and place of burial of some one of our famous Abbats, or renowned Archbishops, whose credit, and bounty, when living, had redounded much to the honour and benefit of the City.  
For these and the like reasons, my thoughts and affections having ever much inclined to the search and study of Antiquities, (to which also my particular calling did in some manner lead me) I have more particularly, as bound in duty and thankfulness, applied myself to the Antiquities of Canterbury, the place of my birth and abode. And to me this was a sufficient motive why I should of all other places desire to know the antiquities and former estate thereof. But why any man else, that is an Englishman, should have the same desire, other reasons may be given, very considerable, if I be not much deceived; as first, the Antiquities thereof. Antiquities due and proper Epithet is, venerable. Now the interest which our City hath in that venerable badge and cognisance is not unknown: it being acknowledged for one of the most ancient Cities in the Kingdom. Quiacivitas Cantuariae est una de antiquissimis urbibus Angliae, is no other language than is frequently found in the Charters, and such private Acts of Parliament, as (making that a main motive to the grant) have conveyed any Favour, or Franchise to the City or Citizens. Secondly, the great fame and repute that it had abroad, for reasons that will appear by this Treatise: and thereupon the great resort of strangers from all nations under heaven, (which in probability gave occasion to the proverb of Canterbury-tales) to the number sometimes, as shall be showed, of a hundred thousand at once. But the chief reason, in my judgement, aught to be, because from thence first the faith of Christ was propagated and derived unto other parts of the Realm of England, after the Saxons our forefathers were become Lords and possessors of it. When the Romans had conquered Greece, they did not use them as they did other nations commonly by them subdued, but with all love and respect, Athens especially, which they had in honour (say ancient Geographers of those times;) and, in token of their respect, suffered them to enjoy their ancient laws, liberties and form of government, as though they had not been conquered. Tully gives the reason. Cum ei hominum generi praesimus non modo in quo ipsa sit, sed etiam à quo ad alios pervenisse putetur humanitas: certè iis eam potissimùm tribuere debemus, à quibus accepimus. And do not all piously-affected English owe so much honour and respect to the place, from whence the light of Christ's glorious Gospel first shined unto their fore fathers, as to desire to be acquainted with the present and past estate of it?  
I have spoken of religion only, but I might add humanitatem, learning and good literature too. For with religion came learning: and in the days of Theodorus the seventh Archbishop of Canterbury, (if public schools wherein all good Arts and Sciences, philosophy especially, are learnedly taught and professed make an University) Canterbury was a famous University: yea, and was afterwards a pattern (as some have written and published) for the erection and foundation of a famous University in this land.  
This work is chiefly collected from old Manuscripts, Leiger-bookes and other Records of credit, exhibited to me for the most part by the Treasury of our Cathedral; which, as it exceeds most of the Realm, if not all, in beauty, stateliness, and magnificence of building; so in this particular kind of unvaluable treasure, is, as I conceive, inferior unto none. With the help of Spots History of Canterbury mentioned of Balaeus, and of john Twine's collections of the Antiquities thereof spoken of by him in his Commentaries, de rebus Albionicis, etc. could I but have gotten them, I should perchance have brought the work to more perfection: but with the helps I have had, I have done my best endeavour that nothing might be strange or unknown that carries with it any show of Antiquity, either in the Church, (as the most eminent place of all) or in the City and Suburbs thereof.  
If the Work may not deserve thine acceptance (courteous Reader) for itself, let then the Author's love to Antiquities, his thankful intentions towards the place of his birth, education and present abode, and the encouragement of worthy friends serve for his Apology. If otherwise it give thee some content, and mine endeavours prove acceptable unto thee, I shall desire thou wouldst be thankful to them, without whose help, as I had not been able, so without whose encouragement I had neither been willing, thus to have adventured forth in public, as namely Doctor Casaubon, one of the Prebendaries of this Church, and Thomas Den Esquire: to whom, for their great and ready favour and furtherance herein, I were conscious of much ingratitude and want of ingenuity, if I should not acknowledge myself exceedingly beholden. Such as it is I commend it to thy favourable acceptance, (friendly Reader) and shall add no more but the best wishes and respects of  
Thine to serve thee, William Somner.   

A Table of the Chapters contained in this Book.  


1 THe Antiquity of Canterbury. Pag. 1.  
2 The Wall about the City, and Gates therein. Pag. 6.  
3 The Ditch encompassing the City-Wall. Pag. 31.  
4 The Castle. Pag. 33.  
5 The River serving the City, called Stoure. Pag. 37.  
6 The Suburbs. Pag. 45.  
7 The division of the City into Wards. Pag. 96.  
8 Westgate- ward. Pag. 99.  
9 Newingate- ward. Pag. 127.  
10 Northgate- ward. Pag. 132.  
11 Worthgate- ward. Pag. 136.  
12 Ridingate- ward. Pag. 144.  
13 Burgate- ward. Pag. 146.  
14 The Cathedral, and Parochial Churches. Pag. 150.  
15 The Ecclesiastical Government of the City. Pag. 349.  
16 The Temporal Government thereof. Pag. 363.  
17 The Appendix. Pag. 376.     

Ex Aedibus Lambethanis. Octob. 23. 1639.  
Imprimatur.  
Guil. Bray.   

 

THE MAP OF CANTERBURY   map of Canterbury   

THE antiquity OF CANTERBURY.  
SO great and Universal is the respect that is worthily given to venerable Antiquity, that not any one ornament sets off any place, whether City or other, with greater lustre, or more proclaims and applauds their Judgement that first selected the place for Habitation, than the true and known Antiquity, and long duration of the place.  
Now no one thing almost of this nature that discourse shall offer to the consideration of an English man, especially a Kentish man, shall find more vulgar belief, nor is better grounded in tradition, than (my main motive to the ensuing treatise) the Antiquity of this our City. And then it, what more celebrated in (the living Monuments of their deceased Authors) our stories and other like works of English Writers? For brevity sake (which I shall study throughout my whole discourse) the Testimonies only of two, Mr. Cambden 
a Britannia. In Kent. , our modern Chorographer, and Henry of Huntingdon 
b Hist. lib. 6. De An. Dom. 10 11.  one of our elder Historians, as sufficient to justify so known a verity, shall suffice for instance. Who, in the places here marginally quoted, have set and left the note and mark of Antiquity upon the place. And no marvel, when as in the English-Saxons time, and even in the beginning of their Heptarchy, it was the head or chief City of the Kentish Kingdom, and the King's seat. Imperii Regis Ethelberti Metropolis, so Bede. Caput imperii, etc. so others call it. 
d Florileg. ad An. Dom. 596.  In civitate 
c Eccles. Hist. lib. 1. cap. 25.  famosa, quae antiquo vocabulo Dorovernia dicitur: is the close of a Charter of Kenulph King of Mercia, in the year 810.  
As for the further discovery of the yet greater Antiquity of the place, if any shall desire it; let him consider with me in the next place, the names that former times have known it by. As the Saxons of old 
e Cambden in Kent.  called Kent, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (i. the Country of the men of Kent:) So the name which they gave to this our City was 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (i. the Kentish men's City, Court, or Borough:) A name well agreeing with that of Cair-Kent, or Caer-Kent (the City of Kent) as Nennius and the Britaines called it. What time the Roman Empire extended itself hither, it was of them called Durovernum; haply from the British, Durwhern, rendered by my Author 
f Cambden ubi supra. , a swift River, such as our Stoure is: or else (as one 
g Twine. De Reb. Abion. lib. 1. pag. 113.  will) from Thorowbourne, because of the Rivers running through the City. With very little variation from which Roman name, you may find that our elder Historians, Bede, and others called it Dorovernia, and Dorobernia: and that you see before, in the year 810. was called Antiquum vocabulum; and yet long afterwards in use, even until that of Cantuaria, better answering to the English-Saxon, Cantwarabyrig, and from about the Normane Conquest hitherward, more frequently than the other; and in time altogether taken up and used, made it give her place. But of our Citie● names see more if you please in the Antiquit. Britan. pag. 34.  
Clearly then Canterbury had an existence in the time 
Canterbury in being in the Romans time.  of the Romans Empire here. Let me add, and before, in the preceding Britain's time too, as to me seems somewhat evident from hence, that the Roman Durovernum, is seemingly no other than the Latine-rendring of the Britain Durwhern; by which or near a like name (most probably) the Romans found it called by the Britain's at their coming. However the mention of it in the Emperor antonine Itinerary, more I take it, than fourteen hundred years old, and the many pieces of Roman Coin, both of his, and also of preceding, and succeeding Emperors, found almost in all parts of the City; (some whereof are come to my hands) are evident tokens of the places great Antiquity. A thing not doubted of a far more learned, and judicious Surveyor of our City, Mr. Cambden 
h Britannia. Of Canterbury, in Kent. , in whose opinion it was famous in the Romans time.  
One strong argument whereof amongst the rest, are the present remains of a double Military way of theirs; the great Stone-causeys, I mean, directly leading from two of their famous havens, Dubris and Lemanis; unto this our City, the former by Barhamdowne, the latter by Stone-streete.  
But (will some say:) what make I loitering here? It is neither in the Saxon, nor yet the Roman, neither the intervening Britain's time, that we are to expect the finding of our Cities Original. It's much elder: Rome itself 
Elder than Rome.  not so old. Indeed I read that one Rudhudibras or Ludrudibras a King of the Britain's almost nine hundred years, before our Saviour's Incarnation, was our City's Founder. 
Of whom founded.  So says the Author of the British story, a Writer, though by the best of our Antiquaries (Cambden especially) for the generality of his History exploded, as fabulous; yet in this particular followed by divers men of Judgement, and good Antiquaries too 
i Author Antiquit. Brit. Lambert. Holinsh●ad. Stow. Speed. : with what warrant, as I cannot determine, so neither will I examine, but leave it as I find it to the scanning of others. So much for our Cities Original and Antiquity.  
Now what was the general state and condition of it in either the Britain's, Romans, Saxons, or Danes times: no man may exact or expect any account of me, in regard no History, or other Record enables me to show it. The Surveyed taken of it in the conquerors time, and recorded in the book of Doomsday, is the first and most 
k Why so called see Sir H. Spilmans Glossary, and the interpreter, in hac voce.  ancient description of it any where extant. A transcript or extract whereof, here presented; read if you please.  

Cheuth.  
In civitate Cantuaria habuit Rex Edwardus l. & 1. burgenses reddentes gablum & alios cc. & xij. super quos habebat sacam & socam. & iij. molend. de xl. sol. Modo Burgens. gablum reddend. sunt nineteen. De xxxijobus. aliis qui fuerunt, sunt vastati xj. in fossato civitatis, & Archiepiscopus habet ex eye seven. Et Abbas scil. Augustini alios fourteen. pro excambio castelli. & adhuc sunt cc. & xij burgens. super quos habet Rex sacam & socam & iij. molend. reddt c. & viij sol. & thelonium red. lxviij sol. Ibi viij. acrae prati quae solebant esse legatorum Regis mo. reddt de censu. xv. sol. & mille acrae silvae infructuosae de qua exeunt twenty-four sol. Inter totum 
* Idest Tempore Regis Edwardi.  T. R. E. valuit lj. lib. & tantundem quando Hamo vicecom. recept. & mo. l. lib. appreciat. Tamburlaine ' qui ten' reddit xxx lib. arsas & pensatas, & twenty-four lib. ad numerum super haec omnia habet Vicecom. c. & x sol.  
Duas domos duorum Burgensium unam foris aliam intra civitatem quidam Monachus ecclesiae Cantuar. abstulit. Hae erant positae in Regis calle.  
Burgenses habuer. xlv mansur. extra civitatem de quibus ipsi habeb. gablum & consuetud. Rex autem habet sacam & socam. Ipsi quoque Burgenses habebant de Rege xxxiij acr. terrae in gildam suam. Has domus & hanc terram ten ' Rannulfus de Columbeis. Habet etiam quater xx acr. terrae super haec quas tenebant Burgenses in alodia de Rege. Tenet quoque v acr. terrae quae justè pertinent uni ecclesiae. De his omnibus revocat isdem Rannulfus ad protectorem episcopum Baiocensem.  
Radulfus de Curbespine habet iiij mansur. in civitate quas tenuit quaedam concubina Heraldi. de quibus est saca & soca Regis. sed usque nunc non habuit.  
Isdem Radulfus ten' alias xj. mansuras de episcopo Baioc. in ipsa civitate quae fuer. Sbern Biga. & reddt xj sol. & xi den. & i obolum.  
Per totam civitatem Cantuariae habet Rex sacam & socam excepta terra ecclesiae S. Trin. & S. Augustini. Eddevae Reginae. & Alnod's Cild. & Esber Biga. & Siret de Cilleham.  
Concordatum est de rectis callibus quae habent per civitatem introitum & exitum quicunque in illis forisfecerit Regi emendabit. Similiter de callibus rectis extra civitatem usque ad unam leugam, & iij perticas & iij pedes. Si quis ergò infra has publicas vias intus civitatem vel extra foderit, vel palum fixerit; sequitur illum Praepositus Regis ubicunque abierit & em'da ' accipiet ad opus Regis.  
Archiepiscopus calumniatur, forisfacturam in viis extra civitatem ex utraque parte ubi terra sua est. Quidam praepositus Brumannus nomine T. R. E. cepit consuetud. de extraneis mercator. interra S. Trinit. & S. Augustini, Qui postea temp. R. W. ante Archiepiscopum Lanfranc. & Episcopum Baioc. recognovit se injustè accepisse. & sacramento facto juravit quòdipsae ecclesiae suas consuetud. quiet as habuer. R. E. tempore. Et exinde utraeque ecclesiae in sua terra habuer. consuetud. suas judicio Baronum Regis qui placitum tenuer.    

The City wall, and Gates therein.  
When Canterbury was first enclosed with a wall, I think, is no where to be found in story, or other record, either private or public. Tokens of the walls good antiquity are the British bricks, to be seen at Ridinggate, at the gate also now done up, sometime leading from the Castleyard to Wencheape, and at Queningate, or rather (if you will) at the place in the wall, where once the gate so called stood, and is now also made up. But in greatest plenty, upon the bank on either side the River behind S. Mildred's Church in the remains of the wall there. And that the City was walled in before the Norman conquest, is evident by the testimony of Roger Hoveden 
l Annal. Par. prior. , who relating the siege and surprisal of the City by the Danes, in the time of King Etheldred, Anno Christi 1011. tells us, that (amongst particulars of the Danish cruelty, wreaked on the poor English people of the City) many of them being by the Danes cast headlong from the wall of the City met with death in the precipice.  
This may be further proved by several Records of our Cathedral, making mention of this wall in the English-Saxons time 
m In Archivis ecclesiae Christi. Cantuar. . But that I may not seem to loiter, I purposely pass them by, and proceed to elder evidence. Now the first and most ancient mention of our City wall (I conceive) offers itself in King Ethelberts' charter of the site of the Monastery called (from him, for whose sake it was founded of King Ethelbert) S. Augustine's, dated Anno Christi 605. The ground therein set out for that intent being described to lie, sub orientali muro Civitatis Dorob●rniae. A plain argument of the Cities walling at that time, and (as I conjecture) Archbishop Parker's warrant for his Hanc muro cinctam 
n Antiq. Brit. pag. 34. , etc. where he reports the donation of this City, with the Royalty thereof by King Ethelbert to Augustine. And that it was then walled, may hence be further argued, that as Edward the Confessor long after, is said to build S. Peter's Church in Westminster without London-City-Wall, purposely for the place of his own Sepulture 
o Post aleos vide Cambd. in Middlesex. : so one main end of the work of that Augustinian Monastery, was (as both Ethelb. and Aug. in their several Charters intimate) that it might be a Cimitery or place of burial for them and their successors; the Kings and Archbishops of the place for ever. And why? but even because of the then unlawfulness of burial within Cities, and other walled Towns, a thing, by that 
* Though the Saxons in likelihood regarded not that Roman law, yet Austin, being a Roman did.  Law of the twelve Tables (Hominem mortuum infra urbem ne sepelito, neve urito.) flatly forbidden. So have I briefly traced our City Walls to the furthest of their known Antiquity.  
But, by the way, I may not conceal from you, what suspicion there is of (these Heralds of our City Walls Antiquity:) the Ethelbertine Charters to be fictitious and sergeant. Sr. Henry Spelman, that learned and worthily admired Antiquary hath that opinion of them. And indeed, there is a note to be found in the Records of our Cathedral 
p Vide Dom. Hen. Spelman. Tom. 1. Concil. pag. 125. : which confirms the suspicion. It tells us, that until Withered (King of Kent) about the year of grace 700. that Church did peaceably enjoy it lands & liberties, only by custom, ex antiquo more, without any charters or other written muniments. Could it now be truly added that Withreds is the first and most ancient muniment of that Church, judging of the one by the other, this would give great cause of suspicion of the truth of those Ethelbertine charters. But in regard, that several muniments of elder times than Withreds, as one of King Edbald son and successor of Ethelb: and two of Cedwalla the west-Saxon, made to this very Cathedral, are to this day extant, being registered at length in the Leigers of that Church (I speak ex proprio visis) and, if judgement may be given by the agreement of the hands, even by the very pen of the author of that note, there is more cause in my judgement to suspect that note, of falsity, than those charters, which it may seem to question, of forgery.  
But the noble Knight sets before you (if you please to peruse them) other reasons for his opinion. I refer you to them, and them to your consideration: and so pass on to further discourse of our City wall. Which I conceive carries yet greater antiquity, than hitherto hath been spoken of. For (if as Huntingdon affirms it was) Canterbury were one of the 28 Cities infamousing this Island in the Britain's times, and of them called Kair-Chent, taking this note along with us, that Kair 
* Caius de Antiquitate Cantabrig. lib. 16. 1  with them signified a walldefenced town or City, we need not doubt but it was walled in their times. And so much for the walls antiquity, now I pass to after-accidents that have betided it.  
The City (as I have given you a former touch) being by the Danes, in the days of King Etheldred, besieged, taken, and with the Cathedral (as all our Chronologers agree) burned and utterly wasted; the City wall (no doubt) being the City's best security against a like surprisal, if it should still have stood, was not spared by that all-wasting enemy.  
I read that Archbishop Lanfranc, in the conquerors time, was a great benefactor to the repair of it. So saith Mr. Lambert 
q Perambulation of Kent. In Canterbury. , and so Stow, followed by Speed. But no other story mentions it, no not that of his life and acts written by (his successor) Archbishop Parker. But so they say. Take it as I find it. When or by whom soever it was repaired, it is plain by the Monk of Malmesbury, that in his time, which was about the year of grace 1142. in the reign of King Stephen, it was walled round. For he saith it was 
r De gest. Pontif. lib. 1. in Prologo.  then a City much renowned (amongst other things) for the walls whole and undecayed enclosing it round about. Which being so, and no violence offered them afterwards that we read of, I marvel somewhat that there should be need of that fortification of the City with walls in Richard the first's time, as it seems there was: For the King being (it should appear) taken prisoner in his return from the holy land, his Mother Q. Alianor, out of her care in her absent son's behalf, of this amongst other (as it seems) weak parts of the kingdom, takes order for the fortifying of it: as by her letters 
s In Archivis Ecclesiae Cant.  of the following tenor may appear, written (itseems) at the instance and for the security of the Cathedral Monks, fearful that this one act of their assistance in the work of the City's fortification, might infringe their liberty of Burgbote, and being drawn in consequentiam become a prejudicial example, effectual to compel them to the like in future time, as of the nature of a leading case.  
Carta Alianor. Reginae quòd homines nostri non tenentur facere fossat. vel murum circa Civitatem Cantuariensem.  
A. Dei gratia humilis Angliae Regina, omnibus Christi fidelibus ad quos literae praesentes pervenerint, salutem in vero salutari. Audito quòd karissimus filius noster Rex Angliae Richardus detentus est ab Imperatore Romano, vovimus ad memoriam beati & gloriosi martyris Thomae, ut liberationem Domini Regis filii nostri possemus ejus intervenientibus meritis & precibus obtinere. cum autem ob terrae turbationem Cautuariae Civitas fossatis & muris & aliis propugnàculis muniretur, omnésque ad hoc compellerentur; quidam homines Prioris & Conventus ecclesiae Cant. non de jure, non de consuetudine, sed ad nostrarum precum instantiam ibidem operati sunt. Nos itaque diligentius attendentes libertates & immunitates ad praefatam ecclesiam & ejus homines ubicunque fuerint pertinentes, monachis ejusdem ecclesiae concessimus & promisimus, quòd operatio illa quam urgens necessitas & nostra interventio inducebat, eye vel hominibus eorun in posterum non noceret, eorumque cartis & libertatibus, quae illis à multis Regibus confirmatae sunt, pr●judicium non afferret. In huus rei testimonium praesentes literas sigillo nostro fecimus communiri. Test. H. Archidiac' ejusdem ecclesiae, & magistro P. Bless. Bathon. Archid. apud London.  
With like caution I find the same Monks, a while after help forward the City's defence another way. For in King john's time, Rich. 1. immediate successor, the Citizens after much suit to the Monks, prevailed with them at length, to sell them of their wood to make hurdles or wattles withal, for the defence of their City. They are indeed (as I am informed 
t Vide Gloss. D. H. Spelman in verbo Hurditium.  things of especial good and known use for such a purpose, in divers respects, but chiefly serviceable, rightly used, for the securing of a wall against Rams, and such like engines of assault and battery. Consider of this further, after you have read these letters 
u In archivis ecclesiae Cant. , which I may call the Monk's acquittance, or protection.  
Omnibus ad quos praesens scriptum pervenerit, Hubertus de Burgo justitiarius Domini Regis, salutem in Domino. Noveritis quòd ad magnam petitionem meam & civium Civitatis Cant. Monachi ecclesiae Christi Cant. vendiderunt civibus Cant. de bosco suo ad faciendum Cleias ad defensionem Civitatis Cant. Et quia constabat nobis plenè per cartas Domini Joannis Regis nostri, & antecessorum suorum quod praedicti Monachi ad munitionem praedict. Civitatis non tenentur, nè praedicta venditio possit in posterum praedictis Monachis vel ecclesiae Cant. praejudicare, literis praesentibus cum sigilli nostri appositione jus & libertates dictorum Monachorum & Cant. ecclesiae protestamur super predict ● venditione. Val ●.  
The prototype is yet remaining in the Cathedral, where I have seen it with the seal appendent. The like to that (of the Authors) represented in figure in the last edition of the Remains pag. 209. and in the map of Kent.  
I read nothing of our walls afterwards till Rich. 2.  
days, who (as Thorn reported by Mr. Lambert 
x Peramb. of Kent in Canterbury.  saith) gave 250. marks towards the ditching, and enclosing of the City, and in whose reign, Regis ad exemplum, that renowned Patriot Archb. Sudbury is said to have built the Westerne-gate of the City, together with the Wall, lying between that and the Northgate, commonly called the long Wall, and was purposed (some say) to have done likewise about all the City 
y ●ver of ancient funeral Monuments. pag. 225. , if he had lived. The rest of the Wall (it seems) either tottering, or being quite decayed at that time. Insomuch as Simon Burley (Warden of the Cinque Ports) advised that the Jewels of Christ-Church and Saint Augustine's, should for more safety be removed to Dover-Castle 
z Lambert. Peramb. in Cant. .  
What cost in reparation it had afterwards bestowed on it, was chiefly raised by the general tax of the City. For it appears by the Book of Murage in the City-Chamber, that the whole City in the time of Hen. 4. was taxed and assessed to the repair thereof: towards the sustaining of which both for the present and future, and the Citizen's encouragement to proceed in that worthy undertaking, that King, by his writ of Privy Seal, gives them both a licence of Mortmain, for the purchasing of twenty pound land per annum to the City for ever; and also grants them all waste grounds, and places lying within the City to use and dispose of for their best advantage, likewise in perpetuity. For your better satisfaction, take here a translated Copy of the Writ, as I have it from the Records of the Chamber.  
Henry by the Grace of God King of England, and of France, and Lord of Ireland, to all people to whom these present letters shall come, greeting. Know ye that where 
Motives.  our well-beloved, the Citizens of our City of Canterbury, (as We hear) have begun to fortify and strengthen the same City as well with one Wall of stone, as with a Ditch. We considering the same City to be set near unto the Sea, and to be as a Port or entry of all strangers into our Realm of England coming by the same parts; so that it hath need of the more strength. Of Our especial Grace, and for the honour of God; and by the assent of Our Counsel have granted and given licence to the same Citizens, that they may purchase Lands and Tenements to the value of twenty pound by the year within the said City. 
Grant.  To have and to hold to them and their successors, Citizens of the foresaid City, in help towards the building and making of the same Wall and Ditch for ever. The stat. made of Lands and Tenements not to be put to Mortmain, or for that the said City is holden of Us in Burgages notwithstanding. Provided that by inquisitions thereof, in due form to be made, and into the Chancery of Us or of Our Heirs, duly to be returned, it be found that it may be done without hurt or prejudice to Us or to Our Heirs aforesaid, or to any other. And moreover, in consideration of the premises of Our more special Grace, We by the assent of Our said Counsel, have granted and given licence to the foresaid Citizens, that they all Lands and places void and waste within the foresaid City may dress up, arrent and build up. And the same Lands and places so dressed up, arrented and builded, they may have and hold to them and to their Successors aforesaid, in help and relief of the same Citizens, and in maintenance of the premises and other charges to the same City happening for ever: without let of Us or of Our Heirs or Ministers whatsoever they be, the stat. aforesaid; or for that the said City is holden of Us, in Burgages as it is abovesaid notwithstanding. Saved always to Us and to Our Heirs the Services thereof due and accustomed. In Witness whereof We have caused these Our Letters Patents to be made. Witness Ourself at Westminster the fifth day of May, in the fourth year of Our Reign.  
The better and more easily to estimate and judge of the charge of which work, I find that the year before (3. Hen. 4.) the compass and circuit of the Wall was measured, and a note thereof taken and registered in the Records of the Chamber. Let me present you with the Copy of it, in the identity of words and language that I find it.  

Mensuratio murorum circa Civitatem Cant' per Thomam Ickham honour ablem Civem Civitatis praedict' fact. Ann. Reg. Hen. tertio.  
Primo à parva porta de Quyningate usque ad Burgate xxxviij. perticat, & porta de Burgate continet unam.  
Item, à dicta porta de Burgate usque ad Newingate xxxvij. perticat, & porta de Newingate continet unam.  
Item, à dicta porta de Newingate'usque ad Ridingate xlviij. perticat, & porta de Ridingate continet unam.  
Item, à dicta porta de Ridingate usque ad Worgate lxxxiij. perticat, & porta de Worgate continet unam.  
Item, à porta de Worgate usque ad aquam quae est à retro S. Mildredae, lxj. perticat, & riparia ibidem continet, iiij. perticat.  
Item, à riparia usque ad Westgate. cxviij. perticat, & dimid', & porta de Westgate continet unam.  
Item, à porta de Westgate usque ad finem muri qui vocatur Long-wall continent', lix. perticat, & quartam partem perticat.  
Item, aqua quae vocatur Stower ab illo muro usque ad murum qui vocatur Waterlocke continet, xviij. perticat, & dimid.  
Item, & murus ab illo loco usque ad Northgate continet, xl. perticat, & porta de Northgate continet unam.  
Item, à porta de Northgate usque ad Quyningate continet lxix. perticat, quae est versus Prior ' ecclesiae Christi Cant. Summa ●otalis (but it is miscast) uclxix. perticat, & quarta pars perticat.   
This Thomas Ickham, by the way, the Wall measurer, was Alderman of Burgate in the fourth year of Hen. 4. and dying the twenty six of May. 3. Hen. 5. was buried in Christ-Church. 
a Liber Ms. in Archivis Ecclesiae Cant.  Others of his name and family, (I take it) lie buried in Saint Peter's Church in Canterbury, as I shall show hereafter.  
By this Record you may perceive that the whole Wall between Westgate and Northgate was not then built, as now we see it is. For on either side the River, the Wall, by this Record, clearly breaks off, so that there is an interjected distance of eighteen perches long between the one, and the other Wall. And indeed it will easily appear to be but a slight observation; that so much of the Wall as stands and is made up in that then un-walled part, namely between the Postern and the Waterlocke, next Northgate, through which in Arches, with a Portclose, the River now passeth from Abbot's Mill, is in the stone-worke much different from the rest of the Wall, and shows not in any part the least wrack or decay, as the other doth. It seems then that Archbishop Sudbury built not all the long Wall.  
But enough of the Wall, unless the City of latter time had more tendered her own credit and safety in keeping it better repaired. In pity and just reproof whereof (whether in this City, or any other) I crave leave here a little to enlarge myself. A City's aspect is much blemished by ruinous edifices: especially public, and in places most obvious to the eye. Now what more public and obvious than the City Wall? Against this deformity the Civil law very carefully provides, which says: Civitas ruinis non debet deformari. 
b Fin. ne quid in loc. pub. lib. 43. ff. 〈◊〉. 8.  As likewise do the laws of this land: Statutes being made 27. 32. and 33. Hen. 8. to remedy such deformities in many of our Cities, and this in particular. If this move not, know then that our English Towns and Cities are taxed, and have a note set on them published to the World in Print, for their notorious defect of Walls and Bulwarks. Expositae sunt nationes (saith the French Th●losanus) 
c De Repub. li. 1. cap. 3. nu. 5.  praedae exterorum, quae non habent muratas aut munitas Civitates, ut de Anglia, & Scythicis liqu● nationibus: Cito enim expugnatis portubus, ingressu & aditu patefacto, omnia cedunt reliqua, etc. Thus he, and leaves it not so, but a while after hath it up again. 
d Eod. lib. cap. 5. num. 3.  Estque res notissima, Angliam aliasque regiones toties mutasse Reges & Dominos, quòd null● aut paucissimae sunt in eyes urbes & arces munitae: ut sit axioma certissimum, ingressis in eas Regiones obtento, statim dominationem earum sequi. Thus he, much to the discredit of our Nation: but deservedly I doubt, and suspect our particular neglect and defect in this kind, partly gave the occasion. As we tender then our own, and our Country's credit; as we respect our particular commodity in point of security and beauty, both which it will at once bring unto our City, let us with our forefathers, as good Patriots, look better to our Walls.  
But I fear I speak too late. Serò medicina paratur, etc. The malady is of that growth by the want of applying timely remedies, that, I think, it is now become incurable. Such danger, such detriment attends, and is begotten by delay. Yet let me not seem tedious, whilst I remember what some y●t living cannot have forgotten; that not long since the cure was in part worthily attempted by a noble Citizen, Mr. I. Easday by name, sometime one 
Ann. Domini. 1586.  of our Aldermen, who in the time of his Mayoralty, well hoping his Successors in the place, would likewise have succeeded him in this his exemplary piety and commendable endeavour for the repair of the City wall, to his great cost, being a man but of an indifferent estate, began the repair thereof at Ridingate, and therein proceeded so far, as where you may find his name inscribed on the Wall. A work left for future ages to follow, now having hitherto vouchsafed it their imitation. But I forbear, because I list not to be satirical.  
In this Wall are to the number of twenty one Turrets, or small watch Towers orderly placed, the most of them (thanks to God) of no use now adays; but in many men's judgements, such, as with no great cost, if it might stand with the wisdom of the City, might make, what we much want, convenient Pest-houses, and Receptacles for the poor visited people of the City, many times either endangering the public safety by their stay in their houses, or else hazarding their private welfare abroad for want of such or like accommodation. I have done with the Walls.  

The Gates.  
The Gates of the City come next to be considered of. The Wall at this day admits of only six (except the three Posterns) answering to the number of the Wards, Burgate, Newingate, Ridingate, Worthgate, Westgate, and Northgate. Anciently we had another, a seventh gate, which was called Queningate, whereof mention is made in the foregoing note of the measurement of the City Wall. I will briefly speak of them all, beginning with that whereof I find eldest mention, Burgate, or Burrough-gate.  
The first of King Ethelb. Charters dated in the year of our redemption 605. tells us of this Gate: bounding out 
Burgate.  the intended site of Saint Augustine's Monastery, South to Burgate-way. In meridie via de Burgate, saith the Charter. It was afterwards, and still is otherwise called Saint Michaels-gate, from the Church so called sometime neighbouring to it. About the year of Grace 1475. This Gate was new builded, at whose charges is to be seen upon the Gate, without, where you may find the principal benefactors, worthy Citizens in their times, thus memorised. Per johannem Franingam, johannem Nethersole, & Edm. Minot.  
By this Gate lies the Road between the City and Sandwich, 
A common footway some ●ime through St Augustine's Churchyard.  and the bordering parts, and that only by Longport at this day: whereas in former time there was also a common footway lying through St Augustine's Churchyard, by the Gate at either end, the one yet standing against St Pauls-street, called Church-street: at the one end, and the other directly oppositeto it, where a new Gate was lately made opening into St Martins-streete. Besides tradition which retains the memory of this common way, the wills 
e Penes Registrum Consistor' Cantuar.  of some of our Townsmen buried in St Augustine's said Churchyard, make mention of it, by appointing and laying out their burials in Cimiterio St August' in alta via, and the like. And in, or about the beginning of Hen. 6. reign, I find there arose a great debate, ending in a suit in law, between the City and the Abbey concerning Limits; occasioned chiefly by the Citizens challenge, and the Monks denial of this way, to lie and be within the liberty and franchese of the City. The quarrel happened in the time of the Bailiffs, who in their passage to and from St Martins by that way, with their Maces, the ensigns of their Magistracy borne up before them, so distasted the Monks, that on a time meeting them and their company upon the place, and not prevailing with them verbis; or by force of argument to desert their, and the Cities claim in that behalf: impatient of the affront, they attempted it vi, or by force of arms, endeavouring by strong hand to force them from the place, but being the weaker party, were put to the worst. To suit than they go, but the issue what it was I cannot learn, only I have seen (and have a Copy of) an argument drawn and framed on the Monks part, and in defence of their limits and liberties, to the doing whereof the premised difference gave the occasion. However the way continued and lay common till our memory. And here, in all probability, lay the most ancient road between Burgate and St Martins, it meets in so straight a line, the roads at either end; whereas Longport road lies wide of them both, more south from the Abbey: the road being so turned of purpose (as I conceive) to make more way, and give larger scope for St Augustine's Churchyard. And (which moves me most) the first site of the Abbey is bounded South to Burgate way, and not to Longport 
f Vide C●r. 1. Ethelberti. . But leaving this Gate, come we now to the next.  
Newingate, otherwise from the Church so called standing 
Newingate.  hard by it, St Georges-gate. This Gate was new built much about the time that Burgate was. For thus I read in the will of one William Big of Cant. 
g In Archivis Registri Domini Archidiaconi Cantuar.  a benefactor to the work, 1470. Item, I give ten pounds to the making, and performing of St Georges Gate, to be paid as the work goeth forward. But it took not the name of Newingate, that is Newgate, from this new building of it; but was much more anciently so called. For about the middle of the eleventh Century, in a Bull of Pope Alex. 3. to the Monks of Christ-church, I read this; In civitate Cantuar. Ecclesiam scil. Georgii de Newingate: Yet by the name of it, it should not be of any great antiquity. And indeed I conceive it to be of a latter foundation than any of the other five, and that it was built (as Newgate in London was upon an occasion not much unlike 
h Surveyed of Lond●n. pag. 35. ult. Editionis. ) chiefly for a more direct passage into the heart of the City from Dover-rode. Whereas the more ancient road and passage into the City from Dover lay by the next Gate, whither I am going.  
Ridingate, an ancient Gate, and mentioned in the Records of St Augustins Abbey, in Ann. Dom. 1040. thus: 
Ridingate.  E●dsinus Archiepiscopus dedit Sancto Augustino quinque acr as terrae Rudingate & unum pratum pertinens ad terram praedict': hac conditione interposita, ut monachi St August. haberent ejus memoriam in orationibus suis specialem 
i Thorn in vitis Abbot. St Augustini. Cant. .  
By this Gate (I say) anciently lay the Dover-rode, or rather the Roman port-way, or military way between Dover and Canterb. the like whereof lay between 
* Cambd. in Kent of Portas Lenanis, and Stone-street.  Limen and the City. (As probably also between it and the rest of the Roman ports, to wit Reculoer, Richborow, and Newenden, places all where the Romans planted their Castra Riparensia, as I may not unfitly call them, for the defence of the Saxon shore:) Of the which form two, one upon Burham-downe, and the other upon the Downs by Horton and Stowting, is in ancient evidences called Dunstrata. 1. The street way on the hill or down. The Vestigia of the latter, is that long continued hard-way, called Stone-street, and of the other the abrupt pieces of a fair causey upon Barhamdowne, a way more straight and direct then that now used, lying by Whitings-way, or rather White-way (for King john's Charter to St Rudegund's Abbey by Dover calls it Alba via 
k Liber. Ab●. St Rudegundis. ;) whither the road was turned (as is probably conjectured) for the frequency of robberies and murders committed in Woolwich-wood, through which the former way lay and lead. But to our Gate again, which I suppose taken it name from this Port-way or Rode-way. Ridingate, being no other but the Rode-gate. Which conjecture is made much more probable, if not the matter put out of all doubt, partly by the tokens of Antiquity, the Roman or British-bricks as yet to be seen about it, and partly by the name of the street leading from it into the City, called to this day Watling-street, one of the four famous ways or streets which crossed and quartered the Kingdom. Erming-street, Ikenildstreet and Fosse being the other three, which Mulmutius Dunwallo is by some storied to have made; I know not how many hundreds of years before Christ. So Holinshead. But of Mr Cambden, who hath a large discourse of them 
l Britannia. Romans in Britain. pag. 63. 64, 65. English edition. , much more probably attributed to the Romans. I proceed.  
By this gate was sometime standing a Church, called the Church of S. Edmund 
m S. Edmund's Church.  the King and Martyr, otherwise from the Gate by which it stood, S. Edmunds of Ridingate, built by one Hamon the son of Vitalis, one of those who came in with the Conqueror 
n Lib. H●sp. S. Laurentii prope Cant. . This Church was standing near within the gate, for I have read an old deed bounding out an house one way to the street leading to S. Edmund's Church from Tierne-Crouch (that is the Iron cross, which sometime stood at the East-end of Castle-street, at the meeting of the four weuts) But the Church is now so clean gone, that the least vestigium of it appears not. I read 
o Lib. Eccles. Christi. Cant. , that upon the declining of it, in the year of our Lord 1349. it was united to S. Mary Bredne, by the then Commissary of Canterb ', specially authorised thereto by the Ordinary, who were then the Prior and Count of Christ-Church in the vacancy of the See by Archbishop Bradwardines' death, with consent of the Nuns of Sepulchers, who were Patrons of it, it being given them long before by the Abbot and his Covent of S. Aug. whereof their domestic Chronicler 
p Thorn In ●itis Abbat. S. Augustini.  hath these words. Anno Dom. 1184. Rogerus Abbas & Conventus hujus Monasterii concesserunt ecclesiam beati Edmundi de Redingate in puram & perpetuam elemosynam Monialibus S. Sep. Cant. Ita tamen quod Moniales praedictae in recognitionem juris quod S. Aug. habet in praedicta ecclesia de red. 12. denarios de ipsa ecclesia singulis annis reddent super Altar S. Aug. in die ipsius scil. ad organa reparanda, & super hoc tam Priorissa & Suppriorissa in Capitulo nostro fidelitatem juraverunt multis testibus praesentibus. Thus he. Let me only acquaint you that over this Ridingate, was sometimes, and that in the memory of many yet living, a Bridge lying upon the underprops or Buttresses yet standing on either side the Gate; 
Bridge over Ridingate.  by which when it stood, a man might have continued his walk from the lesser to the greater Dondgehill, and è contra, but it is decayed and gone. And so I walk on to Worthgate.  
Of which I can say but little, and the rather because I am not as yet persuaded to be of their opinion who think that Winchep-gate, that now is, and so called, is the ancient Worthgate. For my part, I rather conceive the gate now disgated sometime leading out of the Castleyard into Winchep to be Worthgate, because it is both the more ancient gate in all appearance, carrying a show of greater Antiquity than the castle itself in the perfect Arch of British brick which it hath, not sampled of any other about the City; and in its ruins retains the vestigia of a gate, both for strength and beauty of good respect. Besides, by it the road is continued, directly from Castle-street into Winchep, and è contra: whereas Winchep-gate carries no show of the least antiquity; and beside stands wide of Winchep, making the passenger wheel about, and fetch a compass to come to it. Besides observe the name, which I suppose taken up and given it since the building of the Castle, Worthgate, that is (as I conceive) the Castle-gate, or gate by the Castle: Worth (as some interpretit 
q Remains of Surnames in verb. Worth. pag. 93. ) signifying a Fort: or else Worthgate, quasi Ward-gate, from the constant watch and ward (commonly called Castle-guard:) anciently kept in the Castle and Barbican, for the safeguard of it and the City, whereof some ancient evidences have taken notice, as (amongst other) one of S. Radeg. Abbey 
r Lib. Rad●gund. , made in Ric. 1. or King john's time, concluding thus. Haec emptio facta fuit illo tempore quo W ●us de Hesheteford habuit wardam Castelli Cant. & eodem temp ' Theoricus le Vineter fuit pr●fectus.  
But leaving this matter, let me tell you, that, according 
London road.  to traditional report, London road lay anciently by this gate, until Boughton way, as the more direct, came into request; which it did but lately as they say, how truly I know not, but not improbably, (if for no other reason) because of the prison kept of old first in the Castle, and afterwards at or near S. Jacob's (whereof more anon) places most likely of the greatest thoroughfare. But as a thing uncertain I leave it with a Fides penes lectorem esto, until further enquiry shall enable me to give him better satisfaction. But for certain, of old, in perilous times of hostility, all strangers coming by Dover, and those eastern coasts from foreign parts, being denied the common thoroughfare of the City, were put to seek London-rode, by a lane leading to it not far distant from this Gate, of some called Strangers way, of other Out-aliens way, which crosseth 
Stranger's way.  the road at S. Dunstan's Cross a little on this side of Cockering farm. Of this Gate I have nothing more to say in this place, because I shall have a second occasion for it, when I come to the Castle. I pass therefore from it to Westgate.  
But first will it please you to hear my second thoughts, touching the roads lying by this Gate, to and from London?  
Some haply will more readily adhere to this opinion, because Mr Cambden 
s Britannia in Kent.  seems to be in a manner of their mind, by making Lenham (in his interpretation) the same with the Emperor Antoninus his Durolsuum mentioned in his Itinerary, as one of the mansions or stations upon the road lying in his time between London and Richborough.  
But therein (I take it) Mr Cambden is mistaken, If you 
Mr Cambdens' opinion touching Lenham examination.  will hear my reasons, first let me give you the Stations or Mansions which the Itinerary mentions lying in the road between London and Richborough, with the distances between the stages, and the total sum or number of miles in the whole journey, taking beginning from London.  
Noviomago. m. p. x. In toto lxxiiij. Vaginacis. m. p. xviij. Durobrovis. m. p. ix: Durolevo. m. p. xiij. Duroverno. m. p. xij. Ad portum Ritupis. m. p. xij.  
Let me add also the stages (and their distances) between London and Dover, and between London and Lin, with the totals also of their miles, as the same Itinerary sets them down.  

Item, à Londinio ad portum Dubris. M. P. 66. sic.  
Durobrovis. m. p. xxvij.  
Duroverno. m. p. xxv.  
Ad portum Dubris. m. p. fourteen.  
Item, à Londinio ad portum Lemanis. M. P. lxviij. sic.  
Durobrovis. m. p. xxvij.  
Duroverno. m. p. xxv.  
Ad portum Lemanis. m. p. xuj.   
Now the first of these stages between London and Richborough (Noviomagus) Mr Cambden conceiveth to be that which is now called Woodcote, a little village near Croyden in Surrey. The next (Vagniac.) he takes for Maidstone, a Town well known in Kent. The third (Durobrovis) for Rochester City. The fourth (Durolevum) for Lenham in Kent. The fifth (Durovernum) for Canterbury City, and the next and last (Portus Ritupis) for Richborough near Sandwich.  
As for the third and two last of these stages, there is no cause of doubt (as I conceive) but he hits them aright: the Quaere rests then only upon the other three. Now it will, I think, be easily granted that the Roman-roads between Port and Port; and between one great Town and another, were made and laid out as direct and straight as might be 
t Hae viae summa rectitudine tanquam prot●nsa linea, per quaecunque locorum incommoda, tanta latitudine ductae sunt. Twine. De Reb. Albionic. lib. 2. pag. 152. : and that for the Posts and other Travellers both better direction, and also more swift and speedy dispatch of the journey; to facilitate whose passage they invented, and made those causeyes, whereof we have in many places the remains to this day. And that the road or Port-way between London and these Port-Townes was straight and without much winding, appeareth plainly by the total of the miles, not only between them (especially between London and Dover being reckoned but at 66. a distance which it holds almost to this day, though the English be longer than the Italian miles:) but also, if you mark it between London and Rochester, and between Rochester also and Canterbury, the former being 27. the latter 25. If this be so, the Traveller goes much awry and out of his way, that setting out of London, and bound for Richborough, goes first eight or ten miles wide of London, to Woodcote: from thence to Maidstone some 24. miles asunder: and from Maidstone makes to Rochester (obliquely all the way, without gaining a step nearer his journey's end, when he is there: and then quatering again returns into Maidstone road, and salutes Lenham, and so makes forward. He that takes his way thus shall find it little less thrn 80. of our miles between London and Richborough.  
The case thus standing, suffer me to give my weak conjecture how the Road might lie in the Romans time; and to tell you whereabout I guess these Stations, Mansions or stages that the Itinerary speaks of, were severally seated, and may now probably be found.  
As for the first then, being Noiomagus, or Noviomagus, and that seated ten miles from London; I cannot conceive 
Noviomagus.  how it should be a stage for this road, and lie wide of London, as Woodcote doth, so many miles, and consequently set the Traveller at as great a distance from the place whither he is bound (Richborough) as when he first set out of London. Considering this, and the distance between London and Rochester, by the Itinerary, I should rather place it about Crayford, much about ten miles from London, upon or alongst some Hill or Downe, since it is otherwise called Noviodunum.  
As for Vagniac●, the next stage, 18. miles from Noviomagus 
Vagniacae.  (saith the Itinerary, not without a mistake, I believe of 18. for 8. miles, it being by the same Itinerary, but 27. between London and Rochester) I suppose it might stand about Northfleet, distant about 8. miles from Crayford, and about as many miles from Durobrovis or Rochester, the next stage upon the road, and which I think Nennius rather intends by his Caer Medwag, in his catalogue of Cities, than Maidstone.  
The 4th and next stage after Durobrovis, Durolevum, 
Durolevum.  13 miles (by the Itinerary) distanced from Durobrovis, I take to have been seated not far from Newington a village on the road between Rochester and Canterbury: In this particular not a little strengthened and upholden in my conjecture by the multitude of Roman urns lately found in digging there, at such place as is already discovered and discoursed of by the learned Meric. Casaubon, than Bachelor, now Doctor in Divinity, my ever honoured friend 
u Notes upon Marcus Aurel. Antoninus his meditations. pag. 31. etc. .  
If any shall stumble at the disproportion of miles between it and Durovernum (Canterbury) let them know there is even as great between Lenham and Canterbury.  
Why it should be called Durolevum, I am altogether ignorant. What if I conjecture (because the Itinerary lays out the road from London to Richborough, and not è contra) from having the river or water (of Medway) on the left hand of it, as by the inhabitants tradition, Newington sometime had, and within about 2 miles of it yet hath?  
If any looking for better Remaines of a Roman station, shall object the mean condition of the present village, such may know that Newington hath been a place of more note in time passed then now. I read of a Nunnery there of ancient time, whereof and of the pristine estate of the place, please you to read what Thorn hath written 
x In vitis Abbatum S. Aug. .  
Apud manerium de Newington (saith he) fuerunt quondam Moniales quae tenuerunt manerium illud integrè, scilicet id quod Dominus Abbas S. Augustini tenet, & id quod haeredes Domini G. de Lucy tenent, & id quod haeredes B. de Ripariis tenent, praeter id quod Richardus de Lucy adquisivit de Brunell de Middelton, & tunc defendebat illud manerium pro uno sullingo terrae versus Regem apud Middelton. Postea contingebat quòd Priorissa ejusdem Monasterii strangulata fuit de conventu suo nocte in lecto suo, & postea tracta ad puteum quod vocatur Nonnepet: quo comperto, cepit Dominus Rex manerium illud in manum suam, & tenuit illud in custodia sua, caeteris monialibus usque Scapeiam ind● amotis. Postea Henricus Rex Pater substituit quosdam canonicos seculares, & dedit illis illud manerium integrum cum xxviij pisis casei de manerio de Middelton. Subsequenti verò tempore unus occisus fuit inter eos, de qua morte quatuor fuerunt culpabiles, & duo reliqui culpabiles non inventi, per licentiam Domini Regis portionem suam dederunt sancto Augustino, quinque partibus remanentibus in manu Regis usque dedit illas partes Domino Richardo de Lucy justitiario suo. Vnde Abbas S. Augustini tenuit praedictas duas partes quousque per concambium, ut supradictum est, unà cum xj sol. vd annui redditus in hamleto de Thetham fuit sibi satisfactum, qui quidem Hamlet postea devenit in manus Abbatis de Heversham, ex dono praedicti Richardi de Lucy, qui Abbas de praedicto redditu ecclesiae beati Augustini respondet in praesenti. Alia quaedam scripta tradunt illos praebendarios tempore Regis Willielmi conquestoris sic deliquisse, per quorum delictum omnia sua ibidem in manu Regis fuerunt forisfacta, qui quidem Dominus Willielm' Rex duas partes saepe nominatas dedit Abbati S. Augustini. Quae verò istarum opinionum sit verior, in effectu ad eligendum relinquo optioni legentis.  
Craving pardon for this digression, and leaving Worthgate, I come now as I promised erewhile, and as the order of my method requires, to Westgate.  
Edmerus the Monk of Canterbury shortly after the Conquest, 
Westgate.  names unto us this and the Northgate of the City, telling us of Archb. Lanfranc's founding a double Hospital, the one for leprous, without the former, and the other for aged and impotent without the other gate 
y Edmer. Hist. Nov●rum. lib. 1. pag. 9 . This of Westgate being decayed (as I have told you) was re-edified by Archbishop Sudbury in Rich. 2. time. It hath its Church by it called Holy Cross (with this addition, from the Gate:) of Westgate.  
The same gate the surest and largest about the City, 
Prison there.  and therefore, and in respect also of the chief through fare under it, is at this day the common Gaol or Prison of the City, both for malefactors and others, and hath been so (as I suppose) almost ever since the new building of it: but certainly from the 31. of Hen. 6. For then (as Edw. 4th in his Charter recites) he granted it to the City by his Charter, in these words. Custodiam Gaiolae suae de Westgate predict Civitatis suae Cantuar. ad prisones tunc incarceratos & extunc incarcerendos infra eandem Civitatem & suburb. pro quocunque crimine seu causa cuptos seu capiendos, detinendos in eadem per se vel Ministros suos etc. The Town Prison being immediately before its remove thither kept in another place, to wit before the now town-Hall or Court-Hall (whereof more hereafter:) as formerly it was at another place, to which I am copiously directed by the Records of Christ-Church, which show it to have stood in the heart of the City, hard by S. Andrews Church, on the North-side of the street, even where since and now our cornmarket is kept; which the boundary of a house of Christ-Church situate thereabouts anciently thus discovers. In parochia S. Andreae, inter venellam per quam itur ad carcerem Civitatis quae est versus East. And another thus. In angulo sicut itur ab ecelesia St Andreae versus carcerem Civitatis 
z Rental. vet. eccles. Christ. Cantuar. . This latter house I take to be that where Mr Taylor the Linen-draper lately dwelled, which is a Church-house, and it seems was anciently, a corner-house, that being but lately put up which now stands between it and the Corne-market.  
This Prison in those days was known by the name of the Spech-house. Nicholaus de Wilt-shire Priso in Gaola Civitatis Cant. vocat Spech-house moriebatur, etc. say the Crowne-Rolls, 11. Ed. 2. And whilst it was kept there, the lane now called Angell-lane, to which toward the East it abutted, called parvus vicus juxta Spech-house, and Spech-house-lane. For a Townsman in his Will, dated 1404. proved (according to an old Custom of the City) before the Bailifeses of the place, deviseth his Tenement in St Mary magdalen's Parish in Spech-house-lane 
a Liber. Civitat. Cant. ; which of necessary consequence, must be this, there being no other lane in that Parish that leads to the Spech-house.  
The same records of the Cathedral inform me of a yet more ancient common Goal or Prison then this, belonging 
Another Prison.  to the City, which in the time of Prior Benedict, about 450. years ago, they call Novum Carcerem Civitatis. It stood (say they) in a part of that which was afterwards the Augustine Friars seat, since the dissolution become the dwelling house (after many others) of Captain Berrye's heirs, having then a lane leading to it, from Saint George's street, called Lambertslane, afterwards Brewerslane, and Vicus qui ducit ad veterem Gayolam. For the composition made in the year 1326. between those Friars, and the than Parson of St George (whereof more hereafter) bounds out their seat in this manner. In parochia St Georgii Cant. juxta quandam venellam vocat' Brewerslane, viz. inter praed. venellam, & tenementum Thomae de Bonynton versus North, & quendum locum vocat' Eald-gaole, & tenementum Ceciliae at Gayole verse. West etc. To which add the boundary of the house, then of the Monks of Christ-Church, now the dwelling house of Mr Peter Piard and some others, which in the same records is thus laid down. Inter Regiam stratam versus North, & veterem Gayolam verse. South. This note added to the former plainly points out the situation.  
And now in callem regredior, hoping this digression is neither in point of Antiquity impertinent, nor in point of method preposterous, being ushered in by so fit an occasion. Our forefathers, whose wits the frequency of invasion prompted to all manner of warlike invention, used to secure their City-gates against assailants, not only with a Portclose to let down before it, but also with a warlike device built over it, through which they could let down any offensive thing against the enemy approaching to assail it. A Gate so fortified was called Porta machecollata, from machecollare, or machecoulare, which (saith my Author 
b Coke upon Litt●on. lib. 1. cap. 1. Sect. 1. pag 5. ) is to make a warlike device over a Gate or other passage like to a Grate, through which scalding water, or ponderous or offensive things may be cast upon the assailants. Thus he. After this manner were and are our two principal Gates built, this of Westgate, and in imitation thereof that of Newingate, with each of them a Portclose, like as Burgate: now to Northgate.  
This Gate stands under apart of Saint Mary's Church, 
N●gate.  which is built over it upon the Wall, and to distinguish it from the other Maries of the City, hath this addition from the situation (of Northgate). Under the Choir or Chancel whereof is a Vault, with an open space or lope-hole in the Wall fashioned like a Crosse. It was sometime an Hermitage, but is now belonging to the Parsonage.  
Come we now to Queningate. But where shall we seek it? Thereis none of the name at this day, and few know 
Queningate.  where it stood. I sought as narrowly for it as for Antspaths, and at length having found it will show you where it was. It stood against the Priory of Christ Church, saith our Wall-measurer, distanced from Northgate (saith he) 69. perches, but saith an Elder record of Christ Church, 71. perches. By these descriptions it must needs have stood near the place of the now Posterne-gate, against St Augustine's. And indeed a remanent of British bricks laid and couched Arch-wise at a place in the Wall, a little Northward of the Postern, shows the very place. A small Gate it was (Parva porta de Queningate, saith Ickham;) but I will assure you a very ancient one, as not only the Bricks-betoken, but the records of Saint Augustine prove it, which tell that one Domwaldus (as I told you on a former occasion) gave to that Abbey certain land within Queningate. The very name hath antiquity in it, signifying the King or Queen's gate, being haply Ethelbert and his Queen Bertha their passage from their Palace near adjoining to the several places of their divers devotions: the one (if Thorn say true) at Saint Pancras (so afterwards called;) the other at Saint Martin, whereof more hereafter 
c In S. August. .  
Where the Church or Chapel stood, that had it name from this Gate, being called Saint Mary of Queningate, 
St. Mary of Queningate Church.  I cannot well tell. That such a Church it had, is most certain. I trace it in many records (some 450 years old and more) of Christ-Church, which had the Patronage of that and Saint Michael of Burgate, confirmed to them in and by a Bull of Pope Alex. 3. and in many like Bulls since. The Parson thereof in the year 1381. as those records inform me, made an exchange of it and Burgate to which it was an annexed Chap. for Portpole chantry in Paul's. This being certain, it is no less sure that it stood not far from the Gate, by the name of it; yet not very near, it is like, because the bounders of the City-Wall and ground under it, between Northgate and Queningate, and between it and Burgate, granted to Christ-Church, neither of them mention it: and Ickhams' measurement saith Queningate stood versus Prioratum ecclesiae Christi, not versus, nor juxta ecclesiam or capellam de Quening. I must leave it, until I am better instructed where to find it. And so I have done with both Wall and Gates, and come now unto (my next Particular) the City-Ditch. Only let me but name unto you the Posterns, which (as erewhile I told you) were three. One against 
Posterns.  Saint Augustine, a second at Saint Mildred's, and the third by the Sconce running from Abbats-Mill.    

Of what antiquity this Ditch is (I confess) I cannot well tell. In the Survey of our City in Doomsday Book, 
Ditch about the City how ancient.  I meet with Fossatum Civitatis, but in what sense I do not well know. For whether the City-Ditch be there intended, or some siege rather or beleaguering of the City (for that sense the word Fossatum also carries:) it is to me some question. Eleven of those Burgeses (saith Doomsday) that were in Canterbury in the Confessors time, Vastati sunt in Fossato Civitatis. If it had been said eleven Burgeses houses or mansions were so laid waist, it had been somewhat plain. It might have been supposed their Vastation had been to make way for the Ditch. But you see what the words are. Either there is a figure in them, or the Ditch is not so old. If so old, neglected afterwards. For Queen Alianor's letters before presented, speak of fortifying the City, not only muris, but fossatis too, as in want of both.  
This our Ditch (it seems) was originally of a great 
Breadth of 〈◊〉 Ditch.  breadth, 150. foot over, as I find by the records of a suit commenced by the City against Archbishop Peckham, in the reign of Ed. 1. the 18. year, who charging upon the Archbishop (but erroneously, the Jury finding it not his, but his Tenants fact) for encroaching upon the City-ditch, and straightening of it with houses built upon it about Westgate, to the Cities great damage and annoyance, in regard that the River running through that part of the ditch, many times overflowed the banks, to the great detriment of the Town-wall, make challenge to a ditch of 150 foot broad in these words. Praeterea dicunt quòd ubi Dominus Rex habere debet & antecessores sui habere consueverunt fossatum circuens murum Civitatis praed. quod quidem fossatum debet continere extra murum illum centum & quinquaginta pedes latitudinis etc. A breadth which the 
d Liber Camerae) ●atis Cant.  present ditch, I think, in no part shows. But no marvel; for, as the wall, so the ditch too is in these days much neglected. Little more than half the wall is now in-ditched, the rest being either swerved, or else filled up, and in many parts builded upon; nay, the wall itself in some places easily scalable, what with piles and stacks of wood in some, what with housing and the like in other parts of it; a thing fatal unto some by the fall of the wall (Robert Quilter, Denis Tiler and joan London, being killed by the fall of a part of the wall in Ridingate-ward, as they sat in the said joanes' house 
e Crown-rolls. Anno 17. Ed. 1.  (and both very unseemly and dangerous also for the City. What says the Civil law in this case? Aedisicia (the words of the law) quae vulgò parapetasia nuncupant, vel siqua alia opera moenibus vel publicis operibus ita sociata coherent, ut ex iis incendium vel insidias vicinitas reformidet, aut angustentur spatia platearum, vel minuat' porticibus latitudo, dirui ac prosterni praecipimus, etc. 
Aedisicium 13 deoperibus publicis. Pooe●ium.   
Every well contrived city should have a Pomoerium. And what is that? The law Lexicon shall tell you. Pomoerium locus erat, tam intrà, quam extra murum urbis, quem antiqui in condendis urbibus augurato consecrabant, neque in eo ullum fieri aedificium patiebantur 
g Calvini Lexicon in verb. Pomoerium.  etc. Felinus the Canonist more succinctly defines it thus. Pomoerium (saith he) est locus ad intra & extra, quo aedificare non licet 
h DER scriptis c. Rodulphus num. 23. . But what respect we a Pomoerium? were it a Pomoerium, haply it would be better looked unto. Witness the so much planting of the ditch in divers parts. What a shame is it for us in the mean time, that a little profit should banish all our care in this kind, and to see the greediness of a small advantage to be a means (as it is) to betray the City at once both to danger and deformity? But I may forbear Censure: for I despair of its regard in these days, wherein Meum and Tuum, the private profit of some few, is with too many more considerable than bonum & interest publicum, the common good of many; which if it find any regard, it is but base and secundary, like that of Virtue, post nummos. So much for the Ditch.   

The Castle.  
COme we now to the Castle, to which our passage from the City lay of old by a Bridge, and beyond that a 
Castle-ga●e and Bridge.  fair Gate built at the entrance of the Castleyard or Court, which I will prove unto you by an ancient deed recorded in the Lieger Book of Estbridge Hospital, concerning a piece of land lying (saith the deed) in the parish of St Mary-Castle: juxta januam Castri ad caput pontis ex parte West. Afterward in the same deed thus described. Inter Regiam stratam versus Est, & fossam dicti Castri versus South, & quandam placeam terrae pertinent' add ecclesiam beatae Mariae de Castro praedict' verse. North, etc. This Gate had it usual Porter or Keeper. For I read that one William Savage, janitor Portae Castri Cant. was questioned for taking the daughter of Hamon Trendherst, vi & armis, ex opposito Castri Cant. in Cant. and carrying her into the Castle, and there holding her eight days and upwards 
i Crowne-Rolles. A●. 15. Ed. 2. .  
To approach nearer to the Castle itself, whose entrance (seemingly) was by an ascent of Steps porcht over on the 
Castle's Antiquity.  Westside. Some there are will tell you that julius Caesar; other that Rudhudibras, or Ludrudibras, long before built it. You may believe them if you please. For my part I subscribe herein to Mr Cambdens' opinion. It carries (saith he) no show of any great antiquity 
k Britannia. In Kent. , and very probably. For in all the sieges of our City, and the harrowing and sacking of it by the Danes, at large related by our Historians, especially that most remarkable (because most lamentable) one in King Etheldreds' time, copiously storied by Roger Hoveden, and our Countryman Spott, telling us first of the siege of the City, with the continuance of it, the treachery by which the enemy surprised it, and divers other particulars thereof; what is there of any Castle, but altum silentium? It was builded by the Normans, saith Mr Cambden. Indeed both he and Speed 
m Hist. in vita Conquest.  inform us, that the Conqueror, for his better subduing and bridling of the 
l Britannia. In Cambridgeshire.  suspected parts of the Kingdom, builded Castles at such places, namely at Cambridge, Lincoln, Nottingham, Stafford, and elsewhere. A piece of policy, which I find practised abroad. In Marchia Brandeburgensi, cum Cives Berlinenses in suum tumultuarentur Magistratum, Fridericus Marchio interveniens, imposuit urbi arcem frenum libertatis 
n Tholosanus de Repub. lib. 2. cap. 5. num. 3. . Might not this be one of the Castles so built by the Conqueror? I conceive not: for I take it to be somewhat, but yet not much elder. Because it appears by Doomsday-Booke, that the Conqueror had this Castle by exchange made with the Archbishop, and the Abbot of St Augustine's; who had for it, the latter 14. the former 7. Burgenses. I suppose it built in the interim of the Danish massacre, and the Norman conquest. Clearly Doomsday Book hath it; but before, it occurs not any where. Shortly after (as I find) certain of the Monk of St Augustine, quitting the Abbey in the broil between Archbishop Lanfranc and them, about Guido or Wido the 42. Abbot, sheltered themselves under, or within this Castle. For, of them some for their rebellion being committed to the City Prison, by Lanfranc's command, nunciatum est ei caeteros abire jussos sub Castro (ad ecclesiam St Miltrudis posito) consedisse 
o Antiq. Britan. in vita Lanfranci. pag. 114. . The next thing that I read of it is, that Lewis the French Dolphin (Stow is my Author) arriving in the I'll of Thanet, and afterwards at Sandwich, and landing his forces, without resistance, comes to Canterbury where he received both Castle and City into his subjection 
p Stow. Annals in King john. Common prison in the Castle, .  
Within this Castle in former time there was a common Prison kept. For proof whereof I could muster up many Testimonies from records of good credit. But because tradition keeps it yet in memory with some, one shall suffice, which I have from the Crowne-Rols. Evasio (saith the Record) Walteri de Wedering, & Martini at Gate de Lamberherst. Prisons Domini Regis in Castro Cant. sederunt ligati in quodam loco vocat' Barbican juxta idem Castrum pro pane suo mendicando. Contigit quòd die Martis in Carnisprivio A ●. R. R. Ed. Fil. Reg. Ed. ante occasum Solis, praedictus Walterus fregit seruram cathenae cum qualigatus fuit, & attraxit secum praedictum Martinum contra voluntatem ipsius Mart. ad ecclesiam beatae Mariae de Castro, ubi remansit & abjuravit Regnum Angliae, & praed. Mart. rediit in prisonam ex bona voluntate. The Prison continued here a long time after, even (as I take it) until the ordinary passage through the Castleyard, by making up the further Gate, was debarred, to the end in likelihood the better to secure the Castle. Which was done (some say) upon Wiat's rising in Queen Mary's days; others, upon a former insurrection in Ed. 6. time, called the Commonwealth; but I think before them both, because I meet with the Prison by Saint Jacob's, whither (it seems) the Castle-prison was removed in Hen. 8. time: divers of our Townsmen about that time, distributing their Testamentory, or dying alms, incarceratis prope locum St jacobi. It had yet a second remove, and that even in our memory, to Westgate-street, where it continues. A few words now of the Barb●can, and I shall have done with the Castle.  
The Castle, it seems, ad majorem cautelam (as the Civilian 
Barbican.  speaks) for the more security both of it and the City was anciently fore-fenced with a Barbican or Barbacan. Which exotic word S. H. Spelman 
q 〈◊〉 in verb. Barbaca●  thus interprets. Barbacan (saith he) munimem à fronte Castri, al●ter antemurale dictum; etiam for amen in urbium Castrorumque moeniis ad trajicienda 〈◊〉: necnon specula, & locus ubi excubiae aguntur. vox Arabica. So he, Minshew thus. A Barbican (saith he) or out-nook in a wall, with holes to shoot out at the enemy. 
r Dictionar. 〈◊〉 hac voce.  Some take it for a Sentinell-house, a Scout-house. Chaucer useth the word Barbican for a Watch-to were. Of the Saxon Ber-ic-ken. i. I ken or see the Borough, etc. Here I will briefly prove unto you two things. 1. That there was Barbican. 2. The place where it stood. In a record of the City Chamber, showing how the Fee-ferme of the City in Hen. 3. time was to be raised, occurs the name of the Barbican, in these words. De Barbicane, 5s. qui debentur in comp'to super S'ccum. I find also in the elder Rentals of Christ-Church, frequent mention of it, as a boundary to certain of the Church's Demesnes lying near it without Worthgate, in these or the like words. Extra Worgate juxta fossatum del bail, sed nunc Barbecan appellatur: and the like. Now that it was, is plain enough. The place where it was, comes next to be inquired. I have seen a record of the 6. of Ed. 2. purporting that the City-Coroner coming to do his office upon the dead Body of a murdered servant of the Prior of Christ-Church: he was not permitted, but the body being conveyed to the Barbecan, extra Castrum Cant. was there set upon and searched by a foreign Coroner. Now it must of necessity follow that this place where the inquest was taken (the Barbecan) was without the City's liberty: but there is not near the Castle any place, save the Castleyard, that is so. The Record (if you please to see it) is extant in my Appendix, pag. 298. The Castleyard, and Wall then now much impaired with age; but sometimes set with divers Watchtowers, four at least, and which was otherwise called the Bulwark, being the fore-fence to the Castle, was undoubtedly the Barbican, or the place and structure, which former ages knew and called by that name. I collect and conclude it also from that of Fossatum del bail, etc. which cannot otherwise be understood then of the Ditch about the Castle-yard-wall, which (until of late that the piece of Wall was made between Winchep-gate and it at the one side, and the like at the other) compassed the same. Now for the better understanding of the use and condition of this military structure, I refer you to Stows Surveyed of London, pag. 62. where he speaks of the like sometime standing without Creeple-gate. And now I come to the River.  
One commendation that our City hath (and worthily) from Malmesbury, 
s De gestis Pontific. lib. 1. in Prologo.  is the Rivers watering of it. This River we call Stoure, as did our Ancestors long ages. Inter geminales Rivos fluminis quod dicitur Stour, are the words of a Codicill or Landboc of King Cenulph the Mercian made to the Archbishop, and his Monks of Christ-Church, Anno Domini 814 
t In archivis Eccles. Cant. . Long before this, a Charter of Edric King of Kent, in Anno Domini 686. made to the Abbey of Saint Augustine, giving certain land in Stodmersh, mentioneth this River, bounding out the same to lie one way to a place called Ford-street, and on the other part to have Flumen quod nominatur Stur 
u Thorn In vitis Abb. S. Aug. . And yet more anciently occurs the name. For Sturrey which takes it name from this River running by it, is by that name together with Chistelet, granted by King Ethelbert himself (his Charter tells me so) to St Augustine.  
What the name signifies, or whence it was taken, certainly 
River when●e called Stour.  I know not. Haply from the constant and continual stirring and swift course or motion of it, to difference it from standing waters, whence probably the Britain name of the City, Durwhern. i. a swift river, or else from Store, for the plenty of water, and the many streams falling into it: as the river Stura, arising in the Alps, one of the 30. which of the river Po are carried into the Adriatic Sea, whereof Pliny speaks, lib. 3. c. 16. is vulgarly called Store. Certes Stour is a name taken up, and given it since the Britain's time. For Dur or Dour was with them the common name for all waters 
x Cambd. Britannia. In Dors●shire pag. 209. Engl. edition. Antiq. Brit. pag. 34. , (whence, as erewhile you heard, our City's name of Durobernia and Dorob. and I take it, the name of Dover sprang) as haply Stour was with the Saxons for all greater rivers. Dour or Stour, saith Hollinshead speaking of the Cambridge river, as if they were all one, or that the latter were the proper name for that river to which the former had been given. I can but rove at uncertainties, and therefore quit the point.   

For the source and course of this river I refer you to Hollinshead 
y Chronicle fol 20.  & Lambert 
* P●rambul. of Kent. , who will copiously herein give you satisfaction. Commodity hath ever her opposites attendance. The great commodity and conveniency of our City's plantation by this river is attended by and with the discommodity and annoyance of inundation. But our Ancestors, the City's first Incolae, weighed not the inconvenience of the one, for the benefit and accommodation of the other. And it is an inconvenience in these days scarcely considerable, because seldom happening; or that can happen in regard the City lies higher now then at thefirst, having in all parts of itbeen much raised at several times, as cellar-diggers, and such like, who are much hindered in their work by old foundations which they meet with in their digging, daily find: occasioned (as I conceive) by the many vastations of the City in the Danes time, and lastly about the year of our Lord 1160. by casual fire.  
The greatest channel of this our river, ran anciently through the midst of the City, to the Kingsmill. For I find Archbishop Pickham charged by the Citizens with the diverting of it, by certain cuts or trenches, for the bettering of his mill at Westgate: which the Jury found to have been done before partly in Archb. Kilwarby, and partly in Archb. Boniface times 
z Liber Camerae Civitatis. . The channel to Westgate then (it seems) became enlarged. But the first division of the stream was not then made. For, that Stour had it course that way much more anciently than those times, is most clear. For I find it to give name in the Conq. time, to the Archbishop's Manor, since and at this day called Westgate (from the situation of it near that gate:) but then, from the standing of it by the Stour-side, Stour-seat, the seat by the Stour; as that other part of her divided channel gave name to the street it runs by, called to this day Stourstree, that is, the street by or nigh the Stour.  
The accommodation of the City by the scouring and 
Projects for the River's enlargement hitherto frustrate.  enlargement of this river hath been a thing at several times attempted, but sine fructu, or without success worthy the design. About the beginning of Hen. 8. reign it was projected to have made that part of the river between Fordwich and Canterbury answerable to Fordw. river, that is, so to have cleansed, deepned and enlarged it, that lighters and boats might be brought to both alike. The matter proceeded so far, and with such probability of a good issue, that the project was allowed and authorised by act of Parliament 
a 5 Hen. 8. c. 17. , of this tenor (which I here insert verbatim and at large, because, being private, the ordinary edition of the Statutes doth not afford it.)  

IN most humble wise showing the King's Highness his true and faithful Subjects, the Mayor, Aldermen, Citizens 
Act. of Parliament about it.  and inhabitants of the City of Canterbury, that where the said 
Canterb. one of the most ancient Cities of England.  City is one of the ancient Cities of this Realm, and through the same hath been and yet is great recourse of Ambassadors, & other strangers from the parties of beyond the sea, where also the bodies of the holy Confessor and Bishop of S. Austin the Apostolic of England, and also many other holy Saints been honourably humate and shrined, is now of late in great ruin and decay, and the inhabitants thereof impoverished, and many great mansions in the same desolate; which ruin, decay and desolation, of like cannot be reform, ne amended, unless the river that goeth and extendeth from the town of great Chart in the County of Kent to the said City, and through and from the said City unto the haven of Sandwich, may be so deeped, enlarged, & of mills & dams, and other annoyances, now being in & overthwart the same river, between the said City and the common crane in the town of Fordwitch, be avoided, scoured, and taken away: which river between the said City and crane, containeth in length two miles, so that carriages by lighters and boats may by the said river be conveied between the said crane in the said town of Fordwitch, unto the said City, which deeping, enlarging and scouring of the said river, as is before said, shall not be only to the profit and avail of the said City, and inhabitants of the same, but also shall cause the haven of the town and port of Sandwich to be deeper and larger, to the great commodity of great number of the King's Subjects: in consideration whereof it may please the King, with the assent of the Lords spiritual and temporal, and the Commons in this present Parliament assembled, and by the authority of the same, to enact and establish that the said Mayor, Aldermen, Citizens and inhabitants of the said City, and their successors, with the advice, assent and agreement aswell of the Reverend Father in God William Archbishop of Canterbury, or his successors, and of two or three Knights being Justices of peace of the shire of Kent, for the time being, as of the Mayor of the town and port of Sandwich aforesaid, to the said work, at the request of the said Mayor of the said City for the time being, desired and called, may lawfully at all and every time hereafter, in such places of the said river, as to the said Knights, Majors, and Aldermen shall seem convenient, deep, enlarge, cleanse, enhance and scour, and cause to be deeped, enlarged and cleansed the said river, with all things thereunto requisite, between the said town of Chart, and the said City, and through the same, and from the said City unto the said crane, in such manner as lighters and boats may have by the same river their full passage and course for carriage by the same to be conveied, and without let, interruption, impeachment, disturbance or denial of any person or persons. And after such deeping, enlarging, inhancing, cleansing, scouring (as is before said) done, the said Mayor, Aldermen, Citizens and inhabitants of the said City, with the assent and consent (as is before said) obtained, may lawfully aswell stop ditches, and make and enhance bays, brinks, dams, and walls, for the advancing and inhighing of the said river, as to take down, abate, and put away all mills, bridges, dams, walls, and other whatsoever impediment lying over or overthwart the said river, between the said town of great Chart to the said City, and through the same, and from the said City to the foresaid common crane, and other things thereunto requisite, whereby the concourse of the said lighters and boats should be letted: and that no action nor suit therefore be maintainable, or to be had against the said Mayor, Aldermen, Citizens, and inhabitants, or any of them, or their Assigns, for the premises or any of them in manner aforesaid.  
Provided always, that every person that shall be damnified by putting away or abating of his mill; bridge or dam, or mills, bridges or dams, shall be reasonably satisfied therefore, for such damages, as he or they shall have by reason of the same, by the said Mayor, Aldermen, Citizens, and inhabitants of the said City, and their successors, as the said Archbish. of Canterbury that now is, or his successors, and the said Knights shall award, consider and adjudge.   
Execution, which is said to be the life of laws, was wanting here. This law, this Statute-law (it seems) was never so inlivened. For notwithstanding this fair way made, I cannot tell by what infortunacy, nothing was done to any purpose at that time. Too likely it is that the difference between the Archbish. and the City, as it diverted him from building here, what he built at 
b Lambert Peramb. of Kent. in Otford.  Otford, a stately Palace, did the mischief, and nipped the project in the bud, so that it came to nothing then, as neither did the like project afterwards.  
For albeit it was revived, and in part put in practice with hopes of good success, through the great furtherance of one Mr Rose an Alderman, and sometime Mayor of the City, in the late Queen's time, who was an especial benefactor to the work while he lived, and dying ere the perfection of it, but well hoping it would be accomplished, by his will 
c In Registry Consistorii Cant. , gave 300 libr. towards it (a most pious act:) yet not being so well followed as behoved, through whose default I know not, succeeded now little better than before. It is now a third time undertaken, and by the good endeavours of industrious men in that forward, as not unlikely to succeed: God's blessing be upon the enterprise, and in due time crown it with perfection. 
Is qui principio medium, medio adjice finem.   

I have no more to say of our River in this place, only a 
Mills upon the River.  word or two of the mills standing by or upon it, in and about the City, which are now but few in number, only 5. 1. Kingsmill. 2. Abbats-mill. 3. Westgate-mill. 4. Shaffordsmill. 5. Barton-mill: whereas about King Stephen's time, I find 
d Liber ecclesiae Cant. , that besides these miles, were 7. other standing all upon this river, in or not far from the City; and belonged to the Monks of Christ-Church, whereof the Cellerar of the place had the charge: to wit, the mill at Sameletes ford (now vulgarly Shanford) Gudwoldsmeln, Munechemeln, Hottesmeln, Crinesmeln, and the mills of Saliford, (now Shulford) and S. Mildreth. All which mills (I take it) are long since down, and so quite gone (except that of Shanford) that it is scarce known where they stood, nor hath Christ-Church any one mill left her at this day. Touching these quondam mills of the Church, I find in their records letters of Hen. 2. written at the suit and in the behalf of the Monks, and directed Praepositis Cant. of this tenor. viz. Vt omnia molendina infra Civitatem & extra 
* admensurentur.  atttemperentur, sicut fuerunt tempore Reg. Hen. avi mei. Et ea quae levata altiùs sunt postea ad damnum Monachorum Cant. ad eam mensuram ad quam erant tempore Regis Hen. 1. demittantur, ut molendina Ecclesiae Christi ita bene & plenariè molere possint, sicut molebant temp Reg. Hen. & damnum quod indè Monachi habuerunt justè eis restaurari faciatis ab illis per quos damnum contigit, & nisi feceritis Vicecomes meus de Kent faciat fieri, nè in amplius clamorem audiam pro penuria pleni Recti, etc. But leaving these, let me speak of the present mills.  
As for the first, Kingsmill. It was and is so called because 
Kingsmill.  it sometimes was the Kings: and was otherwise called both Eastbridge-mill, and Kingsbridge-mill, from the near situation of it to that bridge. thorn 
e In vitis Abbat. S. Aug.  the Chronicler of S. Augustine's reports that King Stephen, being in a great strait at Lincoln, where he was surprised and taken prisoner by Robert Earl of Gloucester, and put to a great fine for his ransom; towards his relief in that necessity, borrowed of Hugh, the 2. of that name, Abbat of S. Augustine, one hundred marks, and in consideration thereof, by his charter, gave to the monastery this mill. The effect of which Charter (saith he) was this. Stephanus Rex Angliae Archiepisc. Episc. Abbatibus, etc. salutem. Sciatis quòd pro salute animae meae &c. dedi & concessi Deo & ecclesiae S. Augustini molendinum quod habui infra Civitatem Cantuar. juxta Eastbrigge, & totum cursum aquae illius molendini in restaurationem vadimonii centum marc arum quas ego pro necessitate mea ab eadem ecclesia cepi, praesentibus Baronibus meis; quare volo & firmiter praecipio, quod praefata ecclesia S. Aug. teneat & habeat praedict molendinum cum omnibus eid' pertinentibus ad servitium altaris illius ecclesiae, ita bene & in pace liberè & quietè & honorificè sicut ego aut aliquis Rex praedecessorum meorum meliùs liberiùs & quietiùs tenuit etc. From thenceforth the Abbey enjoyed the mill until the time of Abbot Clarembald, who made it over to King Hen. 2. whereof the same author hath these words savouring of his dislike of the act. Et nota quòd istud molendinum per Clarembaldum superiùs nominatum, cum aliis rebus & possessionibus per eum nequiter distractis Domino Regi Henrico & successoribus suis alienatum, & ad opus suae Civitatis rehabitum. Iste tamen Hen. Rex ad recompensationem hujus injuriae isti Monasterio multas libertates scribitur concessisse, etc. Afterwards when the City was granted in Fee-ferme to the Bailiffs, by Hen. 3. this mill, as parcel, was 
f Vbi supra  expressly included in the grant. Whereof the same Thorn hath this note. Concessit (saith he) idem Rex Henricus istis temporibus Civitatem suam Cantuar. civibus ejusdem, sub gubernaculo duorum Ballivorum regendam, ad feodi firmam lx. librar. ad errarium suum annuatim solvend. cum omnibus consuetudinibus ad eand. Civitat. pertinent' come molendino de Eastbrigge, vel aliter Kingsmill dictum. Et hîc nota quòd praed' molendinum per Stephanum Regem ecclesiae beati Aug. ut dict' est extitit datum, per Clarembaldum intrusorem Henrico Regi tum Anglorum alienatum, & à successoribus Regibus adopus Civitatis injuriosè detentum, & per istum Hen. praed' Civibus unà cum Burgo in forma praedicta resignatum. Thus he.  
In a cause of tithes brought by the Parson of All-Saints, against the miller of this mill; I find 
g Lib. Eccles. Christ. Cant.  the miller brought to his answer. Who, requisitus an fuerat Firmarius dicti molendini, dixit quòd non, sed fatetur ipsum fore servientem Majorum Civitatis Cantuar. per eos ibid. deputatum. Item requisitus, fatetur quòd omnes pistores villae totum bladum pro albo pane faciend. debent molere sine tollo, vel receptione aliqua in blado vel alio modo. Item oneratur, & fatetur, quòd de farina bladi pistorum pro pane nigro, debent solvere pro mulctura tollum. Item omnes alii ibid.— The rest is wanting.  
This suit happened in the year 1366. however this passage of it mentions the Majors of the City, which came not into being, by name, until almost a 100 years after. Since these times, the case is altered with this mill. For (I take it) the City bakers of these days, neither are tied to grind their corn at this mill (as by this note they seem to be:) nor yet have any such privilege of grinding at that mill toll-free, as then, for white bread. I have but one thing more to acquaint you with touching this mil. And it is that one William Bennet a Citizen and an Alderman of Cant. about the year 1462. in his will, appoints his executours to buy 300 foot of Asheler or Folkstone to make a wharf about the King's mill 
h Lib. Testamentor. p●es regist. Domini Ar●hid a● Cantuar. .  
I come now to Abbats-Mill, the next upon the Stream 
Abbats-Mill.  to Kingsmill. It was called so because it did heretofore belong to the Abbey of St Augustine. Whereof I find mention in King Stephen's time. For then (as Thorn 
i In vitis Abb. St Augustini.  hath it) Hugh, the second of the name, Abbot of the place, distinguishing or setting out the offices of the Monastery: Molendinum de Abbottestnelle quod ipsemet proprio labore adquisivit, ad Sacristiam deputavit, hac interposita conditione, ut tota annona Curiae scil. Aug. ibidem liberè absque thelonio molatur, decimam praedict. molendini elemosinariae scil. Aug. solvatur, residuum quoque profectus illius molendini in usus sacristiae convertatur. This Mill is now the Towns.  
I pass next to Westgate-mill. A very old one. Doomsday-Booke 
Westgate-Mill.  mentions it as the Archbishops: but then in the hands of the Canons of St Greg. The Tithe of it was by Archbishop Hubert in King john's time, granted (amongst other things) to the Hospital of Eastbridge, and that grant was confirmed by the Prior and Covent of Christ-Church 
k Lib. Hosp. de Estbridge. . It is (the Mill) since returned to the archbishopric, and continues a parcel of the demeasnesse of the same.  
As for Shaffordsmill; 'tis but little I can say of it: yet 
Shaffordsmill.  I take it to be that, which I find anciently. i. about Rich. 1. time called Scepeshotesmelne. Extra Westgate ab aquilonari parte versus Scepeshotesmelne, as in a deed of Eastbridge. The composition between the Prior and Canons of St Greg. Parsons of Holy cross of Westgate, and the than Vicar in the year 1347. calls it molendinum de Shefford, and in express words reserves the Tithes thereof from the Vicar to themselves 
l Vide Composit, pag. ; which clearly shows it to be a tithable Mill, and not within the exemption of the Stat. of 9 Ed. 2. Cap. 5.  
Barton-mill was sometimes, and that ab antiquo belonging 
Barton-Mill.  to Christ-Church, where the Monks Corn was ground for their own spending within the Court. But it is now alienated, and so hath been ever since the Dissolution. So much for the Milles. And now have I done with the River. Only let not my silence smother, or suppress that due praise and commendation well known to appertain unto it, for (what, but for the common pochers it would much more abound with) the plenty of singular good fish, which it breeds and yields of divers sorts, Trout especially; whereof those at Fordwich bear away the bell, a place of note (as Cambden saith) in that respect. 
Fordwich Trout.     

According to my proposed method, coming now to the Suburbs: my Survey thereof shall take beginning at the East part; and therein at Saint Augustine's. Concerning which I will limit my discourse, to these two heads or particulars.  

1. The first foundation and following estate of it.  
2. A Survey of the present Remaines of it.   
FOr the first. Augustine the Monk, the Apostle of the 
1. Particular.  English, (as the ancient Charters of the Abbey call him) Pope Gregory the Great's Nuncio, his Alumnus, coming over hither with this com-monachall associates, and being admitted first into the presence, and eftsoons into the favour of Ethelbert (the 
* This is meant of the Saxons, who entered this Kingdom, and were formerly Idolaters: but the Britain's were Christians almost from the time of our Saviour's death, and so they continued, though at this time, living with their Bishops in the remote parts of this Island of Britainy.  first Christian Kentish King. Rex Ethelbertus inter Reges Anglorum Christicola primus, as it is in the bordure of the Quire-hanging of Christ-Church:) and having by his and his fellowlabourers preaching, both by life and doctrine, with God's co-operating Grace, at length wrought his conversation to Christianity, was so well affected and thankfully handled of him, that, for reward of his service, amongst many favours, he obtained of the King his Patron, a certain piece of ground on the East part of the City of Cant. Whereon afterwards, with the King's help, he built this Abbey, dedicated when so first founded to the blessed Apostles, Peter and Paul, and so known a while, but afterwards not (as Lambert 
m Peramb. of Kent. in Cant.  will) only in memory of his benefit; but from the new dedication of it by Archbishop Dunstan, in honore Sanctorum Apostolorum Petri & Pauli, sanctique Augustini, in the year 978 
n thorn. In vitis Abb. St Augustini. : from thence (I say) his being added to the former Tutelars, and after that, until the dissolution, called St Augustine's.  
Anno Dni MCCXL istud altare de dicat. in honorem Aplor Pet. et Pauli et sci Augustim v. kal. Nou. An. Dni MCCC XXV. istud altare dedic. fuit in honore Apost. Pet. et Pau. Sci Augustini Anglor Apli et Sci Aethelberti Regis kal. Marc●. à Petro Epo Corhaniensi Place. between pag. 46. & 47  
The further discovery of this Abbeys foundation and original; I leave to you to make and take (if you please) from the ensuing transcripts of the Founder's Charters, four in number, whereof the three former are of Ethelbert, and the other of Augustine, closed and fenced (as you shall see, according to the manner of former times) with such solemn and dreadful imprecations upon the violaters of their Piety; that (if the Charters themselves prove true and not sergeant, as some suspect them) I for my part (how light soever some do, and will make of them) would tremble to be liable unto, for all the good, for all the gain, were it near so much, that might accrue unto me by intermeddling. But to the Charters, which I have taken from Reyner's Copy, in his Apostolatus Benedictinorum, writing of this Monastery.  


Char. 1.  
IN nomine Domini nostri jesu Christi: omnem hominem qui secundum Deum vivit, & remunerari à Deo sperat, & optat, oportet ut piis precibus consensum hilariter ex animo praebeat; quoniam certum est, tantò faciliùs ea, quae ipse à Deo poposcerit, consequi posse: quantò et ipse libentiùs Deo aliquid concesserit. Quocirca ego Ethelbertus Rex Cantiae, cum consensu venerabilis Archiepiscopi Augustini ac Principum meorum, dono & 
Donalio situ● Abbatiae.  concedo Deo in honorem sancti Petri aliquam partem terrae juris mei, quae jacet in oriente civitatis Doroberniae, ita duntaxat ut Monasterium ibi construatur, & res quae infra memorantur in potestate Abbatis sint qui ibi fuerit ordinatus. Igitur adjuro & praecipio in nomine Dei omnipotentis, qui est omnium rerum judex justus, ut praefataterra subscripta donatione sempit enaliter sit consirmata, it a ut nec mihi nec alicui successorum meorum Regum aut Principum, sive cujuslibet conditionis dignitatibus & ecclesiasticis gradibus de ea aliquid fraudare liceat. Si quis 
Imprecatio.  verò de hac donatione nostra aliquid minuere, aut irritum facere temptaverit: sit in praesente separatus à sancta communione corporis & sanguinis Christi: & in die judicii ob meritum malitiae 
Metae Abbatiae.  suae à consortio sanctorum omnium segregatus. Circumcincta est haec terra his terminis, in Oriente ecclesia sancti Martini, in meridie via de Burgate, in Occidente & Aquilone Droutingstreet. Datum in civitate Doroberniae, anno ab incarnatione Christi. 605. indict. 6. ●. Ego Ethelbertus Rex Cantiae sana ment integroque consilio donationem meam signo crucis propria manu roboravi confirmavique. Ego Augustinus gratia Dei Archiepiscopus testis consentiens libenter subscripsi. Edbaldus. Hamigisibus. Augemundus Referendarius. Hocca Tangil. Pinca. Geddy.   

Char. 2.  
IN nomine Domini nostri jesu Christi. Notum sit omnibus tam praesentibus quam posteris quòd ego Ethelbertus Dei gratia Rex Anglorum per Evangelicum genitorem meum Augustinum de Idololatra factus Christicola tradidi Deo per ipsum antistitem aliquam partem terrae juris mei sub orientali muro Civitatis Doroberniae, ubi scilicet per eundem in Christo institutorem Monasterium 
Donatio.  in honorem principum Apostolorum Petri & Pauli condidi; & cum ipsa terra, & cum omnibus, quae ad ipsum monasterium pertinent, perpetua libertate donavi, adeo ut nec mihi, nec alicui successorum meorum regum, nec ulli unquam potestati sive ecclesiasticae sive saeculari quicquam inde liceat usurpare; sed in ipsius Abbatis sint omnia liberaditione. Si quis verò de hac 
Imprecatio.  donatione nostra aliquid imminuere aut irritum facere tentaverit, authoritate Dei & B. Papae Gregorii, nostrique Apostoli Augustini simul & nostra imprecatione sit hic segregatus ab omni sancta ecclesiae communione, & in die judicii ab omni electorum societate. Circumcingitur haec terra his terminis: In Oriente ecclesia S. Martini, & inde ad Orientem by Sibben-downe, & sic 
Termini.  ad Aquilonem be Wykingesmerk, iterumque ad Orientem & ad Austrum be Burgaweremarka, & sic ad Austrum & Occidentem be Kingesmearke, iterum ad Aquilonem & Occidentem be Kingsmerke, ad occidentem to Rederchepe, & ita ad Aquilonem to Drouting street. Actum est hoc in Civitate Doroberniae Anno ab incarnatione Christi. 605. indictione octáva. ✚. Ego 
Subscriptiones.  Ethelbertus Rex Anglorum hanc donationem meam signo sanctae crucis propria manu confirmavi. ✚. Ego Augustinus gratia Dei Archiepiscopus libenter subscripsi. ✚. Edbaldus Regis filius favi. ✚. Ego Hamigisilus Dux laudavi. ✚. Ego Hocca comes consensi. ✚. Ego Augemundus Referendarius approbavi. ✚. Ego Graphio comes benedixi. ✚. Ego Tangisilus Regis Optimas confirmavi. ✚. Ego Pinca consensi. ✚. Ego Gedde corroboravi.   

〈…〉 meae, & spem retributionis aeternae, obtuli ei etiam villam nomine Sturiag alio nomine dictam Chistelet, cum omnibus redditibus 
Sturiag. Chistelet.  ei jure competentibus, cum mancipiis, sylvis cultis vel incultis, pratis, pascuis, paludibus, fluminibus & contiguis ei maritimis terminis eam ex una parte cingentibus, omniaque mobilia vel immobilia in usus fratrum sub regulari tramite & monastica religione inibi Deo servientium, missarium etiam argenteum, sceptrum aureum, item sellam cum fraeno auro & gemmis ornatam, speculum argenteum, armigausa oloserica, camisiam ornatam, quae mihi de Domino Gregorio sedis Apostolicae directa fuerat: quae omnia supradicto monasterio gratanter obtuli. Quod etiam monasterium ipse servus Dei Augustinus sanctorum Apostolorum ac martyrum reliquiis, variisque ecclesiasticis ornamentis ab Apostolica sede sibi transmissis copiose ditavit, seseque in eo, 
Locus sepulturae Reg. & Archiepisc.  & canctos successores suos ex Authoritate Apostolica sepeliri praecepit, scriptura dicente, non esse civitatem mortuorum sed vivorum; ubi & mihi & successoribus meis sepulturam providi, sperans me quandoque ab ipso Apostolici ordinis principe, cui Dominus potestatem ligandi atque solvendi dedit, & claves regni coelorum tradidit, à peccatorum nexibus solvi, & in aeternam beatitudinis januam introduci. Quod monasterium nullus 
Immunitas monasterii.  Episcoporum, nullus successorum meorum regum in aliquo laedere aut acquietare praesumat: nullam omnino subjectionem sibi usurpare audeat: sed Abbas ipse qui fuerit ordinatus, intus & foris, cum consilio fratrum secundum timorem Dei liberè eum regat & ordinet: ita ut in die Domini dulcē illam piissimi redemptoris nostri vocem mereatur audire, dicentis, Euge serve bone, etc. Hanc donationem meam in nomine patris & filii & spiritus sancti largitate divina, ut mihi tribuatur peccatorum remissio per omnia cum consilio reverentissimi patris Augustini condidi, idque ad scribendum Augemundum presbyterum ordinavi. De his igitur 
Interminatio.  omnibus, quae hic scripta sunt, si quis aliquid minuere praesumpserit, sciat se aequissimo judice Deo, & beatissimis Apostolis Petro & Paulo rationem esse redditurum. Confirmata est haec donatio, praesentibus testibus, Reverentissimo patre Augustino Doroberniae 
Testes.  ecclesiae Archiepiscopo primo, Mellito quoque & justo Londoniensis & Roffensis ecclesiae praesulibus, Eadbaldo filio meo, Hamigisso etc. & aliis pluribus diversarum dignitatum personis. Actum sane 45. Anno regni nostri, Anno Domini 605.   

Char. 4.  
Privilegium St Augustini huic coenobio suo concessum.  
AVgustinus Episcopus Doroberniae sedis famulus, quem superna inspirante clementia beatissimus Papa Gregorius Anglicae genti Deo acquirendae legatarium misit, ac ministrum, omnibus successoribus suis Episcopis, cunctisque Angliae Regibus, cum suis posteris, atque omnibus Dei fidelibus, in fide & gratia salutem & pacem. Patet omnibus quòd Deo amabilis Rex Ethelbertus primus Anglorum regum Christi regno sanatus nostra instantia, & sua prodiga benevolentia inter caeteras ecclesias quas fecit & Episcopia, monasterium extra Metropolim suam Doroberniam, in 
Doroberniam Regis Metropolim vocat.  honorem principum Apostorum Petri & Pauli regaliter condidit, & regalibus opibus amplisque possessionibus ditavit, magnificavit, perpetua libertate & omni jure regio cum omnibus rebus & judiciis intus & foris illi pertinentibus munivit, suoque regio privilegio, & superni judicii imprecatione, atque Apostolica sanctissimi papae Gregorii interminatione excommunicatoria contra omnem injuriam confirmavit. Ego quoque ejusdem libertatis adjutor & patrocinator omnes successores meos Archiepiscopos, omnesque ecclesiasticas vel saeculares potestates per Dominum jesum Christum & Apostorum ejus reverentiam obtestor, atque Apostolica memorati Patris nostri Papae Gregorii interminatione interdico, ne quisquam unquam ullam potestatem aut dominatum aut imperium in hoc dominicum vel Apostolicum monasterium, vel terras vel ecclesias ad illud pertinentes usurpare praesumat, nec ulla prorsus subjugationis, aut servitutis, aut tributi conditione, vel in magno vel in minimo, Dei ministros inquietet aut opprimat. Abbatem a suis 
Abbatis electio & conditio.  fratribus electum in eodem monasterio, non ad sui famulatum, sed ad dominicum ministerium ordinet; nec sibi hunc obedire, sed Deo suadeat; nec verò sibi subjectum, sed fratrem, sed consortem, sed collegam in comministrum in opus Dominicum eum reputet. Non ibi missas, quasi ad suae ditionis altare, nec ordinationes, vel benedictiones usurpatiuè, sine Abbatis vel fratrum petitione exerceat: nullum sibi jus consuetudinarium vel in vilissima re exigat, quatenus pacis concordia unum sint in domino uterque, nec quisquam quod absit dominandi dissidio in judicium incidat Diaboli, qui superba tyrannide corruit de coelo. Reges gentium (inquit Dominus) dominantur eorum, vos autem non sic; cumque ab alienigenis, non à filiis accipiantur tributa, sic ipse Dominus concludit, ergo liberi sunt filii: qua ergo irreverentia patres ecclesiarum in filio Regni Dei sibi vendicant dominationem? maximè autem in hanc ecclesiam sanctorum the saurariam, in eujus materno utero tot Pontificum Doroberniae, Regumque ac principum corpora speramus 
Pontisices & Reges hic sepeliendi.  alma refovenda sepulturae requie, ex authoritate scilicet Apostolica, & hinc ad aternam gloriam resuscitanda. Tales supremi judicis amicos si quis offendere non metuens hujus privilegii statuta violaverit, vel violatorem imitando vim suam tenuerit, sciat se Apostolico B. Petri gladio per suum vicarium. Gregorium puniendum, nisi emendaverit. Haec igitur omnia, ut hic sunt scripta, Apostolica ipsius Institutoris nostri Gregorii comprobatione & authoritate 
Confirmatio.  servanda sancimus, suoque ore confirmamus, praesente glorioso rege Ethelberto, cum filio suo Eadbaldo, & collaudante cum ipso, & omnibus Optimatibus regiis atque ultrò volentibus reverendissimis fratribus nostris à sancta Romana ecclesia huc mecum, vel ad me in Evangelium Domini destinatis, scilicet Lawrentio, quem nobis Deo favente, successorem constituimus, & Mellito Londoniarum Episcopo, & justo Roffensi Episcopo, & Petro venerabili ejusdem monasterii principum Apostolorum Abbate primo cum caeteris in Domino adjutoribus meis; obnixè postulantibus, simulque in eos, qui haec fideliter servaverint, benedictionem; aut in impaenitentes, quod volumus, transgressores damnationem exercentibus.    
These auspicious beginnings had answerable proceedings. For the foundation of the Abbey thus laid, it became in process of time much advanced, both in the enlargement of her buildings, and augmentations of her endowment. For the first. After the death of King Ethelb. Eadbaldus (his son) at the instance of Laurence the Archb ' builded a fair Church in this Monastery which he called S. mary's. After Eadbaldus, King Canute (the great Monarch of this Realm:) Egelsine (the Abbot that fled for fear of the Conqueror:) Scotlandus (whom the same King put in Egelsin's place:) Hugh Floriac (that was of kindred to King William Rufus, and by him made Abbot:) were the persons that chiefly increased the building: some bestowing Churches and Chapels; some Dortors and Refectories or dining places, and others other sort of edifices 
p Lamb. peramb. of Kent in Canterbury. .  
Now for the latter, her increase in possessions and endowment, it would be too tedious a matter to particularise but the one half of the donations and grants of lands and revenues that were made and given by the multitude of benefactors of all sorts, who out of the heat of their devotion to the place, for the double founder's sake, the one the great instrument of Christianisme brought and wrought amongst the Saxon people of those parts, the other (by God's blessing on his endeavours) the first Christian King of the English-Saxon race, strove of holy zeal, according to their knowledge to outstrip one another in an open handed liberality to this Abbey. The Royal benefactors (for I shall 
Royal benefactors to S. Augustine● Abbey.  omit the rest) after Ethelb. (as Thorn informs me) were chiefly these. King Eadbald his son and next Successor, who gave the manor of Northborne, consisting of 30 ploughlands. King Lothaire, who gave 3 ploughlands in Stodmersh. King Withered, who gave the manor of Littleborne of 5 ploughlands. King Eadbert his son, who gave 6 ploughlands in Little-Mongeham. King Edmund, whose gift was 2 plough lands in Sybertsweld. Kenewulf King of Mercia and Cuthred King of Kent, who gave the manor of Lenham, consisting of 20 ploughlands and 13 Denes. King Ethelwulf the West-Saxon, who gave 40 Caslatos (Mansions I take it) in Lenham. King Ethelhert the West-Saxon also, who gave the manor of Merton in East Kent, of 3 ploughlands. King Canute, who together with the body S. Mildred the virgin of Thanet, gave unto the Abbey all the endowment of that late Monastery. King Edgar who gave Plumsted, of 4 plough lands. Edward the Confessor, who gave all the land he had in Fordwich.  
The succeeding Kings, for the most part, were rather confirmers or restorers of the old, than contributers of new possessions to this Abbey. Whose Charters (as the others) are many of them already published partly in Reyner's Apostolatus Benedictinorum, and partly in Wevers Funeral Monuments. Wherefore I spare their recital here. Neither will I wade or enter far into discourse of the once flourishing estate of this ancient Abbey, lest I find it (as I may justly fear it) even endless. For so many were the privileges, so wide the possessions, and so very great the estimation of this Abbey, in many respects (that of it being, of old, the selected place for the Royal and archiepiscopal sepulture, not the least:) as few other in the Kingdom did or could in all points parallel it.  
Only let me, ere my close, acquaint you from Mr Lambert 
q Peramb. of Kent. in Cant. , that the house, before the dissolution, had five Covents, consisting (saith he) of 65 Monks, Benedictines, or of the order of the Black monks of S. Benet, which began here in England with their Founder, (the nature hereof see hereafter in Christ-Church:) And, as he adds (beside Jurisdiction over an whole lath of 13 hundreds) it had possession of livelihood to the value of 808. l' by year. Herein, (I suppose) following the estimate of her temporalties, taxed at that sum by the Pope's Delegates, the Bishops of Winchester and Lincoln, john and Oliver, in the year 1292. authorised to tax and rate the temporalties of all the Clergy both religious and secular throughout the Kingdom, for the levying of a tenth thereby, which the Pope had granted to the King (Ed. 1.) in subsidium terrae sanctae. But it seems 
t Lib. Eccles. Christi Cant.  that upon the surrender and suppression of the Abbey, which happened 4. Decemb. 29. Hen 8. that estimate was well near doubled. For (as Speed and Wever both have it) it was then valued, as the Record in the King's Exchequer shows, at 
The Abbey of what value.  1412. lib. 4 s. 7 d. ob. q.  
Briefly this Abbey, and the Abbot thereof in right of his Abbatie, had Cuneum monetae, allowance of mintage and coinage of money, by the grant of King Athelstan 
s Leg. Athelstani in Archaeon. Gul. Lamb. pag. , which continued until the time of K. Stephen, & then was utterly lost, Silvester the 45 Abbot, who died Anno 1161. being the last that enjoyed it. Whereof thorn writing his life hath these words. Memorandum (saith he) quòd iste Silvester Abbas & multi praedecessores ejus Abbates habuerunt Cuneum monetae in Civitate Cant. sicut per inquisitionem factam per Arnoldum Far, Wulfinum Mercere & alios qui jurati dixerunt quòd quidem Abbas S. Aug. Silvester nomine habuit in Civitate 
Abbot of S. Augustine's had coinage of money.  Cant. unum cuneum monetae & Elumdus Porre custodivit cuneum illud ex parte illius Abbatis, & quando ille Abbas obiit seisita fuit Abbatia in manu Domini Regis unà cum praedicto cuneo, nec unquam aliquis Abbas qui ei successit, illius cunei recuperavit seisinam. Et fuit ista inquisitio facta temporibus Hen. secundi Regis, & Regis Richardi filii ejusdem. The Abbot moreover was Abbas intratus, first made so by Pope Alex. 2. as the same Thorn (in the life of Abbot Egelsin) relates. Who saith 
Dignified by the Pope with Mitre and sandals.  that the same Egels. being sent on some Embassage to Pope Alex. 2. in the year 1063. was there the first Abbot of this Monastery, to whom it was of the same Pope permitted with his Successors, the Abbats of the place, to use the Mitre and sandals, in manner of a Bishop, the Pope thus then pronouncing and saying, Hunc apicem habere perpetuò rectorem decrevimus Augustinensem, ob ipsius scilicet Romanorum alumpni & Anglorum Apostoli dignitatem. He was I say a mitred Abbot, that is by Cowels interpretation 
t Interpret in verb. Abbat. pag. 2.  an Abbot Sovereign, exempt from the Jurisdiction of the Diocesan, having Episcopal Jurisdiction within himself. He had place and voice not only in Parliament as a spiritual Baron, but also in the general Council, where, by the gift of Pope Leo ixth, his place was to sit by the Abbot Montis Cassini 
u Reyner in appendice ad Apostolat. Benedictin. pag. 53.  A Catalogue of these Abbats and others, who living, by their learning and piety; or dead, by the relics of their mortality, their deceased bodies, some honourably entombed, others gloriously enshrined there, have enfamoused the place, I refer you to find in Pitseus his Catalogue, and Wever's ancient Funeral monuments. And hitherto of the flourishing estate of this Abbey.  
It neither may, nor will (I know) be imagined but that this Abbey tasted of both fortunes. Wherefore as you have heard somewhat of the weal, so now give me leave with what brevity I can, to acquaint also with the woe; the detriments I mean and dysasters, that have at any time abated, and at last fatally obscured and finally extinguished the glory and Majesty of this once famous and opulent Abbey.  
Whereof the first in time and not of least regard was her loss of the long enjoyed right and interest to the burials of the Kings and Archbishops, of which, the former, in Archbishop Brightwald's, and the latter in Cutbert's days were first taken from it 
x Lamb. Peramb. of Kent in Canterbury. .  
Another was the grievous and frequent infestation of 
Abbey infected by the Danes.  the place by the Danes: which (however their Chroniclers, for their Abbeys greater glory, sometimes ascribe their safety, defence and deliverance from those Invaders to a miraculous preservation:) yet doubtless either suffered their violence, or at the least, and at the best, purchased their peace (and so prevented their greater calamity) at a dear rate, and with costly redemptions, especially in that lamentable spoil and devastation of the City under King Etheldred, in the year 1011. The recorders of the tragical story whereof, the elder Monks, Henry of Huntingdon, Roger Hoveden, and others, (whose pens a miracle so mainly tending to the advancement of Monkery, in all likelihood could not have escaped) tell of no such miracle as Thorn will have the Abbey then rescued and saved by, which was, that when a Dane had taken hold of S. Augustine's pall or cloak (wherewith his tomb was covered) it stuck so fast to his fingers, that by no means possible he could lose it, till he came and yielded himself to the Monks, and made sorrowful confession of his fault. Which thing so terrified the rest of the Danes, that they desisted and ceased from invading the Monastery, and became chief protectors and defenders of it. Cum Dani (as Thorns own words are) C●tuariam ferro undique & flamma vastantes saevirent, quidam illorum sacrilegi, non causa orandi, sed depraedandi malitia monasterium istud ultrò introierunt: moxque unus eorum ad malum proclivior, ad sepulchrum Apostoli nostri Augustini (ubi tunc jacebat tumulatus) improbè accessit, palliumque, quo illud pretiosum Augustini mausolaeum operiebatur, furtim rapuit, atque sub axilla sua illum abscondit: sed divina ultrix miseratio raptorem mox rapuit, palliumque illud sub axilla furis absconditum, quasi connativum cutis axillis furis inhaesit; nec unguibus nec ulla violentia aut arte deponi poterat, donec reatum suum coram sancto praedicto, & loci fratribus, veniam poscendo de commissis, fur ipse prodiderat. Quae ultio ita caeterorum Danorum multitudinem terruit, ut hujus Monasterii non solùm fieri timerent invasores, sed magis ejus praecipui forent defensores. Thus he. But (as I said) our elder stories have no mention of this miracle. Hoveden (I confess) naming the then Abbot of the place, says that he was suffered to escape or go his way, haply (& as it may be reasonably thought) because he had ransomed himself and his Abbey, by composition with the enemy. But that your belief may not rest upon my bare and singular opinion of this Abbeys partaking with the neighbour City, and Cathedral in their Danish pressures, I will stand by, whilst Reverend Archbishop Parker gives you his, who thinking it incredible that the City should so often suffer, by the Danes, and this Abbey escape, thus expostulates the matter. Quid dicam (saith he) the Monasterio Sancti Augustini, Doroberniae, omnium primo & antiquissimo, Romanorum Pontificum, atque Regum Cantiorum privilegiis adeo superbo, quibus fretus ab omni subjectione & obedientia sui Archipraesulis, immune se putarit? etc. Credibilene est inter tantas procellas hoc insolens coenobium tutum & à Danorum impetu liberum esse potuisse, cum ipsam Deroberniam urbem inclytam, it a miserè depopulati sunt, ut supra retulimus: Thus he 
y Antiq. Brit. In vita Celnoths. pag. 72. .  
A 3d & 4th great dysaster to this Abbey was, the firing of it 
Abbey fired.  one time, & the almost drowning of it another. The former (by fire) happening in the year 1168. (Anno Dom. 1168. saith Thorn) St. joannis Baptistae combusta fuit ista ecclesia pro maxima parte, in qua combustione multae codicillae antiquae perierunt, atque ipsum feretrum S. Augustini & multorum sanctorum hujus loci flebiliter sunt deformata; nec mirum cum ipsa pene tota ecclesia igne fuerat c●nsumpta. Cujus infortunio misertus Alexander Papa ecclesiam de Feversham ad reparationem ecclesiae sic igne consumptae confirmavit; & ecclesiam de Menstre & Middelton ad ●acristiam pro reparatione istius ecclesiae deputavit.) The latter (by water) in the year 1271. 
Abbey almost drowned.  (Eodem anno (saith the same Author) St. Aug. facta fuerunt tonitrua & coruscationes & tanta inundatio pluviae, ut Civitas Cant. pene submersa esset. Occupaverat verò 
Vide Antiq. Brit. in initio vitae Kildwardby. Mortmain.  aqua totam istam Curiam pariter & ecclesiam, ut prope submersae essent, nisi virtus Sanctorum ibi quiescentium obsisteret.)  
The next great cross which befell this Abbey, but common to it with other, was the restraint of the Laity from any longer extending the hand of their bounty, in passing over their fee to the Abbey, without special licence of the King, by the Stat. of Mortmain, or the law of Amortization; which timely to moderate the before unlimited liberty of 
〈◊〉. Ed. 1.  the Laity in that kind, likely in time to give all to God, and leave nothing, or but little, for Caesar and themselves, by their over forwardness and extreme excess in that kind of operative devotion (a thing considering their full persuasion of the meritorious nature of it, nothing strange) provided a convenable restraint, tying and manacling the hands of the subject for the future from that kind of over-active charity, without the foregoing privity and consent of the Prince. But this cross, this loss, was in part supplied and made less sensible unto the religious, by a piece of policy which they quickly put in ure, and that was the procuring not only of privileges and immunities from payment of tithes, but also of Impropriations or Annexions' 
Impropriations.  of Churches, Parsonages I mean, to their houses; which though invented, and on foot long before, upon what pretext see Hay in his Astrum inextinctum. quaest. 2. num 9 & seq. fol. 98. 99 yet now, the other current of their gain being stopped, much more abounding then ever before 
z Downings Discourse Conclus. 3. § 5. . All of them, but especially the latter, things improperly enough in the hands of the Religious, and with cause enough reckoned among the 100 grievances of Germany 
a Fox. Acts and Monum. vol. 2. pag. 85. , but much more improperly in the possession of mere lay-men, as now they are most what; but generally like the gold of Tholouse, not without a curse, a cross at least, either real or personal, upon the person of the invader, or his estate, or both, which though he either cannot or will not himself, yet others both can and do see and observe to follow such profaners of the Church's Patrimony the improper Lay-proprietaries of Parsonages and Church-livings. Amicus Plato, Amicus Socrates; sed magis amica Pietas. Pardon this digression, and I proceed.  
By the way would you be further satisfied concerning the grounds, upon which Impropriations of Churches to Monks and Monasteries first began, I find them briefly to be these. Illud inprimis agebant Episcopi, dum ecclesias Monachis attribuerent, ut paci ecclesiasticae subservirent. Quòd enim pleraeque earum ecclesiarum in ipsis Monachorum fundis conderentur, & ab eorum servis, qui terram extirpatis silvis novarunt, frequentarentur; ne quid inter Clericos & Monachos sereretur dissidii, postulabat aequitas, & concordia, ut Monachis traderentur gubernandae. Ea causa cum deerat, aliam Episcopis suggessit charitas, ut Monachorum sustentationi caveretur. Postremo id quoque causae accessit, ut ecclesiae meliùs regerentur, tum ob accuratiorem institutionem plebium, quibus Monachi ad omnem difficultatem praesto erant doctrinae per ea tempora fere principatum habentes, tum ob Presbyterorum, quos fere tunc erudiebant Monachi soli, delectum faciliorem. Itaque non paucae do●tiones ejus generis signatè cavent ut in Monachorum potestate s● Presbyterorum electio, atque Ecclesiarum gubernatio, etc. S. Roverius in his Illustrations upon the History of the Monastery of S. john's at Rheimes. pag. 606. But to S. Augustine's again.  
I do not remember that I have read of or met with any other much considerable loss, cross or misfortune to have befallen this Abbey afterwards, until that fatal blow of utter dissolution was given it by Hen. 8. Little had all the 
29. Hen. 8. 24. Decembris.  former casualties been to the ruin of this goodly Abbey, had not that sudden and tempestuous storm (which bore down before it all the religious structures of this kind throughout the kingdom) falling upon it, brought this with the rest, to irrecoverable ruin: whose uncovered walls stood so languishing in time, and storms of weather, that daily increased the aspect of her ruins, till now lastly they are made subject to other public uses, and the whole tract of that most goodly foundation in the same place no where appearing &c. as it is in Speed 
b Hist. pag. 294. . Yet thither let me lead you, and have your patience whilst I surveyed the present Remains of the place, which is my second Particular touching this Abbey.  
Amongst which, I find scarce any of note beside Ethelberts' 
〈◊〉. Particular.  Tower and S. Pancraces' Chapel. But ere we enter the Sept, a word or two of that. The sept or site of the Monastery yet appears and may be traced by the circuiting walls, within the compass whereof the Elemosinary, by the Courtgate (a place where the alms of the Abbey, the 
Almnery.  remains of their food being sent thither, were distributed as a main part of their subsistence, to certain almes-people consisting of a society of Brothers and Sisters, having had a Chapel to it now desolate, and rotting in it own ruins) was included long ago, as it seems by a Composition 
c Liber Eccles. Christi Cant. , in the year 1237. (four hundred years ago) made between the then Archbishop and his Archdeacon of the one part, and the than Abbot, of the other: (amongst other things) touching Jurisdiction, and right to the coercion of criminous persons of the Monastery delinquent in the Diocese of Cant. extra septa sui Monasterii, quae continent elemosinariam extra portam eorum, as the composition wordeth it. Hugh the Abbot, of that name the second, when he divided and distinguished the offices of his Monastery 
d Thorn in ejus vita. , assigned the Church or Parsonage of Northborne, with the Chapells annexed to this Almnery.  
Now enter we the sept, where the first thing in our eye 
Refectory.  observable (except the fair Hall, the late Refectory of the Monks) is Ethelb. Tower. Not so called (as vulgar 
Ethelberts' Tower.  tradition will fabulously tell you it was) from the building of it, either by him, or by others in his time. In honour and memory of him I will grant it was, but yet long since his days, being not built (I take it) until about the year 1047. For (as it is in the private Chronicler, Thorn) the then Archbishop Eadsin, beside some other acts of his bounty to the Abbey, gave 100 marks, ad turris aedificationem, quae tunc fuerat in construendo, meaning this Tower, as I conceive. Other certainty of the age of it, I cannot give, and so leave it with the words of Speed 
e Hist. pag. 294. , who in the close of his discourse touching this Abbey, thus speaks of it. Only Ethelberts' Tower (saith he) in memory and honour of the man, as yet hath escaped the verdict and sentence of destruction, whose beauty, though much defaced and overworn, will witness to succeeding Ages the magnificence of the whole, when all stood complete in their glory together.  
The next thing (and what else only is observable amongst 
St Pancras chapel.  these heaps of ruins) is the Chapel of St Pancras, built (as the private Chronicler makes report) before 
thorn.  Augustine came; and used by the King, before his conversion to Christianity, for the place of his Idolworship, but after it, the first that Augustine, after he had purged it from the worship of the false, consecrated to the service of the true God, and dedicated to St Pancras. Wherewith the devil all enraged, and not brooking his ejection from the place he had so long enjoyed; the first time that Augustine celebrates mass there, furiously assaults the Chapel to overturn it. But having more of will then power to actuate his intended mischief, all he could do was to leave the ensigns of his malice, the prints of his talons on the South-Porch-Wall of the Chapel, where they are visible to this day. Thus thorn tells the tale. And no better than a tale can I conceive it to be. I will grant that a Chapel of that name, of no small antiquity there was sometime standing, where a good part of her ruins are yet left, built almost wholly of British or Roman brick (infallible Remaines of antiquity:) That on the Walls outside of the South-Porch, such tokens as the Historian will have to be the marks of the Beast, are visible enough: That of latter time this Story became vulgarly received. (Hamon Beale, to instance in one for many, Anno 1492. gives by his Will 
f Penes Registrum Domini Archid. Cant.  to the reparation of St Pancras his Chapel within the precinct of St Augustine's Churchyard, and of the Chapel where St Augustine first celebrated mass in England, annexed to the former, 3l. 6s. 8d.) But that either this was the place, where Saint Augustine first said mass in England (St Martin's was it, as Bede 
g Ecclesiastic. Hist. lib. 1. cap. 26.  will tell you:) or that the story is further true than I have granted, I cannot believe.  
To give you my reasons. Consult venerable Bede's preface to his Ecclesiastical Story, and you shall find he there acknowledgeth his intelligence for these parts received chiefly from Albinus the then Abbot of St August. who with diligence instructed him in all things that either by written record, or tradition of his Elders, had come unto his knowledge, any way memorable. But take his own words. Auctor ante omnes (saith he) atque adjutor opusculi hujus Albinus Abbas reverendissimus, vir per omnia doctissimus, extitit. Qui in ecclesia Cantuariorum à beatae memoriae Theodoro Archiepiscopo & Hadriano Abbate viris venerabilibus at eruditissimis institutus, diligenter omnia quae in ipsa Cantuariorum provincia, vel etiam in contiguis ejusdem regionibus à discipulis beati Papae Gregorii gesta fuere, vel monumentis litterarum, vel seniorum traditione cognoverat, & ea mihi de his quae memoria digna videbantur per religiosum Londoniensis Ecclesiae presbyterum Nothelmum, sive litteris mandata sive ipsius Nothelmi viva voce referendo, transmisit. Thus Bede. Add hereunto that this was a matter so remarkable, an occurrence, so much in itself, but in respect of the circumstances of time and place, much more memorable. Of time: It happening so in the very infancy of the English-Saxon Christian Church. Of place: Being such as from an Idol temple was become, and that but newly a Christian Oratory, that, than it, there is not a thing more worthy to be kept in memory in the whole story of the times: and therefore could not have escaped the one, the intelligencers (Albine's) knowledge, nor consequently the other, the Historian (Bede's) pen. But, for all this, look and you shall find, that Bede is so far from making mention of it, that he remembers not so much as the Chapel. This is much. But let me add yet further. The following Chronologers, for the most part Monks all, pass it over in deep silence. Could fame have been (think you) so sluggish, or so confined, that so famous a matter as this should fall from no Author's pen till (in comparison) but yesterday, till Spott and Thornes days? The case so standing for me, credat Iudeus apella. And so I leave it.  
Now being upon taking our leave of the Abbey, and 
Church yard.  making our retreat, let me lead you (as the next way out) over the forgotten Sepulchers of the dead; the ancient Cimitery ground of the Abbey, and so out at the gate before Burgate. Which great and fair Gate, with a battlement, and that warlike invention of machicollation, called Porta occidentalis Cimiterii St Augustini 
h Sic in Compositione inter Abbatiam & Civitatem, de qua pag. 275. , heretofore lead from Church-street (for so the street before it hath usually been called) into St Augustine's Churchyard. A burial place not private and proper only to the Abbey, nor only free to the choice of any that desired burial there; but with all until the Dissolution, the proper and only Cimitery belonging unto divers Parish-Chuches of the City, destitute of such Dormitories of their own, of which the Abbey had the patronage: such as were St Mary Magdalen, St Andrew, and (as I verily believe) St Paul too; however because of late some question hath been made of it, I will not contend. But what if it shall appear, that for more than 100 years together, next before the Dissolution of the Abbey, not one of the many testators of those Parishes have once mentioned any Churchyard of their own, either in appointment of it for the place of their burial (as in other parishes that had Churchyards it was usual to do) or otherwise; though of their Churches often? That scores, if not hundreds of them have from time to time pitched on this common Cimitery of St Augustine for the place and purpose aforesaid? that after the Dissolution, and that Cimitery withdrawn and taken from them, not yet a testator of succeeding times wills to be laid in any Churchyard of their own; but, as now to seek of a resting place for their bodies after death peculiar to them, betake themselves for burial to the Churchyards of Neighbour-Parishes? That as the situation of two of these Parish-Churches will not admit of any adjoining Churchyard: the one, like Fan-Church in London, standing in the midst of the street, the other in a throng of contiguous houses; so the the third needed none in regard of the nearness of it to this Churchyard of the Abbey, which in right & title (I take it) of foundation, had the patronage of it? That it was the known Monkish policy, for the gain sake, to draw all the burials they could to their Abbey, and for that end probably 
A piece of Monkish policy.  at the Church's foundation, wittingly debarred the people of a Churchyard, to their Church: and lastly that this Abbey and Cimitery was built and set a part for a burial of old, when as yet it was not lawful to bury in Cities. If these things (I say) shall be made appear and proved, as they easily may, what judicious and indifferent man then will conceive, against the strength of so much probability and presumption to the contrary, that these Churches had their proper Cimiteries adjoining to them, however there may be some who (in confidence of not being gainsaid, because of their somewhat extraordinary age) shall say they had? But videant quorum interest. And so I leave this Abbey.  
The next thing after this Abbey, in the Suburbs, which I shall servey, is the Church of St Martin, much celebrated 
St Martin.  both for the great antiquity of it, and also for the resort of Augustine and his fellowlabourers thither to their devotions at their first arrival 
i Bede Eccles. Hist. lib. 1. cap. 25. , by the licence of King Ethelbert, imparted to them in favour of Queen Berta his wife (a Christian, and descended of Christian parentage, being the daughter of Chilperike King of France) to whom this Church built long before, to wit (as Bede saith) by the Romans, as some say in King Lucius days 
k Vide Britanniar. Ecclesiar. Antiquitates. cap. 6. pag. 130. , and dedicated to St Martin, was permitted for the place of her public devotions. The Church indeed seems very ancient, being built (the Chancel especially) mostly of British or Roman brick, the noted relics and tokens of old Age in any kind of building whether sacred or profane.  
At this place afterwards. i. from Archbishop Theodores until Lanfranc's time by the space to wit of 349. years, there was a Bishops See 
l Ms. in Archivis Eccles Christi Cant. , who always remaining in the Country, supplied the absence of the Archbishop, that for the most part followed the Court: and that as well in governing the Monks, as in the performing the solemnities of the Church, and exercising the authority of an Archdeacon. So Lambert 
m Peramb. of Kent in Cant●b. . But the Chair happening void in Lanfranc's time: he whether because that two Bishops were too many for one City (the very reason which as some say, he gave for what he did) or by colour of that ordinance of the Council of London holden An. 1075 
n De qua vide Malmesbur. de g●st. po●t. lib. 1. pag. 2●3. . requiring the remove of Bishops Sees from obscure rural villages to Cities, or for that this Bp. was a Chorepiscopus, a kind of Country Suffragan, an order (he well knew, no doubt) for just reasons, abolished abroad 
o Canon Chorepiscopi. 68 distinct. : or for what other cause it is not certain. He I say (Lanfranc) refused to consecrate any other. Nevertheless, because he needed the help of a Substitute, he created in his place and stead, one of his Chaplains, Archdeacon of Canterbury 
p Lambert ubi supra. .  
In Ed. 2. time, to wit in the year 1321. the Parson of this Church, and the Master of the Free-school of the City fell at odds about the rights and privileges of their several Schools: the Parson aforesaid, in right of this Church, and by concurrent Custom, challenging a liberty to the keeping of a Free-school there, which the other would not admit of, but with a limitation of the number of his Scholars; of which more hereafter when I come to Christ-Church, within the modern precinct whereof the City Free-school (as I shall there show) was kept. And so I leave St Martins. Only I wish that for the venerable antiquity of the Church, and sometime Espicopall estate of the place, things that have much dignified both, it might better flourish in the maintenance of its due rights and respects than I hear it doth.  
My Progress next invites you to (my Lord-cheife-Iustice Finch his Seat or Mansion house) the Mote. So called 
Mote.  now and of latter time; but formerly, and that of old, Wyke: deriving it name, either from that neighbour Wic, or Vicus, called Fordwik, upon which it borders at that place (I take it) which in the second of King Ethelberts' Charters is called Wykingsmerke. Or else being named 
Verstegan.  Wyk, because (as the word imports) it hath sometimes been a place of refuge or retreat, as it were a hold or fortress in some time of hostility: a derivation not improbable nor improper, if we add and take this along with us, that there is a hill hard by it in the same Charter of Ethelbert, called Sibben-downe. i. The Down (or Hill) of peace, or the Down where the peace was made, intimating some battle or field there away fought, and afterwards a truce entered, or a peace made there with the enemy. 
Lukedale.   
Here or near this place sometime lay the Chantery-Lands of Lukedale, in our City's perambulation called Lokindale, which being deserted and left desolate, because of the smallness of the means not sufficing to the maintenance of a Chantery-Priest with competent livelihood, was passed over to the Hospital of St johns without Northgate, where once I saw the deed of conveyance thereof, and thence took the following brief. The revenues of the chantry of Lukedale, (called Contaria in Welle vocat' Lukedale) consisting of thirty two Acres of Land, 16s. 5d. ob. eight Cocks and nineteen Hens of annual Rent with the appertanances at Wyke near Cant. (which chantry was forsaken for the smallness of the means) were alienated and transferred, by Thomas of Garwynton the Patron, with licence of the King and the Lord of the Fee. i The Abbot and Covent of St Augustine (within whose Manor of Lang-Port they did lie) to St john's Hosp' without Northgate, Annno 1384. and 38. Ed. 3. Vt orent & celebrari faciant pro animabus Reginaldi de Cornhelle quondam fundatoris ejusdem Cantariae, Thomae patris dicti Thomae, and others, etc. The Chanteries foundation shall be exhibited to you in my Appendix. Pag. 288.  
This place our City perambulation fetcheth within her bounds and liberty. Here (or hereabouts) the Hospital of St Laurence had (haply still hath) a portion of tithes. For thus I read in the Hospitals private Leaguer. Item praedict. Hosp. percipit totam decimam de campo vocat' Wikesfield, cum 2. crofts ibid' scil. Pitetokkyscroft & Homiscroft juxta Fishpole, & jacet inter regian Strat' verse. South, & Wyke verse. North. & viam quae ducit a cruse quatuor capitum ad Trendels verse. West, & viam quae ducit à Fordwich usque Fishpole verse. East.  
Now let me lead you back from the Mote to Longport 
Long port.  the ancient and first▪ Manor of St August. Abbey, whose bounds and limits are still the same that you shall find and meet with in the second of King Ethelberts' foregoing Charters. Lxx Burgenses erant in Cantuaria Civitate huic manerio pertinentes, saith Doomsday Book. From this Longport thus glanced at, let me lead you next by Chantery-lane, anciently called Nova-strata (New-street) to surveyed the Quondam chantry there, called Doge's chantry, built 
Doge's chantry.  by an Official to the Archdeacon of Canterb. and the last Parson of St Paul (for in his time, and with his consent the Vicarage there was erected and endowed) one Hamon Doge, in the reign of Hen. 3. in the year of our Lord. 1264. The foundation whereof Thorn records, thus.  
Anno Dom. (saith he) 1264. Magister Hamo Doge suae novisssimae memor ordinavit Cantariam pro anima sua parentum suorum, & pro anima Domini Rogeri de Cicestria Abbatis S ● Augustini, & pro animabus Successorum suorum, & pro conventu ejusdem loci, & benefactoribus suis, & eorum successoribus, de toto capitali Mesuagio cum omnibus ad idem pertinentibus in Nova strata in parochia sancti Pauli sit. cum quinquaginta & septem acris terrae & quatuor lib. sex solid. & novem den. annui redditus. Habend' & tenend' omnia praedicta, scilicet in terris, redditibus, messuagiis, viis, planis, pasturis, releviis, curiis; sectis, escaetis, wardis, maritagiis & omnibus aliis libertatibus. Et ordinavit in praedicta Cantaria duos Capellanos in perpetuum; & unus celebret in praedicto mesuagio in libera Cantaria, & alius ad altar Sti johannis Baptistae in ecclesia Sti Pauli Cant. nisi infirmitate ve aliqua necessitate rationabili fuerint praepediti. In creatione verò cujussibet novi Capellani & perpetui ad praedictam Cantariam admissi idem Capellanus solvet Abbati & Conventui Sti Aug. Cant. xiij. sol. iiij. den. nomine relevii pro omnibus terris & tenementis quae de ipsis tenuerit. Ius verò conferendi, instituendi, in corporalem possessionem inducendi & inductum tuendi Abbati & conventui & corum successoribus dedit & confirmavit, etc.  
Steering our course Southward we come next to the ruins of the late Nunnery, called Saint Sepulchers, founded 
Nunnery.  (not as Wever will, by one of the Abbats of St Augustine's, nor yet I believe to the end that Lambert says. i. to serve the necessity of the hot Monks of that Abbey: but as Thorn reports) by Archbishop Anselm, upon a part of his soil there: The same (I take it) which his predecessor Wlfhelem (long before) purchased, described to lie juxta locum qui dicitur Rethercheap, extra portas Doroberniae 
q Charta Eccles. Christi Cant. . But let me give you Thorns not of the foundation. Harum fundator (saith he) fuit Anselmus Archiepiscopus, & quanquam infra limites feodi beati Augustini sint constitutae, tamen in solo Archiepiscopatus sitae sunt. Erat namque ibi ecclesia parochialis in honore Sancti Sepulcri, de patronatu Archiepiscopi exiguis terris circumcincta, ubi in presenti constat eas esse fundatas. You have the foundation. Amongst the rest of the benefactors, that afterwards of their Charity endowed this house with revenues, William Calvell a Citizen of Cant. (of whose name there was of ancient time a flourishing family in the City) carries the name and fame for the chief. After that King Rich. 1. had given the Wood or Forest of Blean to Christ-Church, W. the Prior and Covent of the same, granted to this Nunnery, and the Prioress and Covent 
r Liber Eccles. Christi Cant.  thereof as much Wood as one Horse going twice a day could fetch thence, where the Church Wood-Reeves should appoint (summarium [summagium] unum in boscis 
Summarium. Summagium.  nostris bis iturum [habendum] singulis diebus ferialibus, sumendum ubicunque ministris nostris ad custodiam Boscorum nostrorum visum fuerit, etc. as the words of the grant are:) Which uncertainty in the year. 1270. the Nonnes releasing, had in lieu, and by way of exchange for it, a certain part or portion of the said Blean-Wood assigned, and made over to them, to wit (as the words of the deed are) Octoginta & decem acras bosci, cum solo terra, fossis & fossatis in bosco Prioris & Conventus in Blen, jacent' in longitudine inter boscum Abbatis de Faversham, quod dicitur Bosindenne verse. West. & boscum Prioris & Conventus verse. Est, & in latitudine inter boscum eorundem Prioris & Conventus, versus North. & regalem viam versus South 
s Liber Memoratus. Minchen-Wood. . The which Wood retains to this day the name of Minchen-Wood, taking it name from the Nonnes, which our Ancestors, from the Saxon Mynecena called Minchens. Or if any man choose rather to derive it from the Latin Monacha, I shall not contend. For as in Egypt in times past, they used to call a Monk, or any man that became noted for his singular Sanctimony of life, Nonnus; so was it then and since, as ordinary for a Nun or any like holy professor of that sex, to be called Monacha, as it were a shee-monke 
t Lexic. Philolog. in v●rb. Nonnus. .  
In this Blean-Wood (as having this fit occasion I crave leave to observe) the Priory of Saint Gregory's, and the Hospital of Herbaldowne, sometime had the like summarium bosci granted severally to them. The former by Hen. 2. in these words. Vnum summarium bosci in Foresta de Blen, ad usus fociin ipsa ecclesia, & in domibus eidem ecclesiae continentibus in ipsa Civitate Can●uar ' 
u Lib. eccles. Cantuar. : The latter by Rich. 1. in the like, to wit these: Vnum summarium in bosco de Sorotte, (which was a part of Blean-Wood, and is now called Shoorth) ad attrahenda ligna ad opus fratrum 
x Charta uctus Hospit. . In lieu and stead whereof they had severally the like quantity of 90 acres of wood in Blean, afterwards made over to them, as the Nunnery had 
y Liber Eccles. Bant. .  
To which I return. In the year 1184. the Church. i. the Parsonage of St Edmund of Ridingate was granted to it by the Abbot and Covent of S. Aug. as I have showed before more at large in my survey of that gate. The which Church was afterwards. i. in the year 1349. with the Nun's consent (being Patrons) united by the then Commissary of Cant. to the Church of S. Mary Bredin, as I there also have noted.  
Time and Superiors indulgence bringing their corruptions, 
Nuns enclosed.  Nuns were not in process of time such Recluses as their order required; whence, and upon the command of Pope Boniface the 8. by his letters written to Archbishop Winchelsey and his Suffragans in that behalf 
z Vide Walsingham. Hist. Angl. de Aᵒ 28 Ed. 1. & Anno Dom. 1301. , as well as by that Decretal of his Cap. vic'. de statu regularium. in sexto. concerning the confining of Nuns to their Cloy stir: the same Archbishop, in the year 1305. enclosed these Nuns of S. Sep. according to that Constitution 
a Liber Eccl●s. Cant. Elisabeth Barton .  
At this place sometime one Elisabeth Barton, more vulgarly known by the name of the Holy maid of Kent, that great Impostor of her time, was a veiled Nun and Votarisse. Whose pranks and practices, or rather the Monks and other Papalius, by her agency are obvious both in our Statutes and Stories. It would prove tedious to repeat the whole matter. Accept therefore of this compendium of it in Speeds words. The Romanists (saith he) much fearing that Babel would down, if Queen Anne might be heard against wicked Haman 
* The Pope. , sought to underprop the foundations thereof, with certain devices of their own; and that the same might pass without note of suspicion, they laid their forgery upon Heaven itself; whose pretended oracle Elizabeth Barton (commonly called the Holy maid 
Elisabeth Barton the false oracls of the Romanists.  of Kent) was made to be; and the pillars of this Godless fabric were Edward Bocking, a Monk by profession, and Doctor of divinity, Richard Master's parson of Aldington, the 
The assiste● of this false Prophetess.  town wherein she dwelled, Richard Deering a Monk, Hugh Rich a Friar; john Adestone and Thomas Abel Priests, put to their helping hands, and Henry Gould Bachelor of Divinity, with john Fisher the Reverend Father of Rochester, employed 
Read Statute in Anno 25. H. 8.  their pains to dawb these down-falling walls, with their untempered mortar. The Scribes that set their pens for her miracles, were Edward Thwaites gentleman, and Thomas Lawrence Register, besides Hawkherst a Monk, who writ a letter that was forged to be sent her from Heaven; and Richard Risby and Thomas Gould, were the men which dispersed her miracles abroad to the world. This holy maid, Elizabeth, made a Votarisse in Canterbury, was taught by Bocking her ghostly father, and suspected Paramour, to sergeant 
The counterfeiting of Elizabeth Barton.  many feigned trances, and in the same to utter many virtuous words for the rebuke of sin, under which, more freely she was heard against Luther's doctrine, and the Scriptures 
Edw. Hall. john Stow. holinsh.  translation, than desired of many: neither so only, but that she gave forth from God, and his Saints, by sundry suggestive relations, that if the King proceeded in his divorce, and second marriage, he should not reign in his Realm one month after, nor rest in God's favour the space 
Cranmer. Cromwell. Latimer.  of an hour. But the truth discovered by God's true Ministers, this oracle gave place as all other such did, when Christ by his death stopped their lying mouths: for herself and seven 
* Elisabeth Barton. Edward Bocking. Richard Deering. Richard Risby. Richard Masters. H●y Gould. Two Monks.  of her disciples were executed for treason at Tyburn, and the other six put to their fines and imprisonment. Thus he.  
Shortly this Nunnery was a corporation consisting of a Lady Prioress and five black veiled Nuns, whose habit or apparel was a black coat, cloak, coul and veil. It had a common seal and all other requisites of a complete Nunnery. All which at length tasted of the common calamity and ruin of religious houses in her utter dissolution by Hen. 8. At what time the estimate of her revenues arose unto 38. lib. 19 s 7d ob. per annum.  
It seems the Parish Church of S. Sepulchre was born down 
S Sepulchers Church.  in the same fall with the Nunnery. For however frequent mention may be found, both of Parish, Church, and Churchyard also before, yet since the suppression, the place of the two latter is unknown, the limits of the other uncertain, and the memory of all three almost extinct. Only that Stonegate by the turning on your left hand to Dover-ward, seems to have been the Western door of the Church, as I collect by this boundary. De terra quae jacet contra Ecclesiam Sancti Sepulchri juxta vicum quo itur versus Dudindale, ex parte australi dictae ecclesiae 
b Rentale vetus Ec●lesie Christi Cantuar. . The boundary of the piece of ground directly over against it. The last Lady Prioress of this house, by name Dame Philip john, lies buried in the North I'll of S. George's Church, which in her will she calls Capella beatae Mariae 
c Lib. testamento●. penes reg●st. Dom. Archid. Cant. S. Laurence. .  
Having done with the Nunnery, let us make next to S. Laurence; an hospital hard by, dedicate to the broiled Martyr S. Laurence, when first built; (which as the private Lieger of the place shows) was in the year 1137. by Hugh, of that name, the second, Abbat of S. Aug. Hospitale S. Laurentii juxta Cant. fuit fundatum per Dominum Hugonem secundum quondam Abbatem Monasterii S. Augustini Cant. & conventum ejusdem loci 7. kalend. Feb. anno ab incarnatione Domini 1137. & anno regni Regis Stephani, secundo pro 16 fratribus & sororibus, & pro uno Capellano & uno Clerico in eod' Hosp. servien. Thus the Lieger. This Hosp. was intended 
d Wever of ancient funer. Monum. pag. 255.  for the leprous of the Abbey: viz. that if it should so happen that any professed Monk of that Monastery should be infected with any contagious disease, but above all with the Leprosy, by reason of which sickness or infectious malady, he could not live within the precincts of the Abbey, without prejudice and scandal to the rest of the fraternity, that then he should be provided for in this Hospital of a convenient chamber, of meat, drink and apparel, in as full a measure as any one of his brethren living in the Monastery.  
Also if it should so happen that the Father, the Mother, the Sister or brother of any Monk of this Monastery should come to such great want and indigency, as that (to the reproach of any of these brethren) he or she be forced to ask at the Gates, the alms of the Fraternity, that then such of them so ask should be provided for in this Hospital of sufficient sustentation, according to the ability of the house, by the advice and consideration of the Abbot of Saint Augustine's, and the Master of this Hospital for the time being, as further appears by his Charter (which I have seen in the Hospitals private Leaguer) confirmed by many of his successors.  
After the founder himself (who gave to the maintenance of the Hospital, nine Acres of ground upon which it was to be erected, and all Tith-corne of the Lordship of Langport, by his Charter of the following lines.  
Notum sit omnibus Dei fidelibus tam praesentibus quam posteris, quòd ego secundus Hugo Dei gratia Abbas sancti Augustini ejusdemque loci conventus pro redemptione animarum nostrarum, praedecessorum nostrorum at que successorum concessimus ac dedimus in elemosinam novem acras terrae de dominio nostro precio quondam adquisitas, ad faciendum Hospitale in illis novem acris supra memoratis juxta viam quae a Canterburia ducit ad Dover, in dextra parte viae. Contulimus etiam illi loco ad sustentationem infirmorum aut pauperum decimam totius annonae de tota terra illa quam habemus in dominio in dextra parte viae, & omnem decimam frumenti & pisarum totius terrae quae adjacet ad Langeport de dominio nostro in sinistra parte viae. Quicunque igitur pro amore Dei benefecerint insirmis illic habitantibus, & locum illum manutenuerint, benedictionem Dei habeant, & gratiam simul & common beneficium loci nostri.  
The revenues of this Hospital were in process of time much improved by the benevolence of many devoute people, that became benefactors unto it 
e The whole revenues at the Collection were rated at 131●. 7●. 10d. . Amongst the which one both of the first and most liberal was the Lord of Dodingdale, a neighbour, by name R. de Marci, who by his deed or Charter, gave unto this Hospital in Frankealmoigne, the Tithes of that his whole Manor. The Charter you shall have anon when I come to Dodingdale. Of these Tithes shortly after, the Canons of Saint Gregory's endeavoured to despoil the Hospital. For I find a petition 
f Lib. dict. Hosp.  directed to Herbert the Archdeacon of Canterb. by R. de Marci the foresaid Donor, to this effect, viz. That he would reseize the Hospital of them as in former years, whereas they were that year, vi & armis, taken from it by the Religious of Saint Gregory's, that he might have no cause of complaint to Richard de Luci, cujus homo sum (saith he) de tota terra mea. Concluding thus: Et certum sit vobis quòd illa decima & plures aliae de terra mea sunt de Capellaria mea, etc. This Herbert (to whom the petition is directed) that you may know the Age of it, was Archdeacon of Canterb. in Hen. 2. days 
g Vid. Cat. Archid. pag. 200. , as Richard de Luci (whom it mentions) was chief Justice of the Realm about the the same time 
h Gloss. D. H. Spelman. pag. 411. .  
It seems this Hospital, and Saint Gregory's did not well agree together. For after this, to wit in the year 1225. the Proctor and brothers of this Hospital, sued the Prior and Canons of Saint Gregory's, before the Abbot of Feversham, and the Prior and Archdeacon of Rochester (the Pope's Deligates, it's like) for the Tithes of Molonde besides Hepyntone, to wit (saith the Leaguer 
i Liber. Hosp. Sti Lawrentii. ) of 80 Acres of Land of the Earl of Glocesters' Fee; but with what success I do not find.  
Now to Dodingdale Tithes again. Afterwards in the year 1320. Robert de Malling, the Commissary of Canterb. gave sentence with this Hospital for the Tithes both of the same Manor, and also of 300 Acres and more of Land of Thomas Chich and his Tenants, lying within the limits and bounds of Saint Mary Bredin's Parish, upon clear evidence of the Hospitals right to the same by ancient Muniments and otherwise 
k Liber. Hosp. Pauperum Sa●dotum. . For these last named Tithes of the 300. Acres and upwards, there lay a tye of regratulation upon the Hospital. For thus I read in the Leaguer: Item praedictum Hospitale percipit totam decimam de 300 acris terrae & ultra johannis Chich, de quibus 50 jacent apud Havefeld, & residuum jacet juxta curiam suam, & in Mellefield juxta S tum Lawrentium. Et idem Iohannes percipiet de praedict. Hosp. in autumpno pro famulis suis quinque panes frumenti & 2 lagenas & dimid. cervisiae, & dimid' caseum quatuor denarior. Idem etiam percipiet unum par cirocecarum ferinarum pro seipso & unam libram cerae in candelis, & pro famulis suis percipiet tria paria cirocecarum 
l Lib. S ● Lawrentii praed. .  
Many benefactors I could reckon up unto you which this Hospital hath had: but let these suffice. For, it being now dissolved, and in private hands, I suppose there is little of the Revenues now remaining to it: although it seems (because an Hospital) the general Dissolution took no hold of it. For in an ordinary visitation of the place in Cardinal Pools time, Anno 1557. (long after the common Dissolution) this Account of the then state of it is given up to the Visitors, by the Sisters of the place 
m Lib. in Registro Domini Ar● chid. Cant. .  
Mᵈ. they being examined did say that Mr Christopher Hales had a lease of their land, and since his death from one to another till it came to one Tipsall of London, who did make all the spoil of the House. And they say there should be seven Sisters, and a Prioress, and a Priest found out of the profit of their Lands. The value of their Lands they esteem at xxl. 
Nomina sororum.  
johanna Francis Prior.  
Elizabeth Oliver.  
Florence Young, nondum soror.   
The chief Governor of this (as generally of all Hospitals) was called Custos Hospitalis. And he was ever one of the Monks of St Augustine's Abbey.  
Leaving now this Martyr (or rather martyred) Hospital; 
Dodindale.  and coaftng still southward, we will next visit Dudindale or Dodindale, (now called Morton) a Manor lying within our City's liberty, known anciently and a long time together by the former of these names, whether because a Valley seated between Hills bearing out in that form, or (as Dudley-Castle in Stafford-shire 
n Cambden ibidem. ) from one Dudo or Dodo, an English-Saxon of that name, that might be Lord of it, or from what other radix or original derived, I know not: but a name (I am sure) by which the ancient residentiaries of the place (as places were wont to give names to their Inhabitants) the family of Dudindale or Dodindale were of long time known, until that of latter times (as I am credibly informed) the place became the seat of the Mortons', and so lost it former name. The Tithes of this Manor (of Dodingdale) Richard de Marci (as I told you before in St Laurence) between four and five hundred years since, gave unto that Hospital, by his deed or Charter of this Tenor 
o Lib. Sti Lawrentii. .  
Richardus de Marci omnibus suis hominibus Francigenis & Anglicis tam presentibus quam futuris, Salutem. Sciatis me concessisse & dedisse decimas terrae meae de Dodingdale Hospitali Sti Lawrentii quod est juxta Cant. in perpetuam Elemosinam, pro salute animarum praedecessorum meorum, & mei, & uxoris meae, & meorum infantium: quare volo & praecipio quatenus praedictum Hospitale decimas praed' habeat & possideat bene & in pace & liberè. Praecipioque ex parte Dei & ex parte mea ut fratres & sorores praedicti Hospitalis habeant decimas illas nominatim ad lineum pannum emendum in festo Sancti Iohannis Baptistae, quia credo quòd tunc mei & meorum memores eru●.  
The Church of Rochester hath, or at least sometime had, a portion of Tithes at or near this place. For as M ● Selden (from the Chartulary of that late Monastery) relates 
p Hist. of Tithes. cap. 11. num 1. pag. 316. . Haimo silius Guidonis de Dudindale, confirms, in puram & perpetuam elemosinam; the gift made by his Ancestors, Gerold his Grandfather and Guy his Father, of all the Tithes of his Land in Dudindale; which was afterwards confirmed also by his son and heir john. This Tithery at this day passeth by the name of Dodingdale Tithery. Of which all or some part (it seems) lay within the limits of Saint Mary Castle Parish in Cant. as I collect hence, that (as I have it from Doctor Tillesley 
q Animadversions. 2. Edit. pag. 123. & ●24. ) a cause was brought in the year 1231. by Richard Vicar sanctae Mariae de Castello, against the Prior of Rochester, for the tithe of an Acre of Land, which was given, by the predecessors of john of Dudindale, to the Priory: as by the sentence afterwards appeared.  
near unto this place lies another Dale or Valley called 
Monkesdane.  (because it was parcel of the Monk's demeasnesse of Christ-Church) Monkesdane. It lies by the place, from the dark vaults (dungeon-like) which the much digging of chalk there hath occasioned, called the devil's Court-hall. At this place there once happened a very sad dysaster, which stands upon record. For (as I read in the Crowne-Rolles) Simon filius Adae de Colynham, & Hen. filius Hen. Thetchere de Cant. sedebant die sabbati in crastino Sancti Marci, Anno R. R. Ed. filii Regis Ed. 17. in quodam loco subterraneo apud Monekesdan ' in Suburbio Cant. qui cedebant lapides, pro calce ibidem faciend': quos per infortunium terra supercecidit, ita quòd corpora eorum conquassabuntur, unde moriebantur incontinenti.  
Having done with this place and Dodingdale; let us 
Saint Jacob's.  wheel about and come to Saint james, or to Saint Jacob's, as we now call it. An Hospital for Leprous Women, dedicate to the blessed Apostle Saint james. It lies not (I must confess) within the tether of our City's perambulation: but yet borders upon it, the bounds of the City lying alongst the Hospital Wall; wherefore I knew not how to balk it. It was built by Queen Eelanor wife to King Hen. 3. saith Lambert 
r Peramb. of Kent in Cant. , followed by Wever 
s Ancient funer. Monum. pag. 238. . Upon what ground I know not. Surely erroneous. For of certain it was an Hospital before Hen. 3. reign. In King john's time, and that toward the beginning of his reign (for as it appears by the Sigle, which is H: it was in Archbishop Hubert's days, who died in the sixth or seventh of King john) the Monks, that is the Prior and Covent of Christ-Church, by their letters (as I may call them) of protection, took it into their custody, charge and patronage; and for the future engage themselves to a perpetual form of reiglement thereof, as you may see by what here follows 
t Liber Eccl●s. Christi Cant. .  
OMnibus Christi sidelibus ad quos praesens scriptum pervenerit G. Prior & Conventus ecclesiae Christi Cant. in Do. salutem. Sciatis quod intuitu caritatis & pietatis, de consensu & voluntate Domini nostri H. Archiepiscopi & ad petitionem magistri Firmini custodis domus sancti jacobi extra Cant. recepimus in custodiam & protectionem nostram praedict. Domum Sti jacobi extra Cant. sitam. Et tenebimus in eadem domo semper tres sacerdotes hic per nos instituend. Qui erint professi in eadem praedicta domo in forma & habitu religionis. Quorum unus cotidie celebrabit missam de beata virgine, alius cantabit requiem pro benefactoribus ejusdem domus, tertius dicet commune servitium, & isti tres sacerdotes habebunt unum clericum. Et erint in predicta domo. semper xxv mulieres leprosae per nos instituendae. De ecclesia de Bradegate & aliis redditibus & terris & substantiis & elemosinis & obventionibus ejusdem domus providebimus tam sacerdotibus illis quam leprosis praedict' necessaria. Et ut haec supradicta firma & inconcussa permaneant imposterum presenti carta nostra & sigilli nostri appositione roboravimus: salva dignitate Domini Archiepiscopi. His testibus Gilberto Roffensi Episc' H. Cant. Archidiac' Rogero Abbate sancti August. Algaro Abbate de Faversham, etc.  
Afterwards Hen. 3. towards the augmentation of the Hospitals endowment gives to it the personage of Bradegate, in these words 
u Ibidem. .  

HEnricus Dei gratia Rex Angliae & Dux Normanniae & Aquitanniae & Comes Andegav' Archiepiscopis, Episc', Abbatibus, Prioribus & Comitibus, Baronibus, justiciariis, Vicar. Ministris & omnibus fidelibus suis Angl' Salutem. Sciatis me dedisse in liberam & perpetuam elemosinam & presenti carta mea confirmasse leprosis mulieribus Hospitalis sancti 1. apud Cant. ecclesiam de Bradegate cum omnibus pertinentiis suis. Ita quòd Mr Firminus libere omnia teneat & possideat tota vita sua, & post decessum ejus libera remaneant praedictis mulieribus leprosis. Quare volo & firmiter precipio quòd eedem leprosae mulieres eandem ecclesiam habeant & teneant in libera & perpetua elemosina sicut predeterminatum est, bene & in pace, liberè & quietè, integrè & plenariè & honorificè cum omnibus pertinentiis suis & libertatibus & liberis consuetudinibus suis. Hiis testibus, etc.   
It had much other revenues, as appears by the Inventory thereof taken and presented to the Commissioners authorised to examine such matters by the Stat. 37. Hen. 8. cap. 4. Amongst the which, one, both of the principal and first, was the Farm in the Parishes of Hakynton and Blean, for Firmin's Barton (as the forecited Inventory calls it) vulgarly miscalled Infirme-Barton, and of some, misconceived to have appertained to Saint Augustine. Probably so named from that Mr Firmin or Feramin, the quondam Master of that Hospital, whereof mention is before made in each of the Precedent Charters, the Donor thereof (I take it) and (I believe) a chief agent in the Hospitals dotation, if not first erection also. The rest of the revenue lay at Egerton, Charing, Mersham, Bleane, Hakynton, Natindon, Thamington, Shadoxherst, Kingsnoth, Rokinge, and in and about the City; altogether in the Inventory summoned up, de claro, at 46l. 6s. 3d. If any think it worth their labour to peruse the Survey of the State of this Hospital in every particular as it was presented to those Commissioners, it is in my custody, at their service. It payeth now no tithe at all (nor by law ought to pay any de hortis et animalibus 
x Cap. 2. de eccles. aedificand. Cui adjungas velim Statuta Huberti Archiep. in Hoveden. pag. 809. edit. Francof. :) but by that Surveyed it evidently appears a consideration in money in lieu of tithe of the site of the Hospital, paid to the Parson of Thanington, viz. 18d. per annum.  
However the general Dissolution spared this Hospital, (as I think it did:) yet it seems it did not long survive the same. For what saith the Record 
y Liber Registri Domini Archid. Cant.  taken of the State of it in Cardinal Pools Visitation, holden Anno 1557? Memorand ' (saith the same) that Young the Fermor saith that Freeman, and one Dartnall caused the Sisters to surrender the house to the King, and from the King this same came to the said Dartnall, by the King's Letters Patents, and saith that their Lands were worth a hundreth marks by the year, and saith that it is in divers men's hands, whereof Sr Edward Walton hath bought a great part of the lands which lieth about him, and he himself hath the Mansion house and a part of the land, and saith that the sisters have xluj s. viijd. by the year pension, and there is but one alive that he knoweth.  
I will now cross the meadows and river and make up to 
Herbaldowne Hospital.  Herbaldown, to take a survey of the Hospital there. It lies also (I confess) out of the liberty of the City. Yet, for neighbourhood sake, and in regard it was built for the benefit of leprous people of the City (as I conceive:) and continues a harbour to the aged poor (chiefly) of the same, I have thought it worthy our survey.  
Before I enter upon which (because this was also a Lazar 
Leprosy.  house) let me take a little notice of the wondrous commonness of that loathsome disease, the Elephantiasy, or Leprosy in this kingdom of old time: which Mr Cambden 
z Britan. in Leicestershire.  thinks entered this Island with the Normans. A rare disease amongst us (thanked be God) in these days, and from what cause so much abounding as in our forefathers, is not now of us easily discovered. It seems to have been a national malady, and accordingly in all parts provision made for receipt and relief of such persons as that (as I may call it) comitial disease had marked out for sequestration from public commerce. Whereof there were no less than three about this City, this of Herbald one, S. Jacob's another, and S. Laurence a third. The chief for wealth in the whole kingdom, and head to all the rest, was that called Burton-lazars in Leicestershire 
a Idem, Ibidem. . The privileges communicable to the benefactors (and those of the fraternity) of which spital (the baits they laid to take devout people withal) the following instrument will show, if you peruse it.  

VNiversis sanctae matris ecclesiae filiis ad quos praesentes literae pervenerint, Frater Willielmus Sutton Magister de Burton 
Burton Lazars.  sanc' Lazari ordinis Ierlm' in Anglia & ejusdem loci confratres, salutem ac utriusque hominis incrementum. Quum quanto magis spiritualia dona erogantur, tanto ut credimus potentiora aeternae salutis praemia consequantur. Igitur verae dilectionis vestrae innotescimus per praesentes qd' sanctae Romanae ecclesiae Pontifices ex eorum plenitudine potestatis nobis gratiosè indulserunt ut omnibus qui de facultatibus & bonis suis eisdem à Deo collatis subvenerint, seu ad benefaciendum nobis alios exortati fuerint, vel in nostram fraternitatem extiterint assumpti toties quoties unum annum de injuncta eis poenitentia misericorditer relaxarunt, et ad plenam participationem omnium missarum matutinarum et aliarum orationum et devotionum in singulis ecclesiis nostri ordinis per orbem Dei offerendarum admittunt, ac singulis annis die Veneris majoris ebdomadae proprio Curato plenam concedunt potestatem eisdem absolvendi ab omnibus peccatis et criminibus nisi talibus super quibus sedes Apostolica sit meritò consulenda. Vota igitur abstinentiae et peregrinationis quaecunque commutandi in alia pia subsidia et dona caritativa domui sive hospitali nostro de Borton sancti Lazari Ier'lm' eroganda, Votis ad terram sanctam et ad limina beatorum Apostolorum Petri et Pauli et voto castitatis in vita duntaxat exceptis: In articulo verò mortis omnium peccatorum suorum plenam remissionem. Personis autem ecclesiasticis in nostram fraternitatem assumptis qui propter notam irregularitatis sententiam à canone vel homine contractam ad Sed. Apostolicam pro absolutionis beneficio deberent accedere, ut id à proprio Curato valeant recipere misericorditer concesserunt. Ac etiam ab eodem Curato proprio de horarum canonicarum aut servitii divini omissione pro recompenso plenam remissionem accipere valeant. Insuper si ecclesiae ad quas pertinent qui in nostram fraternitatem sunt assumpti ab officiis & servitio divino fuerint interdict' ipsósque mori contigerint eisdem sepultura ecclesiastica non negetur nisi vinculo excommunicationis majoris nominatim fuerint innodati. Nos igitur Magistri & Confratres Hospitalis praedict' auctoritate Apostolica vigoréque privilegiorum in nostram fraternitatem sanctam johannem Dyg & johannam consortem devotè recipientes nostrorum privilegiorum, Indulgentiarum & aliorum pietatis operum participes in omnibus facimus per praesentes sigillo nostrae fraternitatis signat'. Dat' apud Borton Sancti Lazari praedict' in domo nostra Capitulari, Anno Dom. Millesimo ccccᵒ octogesimo quarto.   
Thus endorsed.  
AVctoritate Domini nostri jesu Christi & ex spirituali gratia mihi concessa à sanctissimo Domino nostro Papa. Ego absolvo te ab omnibus peccatis tuis quae contra Deum & teipsum fecisti, necnon ab omnibus sententiis, interdictis & suspensionibus concedo tibi plenam remissionem si in hac infirmitate decesseris & in mortis articulo existas, alioquin ex misericordia Dei salva sit tibi gratia donec fueris in mortis articulo constitutus, Amen.  
But enough of this. Come we now to the Hospital itself. Whereof let me first give you the foundation, as Edmerus hath it 
b Hist. Novor. lib. 1. pag. . Remotiùs verò (saith he, having immediately before mentioned the foundation of S. john's Hospital without Northgate) quam à Boreali ab Occidentali porta Civitatis ligneas domos in devexo montis latere fabricans, (meaning Lanfranc) eas ad opus leprosorum delegavit, viris, quemadmodum in aliis, à foeminarum societate sejunctis. His nihilominus pro qualitate sui morbi omnia quibus egerent de suis ministrari constituit, institutis ad hoc peragendum talibus viris de quorum solertia, benignitate ac patientia, ut sibi quidem videbatur, nemini foret ambigendum. Thus he. By which it appears who was the founder, the time also, and end or intent of the foundation of Herbald. Hosp. My Author you see specifies not the endowment settled upon it by the founder. With your leave I will supply that omission and show you both what the original endowment was, and how afterwards improved.  
Archbishop Richard, Beckets' immediate Successor in a charter 
c juter chartas Hosp. S. johannis extra Northgate.  (which I have seen) of his to this, and S. john's Hosp. relating first their erection by his predecessor Lanfranc, shows that he endowed them with sevenscore pound per annum, to issue and arise out of his Manors of Reculver and Bocton, that is, to either Hospital after an equal division, 70 lib. per annum. This now was the original endowment of both these Hospitals. With which the same Richard, finding them scarce well able to subsist, in augmentation, added 20 lib. per annum more to their former means, payable out of Reculver Parsonage. Which 160 lib. continued afterwards constantly paid unto them, and un-altered, until Archbishop Kilwardby's days. For so it appears by an exemplification made of certain Charters of those Hospitals, under the seal of Thomas Chicheley, D ● of the Decrees, Archdeacon of Canterbury, and Prothonotary to the Pope, and signed by his Registrorum Custos and Actorum S●riba: namely, that from Beckets' time downward until Kilwardbyes, these 2 Hospitals had and received by equal division yearly 240 marks or 160 lib. of the Archbishop's Chamber, saving that 20 lib. of it was paid them of the Parson of Reculver. This, Kilwardby misliking, withdraws their stipend, and in lieu assigns and appropriate over to them his Parsonage of Reculver, with the Chapels annexed. But for some inconveniences (that of the leprous condition of the people of this Hospital, the main, rendering them both unable and unfit to attend and intermeddle in a tithery, especially so remote:) his next Successor john Peckham altars and revokes what he (Kilwardby) had done, and redintegrates the Hospitals into their former estate. Archbishop Stratford afterwards gets the King (Ed. 3.) of whom this Parsonage held in capite, by his Charter, to appropriate it mensae Archiepiscopali, to the Archbishop's table, yet charged with that old payment or stipend, which Simon I slip afterwards, with consent of the Chapter, the Prior and Covent, confirms unto them, and that (for the better strengthening of their title, maintainable as yet only by customary right, having no sufficient jus scritpum to show) by his charter in writing, whereby to recover it, if at any time denied or detained. Ever since which time they have peaceably enjoyed the same. These things I thought good the rather to deduce, that I might vindicate that false aspersion wherewith some of the old people of these Hospitals, ignorant altogether of the premised passages, are wont to deprave some of the Archbishops of former times, for depriving them of this and that Manor, and I know not what other means, revenues and endowment, wherewith they say and will tell you their houses were at first so richly endowed, as they cannot think their Prior of old time, any less man forsooth then a Lord Prior, I wot. But thus others have told them, and they think they may take it up upon trust, and say as much after them.  
I shall not insist on the specification of the other revenues of this Hospital, whereof, by the charity of former times, it hath a pretty competency: Eilgar at Bourne and john of Tonford neighbours to the place in their time being the prime (I take it) of the secular benefactors, as King Hen. 3. was of the Royal, who gave to the poor here 20 marks a year, out of of the City Fee-ferme, payable by the Chamber.  
This Hospitals ancient governor, now called a Master, was a Dean. For to a very ancient deed of the Hospital (amongst other witnesses) one Benedict in the first place subscribes, with this addition of tunc temporis Decani de sancto Nicolao. Pope john 23. 
d Inter Chartas Hospitalis.  by his bull, discharged this Hospital of payment of tithes de hertis, virgultis & animalium nutrimentis.  
Hitherto and enough of the care taken for their bodies, and the furnishing of them with the necessaries of this life. Next, of the provision made for their souls, and their Christian instruction that might prepare them for that better one to come.  
Adjoining to this Hospital is an indifferent fair Church, lately (as the Hospital) by the cost of the reverend Master, 
S. Nicholas Church.  Dr jackson, much beautified, which sometimes was a Parish Church, and hath in it a Font (an ancient one) and to it a Churchyard (the badges and characters of a Parochial Church:) and in the account of the state and condition of the Hospital given to the Commissioners upon the Stat. 37. H. 8. c. 4. it is avouched to be a Parish Church, and to have parochial rights; and Archbishop Stratfords' appropriation of it to Eastbridge (whereof anon) calls it ecclesiam parochialem (the Parish Church.) It was indeed the Church of the Parish of S. Nicholas at Herbaldowne: the bounds, extent and continent whereof I have not hitherto met with: only once I saw a deed registered in the Lieger of Eastb. Hosp. 400 years old and upwards, mentioning a piece of land, abutting Eastward to the highway leading to the Barton of Westgate (i. Westgate-Court) from Tonford, therein said to lie in the Parish of S. Nicholas of Herbald. A Parsonage it once was; payeth Procurations to this day, as a Parsonage, and by the same name was in the year 1292. at the general valuation made of all ecclesiastical livings in this Diocese 
e Lib. Eccles. Christi Cant. , valued at 9 marks per annum, (more than most of the Parsonages in and near about the City were rated at:) and accordingly the tenths set at xij s. And the ancient Incumbent thereof (as a Parson and Parsonage are relatives) was a Rector, or in the phrase of our Municipalls) a Parson Anno 37. Hen. 3. one Thomas Walsham, by his charter granted 
f Prout in Charta quad. hujus Hosp.  to William the brother of Gilbert, of S. Nicholas of Herbald. a certain croft, unto which deed one Luke the then Parson of St Michael of Herbald. (amongst others) was a witness. To this Church, and the than Presbyter thereof (the Parsonage and Parson, (as we since phrase it, of St Nicholas) Theobald the Archbishop, by his Charter attested by Walter the then Prior of Christ-Church (amongst others) granted the tithes of his and his Sees Manor of Westgate 
g Lib. de Eastbridge. . The Parsonage thus improved, a Successor of Theobald, john Stratford, in the year 1342. 15. Ed. 3. upon his novel ordination of the Hospital of Eastbridge in Canterbury, and in and by the same Charter, annexed and appropriated to that Hospital (the Deed or Charter whereof I purpose shall follow in my Survey of Eastbridge:) But because it should seem that Church had been the Hospital Church of St Nicholas, wherein the poor there had the Sacraments and Sacramentals ministered unto them, by the Incumbent for the time being, (it was built for them, as Archbishop Parker says, by Lanfranc their founder) the appropriator, Stratford, to prevent and provide against all damage and detriment which that appropriation might occasion to St Nicholas Hospital, obligeth Estbridge Hospital to the finding (not of a Vicar, the living was too slender to maintain one, but) of a Chaplain who should officiate and minister to them in divinis (as the foresaid Instrument will show:) In this, Archbishop Wittlesey afterwards finding some inconvenience, 
Harbal down chantry.  Anno 1371. erects a perpetual chantry, the Chantery-Priest whereof (because of the danger of conversing with the Hospitallers, being leprous people many of them) seated and housed a part, viz. over against the Hospital gate, and endowed with a competency of revenue, partly from the one, partly from the other Hospital; was charged with cure of souls, and to that end tied to perpetual residence upon it, as the instrument of that Chanteries erection and dotation (to be sought in my Appendix 
h Vide pag. 241. ) more at large will show. In this wise things stood with the Church of Saint Nicholas afterwards until the latter end of Hen. 8. or beginning of Ed. 6. reign. About which time the chantry and Chantery-Priest vanished. Since when, the Church continuing to the Hospital, the poor are served there in divinis, by one in orders, a member of the house.  
I was willing to enlarge myself in this matter the rather, because the state of this Church inquired into by some, but unknown of most, I would make as evident as my reading and observation had enabled me. And so I have only a tale to tell you from Erasmus touching an old ceremony used heretofore in this Hospital (as Wever hath abridged it:) and I shall take leave of it. In this house (saith Wever 
i Ancient suner. Monum. pag. 259. ) was reserved the upper leather of an old shoe, which had been worn (as they gave it out) by Saint Thomas Becket: this shoe, as a sacred relic, was offered to all passengers to kiss; fair set in Copper, and Crystal.  
What he there adds of a Priory of black Canons, which (as he saith) was originally annexed to this Hospital by Lanfranc the founder, is but a tale. The man was mistaken in this, as he is much out in many other things about this City. The Priory, I wot, by him intended is that of Saint Gregory without Northgate, over against Saint john's Hospital there of Lanfranc's foundation, to which it was not annexed neither, much less to Herbald. but an injunction only laid upon the Canons of the place to minister unto the poor of Saint john's in things appertaining to their soul's health, and in rites of burial, as in proper place I shall further show.  
My progress being circular I am bound next for Saint Stephens or Hakynton. Whither my next way lies (by Beausherne, 
Hakynton. Bea●sherne.  anciently as still a parcel of the Demeasnesse of Poor Priests-Hospitall in Cant.) over Saint Thomas-hill. 
St Thomas. hill.  Where I will stay you no longer than whilst I may give you the derivation of the Hills name. The Inventory of Rents and Revenues of Esbridge Hospital presented to the Commissioners upon the Stat. 37. Hen. 8. cap. 4. calls it Thomas Becket's Hill. And that (I suppose) either because the greatest part of the demeanes or endowment of that Hospital, built by Archbishop Becket, and to this day called Hospitale sancti Thomae martyris de Eastbridge, lay, as it doth still, about that Hill; or else from a Chapel sometime standing thereaway, called Saint Thomas chapel, whereof in a deed of Eastbridge-Lieger of divers quitrents extra Westgate, I read as followeth: juxta campum in quo nova capella beati Thomae Martyris fuerat. So much of that. Now for Hakynton.  
I might here enter into a large discourse of the fierce quarrel that happened between Baldwin the Archbishop, and his Monks, the Prior and Covent of Christ-Church about a college by him intended to have been erected at this place, which (the cause of their opposition) would mainly have damnified the Monks, had the project succeeded. But the story is delivered by so many hands already, and that so fully and at large, that (not desirous to make my book swell with other men's labours) I purposely spare the recital of it, and refer the Reader, for satisfaction, to the Antiquitates Britannicae, the Catalogue of Bishops, to the Acts and Monuments, and Lambert's perambulation. I myself also shall have occasion to give a touch upon it hereafter, in the life both of the same Baldwin, and of Alanus the Prior.  
I pass from Hakynton, and crossing the Meadows and 
Barton.  River at Barton (sometime a Manor of Christ-Church, and that which Doomsday Book calls Northwood, from it may seem the sometime woody condition of some part of the soil; in speaking whereof Lambert 
k Perambulation of Kent in Norwood.  commits some errors, especially in saying the Manor was long time in the possession of certain Gentlemen of the same name, etc.) I come next to the Suburbs without Northgate. Where, after we are past jesus Hospital, a spital for the 
jesus-hospital.  poor served there with good annual allowance by the Founder, Saint john Boys Knight deceased, (whose Monument placed by his Tomb against the Northwall of the Body of Christ-Church, further sets forth what he was:) the Priory of Saint Gregory's, and the opposite Hospital of Saint john's minister unto me much matter of Survey. I shall first, from Edmerus 
l Hist. Novor. lib. 1. pag. , give you their foundation jointly, and then treat of them in several.  
Extra aquilonalem denique portam urbis illius lapideam domum decentem & amplam construxit, & ei pro diversis necessitudinibus hominum & commoditatibus habitacula plura cum spaciosa eurte adjecit. Hoc palatium in duo divisit, viros viz. variis infirmitatum qualitatibus pressos uni; parti verò alteri foeminas se malè habentes instituens. Ordinavit etiam eis de suo vestitum, & victum quotidianum; Ministros quoque atque custodes qui modis omnibus observarent ne aliquid eis deesset, neque viris ad foeminas, vel foeminas ad viros accedendi facultas ulla adesset. Ex altera verò parte viae Ecclesiam in honorem beati Gregorii Papae composuit, in qua Canonicos posuit, qui regulariter viverent, & praefatis infirmis quae saluti animarum suarum congruerent cum Sepultura ministrarent. Quibus etiam in Terris, in Decimis, & in aliis redditibus tantae largitus est, ut ad sustentationem eorum sufficientia esse viderentur. Thus Edmerus.  
The Priory (to begin with that) was you see a house of regular Canons, otherwise called (from their habit, 
Saint Gregory's.  which was a white coat, and a linen rochet, under a black cope, with a scapular to cover their head and shoulders 
m Tolyd. Virg. de Invent. Rer. lib. 7. cap. 3. ) black Canons: of the order of Saint Augustine, as appears by the Catalogue of the Monasteries of that order (among which it is reckoned for one:) which coming in and compounding with the King (Ed. 1.) about a subsidy (for denial whereof by the whole clergy, regulating themselves by the Pope's constitution, and their Archbishop's example, they were by Parliament excluded from the King's protection, and their goods pronounced confiscate to the King) obtained letters of protection 
n Reyner Apostolat. Benedict. in Appendice. pag 66. .  
It was (I take it) the first house of Regular Canons in the whole Kingdom. Sure I am it was erected long before the Priory (of the same order) at Nosthill in Yorkshire, which Reynor 
o Apostolat. Bened. pag. 158.  saith was the first the Kingdom had, being built (as he delivers) by Adelwold or Ethelwolph, Hen. 1. his confessor, that first (if we may believe him) brought the order into this Land.  
What number of Canons here were required by the foundation, I know not, but in a visitation 
p Lib. Registri Consistor. Cant.  of the Priory by Cardinal Bourchier, only five give up their names with the Prior, who indeed then complained of the paucity of his Canons, which (as he lays the fault) was occasioned by the diminution of their revenues, or (in his own words) their Lands, Tents and Rents. Which their revenue what it was, or where it lay, I can say but little; because I could never as yet get a sight of the Leaguer.  
Concerning this Priory, in the Book of Doomsday, in the Archbishop's Manor of Stove-saete or Westgate (as we now call it) thus I read. Et inibi sunt iterum xxx. & ij. mansurae & unum molendinum, quae tenent clerici sancti Gregorii ad eorum ecclesiam. Ibique manent xij. Burgenses qui reddunt eye xxxvs. & molendinum reddit vs. The same Doomsday in another place, under the Title of the City mentions the same thing, but with some little variation, thus. Archiepiscopus habet infra Civitatem Cant. xij. Burgenses, & xxx. mansuras quas tenent clerici de villa ingildam suam, & reddunt xxxvs. & unum molendinum reddit vs. This Priory had other endowment, consisting (as Edmerus shows) as well in Tithes as Temporalties. As for their Titheries, in the year 1292. (at what time their Temporalties in Canterbury, Natyndon, Hugevelde, Chertham, Tanintone, and Herbaldowne, were together valued at xxxl. xvs.) they were these, the Parsonages of Taninton, Westgate, Northgate, St Dunstan, Natindon, Livingsborn, Waltham, Elmested, Betrichedenne, Stallesfield. Together with certain Titheries in Goldstaneston, Berham, Plukele, and Risseburne 
q Lib. eccles. Christi. Cant. . The whole revenue every way Mr Lambert reckons up to but 30l. falling much short of Speeds estimate, which is 166l. 4s. 5d. Whether of them is mistaken, I leave it to them to inquire that please to search the Record.  
As for any remarkable matter or occurrence concer-cerning this Priory until the suppression, I read of none 
r Lambert Peramb. of Kent in Canterbury.  beside the firing of it in King Stephen's days.  
As appertaining, so also adjoining to this Priory, before and until the Dissolution (yea and after too) was a Coemitery or Church-yard, not proper only to the Priory, for the burial of the Domestics, but which was (whether of right, or by courtesy only, I know not) common to others also with them, and those not the Hospitallars only (the reason why they were till very lately destitute of any Churchyard within themselves) but also the Parishioners of Northgate, their neighbours, of which Church this Priory had the Patronage, who did constantly, by their Wills, appoint their Burials in that Churchyard, and never mention other of their own: it faring with them as with those other Parish Churches of the City, which belonging some to Christ-Church, some to Saint Augustine's, had their want of Churchyards supplied by those Monasteries. This at Saint Gregory's continued to the Parish of Northgate after the dissolution, until (as the tradition goes) Sir john Boys the late Tenent to the Priory obtained to appropriate and enclose it upon exchange of the modern Churchyard ground for it with the Churchwardens of Northgate for the time being. It continued (I say) till then to the Parish, for a burial place; de facto, but was not acknowledged theirs of right. For at a visitation 
s Lib. Consistorii Cant.  holden in the year 1560. it is from Northgate, by the sworn men (inter alia) thus presented viz. That Mr May doth withhold part of the Churchyard etc. This Mr May (it seems) was then tenant to the Priory. Who in defence of himself being convented upon this presentment, exhibuit literas Regias patentes (as the act of court runs:) per quas patet cimiterium esse jus hereditarium Reverendissimi, etc. Afterwards, viz. anno 1573. at another visitation 
t Lib. ejusdem Consistorii. , it was from the same place thus presented, to wit, That their Churchyard is not decently kept, neither can they bury in it unless they pay 2d. for an old body, and a penny for a child.  
It hath been a thing much controverted between the 
Controversy between the City and S. Gregory's.  City and this Priory, whether it be of the City's liberty or not. Now not out of any desire I have to stickle in the matter, but for manifestation and maintenance of a truth herein them best I am able, unto which by occasion of the places surveyed, I am in a manner engaged, I shall without partiality deliver what, in matter of fact, I know may conduce to the clearing of this doubt and quieting the debate. In the year 1269. anno 53. Hen. 3. I find 
u Vide postea pag. 187.  the Prior of St Gregory's, by the same writ with the Prior of Christ-Church, the Abbot of S. Augustine's and others, after a legal discussion of the case by enquiry and verdict of select men of the City, and voicinage, acquitted by the Kings writ of tallage, i. of being within compass of tallage with the City. Besides in the Argument drawn up by the Abbot of St Aug. in defence of himself and his Abbey against the City, challenging the Abbey and some of her neighbouring domains to be of and within the liberty of the City in Hen. 6. time, amongst other heads thereof (that it might not seem strange, that the Abbey being in the Suburbs, and so near the City wall, should nevertheless be exempt from the Franchise of the same, by showing how the matter stood in same state with other like places about the City: this Priory is pleaded to be as without the walls, so without the liberty also of the same City in these words, viz. Ac etiam quòd sunt aliqua loca adeo prope muros Civitatis praedictae sicut sunt loci in praedictis articulis ballivorum predict etc. contenti quae semper fuerunt extra praedictam Civitatem, praecinctum, libertatem aut suburbia ejusdem, viz. vicus de Westgate, vicus Sancti Martini, Prioratus Sancti Gregorii, Hospitale Sancti joannis de Northgate etc. In H. 8. time certain articles were concluded between the Prior of this house and the Covent of the same on the one party, and the Mayor and Commonalty of the City of the other party, for the composing of this difference about the temporal Jurisdiction of the place. Which composition, from the records of the chamber, I shall in my Appendix present the Reader with. Vide. pag. 246.  
But leaving these things, and the house, I come next to 
St Thomas chapel.  the ground lying behind it, sometime the Canon's orchard or garden: where are yet standing or rather falling (and yielding to time) the ruins of an old chapel, a barn I wot of late, dedicate to that once reputed holy Martyr St Thomas of Cant. and called (as I find by the will 
x Penes registrum Consistor. Cant.  of one William Harry of St Martin, anno 1461. who gave a legacy unto it) Capella fraternitatis sancti Thomae Martyris existen' in orto sancti Gregorii. I will close this discourse of St Gregory's with the following memorandum, touching the watercourse of Christ-Church running through this part of it. 
Christ-Church Watercourse.  Memorandum (saith a book of Christ-Church) de carta Prioris & Conventus sancti Gregorii Cant. specialem mentionem faciend. & expressum quòd aquaeductum Prioris & Conventus ecclesiae Christi Cant. per pomarium suum transeuntem salvum & illaesum quantum in eyes est conservabunt, & permittent operarios dictae ecclesiae Christi Cant. quotiens necesse fuerit ad eundem aquaeductum emendandum per Curiam & portam suam liberum habere ingressum & egressum, etc. Dated anno 1227.  
I return now to the Hospital, whose foundation being 
St john's Hospital.  premised, her dotation should follow: but what I might here say of it, is already said and may be seen in that of Herbaldowne, the other twin as I may call it, for their parity as well in time as manner, both of their erection and original endowment. This of S. john's time was fired in Ed. 3. time, as I find by certain letters of the Hospital under their seal, framed after the manner of a brief, & directed to all prelate's in general, wherein they in pitiful manner deplore their miserable estate occasioned (as they say) by a late lamentable fire happening in their house, which had wasted their Hospital and adjacent edifices, in the which were more than an 100 poor people sustained, with desire of their charitable relief, letting them know (as the most persuasive Rhetoric of that age) what indulgences had been granted to their benefactors by several Archbishops and Bishops of former times.  
This Hospital hath a fair Chapel to it decently kept, 
chapel.  wherein divine service is said, the Sacraments administered, and God's word preached to them of the house. Their present Chaplains stipend is the same with his predecessors of old, 8 lib. per annum. The Chapel hath had some domestic benefactors. Amongst others, one William Garnar, who in the year by his will 
y Penes Regist. Consist. praedict.  gave xls to the mending of the steeple, and 4 lib. for a new bell. john Roper another, who in the year 1526. by his will 
z Ibidem.  took order with his Executor for the new building of the side chancels Eastern window (being the window, as he calls it, of our Lady's altar) proportionable and correspondent to that of the choir. The Chapel affords these Monuments of some note.  
Orate proanima Aliciae Ashburneham filiae & heredis Willielmi Tooke armigeri & Aliciae Woodland uxoris ejus & antea fuit uxor Thomae Roper Gent. quae obiit xvij die April. Anno R. R. Hen. 8. xv. & Anno Domini 1524. Cujus animae etc.  
She lieth in the same side Chancel: in the said Eastwindow whereof these words are yet legible.  
Orate pro— Rooper & probono— Thomasinae uxoris ejus— Domini 1529.  

In the quire-window.  
Orate pro bono statu— Hyllys fratris istius Hospitalis & Prior, qui ab hoc seculo migravit, qui fenestram istam fieri fecit, Anno Domini 1474.  
It is a very brave window, having in so many panes, every of the twelve Apostles portrayed, with the several articles of the Creed that they are said to make.   

In the South-window.  
Orate pro animabus Domini Willielmi Septvans &— consortis suae.  
Archbish. Stratford erecting and endowing the Vicarage of Northgate-Church, expressly reserves and excepts from the Vicar thereof the tithes of this Hospital, in these words. Oblationibus & obventionibus Hospitalis de Northgate, duntaxat exceptis. In what case and estate the Commissioners upon the Statute 37. H. 8. c. 4. found the present Hospital, were it not too tedious of recital, I would here subjoin. I suspect a fleecing ofit as of other like places by the sacrilegious pilferies of those ravenous and wretched times set upon the spoil even of (what the Proverb might have staved them from) the very spittle itself. I could instance in some particulars wherein it suffered, but my haste will not permit me.   

I have now surrounded the Suburbs, yet having hitherto said nothing of Westgate-street, the Suburbs (I mean) lying 
Westgate-street.  without Westgate, exempt from the liberty and Franchese of the City, give me leave here to give it a place apart, and therewith to finish my survey of the Suburbs, and then I shall enter the walls.  
I have seen a presentment in Eire, enrolled in the King's Exchequer of the 21. of Ed. 1. wherein (inter alia) this street (Westgate-street) is presented and avouched, how truly I know not, to have anciently belonged to the Citizens of Canterbury, subject with the City to tax and aid; but in King john's time to have been taken from the City by Hubert the Archbishop, to the Cities great damage, in regard merchants and men of worth and estates withdrew themselves thither, and there housed themselves, and were defended of the Archbishop against the City's impositions. But whether this part of our City's Suburbs, were not from all Antiquity, as now it is, clearly exempted from the Franchese and Liberty thereof, because part of the Archbishop's Manor (and Hundred) of Westgate, as we now call it, or of Stoursaete, as of old it was named, distinct from the City-Hundred (as it seems it was no other of old) may deserve inquiry and consideration, and the rather (sith Doomsday Book Records, that the Archbishop then challenged to have Forisfacturam in viis extra Civitatem ex utraque parte ubi terra sua est) because the Archbishop, in right of his See, is Dominus Fundi (Lord of the Soil) on either side this Street. It makes much for this what Edmerus 
a Hist. Novor. lib. 〈◊〉.  said upward of 500 years agone, that in the Lands of the archbishopric throughout the Kingdom, by an ancient custom and usage, the Archbishop hath the sole managing of things aswell human, as divine. But enough of the street.  
Somewhat I have heard of a Ferry sometime at this place, 
Ferry.  belonging, as I am told, to the Archbishop, who did arrent it out for 16d. per annum. But I have seen no record to warrant the relation, and therefore no more of that until I be better instructed.  
The Archbishop and the Citizens, both (as bound by oath, if I mistake not) standing in the defence and maintenance of their liberties, the one of his See, the other of their City, have anciently much differed about liberties here, but now and of a long time all such matters have been well accorded and settled between them; wherefore, and because I much desire they should ever so continue, ex professo, I decline the discourse of their quarrels, lest I may seem to rub up old sores.  
Having now done with Westgate-street, I will take the next way into the City, and that is by Westgate. But ere we pass or enter further than the Gate, I must, according to my purposed method premise and say somewhat of the Wards of the City.    

Division of the City into Wards.  
THe Wards of our City at this day are, as (I take it) 
Number and names of the Wards.  they ever were, nor more nor less than six in number. In name distinguished and differenced from each other, by the names of the six principal Gates, that is. 1. Westgate-ward. 2. Newingate-ward. 3. Northgate-ward. 4. Worthgate-ward. 5. Burgate-ward, and 6. Ridingate-ward. Of that number at first, haply in imitation of the Shires division into 6. Laths, whereof it did of old consist.  
Of the first division made of the City into Wards, neither written Record, nor unwritten Tradition makes any 
Their original.  mention. But I conceive it very ancient. The whole City (it seems) in the Conqueror's time, was but one entire hundred. For Doomsday Book speaking of the Church's Manor of Barton, which it calleth North-wood, saith it was de hundredo de Cantuarberia, as the very words are. If so, it was not long ere a sub-division made of it, haply for more easy and good Government, into divers several hundreds, namely into the six Wards or hundreds now under our Survey. For the more ancient appellation and term given to those our Cities modern sub-divisions of Wards, was Hundred, as almost all our eldest deeds and other like evidences do witness, which generally, close with a memorandum, that they were first made and recorded in the hundred of that Division (as in the hundred of Westgate, Burgate, and so alike for the rest) and afterwards in the Burgmote of the City. Another term they had somewhat varying from the other in sound, but of synonymal sense and signification with it, which was Bertha, a frequent phrase in our ancient evidences.  
These Divisions, Fitz-Stephens, in his description of London, endeavouring to parallel it, all he could, with old Rome, calls Regions. Every of these Divisions, Hundreds, Wards, Regions, was committed and entrusted, for reiglement, to an Alderman, one in office and authority, the same (I take it) with Praepositus Hundredi, or the Hundreds Ealdor, as our Ancestors would phrase it.  
I will spare all discourse touching (what many men's interpretation hath made of vulgar knowledge) the word, Alderman, both name, and office, in general, derived, traduced and descended unto us from great antiquity, and confine myself to speak of those only set over our City Wards. Whose antiquity I conceive to be from about Rich. 1. time; the generality of these Aldermen being said to be of that age's production 
b Vide Dn. Hen. Spelmanni Glossar. in hac voce.  (four hundred years old and upwards.)  
These Aldermen, every of them, had and kept within their Ward, and haply (as the Jews held theirs 
c Deuter. cap. 21 ver. 19 & cap. 16. ) at their several Gates, a Court holden every three weeks, which was called of our ancestors sometime the Hundred-Court, sometime the Wardmote, that is, the meeting or assembly 
Wardmote.  of the Hundred or Ward, or the Portmote, as the Jurisdiction was called Port-soka.  
Their office, from their name, was called an Aldermanrie; 
Aldermanrie.  which it seems was not (as now) elective, but as freehold either demiseable or deviseable, ad libitum of him or her that held the same: or if neither demised, nor devised of him nor her in life time, but indisposed of at death, then as inheritance and fee, descended to the next heir at law; and thence it was that (as I find) most of the same Aldermanries' continued in a name and family, through many descents and successions, as that of Burgate to the Chiches, of Northgate to the Polres or Pollers, as we now write it, of Newingate to the Digges, of Worthgate to the Cokyns, afterwards to the Tiernes, of Westgate to the Brownes, and so of the rest.  
This last of Westgate, was in 10. Rich. 2. given by the Will 
d Lib. Camerae Civitatis.  of Henry Garnate to Sara his wife. It sometimes was in the Abbot of Saint Augustine's possession, who (as Thorn tells me) Anno 1278. gave it to Mr Nicholas Doge, tenend'. & habend' eandem cum omnibus appendiciis tam in civitate Cant. quam extra in suburbio ejusdem vel alibi, de praefato Abbate & Conventu in perpetuum, reddendo inde annuatim in thesaurario nostro. xl. sterlingorum pro omnibus servitiis, salva secta Burgmoti Cant. quam ob eandem causam facere tenet. As Thorns words are. Before this. i. in the beginning of Hen. 3. time, I find 
e Lib. eccles. Christi Cant.  it enjoyed by one William (as he writes himself) Cissor Domini Regis, the King's Tailor, I take it. But of late days it was the Brownes. Whose then seat and inheritance (before the Septvans) was the Manor of Milton, or Middleton by Canterbury (from whence so called is of vulgar conjecture:) and continued to the name of the Brownes, until of late the inheritrix married to Robert Honywood Esquire, son of that famous Mary Honywood (of whom I leave you to take further information, if her fame save you not the labour, from her Monuments Inscription or Epitaph in Dr Hakewill 
f Apology. lib. 3. cap. 5. Sect. 7. pag. 224. ) and father of Sr Robert Honywood of Charing, and Sr Thomas Honywood of Marks-Hall in Essex, whose it now is, the ancestor of whom Sr George Browne, in Rich. 3. days, taking part with Lancastrian Hen. 7. was, by Parliament, deprived for it of this Aldermanry, but his heirs soon after. i. in the 1. Hen. 7. repossessed of it.  
I insist the more upon this Aldermanry, because I conceive it to have been, if not absolutely the chief, yet one of more respect and consequence than the rest; which were all bought or otherwise gotten into the City, and made eligible by the Mayor and Commonalty early to that this was, which (it seems) came not in until about the time of the New ordination made by Hen. 7. which appoints two Aldermen to every Ward. In some respects also it differed from the rest, which (I take it) were held only by Freemen and inhabitants of the Franchise, whereas this was holden neither by one nor tother, a great inconvenience to the City, as in the forecited act of Parliament (1 Rich. 1.) in the preface of it, is suggested. So much of the Wards in general. Which, it seems by an ancient Record 
g Record. de An. ●9. Rich. 2. You shall find a copy of it in my Appendix. pag. 298. , were annexed and appertaining to the Fee-Ferme paid by the City to the King, of whom they held in capite.  
Now of each of them in several; beginning, because I stayed you (as you may remember) at Westgate, with Westgate-Ward; and observing and surveying such things (as I shall do likewise afterwards in the rest) as occur therein any thing worthy of note or memory: saving that I shall reserve the Churches to a future mention by themselves.   

Westgate-Ward.  
MArching on therefore from the Gate into the City, by the high Street (that, I mean, terminated by this Gate at the West, and by the opposite Newingate at the East-end) we have on this side Kingsbridge, on either hand of us a Gate that leads us to a several ruined Monastery. That on the right hand late the barefooted Franciscans, or the Minorite-Observant-mendicant-Gray-Fryers. The other on our left, late the Minors also, or the Praedicant-black-Fryers.  
I will begin with the Gray-FF. or Franciscans. So called from Seraphical St Francis (Wevers Epithet) the institutor 
Gray-Fryers.  of their order. The legend of whose life and miracles, because too tedious for my intended short method, and too too fabulous most what, I doubt, for your belief, for mine I am sure; I have thought good rather to overpasse in silence, then to trouble either myself to write, or you to read the rabble of fopperies (if no worse) that are written of it and them, legible in Matt. Paris. Polyd. Virg. but more largely in Owen's genealogy of Monks etc. the Chronicon Minorum, and elsewhere.  
Leaving therefore (I say) their Founder and Patron, I come to the Friars 
* Qui dicant●r Monachi, & qui Praetres, item & quo dislent vide Pa●or. sup. cap. Causam quae. ut. De judic. l. 2 Decretal. & consil. 28. parte secunda.  themselves. They were called Minors or Minorites, from the humility and low livesse of mind which by the prescript of their Founder they ought ever to have: Observant, to distinguish them from a loser sort of Franciscans, than whom these were more careful and observant to keep the strict rules and orders of St Francis, and were therefore also called Regular Franciscans: Mendicant, because pretending to Evangelicall perfection, and therefore professing wilful poverty, they subsisted chiefly upon alms, which they used, with the Predicants, Augustine's, and Carmelites, to ask and receive ostiatim, from door to door; whereby chiefly Friars were differenced from Monks, who kept home, and lived upon their own in common: Grace, from their habit, which (in imitation of their Founder 
h Polyd. Virg. de Invent. Rer. lib. 7. cap. 4. ) was a long grey coat down to their heels, with a Cowl or Hood, and a cord or rope about their loins in stead of a girdle. Their governor's proper name and stile was Guardianus. Monachi olim (saith one 
i Barthol. Cartagena. in expo. 〈◊〉. jur. Canon. lib. 3. 〈◊〉. 35. ) non omnes simul commorabantur, sed domunculas sparsim per montes & saltus structas habebant: quo derelicto, inceperunt postea ad modum Reip. in communitate habitare, uno eorum electo velut principe & gubernatore, qui eos regeret & gubernaret, praeesset Monasterio, quem Graeci appellabant archimandrita & coenobiarcha, nos verò communiter vocamus abbatem, licèt temporis lapsu factum sit, ut, multiplicatis monachorum ordinibus illorum nomina etiam multiplicata sint: unde apud Domnicanos vocatur Prior, apud Franciscanos Guardianus, apud Trinitarios minister.  
These Franciscans came first into England about the year 1224. in Hen. 3. reign, as did the Dominicans. How or 
k Harpsfield. 〈◊〉 Hist. Eccl. Angl. samul. 13. cap. 11.  where they were afterwards entertained with provision, and accommodation of housing, I find not until the year 1270. By which time, it seems (whether by their piety, or policy, I know not) they had so insinuated themselves into the favour of a devout and worthy Citizen, and of a flourishing family then in the City (as still in the County) one john Digg, or Diggs, than an Alderman, and 12 years before (1258.) and also 3 years after (1273.) one of the Bailiffs of the City, whom Wever miscalls S ● john Diggs, that he purchased for them the Island in Canterbury, then called Bynnewith, and shortly after translated them thither. Emit Insulam vocatam Bynnewight in Cantuar. & locum Portae super Stour-street ad opus Fratrum Minorum, & tempore opportuno transtulit Fratres ad illam, as Wever 
l Ancient funeral Monum. pag. 134.  from Leland. Whence the place, this Island, might derive the name of Bynnewith, 
Binnewith.  if I may conjecture, I shall tell you, either from a composition of two Saxon words, Binnan which signifies within, and With, an Island, as it were the Island within, in distinction of it from an Island sometime lying without the City, by Westgate, Northward, called simply With, whereofin the elder rentals of Christ-Church mention is made thus. Parva Insula extra Westgate, versus Aquilonem, vocata With. Or else Binnewith quasi Binewith, the double Island; indeed it is no other, and an ancient rental of Christ-Church (which once had ground, houses, and fee here) speaks of rent in St Peter Parish payable de duabus parvis Insulis ubi fuit Crinemilne. For thereabout sometime stood a milne of Christ-Church, so called, unto which the lane in St Peter called Meadlane, and of Speed in his Map of the City miscalled Maidenlane, did lead, and from thence was called Crinemelne-lane. For in an exchange anno 1294. made between Christ-Church and S. Augustine's, three tenements in St Peter Parish in Canterbury being granted to the Abbey, and of them is thus described and bounded, viz. quoddam tenementum jacens in magno gardino dicti Abbatis, juxta terram fratrum Minorum Cant. ex parte Australi, in venella quae dicitur Medlane, & quae olim (saith the deed 
m In Lib. eccles. Cant. ) vocabatur Crinemelle-lane. But may it not more probably be called Binnewith (that is Binney-Iland) from the same radix with the mead, or meadow-ground by it, called to this day Binney-meads; as the bridge thereaway, which we call Bingley-bridge, is rightly called Binney-bridge, from the Saxon, binnan ea signifying (as I said) within or between the water, because lying and enclosed within or between our Stour or rivers double channel, bounding it on either side: whence the Codicill or Landboc of Cenulph the Mercian that gave that ground to the Church copied in my Appendix pag. 301. thus describes it to lie. Inter duos gremiales rivos fluminis quod dicitur Stour. Which Mr Lambert reads thus. Inter duos genitales rivos etc. and accordingly would send us further up the stream, to find out this ground about our rivers spring-heads; whereas the very name yet remaining shows it to lie here.  
I may not so leave the places name. For though ancient 
A Family of Binnewiths'.  and even obsolete with us, yet of so much note with our Ancestors, as it served to give name to a family of Citizens, sometime the residentiaries of the place, and from thence called the Withs, or (as more frequently) the Binnewiths', whereof one john Binnewith about the beginning of H. 3. reign was a benefactor to Herbaldowne Hosp. where I have seen his charter with the seal appendent, in the circumference of it thus circum-inscribed SIGILL. JOHANNIS DE WITH. And one Arnold Binnewith was, anno 1221. and also again about the year 1227. one of the Bailiffs of the City 
n Lib. Hosp. de Eastbridge. . The Friars having gotten possession of the place, both the Island and her former Incolae or inhabitants, soon after lost their names. But leaving that, I proceed.  
The Friars being here seated, and many houses and much ground of the fee of Christ-Church Monks lying within the Ambitus or precinct of their Monastery, they (it seems) made bold to usurp them as their own, because within the confines of their seat, and so de facto, made themselves absolute Lords and possessors of the Island. The Monks seeing the common people much inclined to favour them, and not willing to incur theirs, lest it might bring with it the people's displeasure also, make a virtue of as it were a necessity; and to show themselves as forward in charity toward them, as the common people, after the Friars (by their connivance 'tis like) had been a pretty while in possession without paying or yielding to the Monks their accustomed rents and services, which their quondam tenants were bound to pay, viz. anno 1294. by composition, remit unto them all arrearages and duties passed gratis, or intuitu charitatis, as they phrase it, and for the future make them an abatement of almost the moiety of the rent: as the Composition will show, which (because it sets forth in some sort the state of the Island, and how it was peopled before the FF. time) I here propose, transcribed from the Records of the Cathedral. NOtum sit omnibus praesentibus & futuris quòd in festo Natalis 
Composition between Christ-Church and the Friars.  beati Ioannis Baptistae Anno Dom. Mccxciiijo. Regni verò Regis Edwardi xxijo. Ita convenit inter Priorem & Conventum ecclesiae Christi Cant. ex parte una, & Gardianum & Conventum fratrum minorum Cant. ex altera, viz. quod cum diversa tenementa continerentur infra ambitum ipsorum fratrum de feodo praedict' Prioris & Conventus, viz. tenementum quod quondam fuit Samuelis Tinctoris pro quo debebatur eis annuatim vijd. quad. Item pro tenemento quondam Beringeri in With prquo xijd. Item pro tenemento ejusdem in Ottemed. pro quo vd Item pro tenemento quondrm Seronae de Boctone pro quo vjd. Item pro redditu Wiberti quondam Prioris ecclesiae Christi praed. juxta Ottewell, pro quo xijd. Item pro tenemento Stephani filii Lewini Samuel pro quo xviijd. Praefati Prior & Conventus remiserunt & quietum clamaverunt in perpetuum praedictis fratribus & eorum Successoribus omnia arreragia sibi debit' de tenementis praed. intuitu caritatis. Ita viz. qd' iidem fratres & eorum Successores de cetero per suos procuratores fideliter solvi facient annuatim praedict. Priori & Con. in Thesauraria sua iijs. anwi redditus pro omnibus tenementis praedict. viz. medium ad Pascha & aliud medium ad festum Sancti Michaelis pro omnibus servitiis & secularibus demandis ad ipsos Prior. & Con. de eisdem tenementis spectand. & si contingat praefat. procuratores post viginti dies postquam super hoc praemuniti fuerint in solutione praedicti annui redditus deficere, bene licebit praed. Prior. & Conventui & eorum ministris distringere omnia tenementa praed. pro arreragiis quae à retrò fuerint de annuo redditu supradict. In cujus Rei testimonium Sigillum ecclesiae Christi praed. & sigillum commune fratrum praedict. huic scripto chirographato alternatim sunt appensa. Acta sunt haec apud Cantuar. die & anno supradictis.  
How this might stand with their Founder's rule and their own vow, I see not. For consult their rule delivered articulately in Matt. Paris, and you shall find them clearly debarred and disabled, both by their vow of poverty, and by express prescript beside from all peculium and propriety. Fratres (saith the rule) nihil sibi approprient, nec domum, nec locum, nec aliquam rem. Et tanquam peregrini & advenae in hoc saeculo, in paupertate & humilitate Domino famulantes, vadunt pro elemosyna confidenter etc. Whence that of Durand 
o Specul. jur. de monach stat. Lib. 4. Part. 3. n. 7. Gray-Friers privileges. , and others. Mendicantes sunt possessionum incapaces.  
These Franciscans or Minorite Friars being a great prop to the Papacy were prosecuted by several Popes with many privileges, immunities, indulgences and what not graces, that might assure them the Pope's fast friends, and faithful sons and servants. Beside their exemption and immunity from Episcopal and all other ordinary Jurisdiction; in matter of tithes, they were privileged from payment of any, either of their house, their orchard (or garden) and the nutriment. i. the herbage or agistment of their cattle, as in the Decretalls 
p Nimis prava. 12. de excessib. praelat. . They had withal in matter of burial liberam sepulturam (paying the fourth part of the obventions to the Parish Church:) whosoever would, might elect and have their Church or Coemitery, for his place of burial 
q Cap. Dudum. de sepult. in Clementin. . And that was a thing whereof multitudes were ambitious, and the rather because they were made believe, that who so was buried amongst them, especially ifin the holy and virtuous habit of a Friar, should not only be secured from evil spirits that would else haply disturb the quiet of his grave, but also be as sure to go to heaven. There is authentic record of many worthy personages, and of worshipful families that have been here interred: the Catalogue of whom Wever 
r Of ancient funeral Monuments. pag. 238.  hath collected and delivers, but under a wrong title, saying they were buried in the White, whereas he should have said the Gray-Friers: as I can make good to the satisfaction of any that makes a doubt hereof.  
As for benefactors to this Monastery, I find these. One William Woodland of Holy cross parish anno 1450. by his will 
s In Regist. Cons. Cant.  gave 5 lib. toward the reparation of their Church, and 5 marks beside to the repairing of their Dortor. Hamon Beale, a Citizen, and in his time twice Mayor of Canterb. choosing their Church for the place of his burial, as Isabella his wife had formerly done, gave 40 s. in money to the Covent. 
1492.  Indeed (to be short) almost every testate dying man of the City and neighbouring parts of any worth, remembered these FF. The Dominicans also and the Augustine's of this City, in their wills with some legacy more or less. One domestic benefactor I meet with, one Richard Martin, the Guardian (I take it) of the house, who in the year 1498. by his will 
t In Registro memorato.  gave liberally both to the Church and Covent. He was (as it seems by his will) Parson also of Ickham, and Vicar of lid in Kent. But what may he mean by writing himself (as he doth) Bishop of the universal Church? a title so cried down and condemned as Anti-christian by Pope Gregory the Great; I conceive he was a titular Bishop, a Bishop in name and title only, endued with the Order, but not with the Jurisdiction Episcopal, having no particular charge to intend, but generally officiating as Bishop in any part of the Christian Church. These titular Bishops were frequent with us in those days. About the same time one Thomas Wells, the Prior of S. Gregory's by Canterbury, in his will 
u In eod. Regist. Titular Bishops.  writes himself Bishop of Sidon. He was a titular Bishop likewise: an order as excepted against by some, so defended by other of the Trent Council; whereof I leave you to inform yourself further (if you please) from Tholosanus 
x Syntag. in universi Lib. 15. cap. 12. n. 44.  and others. The use made of them (I take it) was to supply the Diocesan-Bishops absence in such affairs Episcopal as these, to wit, Consecration of Churches, and Churchyards, and their Reconciliation, conferring of orders, Confirmation of children, and the like.  
But to our Friars again. Hugh Rich, the Guardian, or (which is all one) the warden (as the Statute 
y Anno 25. H. 8. cap. 12.  calls him) of this Covent, was one that conspired and suffered with Elisabeth Barton, the holy maid of Kent, whereof before in my survey of the Nunnery.  
This Monastery had, as the place still hath, a double gate and way to it, the one called Porta Orientalis, the other Porta Borealis; that in Stourstreet, in All-Saints Parish, this in High-street, in S. Peter's Parish.  
Let me but acquaint you, that John Peckham Archbishop of Canterbury in Ed. 1. time, was first a Friar, and the Provincial of this order, and I have done with the Franciscans, or Gray-Fryers.  
Leaving these then, I come next to the other sort of Minors, 
Blackfriars.  the Dominican, Black, Preaching FF. Preaching, because they were the only Preachers of all the Friars: Black, because of their habit 
z Polyd Virg. de Invent Rer. lib. 7. cap 4. , which was a black cope and cowl over a white cote: Dominican, because St Dominicke was their founder, a holy man (they say) contemporary with Saint Francis, and whose disciples (the first Friars of this Covent) were even coaetaneous with the Franciscans of this City, coming both hither much about the same time. It is said of them, that King Hen. 3. at their coming received them kindly (so did Stephen Langton also the then Archbishop 
a Harpsfield. Hi. Eccles. Anglic. Saec. 13 cap. 11. :) and placed them at Canterbury, where (it seems) he built them this late Monastery, which was the first that the Kingdom had of that kind. Hence and from this ground I suppose Wever takes his warrant for attributing the erection of this house to Hen. 3. The title proper to the governor of the Dominicans, was Prior. Like the Franciscans, they and the Monks of Christ-Church, in the same year with the other (1294) came to composition about divers houses and lands lying within their precinct.  
The Churchyard of this Monastery was the place of Rendezvous designed by the Citizens of Canterbury conspiring a revenge to be taken of the Monks of Christ-Church, for refusing them their aid, and to join with them in the finding and furnishing of twelve horsemen imposed on the City by the King (Ed. 1.) for his expedition against the Rebellious Lewslyn Fitz-Griffin Prince of Wales, which Stow 
b Annals in Ed. 3. Vide ●ti quit. Brit. in vita Rob. Kilwardby Archiep.  (much mistaken in the time, and some other circumstances) thus relates. About this time (saith he, speaking of the 1. of Ed. 3.) the like stir was made against the Monks of Canterbury: whereof I find recorded as followeth. King Edward preparing an Army into Scotland, commanded the Bailiffs and Citizens of Canterbury to furnish him twelve horsemen, and send them to Newcastle, toward which charge, the Citizens required aid of the Monks: who answered them that without the assent of the King and their Archbishop they would not agree thereunto, for so much as the Kings of England had founded their Church in free and perpetual alms. Whereupon William Chilham Bailiff, and many Commons of the City assembling themselves in the Preaching Friars Churchyard, conspired and swore against the Monks as followeth.  

1. That they would overthrew the pentises, windows and milne, belonging to the Monks.  
2. That no Citizen should dwell in any house belonging to the Monks.  
3. That all rents belonging to the Monks of Canterbury should be gathered to use of the Commons.  
4. That no man should send or sell to the Monks any victuals.  
5. That they should seize all the horses, and beasts that came into the City with carriage to the Monks.  
6. That all such Monks as came forth of their house should be spoiled of their Garments.  
7. That a trench should be cast, to stop all men from going in or coming out.  
8. That every Pilgrim should at his entering swear that he should make no offering.  
9 Also that every of those Commons aforesaid should wear on their finger a ring of gold that belonged to Thomas Becket: Thus he.  
This Churchyard is in part now become the Campus Martius for our young Artillery of the City.  
Wevers collection of ancient funeral monuments will acquaint you of divers personages of note and quality buried here.   
At this place the Parish Clarks of the City once had and 
Fraternities of Parish Clarks.  held a gilled or fraternity, commonly called the Fraternity of St Nicholas. I have my direction for this, from the following legacy of one Richard Cram sometime of this City, who by his will 
c In Registro Consist. Cant. , dated 1490. gave to the Fraternity of St Nicholas kept by the Parish Clerks of Canterbury, in the house of the Friar's Preachers of Cant. vjs. viijd. as his very words are. Of these Fraternities, our City hath had divers; amongst which that of the Smiths newly revived, is the most ancient. The elder rentals of Christ-Church bounding out some Land of theirs lying without Newingate, make mention both of it and of certain ground belonging to it, in these words. Terra quae pertinet ad gildam fabrorum. This and all other like Fraternities (if the Dissolution of the Monasteries spared them, yet) the Stat. of 1ᵒ. Ed. 6. cap. 14. took hold of, and dissipating the societies, seized on all their goods and endowment. If any desire further information touching them and their antiquity, I refer them to St Henry Spelmans' Glossary, in Verb. Gilda.  
This Monastery had a treble passage to it, namely by three Gates, one, and that the most private, that opening before the Street by Saint Alphege Church, a second by the Waterlocke, the third in Saint Peter's street (as we call it) built (it seems) not long before the 30. of Ed. 3. for then these Friars, by their Charter or deed pass over to the Hospital of Estbridge a place, shops and garden lying towards the West and North, (inter novam portam nostram, say they, & introitum ad ecclesiam nostram in parochia sancti Petri, etc.) as in Estbridge Book; in another part of the Book thus described and bounded. In parochia sancti Petri Civitatis Cant. inter gardinum & mansionem fratrum praedicatorum Cant. versus North & West, & quandam venellam vocat' Brekyepottislane versus East.  
Approaching to an end of my discourse touching these Friars, I cannot (me thinks) close better than with Matthew Paris his relation of the controversy, in or about the year 1243. happening between them and the Franciscans, which together with his gloss (which he adds) upon it, and them, verbatim follows,  
ET ne mundus (saith he having made mention of other discords) turbinibus undique multiplicatis vacare videretur, 
Controversy between the Franciscans and Dominicans.  inter fratres Minores & Praedicatores controversia eisdem temporibus ventilata, multos, eò quòd viam perfectionis, videlicet paupertatis & patientiae, videbantur elegisse, movit in admirationem. Asserentibus enim Praedicatoribus se fuisse priores, & in hoc ipso digniores, habitu quoque honestiores, à praedicatione meritò nomen & officium se sortiri, & Apostolica dignitate verius insigniri, respondent Minores: se arctiorem vitam & humiliorem pro Deo elegisse, & idcirco digniorem, quia sanctiorem, & ab ordine Praedicatorum ad ordinem eorum fratres posse & licenter debere, quasi ab inferiori ad ordinem arctiorem & superiorem, transmigrare. Contradicunt eyes in faciem. Praedicatores, asserentes, quòd licèt ipsi Minores, nudi pede, & viliter tunicati, cinctique funiculis incedant, non tamen eis esus carnium, etiam in publico, vel dieta propensior, denegatur, quod fratribus est Praedicatoribus interdictum: quapropter non licet ipsis Praedicatoribus ad Minorum ordinem, quasi arctiorem & digniorem avolare, sed potius è converso. Sic sic igitur, sicut inter Templarios & Hospitalarios in sancta terra, sic & inter illos, humani generis inimico zizania seminante, ortum est discordiae enorme scandalum, & quia viri literati sunt & scholar's, universali ecclesiae nimis periculosum, in indicium magni judicij prae foribus imminentis. Et quod terribile est, & in triste praesagium, per trecentos annos, vel quadringentos, vel ampliùs, ordo Monasticus tam festinanter non caepit praecipitium, sicut eorum ordo, quorum fratres jam vix transactis viginti quatuor annis, primus in Anglia construxere mansiones, quarum adificia jam in Regales consurgunt altitudines. Hijam sunt, qui in sumptuosis & diatim ampliatis adificiis, & celsis muralibus, the sauros exponunt impreciabiles, paupertatis limits, & basim suae professionis, juxta Prophetiam Hyldegardis Alemanniae, impudenter transgredientes. Morituris magnatibus, & divitibus, quos norunt pecuniis abundare, diligenter insistunt, non sine ordinariorum injuriis & jacturis, ut emolumentis inhient, confessiones extorquent, & occulta Testamenta, se suumque ordinem solum commendantes, & omnibus aliis praeponentes. Vnde nullus fidelis, nisi Praedicatorum & Minorum regatur consiliis jam credit salvari. In acquirendis privilegiis solliciti, in curiis Regum & potentum consiliarii, & cubicularii & the saurarii, paranimphi & nuptiarum praelocutores, Papalium extortionum executores, in praedicationibus suis, vel adulatores, vel mordacissimi reprehensores, vel confessionum detectores, velincauti redargutores. Ordines quoque auctenticos, & à sanctis patribus constitutos, videlicet à sanctis Bendicto & Augustino, & eorum professores, contemnentes, prout in causa ecclesiae de scardeburc, in qua Minores turpiter ceciderunt, patuit, suum ordinem aliis praeponunt. Rudes reputant, simplices, & semilaicos, vel potius rusticos, Cistercienses Monachos: Nigros verò, superbos, & epicuros. Thus he.  
I have but only to tell you that Robert Kilwardy, afterwards, first Archbishop of Canterbury, and then advanced to a Cardinallship, was first a Friar of this Sect of the Dominicans, and I leave them.  
My progress in this Ward, brings me next to Estbridge or 
Estbridge Hospital.  Kingsbridge Hospital. An ancient spital, and as now known (Christened, as it were) by the name, so first erected and endowed by the Charity and Piety of St Thomas Becket in Hen. 2. time; and thence to this day called the Hospital of St Thomas the Martyr of Estbridge. For this we have the testimony of Archbishop Stratford, a successor of his: who upon his novel ordination of the Hospitali, and in the Charter thereof, (as shall be seen anon) acknowledgeth him the first founder and indower of it. For other Record either of the foundation of the Hospital itself; or of the intent wherefore it was erected, besides that Charter of Stratford, is not, nay in his time (as it seems by him) was not extant, or to be found. The reason probably why the Record of the state of it taken by the Commissioners upon the stat. of 37. Hen. 8. cap. 4. ascribes the foundation unto Stratford; whereas he (as his Charter will declare) did but restore the foundation, and give laws and a form of government to it, to supply the former which were lost, and so the Hospital in hazard of confusion for want of them: as you shall easily perceive by this transcript or copy of it, if you peruse it.  

IOhannes permissione divina Cantuar. Archiepiscopus totius Angliae Primas & Apostolicae sedis Legatus. Dilecto in Christo filio Domino Rogero de Rondes presbytero magistro Hospitalis pauperum de Estbreg in Civitate Cantuar. patronatus nostri Salutem, gratiam & benedictionem. Et si votivus noster invalescat affectus, decus & commoda locorum ad miserabilium personarum & pauperum receptionem & sustentationem divinique cultus augmentum providè deputatorum nobis potissimè subditorum, quatenus possumus procurare: tamen conservatio & relevamen necessarium Hospitalis de Estbregpraedict' per beatum & gloriosummartyrem Thomam olim Cant. Archiepisc. praedecessorem nostrum fundati antiquitùs & dotati, ob ipsius martyris 
Fundator quis.  qui suis veneratoribus opem porrigit, honorem praecipuum prae caeteris locis hujusmodi insident nobis cordi. Sane tua petitio nuper nobis exhibita continebat, quòd idem Hospitale per beatum martyrem antedictum, pro pauperum peregrinorum Cantuar. confluentium receptione nocturna, & sustentatione aliquali ab olim, & pro jam incumbentibus eidem oneribus dotatum exiliter per ipsius Hospitalis incuriam magistrorum, qui ejus prostrarunt nemora, eaque & alia jura possessiones & bona ipsius tam mobilia quam immobilia modis alienare variis temerè praesumpserunt, ad supremam egestatis inopiam est deductum ac aeris alieni immoderatè per ipsos fatuéque contracti plurimis oneribus, ad quorum solutionem bona dicti Hospitalis absque remedio & auxilio extrinseco his diebus non sufficiunt, primitus manifestè in suis etiam domibus olim sufficienter constructis deformitates evidentes in tantum patitur et rutnam, quòd nisi ejusdem Hospitalis provideatur indigentiae aliunde, illud nedum peregrinos hujusmodi ad ipsum post gloriosum triumphum et canonizationem dicti sancti plus solito consluentium, admittere non valebit, set desolationis tantis subiciet obprobriis quòd vix aliquis aut nullus idoneus invenietur, qui recipere velit hujusmodi regimen Hospitalis. Quapropter nobis humiliter supplicasti, ut ad relevamen omnium praemissorum, & pro sustentatione pauperum peregrinorum illuc copiose indies confluentium pleniori, ecclesiam parochialem beati Nicholai 
Ecclesia parochialis. Sancti Nicholai de Herbaldowne.  de Herbaldowne nostrae Dioc. cujus ad dictum Hospitale jus spectare dinoscitur patronatus eidem tibi successoribusque tuis ipsius Hosp. magistris ex causis praemissis in proprios usus in perpetuum concedere, annectere, & unire vellemus. Nos siquidem Hosp. praedict' quod nuper visitavimus defectum notorium quem patitur intuentes tam circa divina obsequia quam alia caritatis opera inibi exercenda sub formâ competenti & indubia sicut convenit minimè ordinati, ipsiusque indigentiis evidentibus paterno compatientes affectu, tuis etiam justis in ea parte supplicationibus inclinati, super causis superiùs expressatis, ac veritate ipsarum, vocatis ad hoc omnibus evocandis de jure, per viros fide dignos in forma juris juratos, & singillatim examinat. sufficientem praemissorum noticiam optinentes, authoritate nostra, inquisitione juxta exigentiam juris facta, demum super his cum religiosis viris filiis nostris Priore & Capitulo nostrae Cantuar. ecclesiae in ipsius capitulo tractatum diligentem habuimus & solempnem prout requiritur in concessionibus hujusmodi perpetuis & alienationibus ecclesiarum de jure. Et quia dictas causas & per te nobis in hac parte suggestaomnia & singula invenimus esse vera legitimeque probata, necnon justa & sufsicientia fore ad appropriationem dictae ecclesiae faciend. cum urgens necessitas ac evidens notoriè subsit utilitas in hac parte, praefatam ecclesiam beati Nicholai de Herbaldowne, interveniente in ea parte quorum interest consensu, cum Priore & Capitulo nostris praedictis, tractatu ut est dictum super his solempni & diligenti praehabito, ac de ipsorum consensu, concurrentibusque omnibus & singulis quae in praemissis & ea tangen. requirebantur de jure, praedictisque ex causis, authoritate nostra ordinaria, Hospitali praedicto tibique & tuis successoribus magistris ejusdem ministraturis in eo, appropriamus, annectimus & unimus, ipsiusque ecclesiae fructus, redditusque & proventus in dicti Hospitalis usus proprios & tuos ac Successorum tuorum magistrorum ejusdem & peregrinorum pauperum ad illud confluentium, juxta modum inferius annotatum concedimus in perpetuum convertendos, salvo idoneo sacerdoti dictae servituro ecclesiae in divinis qui & animarum curam exercebit in ea, tuo successorumque tuorum magistrorum ibidem arbitrio deputando & amovendo, propter exilitatem ecclesiae antedictae ad perpetui vicarii sustentationem & onerum relevamen hujusm' minimè suffic●ntis, pro suis victualibus & sustentatione de ipsius ecclesiae fructibus, redditibus, & proventibus congrua portione; alia siquidem onera eidem ecclesiae incumbentia per magistrum Hospitalis praedicti volumus supportari. Ceterùm quia super modum divina celebrandi officia in Hosp. praedicto, & caritatis opera caeteraque peragenda inibi exercendi clara, sufficiens & indubia ordinatio minimè reperitur, licèt quaedam observantiae in his & praecipue in provisione pauperum usitatae in eo nobis fuerunt intimatae. Nos ad perpetuam rei memoriam super his certos modum & formam in Hosp. praedict' in perpetuum observandos cdere seu constituere duximus, & taliter ordinamus, viz. quòd in ipso Hosp. 
Statuta sive Regulae Hospitalis.  per nos & successores nostros Archiepisc. Cant. ponatur seu praeficiatur Magister, qui tempore quo ponetur seu praeficietur eidem, sit in sacerdotali ordine constitutus, cui per Nos & successores nostros hujusmodi dicti Hosp. regimen committatur, prout canonicis eonvenit institutis. Magistrum etiam quemlib' hujus modi cum ipsum hosp. primò adeptus fuerit infra mensem sequentem prox. de ipsius hosp. bonis singulis singillatim & specificè Inventarium plenum conficere, ipsiusque copiam infra mensem eundem Priori nostrae Cant eccl' qui erit pro tempore tradere, ac eidem vel Suppriori ejusd' dicto prioratu vacante, seu alteri ad hoc deputando per ipsorum arbitrium, suo casu, in ipso Prioratu, vice Cant. Archiep. & authoritate praesentium annis singulis inter sancti Michaelis & omnium Sanctorum festa de administratione sua reddere plenam & distinctam volumus rationem. Ordinamus insuper qd' magister ipse qui erit pro tempore unum alium ad se habeat continuè secum in hosp. praed' idoneum Capellanum secularem ponend' & amovend' prout eidem magistro videbitur expedire. Quodque magister & Capellanus hujusm' in Hosp. praed' matutinas & ceteras horas canonicas ad invicem, legitimo impedimento cessante, secundum usum Sar. eccl' psallere vel convenienter dicere & devotè ac divina, viz. unus eorum missam de die, alius verò diebus dominicis, de sancto Nicholas, diebus Martis de beato Thoma Martyre antedicto, diebus jovis de beata Virgine Catherina, caeteris vero diebus ebdomadatim missam pro defunctis & pro benefactoribus hospitalis praedicti teneantur diebus singulis celebrare, ac orum quilibet orationem, Rege quesum' Domine famulum tuum Pontificem nostrum, & caetera pro nobis quam diu agimus in hac vita, & post solutum nostrae carnis debitum, orationem. Deus qui inter Apostolicos sacerdotes, diebus ad hoc aptis competen'dieere, necnon in Canone missae pro nobis specialiter orare, nostrique habere memoriam specificam in celebrandis suis missis singulis in perpetuum sit astrictus. Ordinam' preterea quod ad dicti magistri dispositionem & curam solicitam, fructus, redditus & proventus dictique totius hosp. regimen, quamdiu magister ibidem fuerit cum moderamine pertineant infrascripto. viz. quòd magistro & Capellano hujusm' celebraturis & ministraturis pro tempore in hospitali praedicto singlis communibus diebus de uno ferculo duplicato, in dominicis verò diebus & festis duplicibus ac solempnibus cum hujusmodi ferculo de una pitantia non mimus sumptuosa deserviatur in mensa. Inhibemus insuper & interdicimus ne commune sigillum in hosp. praedicto habeatur à modo vel existat. Peregrini siquidem valetud●arit pauperes quos arripit infirmitas in suae peregrinationis itinere non leprosi in hosp. suscipiantur eodem, & in fata decidentes ibidem, in Cimiterio nostrae Cantuar. ecclesiae sepeliantur in loco ad hoc antiquitus assignato. Sani autem 
Sepulturae locus ubi.  peregrini pauperes accedentes ibidem per noctem unam recipiantur duntaxat: in quorum tam valetudinarior. quam sanor. peregrinor. hujusmodi usus ad ipsorum vitae subsidium diebus singulis ad quatuor denarior. estimationem de bonis hosp. praedict. volumus & ordinamus expendi. Peregrinos valetudinarios pauperes illuc confluentes cum sanis tam ad moram quam ad vitae subsidia in estimatione praedicta percipienda sanis volumus anteferri. Quod si dierum aliquo in usus praedict. peregrinorum hujusmodi de bonis hosp. ipsius propterea quia nullos vel paucos peregrinantes hujusmodi contigerit declinare ad estimationem non expendat. eandem; ordinamus & volumus quòd diebus aliis seu temporibus copiosoris adventus peregrinorum praed' ibidem, quod minus dtebus praeced ' est expensum, in ampliori receptione subsidiorumque vitae necessorior & ministratione pauperum peregrinorum hujusmodi juxta modum superiùs annotatum suppleatur tali cum affectu quòd in usu tam pio & laudabili de bonis hosp praed' ad summam iiijd. pro numero singulor' dier ' in anno discretione pr●via integraliter & fideliter erogetur. In hosp. etiam praed' 12. lectos competentes ordinamus debere inperpetuum consistere ad usum confluentium pauperum peregrinorum ibidem, ac mulierem aliquam honeste vitae, quae quadraginta annorum etatem excesserit ministerio peregrinorum hujusmodi tam in lectis quam vitae necessariis ut praemittitur ministrandis esse volumus intendentem, cui mulieri de bonis Hospitalis praedicti ministretur in singulis vitae suae necessariis competenter. Et ad ordinationem praesentem in singulis suis articulis prout est possibile fideliter observand. & quatenus in eo est facere fieri observari, necnon de corrodiis, pensionibus, possessionibus, nemoribus aut bonis immobilibus seu juribus ipsius Hospitalis non vendendis, concedendis in perpetuum, vel ad tempus donandis, vel alio quovis alienationis titulo non alienand. nobis aut successoribus nostris Archiepiscopis Cantuar. inconsultis, et non consentientibus ad hoc expressè, per quoscunque magistros Hosp. praedict. quibus ejus regimen committetur imposterum praestari volumus et ordinamus in commissionibus singulis de ipso faciendis eisdem corporale ad sancta Dei Evangelia juramentum. Commissionem autem Hosp. praedicti si facta fuerit alteri quam in sacerdotio constituto, vel praedicto non exacto vel praestito juramento fore volumus ipso facto irritam et inanem. Reservata nobis et successoribus nostris Archiepisc. Cantuar. hujusmodi ordinationi nostrae addendi, detrahendi, eamq●e mutandi et corrigendi prout expedire videbitur plenaria potestate. Acta et dat' in Capitulo dictae nostrae Cantuar. Ecclesiae xxiijo. die mensis Septemb. Anno Domini MCCCXLIJ. et nostrae translationis nono.   
By this time you see who was both the first and second founder of Eastbridge Hospital. The ancient rules and ordinances prescribed to it, the union and annexation made of St Nicholas of Herbaldowne Church to it, into which the Leaguer shows the Master's induction and investiture by the Commissary of Cant. by mandat from (the appropriator) Archbishop Stratford.  
I must now look back to the times intervening these two founders. In which I find 
In lib. private hujus Hospitalis.  Hubert the Archbishop in King john's time, an especial benefactor to this spital: giving to it the tithes of Westgate-Mill, of a Mill and two Salt-pitsat Herewic (in or near Whitstable, I take it) of a Windmill in Raculfre, and of another Windmill in Westhalimot in Thanet. This, with the confirmation of the then Prior and Charter of Christ-Church.  
In this Archbishop's time, there was another Hospital neighbouring unto this of Estbridge called Cokyns Hospital, 
e Cokyns Haspitall.  built and founded by one William Cokyn a Citizen of Canterb. and of a worthy family, whose name in his posterity 
〈◊〉 Ibidem.  did long survive him in this City: some of whom were Bailiffs of the City in their time. The Hospital was dedicated to Saint Nicholas, and (the Virgin and Martyr) Saint Catherine, and stood sometime in the Parish of Saint Peter in Cant. almost directly opposite to the now Blackfriars Gate: having had a Lane by it aforetime called Cokynslane, now shut up and built upon, often mentioned in 
Cokyns Lane.  Eastbridge Book, and not forgotten of some yet living. I collect by Charters which I have seen, that the Founder lived by that Lane. And find that for 18. marks de gersumâ, or for the consideration of 18. marks, purchased of Stephen the Priest, and Godesman, the sons of Richard Mercer of Canterb. with the consent of their Widow-mother Cicely, a message next adjacent to his own, thus in the deed or charter described. Totum illud messuagium cum omnibus pertinentiis suis, quod habet in latitudine versus cheminium in Domini Regis 42. pedes, & in longitudine quantum extendit à cheminio Domini Regis, usque ad aquam quae dicitur Stir. Quod vero messuagium adjacet proximo messuagio lapideo praedicti Willielmi, & messuag. Walteri mercatoris in parochia sancti Petri. Having purchased this message he either builds there a new Hospital or else converts his purchase into one. Afterwards, by his Charter (wherein he saith the Hospitals of Saint Nicholas, Saint Katherine, and Saint Thomas of Eastbridge in Cant. were united, haply and probably by Archbishop Hubert, and that union by Pope Innocent confirmed) entitles these Hospitals to all his Lands, possessions and Chattels, and makes them his heirs. This done, and one Godelman son of Richard the Merchant, challenging an interest in the soil where the Hospital stood; for 7s. consideration he is bought out, and makes a Charter to Archbishop Hubert, acknowledged in a full Burgmote of the City, of release of all his right thereunto. i De terra (as his words are) in qua Hospitale fundatum est quod Willielmus Cokyn fecit, quae jacet inter terram quae fuit W. Cokyn, & terram Thomae mercatoris, scil. à magna via regali usque ad Sturam. The Priory of Saint Gregory (it seems) had some interest here also. For Robert the Prior and his Covent of the place, did by their Charter made to the Hospital confirm, Donationem quam Willielmus Cokyn fecit fratribus Hosp. Sancti Nicholai, & Sancti Catherinae, & Sancti Thomae martyris de Eastbridge, de illo messuagio quod est in parochia Sancti Petri proximo adjacen' Hosp. Sancti Nicholai et Sanctae Katherinae versus West, quod est in tenura nostra, as the Charter runs. Eastbridge Hospital being thus (i. by union or consolidation) possessed, and become owners of Cokyns Hospital: it ceased soon after (I take it) to be used as an Hospital, or in the way of an Hospital, and was hired and rent out. In the year 1238. Peter the then Rector or Keeper of Estbridge Hosp. and the brothers of the same, grant and demise to one William Samuel a parcel thereof, to wit, Totum tenementum cum aedificiis supra positis tam ligneis quam lapideis et omnibus pertinentiis suis quod jacet in parochia Sancti Petri Cant. inter domum Osmundi Polre quae est ex parte orientali, et venellam quae appellatur Cokyneslane, quae est ex prrte occidentali, et Regiam stratam quae est ex parte Aquilonari, et Sturam quae est ex parte Australi. The lane there (by the way) was asyet open, as you may see; and that it might continue so, harken to what follows in the Deed. Preterea ita convenit inter parts praedict' quòd nec praedict' Petrus, nec fratres nec successores corum, nec praedict' Willielmus, nec heredes sui nec sui assignati poterint praed●ct' venellam obstruere, quin utraque pars possit uti commodè via praedictae venellae eundo & redeundo. So much for Cokyns Hospital: and now I return to Estbridge.  
Stephen Langton the next Archbishop after Hubert, by his and his Covents Charter 
f Liber. memorat. , confirms unto this Hospital, the gift of Blean Church or parsonage, made unto it by the Patron, Hamon Crevequer, after the resignation of it by the 
Blean parsonage.  till than incumbent Parson, William Crevequer. Whereupon the Master or Keeper of the Hosp. became afterwards Parson there, to whom and to the Brothers of the Hosp. the 
And parsonage house.  same Hamon, by another Charter, grants totum messuagium cum pertinentiis quod fuit Lefwini sacerdotis personae ejusd' ecclesiae, & quod postea fuit Archidiaconi de Petters personae ejusd ᵒ ecclesiae, & quod postea fuit Willielmi de Crevequer personae ejusdem ecclesiae: that is, the Parsonage house. The Parsonage thus to the Hosp. assigned and confirmed in proprios usus, Archbishop Islep afterwards, induced by many reasons, found'st a perpetual Vicarage there, indowing it in such wise 
Blean Vicarage  as the Charter or Instrument thereof in my Appendix, will demonstrate, pag. 247.  
At this place (the Bleane) lay the most of this Hospitals demeanes and revenues. Amongst which the principal (I take it) is the Manor of Bleane given 
g Liber memoratus.  to the Hosp. by Thomas de Roos de Hamlak, Anno 33. Ed. 3. the same man (I take it) whose death Walsingham thus mentions in the year 1399. Eodem Anno (saith he) Dominus Thomas de Roos dum reverteretur à terra sancta in Insula de Cypro civitate Papho, tactus aeris regionis incommodo, diem clausit extremum. By 
Cambden in Kent. English Edition. pag. 334.  probable conjecture, he dwelled at Chilham Castle, from whence the year before, his mother Margery Lady Roos daughter of Bartholomew Lord Badlesmere, and Widow of William de Roos de Hamlak, who as a benefactor to the work, hath his name and effigies set up and portrayed in a Window of the Chapterhouse at Christ-Church, dates a Charter of hers to the Master of this Hosp. and at her presentation, as patroness in the year 1349. the See of Canterbury being then void, one Osbertus is admitted by the Prior and Chap. ad liberam capellam beatae Mariae in Castro de Chilham, there personally to serve and officiate as a perpetual Chaplain 
h Liber Eccles. Cant. . This by the by.  
The very next year after this gift of the Manor of Bleane, by Thomas de Roos, viz. anno 34. Ed. 3. one Sr john Lee Knight by his deed or charter (as I find by a copy of it in the Lieger of the house) gave to this Hospital one message 180 acres of land, 27 s rend of assize, 9 cocks and 21 hens in villa de Blean. in augmentum operum pietatis in eodem Hospitali etc.  
With leave and liking of Archbishop Langham a certain chantry in the Church of Livingsborne, that is Beaksborne founded in the year 1314. by one james of Bourne, with the revenues of the same was translated to this Hospital by one Bartholomew of Bourne 
i Vide copiam fundationis Cantariae de Eastbridge in Appendict, pag. .  
There was sometime a windmill standing near the Nunnery without Ridingate, which this Hospital held by the grant of the Nonnes there 
* Lib. bujus Hospitalis. . The very place of situation whereof was in quarta parte unius acrae in parva Foxmold versus Occidentem, in hundredo de Ridingate. So go the words of the deed. The conditions mutually agreed upon at the time of the grant were, that the Nonnes bearing the fourth part of the charge of the mill, should reap the fourth part of the profit of it, and have their own corn ground there for them when they would gratis, or of free cost. And the Hospital to find a way to it à Cheminio magno Regali. i. from the road or highway by it. And this about King John's time.  
By the Bull of Pope Honorius (I take it) the third, this Hospital was privileged of and from paying tithe, de hortis, i. of their gardens 
k Ibid. .  
The City Chamber hath a record dated the 7. Rich. 2. anno Domini 1391. whereby it appears that the Master of this Hospital ought to repair, erect and sustain the neighbour-bridge, i. Kingsbridge. The account of the Hospitals estate given up to the Commissioners upon the stat. 37. H. 8. c. 4. chargeth the Master with the paving also of the street there.  
The Hospital hath a neat handsome Chapel, to which have belonged two bells to ring to service. So it is reported 
chapel at Eastbridge.  to those Commissioners, by the Parson and Churchwardens of All Saints: who say withal, that the said Hospital (as their own words are) is a Parish Church, wherein there is continually ministered all Sacraments and sacramentals to the poor people thither resorting, and to the keeper of the said Hospital and his household, and all other remaining within the precinct of the same by the Chantere Priest etc. Truth is, this Chapel was served heretofore by a chantry Priest which had x. lib. ujs viijd. yearly wages, 
chantry there.  besides his Mansion or dwelling, which was that at the West end of the Hospital, whereof the Stat. 1. Ed. 6. cap. 14. for the superstitious quality of it, hath long since deprived it. However, to satisfy the inquisitive, I have given the foundation a place in my Appendix. I have nothing further 
Vide pro S●iptura sexta in Appendice.  to say of the Chapel, but that one Cressy a Jew building against the head of it, that house which yet stands there, and now belongs to Christ-Church (to which upon the expulsion of the Jews it was, with other, given by the King:) he was fain afterwards to agree with the Hospital, that he might have their sufferance for the standing of it, and had it in writing, the Charter whereof dated 1236. I have seen in a Lieger of Christ-Church entitled Carta Remissionis, made by Peter the then Rector, and the brethren of the Hospital of St Thomas of Eastbridge Cant. to Cressie the Jew, de omnibus querelis occasione domus vel fundamenti vel muri quam in parte orientali in capite capellae nostrae aedifieavit, ut nunquam questio movebitur in Curia Christianitatis vel seculari etc. as the deed runs.  
For brevity and dispatch sake, I balk and spare the mention of much of this Hospitals endowment. But there is yet a parcel more, which I may not so pass over; and that is of certain tenements in All-Saints Parish, situate between the sign of the George West, and the Queen's head East, in the high-street. Thither than I will make next: But first, for some satisfaction to them that cannot understand the foundation of the house formerly laid down in Latin, I desire first to set down the state of it in which it stood at Cardinal Pools visitation of the place, anno 1557. taken in English. viz.  
Memorandum they are bound to receive wayfaring and hurt men, and to have 8 beds for men, and 4 for women, to remain for a night and more if they be not able to depart, and the Master of the Hospital is charged with the burial, and they have 20 loads of wood yearly allowed, and 26 s. a year for drink.  
Now to the tenements which haply seem to be so mean as scarce worthy of any notice. True. But for what hath sometime stood here, and into the place whereof they have succeeded, I think scarce a place in the City more remarkable, if at all so memorable: which was an Exchange, a royal Exchange. Cambium Regis: mention whereof often 
Exchange.  occurs in the old rentals and other records of Christ-Church, whose tenement (now the George) is anciently bounded Eastward to this Exchange. It was standing it seems until Ed. 3. days, and in likelihood received its fatal period from him. For he in augmentation of the Hospitals endowment gave it 
m Lib. de Eastbridge.  to the then Master of Eastbridge, by name, Thomas New of Wolton, for life, and afterwards to his Successors for ever. Which Thomas shortly after, dividing it (it seems) into tenements, hires them out in fee-ferme to several Tenants, viz. one part thereof to the then Commissary of Cant. Thomas Mason by name, viz. quandam placeam terrae cum domibus superedificatis muris & aliis pertinentiis suis quae pars fuit tenementi vocat' la Change jacen' in Civitate Cant. in parochia omnium Sanctorum, simul cum quodam introitu ducente ab alto vico ex parte South per magnum hostium dictae placeae usque ad eandem placeam, inter tenementum heredum Willielmi Child versus East, & tenem' Prioris & Conventus ecclesiae Christi Cant. versus West, & tenem' Edmundi Horne versus North, & tenementum praedicti Thomae de Wolton quod pars est tenementi vocat' la Change versus South. This anno 43. Ed. 3.  
The other part or residue thereof, unto one William Silkenden and joan his wife, in these words, viz. quandam placeam quae pars est tenementi quod la Change vocabatur, & quod Dominus noster Rex qui nunc est mihi dedit ad terminum vitae meae & meis successoribus in perpetuum ad augmentum dotis Hospitalis memorati, in qua quidem placeae unum cellarium, duo solaria & una domus intermedia ad instar aulae cum quadam pecia gardini jacen' ad finem dicti cellarii, quae omnia conjunctim jacent & situantur in dicta Civitate in parochia omnium Sanctorum inter unam partem dicti tenementi vocat' la Change quam modo tenet Magister Thomas Mason ex dimissione mea versus North, & aliam partem ejusdem teneme●ti de la Change quam etiam idem Mr Thomas tenet ex traditione mea, & quasdam choppas dicti Hospitalis versus West, & tenementum heredum Willielmi Child versus East, & Regiam stratam versus South. Tres etiam choppas praefati Hosp. cum una parva placea jucen' per longum inter ipsas choppas, & ten' dicti Magistri Thomae quod etiam habet ex dimissione mea ex parte North, & introitum quendam antiquum in ipsum tenementum de la Change ex parte East, & Regiam stratam versus South, cum uno muro lapideo qui est ad finem ipsarum placeae & schopparum, à tenemento dicti Magistri Thomae linealiter extenso usque ad hostium dicti introitus ex parte sinistra ingredientium per illud. This anno 47. Ed. 3. Both which demises I was desirous to express at large, because I have not seen any other record that sets forth at all what kind of building this Exchange was.  
For the antiquity of its continuance here before the suppression; 
Antiquity of ●ts standing here.  I cannot say much. In the sixth year of H. 3. anno Domini 1222. I meet with the King's Exchange at Canterb. For Henry the third (Stow ⁿ is my author) in the sixth year of his reign, wrote to the Scabines and men of Ipre, that he 
Survey. pag. ●51. ult. edit.  and his counsel had given prohibition, that none Englishmen, or other, should make change of plate, or other mass of silver, but only at his Exchange at London, or at Canterbury.  
Shortly, there was sometime a family in our City, which from their neighbourhood or other relation to this place, took name from it, and were surnamed De Cambio.  
An exchange relates to a Mint, or place of mintage and 
Mint.  coinage of money; but of old, as will appear by the Stat. anno primo H. 6. cap. 4. they might not be together, but were kept apart, and a place there was sometime neighbouring to the Exchange, on the other side of the same street, even there where now the Inn called the Crown or some part of it stands where our Mint was kept. In angulo monetariae versus East, is part of the boundary to that which is now the dwelling house of Isaac Clerk. The Officers and Ministers retaining to this Mint had their housing hard by it in some tenements of Christ-Church. Whence in their old rentals is frequent mention De monetariis in parochia Sanctae Mariae Bredman. This Mint (I take it) was silenced about the same time with the Exchange, for of latter years I find no mention of it.  
From what antiquity it had stood and been kept at this 
Antiquity of it  place I know not. But amongst the places where King john in his letters makes mention of Mints kept in England, this City is one 
o Stow. Surveyed. pag. 46. , and had been so (I suppose) for many ages. King Aethelstane appointing out the places for Mints, and the number of minters throughout the Kingdom 
p Limbert. Archoeonom. , begins with Canterbury, to which he allowed seven minters: a greater number than to any other place in the Kingdom, except London, which was allowed to have eight. Of these 7, four were for the King, two for the Archbishop, and the seventh for the Abbot of S. Augustine's. The Archbishop's mint (it seems) is yet elder. For Mr Selden in his notes upon Edmerus, and Speed in his History make mention of two several coins, one of Archbishop Plegmund under Alfred, the other of Celnoth under Ethelwolf extant, and presented in figure, by Speed the latter, by Selden the former. When or how the Arohbishop lost or left off his mintage here, I do no where find. Of the time when the Abbats ceased I have showed before out of Thorn, in my Survey of S. Aug.  
Amongst other pieces of antique (Roman, Britain, Saxon, Danish and Norman) coin which I have met with and reserve, some were stamped in this Mint, I take it; in this City, of certain, the reverse of the coin saith so; I have withal a piece or two of H. 8. coined at Canterbury, not here, but as I conceive at the place now called the Mint by the Courtgate of Christ-Church; where after the dissolution he coined money for the service (they say) of his French wars. Ever since which time, the place therefore retains the name of the Mint, and the court or yard which it encloseth is called the Mintyard. So much for the Mint.  
Retreating a little from this place, on the same side of the street there is a place where sometime the Jews, that, of old, 
Jew's in Cant.  for a long time together, were suffered to dwell amongst us in most of our chief Cities, kept their residence; being housed in this street and in the lane by it, from thence to this day called Jury-lane, the same. (I take it) which of old I find called Little-pet-lane 
q Rental, vel. eccles. Cant. . There was of their houses hereaway to the number of almost 20. All which, together with their Synagogue, or (as more frequently called) Schola judaeorum, their School, upon their general banishment out of this and all other parts of the kingdom in Ed. 2. days (at what time their number amounted unto 16511 
r Matt. weslm. de anno 1290. .) as confiscate, escheated to the King: and by him were eftsoons, some of gift, some otherwise alienated, some to one, some to another, but the most (to the number viz. of at least 12. and a void piece of ground which was Communitatis Iudaeorum Civitatis, i. the Jews in common) to the Monks of Christ-Church 
s Lib. eccles. Christi Can●. . Their Synagogue or School stood about where now some part of the Saracens head Tavern doth, as appears by the Records of Christ-Church. Which have this bound to certain fee of the late Monks hard by it, viz. Terrae in parochia omnium Sanctorum inter magnum vicum qui est versus Aquilonem, & Scholam Iudaeorum quae est versus Austrum, juxta venellam qua itur à praedicto magno vico versus sanctam Mildritham: being that ground (I take it) whereon the forepart (to the street-ward) of that which is now the Saracens head Tavern, being in show newer than the backpart, was afterwards built. To which ground the very next house above (the Mitre) is bounded Westward, and called domus juxt a scolam judeorum, thus explained in the rental, viz. Domus lapidea quae est contra terram ubi scola Iudaeorum sita est versus Occidentem. By all which I collect and verily conceive, that the now Stone-Parlour of the Saracens head, mounted upon a Vault and ascended by many Stone-steps (as the jewish Synagogues and Schools were always built aloft 
t Moses and Aaron. lib. 2. cap. 2. pag. 80. ) is the Remains of a good part of that which was our Canterbury Iewes School or Synagogue.  
I could here very much enlarge myself in giving you the Story of the jews first advent or entrance into this Land, their time of continuance here, with their behaviour and dealings during that time, and the causes, reasons and motives for their expulsion at last: which were chiefly two; their immoderate usury; and their barbarous practice of crucifying, at places where they abode, any Christians child they could get about Easter time. But I am prevented here in by many others that have severally divulged these things already to the full; as Harpsfield, and Stow, but more exactly and most elaborately and like himself, our learned Selden, Purcases guide and Author for a purposed discourse of this kind; wherefore I forbear, ne actum agerem: only adding what I have seen noted, (but how truly I know not) that the jews, when living here, were such notorious Usurers, that Usury, among the Christians, 
Usury called judeisme.  became called judaism. Pro praemiss is Abbas donatorem acquietavit de 28. in judeismo, loco gersumiae: as it is in an old deed. And they still continue this trade wheresoever they become, whereby they grow rich even to envy every where, yet (as one saith 
u Sandys Relation of Religion, etc. ) many of the Christians do use them under hand in improving their unlawful rents to their utmost proportion.  
Now a word or two of the Gildhall (or Court-hall, as 
Gildhall.  we call it) and my survey of this Ward is at an end. Here then, as in the fittest, and most convenient place, being the principal street of the City, is the Court, Tribunal, or place of Judicature of the City seated and kept: where distributive Justice in both, civil and criminal causes, of secular nature, sorting to the cognizance of that Court, is administered. Vulgarly we call the place the Gildhall. The etymology and derivation whereof is from the Saxon (or old English) word, Gilled, signifying a society or corporation. Here is a Court kept every Monday throughout the year, for Law-matters, and for the deciding of differences and righting of grievances between party and party; and on every other Twesday a Court of Burgmote holden beside, for meeting and treaty about the affairs and good government of the City. It had not the name of the Gildhall until (as it were) of late years. That name of it occurs not in any record that I could yet meet with, until the 26. of Hen. 6. who then in his Charter of the change of the Bailiffs into a Mayor, makes mention of this Tribunal by that name, granting (inter alia) that the Mayor shall hold pleas in le Guildhall Civitatis predict. as his words are. Aforetime 
Spech-house.  it was commonly called and known by the name of the Spech-house; and the common goal or prison of the City, since removed to Westgate, being then kept by it, that is in that part of it which is to the street-ward, was from it adjacency to it, so called also. For proof both of one and tother read the following notes extracted from certain witnesses examinations, Anno 1414. taken in a cause of defamation, between a couple of the City (for calling one the other Thief, a crime and calumny wherein the defamed of those days did usually after purgation, right himself in Court Christian) and recorded in a Book of Depositions remaining in the Office 
x Regist. Consist. Cant. . Whereof one is this: Dicit (saith the witness) quod johannem Copherst semel vidit in quadam domo vocat' Spech-house scituat' juxta Hospitium Leonis in alto vico Cant. in parochia sanctae Mariae Bredman. Another this. Occasione hujusmodi verborum dictus Thomas fuer at arrestatus ad prisonam vocat' Spech-house in alto vico Cant. scituat' & ibidem dictus T. B. movebat querelam contra eum ad summam decem marcarum, coram Ballivo & juratis dictae villae. A third, and the last, this. Interrogatus penes quos opinio dicti Tho. sit denigrat' dicit apud Ballivos Cant. Io. Browne & William. Bennet, & apud omnes Burgenses pro tunc existentes in domo vocat' Spech-house Cant.  
The Towne-Court hath not always been kept at this place: but, as now it is and of long time hath been here, so both it and the prison were formerly kept together elsewhere, and that (I take it) at the place of the now Corne-Market, and were then also called the Spech-house (of which before at large:) Very properly did they stand contiguously together, if Tholosanus 
y De Republica. lib. 2. cap. 7.  judgement in this point be to be followed who saith. juxta tribunalia & continentes sint carceres qui ad custodiam judicandorum aedificari debent, tuti & contra vim omnem muniti ut inde facilius & cum minori periculo ad judicium duci & reduci possint. Thus he. But why the place of Judicature called the Spech-house? Properly, 
Whence called the Spech-house.  some think, from the arguing and debating of matters there, not without much vociferation. And not unlikely. With as much congruity (I dare say) as For us is of Isodore derived a fando, from speaking. But I leave it, and this Ward, and proceed (up the street) to Newingate-Ward.   

Newingate Ward.  
IN which what is most remarkable of us, are the Remains of the Augustine's Friars, whereunto a reasonable 
Augustine Friars.  fair Stone-Gate in Saint George's street leadeth; the now Mansion or habitation of Captain Berry's Heirs, after many other mesne owners, since the suppression: before which time it was the seat of the Augustine (as I said) Eremite, mendicant Friars. Mendicant because it was one and the first of the four orders of begging Friars: Eremite and Augustine, because Saint Augustine, that famous African Father (they say) was their founder, who being and living in Eremo or in the Wilderness, erected and instituted their order, and prescribed them a rule of living; About which they and the Regular Canons are at contestation as you may read elsewhere. They were otherwhile and of some called also the White FF. (though properly and strictly the Carmelites are understood by that Epithet) because that they do wear 
z Owen Genealogy of Monks, etc.  a long white wait of cloth down to their heels all loose, with a cowl or hood of the same, when they are in their Cloisters; however when they go abroad, they wear a black coat over the other, with another cowl, having both their coats then bound close to their bodies, with abroad leather girdle or belt, saith Owen.  
The generality of these FF. came first into England, from Italy, about the year 1252. saith Bale. These in particular came hither, and settled themselves here, about the year 1325. For that very year the then Archbishop of Canterbury sends and directs these his mandatory letters 
a Liber Eccles. Cant.  concerning them to his then Commissary, viz.  
Walterus permissione divina &c. Dilecto filio Commissario nostro Cant. salutem, gratiam & benedictionem. Licet universaliter tamjura civilia quam canonica prohibeant ne quis absque pontificali authoritate Oratorii domum de novo construere praesumat, ac sedes Apostolica per multa privilegia specialiter indul●erit & expressè, ne quis in fundo ecclesiae Cant. praeter authori●atem Cantuar. Archiepiscopi & capituli, ecclesiam, capellam vel oratorium de novo edificare moliatur. Fratres tamen heremitarum sancti Augustini hac die dominica in festo Natalis beatae Mariae Virginis in quadam domo Civitatis Cant. in fundo ecclesiae Cant. absque licentia & assensu nostro & Capituli nostri, oratorium seu ecclesiam de novo erexerunt, & pulsata campanae missarum solempnia publicè celebrare & oblationes, ecclesiae parochiali debitas temere recipere ut asseritur praesumpser'. Quocirca vo●is firmiter injungendo mandamus quatenus per viros fide dignos ●jus rei plenam noticiam habentes diligentem faciatis inquisi●ionem. Et si per inquisitionem praedict' suggestae inveneritis ●eritate fulciri, tunc ipsum locum in quo praedicti fratres sic ut praemittitur temere celebrarunt, & adhuc ut dicitur celebrant, vice & authoritate nostra ecclesiastico supponatis interdicto. Citantes nichilominus nominatim illos fratres quos in praedicto loco per dictam inquisitionem convinceritis celebrasse, ac ipsos fratres ibidem commorantes, si qui sint, quòd compareant coram nobis die legitimo per vos statuendo ubicunque in Civitate Dioc. seu Provinc. nostrae Cant. tunc fuerimus de hujusmodi injuria & contemptis nobis & ecclesiae nostrae Cant. per eosdem illatis responsuri, ulteriusque facturi & recepturi quod canonicis convenitinstitutis. De die verò receptionis praesentium, & quid feceritis in praemissis nos dictis die & loco certificetis per literas vestras patentes harum seriem continentes. Dat' apud Tenham 18. Kal. Octob. Anno Domini Mcccxxvo.  
For the Friars 
b Lib. eccles. Christ's Cant.  having purchased and gotten possession of a house or tenement and appertenances, in the Parish of Saint George in Canterbury of one Thomas of Bonynton, bounded out as followeth, viz. by a certain lane, sometime called Lambertslane, afterwards Brewerslane, that is, between the same lane, and another tenement of the said Thomas toward the North, and a certain place called Eald-gaole and the tenement of Cicely at Gayole toward the West, and the tenement of. Thomas Chich toward the East, and the tenement of Thomas Clement, and of the Hospital of Priests toward the South: the Friars (I say) having purchased and gotten possession of this tenement; forthwith build them a Church, and therein erect Altars, and all of their own authority: So busily bestirring themselves, that both the Monks and the Parson of Saint George were in danger to be prejudiced in their several interests, the one (the Monks) to an annuity of 20d. per annum, payable to them (that is the Prior and Covent of Christ-Church;) the other (the Parson) to the tithes and other rights ecclesiastical payable to him, out of the said Tenement. At length within a year after or such a matter, the Monks and they came to composition for their annuity, of whom they obtained a remission and release of all arrearages thereof past, so as the Friars see to the due payment of it for time to come. The Parson also, john of Natyndon by name, after he had (for the timely prevention of his own and his Church's prejudice, by the Friar's alteration of the state and property of that late house, which beside primitias decimas & oblationes, yielded him and it other commodities before the Friar's time) brought his action against them before john Badesley the Chancellor, and Robert de Weston, Auditors of causes under the then Archbishop (Walter Reinolds) to the end to compel them by course of law (as but right and reason required) to secure him and his Church against detriment and deterioration in this behalf; came also to composition with them: in and by the which the house is quietly yielded and confirmed to the FF. with liberty to make their abode therein, and to get their Chapel, oratory or Church and Altars already erected upon the place, and also a certain plot of ground laid out for a Churchyard, to be dedicated: and IX ˢ to be yearly paid by them, for and in lieu of all deuce, to the Parson of Saint George for the time being for ever; whereof the one moiety at Midsummer, and the other at Michaelmas; subjecting themselves to the Archbishop, or any other Judge ordinary, or delegate, for compulsion, in default of payment. The Parson being tied to obey sub poena excommunicationis, and the Friars, sub poena interdicti.  
The Friars afterwards 
c Lib. Eccles. memora●ae.  enlarging their seat by purchasing of john Cherh of Canterbury, quandam placeam seu aream in fra prochiam sancti Georgii Cant. existen' super stratam Regiam apud Clothmarket, upon part of which they built their outward Gate: in the year 1356. they enter into obgation, and do bind themselves and their house to the Prior and Covent of Christ-Church (of whose Fee it seems it was a part) to pay them 2 s 4d. per annum for it. And thus have I showed you when and in what manner these Friars came to house first, and afterwards completely seat themselves here.  
A great ornament afterwards to this place, and to the 
john Capgrave.  whole order was john Capgrave, in his time, that is, Anno 1484. or thereabouts, a famous Friar of this house, and a great Writer, the Catalogue of whose works may be seen in Pitseus, who is very large, if not lavish in his commendation for a man of most excellent parts.  
For benefactors to this Monastery of note, I read of but two: the one a Widow woman, one Amabilia Gobyon; who made choice of these Austin-Fryers-Church for her place of Sepulture, and gave by her will 
d Penes registrum Consist. Cant.  ten marks to the repair thereof. This in the year 1405. The other one Sir john Fineur Knight, who in Hen. 7. time became a most liberal benefactor to the place, as, if you peruse the following Instrument 
e Ms. penes meipsum. , will appear unto you.  

Vniversis sanctae matris ecclesiae filiis praesentes literas visuris seu audituris Willielmus Mallaham Prior Conventus domus fratrum heremitarum divi Augustini ordinis in Civitate Cantuar. sit' & fundat' ac ejusdem loci fratres, salutem & sinceram in Domino caritatem. Cum in officiis caritatis illis primo loco teneamur obnoxii ex quibus nos beneficia recepisse cognoscimus, nec magnum immo dignissimum fore arbitremur ut illos spiritualibus reficiamus epulis qui nos temporalibus dotaverunt: & Dominus johannes Fyneux miles Dominique Henrici Regis septimi 
Dominus johannes Fyneux.  necnon & octavi capitalis justiciarius ad placita coram eisdem Regibus tenend' vir utique prudentissimus, genere nisignis, justitia praeclarus, pietate refertus, humanitate splendidus & caritate fecundus, ex ejus munificentia & bonitate circa ecclesiae nostrae, refectorii, dormitorii nostri, murorum nostrorum reparationem & refectionem quadraginta librarum summam ampliúsque largissimè exposuerit. Hinc est quòd Nos Willielmus Prior antedictus & ejusd' domus fratres hujus dignissimi viri caritatem fecundam advertentes pro hujusm' ejus largitione suapiissima unanimi consensu & assensu, concessimus, donavimus ac praesentis donationis nostrae scripto roboravimus & pro perpetuo confirmavimus prout per praesentes confirmamus eidem johanni Fyneux heredibus & successoribus suis unum Capellanum ex fratribus nostris quotidie & imperpetuum apud altare in honore beatae Mariae Virginis vocat' in Capella beatae Mariae edificatade visitatione ejus, missam quae vocabitur missabeatae Mariae inter horam septimam & octavam celebraturum. Et quòd idem Capellanus pro tempore celebraturus quotidie post offeratori●m, & ante manuum lotionem ad cornu Altaris conversus alta voce recitabit in quadam tabula nomina infra scripta ut sequitur. Oretur divina clementia pro animabus Domini johannis Fyneux militis & Elisabeth consortis suae, Henrici Regis ejus nomine septimi, johannis Morton Cardinalis quondam Archiepiscopi Cantuar. Willielmi Apuldorfeld & Mildredae consortis suae, ac pro animabus omnium fidelium defunctorum. Et ut haec donatio & concessio nostra firmiter & perpetuò observetur: Nos Willielmus Prior praefatus & hujus ejusdem loci Conventus hanc do●ationem & concessionem nostram non solum sigilli nostri communis & Capitularis appositione sed & manuum nostrarum subscriptione confirmavimus, & per praesentes confirmamus. Dat' in domo nostra Capitulari praedictae domus nostrae apud Cantuar. vicesimo octavo die mensis Novembris Anno Domini Millesimo quingentesimo vicesimo secundo.  
Et ego frater Willielmus Wederhall Doctor in theologia & Provincialis ejusdem ordinis fratrum heremitarum omnia & singula praedicta condignò & salubriter percontentus fuisse concessa & condonata, pro confirmatione omnium & singulorum, sic ut praefertur per Priorem & confratres praedictos concessorum & condonatorum ad specialem rogatum & requisitionem praefatorum Prioris & Conventus, praescriptis concessioni & condonationi sigillum meum quo ad talia negotia utor apposui. Dat' quoad sigillationem hujus confirmationis nostrae vicesimo die Decembris Anno Dom. supra dicto.   
Hitherto and enough of the Aug. Frier. Having formerly discoursed at large of the old Gaol or Prison sometime standing about this place; for avoiding of repetitions, I forbear all further discourse ofit here. And so finish with this Ward: finding nothing more observable in it, except the goodly conduit there, which, because of a future occasion which I shall have to make mention of it, I shall defer to speak of here.   

Northgate Ward.  
THis Ward offers and affords three remarkable places, to our Survey, and they are, 1. The place called Stablegate. 2. the quondam house of the Templars. 3. The late house of the black Prince's chantry Priests.  
I will begin with Stablegate. A borough or hamlet by the 
Stablegate.  Charter of Hen. 6. made to the City excepted from the Franchise of the same, as being a parcel of the vill of Westgate, and of the see and liberty of the Archbishop, to whom of old it hath belonged: it being taken for the very place where Augustine the first Archbishop of Canterbury, and his company were entertained and seated by King Ethelbert, before he resigned to him his royal Palace. Concessit cis (Thorns words) locum habitationis in civitate Doroberniae scituatum, viz. infra parochiam Sancti Aclphegi, ex opposito regiae stratae versus Aquilonem; per murum Palatii Archiepiscopalis in longitudine se extendit, in quo Augustinus cum suis domesticis usque ad conversionem Regis hospitatus est. Fuerat tunc temporis quasi oratorium pro familia Regis ut ibi ●dorarent & Diis suis liberos immolarent. Sanctus verò ille hospes tanta hospitium suum voluit libertate promovere, & ab exactionibus quorumcunque perpetualiter acquietare, quòd neque Civibus in tallagiis & assessionibus quoquo modo debeant respondere, vel eis subsidium aliquod praestare: sed Archiepiscopo in omnibus subjacere, & ut suum Palatium firma libertate gaudere. Ita ut si fures vel homicidae vel alii quan●is indictati situm de Stablegate valeant introire; ut in ecclesia, libertate gaudebunt. Thus he.  
Whence it took the name of Stablegate, I am as yet ignorant. Some surmise from the staple of wool which anciently was kept in the City. Canterbury being one of the places where by the stat. 27. Ed. 3. it was ordained to be kept, and the only place that two years before (25. Ed. 3.) the same King appointed for the keeping of it at, for the honour of St Thomas 
f Stow. Surveyed. pag 496. ult. ●ditionis. . If so, then is there a mistake in the writing of it Stablegate, for Staplegate.  
There was sometime a family in our City, who from their habitation either at or near this place, were surnamed De Stablegate, and of Stab. whereof one Edmund Stablegate 
Edmund Stablegate.  (the same man I take it that Lambert speaks of. Peramb. of Kent, in Bilsington) in the 42. Ed. 3. was a Bailiff of the City. For to a deed or Charter of Nicholas at Crouch, made to the Hospital of Eastbridge (de quieta clamatione juris sui in quodam tenemento cum gardino & pertinen' scituat' in parochia sancti Petri Cant. inter curtilagium de Estbridge versus East, & murum lapideum fratrum minorum Cant. versus West, continen' in longitudine a regia strata versus North usque ad aquam del Stour vers. South 136 pedes, & in latitud. 46 pedes) this Edmund, by the title of one of the Bailiffs of the City is, with others, a witness. He had also a seat or habitation in the Suburbs by Natindon, limitaneous to the City's Franchise thereaway, as the perambulation thereof will show.  
I leave Stablegate, and pass to the house of the Templars. 
House of Templars.  An order of Knights that began in the year 1118. These Knight's Templars (saith Stow 
g Surveyed pag. 438. & 439. , speaking out of Matthew Paris, of the Temple in London) took their beginning about the year 1118. in manner following. Certain noble Knights bound themselves by vow in the hands of the Patriarch of jerusalem, to serve Christ after the manner of Regular Canons, in chastity and obedience, and to renounce their own proper wills for ever: the first of which order were Hugh Pagan and Geffrey of S. Audomar.  
And whereas at the first they had no certain habitation, Baldwin, King of jerusalem, granted unto them a dwelling place in his Palace by the Temple, and the Canons of the same Temple gave them the street, thereby to build therein their houses of Office; and the Patriarch, the King, the Nobles, and the Prelates, gave unto them certain revenues out of their Lordships.  
Their first profession was for safeguard of the Pilgrims, coming to visit the Sepulchre, and to keep the highways against the lying in wait of thiefs etc. About ten years after, they had a rule appointed unto them, and a white habit by Honorius the second; then Pope; and whereas they had but nine in number, they began to increase greatly. Afterward in Pope Eugenius time, they bore crosses of red cloth, on their uppermost garments, to be known from others, and in short time because they had their first Mansion hard by the temple of our Lord in jerusalem, they were called Knights of the Temple.  
Many Noblemen in all parts of Christendom, became brethren of this order, and builded for themselves Temples in every City or great Town in England, but this (saith my Author) at London was their chief house, which they builded after the form of the Temple near to the Sepulchre of our Lord at jerusalem. They had also (saith he) other Temples in Cambridge, Bristol, Canterbury, Dover, Warwick etc.  
That in Canterbury Stow speaks of, was situate in Northgate Parish, in or near Waterlock-lane (the lane, I conceive, under the Town-wall, and leading by Northgate Church within, down to the river running from Abbotsmill.) For I read 
h Thorn in vitis Abbot. Sancti Augustini.  of a message, which in the year 1271 was given to St Austin's Abbey by one Edmunde de Cambio scituat' in venella de Weterloke in parochia de Northgate, prope domos Templariorum etc. When this sect of the Templars was abolished, and why, as also what became of their possessions, you may find elsewhere.  
Leaving them then, I shall show you next where the black 
Prince's Priests.  Prince's chantry Priests were once housed, and so I shall have done with this Ward. Their house stood, I may say it yet stands (for so I take it, in part it doth) very near, if not in the place where some part of the Templars habitation was situate. But let me first show you that such a house there once was, and that I shall do from the charter or deed of this Prince's Chanteries foundation, in which are these words. Promora siquidem dictorum sacerdotum assignavimus quendam habitationis locum juxta elemosinariam dicti monasterii (meaning Christ-Church) in quo construetur etc. wherewith concurreth the relation of the Priests themselves (one of them at least) to Hen. 8. Commissioners, which hath these words ofit. Also the said Prince Edward gave to the s●id. Chaplains and to their Successors for ever a house in S. Alphies' Parish, the yearly value of it is XX s. etc.  
Next let me observe unto you that over an ancient stone-porch opening to the lane leading you from Stablegate, Westward, towards the lane turning to Abbats-mill, there are yet undefaced the Black-Princes arms obvious to the eye of any observing passenger. And so by this time (I hope) the place is sufficiently discovered, and my task for this Ward absolved.   

Worthgate Ward.  
COming now to Worthgate ward. The first thing I shall surveyed there is the quondam Hospital of poor Priests. 
Hospital of Poor Priests.  A spital first built and founded by Simon Langton Archdeacon (and brother of Stephen Langton Archbishop) of Canterbury about the year 1240. Not (it seems) altogether of his own purse, but chiefly by and with the alms and charity of pious and devout benefactors. Quod Hospitale idem Archidiaconus diversorum elemosinis dicitur fundasse, saith Thorn relating the foundation of this spital. It was (I conceive) intended for a place of succour and relief to poor Priests. i Chaplains, Curates, and other like unbeneficed Clerks, chiefly those (I suppose) that either by age or other infirmity, were disabled for the performance any longer of their holy function abroad in the world, and therefore were here accommodated with a Chapel (wherein to pray, sing and celebrate for their benefactors, and to perform 
chapel.  other divine duties) contiguous to this their habitation, dedicate, as their Hospital, to the blessed Virgin; whose first fabric was not, as now, of stone. One Thomas Wyke (Master, I take it of the Hospital) anno 1373. new built it of stone, but it is now made and parceled out into dwellings and work-houses.  
Shortly after the Hospitals foundation perfected, at Langton the founder his instance, the then Abbot and Covent of S. Augustine's granted to it the Parsonage of Stodmersh, of their Patronage. Of which grant my Author (Thorn) gives this Copy.  
OMnibus Sanctae matris etc. R. Dei gratia &c. Ad universitatis 
Grant of Stodmersh Church.  vestrae noticiam volumus pervenire, nos, divinae pietatis intuitu ad instantiam viri venerabilis & amici nostri karissimi Magistri Simonis de L. Archidiac. Cant. Ecclesiam Sanctae Mariae de Stodin. quae ad nostram pertinuit donationem perpetuè concessisse & dedisse Hospitali pauperum Sacerdotum quod situm est in parochia de Sancta Margareta in Cant. ad sustentationem eorundem cum proventibus quatuor acrarum singulis annis de Dominio nostro de Stodmarsh antiquo more de gratia nostra speciali percipiendum: hoc adjecto, quòd in dicta parochia nullas terras vel redditus de nostris tenentibus, dicti Sacerdotes vel eorum procuratores ement vel aliquo titulo sibi appropriabunt nisi de nostro vel Successorum nostrorum licentia speciali, nec decimas aliquas de Dom●nio nostro de Stodm. requirent in futuro. Quando autem dictam eis fecimus donationem Synd●cus dicti Hospitalis de voluntate Archidiaconi memorati, nomine dictorum Sacerdotum & Hospitalis supradicti nobis & ecclesiae nostrae Sacramentum praestitit fidelitatis, & hoc idem facient omnes Successores sui. Dictus autem Procurator vel aliquis Sacerdos Hospitalis supradicti omni anno super majus altare in ecclesia nostra in die S. Augustin' unum cereum unius librae in signum recognitionis praemissorum etc.  
To this Parsonage, not long after, to wit anno 1271. another was added, that I mean of S. Margaret in Cant. given to this Hospital by the same donors that the former, or if you will (as the private Lieger of the house hath it) by Hugh Mortimer than Archdeacon, authoritate ordinaria, the See being void, with consent of the Patrons, the Abbot and Covent aforesaid. Anno Domini Millesimo Cclxxjᵒ (saith Thorn 
Grant of S. Margaret's Church.  of it) data fuit ecclesia Sanctae Margaretae Cant. Hospitali pauperum Sacerdotum ibidem in liberam & perpetuam elem ' ab abbate R. quae fuit ante nostri patronatus. Et non licebit Syndico vel Sacerdoti Hosp. praed' aliquas terras redditus vel tenementa in dicta parochia sanctae Margaretae de tenentibus nostris emere, vel aliquo titulo sibi appropriare sine licentia Abb. & Con. speciali. Syndicus autem praed' Hosp. qui pro tempore fuerit in recognitionem juris nostri praed' sacramentum nobis praestabit fidelitatis in Capitulo eum ad hoc fuerit requisitus. Pulsatio vero in eadem ecclesia siet contra Dominum Abbatem quotiens eum per illam ecclesiam transire contigerit.  
I shall not further insist on the particulars of this Hospitals domains and revenues, saving the Island behind it, and a forgotten milne sometime both neighbouring and belonging to it, called Medmilne, either I take it, because 
Medmilne.  situate by the Meadows, quasi Meadmilne, or else because standing about midway between Saint Mildred's Mill on the one, and Eastbridge on the other side, quasi Middlemilne. Before the Hospitals erection it was the proper Mill of one Lambinus or Lambin, from either his birthplace or parentage, surnamed Flandrensis or Fleming, who dwelled where since and now the Hospital is seated; and living there, gave to Eastbridge Hospital, beside 14. perches of his land lying in With, an annuity of one quarter of wheat out of the said Mill, of which gift I once took this note from Eastbridge Book. Carta Lambini Flandrensis filii Adae de Berghes, Hospitali de una summa frumenti de molendino meo quod vocatur Medmilne, & 14. perticatis terrae meae quae jacet Binnewytt inter ter. [ten.] Samuelis tinctoris versus North, & terram Godardi molendinarii verse. South, super Sturam Cant.  
The Poor Priests afterwards succeeding Lambine in his seat, succeeded him (it seems) in this Mill also. For in the year 1325. a controversy arising between the two Hospitals about this Mill 
i Liber sancti Lawrentii. , and that brought before Robert de Malling then Commissary of Canterbury, He, causâ prius cognitâ, adjudged the Mill to the Hospital, of Poor Priests. It stood charged nevertheless with a Resolute of certain bushels of wheat to Eastbridge Hospital which it seems by my Inventory of the present Hospital taken in Hen. 8. time was four bushels. For in the recital there of the rents Resolute yearly going out of the same Hospital, this is one. Item, to the Hospital of Eastbridge in Canterbury in wheat four bushels.  
Now as for the Island behind this Hospital, and lying 
Island.  between it and the Friars, called by a Saxon word With, it was sometime belonging to this Hospital serving the poor Priests for a garden, but aforetime appertained partly to Christ-Church, and partly to several private men: whereof one family long ago, took their surname, and from this their habitation were called the Withs or Binnewiths', as some of those were (as you have seen before) which inhabited the neighbour With or Island, the late Grey Friar's seat. Part if not all the Island anciently lay in the Parish of Saint Margaret. For the elder Rentals of Christ-Church who had rents here, make mention of several tenants and parcels of ground here, as of and within that Parish. And the private Leaguer of this Hospital so mentions the house of one Solomon of Binnewith, Anno 1239. At 
Way to the Island.  or about which time the common and ordinary way or passage to this Island was by the now little and straightened lane leading from the street before the Hospital (called Stourstreet) to the common washing place on the North-side of the Hospital, and from thence over the Stour by a Bridge crossing the stream. For the situation of that which is now the dwelling house of Peter Noble (than one Robert de Hotwells) on the North-side of the Chapel is in an ancient rental of Christ-Church described thus. Inter domum quae fuit Lambini Flandrensis & vicum sicut itur ad With. i between the house sometime of L. F. (which I told you is now the Hospital) on the one side, and the lane as you go to With or at the Island on the other. In another rental thus described. Tenementum quod est inter capellam Hospitalis sacerdotum versus South, & quandam venellam quae ducit ad Insulam praed' Hosp verse. North, & regiam stratam verse. East. And that on the lanes other side thus. In parochia sanctae Mariae de Bredman inter domum lapideam Samuelis tinctoris vers. Aquil. & domum Roberti de Hotwell verse. Austrum, interjacente quadam venella qua itur versus Stur, & regiam stratam vers. Orien. & Stur versus occiden. Which first described house was sometime belonging to Christ-Church: of all right and title to which house (or challenge thereof) the poor Priests Anno 1242. coming to be neighbours to it (and their neighbourhood, it seems, of the jealous Monks suspected) make a Charter 
k Liber eccles. Cant.  of release to them, namely (as the words of it are) de jure suo in quadam terra & domo apud Hottewell (for so it seems, the place was 
Hottewell.  called) quae est juxta pontem ex parte aquilonari; to which they put Simon Langton the Archdeacon's Seal, because they had then (as they say in their Charter, by reason, I take it, their Hospital was but newly founded) no seal as yet of their own.  
The late owners of the Gray-Fryers have exchanged this house (which was theirs) with the City, for that Island, which now goes with the Friars, and is parcel of the same.  
But now to our Hospital again, which I find clearly to 
The Hospital spared by the Dissolution.  have stood out and escaped the general dissolution, unsuppressed. In Queen Mary's days, Anno 1554. the Mastership thereof with the Rectory of Saint Margaret, which went still with it, was conferred upon one Hugh Barret, presented thereto by the Patron Nicholas Harpesfield the Archdeacon, to the Dean and Chapter of Christ-Church, Ordinaries, or Keepers of the spiritualties in the Sees then vacancy, who gave the presented Institution with letters mandatory to the Archdeacon or his Official for his Induction: whereof a Book of that Church keeps this Record.  
VIcesimo septimo julii 1554. D'nus admisit Hugonem Barret presbiterum ad Hospitale pauperum sacerdotum Civitatis Cant. necnon & Rectoriam sive ecclesiam parochialem divae Margaretae ejusdem Civitatis dicto Hospitali appropriate. per mortem naturalem Nicolai Langdon ultimi Incumbentis ejusdem vacan'. Ad quam sive quod per venerabilem virum magistrum Nicolaum Harpesfield legum dectorem Archidiaconum Cant. dict. hospit. & ecclesiae verum & indubitatum ut dicitur patronum D'no praesentatus extitit. Ipsumque Praepositum Magistrum sive Rectorem instituit & investivit canonicè in & de eisdem eum suis juribus & pertinentiis universis, Curamque & regimen animarum &c. sibi in Domino commisit, juribus capitularibus, etc. & ecclesiae Metropol' Christi Cantuar. dignitate et honore in omnibus semper salvis, ac praestito juramento per jacobum Canceler procuratorem supradicti Hugonis Barret in hac parte legitimè constitutum, de observand' statutis et ordinationibus dicti Hospitalis juxta fundationem ejusdem, ac etiam de canonica obedientia, etc. Scriptum fuit Archidiacono Cant. sen ejus Officiali pro ipsius inductione, etc.  
But afterwards, to wit Anno 17. Eliz. (and not before) 
When surrendered.  this Hospital was dissolved, being then surrendered to her Majesty, by Blaze Winter the Master, Edmund Freak the Patron, and Matthew Parker the Ordinary, and eftsoons granted by the Queen to the City, whereunto ever since it hath belonged, and is called Bridewell Hospital: Bridewell, 
Bridewell.  because of the house of correction there kept; and Hospital, both for the old names sake, and because of a certain number of Boys (poor Townesmens' Children) kept there in an Hospital way. Of the foresaid Royal grant my Appendix shall give you a Copy, if you desire 
Vide pro Scriptura 7 ma in appendice.  the sight of it: So much of this Hospital. Of the state whereof in 37. Hen. 8. whilst it yet was in Esse, if any desire satisfaction, I shall be willing to give them a more exact account, from good record thereof, which I can produce.  
One thing being very pertinent to our discourse of this spital, since I wrote the premises come to my knowledge, and therefore hitherto omitted; I desire leave to mention here, though the place in some respect be indeed improper; and that is, that in the interim of this Hospitals foundation, and the appropriation of St Margaret's Church unto it, the Parson and the Hospital with consent and confirmation of the Abbot and Archdeacon, did come to composition about the tithes and other ecclesiastical rights and duties of this Hospital: a Copy whereof taken from a Lieger Book of Saint Augustine's, you shall find in my Appendix, Scriptura ixᵃ.  
I come next to Maynards', or more rightly Mayners spital, 
Mayners spital.  so called from the founder, one Mayner, sometime a Citizen of Canterbury dwelling in St Mildred's Parish 
l Rentale vetus eccl●siae Christi Cant. : and that (as I have good inducement to avouch) in H. 2. days. A man in his time (it seems) of noted wealth, and (I suppose) therefore, and to distinguish him and his family from another family of Mayners which were Dyers about the same time, surnamed Dives, and so styled and called in ancient writings that make mention of him, viz. Maynerus Dives, or Mayner le Rich, an addition whereby his succession or posterity were known and called after him, by name Ethelstane and Wiulphus, Wilulphus or Winulphus (for so variously is he written) his sons, and afterwards, Maynerus, his Grandchild (I take it.) Of which the two former lived in Rich. 1. and King john's days (and in the first of King john, Winulphus, who lived where Alderman Sabin now dwells 
m R●ale eccles. prad. , was one of the Praepositi of the City) and the latter in Henry the thirds; in the thirteenth year of whose reign he was a like Governor of the City.  
I find ⁿ the Hospital called both Hospitale Mayneri and Hosp. Winulphi [Wiulphi]. For this cause (I conceive) that 
Sic in Archivis ecclesie prad.  the Patronage of the Hospital though the first founder were dead, yet continued to the son. And so Maynerus the father dying, the Hospital took name afterwards from W. the son, the succeeding Patron, whilst as yet the City had not the patronage, power or government of it. Or else thus. The foundation was imperfect in the Father's days, and became afterwards either perfected or bettered by the son, and so it gained the name of Winulphs or Wiulphs' Hospital, which latter name it hath now clean lost, and is known only by the former.  
The Hospital hath a neat little Chapel to it (of late encumbered and endangered too, by part of a house and a chimney put up against it) which together with the Hospital was dedicated to the blessed Virgino. 
Ex Archivis the moral.   
As for the endowment, possessions and goods of this Hospital and Chapel, what they are now, or at first were, I know not; but what they were in Hen. 8. days, you may learn from this following Inventory taken of them and delivered up to the Commissioners upon the Stat. 37. Hen. 8. cap. 4.  

Maynards' Hospital.  
The house and the Garden is by estimation one half acre and the rod.  

Item, in the spital lane they have three tenements, the rent of them all is yearly xiijs  
Item, in Castle-street be two tenements, the rent is yearly of both ujs  
Item, in the same Castle-street, in the Parish of St Margaret's they have one tenement by the year vjs viijᵈ  
Item, in the same street other three tenements all by the year at xvs  
Item, in the same street other three tenements, by the year all ixs  
Item, in Wincheape one tenement, by year iiijs  
Item, in Waterlocke lane in the Parish of St Margaret, there they have two tenements by the year x●  
Item, they have three little pieces of Garden rooms, every of them goeth for 12d by the year iijs  
Item, they have a little stripe of ground leading them from their Wood unto the King's highway iis iiijᵈ  
Item, they have a Wood called the Brotherhedds Wood in the Parish of Fordwich containing by estimation six Acres.    

In the Chapel.  

Item, one Chalice.  
Item, two Masers bound with silver.  
Item, two Candlesticks for two Tapers of Catten.  
Item, one Corporas and the Case.  
Item, two vestments and two Albs.  
Item, one painted cloth for the forefront of an Altar.  
Item, one Bell.  
Item, one great chest in the Chapel.   
Adjoining to this Hospital, or rather within it is another 
Cottons Hospital.  like Hospital, erected of late by one Leonard Cotton Gentleman, sometimes an Alderman and Mayor of this City: whose commendable piety is as yet so fresh in memory, and his Will so obvious to any that will search the Office for it, and therein the nature and condition of the foundation so largely set forth, that it shall not need my further mention.    

Ridingate Ward.  
Wherein the Dungeon, a Manor lying in this Ward, 
The Dungeon.  so called, challengeth the next place in our Survey: whose name time (I perceive) hath sported with, call it sometime Danzon and Dangon (totam terram nostram quam habuimus ad Dangonem [Danzonem] as in an old deed of St Laurence:) as also Dangun (in campio qui vocatur Dangun, as in a deed of 47. Hen. 3. And, particula terrae meae cum pertinen' jacent' apud Dangun, as in a deed of 14. Ed. 1.) Likewise Daungeon (juxta le Daungeon, as in old Rentals of Christ-Church:) and Dungeon so Roger Brent of Canterbury in his Will 
p In Registro Co● Cantuarien.  dated Anno 2486. mentioning his Manor there, calleth it, and so do we at this day, and the Hill hard by Dungeon-Hill:) Names much alike all. And as the Manor (I take it) derived it name from that of the neighbouring Hill; so the radix and original of that, I conceive to signify the Danes work: and therefore corruptly called Dungeon-Hill for Danian Hill, or Danes-Hill: and that because it was either theirs against the City, or chose the Cities against them. For my part, I conceive first that it was the proper work of the Danes, (the great and frequent molesters, invaders and wasters of our City:) and that probably at such time as they beleaguered the City in King Etheldreds' days, which stood out against them and their siege twenty days, and then was not mastered aperto Marte, by open force, but by base treachery surprised: if we may follow Henry of Huntingdon; Osborne 
q Vide pro Scrip●ra xxxj. in Appendice.  that was (and writ the story) many years before him, making no mention of any treason that the other saith was plotted or practised in the winning of the City.  
Next I am persuaded (and so may easily, I think, any one be that well observes the place) that the works both within and without the present Wall of the City, were not counter-workes one against the other, as the vulgar opinion goes; but were sometimes all one entire plot containing about three Acres of ground; of a triangular form (the outwork) with a mount or hill entrenched round within it. And that, when first made and cast up, it lay wholly without the City-wall: and hath been (the hill or mount, and most part also of the outwork) for the Cities more security, taken and walled in since: that side of the trench encompassing the mount now lying without, and under the wall, fitly meeting with the rest of the City-ditch, after either side of the outwork was cut through to make way for it, at the time of the City's inditching, as I suppose it cannot seem unlikely to have been, to any that shall considerately mark and examine the place.  
But leaving that, a word or two more of the Manor of Dungeon, which was sometime the Chiches, a family of 
Chiches a family.  Gentlemen, for many generations known in our City, though now extinct to one poor Spark, to whom the Aldermanry of Burgate appertained. Of which Thomas Chich (whose name in an old Character, together with his effigies are set up in the West Window, as his coat is in the Chancel, in stone-worke, of St Mary Bredins Church) was Anno 1259 
r Recorda ●cles. Cant. , and again Anno 1271 
s Recorda ●cles. Cant. , one of the Bailiffs of the City, as was also john Chich 
t Recorda ●cles. Cant.  in the 23th, and again in the 26th year of Ed. 3. After the Chiches, it was the Brents, than the Butlers, and shortly after (as now) the Hales.  
This Ward affords me nothing else observable, wherefore I leave it, and betake me to the next.   

Burgate Ward.  
Wherein I shall observe first the Market-crosse at the Bullstake: and thereof let me give you the 
Bullstake:  true antiquity from a rythmicall brazen memorial fastened to one of the columns, which is this. 
john Coppyn of Whitstabell in great devotion,  
And William Big of Canterbury in Christ's Passion  
Did do make this Cross, in Heaven God them solace,  
Mcccc and xluj. in the year of Grace.   
This Cross (it seems) was built to supply the decay of a former standing here. For in the story of Archbishop Stra●fords troubles recorded in the Antiquit. Brit. my Author makes mention of a writ of summons against the Archbishop set up at noon day, ad crucem excelsam extra portam Prioratus Cantuariensis 
s Antiq. Brit. in ●la Stratford. pag. 2●4. .  
Now for the name of the place, the Bullstake: which it took from the baiting and chase of Bulls there, by an ancient order and custom of the City, used by the City Butchers, before their kill, not so much (if at all) for pleasure, as to make them man's meat, and fit to be eaten; which Bulls flesh, without such baiting and chase, is not held to be.  
At this place (the Bullstake) is a market holden twice a week, viz. every Wednesday and Saturday throughout the year, plentifully serving the City and neighbouring parts with household provision of victual of divers kinds, especially of poultry, and that ab antiquo: whence in a composition 
t Lib. eccles. Cant.  between Christ-Church and Saint Augustine's Monks, made Anno 41. Ed. 3. that part of the street by it, i. between it and the now Lane called Angell-lane, is termed le Po●lettria, the Poultry (in quodam Messuagio cum cellar' & shop, ad idem pertinen. dictorum Prioris & Conventus 
The Poultry.  in parochia sancti Andreae Cant. in le Polettria scituat' inter Regalem stratam verse. North & alia tenementa ipsorum P. & C. verse. South, & quandam venellam vocat' Clementeslane verse. East, & quandam placeam communem vocat' le Bolstake versus West, as it is in the Composition).  
Offa King of Mercia in the year 785. gave unto Ealdberht his Minister, & his Sister Seledrith the Abbess, vicum qui dicitur Curringtun in urbe quae dicitur Dorovernensi, in aquilonali parte venalis loci. Where to find this Market place I 
Mereats in the City and Sub●bs.  know not. But here (as in a place which I have purposely reserved, as most proper for it) let me show unto you what several Markets and Market-places our City had of old. For, as we now see they are, and like as the Philosopher in his Politics 
v Aristot. 7. Politicor. cap. 12.  in like case requires (where he saith, Fora haec separanda sunt pro faciliori commercio, ut alibi oves, alibi alia animalia, alibi carnes, alibi pa●is veneant, si modo civitas aut oppidum locorum commoditatem admit●at; aliter una & eadem platea forum admittere poterit, etc.) So have our mercates been of old, kept apart, each commodity almost 
Wheat market.  having a distinct place to be vented in. As (for example) first Poultry and other like privision here at the Bullstake. Upwards, i. without Burgate in Saint Paul's Parish, was of ancient time a Wheat-market (De quodam tenemento apud Wheat-market, and De novis shoppis quae sunt apud Wheat-market in parochia sancti Pauli, as in old Rentals of Christ-Church, mentioning their now houses, at and about the corner on your lefthand without Burgate. 
* A deed or Charter of Lands given to Saint Augustine's, by one Dum●voldus, in the year 760. makes mention of a Marketplace by Quenegate, in these words. Villam 〈◊〉 quae jam ad quenega●●bis Dorov● in so●o pos●. Rush-market. Clothmarket. ) Come we back again, and at the Redwell, by the Palace back-gate, there was another market, commonly called and to this day remembered by the name of the Rush-market. In Saint George's street, about the Augustine Friars Gate, there was a Clothmarket kept (a touch where of I have given before in speaking of those Friars) whence the Lane now called Iron-barre lane, was then called and described, venella quae ducit à Cloth-markes versus Burgate 
x R●le v●s eccles Christi Cant. Thorough-hall lane. . The same Lane (by the way) was sometime called Thorough-hall lane, whether or no from a house in or by it of Christ-Church, called in their old Rentals, Aula Sancti Dunstani; I leave to conjecture. Below this Clothmarket, was, as it is still, the Fleshmarket, or Fleshshambles for Butchery ware. To the repair whereof, and for paving the street thereaway, Alderman Bennet by his Will 
y In Registro Domins Archid. Cant.  Anno 1462. gave xl. Thus occasionally induced, let me observe that the City in those days lay generally unpaved, and so continued a good space of time afterwards. But in the 17. year of Ed. 4. by a particular act of Parliament made for that purpose, order 
Act of Parliament for paving the streets.  was taken for the paving of the principal streets, as by a copy of the same act, which you may find in my Appendix Striptura 8 v● will more fully appear.  
Yet lower down (to return to our mercate-places) to wit in the High-street, besides St Mary Bredmans. Church, was wont in time past to be kept a Fishmarket. In medio 
Fishmarket.  mercati ubi venduntur pisces Cant. juxta ecclesiam beatae Mariae Bredman, as I find in the examination of a witness mentioning where certain words of defamation were uttered by one that was sued for them, in Anno 1414z. This Fishmarket (it seems) was of long continuance kept here. 
〈◊〉 Ex R●gistro Consistor. Cant.  For in a deed of Christ-Church dated 1187. mention is made of a house, scituat' in parochia sanctae Mariae, quae vocatur ecclesia Piscariorum in Cant. passed over to the Church (in exchange for another) by the Nonnes of Saint Sexburgh in the I'll of Shepey. And before that, Odo the Prior of Christ-Church leased out Managium Lamberti Gargate juxta Fismannecherich, ubi ipse Lambertus manere solebat, scilicet partem illam quae est proxima ecclesiae, etc. as the demise runs. Now I conceive this to be the Church intended by those deeds. And so, as it is now, from the Bred-market by it, called Saint Marry Bredmans' Church, it was more anciently called Saint Mary Fishmans Church. I proceed.  
Upwards, a little without Newingate, at Oaten-hill, 
Oaten-hill.  now the City's place of execution, was that commodity of oats, sometime vented; as at the same place before, salt 
a Rentale vet. ●cles. Christi 〈◊〉  was sold; whence it was called Salt-hill. It had a market-crosse to it: for I read of Crucem de Oat-hill. The place hath a cross still, but it is ill marketting at it.  
Not far hence, to wit, by the Nunnery, at the meeting of the four weuts or ways there, another market was kept, or the former continued thither, whence the field over against the Nunnery, Southward, now almost all over digged for chalk, is anciently called Marketfield 
b Lib. S. Lawrentii. & Rentale Eccles. Ca●. . Here were, as not far hence yet are, cattle bought and sold, especially (at this day) bullocks, oxen, and the like: whence (as I conceive) the market took it name at first of Rethercheape, 
Rethercheape.  which being a compound of two Saxon words Hrythera and Ceape, may be rendered in Latin, Forum armentorum, and in English, the Drove-market, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in the Saxon signifying a drove of oxen, or such like big cattle. Whence in a Latin Charter of Cuthred King of Kent, made to Archbishop Wlfred, which I have seen in Christ-Church, Campus armentorum, is englished, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. For the antiquity sake of this market, I cannot but take notice of the mention made of it in the second of King Ethelberts' charters to S. Augustine's Abbey.  
There was yet another market, and that of old was kept 
Wincheape.  in Wincheape. A market haply for wines. For so the name imports. Cheap signifying a mercat: whence the name of Cheapside in London, Chepstow in Monmouthshire, and other like Market places: as Chapman, for a trader there. Our words also of Cheapening, Chopping (as chopping and changing) and of Shop, anciently written usually (in Lawyer's Latin) Choppa, as also of Lieu-cope (signifying a sale or bargain made upon the place) have thence all their derivation: springing from the Saxon Radix, which is Ceap, signifying wares, or merchandise, and Cyppan, to buy. 
Cambden. Spelman.  This market had it cross too, and that standing within man's memory, upon the Green before the street built of stone, with a crosse-house about it, and was called Barnacle-Crosse. 
Barnacle-Crosse.  But there is neither market, nor market-crosse there now. 'Tis true there is hard by, a cross; but (as that other at Oaten-hill) it spoils their marketting ever after that once market thereat. And therefore let us hasten from it.   

Cathedral, and Parish Churches.  
HAving briefly surveyed our City's Wards, the order of my proposed method requires, in the next place, my survey of the Cathedral, and Parish Churches of and about the City. First then of the Mother Church (the Cathedral) and then of the Daughters. The former indeed the thing which I accounted the chiefest glory both of the City, and my present survey thereof. Which Malmesbury 
c In prolog. lib. 1. de gestis Pontif.  haply not knowing how to commend enough; amongst the many commendations which he gives our City (as, for the situation and exceeding fertility of the soil adjoining, for the soundness of the enclosing walls, for the rivers watering 
Malmesb. commendation of Canterbury.  it, for the commodiousness of the neighbouring woods, for the vicinity also of the sea yielding store of fish to serve it, for the noble and generous disposition of the people, as well of it as of the country, prone and propense to offer courtesy to others, and impatient of any injury offered to themselves, and the like) says no more of the Church, but this. After the conversion of the English to Christianity, the prime Episcopal See was fixed at Canterbury, and there continues: Saving that anon after he adds. There is the Archbishop's chief Seat, who is the Primate and Patriarch of all England. But I cannot so contain myself; yet for my more methodical proceeding, much being to be said of this Metropolitan Church, my whole discourse thereof shall be referred to these heads.  

1. The antiquity of the foundation, and the nature thereof.  
2. The history of the Church's Fabric.  
3. A survey of the present Church, with the monuments therein, as also of the more ancient buildings throughout the Praecinct both of it and the Palace, with the Ambitus, or Praecinct itself.  
4. A Catalogue of the principal Benefactors to the Church.  
5 A Catalogue of the 1. Archbishps. of the Church. 2. Priors. 3. Archdeacon's.   

TO begin with the first. The Antiquity and nature of 
1. Particular.  the foundation. In the former of which I shall be brief, that so I may not dictum dicere, and make no needless repetitions of what others, many others, for even vulgar satisfaction, have already said upon the point, as Bede, Parker, Cambden, Lambert; a few of the many that have largely and worthily written hereof. It may not be expected, nor will it (I conceive) become me, post tot Homeros scribere Iliada. Neither can I in this matter say what is not vulgarly known already. And Crambe bis cocta, will not please I know in such dainty times as these. Yet, not altogether to put you over to other men's instructions, and to let you see that the ancient Leigers of the Church, in thankfulness to the Founder, keep him and the foundation in memory; I shall here by way of Corollary, or (to speak in the language of mine own profession) ex superabundanti, produce and present unto you a double note faithfully taken from the Leigers, which doth memorise both one and tother. The one thus penned.  
Sanctus Ethelbertus Rex Anglorum qui suscepit Christianitatem à beato Augustino misso à beato Gregorio Papa Anno Domini Dxcvi to. in ecclesia Christi Cant. dedit eidem Augustino & Successoribus suis Palatium Regium & sedem perpetuam in Civitate Doroberniae quae nunc dicitur Cantuar. cum ecclesia veteri quae ab antiquo tempore Romanorum ibidem fuerat fabricata, quam ipsemet Augustinus S. Salvatoris nomine dedicavit post consecrationem suam Arelatenis factam. Statuit etiam idem Rex authoritate S. R. E. ut in Ecclesia Cantuar. ordinem Monasticum Monachi in perpetuum observarint, nè primorum viz. praedicatio Monachoram à memoria deleretur, sed semper recens in mentibus succedentium perseveraret etc. The other thus. 
Aethelbertus Rex, anno Regni sui XXXV. ad fidem Christi per sanctum Augustinum conversus statim palatium suum eidem Augustino & Successoribus suis infra Civitatem Doroberniam perpetuè dedit, ut ibi sedem Metropolitanam in ev●m haberent: Quam beatus Gregorius primam totius Regni esse decrevit & confirmavit, ut sicut prima fuit fidem suscipiendo, prima esset in dignitate. Hoc donum fecit Rex Anno Domini Dxcvij.   
Thus the Leigers; testes indeed domestici, but in regard of the many consentient testimonies (if not of themselves) of indubious credit. So much for the Antiquity.   

Now the nature of the foundation appears from these Extracts, plainly showing the intention both of Augustine, Ethelbert, and Greg. to be to make it (as it afterwards became) both a Monastery and a Cathedral, or rather a Cathedral Monastery. The better to understand me, you must know that (as Reyner 
d Apostolat. Benedictin. tract. 1. Sectio 1. §. 17. pag. 77.  hath it) since and from the time that Christianity was first embraced by the Saxons inhabiting this Island, there have been in England two sorts of Monasteries, the one Cloister, the other Cathedral. Etenim duo genera coenobiorum (saith my author) habuit Anglia, à prima fidei Christianae receptione: unum claustralium duntaxat, aliud verò Cathedralium; vocabantur claustralia, in quibus sub Ahbate aut Priore, Abbatem proprium non hahente, occupabatur conventus in divinis officiis, actibusque regularibus ad perfectionem singulorum Monachorum acquirendam ordinatis, sine onere & cura regiminis dioecesani. Cathedralia verò, quorum Abbas erat Episcopus, & conventus erat capitulum cathedralis ecclesiae, atque adeo Monachi erant canonici cathedrales, ad quos omnia munia pertinebant, quae in ecclesiis cathedralibus saecularibus, ad saeculares canonicos spectare dignoscuntur etc. Of 
Christ-Church▪ a Cathedral Monastery.  the which latter sort was this our Monastery, a Cathedral Monastery.  
Now of what order this Augustine and his Monks were, and consequently this foundation originally was, is of some made disputable in these days; the received opinion until now of late without question affirming them Benectines, or followers of the order of the black Monks of St Benet. The adversaries of which opinion haply are sufficiently answered in Reyner's Apostolatus Benedictinorum etc. to which I refer the unsatisfied. Now what kind of order this of St Benet was, will best be learned from the story of it Author, St Benet himself. Take here therefore a relation 
e De Invent. Rerum. l. 7. c. 〈◊〉.  thereof borrowed for the more part of Polydore Virgil  
Authors vary in the year, but agree that in the fifth Century 
Story of S. Benet.  or age of the Church, one Benedictus Nursinus, a man born in Umbria, a Region in Italy, having lead some certain years a solitary life in those desert places, at length retired to Sublacum, a town distant 40 miles from Rome, whither many people (by reason of his great fame and integrity and holiness of life) resorted unto him: but within a while he departed thence, and repaired to Cassinum an ancient City in that region, where he built a Monastery and in a very short time gathered together all such Monks as then wandered here and there in the woods and deserts of Italy, and gave them certain rules and statutes to observe and keep, and withal bound them to three several vows (by the example of St Basil, who had prescribed them in the East-country to certain Monks of his, about the year 383. which Basil was the first that gave rules or orders unto Monks:) The one of Chastity: the second of Poverty: the last of obedience. To live chastely, to possess nothing, and to obey their Superiors commands. Again Benet gave unto his Monks a new kind of habit, he appointed them also a certain form of praying, and intending to allow them but mean commons, prescribed them a new rule of abstinence. You have the story.  
By the way, this congregation of St Benet grew by little and little to be so great, that it is almost incredible. There were no Monasteries (saith Reyner 
f Apostolat. Benedict. tract. 1. §. 1 sect. 1 pag 11. ) amongst the English from the time of King Edgar, till the time of William the Conqueror, but Benedictines. Yet in the end there happened such a schism among them, that it was and still is divided into many families, as the Cluniacenses, Camalduenses, Vallisumbrenses, Montolivitenses, Grandimontenses, Cistercienses, Sylvestrenses, Coelestini, and divers others, who are now adays either united with other Orders, or else quite extirpated and abolished. Those that were first instituted by this Saint (as they themselves confess, saith Polydore) are 
g Vbi supra. Benedictines their habit.  those that now adays wear a black loose coat of stuff reaching down to their heels, with a cowl or hood of the same which hangs down to their shoulders, and their Scapular shorter than any other of those Monks: and under that coat another white habit as large as the former, made of stuff or white flannen, and boots on their legs. They shave their heads, except one little round circle which they call their crown, and perpetually abstain from flesh, unless when they are sick etc. This Order (saith Reyner) came first into England with Augustine the Monk, Archbishop of Canterbury. So you have in brief both the story of St Benet, and the condition of his order: wherewith if you would be further acquainted, I refer you to the Decrees or Constitutions of it, recommended by Archbishop Lanfranc to the observation of his Monks of this Church, (whereof Reyner's forecited book affords a copy;) and to the Ceremoniale Benedictinum. And so have I done with the first Head or Particular, and proceed to the next.  

The History of the Church's Fabric.  
THe records of the Church, concurring with the common opinion of our Historians, tell us of a Church in Canterbury, which Augustine at his first arrival here found standing in the East part of the City. A work (saith Bede) 
h Ecclesiast. Hist. lib. 1. cap. 33.  of the ancient faithful or believing Romans. This Church Aug. had of gift from King Ethelbert, which, after his consecration at Arles in France, he commended by special dedication to the patronage of our blessed Saviour. Whence it afterwards became called Ecclesia S. Salvatoris. All extant Stories, Coucher-books or Leigers and Records that ever I could yet see, afford no remarkable matter concerning this fabric (the miraculous preservation of it from the injury of all weathers then very tempestuous in neighbouring parts, whilst it was in roofing, at the prayer of Archbishop Odo, only excepted) from the time of this her infancy until 
i Malmesb. de Gest. Pontif. lib. 1 pag. 201. 〈◊〉▪ 〈◊〉 Franco●rt. The Cathedral burned.  that lamentable Danish demolition of it in the days of King Etheldred. When a common fire kindled by that implacable insatiable rout of Danish-Divelish furies, malicing not the persons only, but for their sakes, the place too, consumed both it and the City: whereof see a full relation (if you please) in my Appendix taken from Osborne the Monk of Canterb. and never before printed. viz. Scriptura 31.  
Shortly after which vastation, it arose again, and was (I 
Re-edified.  read) by Agelnoth the Archbishop (at whose coming to the See it was begun to be repaired after that Danish spoil) brought to perfection 
k Antiq. Brit. i●●jus vita pag. 94. . About which time, to wit in the year 1023. haply by the same Archbishop's procurement, (for being well beloved of the King, he persuaded him to many worthy acts) and not unlikely for recompense and expiation of the late spoil of the Church, made by the King's Countrymen the Danes (Anglos quoque omnes, hortatu Emmae Reginae, sibi reconciliare students, multa eis donaria contulit; they are the words of Matt. of Westminster of King Knute in that very year 1023.) Knute gave the port of Sandwich (or 
Sandwich.  rather restored it, for King Egel●ed had given it 44 years before) to this Church. A thing thus recorded in one of the Leigers of the place. 1023. Kanutus Rex dedit ecclesiae Christi in Dorobernia portum de Sandwico cum corona sua aurea quae adhuc servatur in capite crucis majoris in navi ejusdem ecclesiae. Portum illum dedit Monachis cum thelonio ejusdem villae, wrecco ma●is & omnibus aliis consuetudinibus ad portum illum pertinentibus. Which gift Hen. 2. afterwards renewed and enlarged, granting to the Monks by his charter consuetudines portus Sandwici ex utraque parte aquae, viz. ab Eadburgate usque ad Marks fleet, & naviculam ad transfretandum etc. as I have it in the Church Records: all which exceptis domibus 
l Lib. Eccles. Christi Cant.  eorum & Kaiis, ac libero passagio in portu praedicto in batello qui dicitur verebote, and free liberty for themselves and their men to buy and sell toll-free, were of the Monks in exchange, pro lx. libratis terrae in alio loco competenti, in Com' Can ' resigned to the King, not Ed. 3. as Mr Cambden delivers, but Ed. 1. and that Anno 18. Regni sui, to wit Anno Domini 1290. But let's to our Church fabric again.  
Which it seems by fire or otherwise fell shortly to decay 
The Cathedral fired a second time.  a second time. For of certain it was greatly ruinated, when Lanfranc came to the Chair. Hic ergo Lanfrancus (saith Edmerus 
m Hist. Novor. lib. 1. pag. 7. ) cum Cantuariam primò venisset, & ecclesiam Salvatoris, quam regere susceperat, incendio atque ruinis pene nihili factam invenisset etc. Indeed Edmerus elsewhere saith expressly that the Church was burnt the third year 
n Ead Hist. cod. lib. 1. pag. 9  before Lanfrancs coming to the See; an accident enough in itself, but for the loss of those ancient privileges (certain Charters or Muniments) of the Church, which (as the same Author also there witnesseth) perished in that flame, much more deplorable. Of certain then, fire brought this fabric to a second desolation before Lanfrancs time. And as certain it is, that his care, piety and pity raised both the Monastery and it in all parts of new, 
Re-edified by Lanfranc.  and that in a novel and more magnificent kind and form of structure than was formerly here used, which made it a precedent and pattern, to succeeding structures of this kind in the Kingdom. Per totam terram illam (Edmerus words again) religio aucta est, & ubique nova Monasteriorum 
o Pag. 7.  aedificia, sicut hodie apparet, constructa; quorum aedificiorum constructoribus ipse primus exemplum praebens, ecclesiam Christi Cantuariensem, cum omnibus officinis quae infra murum ipsius Curiae sunt cum ipso muro aedificavit. Indeed it is observed 
p Stow. Surveyed of London. pag. 352. ●lt. Edit. Daniel. Hist. in vita Conquestoris. , that, before the Normans advent, most of our Monasteries and Church-buildings were of Wood (all the Monasteries in my Realm, saith King Edgar, in his Charter to the Abbey of Malmesbury, dated the year of Christ 974 
q D. H. Spelman. Concil. pag. 488. . to the outward sight are nothing but worm-eaten and rotten Timber and Boards:) and that upon the Norman Conquest such Timber-fabrickes grew out of use and gave place to stone buildings raised upon Arches: a form of structure introduced by that Nation furnished with stone from Cane in Normandy. In the year 1087. (Stow's words of the Cathedral at London) this Church of Saint Paul was burnt with fire, and therewith the most part of the City. Mauricius then Bishop began therefore the foundation of a new Church of Saint Paul, a work that men (of that time) judged would never have been finished it was to them so wonderful for length and breadth, as also the same was builded upon Arches (or Vaults) of stone, for defence of fire; which was a manner of work before that time unknown to the people of this Nation, and then brought in by the French, and the stone was fetched from Cane in Normandy. Saint Mary Bow-Church in London being built much about the same time and manner, that is, on Arches of stone, was therefore called (saith the same Author) New Mary Church, or Saint Mary le Bow▪ as Stratford Bridge, being the first builded with Arches of stone, was called therefore Stratford le Bow. This doubtless is that new kind of Architecture, the Continuer of Bede (whose words Malmesbury hath taken up) intends, where speaking of 
r De gest. Reg. Ang. lib. 3. pag. 102. edit. Francof.  the Normans Income, he saith Videas ubique in villis ecclesias, in vicis & urbibus Monasteria novo aedificandi genere consurgere. I have digressed, but return and proceed.  
Lanfranc you see new built the Church, and that probably (as I conceive) after this new French form, and within the space of seven years (saith Edmerus 
s Hist. 〈◊〉. pag. 8. ) à fundamentis fermè totam perfectam reddidit. Which so by him perfected, probably, he innovated the name and title of it, dedicating the same to the Holy-Trinity. For as until then it 
Name of the Cathedral altered.  had been called (as you see before) Ecclesia S. Salvatoris: So in his time and from thence forth it became called (as by Doomsday Book appears) Ecclesia sanctae Trinitatis. The inscription on the Churches first seal (made no doubt since the conquest, they not being in use in this Kingdom before▪) shows as much, which in allusion (it seems) and 
〈◊〉 Cambd. Erit. In Essex pag. 444. Engl. Ed.  reference to the Church's dedication was this. Deus pater, Deus silius, Deus spiritus sanctus.  
Thus I am told; how truly, I make some doubt, both because, though conversant in the Church Records, I never as yet met with any such seal, and for that the seal which was in use not long after the Conquest, namely both in the time of Anselm the Archbishop (Lanfrancs immediate successor) and Arnulfe the Prior. 1. about the beginning of the eleventh century, which I have often seen, hath no other inscription at all on it, but this (nor would the proportion of the seal admit of a larger) Sigillum ecclesiae Christi. But to go on.  
Next after Lanfranc succeeded Anselm, as in his See, so in his piety. For in his time, and chiefly by his care, 
Cathedral enlarged.  cost and providence, that fabric begun and perfected by his predecessor, became much enlarged; whereof Edmerus makes a double mention, to wit first, pag. 35. and again pag. 108. Super hoc (saith he) ipsum Oratorium, quantum a majore turri in orientem porrectum est, ipso patre Anselmo providente, disponente auctum est. The Monks (it seems by Edmerus) magnificently finished this work which Anselm piously began, the King (Hen. 1.) affording it and them his countenance and encouragement. For when some evill-minded persons, maligning the work, suggested to the King that the Monks were mad, and prodigally wasted to superfluous uses what might stand him much in stead in his Regal expenses; he answers them thus. Quid (saith 
Edmer. Hist. Novor. lib. 5. pag. 109.  he) in externas expensas, in saecularia aliqua, in vana & ordini suo contraria opera, res suas Monachi ponunt? At, si in augmentum & gloriam Domus Dei, eas expendant, benedicatur Deus, qui & illis hujusmodi animum inspiravit, & hanc mihi suo munere gratiam tribuit, ut meis diebus, meamater ecclesia crementum potius capiat, quam detrimentum. Matthew Paris Records a dedication of the Church of Canterbury in the year of Christ 1114. being the year of Anselmes' death. Haply it was of that new piece or new work, as Edmerus calls it. This doubtless is the part meant by Malmes bury 
x De Gest. Pontific. lib. 1. pag. 23●. Editio. Francosurt. , ascribed to Ernulfus the then Prior of the Church, and of him (erroneously it seems) said to have been built in the place of a like part then demolished, whereof he hath these words. Cantiae (saith he) dejectam priorem partem ecclesiae quam Lanfrancus aedificaverat, adeo splendide erexit, ut nihil tale possit in Anglia videri, in vitrearum fenestrarum luce, in marmorei pavimenti nitore, in diversi coloribus picturis, quae mirantes oculos trahunt ad fastigia lacunaris. Thus he.  
This Church thus new built, and thus also enlarged fell 
Cathedral fired a third time.  again by fire about the year 1130. She happily found such as pitied her misfortune, and took commiseration of her ruins: whereof Archbishop Corboyt is said 
y Antiq. Brit. Harpsfield. Godwin. in ejus vita.  to be the chief, who of his own purse set it up again, and then after a most solemn manner did dedicate the same, in the presence of the King, the Queen, David King of Scots, most of the Bishops, and a great number of the Nobility of both Realms. Whereunto the King of England presently became a Benefactor, giving and granting, besides an annuity of ten pounds in money, the Church (or Priory) of Saint Martin in or near Dover, to this Church for ever 
z Harpsfield ubi supra. Cathedral again named. . In and at which Dedication, the Church's name was again changed, from Ecclesia sanctae Trinitatis, to Ecclesia Christi Cant. thorn (St Augustine's Chronicler) records the thing, but under the year 1128. Anno Domini 1128 (saith he) quarto nonas Martii, fuit ecclesia sanctae Trinitatis Cant. dedicata, a praefato Willielmo Archiepiscopo, quae postmodum ecclesia Christi Cantuariae est vulgariter vocitata. And then also was the Churches Common Seal renewed, which in the forepart had this inscription about it. Sigillum ecclesiae Christi Cantuariae primae sedis Britanniae; and in the reverse, this about our Saviour's Picture. Ego suam via, veritas & vita. This Seal continued till Beckets' Martyrdom, and then was a third time changed, as you shall find hereafter.  
About forty years after that, viz. in the year 1174 
a Liber Ecclesiae Cant. & Ansiy. Britan. pag. 291. . I read of yet another combustion of this sacred edifice. At whose cost it recovered itself then, I find not; saving that the Pope's Bulls shortly after provide that the offerings 
b In Archivis Ecclesiae.  to the then newly murdered and canonised Archbishop, Thomas Becket, should go and be converted in restaurationem ecclesiae (one cause haply why it was called Saint Thomas Church:) And that way (I believe) such store of Coin might come in, (the devotion of that age to Saint Thomas inclining many to be forward and liberal benefactors) that it cannot seem a thing improbable for the Church to have recovered by that means.  
The Monks now at length more nearly affected with the woeful havoc which these frequent fires had made of their Church-fabricke, either occasioned or furthered by some neighbouring edifices, carefully provide to remove that cause, and for that end, divers houses belonging to St Augustine's, being built and situate near unto their Campanile or Steeple standing on the Southside of their 
Campanile of Christ-Church  Churchyard; after much suit, they prevailed at length with those their neighbours the Monks of Saint Aust. to exchange the houses with their ground about them for the like elsewhere. Let me enlarge this matter to you out of Thorn who records and reports it as followeth. Anno Domini 1177. (saith he) facta fuit quaedam commutatio terrarum censualium inter Monasterium istud & Monasterium sanctae Trinitatis. Habebat enimistud Monasterium quasdam terras ex parte meridiana cimiterii sanctae Trinitatis juxta Campanile corum, quae terrae reddebant huic Monasterio singulis annis xxˢ & xjᵈ: & quia istae terrae erant ipsi ecclesiae de sancta Trinitate ita propinquae & in casu ignis multum periculosae. Ideo praedictus electus & conventus sancti August' licet invitè, precibus tamen Regis Henrici 
* Fortè potius, coacti.  coactus mutaverunt praedictas terras cum quibusdam terris quae fuerunt de Dominio sanctae Trinitatis diversis locis in Civitate jacentibus, quaeterrae reddebant singularis annis xxijs. ijᵈ. Haec commutatio est confirmata sigillo Regis Henrici, & sigillis utrius que Monasterii, etc. Thus he, recording 
Vide pro Scriptura x ●. in Appendice.  also the Composition itself, whereof my Appendix shall give you a Copy. This exchange (it seems) was made to good purpose: for afterwards I find the Church free of all fires. Once indeed since, and that shortly after this exchange, it was in danger to be fired, but was preserved miraculously, if you will believe my Author (Gervase, a Monk of the place about that time:) whose words (if Harpesfield report them aright) are these. Quo Cantuariae sedente (saith he, speaking of Archbishop Richard, Beckets' immediate successor) constagravit Civitas Cantuariae, cumque jam pluribus aedibus consumptis, incendium ad Christi ecclesiam serperet; consternati monachi, cum res humanam opem superare videretur, ad divinum & divi Audoeni patrocinium se contulerunt. Sanctas it aque ejus reliquias igni, magnaopis fiduciâ opponunt; quae nec fuit inanis. Flamma enim divina quadam virtute repulsa, se reflexit ac resiliit, nec ultra progressa est. Thus he. And so far Historically of the general fabric of the Church. Now I shall descend to particulars, and show how several parts of it were some built, some repaired at several times, and by whom.  
For new buildings in the first place. I read that Archbishop 
Body of Christ-Church new built.  Sudbury, by whose time the Nave (or body) of the Church (the Aula ecclesia, so Edmerus calls it) the Auditorium, as with the ancients I may style it, was so decayed with age that it could not, and so far behind the upper part in Majesty of building, as with his good liking it might not stand any longer, took it down, with a purpose of his own purse to have built it of new after a more magnificent manner; but being cut off by the fury of those Rebels (What Tiler and his complices) in Rich. 2. time, was prevented. He dying, the burden of that great work lay upon the Monks, or rather they consenting (as it seems) in a common forwardness, willingly undertook it, and with the help of Sudburies' two next Successors (Courtney and Arundel) at length, brought the body, together with the Chapterhouse and Cloister to full perfection. Inferiorem autem ecclesiae suae partem (Harpesfields words of this matter 
c Hist. Eccles. Angl. saecul. 15. cap. 14. pag. 634. ) quam demolitus erat Simon Sudburiensis Archiepiscopus, magnificentiùs eam extruendi animo, quod & perfecisset, nisi indignaillum caedes repentè è medio sustulisset, maximis monachi impensis nobili structura exaedisicarunt. For their both encouragement and inablement to finish which work begun, too chargeable for them to perfect without some addition to their present revenues; after they had that way expended above 5000 marks; the parsonages of Godmersham 
Godmersham. westwell  and Westwell in Kent, at their petition, were by Archbishop Arundel, with both King and Pope's licence, appropriated to them, as I have it from the Instrument of that appropriation recorded in a Leaguer of the Church, dated in the year 1397. Which hath these words of preface.  
COnsiderantes (saith the Archbishop to his Monks) expensas graves & sumptuosas quas circa constructionem & reparationem ejusdem ecclesiae urgente necessitate fudistis & inevitabiliter successivis temporibus, prout futura per praeterita praecaventes animi compassione sentimus, vos refundere oportebit, praesidium vobis & ecclesiae vestrae quod cum Deo possumus procuremus, ne forte tam laudabile & necessarium opus inceptum, moderni (quod absit) subtractione Prioris, vel aliàs ex adversae fortunae insultu perfectum diutinè non consequatur effectum, aut alicujus temeritatis incursus sanctorum diminuat numerum monachorum, aut robur vestrae sacrae religionis infringat; hinc est quod exhibita nobis pro parte vestrâ petitio continebat, quod cum bonae memoriae Dominus Simon de Sudburia quondam Archiepiscopus Cant. praedecessor noster navem praefatae nostrae ecclesiae prosterni fecerat funditùs, & suis sumptibus demoliri, causa ipsam erigendi de nevo prout proposuit & ferventer optavit, si non per Dei emulos fuisset inauditâ per prius populi furoris audaciâ decollatus. Vosque Prior & Capitulum circa constructionem navis praedictae, & alia necessaria opera ejusdem ecclesiae nostrae de communibus bonis vestris ultra quinque millia marcarum laudabiliter expenderitis, ut gaudium operum exempla cunctorum oculis manifestant, quodque incepta opera & alia inibi de necessitate fienda prostrati claustri vestri & capitularis Domus vestrae pensatâ imminente ruinâ, cum sex millibus marcarum perficinequeant, & reparari decenter, attentâ Hospitalitate Dominorum & aliorum diversorum Regnorum apud vos indies confluentium, quam declinare non poteritis cum honore, etc.  
Thomas Chillenden was Prior of the Church at this time. He it seems (as best able) of the Monks was most beneficial to these works. The quoted Instrument so insinuates and intimates, and the Epitaph on his Tomb (whereof hereafter) verifies as much. Archbishop Courtney (as I told you) was another benefactor. I have it from his Will 
d In Archivis eccles. Cant. , wherein he makes it his petition to the King (Rich. 2.) Ne successor meus (as his own words are) pro reparationibus quicquam plus debito petat piè & justè habendo respectum in quo statu eccl' & maneria mea unà cum Castro meo Saltwood inveni, & qualiter subsequenter, non obstante terraemotu, non sine gravibus & sumptuosis expensis, sicut novit Prior meus & seniores & saniores Capituli, atque valentiores totius Diocesis, ipsa pro meo posse & tempore reparavi. And also gives (saith his Table following the Author of the Antiquit' Britannicae, both, I take it, misinformed, 1000l.) 200l. & plus juxta dispositionem Executorum meorum, & secundum informationem ministrand' per eos pro nova facturâ sive constructione unius panae claustri ab hostio Palatii usque in ecclesiam se erecto tramite extendentis. So his William. Archbishop Arundel may not be forgotten, who questionless was not only an encourager, but a benefactor also in his own particular to the works I treat of, though I doubt of his building that Steeple, which Archbishop Parker followed by Bishop Godwin and some others, ascribe unto him, for some reasons which when I come to surveyed it, I shall propound.  
Hitherto of parts new built. Now shortly of parts repaired and beautified. I read 
e Liber eccles. Cant. Choir repaired.  that in Hen. the Prior's time, viz. in the years 1304. and 1305. the whole Choir was repaired, with three new doors, and a new Pulpit or ascent unto it, as was likewise the Chapterhouse with two new Gables; all which cost 839l. 7s. 8d. I find also 
f Vbi supra. And Beckets' Crown.  that upon the beautifying of Saint Thomas Crown, that is Beckets' Crown, was expended in the same Prior's time, to wit in the year 1314. in gold and silver and precious stones 115l. 12s. So much for reparations. And now have I done with the Story of the Fabric. Only I may not omit what had almost slipped my memory, that Archbishop Chicheley, Arundel, immediate Successor built the Steeple called of Bishop Godwin Oxford-tower, but vulgarly Dunstan-steeple, or the most part of it, and also the Library 
g Author Antiq. Brit. & Godwin in ejus vitae .    

A Survey of the present Church, with the monuments therein, as also of the more ancient buildings within the precinct both of it, and the Palace, with the ambitus or precinct itself.  
COming (in the next place) to the survey whereof; I 
〈◊〉 Particular.  will begin (à digniori) with the Church itself, that which (as Erasmus 
h Peregrinatio Religionis ergo.  hath it) tanta majestate sese erigit in coelum, ut procul etiam intuentibus religionem incutiat. That is, raiseth itself aloft with so great a majesty and stateliness, that it striketh a sensible impression of religion in their minds that behold it afar off. Before our entrance whereinto let me acquaint you with what I have from the same Erasmus 
i Vbi supra Porch.  who observed it, that over head at the entrance of the South Porch of the Church, sometimes stood the statues cut in stone of certain armed men, those namely which murdered Archbishop Becket, not in approbation of their fact, nor for any honour intended them thereby more than is given to judas, Pilate, Caiaphas, or the band of Soldiers, whom (saith Erasmus) you shall see elaborately engraven in guilded altars. They are (saith he) set out to sight for premonition, that no Courtier afterwards should lay violent hands either upon the persons of Bishops, or their possessions.  
Now enter we the body of the Church, a right noble 
Body.  structure. Ingressis aperit sese spatiosa quaedam aedificii majestas, saith the same Erasmus 
k Vbi supra. . This questionless is the identical nave or body, of whose age and authors you so lately heard. Turres sunt ingentes duae procul veluti salutantes advenas, miroque nolarum aenearum boatu longè latéque regionem vicinam personantes, saith Erasmus 
l Vbi supra. . Now that Steeple which you see at the West-end and Southside of the Church, is the Oxford-tower, or Dunstan-steeple I so lately 
Dunstan-steeple.  spoke of, and one of them. And the opposite one with the lofty spire or shaft covered with lead is the other, and the same that is said to be of Archbishop Arundells' building, 
Arundell-steeple.  and at this day called by his name. But under correction, without warrant of truth, as I conceive, induced thereunto partly from the work of the Steeple which I hold elder than Arundells' time, by comparing it with other pieces of that age, and partly by this note in the records of the Church, seeming to me by the Character almost as ancient as the time of Arundel. 
Pondus quinque campanarum in campanili Angeli de novo donatarum per Reverend. in Christo patrem & D. D. Tho. Arundel Cantuar' Archiepiscopum Anno Dom. 1408. etc.   
This note you see calls it Angel, not Arundel-steeple, as I suppose it would have done; or at the lest have mentioned him the founder, had he indeed erected it. Besides I meet with the Angel-steeple in the Church-records long before Arundells' time, i. in the days of Henry of Eastry the Prior, 
1317.  and by the same name this very Steeple I find to be called in divers dead men's wills 
m In Registris Consistorii & Offi. 〈◊〉 Cant.  since Arundells' time. Let me but add that Harpsfield in the life of Archbishop Arundel mentions not this Steeple amongst the rest of his acts of note, and I proceed.  
This nave or body of the Church omnes recepit (saith Erasmus) admits of all comers, but at the upper end for the better security of the upper part of the Church, where the shrine was and other treasure, was of old parted off from the Choir by certain iron grates or bars; the doors whereof for the same reason doubtless, Archbishop Winchelsey, by his Statutes 
n Liber ms. Eccles. Christi Cant. , commanded to be kept always close shut, unless in time of Divine Service, or at other times of necessary ingress and egress. Without offence to which injunction let us enter. At or near which place of entrance sometime stood a great cross, in the head whereof was kept and enclosed that golden crown which (as is showed before) King Knute gave to the Church, and under it an altar: which was known by the name of Altar sanctae crucis inter chorum & navem, and Altar sub magnacruce ecclesiae 
o 〈◊〉 archivis Ec●es. praed. .  
Next observe we the first crosse-iles (wings some call them) of the Church, those (I mean) between the nave and the choir, which by the work, seem of like age with the body, saving that the North-Ile (the goodly and glorious window at the head whereof, a piece in it kind beyond compare, was the gift of Ed. 4. as may be seen upon it) with the lofty Tower or Steeple in the midst or meeting of the Crosier by these capital letters T. G. P. with the three gold stones; the mitre also and pastoral staff in them both and Archbishop Warham's coat of arms beside in the roof of the latter (the Steeple;) I conceive of somewhat a later building, and perfected, as in the time, so chiefly at the cost of Prior Goldstone in Hen. 8. days.  
In this North-Ile, between the cloyster-doore and the Lady-chapell is a place enclosed and set apart, called to this day the Martyrdom. Archbishop Becket (as tradition hath 
Martyrdom.  it) being here or hard by (at or upon the third or fourth griece or step of the Pulpitum or ascent to the Presbytery or choir, as some will) murdered, martyred they call it, whence these verses, on each leaf of the door one, yet legible in part. 
Est sacer intralocus, venerabilis, atque beatus  
Praesul ubi sanctus Thomas est Martyrizatus.   
Here sometime stood an Altar, by the wall, where now Dr Chapman's monument is set up, commonly called Altar Martyrii Sancti Thomae. Which together with the place Erasmus saw, and hath left it thus described 
p Peregrinatio religionis ergo. . Illis (saith he) ostenditur altare ligneum Divae Virgini sacrum, pusillum, nec ulla re visendum, nisi monumento vetustatis luxum hisce temporibus exprobrante. Illie vir pius (meaning Becket) dicitur extremum vale dixisse virgini, cum mors immineret. In ara est cuspis gladii, quo praesectus est vertex optimi praesulis, ac cerebrum confusum, videlicet quo mors esset praesentior. Hujus ferri sacram rubiginem amore martyris religiosè sumus exosculati. From being the keeper of this Altar, Roger the Abbot of St Augustine's was chosen to that Abbacy by the Monks there, in hope that he would bring with him some special relics (saith my Author 
q Thorn in vitis Abbat Sancti Augustini. ) of the blessed Martyr; herein not deceived, for (saith he) he conveied to them a great part of Thomas his blood that was shed, and a piece of his crown that was pared off. A thing which they of Christ-Church could not of a long time digest, nor would they suffer the other in quiet with the purloined relics until at length some amends was made them by that composition made between the two houses, passing over unto Christ-Church (in exchange for other elsewhere) those houses and ground beside their Campanile, whereof you may read before: as thorn comments on it, nobis (that is to S ● Augustine's) multum inutilis & incommoda. But in callem regredior. This place (no doubt) was of high esteem with our Ancestors, the walls whereof seem to have been hanged, and was a place picked out for the solemnity of Ed. 1. espousals with his Queen Margaret, whereof I read thus in the records of the Church Anno Dom. 1299. Quinto idus Septembris, Dominus Robertus Cant. Archiepiscopus celebravit sponsalia inter Dom. Edwardum Regem Angliae & Margaretam sororem Regis Franciae in ostio ecclesiae versus claustrum juxta hostium Martyrii Sancti Thomae. 
Lady-chapell.   
I pass hence to the Chapel contiguous, commonly called the Lady-Chapell, a piece not old; by the work, it should be much what about the age of Dunstan-steeple. In Anno Dom. 1452. I find 
r Antiq. Brit. in vita Stafford. pag. 289.  it called Nova Capella beatae Mariae.  
I confess I read of the Lady-chapell long before. Archbishop Richard, Beckets' immediate Successor, was buried in it. But that chapel stood within the old body of the Church, and was parcel of it. I have it from the Church records verified by the leaden Inscription and Pontifical relics, to wit, his Cope, Crosier and Chalice lately found in digging Dr Anian's grave by St john Boys his monument on the North side of the body, toward the upper end. That old Chapel was not heard of since the present body of the Church was built.  
By the entry or testudo, under the greeces or steps (the pulpitum as wont to be called) leading up to the Choir, from the body, I proceed and come to S. Michael's Chapel, 
S. Michael's Chapel.  standing on the other (the South) side of the Quire. A Chapel indeed in name old. For Archbishop Langton in Hen. 3 days is storied 
s Antiq. Prit. in ejus vita pag. 149.  to have been there entombed. But the work of the building of the modern Chapel will not bear that age. I am therefore persuaded that the old one was fain to be taken down, whilst the body and cross Isles of the Church were in building, to give better way to that work, and that that being finished, this was new built as now it is.  
Ascend we now by the steps or Pulpitum to the Choir 
Quire.  (Chancel or Presbytery.) Ad hunc conscenditur multis gradibus, saith Erasmus: which whole work of the Choir, from end to end, I mean, from the Western door thereof unto the archiepiscopal throne or marble Chair behind the high Altar, with the side-iles, crosse-iles and other buildings on both sides the Choir (the Quires curious Western doore-case only excepted, built, I take it, about the time that the body was) together with the under-croft (or vaults) to them (except the Prince's Chapel there) are much of an age; there is that harmonious symmetry and agreement between the parts. But certainly of what age I cannot define; only confessing it far elder than the Nave; I dare constantly and confidently deny it to be elder than the Norman conquest: because of the building of it upon Arches, a form of Architecture though in use with and among the Romans long before, yet after their departure not used here in England till the Normans brought it over with them (as I told you) from France. So that (I say) elder then the conquest this piece 
t Vide pag. 113.  cannot be, and I dare not pronounce it, the roof of it at lestwise to be so old, because of the many combustions, betiding the fabric since the Conquest. But by many inducements I am throughly persuaded that it is (for the main) the upper part of that new Church which Lanfranc first built, whereof I have treated sufficiently before. And so I have shortly done with the antiquity of this fabric, the Quire.  
Now a word or two of the Ornaments, and what else in it may worthily call for our speculation. To begin with the 
Hangings.  Hangings setting forth the whole story both of our Saviour's life and death. They were given, one part of them by Prior Goldstone, and the other by Richard Dering the Church-Cellerar, in H. 8. days. Witness these several memorials legible in the bordure of the hangings.  

On the Southside.  
Thomas Goldstone hujus ecclesiae Prior sacraeque Theologiae Professor me fieri fecit. Anno Dom. Millesimo quingenmo. undecimo.   

On the North side.  
Richardus Dering hujus ecclesiae Commonachus & Celerarius me fieri fecit Anno Dom. Millesimo quingenmo undecimo.   

In the Church records I meet with Inferior and Superior chorus; and one Thomas Ingram of Canterbury, by his will 
1486.  in the office gives cuilibet Monacho de Superiori choro ecclesiae Christi Cant. xijd. & cuilibet Monacho de inferiori choro ejusdem ecclesiae viijd. Now as we see there are two rows of stalls (an upper and a lower) on either side the Choir: so I conceive the seniors and superiors of the Monks used to sit in the upper, as the juniors or inferiors in the lower row; and that thence sprang the name of the superior and inferior chorus.  
Above these stalls on the South side of the Choir stands the Archbishop's wooden seat or chair, sometime richly guilt and otherwise well set forth, but now nothing specious through age and late neglect. It is a close seat made after the old fashion of such stalls, called thence Faldistoria 
u Glossar. D. H. Spelman. in hac voce. .  
A little higher up, on the other side of the Choir, between Chichlies, and Bourgchiers tombs was provision made heretofore for the storing and treasuring up of Saints relics. This Repository was showed to Erasmus, who spends these words upon it. Ad latus Septentrionale (saith he) referuntur arcana, dictu mirum, quantum ossium illine prolatum est, calvaria, menta, dentes, manus, digiti, integra brachia, quibus omnibus adoratis fiximus oscula: nec erat futurus finis, nisi qui mihi tum comes erat ejus peregrinationis parùm commodus, inter pellasset ostentandi sludium &c 
x Peregrin. Relig. ergô. . Hence Erasmus then beheld, as we may now, the Altars table and ornaments; indeed (thanks to the piety of the times) very rich and becoming such days of blessed peace as our Church (by God's mercy) now enjoys, but not comparable surely to those that Erasmus saw, or else he much hyperboliseth, where he saith: Diceres Midam & Croesum fuisse mendicos, si spectares vim auri atque argenti 
y Erasm. ubi supra. . This Altar was and still is called the high Altar, more properly so, heretofore, then now, because it was the chief one in the whole Church, Christ's Altar, and to distinguish it from the Saints Altars, whereof the Church had many, 25. in number, one in the midst of the crosier between the nave and the Choir, a second in the 
Altars.  Martyrdom, a third in the Lady-chapell, a fourth in St Michaels chapel, two in either wing of the Choir viz. in each semicircle there one, one in the Vestry, one in St Anselmes' Chapel on the other side of the Choir, three near unto the high Altar itself, whereof one was St Dunstan's, a second St Elpheges, a third (and that standing behind the high Altar) St Blazes, two at least in Beckets' Chapel, whereof one in the little side Chapel against Hen. 4. monument, and the other beyond the shrine, in the place called Beckets-crown, besides seven other in the undercroft, and two in the body of the Church which I had almost forgotten, whereof one was belonging to Arundels, and the other to Brenchlyes chantry there. One more there was, and that in the now Deanes-chapell.  
But leaving these things and the Choir too, let us now 
Beckets-chapell  ascend. Post Altar summum rursus velut in novum templum ascenditur, saith Erasmus. To this I proceed, the upper part of the Church (I mean) from the grate between the archiepiscopal throne or marble chair, by the Mosaic or Musaick-work 
z Vide sit dict. vide Pancirol. par. prior tit. 23. & Martin. Lexic. Philologic. verb. Musivus. , upwards, called (from the standing of his Shrine there) Beckets' Chapel: which, with the vertex of the work, called Beckets' crown (intended by Erasmus, where he saith 
a Peregrin. Relig. ergô. , Illic in sacello quodam ostenditur tota facies optimi viri inaurata multisque gemmis insignita etc.) the either side-Iles, (except the Chapel on the North-side, and the undercroft of it) I hold to be somewhat less ancient than the Choir and it undercroft: The ocular and peeked or pointed form of the arch, the round marble pillars or columns both above and below (to pass by other disagreements easily observable) showing a manifest discrepancy and difference of one from the other. For truth is, about the place where the Choir ends and that Chapel begins (observe but the works above and underneath, and you will easily perceive it) the Church once ended, and extended no further, the pillars and work coming on and closing there.  
The certain age of this part neither can I find, but from great probability do conceive it to be that new work (whereof Edmerus speaks) begun and furthered by this Patron) Archbishop Anselm, but continued and consummated by Enulph the Prior with the help of his Monks in Hen. 1. time. A work that (as I told you erewhile) was so envied of some about the King, and on the other side so much applauded and extolled by William the Monk of Malmesbury, who for the windows, pavement, and other ornaments of it prefers it to any other in the whole kingdom. Nihil tale (saith he) possit in Anglia videri etc. as before. Properties wherein it yet justly deserves the comparison.  
Some haply may here ask me why Beckets' crown, if it be 
Beckets-crown.  a piece so ancient, is so imperfect on the top? For answer unto them, I say, that time was when that piece was to the mind of the first founders complete, being built not altogether so high at first as now it is. The Monks (saith tradition) at the the time of the Dissolution were in hand (in honour of Becket) to have advanced the building to a higher pitch, but their fall prevented that's rise. So that whereas before it had a handsome complete battlement, it is now a great blemish to the Church, and an eyesore to spectators, by the ragged and imperfect ruins of it. This is that Corona Sancti Thomae, in beautifying whereof the Church Records tell me and I have before told you 115 lib. 12s. was expended in Hen. the Prior's time.  
Now retreating let us take a view of the Vestry. A place 
Vestry.  of the Greeks called Diaconion and Diaconicon; but of the Latins Sacrarium, Secretarium, and Vestiarium. This Vestry stands (like as Vestries generally do) on the North-side of the Quire. Post haec ducimur in Sacrarium (the words which Erasmus 
b Peregrin. Relig. ergo.  spends upon it:) Deus bone, quae illic pompa vestium holosericarum, quae vis candelabrorum aureorum! Ibidem vidimus pedum Divi Thomae. Videbatur arundo lamina argentea obvestita, minimum erat ponderis, nihil operis, nec altius quam us que ad cingulum etc.  
The keeper or curator of this place was usually called Sacrista: 
Sacrist.  we English it the Sacristein or Sexton, and was one of the but three at first, afterwards four Obedientiarii or officers (for so the word signifies, as Obedientia 
c cowel. Interpreter in hac voce.  doth an office) of the Church; to one or other of which all the under Officers and Ministers within the precinct, some few of the Prior's retinue excepted, did relate & appertain, viz. the Cellerar, the Sacrist, the Chamberlain and the Treasurer. Within and under the Sextens office were these 
d Liber Eccles. Cant. .  

1 Custos de Wexhouse (being, I take it, the small dark vault or grot under the steps leading up to Beckets' Chapel.)  
2. Primus serviens ecclesiae ad pulsandum.  
3. Vigil ecclesiae.  
4. Plumbarius Sacristae.  
5. Duo clerici Altaris beatae Mariae.  
6. Duo clerici tumbae & Martyrii.  
7. Quatuor servientes ecclesiae ad pulsandum.  
8. Vitriarius & garcio ejus.  
9 Ostiarius Chori.  
10. Serviens feretri.  
11. Aurifrig. & lotrix ecclesiae.   
For which last (the rest being of easy understanding) I conceive it was one that wrought the Church Vestments or hangings and the like in gold: but refer you to Sir H. Spelmans' Glossary, and Martinius Lexicon upon the word Aurifrigium, for fuller satisfaction. Here, as seasonable, let me remember unto you, that Gervasius Dorobernensis, the Monk of this place, for his good authority, so often cited of our late Historians, was in his time, dignified with this Office, of the Sacrist here, a part whereof it was to deliver the Crosier to the new made Archbishop, which Ceremony this man very solemnly performed to Archbishop Hubert 
e Harpsfield. Eccles. Hist. saecul. 12. pag. 342. Threasury. .  
There is a Room next wall to this, having had a door leading into it from hence, wherein partly, and partly in the lost over this Vestry, the Church Records are kept. The Threasury we call it, but it was known to former times by the name either of Armarium or Armariolum 
f Repertorium Munimentor. ecclesiae Cant. : and properly, since it was the Church Arsenal, yielding them weapons or muniments wherewith to secure unto the Monks their possessions and privileges, whence also the Curator thereof was called Armarius.  
Now a word or two of the Deanes-Chapell, and my survey 
Deanes-Chapell.  of the Fabrics upper part is at an end. This Chapel, with the closet to it newer than the Chapel, fell to the then Deans share upon the division of houses & buildings made anon after the change of the foundation by Hen. 8. By what name it was formerly called, is a thing uncertain, or wherefore built. That Division calls it only the Chapel next the Dorter. But observing the pictures of Pope Alex. 3. and Lewis 7. of France drawn on the Chapell-walls, the one opposite to the other, towards the East-end: observing also Beckets' picture (as I take it, conjecturing by the new white glass put in place of his coat of arms in the upper South-window, as the like was done generally throughout the Church where either this or his name was found:) and then considering what a Patron, Pope Alex. 3. was to Becket, what a friend K. Lewis 7. was to him in his exile, and lastly what a benefactor, for his sake to the Monks after his death, and that the Records of the Church have a Charter of Ed. 2. of xxl. worth of land to be purchased for the sustentation of seven Chaplains that should daily celebrate in the Chapel of S ● Thomas the martyr near the Priorygate for the souls of himself, his Ancestors etc. Considering last, that the Prior's ancient Gate, or the Gate of the Priory was and is, near this Chapel, being the same which leadeth from the Green-Court into that which we now call the dark Entry, and so to the door there now stopped up, the Timber-frame whereof is yet hanging on the things, and anciently lead into the Prior's Cellar, as that other hard by it into his Chamber. All these things (I say) observed and considered, I am assured that this was St Thomas chapel, otherwise Anno 16. Ed. 2. called Capella beatae Mariae & beati Thomae martyris juxta portam Prioratus; our Lady pictured in many of the Windows sharing (it seems) with him in the dedication.  
Over this Chapel is the Church-library, not the same to the repair whereof Archbishop Hubert gave the Church of 
Library.  Halstow, this being built (as erewhile I told you) by Archbishop Chichley, and borrowed from the Chapel, or superadded to it; the juniority of the work, and the passage to it plainly intimate so much. It was by the founder and others once well stored with Books, but in man's memory shamefully robbed and spoiled of them all, an act much prejudicial and very injurious both to posterity, and the Commonwealth of letters. The piety of the present Churchmen hath begun to replenish it, and may it have (what it well deserves) many benefactors, to the perfecting of the fair beginning; with which wish I leave both it and the Chapel.  
And now I shall desire you would take notice of the Windows, especially in the Churches upper part, which 
Windows.  both for the glass and Iron-worke thereof are well worthy your observation. This part of the Church was highly commended of Malmesbury 
g De gest. Pontifi. lib. 1. pag. 234. Edit. Francofurt.  in his time, amongst other things, for this ornament. Nihil tale possit in Anglia videri, etc. saith he. And, I think his words hold true still. And I believe as much may be said of the Iron-worke about them, apparently various in every Window. Besides, these Windows afford and offer to our view certain verses containing a parallel of the old and new Testament. They are many and therefore to avoid too great an interruption here, you may find them in my Appendix Scriptura 3.  
Let me now lead you to the Undercroft. A place fit, 
Vndercroft.  and haply (as one cause) fitted to keep in memory the subterraneous Temples of the Primitives, in the times of persecution. The West part, whereof being spacious and lightsome, for many years hath been the Strangers-Church. A congregation for the most part of distressed 
French-Church.  exiles, grown so great and yet daily multiplying, that the place in short time is likely to prove a hive too little to contain such a swarm. So great an alteration is there since the time the first of the tribe came hither, the number of them then consisting of but eighteen families or thereabouts, which with the terms or Articles granted them at their humble suit by the then Mayor and Communality of the City, upon their first admittance, will appear unto you, if you peruse what here follows 
h Lib. camerae Civilatis Cant. .   

Dignissimis Dominis Domino Maiori & fratribus Consiliariis urbis Cantuariensis Salutem.  
Supplicant humilimè extranei vestra libertate admissi in ista urbe Cantuariensi quat' velitis sequentes articulos illis concedere.   

Prior articulus.  
1. Quia religionis amore (quam libera conscientia tenere percupiunt) patriam & propria bona reliquerunt, orant sibi liberum exercitium suae religionis permitti in hac urbe, quod in fiat commodius sibi assignari templum & locum in quo poterint sepelire mortuos suos.   

Secundus articulus.  
2. Et ne sub eorum umbra & titulo religionis profani & male morati homines sese in hanc urbem intromittant per quos tota societas malè audiret apud cives vestros; supplicant nemini liberam mansionem in hac urbe permitti, nisi prius suae probitatis sufficiens testimonium vobis dederit.   

Tertius Articulus.  
3. Et ne juventus inculta maneat, requirunt permissionem dari praeceptori quem secum adduxerunt instruendi juvenes, tum eos quos secum adduxerunt, tum eos qui volunt linguam Gallicam discere.   

Quartus Articulus.  
4. Artes ad quas exercendas sunt vocati, & in quibus laborare cupit tota societas sub vestro favore & protectione sunt Florence, Serges, Bombasin, D. of Ascot Serges, etc. of Orleleance, Frotz, Silkwever, Mouquade, Mauntes, Bages, etc. Stofe Mouquades.   

Nomina supplicantium sunt.  
Hector Hamon Minister verbi Dei.  
Vincentius Primont Institutor Inventutis.  
Egidius Cousin Magister operum, & conductor totius congregationis in opere.  

Michael Cousin.  
jacobus Querin.  
Petrus du Bose.  
johannes de la Forterye.  
Noel Lestene.  
Nicolaus Dubuisson.  
Antonius du verdier.  
Philippus de Neuz.  
Robertus jovelin.  
johannes le Pelu.  
Petrus de spoptes.  
jacobus Bouclet.  
Tres viduae.    

But enough of this. Return we to our Undercroft. Where, under the South-crosse Isle or wing of the Choir, was and still is (though not so used now) Prince Edw. chapel. The story whereof take here from the relation of its 
Black Prince's Chapel.  estate given up to the Commissioners; these Emissaries sent to inquire and examine the state of all Chanteries, etc. upon and according to the Stat. 37. Hen. 8. cap. 4. which tells that the said chantry was founded in Christ-Church, in a place called the Undercroft in the year of our Lord God 1363. by the aforenamed Prince Edw. who with licence of his Father, King Ed. 3. purchased lands 
i Fawkshall Manor by London. Lib. eccles. Cane. , and made agreement with the Prior and Convent of Christ-Church for the contentation and stipend of two Chaplains: Ordaining Sr john Steward, and Sr Nicholas de Lodington and their Successors for ever to receive yearly of the said Prior and Convent, forty marks above all charges of reparations or otherwise. Also the said Prince Ed. gave to the said Chaplains and to their Successors for ever, a house being in Saint Alphage Parish of the yearly value of xxs. whereof 4d. is yearly resolute to St Augustine's: the reparation whereof to be kept always at the proper cost of the said P. and Co. of Christ-Church. Hence you may perceive the Founder and time of foundation of this Chapel. At or shortly after this relation given up, the Chap. formerly with grates and bars parted off from the rest of the Undercroft growing out of use and deserted, was laid open to it, and sithence (I take it) the double way beaten and made through the wall, for a passage, by that Chapel, to the French-Church there. I may not leave this Chapel before I have observed the roof of it, a piece of newer and more curious work then the rest of the Vaults about it, and yet the over built Structure as old as any that stands within the neighbour Vaults of elder-fashioned-worke. How this might be thus made, haply some will wonder. But their satisfaction is easy. For the elder Roof of the Chapel (as it might well be without endangering the Church) was undoubtedly taken down, and that the Chapel might in all parts the better correspond and suit with the dignity and degree of the Founder, was rebuilt in that neat acquaint manner that now it is.  
Leaving now this Chapel, come we to the next, commonly 
Lady-Chapell.  called the Lady Vndercroft, an edifice, since the Dissolution and Reformation quite deserted also and despicable, but formerly so much celebrated, of such high esteem, and so very rich, that the sight of it debarred to the vulgar, was reserved for persons only of great quality. Erasmus, who by especial favour (Archbishop Warham recommending him) was brought to the sight of it, describes it thus 
k Pereg●n. Relig. ergô. . There (saith he) the Virgin-mother hath an habitation, but somewhat dark, enclosed with a double Sept or Rail of Iron, for fear of thiefs. For indeed I never saw a thing more laden with riches. Lights being brought, we saw a more than Royal spectacle. In beauty it far surpasseth that of Walsingham. This Chapel (as he adds) is not showed but to Noble men, and especial friends, etc. The Chapel doubtless is ancient. For in the Church-Records I read of Altar beatae Mariae in Cryptis almost 400 years ago, to wit in the year 1242, and again in the year 1322. At what time the Altars in the Undercroft are recorded to be these: St john the Baptist, St Thomas the Apostle, St Clement the Pope, St Katherine the Virgin, St Nicholas the Bishop, St Mary Magdalen, and St Mary the Virgin. If this word Altar amount not to prove it a Chapel: Capella (I am sure) it is called in the foundation of the Lady Mohunes' chantry, in the year 1397. long before Archbishop Mortons' days, who some say was the founder of it. Which mistake in Print of the chapels Antiquity, thus corrected, let us proceed.  
A few steps forward brings us to Beckets' Tomb, the 
Beckets' Tomb  place (I mean) above the Lady-Chapell, so called, and that from Archbishop Beckets' first interment there; whose dead body the Assassinats giving out they would take and cast it forth into the open fields to be a prey for beasts and birds, or otherwise abuse the Carcase 
l Antiq. B●it in ijus vita. pag. 137 Matth. Paris. ●st. Angl pag 167. Editio London. , the then Monks forthwith buried here, where afterwards it rested until such time as Stephen Langton his Successor translated it in such solemn manner as you shall hear hereafter. In the mean time comes Hen. 2. with bloody feet to visit this place, and pray at his Tomb, in part of his penance 
m Roger Hoveden. An●al. par. poster. pag. ●39. Editio. Francosurt. . Hither also came Lewis the seventh of France, and here offered his Centum modios vini, per quandam cuppam auream in perpetuam eleemosynam annuatim in Castellaria Pistiaci recipiendos ad opus Conventus Cantuariae 
n Lib. eccles. Cant. Anno 1179. . This parcel of the Undercroft (a most godly Vault and rarely paralleled, and a place, heretofore until Beckets' shrine and Saint-ships utter downfall and cashiering, no doubt much set by, and celebrated) fell to the share of D ● Bray his predecessors upon the division of houses and places of accommodation for the Dean and Prebendaries, whereof I have often told you. Which is all I have to say of it (unless I should remember the Altar once standing there, called Altar Tumbae beati Thomae martyris:) and periods my Survey of the Church's Fabric, both cryptical and other, saving that in a word or two I must remember the Cloister and Chapterhouse.  
For the latter of which, questionless it is the same, 
Chapterhouse  which in Prior Chillendens time (as whilom was said) was new-builded; you may find his name (as a benefactor) over the entrance, in the foot of the West-Window. This was not only the place for Capitular meetings and treaties about Church-affaires, but also for the exercise and execution of regular Discipline. Hence the discipline here said to be inflicted on Hen. 2. for Archbishop Beckets' murder, whereof our Stories tell 
o Antiq. Brit. in ejus vita. pag. 138. Cloister. .  
As for the former (the Cloister, the keeping whereof, and so of the Refectory, the Dormitory and the Infirmary, very private, was cautiously provided for of Archbishop Winchelsey by his Statutes 
p Liber ●ecee. Cant. , especially excluding women thence) it likewise seems to be the same which was then new set up. The South-pane or Quarter whereof, somewhat more beautified than the other three, I take to be that which Archbishop Courtney (as was showed before) took order by his Will to be made, and hath his Arms set up about the entrance to it at the West-end. As for the many other Arms thick set about the Cloister, by the way, I suppose them to be theirs that were benefactors in their time, either to the Church or Monastery, or both: whereof I persuade myself the number was not small, as may probably be argued from that one instance which Master Cambden gives of the new building of Crowland Abbey in Lincolnshire; whither I refer such as desire to know and learn, by what means such mighty huge and fair Religious houses and buildings as these were raised in former times. And this shall suffice to have spoken of the Church.  
Now to make my Survey complete, I must another while play the Mystagogus, and show you the Monuments, 
Monuments.  purposely reserving them till now, because being many, and some of them yielding length of discourse, they would have too much interrupted my Survey of the Fabric, if I should have intermixed them with it. Here I intent not a recital of every Monument I meet with, but chiefly of the more ancient ones; those of latter times, being either fresh in memory, or more easily known by the Inscriptions and Epitaphs cut in the gravestones, than those of elder times, either wanting Inscriptions ab initio, or else done in Brass, which for the most part is either with age defaced, or the Brass itself by wicked hands purloined. And not all of them neither will I set down in this place, purposing to mention the Archbishops and Prior's Monuments in their several Catalogues.  
This Font was given/ consecrated by the right reverend father in God, John L. Bishop of Rochester/ Oxford this present year, 1630  
Pay 181.  
Observing by the way, and that in the next place, one 
Font.  rare piece of novelty, which, because it hath been hitherto omitted, and is so worthy as I may not altogether balk or utterly pass it over in silence, I must afford a place here, and that not altogether improperly, since it is a monument; not of the dead, I confess, but (which is much better) of the operative and exemplary piety of the living Donor. Whosoever knows not my meaning may know, that by the munificence of a late worthy member of this Church, Dr Warner, the now right reverend Lord Bishop of Rochester, the Church, this part of it at least, is newly much graced with (what before it never had, though much wanted) a fixed Font, and that such a one, as whether it be more curious or more costly, I am not able, if worthy to judge; but both ways (I am sure) so excellent and exquisite, that the Author cannot but be famous for it, whilst the Church continues graced by it: and the rather, because it is (I take it) the first thing of worth, that by any private hand hath been offered to this Church of latter times. Leaving this let us on.  
In the same body, somewhat higher up, upon the grave-stone of one Sr William Septvans, I read as followeth. 
Icy gist Gulian Septvans chevalier qui morust le dernier iour 
Sr Wm Septvans Knight.  D'aust, Can de Grace. M. cccc. seven. de quele alme Deux eit pite & mercy Amen.   
This Sr Wm. (saith Wever) served in the wars of France, under Ed. 3. Milton by Canterb. (I take it, and as I gather by his Will ʳ) was his seat. In and by which his Will, it is remarkable 
r In Regist. Consistor. Cant. Manumission.  that he gave Manumission to divers of his slaves and Natives.   

Hard by the former.  
Sub hoc marmore jacent corpora Willielmi Septvans militis, 
Sir Wm. Septvans' Knight and Elisabeth his wife.  qui obiit quarto die mensis Martii Anno Dom. 1448. & Elisabethae uxoris ejus filiae johannis Peche militis, quae obiit 28. Martii. sequen' quorum animabus propitietur Deus. 
Sum quod eris, volui quod vis, credens quasi credis  
Vivere fortè diu, mox ruo morte specu.  
Cessi quo nescis, nec quomodo, quando sequeris,  
Hinc simul in coelis ut simus quoque preceris.   
This family of the Septvans, or de septem vannis, a long time together flourished in these parts. Molond in Ash was a seat of theirs, where in one of the windows, this motto or impress, properly, pertinently and most significantly alluding to their coat, is found. Diss●pabo inimicos Regis mei ut paleam. Many of the family lie interred in Ash-church. And of the name one, a Knight Templar he was as it seems by the crosslegged posture of his effigies on the grave-stone, hath a monument in the Chancel of Chatham Church. He was one I suppose of the Septvans of Milton, anciently a Chapel to Chatham. In callem regredior.   

Not far hence.  
Hic jacet Odomarus Hengham armiger qui obiit 4. April. 
Odmar Hengham.  Anno Dom. 1411.   

On the Southside of the Body.  
Hic jacet expectans misericordiam Dei, pernobilis vir johannes 
Sir john Guildford.  Guildford miles, unus Consiliarior. illustrissimi Regis Hen. 7. qui quidem Iohannes obiit 19 die Mensis jul. 8. Hen. 7. Anno 1493. Cujus animae propitietur altissimus. jesu Filius Dei miserere mei.  
Of him and his family Wever hath many things.   

On the same side.  
Hic jacent Willielmus Bruchelle (sive Brenchley) miles, 
Sir Wm. Brenchley Knight and joan his wife.  quondam justitiarius Domini Regis de communi banco, qui obiit in Holborn in Suburb. London XXᵒ Maii 1446. & joanna uxor ejus quae obiit 1453. Aug. 8. He had a chantry and Chantery-chapell, the revenues whereof the Dissolution seized on and swept away. The Chapel is that (I take it) hard by his monument, which is now called Deane Nevells Chapel, from his burial there, and his cost in repairing it, whilst he lived for that purpose, after it had lain long desolate.   

There also.  
Here lieth Edmund Haute Esquire— 1408. By his Will 
s In Reg. Consist. Cant. Sir Thomas Fog Knight and joan his wife. , 
Sir Edmund Haute.  he gave ten pounds operi ecclesiae Christi Cant.   

On the North-side of the Body.  

Thomas Fog jacet hic, jacet hic sua sponsa johanna,  
Sint celo cives per te Deus hos & Osanna;  
Regni protector Francos Britones superavit  
Nobilis Rector sicuti Leo Castra predavit  
Et quoque militiam sic pro patria peramavit  
Ad summam patriam Deus hic ab agone vocavit.   
Read more of him, and others of his name and family, if you please you may in Wever. I find ten marks given by him in his Will 
t In Registro praedict. , ad opus ecclesiae Christi Cant. Anno 1407.   

There.  
Sub isto marmore requiescit corpus magistri Ricardi Willeford, 
Richard Willeford.  quondam Capellani Cantariae de Arundel, cujus animae &c. obiit 1520.   

There also.  
Hic jacet Robertus Clifford armiger, frater recolendae memoriae 
Robert Clifford.  Domini Richardi Clifford Episcopi Londoniarum, qui obiit ixᵒ die mensis Martii, Anno Dom. 1422. Cujus etc.   

There also.  
Hic jacet Dominus Willielmus Arundel miles justiciarius 
S ● Wm. Arundel Knight.  Domini Regis.  
In the same body are also the monuments of Prebendary Milles, of one Thomas H●o the younger of Cant. 1407. of William Lovelace Sergeant at Law, and high Steward of the liberties of Christ-Church, and of Anne his first wife 1576. of Dobson an Alderman of Cant. 1580. of the Lady Crook wife of S ● Gerard Crook Knight 1579. as also of divers other, but mostly obscure and mean personages, which I think not mention-worthy. Wherefore I leave the Nave, and step to the Martyrdom. Where I read upon one of the gravestones.  
Hic jacet johannes Fyneux miles, & Elizabetha uxor ejus 
S ● john Hyneux Knight and Elizabeth his wife.  filia— Paston— the rest gone. To supply which defect, I desire you to look back to the Augustine-Friers, where you shall find that he was Lord chief Justice of the Common pleas, both under Hen. 7. and Hen. 8. and an especial benefactor to that Covent.   

In the Lady-Chapell.  
Hic jacet sub hoc marmore expectans misericordiam Dei, venerabilis 
Archd. Bourgchier.  vir Magister johannes Bourchier Archidiaconus Cantuariensis, qui quidem Iohannes migravit ad Dominum sexto die mensis Novemb. 1495. Cujus etc.   

In S. Michael's Chapel.  
Where (as Wever hath it) between her two husbands 
Margaret Duchess of Clarence and her two husbands.  (john Beaufort, marquis Dorset, lying on her left side, and Thomas Plantagenet Duke of Clarence, on her right) Margaret, daughter of Thomas, and sister, and one of the heirs to Edmund Holland, Earls of Kent, lieth gloriously entombed. Of her and them you may be further informed, if you please to consult Wevers monuments. For I hasten.  
And am now come to Beckets' Chapel, where is offered 
Black Prince.  to our view the sumptuous monument of Edward surnamed the Black Prince, (so by named, not of his colour, but of his dreaded acts in battle) with his Epitaph, both in prose and verse, in the French tongue. It is large, and Wever hath taken it out already and englished it, wherefore that labour is saved. This was that Prince Edward, for whom, and by whom, in my survey of the Church, I told you, the Chapel and chantry was founded in the Undercroft.  
Here also is the tomb of Hen. 4. King of England, (gracious 
Henry 4. and his two wives.  in his time to the Monks of this Church by his confirming to them the ancient privileges and prerogatives of the same 
v Harpsfield Saecul. 15. cap. 14. pag. 634. ) and of joan his second wife, daughter of Charles the fifth, King of Navarre. Of them both, as also of Mary, the same henry's first wife, Wever hath many things, of him especially, both in verse and prose: amongst the rest his William. In which (inter alia) I note that he willed to have a chantry to consist of 2 Priests to sing and pray for his soul in this Church, and in such place thereof and manner as should seem good to his Cousin the Archbishop of Canterbury (Tho. Arundel.) In all probability the little Chapel on the North-side of his monument is the very Chapel which was built for that purpose: the window-work whereof, by Prior Goldstone's name in the foot of it, seems to be of his repairing.  
I leave this Chapel and descend to the Undercroft. 
Isabel Countess of Athol.  Where are two Lady-monuments, the one of Isabel Countess of Athol, whereof let Wever further inform you.  
The other of the Lady Mohun, wherewith I will better 
joan Lady Mohun.  acquaint you from the Charter or Instrument of her chantry, recorded in a Lieger of the Church. She lived in the days of Rich. 2. and writes herself Domina de Donesterr, springing (it seems) from that noble and mighty house or family of the Mohuns of Dunster-castle in Sommersetshire, which (as my Author 
x Cambd. Britannia in Summersetshire.  adds) flourished from the Conquerors until Richard the 2. days. In the Indenture between her and the than Prior and Covent, for the sum of 350 marks sterling (and certain utensils, and accoutrements convenient for her chantry) with which money the Manor of Selgrave was purchased and amortized to them (the P. and C.) with licence of the King in that behalf, a perpetual chantry is granted unto her, by them, who covenant with her beside, that when she died her corpse should be laid in the tomb which she of her own cost had prepared and caused to be set up near the Altar of our Lady in the Undercroft: And being there so entombed should never be removed, nor the name of the tomb ever altered, but be honourably kept, and 5 s per annum given to the Clerk that kept the Lady-chapell, for the keeping clean of her tomb, with many other clauses inserted in the same Indenture, which to the end the chantry might not vanish out of memory with their Successors the Monks caused to be enroled and recorded in their martyrologue, that upon her obit-day it might be annually recited. The indenture is dated in the year 1395. 19 Ric. 2. I will give you the very words of her Epitaph, because Wever hath set it down imperfectly. 
Pour Dieu priez por l'ame johane Burwasches, que fut Dame de Mohan.   
And so I have done, as with hers, so with the rest also of the monuments mentionable in this place.  
The Church itself, with her appendent, annexed and connexed buildings thus throughly surveyed, my proposed method sends me to surveyed next the other ancient buildings within the precinct of it and the Palace etc. I begin with the Palace.  
Augustine the Monk, and the first Archbishop of this See 
Archbishop's Palace.  and his associates, being kindly received of King Ethelbert, and admitted into the City; for their present accommodation were seated (as whilom was told you) first at Stablegate, near unto this Palace, where presently they began (saith venerable Bede 
y Hist. eccles. lib. 1. c. 26. ) vitam imitari Apostolicam. By which and other means at length converting the King to Christianity, and daily winning upon his favour; the King shortly after removing and withdrawing himself and his Court to Reculver, and there settling, as his Successors in the Kentish Kingdom whilst it lasted ever after did, (as some report 
z Antiq. Brit. in vita Augustini. ) bestows upon his beloved Augustine (for a perpetual seat for him and his Successors) his own Royal Palace in the City, conceived to have stood much hereabout. This Palace with the neighbouring Church, Augustine afterwards converted both into a Cathedral and a Monastery, yet (as I take it) not dividing his dwelling or setting out his habitation apart from the Monks; but, as he was to them considered as Cathedral Canons, Bishop, and considered as Cloister Monks, Abbot, or in place of Abbot; and è converso, they to him considered as Bishop, Cathedral Canons and Chapter, and considered as Abbot, a Convent of Cloister Monks: So he and they and both their Successors intercommuning, as in goods and possessions, so in one and the same habitation, of one entire precinct ever after until (I take it) Lanfrancs days. Who innovating and altering the most of our fashions, and former usages in Church-affaires, and haply not digesting this amongst the rest, thought good (its like) to change it. For no mention of any such Palace or like several habitation for the Archbishop, is to be found before his time. He indeed, amongst his other structures built him a Court or Palace distinct from the Monks. Edificavit & curiam sibi, etc. saith Edmerus, speaking of the same Archbishop 
a Hist. Novor. lib. 1. pag. 8. . He it was that first shifted and settled (in that manner that Doomsdayes Surveyed found them) the Manors and Possessions between himself and the Monks; setting out to each of them and the Successors of them both their distinct and proper parts 
b Lib. ecclesie Cant. : and so no marvel if he discommoned himself and his Successors by a Palace, per se, from the Monks ever after. Lanfranc then (I am persuaded) first furnished the See with a Palace here. Whereof I think little or no part is left to be now surveyed: Neither Hall, chapel, or other whole piece about it (I exclude the Hall where the Archbishop's civill-Court is holden, which I shall show was but of late laid to the Palace) being to my seeming of that Antiquity.  
And no marvel: for this house (saith Lambert ') by that 
Peramb. of Kent in Cant.  time Hubert the Archbishop had aspired to the See, was decayed, either with age, or flame, or both. Who therefore (saith he) pulled down the most part of it, and in place thereof laid the foundation of that great Hall and other the Offices that are now to be seen. But by reason that himself wanted time (prevented by death) and some of his followers lacked money to perform the work, it rested unperfect till the days of Boniface, who both substantially and beautifully finished the whole; and yet (as some think) Stephen Langton had accomplished the great Hall thereof before him. Thus Lambert. Harpesfield is express for Langions building of the Hall. Egregiam illam (saith he 
d Ecclesiastic. Hist. Saecul 13. Cap. 5 pag. 434. ) Palatii Cantuariensis ille aulam aedificavit. For the rest, all or most of it is certainly much newer, as the work plainly discovers: whereof the present Gatehouse (jam told) was sometime used for the Lollards-Tower or Prison, and so called.  
Thus my Survey of the Palace would shortly end, but 
Great-Hall.  that I may not let the Great Hall (a piece of goodly struture) pass without some little digression and enlargement of my discourse touching the same, it being famous for many solemnities and celebrious assemblies there. Amongst the rest, for that of King Ed. 1. his Wedding feast kept there 
e Stow. Annals in Ed. 1. . As also for that great state and solemnity of Archbishop Warhams' entertainment both of the Emperor with his Mother, and the King and Queen of England, at a supper in the same Hall, and also of his own entertainment there at his first coming and inthronization into the See; whereof his Successor (Archbishop Parker) and others make mention. And lastly for the entertainment there which the same Archbishop Parker gave the late Queen Elizabeth, and the French Monsieur, the Duke of Rhetz, and many of the English Nobility. So much for the Palace.  
I come now to the Church-precinct: which how it lies 
Church-precinct.  and where it goes at this day, is a thing easily traced and found out, as thus. From the partition Wall between the Palace and it, near the Rush-market to the Church-gate, and so directly upwards almost to Burgate, from thence by the Town-wall included to the Chancell-head of Northgate-Church, and from thence by the Almnary (or Mintyard) Wall (crossing and taking in the way between the South-West corner of that Wall, and the opposite Palace Wall) to the Ourt-gate, commonly called the Porters-Gate. Thus lies the modern precinct of the Church.  
But time was when it lay otherwise, Lanfranc coming to the See; Omnes Officinas quae infra murum Curiae sunt, cum ipso muro aedificavit (saith Edmerus 
f Hist. Novor. lib. 1. pag. 7. .) Si quis in praedicta ecclesia (saith Theobald the Archbishop in a Charter of his) vel infra ambitum murorum ecclesiam & curiam nostram & monachorum cingentium, &c 
g Liber ecclesiae. Cant. . The Court and Church you see was sometimes walled in; the Churchyard was the like. For by a Charter of Hen. 2. the Monks of the place had a way granted them, or rather restored, circa murum Cimiterii sui tempore guerrae nuper sublat. (meaning, I take it, that which happened at the end of King Stephen's reign:) which the King chargeth john and Hamon the then Praepositi of the City to deliver them 
h Liber ecclesie praedict. . Some remains of this old Wall yet appear, as at D ● Causaubons' a little remanent of it, and a larger parcel and of good height by the Covent or Common-garden: whereby it appears that this Wall stood some pretty distance from the Wall of the City. The interposed ground between which double Wall, not being then any parcel either of the Church demesnesse or liberty, lay partly in Northgate, partly in Burgate-Ward. That (I am sure) between Queningate and Burgate, called Queningate Lane, being in the Church-Records, before it came to the Monks said to lie in Berthade Burgate, as I conceive it thence probable, the rest to have lain in Northgate-Ward. Besides, within the modern precinct, and that about the now Co. Garden, lay the best part of Saint Michael's Parish, and Queningate Parish between that and Queningate, within which Saint Augustine's Abbey, and divers private men beside sometimes had houses, land and other interest, as they had also lower down on the Southside of the now Churchyard. I will therefore (as pertinent) show how in time the Church became possessed of the whole precinct as now it is.  
And first for the Southside of the Churchyard, I read thus 
i Liber ecclesi● memoratae. . Anno Domini Miijo. Ethelredus Dux dedit ecclesia Christi particulam terrae in Dorobernia quam sibi rex Ethelredus dedit XV virgarum in longitudine, & viij virgarum in latitudine. Termini terrae sunt hii. In orientali parte terra Regis. In parte australi placea civitatis. In occidente terra ecclesiae Christi. In Aquilone cimiterium Christi. This parcel of land must needs lie on the Southside of the Churchyard, the North and South bounds argue it so plainly. Hen. 1. by his Charter confirms to Hugh, Abbot of Saint Augustine's, and to the Monks there, Omnes illas terras quas Monachi S. Trinitatis eis dederunt pro excambio terrae quam ab eis receperunt ad amplificandum cimiterium suum, etc.  
Saint Augustine's Abbey (as you may remember I told you) had sometimes also divers tenants, tenements and ground on the same quarter of the Churchyard, near and behind the Campanile or Clocarium of the Church, the ruined foundation whereof appearing now in the form of a little Mount lies enclosed in M ● Archdeacon's Garden. These houses and lands in Hen. 2. time, and by his help, were obtained (upon exchange) of that neighbour Monastery, by the Monks of this Church, as by what I have said hereof before, and by the composition made touching the same, copied in my Appendix, may further appear.  
One Gervasius de Cornhill, whom that Composition (as you shall see) makes mention of, had divers tenements of his own near this Campanile, which the Church also about the same time, and for the same reasons purchased of him, his son Reignald and Maud his Wife, exchanging for them certain ground in Friday-street London, which together with the former exchange were confirmed by several Charters of Hen. 2. to be seen in the Leigers of the Church. It seems by the premises that this Campanile did terminate both the Church-ground and liberty at this time. But after this double exchange I suppose those houses taken down, and the ground there laid open unto the backside of the row of shops along Burgate-street (Shops I call them, for such they were built for, and not for dwelling-houses, because, I take it, of fires, which the neighbourhood of dwelling-houses might occasion to the Church; witness those by the Steeple, which we see were therefore purposely gotten in and had away:) And the same ground being so dishoused and laid open, was made cimitery ground, and became part and parcel of the Churchyard, and so accounted. For the reason which the Prior and Covent render and show to Archbishop Winchelsey in Ed. 1. time, why they ought not to contribute to the reparation of Saint Mary magdalen's Church in Canterbury, in respect of their rents of those shops, was, that the same were infra limites Cimiterii ecclesiae Christi Cant. & de manso Ecclesiae 
k Liber ecclesiae memoratae.  etc. Hitherto of the Church-ground there.  
Now for the ground between Northgate and Queningate. This parcel came first to the Church in Hen. 2. time, and of his gift. For by his Charter extant in the Leigers of the Church, he gives to the Church, in augmentum elemosinariae suae (as the words of it are) placeam illam inter murum Civitatis & murum qui claudit curiam Prioris & monachorum, quae jacet inter Norgate & Queningate. Quae quidem placea continet in five suo versus Or. xlj pedes in latitudine, & versus Occiden. twenty-four pedes similiter in latitud. In medio sui xvij pedes, & in longitudine lxxj perticas. In the year 1305. the Monks are presented and charged by the Citizens to have stopped or made up the way between Queningate and Norgate: a thing confessed on the Monks part, but defending themselves by this Charter, they are acquitted 
l Liber ecclesia Cant. . However for more surety (as I guess) Hen. 4. afterwards by his Charter, grants them viam infra murum Civitatis Cantuar. quae ducere solebat de Northgate usque Queningate: as the Church-Records inform me. And so much also for that parcel of the now precinct.  
For the rest of it thereabout, namely at and near Queningate, and between it and Burgate, that is the ground known of late days by the name of the Co. Garden. I have seen 
m In Archivis ejusd. eccles.  several deeds, that show how, by parcels, it became added to and enclosed within the Church-precinct. As first, the Church hath a Composition made by the Monks of the place with their neighbours of Saint Augustine's, and dated in the year 1287. wherein many houses etc. within Queningate, are (in exchange for other) passed over to the Church. De terris & tenementis (so runs the Deed) quae dicti Abbas & Conventus habuerunt infra Queningate, viz. iijs. viijd. de duabus domibus Sacristiae suae, & viijd. de una vacua placeajacente à vico ibidem usque ad murum ecclesiae Christi praed'. Item iiijs. viijd. redditus de quadam domo elemosinariae suae quam ibidem Aldhelmus tenuit simul cum una pecia terrae quam similiter ille Aldhelmus tenuit ibidem. Item xjs. de tribus domibus Thesaurariae suae ibidem. Quae tenementa (mark this) & redditus cum pertinentiis remaneant dictis Priori & Capitulo & eorum successor. libera & quieta ab omni redditu & servitio in feodum & dominium & tus ecclesiae suae in perpetuum. Afterterwards. i. in the 41. Ed. 3. I find the two Monasteries come to Composition about certain other houses and land situate and lying about this place. The preamble of the Indenture thus states the matter. Quod cum iidem Prior & Conventus certa messuagia & tofta de quibus iidem Abbas & Conventus redditum xvs. particulariter percipere consueverunt continentia in longitudine & latitudine dimidiam acram, dimid. rod. & quartam partem unius rod. terrae, & quae de Nicolao Horn, johanne Calward, Henrico ate Forstall & aliis in Queningate-lane separatim acquisiverunt, & partem inde calumpniarunt, & residuum eorund. Messuag. & Toftor. in augmentationem gardini ipsorum Prio. & Conu. ibidem includere praetendunt, etc. Thus you may perceive the Church-precinct extending and spreading further and further. And this composition gave scope for it. For after that preamble it is yielded by the Abbot and Covent of Saint Augustine's, what lay in them, that the Prior and Covent of Christ-Church, might at their pleasure enclose those messages and ground.  
After this came yet another parcel of the ground thereabouts to the Church. For I meet with a Deed or Charter of Ralph Broughton and john Tent Chaplains, made to the Church 16. Rich. 2. (amongst other things) of one Message in the Parish of Saint Michael in Canterbury near Quenegate, and of one Acre of Land in the same Parish near Quenegate-lane: The house holding of the King. in Burgages, and the Land of Saint Augustine's for xs. rent per annum.  
By this time (I take it) the Church had gotten in all the ground hereabouts, saving what lay between Queningate and Burgate, a slip called Queningate-lane. Now for that, 
Queningate-lane.  I find that by an Act of Parliament. 1. Rich. 3. (by which the Aldermanry of Westgate was granted to the City) the same parcel of ground, together with the Postern and Bridge, was granted to the Church. But in case of eviction of the Aldermanry from the City, the slip of 
Aldermanry of Westgate.  ground and premises was to return to the City, a part of whose demesnesse it was in Fee-ferme. And surely so it did; for in the 1. Hen. 7. the same Aldermanry, by a like Act of Parliament was restored to S ● George Brownes heirs, who by the former Act were made incapable of it, for their Father taking part with Hen. 7. against Rich. 3. But yet at length, after all this, by a composition between the Church and the City, made Anno 7. Hen. 7. the Church becomes ever after quietly seized both of the same ground and Wall, with the Towers, Postern, and Bridge.  
Thus have I showed you (as near as I think it may be found) the extent of the ancient precinct, and how and when it became enlarged to that bigness that now it bears. And so much of the precinct in general.  
I come now to the survey of the particular ancient buildings 
Church-Gate.  in and about the same, beginning with the Church-gate. A very goodly, strong and beautiful structure, and of excellent artifice, built in the year 1507. as appears by this now scarcely legible inscription on the Gates-Front. Hoc opus constructum est Anno Domini Millesimo, Quingentesimo septimo. Thomas Goldstone the Junior, as I may call him, there being two (and he the latter) of that name, being then Prior, and (as he was famous for his piety that way) this works great benefactor. A new Gate it is, and not the first (I take it) was builded there, but succeeding a former standing where this doth. For that which is now Alderman Nicholsons dwelling house, is anciently. i. 41. Hen. 3. described 
n Charta in lib. Hosp de Estbridge.  to stand ante portam ecclesiae sanctae Trinitatis: the most ancient Gate standing higher up, somewhat nearer Burgate, a good part whereof is yet remaining, but built up, and converted to private use. This (I suppose) is that vetus portacimiterii the old Records of Christ-Church so often mention, the opposition of it to that which is now Master Fidges, and the other contiguous houses to his being Church-houses, serving to bond out and describe their situation in the ancient rentals, calling them Magna domus contra veterem portaem cimiterii. I have done with this Gate.  
By which entering the Churchyard, and walking up towards 
Cimitery-Gate.  the Covent Garden, on the right hand, within the Cimitery-Gate there (so called, I take it, because it had Cimitery ground lying on either side of it, that within it being called Interius cimiterium) I find yet standing the old Schoole-house, now put to other use, but (I am assured) that which was the Schoole-house, before the present 
Schoole-house.  Shoole-house in the Mintyard. The often-cited Division of houses between the Dean and Preb. appointing out Master Archdeacon's now Prebends-house, and ground, bounds it out one way to the Schoole-Garden. There are that remember the Free-school kept there, and that by one Master Twine (sometime a Magistrate of the City) as they tell me. For it was a Free-school for the City chiefly, and so called, and sometime was of the liberty thereof, anciently weighed unto, and having a passage to it from some part of Burgate-street (I take it) leading you to the old door of entrance which it had now made up at the South-end and Westside thereof, haply that which Anno 32. Hen. 3. is called venella quae tendit de Burgate-street versus portam domus Sacristae 
o Lib. Hosp. Pauperum Sacerdot. Cantuar. . It was a place of situation, for privacy and retiredness, well chosen. In deligendo loco certo auditorii civitatis electae, adhuc danda opera, ut is quantum incommoditas civitatis patietur, sit salubris & separatus à tumultu transeuntium, maxim curruum seu planstrorum, ne interpellentur docentes aut discentes, etc. So Tholosanus 
p Repub. lib. 18. cap. 6. ●um. 1. . What Antiquity the Free-school in this place carries with it, I am uncertain. Arch. Theodore, the seventh after Augustine, we read erected at Canterbury by licence of Vitalianus the Pope, a School or College (a kind of Academical foundation it was) wherein he placed professors of all the liberal sciences, which (saith my Author q) was the very 
● Lambert's Perambulation of Kent in Canterbury.  pattern to that School which Sigebert the King of Eastangle afterwards builded, etc. But this School long since vanished. The Danes have so often wasted, and other accidents and casualties have so altered the face of the City, that it were much folly now to seek with hope to find but the place. Ipsae periere ruinae. Therefore no more of that School.  
This we have in hand occurs to me 
r Ms. in Archivis eccles. Cant.  first in the year 1259. when as Robertus Rector ecclesiae Scholarium Civitatis Cantuar. his presence is taken to witness an appeal of the Prior and Covent in a cause of theirs then depending before the Official of Canterbury. A while after this I read that Robert Winchelsey, that in time came to be Archbishop of Canterbury in Ed. 1. time, was a Scholar here: at Canterbury they say 
s Harpsfield eccles. Hist. in ejus vita. ; and therefore I suppose here. In whose immediate Successors time, there arose a great controversy between the Rector of this School, and the Parson of Saint Martin (who it seems by the right and custom of his Church held and kept a kind of pettite Free-school there) about the rights and liberties of either School. The Records of the difference registered in Christ-Church, and faithfully extracted thence will best report the matter with the circumstance, which therefore my Appendix shall make public, Scriptura xj ●.  
Of this School the Archbishop sede plena; and the Church, sede vacant, were patrons. The Archbishops right will appear unto you from those Records. The Churches I gather from this note taken from other like Records. Collatio magisterii Scholarium grammaticalium Civitatis Cant. per Ricardum Priorem magistro johanni Bocton quem investivit per ferulae & virgae traditionem, praestito per eum juramento de fideliter & diligenter regendo. This was in the year 1374. at what time the See was void by Archbishop Wittlesey's death. So much for the School.  
The next thing falling under my Survey are certain old 
Honours.  buildings called Honours or the Honours; in the apportionment of dwellings amongst the first Deane and Preb. by that name divided and shared between the predecessors of Doctor jeffery, and Doctor Vossius now Prebends. With Sir Henry Spelman, and Doctor Cowells help, I understand the term; but how to apply it, or how it may suit with the present buildings I know not: Unless in that the late Priory of Christ-church being a Barony, and the Prior there, in right of his dignity, one of the spiritual Barons of the Parliament, those buildings (sometime the prime part of his seat) might specially appertain unto him in right of the Barony, or be annexed to the Honour of the Barony, and thence take the name of Honours. Their name occurs not to me in any Record of the Church before this Division, else haply I could have said more of it, and with more certainty.  
A step or two further brings me to the ruins of that building which in the Division is called the Fermary-Chapell. 
Fermary-Chapell.   
Capgrave 
t Quem refert Author Antiq. 〈◊〉 vita Cutberti.  tells of a Chapel which he calls St john's standing almost contiguous to Christ-Church, built by Cuthbert the Archbishop, amongst other intents, for a place of burial for him and his Successors, and that he was therein interred. Hence, and because of the Statue or effigies of St john (as they suppose it to be; though St john, I take it, is no where pictured with a long beard and like an old man, but there) with St john's, Ecce mayor me etc. in part yet legible upon an open scroll in his hand (though in a charactter I dare say less ancient than the Conquest:) and from the near site of it to the great Church, some are of opinion that this was that St john's Chapel Capgrave speaks of. By their favour I think not. For first, granting for truth, that there sometimes was such a Chapel, and we have barely Capgraves testimony for it (somewhat a weak ground to build upon;) yet I cannot imagine that so much as is yet standing of this Chapel could survive and stand out so many Danish inroads, devastations and other combustions as have betided this place since Cuthberts' days. Besides, Capgrave that tells of the beginning and foundation, withal straightway shows the end and overthrew of that Chapel where he says. But this Church of St john many ages since, together with Christ-Church, and the offices thereof exchanged her substance with fire. Of the repair or re-edifying whereof I never read. Some supposing this and that other part of ancient building that is below it Westward, to have been one entire structure, and to have had dependence one upon the other, do conceive it to have been the Church of S. Trinity which Archbishop Lanfranc built. Indeed the arched or embowed work of it inclines my belief that it was a building erected since the Conquest. But others will have it to be the remains of the old Church of St Saviour, that was built and standing before the Conquest, that haply which Agelnoth the Archbishop in King Knutes' time, after the former was destroyed and burnt by the Danes, re-edified. But by their favour, it was neither this, that, nor t'other. Truth is, as there is an upper and a lower part of this building, so was each part a distinct structure by itself, and not one entire piece, the lower● Western part whereof was sometime a Hall, for the pulling down whereof there passed a decree in Chapter anno 1545. whence in the Division the very next year following it is called the late long Hall. And the upper or Eastern part of the building was this very Fermary or Infirmary-Chapell. The same Division calls it so, and that in regardit did sometime appertain and was appropriate to those of the Infirmary or Infirmitory (the Nosocomium I may call it) of the Minster situate by it, consisting chiefly of an Hall or Refectory, for their common board or table (if able and fit to come to it, otherwise feeding in their chambers) a kitchen to dress their necessary provision in, a Dormitory or Dortor for their place of sleep and repose, distributed into certain distinct and several chambers; of which, that one might not disturb another, every of the infirm folk had one proper to himself. And a private Chapel for their devotions, who either were sick and could not, or diseased and might not accompany their brethren in their more public and common devotions in the Temple. Dr Langworth a late Predecessor of D ● Blechynden (as it is noted down in a Chapter book) anno 1579. took down a cross wall between his house and D ● Lawses (a Predecessor of D ● Brays) at the Church's charge, and paved the way between them with the stone. In all likelihood it was the Western wall of this Chapel, or the wall which terminated the Chapel Westward, a clear argument of the disjunction and separation thereof from that other lower part of building. The Infirmary hall or Refectory, which the Division calls the Table-hall, 
Infirmary.  yet stands perfect and entire, being the same which is now D ● Blechyndens hall to his prebendall house, built with other rooms (as I find) about the year 1342. For out of Threasurers' Accounts of the Church, in that and the next year following, I have these notes. viz.  

Pro nova aula & una Camera de novo factis infirmar. 96 lib. 8s. 2d. praeter 20 marcas receptas à Feretrario pro nova camera faciend.  
Item pro novis cameris in firmar' & pentistis circa aulam ibid. 61 lib. 1 s. 6d.  
Item pro novo pentisio juxta novas cameras infirmar. 6 lib. 15 s. 4d. ob.   
This Infirmary or domus Infirmorum I read of in our Chronicles in King john's time. For the Monks of this Church quitting the Monastery by command of the King sorely offended at them, for their choice of Stephen Langton for their Archbishop; 13 sick Monks which could not remove, were left behind (saith my Author 
v Matt. Paris. pag. 299. ) in domo Infirmorum. The same had a bath at or near the entrance of it, haply the leaden cistern yet remaining, of what use you may gather from the Decrees of Lanfranc in Reyner's book. Archbishop's Winchelsey's Statutes 
x Liber ms. Eccles. Cant.  also mention it, which have provided many things touching the place. Amongst the rest, that as a place of great secrecy, no secular should be admitted into it to view or see it. And that the Prior of the Church should, if not twice, yet at least once a week personally visit and view the place, to see that there be nothing wanting to the sick there, nor ought else amiss, or if so, to see it reform. It had a special Curator beside, who was called Infirmarius. But let us hence.  
Of ancient buildings the next unto this is the Dortor, 
Dortor.  the common Dormitory for the Monks, a very old piece, as any now stands (I believe) within the precinct. Here the Monks (according to S. Benet's rule) slept vestiti. i. in their clothes, their regular habit, lying in the woollen, and without either sheet or shirt. Would you know why? Partly (I take it) to further them in the way of Mortification of their bodies, and partly for their more readiness to attend their Nocturnes, that is, their night Devotions, which in imitation of the Primitives, they observed at certain of their Canonical hours. To prevent disturbance this place 
y Ms. memorat.  had two Vigils or Watchmen that guarded it every night; the one till midnight, the other till break of day. By Archbishop Winchelsey's Statutes, no woman or stranger might by any means have access thither.  
Near unto this Dortor, are the ruins of the Kitchen, Pantry, Larder, and other like rooms or offices built for the common use and service of the Covent in point of food and repast, which was served in to them in their Common Hall or Refectory built contiguous to the Kitchen (the 
Refectory.  Remains whereof show it to have been a very goodly, large and curious piece of structure) opening on the Southside with a fair door into the Cloister, before which door sometimes stood a double cistern, partly (I take it) for the service of the Hall, and partly as a layer used at that Ceremony of washing the hands and feet of the Monks by the chief Prelate or Superintendent by our Saviour's example towards his Disciples, commanded by St Benet's rule at certain times, especially at their Mandy, to be observed 
z Decreta Lanfranci & caerimoniale Benedictin.  This Hall they called the Fratria, in old English the Frater (so the Division calls it) because it was the common place of resort and meeting for the Fraternity to their repast served into them from the contiguous Kitchen. Their ordinary fare and food here was fish and fruits, where they were not more commonly and constantly served in, than flesh was rarely or never. Abstinence from which being, as to all sorts of Monks in general, so to these in particular expressly enjoined, and strictly imposed, the common Refectory might upon no terms admit of or afford any. But were any of the family sick, it was to be had for him in the Infirmary. The guests likewise in the Cella Hospitum (the guessing chamber I may call it) were not denied it: and besides, the Prior (to whose conscience and discretion in this behalf much was left) if he saw cause to refresh any one or more with the flesh at his own table in his private chamber, he might call unto him thither now and then such as he thought fit. Thus and in these cases and places flesh might be at any time, and was many times eaten. But within the public Refectory never, and that (as I conceive) because of the rules violation in that behalf, which these specialties were so far from infringing, that like as exceptions do a general rule, they rather confirmed the same in the generality of it. For as in point either of the office or other like agends in the Church, or of rest and repose in the Dortor, by observing the rules (that is, the rites and customs) of the Monastery in those cases in the places proper thereunto, the Church and Dortor; by the generality of the Monks, the rule in those cases was conceived and construed to be kept and fulfilled: So likewise by observing the Monastic rules and customs for food and repast (and particularly this of abstinence from flesh) in the Refectory, the proper place of common refection to the whole Convent in general, the rule in that case was by common intendment kept unviolated. And that it might be so, it was (no doubt) one main end of devising and erecting these common Refectories. For might the Monks have been allowed their particular Cells, and a Praebenda, or portion set them out wherewith to find themselves, and provide them of their own commons, as our Prebendaries now have, it might justly be feared that the rule in this point of abstinence from flesh, would be either not at all, or nothing so well observed, as in the common and public Refectory, where each one saw what his fellow ate. The consideration whereof probably moved Wlfred the Archbishop of this Church 800 years ago and upwards (when by his Codicill he allowed the then Monks of this place their proper Cells, or houses) to provide that the having of them should not excuse nor hinder their resort to the Church, for prayers and other like agends there, at their canonical hours, from the common Refectory for their board, nor from the common Dormitory for their bed. As you shall find by the Charter itself (if you peruse it) in my Appendix Scriptura 36. The Latin is much to blame, and the sense somewhat imperfect and incoherent, but I thought it not fit, nor my part to vary from it in the least syllable.  
Of this Hall and the provision for the same and the ordering thereof, the chief care and oversight was entrusted to the Cellerar one of the four great Obedientiarii (or 
Cellerar. Sacrst. Chamberlain. Threasur●r.  Officers) of the Monastery, as I told you: The Sacrista, Camerarius and Thesaurarius being the other three. The Threasurers' office was to collect and gather in the rents and revenues of the Monastery. The Chamberlains chiefly consisted in the care of vestitus or clothing for the Monks, and therefore he had the charge of the Sartrinum and Sutrinum, the storehouses of that sort of provision, as I guess by officers and retainers to them, such as these 
a Lib. Ecclesiae Cantuar.  Magister Cissor. Secundus Cissor. Pelli parius. Magister suitor & garcio ejus. Tres servientes in Lavendria etc. whence he was also called Vestiarius. It was the Sacrists or Sextens office and business to see the Church, the Temple, kept sartum tectum, and to have care of the sacred vessels, the vestments, ornaments, books and utensils of the Church, and to dispose of and order both the place and manner of interring the dead, both Monks and others. And our Cellerars office regarded the 
* Or victum.  Cibum Monachorum, the provision of food for the Monks and the ordering thereof, to which end he had the Pistrinum and the Bracinum (the Bakehouse and the Brewhouse or Maulthouse) under his charge. Accordingly, at the settling of the Church's Manors by Archbishop Lanfranc some were assigned and allotted to the feeding, other to the clothing of the Monks: as you shall find by the distinction which is observed in the recital of those Manors in Doomsday book, where some are said and set down to appertain to the Monks ad cibum, other ad vestitum.  
By the way will you hear a learned man's opinion of this distinction of Monastic Offices, and assigning out unto them their peculiar ferms and revenues? Non est dubium (saith Roverius in his Illustrations of the History of S. john's Monastery at Rheimes pag. 649.) Quin inde maxima fuerit & disciplinae & rei familiaris in Monasteriis labes, quòd domesticis inprimis administris, ac subinde etiam Monachis singulis suae attributae fuerint sigillatim praediorum aut proventuum Monasterii parts. Nam lapsum inde est paupertatis studium, jacta avaritlae semina, charitas publicè imminuta, traductae in affines Monasteriorum facultates, licentiae, ac vitiis suppeditata alimenta. Irrepsit verò haec lues in Monasteria vulgò post annum millesimum. Ac licèt eatenus administrationes ejuscemodi obedientiae dicerentur, quòd solo Abbatis & Capituli imperio, atque arbitrio quamdiu libitum esset gererentur; tamen band multò postea Beneficiorum nomen, ac jus obtinuerunt, magnamque monastic is statutis, vitaeque religiosae puritati, ac perfectioni perturbationem attulere. Thus he. And now I proceed.  
The Cellerar no doubt was a great man in the College. Archbishop Winchelseys' statutes 
b Lib. eccles. Cant.  agreeably to Lanfranc's decrees, which say he ought to be Pater Monasterii, expressly call him so. Item omnes Custodes Maneriorum, necnon omnes Obedientiarii excepto duntaxat Maiore Celerario, qui pater dicitur Monasterii, etc. and that he was a great man in his place may appear by the large extent of his charge. In the list of the Church's family taken in the year 1322. I find all these persons sorting to his Office.  

Senescallus Libertatum.  
Clericus sen' Libertatum.  
Senescallus aulae hospitum.  
janitor portae exterior. Curiae.  
janitor portae cimiterii.  
Panetar. in Cellar.  
Garcio ejus.  
Hostiarius Claustri.  
Garcio ejus.  
Panetarius aulae.  
Vigil Curiae.  
Scutellarius aulae.  
Potagiarius.  
Scutellarius refectorii.  
Garcio ejus.  
Lardarius qui est jus coquus.  
Conventus & garcio ejus.  
Secundus cocus conventus.  
Cocus aulae & garcio ejus.  
Salsarius qui est Ostiarius  
Coquinae, & garcio ejus.  
Focarius coquinae.  
Portarius.  
Partitor coquinae.  
Tractor vini & cervisiae  
Qui est Cupparius.  
Garcio ejus.  
Armiger Celerarii.  
Stabularius Celerarii.  
Carectarius Celerarii  
Et duo garciones ejus.  
Coltonarius interior.  
Coltonarius exterior.  
Venator, & garcio ejus.  
janitor portae aulae.  
Garcio ejus.  
Custos prati Celerarii.  
Gayolarius.   
These (I take it) with those of the Bakehouse and Brewhouse 
Cellerars-Halimot.  or Malt-house, were the officers and retainers, whereof the Cellerars Halimot occurring to me in a very ancient Deed of this Church did consist, which I suppose was holden of him in his proper Hall, and thence took it name of Halimot, to say, Conventus aulae. The office was indeed so exceeding great and troublesome, that like as the Prior, for the same reason had his Subprior, or Prior claustri; the Sacrist or Sexton, for the like cause his Sub-sacrista: so had this our Cellerar his Sub-Cellerarius to assist him and bear a share with him (and surely need enough) in the managing of this burdensome office, and weighty province.  
I read 
c Spelman. Glossar. in Verb. Cellerarius.  that in the Abbey of St Edmunds-bury, illustris aedium pars cum latifundiis ejus muneri designata fuit, as my Authors own words are. So had our Cellerar here. For he had a large part of principal housing allotted him, all contiguous to the Covent-Hall and Kitchen (the Sphere wherein he chiefly moved) namely his Hall and his Lodgings, as they were called. His Hall that which is now the Archbishops 
Cellerars-Hall  for the keeping of his temporal Courts. An ancient piece, and (I take it) a parcel of that housing Edmerus 
d Hist. Novor. lib. 1. pag. 7. & 8.  speaks of, which he saith Archbishop Lanfranc upon the increase of the number of his Monks pulling down the former too little for their use, secondly built better and larger than the former: the Dortor and North-Hall, being other part of it, as I conceive, all built upon brave arched vaults of stone. Into this (the Cellerars) Hall, the present passage lies by the Palace Greene or Court; whereas the ancient ordinary way to it was on the other side the Hall, in at a fair door, over which is cut in the stone-worke the resemblance of the Holy Ghost in the Doves form descending on our Saviour, and under his feet the statue of an Archbishop (haply the Founder) in his Pontificals. Between this Hall and the Courtgate sometimes lay a passage by and through the long low Entry, in the Division called the Pantise, whereby ingress and regress, carriage and recarriage might be made to and from the Hall.  
His Lodgings lay on the Westside or Quarter of the 
Cellars. Lodgings.  Cloister, into which it had a double door, having in the Windows, the name, coat of arms and Rebus or namedevice of Richard Dering the Monk, one of them 
e Vidc Stat. 25. ●en. 8.  that conspired with the Holy Maid of Kent in Hen. 8. days, and saluted Tyburn for his pains, who in his time was Cellerar to the Church. The same Hen. 8. afterwards in his new erection and dotation of the Church, expressly reserves to him and his Successors both Hall, and Lodgings, by the names of the Cellerars Hall, and the Cellerars Lodgings. But they are since come to the See, and laid to the Palace, and passages made to them from the same.  
I have done with them, and pass from thence to the 
Court-Ga●.  Ourt-gate, commonly called the Porters-Gate, built (as I take it) by the old general founder Archbishop Lanfranc. On the North-side whereof stands an ancient stone-worke-pile, the North part whereof. i. from the stairs or ascent Northward, is now Dr Casaubons Prebends house. The name of which building is now quite lost, saving that some call it Hog-Hall: haply rather (as Hogia, Hoga, Hogium 
Hog-Hall.  and Hogum is by St Henry Spelman 
f Glossar.  derived from the Germane Hog, signifying high, or mounted) because of the high and lofty site and posture of it, then, as some dream, from the dressing of Hogs sometime in the Undercroft of it, a use for which it were absurd to think it built. Others from the site of it call it, and so do some of the Church-Records, North-Hall, and magna aula juxta portam curiae versus Aquilonem. I find it also in some of the Church Records called Oriall; but whether from the same original with Oriall College in Oxford, which name some conceive to be a corruption of Aul-royall, I leave to other men's judgements. But all this while we are without satisfaction for what use so strong and goodly a foundation as this is standing upon Vaults, and having to it a very graceful ascent by stone-steps, be set on either side with small Marble Columns and other (arched) stone-worke was intended or how used in former time. If I may speak my opinion, I shall tell you (and I think rightly) what it was.  
There was (you must know then) before the Dissolution (as by Saint Benet's Rule there ought to be) Hospitality kept and entertainment afforded and allowed both at Bed and Board unto such strangers (Travellers and Pilgrims especially) as resorting to the Monastery should crave it of the Monks: and consequently there was a place in the Monastery set apart for that purpose. This place of receipt they called Aula & Camera Hospitum. Now I am persuaded the 
Aula Hospitum.  present building was that Aula & Camera Hospitum. I will give you my reasons.  
First it stood and stands most conveniently for the purpose, 
1.  being by the Ourt-gate, remote from the Monastery which strangers were not to pry into. And Archbishop Winchelsey his Statutes 
g Lib. Ms. eccles. Cant.  making mention of the place, seem to intimate the standing of it within the Court. Item aula Hospitum & paralitorium & quaecunque officia ac domus exterioris curiae, etc. Say the same Stat.  
Secondly the Cellerar had charge of it. Now the Pentice or Entry between the Ourt-gate and his Hall did (as 
2.  it were) make them meet.  
Thirdly the present building was not only a Hall, but 
3.  divided (as appears by it) into an Hall and a Chamber (or Parlour) so to accommodate the entertained guest with both Bed and Board, and what do the same Winch. Statutes call it but Aula Hospitum & Paralitorium? as you see before.  
I must acknowledge to have received some light also in this matter from the following story. A Keeper of Prince Edward's Wardrobe (say the Records of the Church) in the great North-Hall of the Court, in the year 1304. kills another man within the precinct, and flies straight way to the Chamber of the Hall, and though he were required by the Steward of the Church, refuseth to come forth, or to suffer any to enter. Whereupon the Prince being consulted, another Keeper is sent down, and order given to have the malefactor brought to his trial by a prefixed time. In the interim the Justices in a Sessions holden ante portam castri Cant. inquire of the murder and find it. Shortly after the malefactor is brought before some Judges regia placita tenentibus in the Archbishop's Palace, where it being demanded of him how he would or could acquit himself, he answers that being a Clerk, he cannot sine Ordinario suorespondere: whereupon, being first found guilty of the fact by the Jury, he is, as convicted, delivered over to the Ordinary, and sent to the Archbishop's Gaol at Maidstone. Thus goes the Story. Now I collect from hence that the Prince himself had been received here, and entertainment afforded to his wardrobe after his departure; a use suitable to the condition of the place in hand. By this time (I trow) you see enough to persuade your belief of this building to have been the Aula and Camera Hospitum. And now knowing what it was I shall next acquaint you with what I further read concerning it in the Church-records.  
The Hall had her proper and peculiar Steward; who, under the Cellerar, was to see to the accommodation of the guests with all necessaries according to the Statutes and Customs of the Monastery. He was called Senescallus aulae Hospitum. Here was entertainment to be had of charity, for religious and secular guests, and that (by the Statutes of Archbishop Winchelsey) for the space of at least a day and a night: horse and man. On the top or by the foot of the Staircase of stone vaulted underneath, anciently hung a gate, whereof (it seems) there was a constant keeper, who had his chamber hard at hand. For in the year 1382. I find the Prior and Covent make a donation Custodiae portae interioris juxta aulam Hospitii servienti & armigero suo, cum camera dicti Custodis etc. So mu●h of this pile.  
But by the way we must allow the Steward of the Liberties 
Steward's court.  a part of this building for the keeping of his Courts, which have been holden here from good antiquity: witness these words extracted from a Charter 
h In Archivis Eccles. Cant.  of H. 6. de Curia tenenda etc. Sciatis (saith he) quod nos considerantes quòd Prior eccls & ejusd. loci conven us & praedecessores sui usi sunt & cosueverunt a tempore quo hominum memoria non existat habere tenere apud North-hall, inframetas & septa eccles. sive Prioratus praedicti coram Ballivo suo pro tempore existente do tribus septimanis, in tres septimanas quandam curiam vocatam High Court, & in eadem Curiatenere, audire et terminare placitae etc. This Court (it seems) was first set up with the Archbishop's licence many ages since. Concessit autem eis Archiepiscopus gratis habere curiam suam de propriis hominibus eorum, as Roger Hoveden hath it speaking of Archbishop Hubert, sub anno 1200, and recording there the agreement made between him and the Monks, first falling out about the Chapel at Lambeth. I have nothing more to observe of this Court, except the smallness of the room that it is kept in. The reason whereof may be this. The Dissolution diminishing the revenues of the Church made the Churchmen (I suppose) to lessen their Court.  
Hard by this place, in times past and until the Dissolution stood the Almnery or Elemosinary of the Church, being 
Almnery.  the place where the poor were daily fed with the remains of such fare as came from the Refectory and other tables kept within the Monastery. Omnes etiam reliquiae & fragmenta tam ciborum quam potuum Refectorii, camerae Prioris, mensae Magistri, Infirmitorii & etiam Aulae hospitum in vasis ad id congruis colligantur, & ad elemosinam plenè & integrè reserventur, in usus alios quam puram elemosinam nullatenus convertenda: say the private Stat. of this Church made by Archbishop Winchelsey. Agreeable to that ordinance in the Provincial Constitutions 
i Cap. omn●m. de sta● regular.  Omnia autem victualia religiosis apponenda sine subtractione aliqua eis apponantur tam in conventu quam alibi ubi reficiuntur. Et de omnibus appositis totum residuum sine diminutione aliqua cedat in elemosinam per Elemosinarium egentibus simul erogandum. It a quòd nec Abbas nec Prior nec Elemosinarius possit contra hoc dispensare. The Monk that was entrusted with the care of this place was called Decanus Elemosinariae and Elemosinarius Ecclesiae, the Church-Almoner. King Hen. 2. by his Charter, gave unto the Monks, for and in augmentation of this their Almnery, the ground between Northgate and Queningate as is afore showed. And Archbishop Richard (Beckets' immediate Suecessor) appropriated to this Almnery (or, if you will, to the Monks ad usum Elemosinariae) the Churches of Monkton, Eastry, Mepham, and Eynesford. Whereof Harpesfield thus. 
k Hist. eccles. Secul. 12.  Magnum tamen sui (saith he speaking of that Archbishop) pauperibus quibus liberaliter perpetuae elecmosina prospexit, ad quem usum appropriavit ecclesias Monakensem, Estriensem, Mephamensem & Eynesfordensem, desiderium reliquit. Afterwards 
l Lib. eccles. Cant.  in the year 1319. 11. Ed. 2. Henricus de Estria the then Prior of the Church, within the precinct of the same Almnery, erected a Chapel and founded a chantry of six Priests to pray, sing and celebrate for the souls of King Ed. 1. Ed. 2. Archbishop Lanfranc and Winchelsey, with the Founder himself and someothers, confirmed by the King's Charter. Contiguous whereunto he built a Chamber for the Priests, and afterwards. i. in the year 1327. his Successor, with consent of the Covent assigned and appropriated the Parsonage of Westcliffe by Dover to the Almnery for ever, for the sustentation of the Priests, and the maintenance of the Chapel, and Chamber, etc. Which both are as yet standing, but converted to the Free-school and housing for the Schoolmaster. This Almnery was taken and pared from the Church at the Dissolution, but restored by Queen Mary, through her Cousin Cardinal Pools means. In the Charter of which restitution 〈◊〉 mention is made of a Mint there, sometimes kept by her Father (Hen. 8.) from whence it took (as I told you 
An Archivis ●esue pr●d.  formerly) and to this day retains the name of the Mint or Mintyard. And thus I have done with the third particular head of my discourse concerning the Church: and come in the next place to (my third particular) the Catalogue of benefactors.    

A Catalogue of the principal benefactors to the Church.  
SOme, it is well known, have written whole Books of 
4. Particular.  the foundations, gifts, donations, and endowments of Churches, Colleges, and the like. Witness (amongst the rest) for the parts of Germany chiefly, the Codex donationum written by Miraeus. And all this to very good ends, namely to preserve the honour and memory of such pious and devout benefactors, and to commend the worthy example of their zeal and piety to the imitation both of the present and future ages, at home and abroad. And for the very same purpose have I pitched upon the ensuing Catalogue, containing the goodly company of pious benefactors to the Church of Canterbury, with a brief memorial of their several gifts, as I find them there upon Record.  

Donationes Maneriorum & Ecclesiarum ecclesiae Christi Cantuarie●. & nomina donantium, unà cum privilegiis & libertat' eid. eccles. concessis.  
EThelbertus Rex, Anno regni sui xxxv. ad fidem Christi per 
Palatium regium in Cantuar.  sanct. Augustinum conversus, statim Palatium suum eidem Augustino & successoribus suis infra Civitatem Doroberniam perpetuè dedit, ut ibi sedem Metropolitanam in evum haberent 
* In quofundata est ecclesia Cantuarien. & in nomine sancti salvatoris dedicata. As in another Ms. of the Church. Adesham. , quam beatus Gregorius primam totius regni esse decrevit & confirmavit, ut sicut prima fuit fidem suscipiendo, prima ess●t in dignitate. Hoc donum fecit rex Anno Domini. Dxcvii.  
Ethelbaldus filius Ethelberti dedit monachis ejusdem ecclesiae manerium de Adesham ad cibum, Anno Domini Dcxvi. cum campis, siluis, pascuis & omnibus aliis ad villam illam rite pertinentibus, liber ab omnibus secularibus servitiis, & fiscali tributo, exceptis istis tribus consuetudinibus, expeditione, Pontis Arcisve constructione. i. communi labore de quo nullus excipiebatur.  
Anno Domini Dclxxx. Cedwalla Rex dedit Wilfrico Archiepiscopo 
Pageham.  Pageham, cum appendiciis ejus. scil. Slindon, Scrippaneg, Ceretun, Bucgrenora, Beorgamstede, Chrismehamme, Mundanham aquilonare & aliud Mundanham.  
Anno Domini Dclxxxvij. Cedwalla Rex cum conjuge sua 
Geddinge. Wodetone.  Keneldritha dedit Theodoro Archiepiscopo & familiae ecclesiae Christi in Dor●bernia, Geddinge & Wodetone, laberè sicut Adesham.  
Anno Domini Dclxxxxiij. Withredus Rex Cantiae dedit terram 
Nunhelmestun.  quatuonr aratrorum pro amore Dei & Brithwaldi Archiepiscopi, ecclesiae beatae Mariae quae sita est apud Liminge, quae terra vocatur Nunhelmestun, L. S. A. 
* i Liberê sicut Adesham. Piscaria de Lamhethe.   
Anno Domini Dccxlj. Eadbriht Rex dedit ecclesiae Christi in Dorobernia capturam piscium in Lamhethe, & alia quaedam ecclesiae de Liminge, tempore Cuthberti Archiepiscopi, L. S. A.  
Anno Domini Dccxlvij. Eadbertus Rex Kanciae dedit ecclesiae de Reculure, tempore Bregwini Archiepiscopi tributum unius navis in villa de Fordwic.  
Anno Domini Dcclxxiiij. Off a Rex, janiberto Archiepiscopo 
Hlyden.  rogante, dedit monachis ecclesiae Christi Doroberniae Hlyden juxta Sandwicum, L. S. A.  
Eodem Anno Off a Rex totius Angliae dedit Ianiberto Archiepiscopo 
Hlyden.  ad ecclesiam Christi Dorober. terram trium aratrorum, quam Cantiam Anglice dicunt three swolinges in occidentali paerteregionis quae dicitur Mersware, ubi nominatur illa terra data Hlyden. Et signatum est hoc scriptum signis praedict. Regis & Arch. episcopo, & similiter Kinedrithae reginae, trium Episcoporum, quinque Abbatum, Edbald; Ducis & xi. Principum.  
Wullafus dedit Bramling Monachis ecclesiae Christi Cantuar. 
Bramling.  qui illud habuit ex dono Edwlfi Regis idem donum confirmantis, ut scriptum suum inde testatur.  
Anno Domini Dcclxxxiiij. Eadmundus Rex Kanciae dedit 
Sheldwich.  Hwatrede Abbati de Reculure, & ejus familae ibidem degenti Scheldwihc, scil. terram xij aratrorum. L. S. A.  
Anno Domini Dccxc. Off a Rex Anglorum Anno regni sui xxxviij. ad instigationem Athelardi Archiepiscopi, dedit ecclesiae sancti Salvatoris in Dorobernia xc. tributaria terrae bipartita in duobus locis, lx in loco qui dicitur Lingahaese & Gedding as, 
Lingahaese. Geddinges. Twicanham.  circa rivulum qui dicitur Fisces burna, & xxx in aquilonali ripa fluminis Tamis, ubi appellat●r Twicanham: lx ad emendationem ecclesiae Salvatoris, & xxx ad indumentum fratrum qui Deo serviunt in illa sancta ecclesia.  
Anno Domini Dccxcj. Off a Rex dedit ecclesiae Christi Doroberniae, 
Otteford. Yecham. Rokinge. Sandherst. Bocholt. Blean & al.  Otteford, & terram quindecim aratrorum in provincia Canciae nomine Yecham, ad cibum monachorum. Perhamstede, Rokinge & Andred ad pascua porcorum. Dunmalingdene, Sandherst, Smnthelmmgdene. Et in silvis qui dicuntur Bocholte & Blean Heaubric. Et aliud inter torrentem nomine Eortburna● & Aghne, Orgariswike, treon, & pastum unius gregis juxta Theningden, & quinquaginta porcorum b●nnan Smed●. 
Tenham.   
Eodem anno. Cenulfus Rex, rogatu Athelardi Archiepiscopi Doroberniae dedit vicario munere terram duodecim ara●rorum ●bi dicitur Tenham, ad Metropolem Salvatoris ecclesiam in Dorobernia. Hanc munificentiam maxime fecit Rex quia idem Archiepiscopus gratia recompensationis terram xij aratrorum dedit in loco ubi dicitur Creges emilina.  
Anno Domini Dccxcix. Cenewlfus Rex, Archiepiscopo Athelardo 
Cherring. Chert. Burne & al.  rogante, ecclesiae Christi in Dorobernia reddidit terras quas Off a Rex abstulerat laniberto Archiepiscopo. scil. Cherring. Selebertes Chert ad vestimentum monachorum. Brumgland & Burne. 
Terra in Cant.   
Anno Domini Dccciiij. Cenulfus Rex & Rex Cuthredus dederunt ecclesiae de Liminge, ubi jacet corpus beatae Eadburgae sex mansuras in civitate Doroberniae, rogatu Athelardi Archiep.  
Anno Domini Dcccv. Athel●rdus Archiep. dedit vel potius 
Burne.  restituit monachis ecclesiae Dorobern. villam dictam Burne, ad victum monachorum, scil. terram quatuor aratrorum, quam terram prius homo bonus, nomine Aldhun, qui in hac regali villae hujus civitatis Praefectus fuit, praedictis monachis contulit ad vict●m, sed rapacitate Off ae Regis de eadem terra privata est eadem ecclesia. L. S. A. 
* i. Lihere sicut Adesham. Bocholt.   
Eod. Anno Cuthredus Rex Canciae, cum licentia Cenulsi Regis Merciae, tempore Wlfredi Archiep. dedit ecclesiae Christi Cant. terram duorum aratrorum, quae dicitur Bocholte & Kingescualond. L. S. A.  
Eod. Anno Cenulfus Rex dedit Wlfredo Archiepiscopo, ad epus 
Bixle.  ecclesiae Christi in Dorobernia terram x aratrorum scil. Bixle. L. S. A.  
Anno Domini Dcccix. Cenuifus Rex Canciae dedit Wlfredo Archiepisc. Doroberniae, & monachis ecclesiae Christi, terram 
Bercham.  septem aratrorum, quae dicitur Bereham. L. S. A.  
Anno Domini Dcccxj. Wifredus Archiepisc. emit à Cenulfo 
Gravene. Elmested. & al.  Rege has terras, ad opus ecclesiae Christi in Dorobernia, scil. Gravenea. Cassingburnan. Ealmestede. Swithunigland juxta Graven●, & Appingland. L. S. A.  
Anno Domini eod. Wlfredus Archiepisc. Doroberniae concambium 
Eastria pro Burn●.  fecit cum conventu suo de villa de Eastria pro Burne.  
Anno Domini Dcccxiiij. Cenulfus Rex dedit Wlfredo Archiepiscopo, 
Binne.  & monachis in ecclesia Christi Doroberniae circiter xxx jugera inter duos gremiales rivos fluminis quod dicitur Stour, & vocatur terra illa Been. L. S. A.  
Lyfchild dedit M●ddeltone Wlfredo Archiepiscopo, & monachis 
Meltone.  ecclesiae Christi Cant. & postea scil. Anno Dom. Dcccxxij. Cenulfus Rex Merciorum idem donum confirmavit, ab omni seculari gravitate liberum, & fiscali tributo.  
Anno Domini Dcccxxij. Cenulfus Rex dedit Wlfredo Archiepisc. 
Shaldeford.  Coppanstan. Gretamarsc. & Shaldeford. L. S. M. 
* i. Libere sicut Meltone. Godm●rsham. .  
Eod. Anno Beornulfus Rex Merciorum dedit ecclesiae Christi Godmersham, ad victum & vestitum monachorum, rogante Wlfredo Archiep. L. S. A.  
Eod. Anno Wlfredus Archiep. Doroberniae concilium celebravit 
Harghes. Gedding. Cu●be, & al.  in loco praeclaro qui dicitur Clovesho, presente Beornulpho Rege Merciorum; super libertate ecclesiae, ubi idem Archiepiscopus recuteravit quasdam terras ecclesiae Christi Dorobe● ablatis, scil. Harghes, Herefordingland, Wambelean, Gedding & Cumbe.  
Anno Domini Dcccxxiij. Cenulfus Rex dedit Wlfredo Archiep. 
〈◊〉 in Cant. & ●a.  quandam terram infra moenia urbis Doroberniae, s●l. lx pedum in longitud. & xxx pedum in latitud. partem etiam extra civitatem ab aquilone Civitatis xxx jugera, xxv in arido campo & v agros prati.  
Lifstanus dedit Southcherch monachis ecclesiae Christi Cant. 
Southcherch.  Et postea Celulfus Rex Merciorum dedit eisdem, et idem donum confirmavit.  
Anno Dom. Dcccxxiiij. Wlfredus Archiepiscopus dedit Monachis 
Eghethorne & Langdone pro 〈◊〉  ecclesiae Christi Dorobern. Eghethorne et Langedone pro commutatione de Bereham.  
Item idem dedit eisdem villam quae dicitur Eastur-Waldington 
Terra in Cant.  in occidentali plaga ecclesiae Christi, infra moenia urbis Doroberniae, intra ripam fluminis Stoure.  
Item idem dedit eisdem terram quae vocatur Folquingland in 
Byri.  regione Estriae. Ruriculum quoque unius aratri in loco qui vocatur Byri.  
Anno Domini Dcccxxviij. Wiglaf Rex Merciorum dedit ecclesiae 
Brotewelle.  Christi Dorobern. et Wlfredo Archiep. ejusd. ecclesiae Brotewelle in Midd●. L. S. A.  
Anno Domini Dcccxxx. Werhardus Presbyter praepotens in Anglia, de praecepto Archiepiscopi dedit Monachis ecclesiae Christi 
Harghes. Otteford. & alia.  Dorobern. terras prius ablatas, scil. Harghes Ciiij. hydas. Otteford C. hydas. Graveneyam xxxij. hydas. Burnan xliiij. hydas. Seswalun x. hydas. Bereham xxxuj hydas etc.  
Anno Domini Dcccxxxij. Rex Athulfus instinctu Ceolnothi 
Ebbeney & alia.  Archiepisc. dedit Ebbeneyam, Deferthesia, Mistanham, Langebornam, Blakebornhamme, Plegimunhamme, Ofnehamme, & silvam quae vocatur Ostrynden, & villam juxta civitatem Doroberniae quae vocatur Bertun, ad quam pertinent quinque jugera & duo prata apud Scertingan, & aliud apud Tanintun. omnia L. S. A. 
* i. Liberè sicut Adesh●m. Lose.   
Ethelwlfus Rex dedit Lose Suete viduae & filiae ejus, & illae dederunt Monachis ecclesiae Christi Cantuar. & est de vestitu eorum.  
Anno Domini Dcccxxxu. Cinnewarra Abbatissa dedit Humberto Duci terram juris sui, nomine Wircesmuth, ea conditione ut omni anno det ecclesiae Christi in Dorobernia pro gablo, plumbum trecentorum solidorum ad opus ejusdem ecclesiae Archiepiscopo Ceolnotho, & successoribus suis in perpetuum.  
Eod' anno Hadleghe in Suthfolca data fuit per Elsledam sciente & consentiente Ethelredo Rege. 
Hadleghe.   
Anno Domini Dcccxxxviij. Ecgbertus & Athelwlfus Rex 
Mallings.  filius ejus dederunt ecclesiae Christi in Dorobernia Mallings in Suthsexan, quod viz. manerium prius eidem ecclesiae dedit Baldredus Rex, sed quia non fuit de consensu magnatum regni, donum id non potuit valere. Et ideo isto anno in concilio apud Kingstone celebrato ab Archiepisc. Doroberniae Ceolnotho restauratum est ecclesiae antedictae. L. S. A.  
Anno Domini Dcccxxxix. Ceolnothus Archiepiscopus propria pecunia sua emit Chert à quodam principe vocato Halethe 
Chert.  concedente Rege Athelwlfo, & eandem villam eccles. Christi Monachis dedit. L. S. A.  
Anno Domini Dcccxxxix. Athulfus Rex dedit Ceolnotho Archiepiscopo Eastreasta Delham, scil. seven jugera, quae viz. terra adjacet ecclesiae S. Mariae de Liming. L. S. A.  
Anno Domini Dccclxxj. Elfredus Dux dedit Ethelredo Archiepiscopo 
Chertham.  Doroberniae, & Monachis ejusdem ecclesiae villam de Chertham, ad vestitum Monachor. ut patet per chartam suam inde confectam, quam potius Codicellum dicimus.  
Anno Domini Dcccxcu. Wefingwerhs juxta flumen quod dicitur Rome●eya datum fuit per Plegmundum Archiepiscopum ecclesiae Christi.  
Anno Domini Dcccxlix. 
* Another Ms. calls it Etheredsh●. [He●h.  Heth dat' fuit per Elfredum Regem Plegmundo Archiepiscopo, & successoribus suis ad opus ecclesiae et Monachorum.  
Anno Domini Dccccxxiij. Wlfelmus Archiepiscopus agros comparavit ab incolis qui nominantur Waldland & Wlfre●ingland, juxta locum qui dicitur Rethercheap, extra portas Doroberniae.  
Anno Domini Dccccxxvij. Athelstanus Rex, pro anima patris 
Folks●ane.  sui Edwardi & honore Wlfelmi Archisacerdocis Doroberniae, dedit Folkstane sitam super mare, ubi quondam fuit Monasterium & Abbatia sanctarum virginum, ubi etiam sepulta est S. Eanswitha, qui locus à Paganis destructus fuit. L. S. A 
* i. Liberè sicut Adesham. .  
Anno Dom. Dccccxxxiiij. Eylfleda dedit Hamme Ecclesiae 
Hamme.  Christi Cant.  
Anno Domini Dccccxxxix. Winhelmus dedit Wlfelmo Archiep. 
Terra à meridi● Doroberniae.  Dorober. xj. agros 
* jugera, as in another Ms.  à meridie Doroberniae. Et est terra illa circumdata his terminis. Ab oriente Adredsland, ab aquilone Kingsland, a meridie publica strata, & ab occidente Brihtelmesland. Factum fuit donum istud in praesentia Athelstani Regis.  
Anno Domini Dccccxl. Eadulfus Dux per concessionem Regis 
Mepeham.  Athelstani, praesente Wlfelmo Archiep. dedit Mepeham. L. S. M.  
Anno Domini Dccccxlj. Prestantun. Wingham. Wolecumbe, 
Prestantun Wingham & al.  Swerdlingan, Bosington & Graveney restitut. ecclesiae per Eadmundum Regem, & Eadredum fratrem ejus, & Edwinum filium ejusdem Edmundi.  
Athelstan Rex dedit villam de Terrings sitam super mare in 
Terrings.  Suthsexan, ecclesiae Christi in Dorob. L. S. A.  
Anno Domini Dccccxliij. Eardulfus Rex Cantiae dedit Heahberthae Abbati de Racul & ejus familiae, scil. Monachis consistentibus in illo loco vocato Raculfre, et etiam unius aratri in loco qui nominatur Perhamstede.  
Anno Domini Dccccxlvij. Pecchings dat' ecclesiae per 
Pecchinges.  Wlfricum, presente et consentiente Rege Edredo, matreque ejus Regina Eadgiva, Odoneque Archiepiscopo Doroberniae, Wlstano Archiepiscopo Eborac. et aliis multis nobilibus. L. S. A.  
Anno Domini Dccccxlix. Edredus Rex presente Odone Archiepiscopo 
Monasterium Raculfense.  Eadgiva regina matre ipsius Edredi dedit ecclesiae Christi in Dorobernia Monasterium Raculfense bis denis semisque estimatum cassatis cum omnibus pertinen' sive litorum sive camporum, agrorum, saltunmve. L. S. A.  
Anno Dom. Dcccclviij. Villa de Iccham data fuit per Athelwardum, 
Iccham.  praesente Odone Archiepiscopo.  
Anno Domini Dcccclxj. Ediva regina, alio nomine dicta 
Meapham & alia.  Edgiva, scil. mater Eadmundi et Eadredi Regum dedit Mepeham, Coulings, Osterland, Leanham, Pecham, Farnleghe Monketone, et Aldintone, huic ecclesiae.  
Anno Domini Dcccclxiij. Dunstanus, de consensu regis Edgari dedit huic eccles. Fengg ' seven. aratrorum, quod Anglicè dicitur seven hides emptorum de Ingelram Optimato ejusdem regis.  
Anno Domini Dcccclxiiij. Ethelstanus, consentiente et concedente Archiepise. Dunstano dedit ecclesiae Sanctae Mariae de Liminges, ubi sepulta est sancta Eadburga terram unius jugeri quae Vleham nominatur.  
Anno Domini Dcccclxxix. Egelredus Rex dedit ecclesiae in 
Sandwich. Estrey.  Dorobernia Sandwich, ad vestitum Monachorum, et Estreyam ad cibum Monachor. L. S. A.  
Anno Domini Dccccxcj. Aschwinus Dorsetensis Episcopus 
Risbergh.  reddidit ecclesiae Christi Alfrico Archiepiscopo Risbergh.  
Anno Domini Dccccxcvij. Elfgiva regina dedit huic ecclesiae Newinton et Brotewelle in regione de Oxinaford, et calicem 
Newinton & Brotewell. & al.  aureum cum patena aurea, in quo sunt xiij. marcae de puro auro, et duo dorsalia de pallio, et duas capas de pallio cum tassellis auro paratis. L. S. A 
* i. Liberè sicut Adesham. .  
AᵒD.. Dcccclxxx 
* Mxu. as in another Ms. Holingburne. . Athelstanus filius Aelthredi, de consensu et licentia ejus dedit ecclesiae Doroberniae Holingburnan, ad cibum Monachorum, quam villam emit à patre suo. L. S. A.  
Edmundus Rex filius Edivae Reginae dedit Preston 
* i. Copton. Preston & Eylwarton. Laling. Illegh. Hadlegh. , et Eylwartone Monachis ecclesiae Christi Cantuar. et est de victu corum.  
AᵒD.. Dccccxlj. Dux Brithnotus iturus ad bellum contra paganos, dedit Laling, Illegh, Hadlegh, consentiente Rege Ethelredo, presente Sirico Archiep. Dorober.  
AoD. Miij o Ethelredus Dux dedit ecclesiae Christi particulam 
Terra in Cant. & extra.  terrae in Dorobernia, quam sibi Rex Ethelredus dedit, xv. virgarum in longitud. et viij. virgarum in latitud. et vi. agros extra murum. Termini terrae infra murum sunt hii. In orientali parte terra Regis, in parte australi placea civitatis. In occidente terra ecclesiae Christi. In aquilone coemiterium Christi.  
AᵒD.. Muj. Ethelredus Rex confirmavit omnes donationes 
Cons●matio Donationum & Libertatum.  terrarum quae datae sunt ecclesiae Christi in Dorobernia, et super hoc scriptum suum dedit Elfrico Archiep. cumpiscationibus, venationibus, aucupationibus, et aliis omnibus libertatibus, exceptis illis tribus in Adesham, signo ipsius confirmatum, una cum xxxj. signis optimatum suorum.  
Eod' anno Ethelric & Leofwina, annuente rege Ethelredo, 
Bocking & Mersey.  dederunt Bocking et Me●sey ad victum Monachorum.  
Anno Domini Mx. Elfegus Archiepiscopus adauxit ecclesiae 
Werehorne & alia.  Christi Cantuar. quandam terram, nomine Werehorne, Framingham et Wodetone, et est de vestitu Monachorum. L. S. M. 
* i. Liberò sicut Milton. Me●steham. & Cheyham. .  
Anno Dom. Mxviij. Mesteham et Cheyham, duae villae in regione Surreyae dat. per Ethelstanum, qui et Livingus.  
Eod. anno Knuht Rex ● dedit Livingo Archiepiscopo, ad opu● ecclesiae, silvam Heseleherst. L. S. A.  
AᵒD.. Mxxiij. Kanutus Rex dedit ecclesiae Christi in Dorobernia 
Portus Sandwici.  portum de Sandwico cum corona sua aurea, quae adhuc servatur in capite crucis majoris in navi ejusdem ecclesia. Portum illum dedit Monachis cum thelonio ejusdem villae, wrecco maris & omnibus aliis consuetudinibus ad portum illum pertinentibus.  
AᵒD.. Mxxxij. Apuldre, Orpintone, Palstre, & Wihttrischeham dat' ecclesiae per Edsinum presbiterum 
* Episcopum S. Martini, quae ecclesia sita est extra Civitatem Doroberniae in Oriente. as another Ms. hath it. Apuldre & alia. Horsleghe. Heth & Saltwode. Godmersham. , consentientibus Canuto Rege, & Elfgiva, Regina sua.  
AᵒD.. Mxxxuj. Theored. consentiente & concedente Knuto, dedit Horsleghe, ad opus & victum Monachorum. L. S. A.  
Memorandum quòd idem Rex Kanute, confirmavit privilegia praedecessorum suorum legalia in libertatem Monasteriorum infra Kanciam positorum.  
Eod. anno. Hethe & Saltwode data ecclesiae per unum de principibus Angliae, nomine Haldene.  
Eod' anno. Godmersham data fuit ecclesiae per Egelnothum Archiepiscopum.  
AᵒD.. Mxxxviij. Knuthus Rex reddidit ecclesiae Christi in Dorobernia 
Folkstane.  villam de Folkstane, quam olim Rex Atbelstanus filius regis Edwardi eidem ecclesiae dedit, ea conditione hanc donationem fecit Knutus, ut nunquam alienaretur eadem villa per Archiepiscopum sine licentia Regis & Monachorum.  
Wlstanus, cognomento Wildepreost, annuente Domino suo Hardeknuto, 
Thurrock.  dedit huic ecclesiae Thurrock.  
AᵒD.. Mxliiij. Egelricus Bigge dedit huic eccles. Chert, Stouting & Meletune. 
Chert. Stouting. Meletune   
A. D. Mxluj. Wlfgith relicta Elfwine, & Godwinus, consentiente sancto Edwardo Rege dederunt ecclesiae Christi in Dorobernia, 
Stistede. Goggeshale.  Stistede & Goggeshale in Essex, ad victum Monachorum. L. S. A.  
A. D. Mlj. Villae de Chertham & Waleworth concessae & confirmatae 
Chertham & Waleworth.  fueru● per sanctum Edwardum, cum maneriis jam habitis, & multis libertatibus concessis. Praedictam villam Walworth Edmundus Rex dedit cuidam joculatori suo nomine Hitardo. Tempore tandem Regis Edwardi idem Hitardus volens limina Apostolorum Romae venit ad ecclesiam Christi in Dorobernia, & per consensum & concessionem Regis Edwardi dedit candem villam eidem ecclesiae Christi, chartam quoque ejusdem terrae posuit super altare Christi etc.  
Siwardus & Matildis uxor ejus dederunt Mersham Monachis 
Mersham.  ecclesiae Christi Cantuar. Sancto Edwardo Rege anno Domini Mlj. per scriptum suum idem donum confirmante, & est de cibo corum.  
Eod' anno. Sake. Sokne & alia libertates concessae & confirmatae 
Libertates.  per S. Edwardum.  
Carta ejusdem de libera Warenna.  
A. D. Mliij. Brihtmerus civis London dedit ecclesiae Cantuar. 
Messuagium & Ecclesia in Civitate London.  messuagium suum apud Gerscherche, & de licentia & consensu Stigandi Archiepiscopi & Godrici Decani dedit eidem ecclesiam omnium Sanctorum, testimonio Liefstani Portreve & aliorum.  
Willielmus Rex conquestor reddidit manerium de Haltone in 
Haltone.  comitatu Bock. Monachis ecclesiae Christi Cantuar. antiquis & modernis temporibus à jure ipsius ecclesiae ablatum, & multa alia ut in martilagio 
* Ita Ms.  continetur. Et plenius scriptum suuminde confectum testatur. Pro Deo & salute animae suae gratis hoc fecit, & sine ullo pretio.  
A. D. Mlxxu. Conquestor confirmavit donum fratris sui Odonis Episcopi Baiocensis, & Comitis Canciae de domibus in Sandwico 
Domus in Sandwico.  datis ecclesiae etc.  
Carta Regis W mi Conquestoris ut Monachi Cantuar. omnes terras suas liberè teneant.  
Similis Carta Regis Hen. 1. & 2.  
AᵒD.. Mlxxiij. Conquestor confirmavit Lanfranco Archiepisc. omnes consuetudines in ecclesia de Newenton antecessorum ejus, & in ecclesia sancti Martini de Doffris, & in Scapeia.  
Charta ejusdem de eadem in omnibus Dominicis ecclesiae Christi Cantuar.  
Charta ejusdem Anglicè & Latinè de libertatibus ecclesiae  
Charta ejusd' de libertatibus quas S. Edw. concessit eid' ecclesiae. Christi Cant. concessis.  
Charta Regis Regis Henrici primi de eisdem.  
Charta Regis Richardi de eisdem.  
Karlemannus levita dedit Broke ecclesiae Christi Cantuar. & 
Broke.  postea Hen. Rex 1 mus idem manerium per chartam suam eidem ecclesiae contulit, & Hen. Rex 2 dus per chartam suam idem manerium confirmavit.  
AᵒD.. Meuj. Rex Hen. 1. rogatus ab Anselmo Archiep. reddidit 
Slindone.  ecclesiae Christi Cant. villam quae vocatur Slindone in Suthsex.  
Carta Regis Hen. 1. Hen. 3. & Richardi de Geld & Danegeld.  
Anselmus Archiepiscopus Cantuar. reddidit monachis ecclesiae suae medietatem altaris Christi, quam in manu sua habebat post 
Medietas Altaris.  mortem praedecessoris sui Lanfranci Archiepiscopi, qui eis aliam medietatem, cognita veritate quòd ad illos pertineret, in vita sua reddiderat. Similiter & manerium de Stistede eye reddidit idem Anselmus, eò quòd ad eos pertinere scitur. 
●ede.   
AᵒD.. Mcxxx. Henricus Rex primus dedit ecclesiam sancti 
ecclesia Sancti Martini Dovor  Martini Dover monachis ecclesiae Christi Cantuar. in dedicatione ejusdem ecclesiae Cant. cum omnibus pertinen. & provenien. tam in terra quam in imari, ut inde chartatestatur.  
Aᵒ Eodem W mus Archiep. dedit octo libras annui redditus de manerio suo de Reculvere, monachis ecclesiae Christi Cant. in dotem 
Reculver octo libr.  ipsius ecclesiae Cant. in perpetuum & hoc tempore Regis Hen. 1. quod donum S. Edmundus Archiepisc. postea confirmavit.  
AᵒD.. Mcxluj. Henricus de Rya seisivit ecclesiam Christi Cant. de manerio de Diepham per quendam cultellum super altari 
Diepham.  Christi, presentibus Teobaldo Archiepiscopo, Waltero Priore aliisque multis, & acceptus fuit in fraternitatem à praedictis Archiepisc. & Prio. Anno supradicto. Quam donationem. Hen. Rex. 2. confirmavit.  
Manerium de Berkesore datum per Stephanum Regem, ad inveniendum lumen ante capsam beati Anselm● Archiepiscopi. 
Berkesore.   
Henricus Rex 2 dus dedit & confirmavit Deo, beato Thomae, & ecclesiae S. Trinitatis Cantuar. xv libratas redditus in Berkesor, & in Hokis aisse, & Rissendona, & xxv libratas redditus in Leisdona, 
Berkesore. Leisdone etc.  & ita libere &c. sicut ego etc.  
W mus Tracy dedit Doccombe tempore Regis Hen. 2 di. idem donum comfirmantis. 
Doccomb.   
Carta Regis Hen. 2 di. de. via circa murum Cemiterii nostri.  
Carta ejusdem de terra nostra super montes de Hollingborne. 
Hollingbourne.   
Carta ejusdem de libertatibus nostris liberè tenendis.  
Carta Regis Stephani de eisdem.  
AᵒD.. Mcxcix. Richardus Rex primus, anno regni sui primo, dedit Boscum de Blean, monachis eccleslae Christi Cant. per unum 
Boscus de Blean.  par cirotecarum, salvo tamen uno summario quem pater ejusdem regis concessit ecclesiae & canonicis S. Gregorii in eod. bosco.  
Duae cartae Alienorae reginae de xiij tenementis in judaismo 
Tenamenta in Cant.  Cantuar.  
Carta ejusdem de maneriis de Terstane & Westfarlegh, cum advocationibus 
Terstane & alia pro Sandwico.  ecclesiarum de Westclive & Westerham pro portu de Sandwice, quam donationem. Edwardus Rex primus per cartam suam confirmavit.  
AᵒD.. Mcccxxuj. Dominus Walterus Raynold Archiepisc. de 
Caldecote. Torholte.  licentia speciali Ed. Regis 3. dedit monachis ecclesiae Christi Cant. manerium de Caldecote juxta Cantuar. cum bosco de Torholte, & cum omnibus & singulis libertatibus, etc.  
Aᵒ R. R. Ed. 3. xxvijo. Richardus Bovyton, de licentia speciali 
Bovyton.  ejusdem regis dedit manerium suum de Bovyton, cum omnibus pertinen. in villa de Bocking in Com. Essex, Priori & Conventui ecclesiae Christi Cant.  
Dominus Ed us Princeps filius Regis Ed. 3. dedit monachis ecclesiae Cant. manerium de Fawkeshall, codem rege Edwardo idem 
Fawkshall.  donum confirmante, ad sustentationem duorum Capellanorum in eadem ecclesia celebratur.  
Edwardus 3. Anno Regni sui xxxviij. dedit in escambium 
Borle pro Sandwico.  Prio. & Conventui ecclesiae Christi Cant. manerium de Borle in Comitatu Essex, pro consuetudinibus & redditibus una cum omnibus juribus &c. quae iidem P. & C. habuer' vel habere aliquo modo potuerunt in villa & portu de Sandwico, cum aliis redditibus in insula de scapeia, ut in carta, etc.  
Carta Regis Hen. 4. ne furagium capiatur ubicunque in Comitatu Canciae ad equos sustentandos in castello Dovor.  
Item carta ejusdem regis, de via infra murum Civitatis Cant. quae ducere solebat de Northgate usque Queningate.    

Ecclesiae appropriatae ecclesiae Christi Cantuar.  
Hubertus Archiepiscopus dedit ecclesiam de Halstow, ad officium Praecentoris, pro reparatione librorum ecclesiae Christi 
Halstowe.  Cantuar. & postea Bonifacius Archiepiscopus eandem ecclesiam per sigillum suum confirmavit.  
Stephanus Archiepiscopus dedit ecclesiam de Freningham, & per sigillum suum confirmavit, ad opus Elemosinariae ecclesiae Christi 
Freningham.  Cantuar. Anno Domini Mccxxu.  
Sanctus Edmundus Archiepisc. dedit ecclesiam de Fairfield 
Fairfield.  ecclesiae Christi Cant. & per sigillum suum confirmavit Anno Pontificat. sui quarto.  
Gregorius Papa ix. de assensu Episcopi Norwicen. & Capituli ejusdem ecclesiae, confirmavit ecclesiam de Deipham ad opus ecclesiae 
Deipham.  Christi Cantuar. ut patet per bullam suam inde confectam. Anno Pontificat. suiprimo.  
Idem Papa appropriavit ecclesiam de Sesaltre monachis ecclesiae Christi Cantuar. in sustentationem eorum, ut patet per bullam etc. 
Sesaltre.  Anno Pontificatus sui xmo.  
Edwardus Rex 2 dus Anno Regni sui nineteen no appropriavit ecclesiam de Esshe in Comitatu Suffolc. ad novam capellam Elemosinariae 
Esshe.  ecclesiae Christi Cantuar.  
Simon Islep Archiepiscopus, de speciali confirmatione Regis Edwardi 3 tii. Anno ejusdem regis xxxixno. fecit appropriari ecclesias 
Monketon. Eastry.  de Monketon & Eastry monachis ecclesiae Christi Cantuar.  
Idem Archiep. de speciali confirmatione & licentia ejusdem Regis, Anno Regni sui xlvjo. fecit appropriari ecclesiam de Pageham 
Pageham.  in augmentationem scolarium studentium Oxoniae in Collegio ecclesiae Christi Cantuar.  
Willielmus Courtney Archiepis. de speciali licentia Regis Ricardi secundi, Anno regni sui nono, fecit appropriari ecclesiam de Mepeham 
Mepeham.  monachis ecclesiae Christi Cantuar.  
Aᵒ D. Mcccxcvij. Dom. Thomas Arundel Cantuar. Archiepisc. de licentia speciali Regis Ricardi 2 di. fecit appropriari 
Godmersham.  ecclesiam de Godmersham monachis ecclesiae Christi Cantuar. ad fabricam ecclesiae Christi praedictae.  
Aᵒ D. Mcccco. Idem Archiepiscopus, de licentia speciali regis 
Westwell.  Hen. 4 ti. regni vero sui Anno 2º. fecit appropriari ecclesiam de Westwell monachis ecclesiae Christi Cantuar. ad habendum vacationem ecclesiae de Aldermancherche London, ad opus ecclesiae Christi praedictae.  
De ecclesiis de Westerham & Westclyve vide cum maneriis de Westfarlegh & Terstane, ut supra patet. 
Westerham Westelyve.   
Here the Record ends: much sooner (I confess) than it should. For a multitude of benefactors there were, both before and after this time that are here omitted. But (I take it) these were all or the most of the chief, and it would have been an endless work to have mentioned all. In which regard, I hope, it will not be expected that I should perfect the Catalogue. I pass therefore from it.   

And now am come to my Catalogue of the 1 Archbishops of the Church. 
5. Particular.  2 Priors 3 Archdeacon's  
Beginning with the Archbishops, let me set before you in the first place, a few things very fit to be premised. viz.  

1. The Antiquity of Archbishops in general, and the cause of their first Institution.  
2. The Antiquity of our Archbishops in particular, with the number of Archbishops in England, in former time, and at this day.   
FOr the first (the Antiquity of Archbishops, etc.) I shall not need take much pains to search it out. For truth is, the Antiquity both of the name and office of an Archbishop is already so fully laid down and proved to my hand by the worthily admired Author of the Defence of the answer to the Admonition, and so vindicated and cleared from the aspersion of Antichristianisme (wherewith some late turbulent Innovators have been pleased falsely to stigmatize them) and by his learned pen, who fetcheth and deriveth them (so venerable is their Antiquity) from before the time of the Gospel public embracing by any Prince, or in any Kingdom, and (if I mistake him not) the Office, though not the Name, from the Apostolic times; and Bishop Bilson also, Bishop Downham, and many others, as the learned well know, have so laboured in this argument, that if I shall further proceed in the observing of the Antiquity of Archbishops, I shall but, as it were, actum agere. And therefore will it suffice that remissiuè, I refer the reader to these men's Learned Labours, whom I have chosen to cite, because the vulgar, whose only information I here intent, can more easily both purchase and peruse them, their works like themselves speaking English. The learned, I know, can further satisfy themselves in the point from Bertherius in his Pithano●, and Morinus of late, in Ecclesiasticae Exercitationes, not to mention divers others. Of the former also, he may see those men answered, who (relishing nothing but a Presbyterian-Vtopian parity in the Ministry) under the pretence of zeal for the Reformation (as they term it) of disorders in the Church-government by Archbishops etc. kick and carp at the same, and upon occasion which un-offered they take of the report of those, who to show the original of Archbishops in the Church, say that they succeeded in the places of the Archiflamines (certain heathen High-Priests, or Archpriests, which had the oversight of the manners of the Flamens, heathen Priests likewise, as Judges over them: of whom Duarenus 
n Tract. de Beneficiis. , Alexander ab Alexandro 
o Genial. Di●. , and our Countryman 
p Acts etc. Monum.  Fox with others make mention) collect and conclude thus. That the ministry of the Gospel was framed by example of idolatrous and heathenish functions. Of my forecited Authors the Defender of the Answer to the Admonition chiefly takes these men to task. After what manner he encountreth their arguments would be too prolix here to relate, and because his larger discourse is, in my opinion well abridged and epitonized by Mr Mason: I have chosen rather to present you with these words of his. Sed id demum (saith he 
q De Ministerio Anglican. lib. 2. cap. 3. pag. 79. ) illos pessimè habet quòd Episcopi nostri atque Archiepiscopi sedes suas ad Flaminum atque Archiflaminum Ethnicorum numerum aptatas habuisse dicuntur. verum quid obsecro inde nascetur incommodi, si pulsis Idolorum cultoribus, veri Dei adoratores succedunt? Neque enim ulli loci Episcopatibus erigendis aptiores quam maxima & frequentissimae Givitates. Ipsi Apostoli in nobilissimis urbibus in quibus fuerant, aliquando Flamines & Archiflamines aut sacrorum Praesides corum non dissimiles Episcopos constituerunt, etc. Thus far Mr Mason.  
Some learned men (I am not ignorant) there have been and are, which will by no means yield, that the Sees of our Bishops and Archbishops were adapted to the number and places of the Flamens and Archflamins, arguing very stiffly against it, by name Bishop Godwin in his Treatise of the Conversion of Britanny, preceding his Catalogue of Bishops, Fol. 26. and some others. But put case it be granted that they were so, and let these Cavillers (which distasting our Aristrocracy (for such is our Church government 
r Downings Discourse Conclus. 1. §. 6. ) and desirous, as it seemeth, of an Anarchy, a Church like to Pliny's Acephali, all body and no head) be allowed their so much desired premises; yet still a non sequitur will attend on their conclusion. For were it (think they) a good collection to say that because there is now a Minister of the Gospel placed, where in the Pope's time there was a massing Priest: Ergo the Ministry of the Gospel is framed by the example of massing Priests? If they cannot justly say so of Ministers, neither can they of Bishops and Archbishops. For the reason is the same in both. As much to this purpose the said Author of the Defence etc. hath it Fol. 321. Agreeable whereunto is that of Bishop Hall 
s Apology against Brownists. Sect. 46. . Christianity (saith he) came in the room of judaism, was it therefore derived from it? I leave the judicious reader to give the answer.  
And so enough of this, only pray we that Anarchy never get possession of our Stage, lest Confusion shut up the Scene. And that maugre the malice of all turbulent Innovators, our Church may still glory in this (the commendation given her by the late learned Isaac Casaubon) that she, 
t Exercitationes.  Inter vel excessu vel defectu peccantes mediam viam sequitur. And may continue to deserve that Encomium given her of divine Herbertu. 
The Temple.   

I joy dear Mother, when I view  
Thy perfect lineaments and hue,  
Both sweet and bright.  
Beauty in thee takes up her place,  
And dates her letters from thy face,  
When she doth write.  
A fine aspect in fit array,  
Neither too mean, nor yet too gay,  
Shows who is best.  
Outlandish looks may not compare;  
For all they either painted are,  
Or else undressed.  
She on the Hills, which wantonly  
Allureth all in hope to be  
By her preferred,  
Hath kissed so long her painted Shrines,  
That even her face by kissing shines,  
For her reward.  
She in the Valley is so shy  
Of dressing, that her hair doth lie  
About her ears.  
While she avoides her neighbour's pride,  
She wholly goes on th'other side,  
And nothing wears.  
But, dearest mother (what those miss)  
The mean thy praise and glory is,  
And long may be.  
Blessed be God, whose love it was,  
To double moat thee with his Grace,  
And none but thee.  
So much of the Antiquity of Archbishops.   
The cause of their first Institution follows. And it was briefly this. As the whole Hierarchy was first invented and instituted, ut Augustae illius ac divinae Civitatis, quam ecclesiam vocamus, unitas ac tranquillitas melius conservetur. So Duarenus 
x Desacr. eccles. Minister. & Ec●ficiis. lib. 1. cap 9 , who there proceeds to show the further utility of the hierarchical order: so consequently the final cause of ordaining an Archbishop (a principal member of that hierarchical body) was to promote and advance the Church's peace. This the often alleged Author of the Defence, etc. well knowing, saith, that it is the chief and principal office of an Archbishop, To keep Unity in the Church, to compound contentions, to redress heresies, schisms, factions, etc. as he gathereth out of Saint Cyprian, as you may read Fol. 355. And so I have done with my first Particular.  
ANd come now to the other (The Antiquity of our Archbishops 
〈◊〉.  in particular, etc.) In the world (as I read in a French Author 
y Gualterus. , a Civilian, who hath noted it out of the Provinciale omnium universi orbis Ecclesiarum, a book so called, in which as he relateth all the Archbishoprickes in the whole world with their Suffragans are particularly reckoned up) there are to the number of an hundred and thirty Archbishoprickes. For the truth of this relation (because it is a thing not so easily proved as published) sit fides penes autorem. But sure I am that We in this Kingdom acknowledge only two Archbishops to be in this our English-Orb at this day; albeit in time past, namely from the conversion of King Lucius unto Christianity fourteen hundred years ago and upwards, unto the coming of Augustine (the Monk sent from Rome) into England, happening above one thousand years since, that is, for the space of about 400. years together, there were in this our Island, three Archbishops, 
z Antiq. Brit. pag 6. Acts etc. Mon. tom. 1. pag. 96. Lamb. Perambul. pag. 62. cattle of BB. pag. 181▪  to wit of London, York and Caerleon. To Caerleon the Churches of Wales were subject; York's province was Scotland and the North of England; and lastly, London had Jurisdiction over the rest of the Kingdom. In which three principal Cities of the Realm (as Fox and Lambert affirm) were before Lucius time, and in his reign also until his conversion, three Archflamins, who were by Fugatius or Faganus, and Damianus or Dimianus (teachers or Preachers sent by Eleutherius then Bishop of Rome into this Island for the conversion of the King and people thereof) turned into Archbishops, about the year of our redemption 180. Who, from and after that their plantation continued their archiepiscopal seats there, until such time as Augustine came over and was entertained of Ethelbert the Kentish King, in the time of the Saxon Heptarchy. For at that time (according to that prediction of Merlin. Dignitas Lovedoniae adornabit Doroberniam) at the prayer of the Citizens of Dorobernia (as Mr Fox hath it) the Archbishopric 
a Tom. 1. pag. 108.  of London (whose chair stood at Saint Peter in Cornhill) was by Augustine and Ethelbert translated from thence to Canterbury. Other reasons for the translation of it are given by the Author of the Antiquitat. Brit 
b Vbi supra. . You shall have his words. Sed Augustinus etc. But Augustine (saith he) whether for Ethelbert the Kentish King, and his kind Hosts sake, whether because London was not Ethelberts', but Seberts' his Nephew, whether in charity or good will to the Kentish-men for their kind entertainment of him, or whether in regard that Kent was the prime and chief province of Britanny, to the Dominion and Empire of whose King, the rest of the Kings were subject etc. But Master Lambert 
c Vbi supra.  saith flatly (if we may believe him) that Augustine by great injury spoiled London of this dignity of the Archbishop's chair, bestowing the same upon Canterbury. Indeed it appears, that Pope Gregory intending London for the Metropolitan Seat of Augustine's archbishopric, sent him his Pall thither. But August. for many reasons (wherein you see Authors are divided) placed the same at Canterb. Whereof afterwards the Popes, Boniface, and Honorius, in their several letters, the one to justus, the other to Honorius successors of Aug. gave their express approbations. The first thus 
* Malmesb. de gestis Pontificum lib. 1. pag. 208. . Id ipsum praecipientes firmamus, ut in Dorobernia civitate semper in posterum Metropolitanus totius Britanniae locus habeatur; omnesque provinciae regni Anglorum praefati loci Metropolitanae ecclesiae subjiciantur, immutilatâ & perpetua stabilitate decrevimus. The latter in these words 
* Ibidem. Pag. 209. . Tuae ergo jurisdictioni subjici praecipimus omnes Angliae ecclesias & regiones: & in civitate Dorobernia Metropolitanus locus & honour Archiepisoopatus & caput omnium eccclesiarum Angliae semper in posterum servetur; & à nulla persona per aliquam malam suasionem in alium locum mutetur. Which thing, for the honour of Austin it pleased the wisdom of this Nation afterwards to establish and confirm; witness this passage in certain letters of Kenulfus King of Mercia to Pope Leo 
* Idem. De Gestis Regum Anglor. l. 1. pag. 31. . Nam quia beatae recordationis Augustinus, qui verbum Dei (imperante beato Gregorio) Anglorum genti ministrabat, & gloriosissimè ecclesiis praefuit Saxoniae, in eadem civitate diem obiit, & corpus illius in ecclesia beati Petri Apostolorum principis (quam successor ejus Lawrentius sacravit) conditum fuisset; visum est cunctis gentis nostrae sapientibus, quatenus in illa civitate Metropolitanus honour haberetur, ubi corpus ejus pausat, qui his partibus fidei veritatem inseruit. But enough of this matter; It is now time that I come to my Catalogue. Wherein I purpose, beside their names, to repeat little of what others have written of the Archbishops, unless in a brief collection of their more memorable acts and places of burial, adding what things of note I find omitted of others, with some pertinent observations.  

Augustine. 1. 
Anno Dom. 596   
Augustine (you see) was the first Archbishop of Canterbury. Whose whole story is become so trite and vulgar that it needs no repetition. Wherefore let other men's copious discourse of him and his acts excuse my silence of either.   

Laurence. 2.  
Laurence succeeded Austin, as it was appointed by Austin 
611.  before his death, and sat till 616. and then died.   

Mellitus. 3.  
Mellitus succeeded him, and died in the year 624. Of the miraculous preservation of our city from the fury of 
619.  the flame, by whose prayers and presence, you may read 
Anno Dom.  in Bede's eccles. Hist. lib. 2. c. 7.   

justus. 4.  
Whom justus succeeded, governed the See 10 years, and then died. 
624.   
Honorius succeeded justus. This Archbishop is famous for his division of the Kingdom into Parishes. For I read, 
634. Division of Parishes.  that about the year of our redemption 636. this man first began to divide England into Parishes: that so (saith my Author 
d Antiq. Britan in ejus vita. ) he might appoint particular Ministers to particular congregations. I read, that Euaristus the first Bishop of Rome, who suffered martyrdom under Trajan the Emperor, about the year 110. did the like in Rome. And 
e Pet. Greg. Tholos. de Benefic. cap. 4. num. 5.  that Dionysius, that blessed Martyr, Bishop of Rome circa annum 266. did attempt to do the like throughout the whole Christian world 
f Id. Tholos. ubi supra. . I find no question made of any of these three divisions of Parishes save only of that of our Honorius; which Mr Selden in his History of Tithes flatly denieth. His arguments you may find examined and answered by his Animadversioner, to whom for brevity-sake I refer you, and come to the History of the Council of Trent, the Author whereof delivers his opinion in the generality of the point in hand thus. The division of Parishes (saith he 
g Lib. 6. pag. 498. ) was first made by the people, when a certain number of inhabitants, having received the true faith, built a temple for exercise of their Religion, hired a Priest and did constitute a Church, which by the neighbours was called a Parish; and when the number was increased, if one Church & Priest were not sufficient, those who were most remote did build another. In progress of time, for good order and concord a custom began to have the Bishop's consent also. Thus he. And so I return to our Archbishop who sat almost 20 years, and died in the year 653.   

Deusdedit, or Adeodatus. 6.  
Him next succeeded Deusdedit or Adeodatus. He continued Archbishop about six years, and dying was buried (as 
655.  all his predecessors were) in the Church-porch of S. Augustine's.   

Theodorus. 7. 
Anno Dom. 668.   
Theodorus succeeded him. Amongst his other designs for the advancement of learning, he founded the school at Canterbury; which I have on a former occasion mentioned: In his time and chiefly by his endeavours learning so flourished in this Island, that from a Nursery of Tyrones' it became a peculiar seminary of Philosophy 
h Malmesb. De Gestis Reg lib. 1. pag. 11. . He continued Archbishop two and twenty years, and dying anno Dom. 690. was buried within the Church of S. Augustine's Abbey, because the porch was full before, all his predecessors (six in number) being (as I told you) buried there. In memory of them all were composed and engraven in marble certain verses, which Wever hath already published both in Latin and English 
i Ancient funeral Monum. pag. 248. .   

Brithwald. 8.  
Theodores next successor was Brithwald, sometime Abbot 
692.  of Reculver. No Archbishop continued so long in this See as he, either before or since his time. He sat 38 years and a half. Dying then, in the year 731. he was buried at S. Augustine's with his predecessors. He held a Synod at Clift and another at a place then called Bacanceld, since Backchild and now Bapchild, an obscure village upon the road near Sitting bourn in Kent.   

Tatwyn. 9  
Tatwyn succeeded him, and sat 3 years. died in the 
732.  year 734. and was buried at Canterbury.   

Nothelmus. 10.  
Nothelmus succeeded Tatwyn. He was one of venerable 
736.  Bedes Intelligencers for his Ecclesiastical story, and dying 
k Vide Praefat▪ Bedae.  in the year 741. was buried also at Canterbury.   

Cuthbert. 11.  
Cuthbert was his Successor. This man was the first that obtained Churchyards for this Kingdom. For you must 
742. Churchyards.  know there was a law amongst the Romans, borrowed of the Grecians, and inserted into their Twelve Tables, that none should be buried or burned within any town. Hominem mortuum in urbe nè sepelito neve urito. So that all were buried either in the fields, along the high wayside (to put passengers in mind of their mortality) upon the top or at the feet of mountains. And this kind of interrement by general custom was used both of Jews and Gentiles, as you may find at large illustrated by Wever in his Monuments. Hence was it that Augustine the first of our Archbishops procured the ground, on part whereof he afterwards erected his Abbey, lying without the City, for a place of sepulture for the Kings of Kent, himself and all succeeding Archbishops of that See.  
Cicero making mention of this law, gives this reason for it. Credo (saith he) vel propter ignem, vel periculum. But 
l Wever. Of ancient funer-Monuments pag. 7.  Hospinian out of Durand, Ulpian and others, shows the reason of it more at large. It was a custom (saith he) in times of old that men and women were buried in their own private houses or gardens; but afterwards for the noisome savour and contagious stink of the dead carcases so interred, it was enacted that all burials should be without Towns and Cities, in some convenient place appointed for that purpose. And however that this order was observed by the Gentiles upon this reason only, scilicet ut in urbibus mundicies servaretur, et aer minus inficeretur, ex cadaverum putrescentium foetore; yet the true Christians, and such as by their lively faith were adopted the children of God, had a further mystery in this their manner of interments: for by the carriage and burial of the dead corpse without their City-walls, they did publicly confirm and witness, that the parties deceased were gone out of this world to be made free denizens of another City, namely Heaven, there to remain with the blessed Saints in eternal happiness.  
This order or custom of burial without cities continued amongst the Christians until the time of Gregory the Great, for as then the Monks, Friars and Priests (saith my foresaid Author) began to offer sacrifice for the souls departed. So that for their more ease and greater profit, they procured first that the places of sepulture should be adjoining unto their Churches. Upon this reason out of the said Gregory 
m 13. quaest. 2● c. xvij. . Cum gravia peccata non deprimunt (saith he) tunc prodest mortuis si in ecclesiis sepeliantur: quia eorum proximi quoties ad cadem sacra loca veniunt suorumque sepulturam aspiciunt, recordantur & pro eis Domino pr●ces fundunt. Anciently (saith Onuphrius Panvinius) the bodies of the dead 
In lib. de Rit● sepeliendi mortuos.  were buried only without Cities in coemiteries or sleeping places (as the word signifies) until the resurrection. But persecution being ended, and peace given to the Christian Church, the manner grew in use to bury within Cities, at the entrance into their sacred Temples, yea and afterwards in the very Churches themselves. Now our Archbishop Cuthbert happening to be at Rome, and seeing of these burials, obtained from the Pope a dispensation for the making of Coemiteries or Churchyards within Towns or Cities throughout England.  
By this time you may see when the old custom of burying without City-walls ceased, and buryingin Churches and Churchyards both here and elsewhere began, and may guess at the cause of the frequency of burials in Churches in former times. A thing thus tartly reproved of Baldvinus the Civilian. Posteatamen (saith he 
o Ad LL. 12. Tabularum. , having spoken before of the prohibition of such burials) Christianorum Principum indulgentiâ res eò evasit ut multi in ipsis etiam divorum templis atque sacellis loculisque ambitiosè sepeliri vellent, quam superstitionem dicam an impudentem ambitionem Gratianus, Valentinianus & Theodosius reprimere conati sunt, edito hoc rescripto. Nemo Apostolorum vel Martyrum sedem humanis corporibus existimet esse concessam etc. So he. But enough of this.  
Now return we to our Archbishop, Cuthbert. Who five years after his translation to this See, to wit anno 747. by the counsel of Boniface Bishop of Mentz, called a Convocation at Clift beside Rochester, to reform the manifold enormities wherewith the Church of England at that time was over grown. The constitutions whereof you may read of elsewhere. He procured of Eadbert King of Kent, that the bodies of all the Archbishops deceased, from thenceforth should not be buried at S. Augustine's (as heretofore) 
Anno Dom.  but at Christ-Church. And dying, his funerals were there solemnised accordingly.   

Bregwyn. 12.  
As also were the funerals of his next successor Bregwyn, who sat only 3 years and died Anno 762. 
759.    

Lambert. 13.  
Lambert succeeded Bregwyn. From Abbot of S. Augustine's, he was by the Monks of Christ-Church chosen for their 
764.  Archbishop, assuring themselves he would now be as earnest a defender of their liberties, as he had been heretofore an oppugner in behalf of S. Augustine's about the burial of the Archbishops, for which being Abbot he had contended with Bregwyn his predecessor: but their hopes failed them; for perceiving his end to approach, he took order to be buried in S. Augustine's, and was (saith my Author) very honourably interred in the Chapter house there. In his time Offa King of Mercia erected a new Archbishopric at Litchfield, and obtained of the Pope authority for Eadulfus 
Archbishopric at Litchfield.  Bishop there to govern the Dioceses of Worcester, Leicester, Sidnacester, Hereford, Helmham and Dunwich. So that Canterbury had left unto him for his Province only these, London, Winchester, Rochester, and Sherborne. But   

Athelard. 14.  
Athelard, his Successor, prevailed with (Offa's successor) Kenulph, and Leo the third than Pope, to quash this new 
793.  Archbishopric, and to ●educe all in statu quo prius. He sat 13 years, and then dying was buried in Christ-Church:  
(By his means King Offa became an especial benefactor to this Church, as by his charter there appears; which, if it be authentic, and may be credited (as I see not why to question it) discovers an error in the computation and account which the current of our Histories and Chronologies do make of the beginning both of Offa's reign and this Archbishop's government: wherefore, and because it is otherwise remarkable, I have thought fit wholly to transcribe it, as you may find in my Appendix Scriptura 1a.) 
Anno Dom. 807.    

Wlfred. 15.  
As his successor Wlfred likewise was, who died in the year 830. In his time the Monks of his Church died all to 
● Liber eccles● Cantuar.  five ●.   

Theologild or Fleologild. 16.  
After Wlfred, Theologild or Fleologild, sometimes Abbot of Canterb. was Arcbishop for the space of 3 months, and 
83●.  dying was buried also in Christ-Church. One named Syred succeeded him, but being taken away before he had full possession, is not reckoned amongst the Archbishops.   

Celnoth. 17.  
Celnoth succeeded and continued Archbishop 38 years, died anno 870. and was buried in Christ-Church. He 
832.  brought Clerks into his Church in aid of those 5 monks that survived the mortality before spoken of in Wlfred 
q Lib. supradi●. .   

Athelred. 18.  
Athelred was Archbishop after Celnoth 18 years, and died anno 889. and was buried in the same Church. He expelled 
871.  those Clerks out of his Church which his predecessor brought thither, and made up the number of his Monks 
r ● Lib. 〈◊〉.  again.   

Plegmund. 19  
Plegmund succeeded him, and sit Archbishop 26 years, 
889.  and dying anno 915. was buried also in his own Church.   

Athelm. 20.  
Athelm succeeded, and sat nine years, died anno 924. and was buried with his predecessors. 
915.    

Wlfhelm. 21.  
Wlfhelm succeeded Athelm. He continued 10 years, 
924.  and died anno 934.   

Odo. 22.  
Odo surnamed Severus succeeded him and sat 24 years. Dying then he was buried on the Southside of the high 
934.  Altar, in a tomb built after the form of a Pyramid. Bishop Godwyn in his catalogue conceives it to be the tomb of touchstone (such are his words) standing in the grate near the steps that lead up to S. Thomas chapel. And there indeed accordingly, shall you find a table hanging, epitomizing the story of his life and acts. Not without a great mistake doubtless. For first the modern Church is not 
Odo's tomb mistaken.  the same that stood in Odo's days, or when he died: that (I think) is made plain enough before. Secondly this tomb is not built Pyramis-wise, or after the form of a Pyramid. Thirdly it is clear by Archbishop Parker's report, and by the words also of the same Bishop Godwin in his foresaid Catalogue, that this was and is the tomb of Archbishop Sudbury, who was slain by the Rebels in Ric. 2. time, whose body (they say) was entombed on the Southside of S. Dunstan's altar (Godwin adds) a little above the tomb of Bishop Stratford. Now this is the next and only tomb above Stratfords, and S. Dunstan's altar (as shall appear unto you) stood hard by. But hereof no more, till I come to speak of Archbishop Sudbury.   

Dunstan. 23.  
Dunstan succeeded Odo, sat 27 years, and then dying 
Anno▪ Dom. 961.  was buried in Christ-Church, that is (and so it must be understood of all his predecessors said to be there buried) in the old Church, not in the modern. For his piety and miracles in his life time (so they say of him) he was (like his predecessor Odo) canonised a Saint after his death; and his relics of such high account, even in those times, that 
s Harpsfield. Hi●. eccles. Angl. in ejus vita.  Archbishop Lanfranc, when he built the Church of new in the conquerors days, very solemnly translated his corpse from its first sepulchre into his new Church, and there of new entombed it (with the Pontificals, wherewith, according to the times, it was apparelled, and a plate of lead bearing an inscription to show upon inquiry whose body it was) near unto the high Altar on the Southside. And from thenceforth the tomb became called the altar of S. Dunstan, and the steps leading to it the steps of S. Dunstan's altar. Whoso observes the pavement on the Southside of the steps between Stratford and Sudburyes' monuments with the guilded work on the wall and pillar there, shall easily discern some such thing had thence, as questionless this Altar was at the purging of the Church of such things at or shortly after the Reformation.  
Whilst it was standing there, such high estimation was had of this Saint and his relics, and so beneficial they became to the place that enjoyed them, by the offerings to his altar, that the Monks of Glastonbury (amongst whom he was brought up) in Hen. 7. time, began to boast and give out that they had them in possession, being translated thither from Canterb. (as Capgrave in the life of Dunstan affirms) in the year 1012. Hereupon these Monks built him a Shrine 
t Harpsfield. ubi supra. . and by that and other means the stream of benefit formerly running to Christ-Church became turned to Glastonb. This at length so troubled the Archbishop of Canterb. and his Monks, that bethinking themselves of a speedy remedy, they resolve on a scrutiny to be made in 
Scrutiny in S. Dunstan's tomb.  his Tomb or Altar; by opening thereof to see whether really his corpse, his relics, were there enclosed or not. The scrutiny is made, and the searchers find for the Christ-Church Monks. Whereupon Warham the then Archbishop forthwith directs and sends his letters to the Abbot and Monks of Glastonb. straightly charging them to desist from all other jactitation of their possession of S. Dunstan's relics, which letters he was fain to iterate, before they would obey; so loath they were to forgo their Diana. A Record of the scrutiny is kept in in Archivis ecclesiae, a true copy whereof you shall find in my Appendix Scriptura duodecima. It is a pretty ●elation, and worth your reading.   

Aethelgar. 24. 
Anno Dom. 988.   
After Dunstan succeeded Aethelgar, who continued in the See only one year and three months. Dying then he was buried in his own Church.   

Siricius. 25.  
Him Siricius succeeded, sat four years, died anno 993. 
989.  and was buried at Canterbury.   

Aluricius alias Alfricus. 26.  
Aluricius or Alfricus succeeded next, died 1006. and 
993.  was buried first at Abingdon, but was afterwards removed to Canterb. 
Anno Dom.    

Elphege. 27.  
Elphege succeeded him, and sat six years. He was most barbarously murdered by the Danes in the year 1011. at 
1006.  what time they both spoiled the Church and City, and tithed the Monks and other people therein, whereof our Chronicles are so very full, that I forbear it further relation, only crave favour to give you the description of it out of Henry of Huntingdon ●. Who thus sadly tells. Anno undecimo 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉. lib. 6.  etc. In the eleventh year (saith he) when the Danes had done preying on the North-side of Thames, they besieged Canterbury the Metropolis of England, and by treachery took it. For Almar whom before Archbishop Alfege had rescued from death, betrayed the same. Entering therefore they took Alfege the Archbishop, Godwyn the Bishop, Lefwyn the Abbot, and Alfword the King's Provost, the Clerks also with the Monks, the men with the women, and so returned conquerors to their ships. But you might have seen an horrid spectacle, the face of an ancient and most beautiful City all brought to ashes, the carcases of the citizens thick strawed in the streets, dying both soil and River black with blood, the weeping and howling of women and children which were to be led away captive, the chieftain of faith, and fountain of doctrine of the English hurried about in fetters 
x A fuller relation of this out of Osborne the Monk of Cant. is to be seen in my Appendix. Scriptura xxxj. . Thus he. Our Archbish. Elphege being by those bloody miscreants thus basely butchered, was buried first in S. Paul's Church in London, afterwards conveyed to Canterb. by the command of King Knute, and interred in his own Church. He was afterwards made a Saint, and had an Altar proper to him standing by that of his predecessor Dunstan, both near unto the high altar that now is, as is clear by these words in Archbishop Winchelseys' Statutes. De redditibus verò (say the same) magno altari & duobus altaribus vicinioribus, viz. sanctorum Dunstani & Elphege etc.   

Living. 28.  
Living succeeded Alphege, and having been Archbishop 
Anno Dom. 1013.  about 7 years died in the year 1020.   

Agelnoth. 29.  
Agelnoth was his Successor. Who when he had sat Archbishop 17 years and upwards, in which interim of time he 
1020.  perfected the work of his Churches repair that had been destroyed and burnt by the Danes, as formerly I have said, died anno 1038. I read that the Monastery of Reculver, 
Reculver.  built by one Bassa, in the time of Egbright (the 7th King of Kent in succession after Hengist) whereof Brithwald that was afterwards Archbishop was (as we read) sometimes Abbot, was in the year 949. given to Christ-Church by King Edred 
y Lib. eccles. Cantuar. . Notwithstanding which donation I find it still continued a Monastery undissolved unto this Archbishop's time, but the governor of it turned from an Abbot to a Dean, as, with some further discovery of that Monasteries than estate and condition, and somewhat else also of Antiquaries observable, by a certain Charter of this our Archbishop concerning that Monastery, to be found in my Appendix, will appear, pag. 261.   

Eadsin. 30.  
Eadsin succeeded Agelnoth. He continued Archbishop almost 11 years, and died in the year 1050. was buried 
1038.  in his own Church, and after his death made a Saint.   

Robert. 31.  
Robert surnamed Gemeticensis succeed Eadsin. He died and 
1050.  was buried in the Abbey of Gemetica where he was brought up, having been Archbishop about the space of 2 years or scarcely so much.   

Stigand. 32.  
Stigand was his Successor. He was deposed by the Conqueror, whom (if Spot, S. Augustine's Chronicler, say true) 
105●.  with Egelsine, the then Abbot there, he encountered as a stout champion for the Kentish liberties, whereof you may read your fill elsewhere. He lies buried at Winchester, dying 1069.   

Lanfranke. 33.  
Stigand being thus deprived, Lanfranke was consecrate 
Anno Dom. 1070.  Archbishop. He caused the Sees of many Bishops, that were before and until then in countrey-villages to be removed from thence into Cities, according to the Canon. Distinct. lxxx. per totum. So that a City with us (Westminster 
Bishops See the note of a City.  excepted) hath ever since been and yet is known, by having in it a Bishop, and a Cathedral Church. Plures igitur Civitates haud numerarunt nostri Majores, quam Episcopatus, saith Sr H. Spelman 
z Glossar. in verb. Burgus. . And not only here, but elsewhere also is this a note whereby to distinguish and discern a City from a Town or Village, as you may learn from the Interpreter, who for instance in this point, allegeth that 
cowel.  of Cassaneus in Consuetud. Burgund. c. 15. where he averreth that within the territories of France are 104 Cities, and giveth this (saith he) for his reason, because there are within the same so many Bishoprics. But return we to our Archbishop.  
Besides his new building of the Cathedral with the Monastery, and a Palace for himself and his Successors (whereof before) he built also the Priory of S. Gregory's without the Northgate of the City of Canterb. and by it the Hosp. called S. john's, as also that other of S. Nicholas at Herbaldowne: all which he endowed with competent revenues, as hath been fully showed already. And did many other good and pious acts, whereof (as also of the former) you may find mention in the Antiquit. Brit. and the Catal. of Bishops, in his life and elsewhere. He contended at Windsor with Thomas Norman Archbishop of York for the primacy, and there, by Judgement before Hugo the Pope's Legate, recovered it from him. So that ever since the one (that is, he of Cant.) is called Totius Angliae Primas; and the other 
Title of totius Anglie Primas.  Angliae Primas, without any further addition. There happened afterwards frequent controversies between the succeeding Archbishops of both Provinces about the Primacy, and for the one's bearing up the cross in the others Province: all which differences Wever 
a Of ancient funeral Monum. pag. 305▪  hath concatenated in a continued discourse, whither I refer you. This Lanfranc was the man that settled the Manors both of the See and the Priory. i. both of the Archbishop and the Monks in that manner as they are recorded in Doomsday-book 
Archbishop and Monks Manors. Vide pro scriptu. 14▪ in Appendice. , which for Antiquity-sake, and as a monument which the curious that way haply may desire to see, my Appendix shall make public. To the Prior and Monks of his Church, for their better future observance of S. Benet's rule and order, from which by the remissness and neglect of former times, he found in them a deviation, he prescribed in writing certain ordinances, which entitled Decret' Lanfranci pro ordine sancti Benedicti, you may find published in the latter end of Reyner's Apostolatus Benedictionorum. This Archbishop having fate 19 years, and then dying was buried at Cant. in his own Church. But his monument not now extant; however Wever tells he found his body to be interred there by a Table inscribed which hangs upon his Tomb. Erroneously. For there is neither Tomb nor Table of his there.   

Anselm. 34. 
Anno Dom. 1093.   
Anselm succeeded Lanfrank, who died in the 16 year of his government, and was buried first at the head of his predecessor Lanfrank, but afterwards (saith Malmesbury) 
b De 〈◊〉. Pontific. lib. 1.  Dignius ma●soleum in Orientali porticu accepit; he was removed to the East end of his Church. That (I take it) is his monument on the Southside of Beckets' Chapel, and 
Anselmes' Monument.  on the same side of the Black Prince his Tomb, whereon Teobald's table hangs. But of this see more in Theobald. Almost 400 years after his death, by the procurement of john Morton one of his Successors he was canonised a Saint. For the finding of a light before whose Tomb, King Stephen 
c Lib. Eccles. Cant.  gave unto the Monks the Manor of Berkesore near Shepey in Kent. He built (as I have already told you from Thorns report) the Nunnery of S. Sepulchers by Canterb. The preceding story of the Church's Fabric will further inform you of his piety. Other things I pass over as obvious enough elsewhere.   

Ralph or Rodulph. 35.  
Ralph or Rodulph succeeded Anselm, sat eight years, 
Anno Dom. 1114.  and then died, to wit anno 1122. and was buried in the middle of the body of Christ-Church in Canterb. in medio aeulae majoris ecclesiae decenter sepultus, saith Edmerus. Howbeit (saith Bishop Godwyn) I see not any monument or other sign of his sepulture there at all. But no marvel, because the modern nave or body of the Church was built long since this Archbishop's time. His burial place was in the elder, the former body of the Church which Archbishop Sudbury (as I told you) took down, and was sithence rebuilt. Besides it is hard to find a monument, much less an Epitaph 
Old Epitaphs rare in England.  so ancient any where in England. That age (it seems) was not very ambitious of either. The ancient custom was to put laminam plumbeam a plate of lead with the interred parties name inscribed on it, into the sepulchre with the corpse 
* Vide Mat. Paris. ad Ann. Dom. 1257. pag. 1258. Lond. Ed. . So had Archbishop Dunstan. So also Richard, Beckets' immediate Successor. But Simon Islip (of the Archbishops) is the first that hath an Epitaph upon his tomb in the whole Church. About his time (I take it) they first became common and frequent. Haec obiter. This our Archbishop gave a penny a day out of his Manor of liming in Kent to Herbaldowne Hospital for ever, which gift his Successor Theobald renewed and confirmed 
d Ro●. Hosp. de Herbald. .   

William Corboyl. 36.  
W● Corboyl succeeded Ralph, and died in the year 1136. having sat almost 14 years, and lieth buried in his own 
1122.  Church: the particular place I find not; haply it was in the old body. He is famous for the new building of this Church (whereof before) as also of S. Martin's by Dover. Of which please you to hear Archdeacon Harpsfield speak. Erant in eo sacello (saith he speaking of S. Martin's) antiquitus 
St Martins by Dover.  Canonici quos seclares appellant. Quorum ecclesia cum in medio oppidi, parvi illius quidem sed populosi consisteret, canonicique ecclesiae sacra pensa perfunctoriè obirent, illiusque bona per lustra, libidines & luxuriam profunderent & consumerent: Guiliel. diligenter meditatus secum est, qua potissimum ratione huic malo occurreret. Aedificat itaque novam extra muros oppidi 
Anno Dom.  ecclesiam, cum caeteris domibus ad habitationem monastic is viris accommodis etc. Out of this Monastery, Richard, a successor of this Archbish. was taken and chosen to the See.   

Theobald. 37.  
Theobald succeeded William. He departed this life in the year 1160. when he had sat Archbishop 22 years. He 
1138.  was the first of the Catalogue that had the title of Apostolicae Sedis Legatus conferred upon him, to wit in the year 1138. 
Title of Apostolice Sedi● Legatus.  Which title was retained until Archbishop Cranmers' time. But then the Pope's authority finding its deserved ruin in our clearer and better understanding, a decree passed in the Synod (Anno 1534) that laying aside that title, they should be styled, I use now my Authors own words) Primats and Metropolitans of all England 
c Parker. in vita Cranmer. . This our Archbishop perceiving his end to approach made his Will, and gave all his goods unto the poor: and dying was buried in his own Church, in the South-part of S. Thomas chapel, in a marble Tomb joining to the wall (saith Bishop Godwyn) and accordingly there hangs a table lately made, of him and his acts. But with what warrant give me leave 
A mistake about Theobalds' tomb.  to make question. The table I know follows Bishop Godwyn. And sure I am that none that have written his life beside Godw. (before him I mean) have authorised this report of his. The particular place of his burial hath no mention amongst them, nor yet in his Will, which I have seen too. Besides this, and the probability that it is Archbishop Anselmes' tomb (as you may see before) another unlikelihood there is it should be Theobalds', and that is this. It hath no Inscription or Epitaph upon or about it, whereas his had, and it was this (as Wever says) 
Hic jacet Theobaldus Cantuar. Archiepiscopas, ob morum placabilitatem atque constantiam, Hen. 2. valde gratiosus, affabibilis, veridicus, prudens & amicus firmus, in omnes liberalis, & in pauperes munificus, qui suae tandem senectut is & languidae vitae pertaesus anteactam vitam morti persolvit. Anno Dom. 1160. cum 22. annis sedisset. Anima ejus requiescat in pace. Amen.   
Now if you will have my opinion where this Archbishop was buried: I shall tell you that I think it was in the old body of the Church, whose demolition and new erection is the very cause (as I conceive) we now miss so many of those elder monuments.  
Clarenbald the first Abbot of Feversham (in the year 
f Lib. Eccles. Christi ●ant.  812. called the King's little town of Fefresham. In partibus suburbanis Regi● oppidulo Fefresham dicto, as it is in a Charter 
Feversham.  of Kenulph King of Mercia, made to Wulfred the then Archbishop received benediction of this Theobald in praesentia Reginae Matildis quae praedictum monasterium de Feversham incepit & terris aliisque donis ditavit: Clarenbald first having obtained his and his fellows release from the Clunia●s, to be clearly absolved from subjection to that order, being now to live under the rule of S. Benet in Feversham Abbey: whereof in Christ-Church a record is kept to this effect, viz. that at Clarenbalds' benediction by Archbishop Theobald, were first read publicly literae absolutoriae Petri Abbatis Cluniacensis, & B. Prioris S. Mariae de Caritate, quae praedictos Clarenbaldum & Monachos qui secum venerant de Bermondeseia ab omni subjectione & obedientia ecclesiae Cluniacensis absolvebant, nè viz. ecclesia Cluniacensis aliqd' subjectionis in eundem Clarenbald. sive in successores ejus vel aliqd' juris in Monasterio▪ de Fever. calumpniare posset in posterum. Thus the Record. Mr Cambden then (salva ejus Reverentiâ) is mistaken in saying that King Stephen founded this Abbey for the Monks of Clugny.  
The same Records (being thus fairly occasioned, let me note it by the way) furnish me with a Catalogue of the names of divers Abbats as well of that place, as of several other Abbeys in the Diocese that receiving benediction from the Archbishop made profession of obedience to him and his Church, which I have thought not impertinent here to insert.   

Professiones.  
Feversham. Baxley. Clarenbald● primi Abbats, Theobaldo. Lamberti. Guerrici. Richardo. Thomae. Theobaldo. Algari. johannis. Petri. Willielmi. Petri. Bonifacio. Dionisii. johannis. Walteri. Petri de Herdes●o. Simonis. Oswardi. Roberti. Bonifacio. Clementis. Gilberti.  
St Radegund. Langdun. Combwell. Hugonis. Huberto. Richardi. Huberto. johannis. Henrici. johannis.  Richardi. Roberti.  johannis. Willielm. Huberto.  Henrici. Willielm. Bonifacio.  Willielmi. Rogeri.  Roberti. Waltero.    
I pass from Theobald and come to his successor.   

Thomas Becket. 38. 
Anno Dom. 1161.   
Whose whole story our Chronicles and tradition withal have made so trite and vulgar, that lest I be checked with a Nil dictum quod etc. I forbear to relate it, only I shall desire to say somewhat of his burial, translation and shrine, and to show what the quarrel was he so stoutly (stubbornly I should say) defended.  
Being most barbarously murdered, upon Tuesday the 28 of December 1170. his body was buried first in the Undercroft. But the revolution of 50 years, having brought about his Jubilee (to wit in the year 1220:) and being first matriculated by the Pope a glorious Saint and Martyr; his 
Beckets' Translation.  body with great solemnity, was taken up and laid in a most sumptuous shrine at the East end of the Church, at the charge of Stephen Langton his Successor, whereof I read as followeth. Adveniente igitur translationis die, praesente maximâ multitudine tam divitum quam pauperum; Pandulphus Apostolicae sedis Legatus, Cantuariensis & Remensis Archiepiscopi, Episcopique atque Abbates quamplurimi, cum Comitibus & Baronibus praedictam ●apsam, praesente Rege Henrico tertio, super humeros suos susceperunt, & in loco quo nunc honoratur cum omni gaudio collocaverunt.  
The solemnity of this Translation happened upon or about the 7th of july. Hence (I take it) the occasion and original of our (as we call it) Beckets' Fair at Cant. beginning to be holden annually on the 7th of that month. 
His Fair.   
For, as Sr Hen. Spelman 
g Glossar. in verb. Feri●.  is of opinion, that Fairs began and came up by the flocking of Christians to the place for the solemnising of some festival, such either as the feast of the Church's dedication or other the like; and saith it is easy to conjecture to what Saint the place hath been commended, by the Fair-day: So I am persuaded that this Fair which we hold at Canterb. annually on the 7th of july (as that other on the 29th of December) first came up as a means to gather the greater multitude thither for the celebration of the Anniversary solemnities of Beckets' translation, on the one, and his passion (as they used to term it) on the other of those days. And (for so my author adds) as Fairs were greater, as the Church and town were of more estimation: 
Fairs.  So however these our Fairs at Canterb. are now so small as not at all considerable, yet assuredly time was when they were of greater request, and might justly boast of great resort as any elsewhere: the decay of them and of the trading of our city participating of both one cause, namely the defacing of the shrine we now treat of, and the demolishing 
Whence the decay of Canterbury.  of such religious houses as were sometime standing in and about the City, the magazines of reputed holy relics, the incentives unto all sorts of people in those times for their frequent visitation of them. Whence that of Mr Lambert 
h Perambulation of Kent in Caterburie. . To tell the ●ruth (saith he) little had all these casualties of fire and flame been to the decay of this Town (speaking before of the often firing of Canterb.) had not the dissolution and final overthrow of the religious houses also come upon it. For where wealth is at command, how easily are buildings repaired? and where opinion of great holiness is, how soon are cities and towns advanced to great estimation and riches? And therefore no marvel if after wealth withdrawn, and opinion of holiness removed, the places tumbled headlong to ruin and decay. Thus he.  
The so seasonable application of these observations will 
〈◊〉 shrine.  beplea good enough (I trust) for this digression. And in that hope I return to our Archbishop, or rather to his Shrine. Whereof let me first give you Erasmus, then Stowe's description. Auream thecam (saith the former 
i Peregrinatio ●lig. 〈◊〉. ) theca contegit lignea, ea funibus sublata opes nudat inaestimabiles, vilissima pars erat aurum, gemmis raris ac praegrandibus collucebant, nitebant ac fulgurabant omnia, quaedam superabant ovi anserini magnitudinem. Prior candida virga demonstrabat contact● singulas gemmas, addens nomen Gallicum, pretium & authorem doni. Nam praecipui Monarchae don● miserant. Thus he. It was built (saith Stow 
k Annals ●n H●n. 8. ) about a man's height all of stone, then upward oftimber plain, within the which was a chest of iron, containing the bones of Thomas Becket, skull and all, with the wound of his death, and the piece cut out of his skull laid in the same wound. The timber work of this shrine on the outside was covered with plates of gold, damasked and embossed with wires of gold, garnished with broochs, images, Angels, chains, precious stones, and great orient pearls, the spoil of which shrine (in gold and jewels of an inestimable value) filled two great chests, one of which six or eight strong men could do no more than convey out of the Church: all which was taken to the King's use, and the bones of St Thomas (by commandment of the Lord Cromwell) were then and there burned to ashes, which was in September, the year 1538. Hen. 8. 30. 
l Liber comp● Eccles. Christ● Cant.   
This Shrine had a Clerk and other retainers that constantly gave their attendance upon it; and need enough in regard both of the treasure that was about it and also of the continual offerings thereunto by such as either of visitation or in pilgrimage made their approaches to it: Which offerings amounted to a great value by the year, as I guess by the accounts thereof for certain years which I have seen, showing that from about 200 lib. per annumm which they arose unto about 300 years since; within a six or eight years following they were grown to be more then trebled. But (by the way) when the Accountant comes to Christ's altar (the high altar) that's dispatched with a blank or a Nil: summo altari Nil. So much had that Shrine obscured this altar. The less marvel that the Church dedicated to Christ, gave place (as it did) to the name of St Thomas, and that the prints of their devotion in the marble stones who crept and kneeled to his Shrine remain to this day; therein but royalists (as I may call them) or imitators of sovereign example, if we but consider with what reverence some of our King's mention both him and his shrine. Cujus pretiosum corpus (Hen. 6. words of him to the Monks of the place) in ecclesia vestra praedicta gloriosè tumulatum extitit. In cujus ecclesia Metrop. corpus beati Thomae martyris ad quem devotionem gerimus specialem, honorificè feretratur, says Ed. 4. in his Charter to our City.  
It may not be omitted that this Saint's Jubilee was kept 
Beckets' Jubilee  every fifty years from and after his death: because such multitudes flocked to the City to solemnize the same as is scarce credible; witness this record kept of one happening in the year 1420. which I here commend to your perusal, transcribed from a book of the City chamber.   

De anno Iubileo apud Cant.  
MEmorand' quòd anno ab incarnatione Domini 1420. & anno Regni illustrissimi Regis & principis Hen. 5. à conquestu Angliae octavo, tempore Willielmi Bennet & Wmi Ickham tunc Balivor●m Cant. Henrici Chichele tunc Archiepiscopi Sedis Cant. & johannis Woodnesberwe ad tunc Prioris ecclesiae Christi Cant. die dominica in festo translationis sancti Thomae Martyris extitit apud Cant. annus Iubileus in ecclesia Christi Cant. qui tunc extiterat sextus annus jubileus a translation praedicti Thomae Martyris gloriosi. Cujus quidem jubilei solemnizatio incepit ad horam duodecimam in vigilia dicti festi, & continuavit per 15 dies continuos proximò & immediatè sequentes; quo tempore idem Rex & princeps illustrissimus fuit in Francia cum suo honorabili exercitu ad obsedio●▪ villae Millon' quae distat à Civitate Parisiensi triginta milliaria. Qui quidem verò Ballivi praelibati universaliter praeceperunt civibus Civitatis illius sufficientiam domorum ad herbigandum & ad hospitandum populum ad tunc pro salute animarum suarum adipisc●nda venturum, divina gratia suffragante, tam infra Civitatem praedictam, quam infra suburbia Civitatis ejusdem habentibus, quòd essent parati in lectis & aliis populo praedicto necessariis: Ac etiam praeceperunt universis vitellariis dictae Civitatis, viz. Tabernariis, Pandoxatoribus, Pistoribus, Carnificibus, Piscinariis, Cocis & hospitatoribus quòd ordinarent contra tempus praedictum victualia populo praedicto tunc suffectura, qui quidem populus ut aestimabatur ad tunc atting●bant ad numerum Centum millia hominum & mulierum tam Angliginentium qu●m alieniginentium exterorum viz. Hibernicorum, Wallicorum, Scotticorum, Francorum, Normannorum, Garnisientium & Gernisientium, ad eandem Civitatem, pro gratia praedicta habenda ad tunc affluentium, pace verò & tranquillitate inter populum praedict' opitulatione Dei omnipotentis suaeque gloriosissimae genetricis Dei Mariae, precibus quoque gloriosi Martyris Thomae sociorumque ejus sanctorum Curiae celestis, veniendo, morando & redeundo, toto tempore jubilei illius habitis & optentis. Qui quidem vitellarii ordin●runt victualia pro populo praedicto copiosa, it a quòd lagena vini rubii de Vasconia tunc vendebatur ad octo denarios, & lagena vini albi ad sex denarios, & duo panes levati vendebantur ad unum denarium, & omnia alia victualia, Domino disponente, de bono foro extiterunt; per quae Civitas praedicta & totus Comitatus Kanciae exinde per totam Angliam favente altissm● magnum & diutinum revera optinuerunt honorem. 
Thomas Chirch fecit & scripsit, & ad hoc per plenam Curiam de Burgemoto, tam per Ballivos, Aldermannos, xij juratos, cum xxxuj hominibus in numero consueto, specialiter requisitus fuerat, & in forma praedicta redegit in scriptis.   
Our City of Canterb. (it seems) of old pitched upon 
Becket our City's Patron.  this S. Thomas, for it Patron and tutelar Saint: and therefore caused these verses to be cut about the ring of her old common seal. 
Ictibus immensis Thomas qui corruit ensis,  
Tutor ab offensis urbis sit Canturie●sis.   
And, which is more, borrowed a part of the City arms retained to this day (if I mistake not) from his coat, which is three Cornish choughs proper. It is observable beside, that as by means of his fame and the great account of his martyrdom and miracles the name of Christ▪ Church became changed to S. Thomas Church; so the common seal of the Church, from the new dedication thereof by Archbishop Corboyl until then used, upon his martyrdom was changed, and on the one side of it that represented with these verses circumscribed. 
Est huic vita mori pro qu● dum vixit amori  
Mors erat & memori per mortem vivit honori.   
This was the Churches third common seal, and was not altered afterwards until the new foundation by H. 8.  
So much for this Archbishop; the legend of whose miracles, were it utterly lost, might easily (I think) be repaired from the windows on each side of the place where his shrine sometime stood abounding altogether with the story thereof.  
I come now to his quarrel, which was the defence of the Clergy, and their liberties, their exemption especially from secular judgement or trial. The shadow of which privilege we still retain; and call it Clergy. For your 
Clergy●.  better understanding whereof, and consequently of the quarrel Becket died in, my Appendix shall treat unto you of 
Vide in fi●●i.  these 5 particulars.  
The nature ●nd quality of the privilege, what it is, and whence it came. 
〈◊〉.   
The form and manner how it is put in practice. 
2. 3. 4. 5.   
The antiquity thereof in this land.  
The extent of it.  
The declining of it by degrees and restrained condition thereof, with us, at this day.  
I may not here forget our Archbishop's foundation and erection of an ancient spital which we have at this day in our City, and is called Eastbridge or Kingsbridg-hospitall, whereof enough before in proper place.  
To conclude, the Monks (it seems) glorying and priding themselves in nothing more than this of Beckets' Martyrdom (for so they callded his murder) or at leastwise conceiving their Church in no one respect so famous and renowned as in that, and not satisfied with the resemblance or representation of it in that their forenamed common seal; nor knowing better how, either to perpetuate the memory of it, or to make it more generally known abroad then thus: at or about what time that their common seal was renewed, contriving another special seal, ad causas, (that is, as I conceive, chiefly for matters concerning Jurisdiction, which, seed vacant, devolved into their hands) 
A Seal ad causas.  did insculp it also in the same. And now to distinguish this from that their more usual and common seal, they vary the inscription on both sides of it; that on the forepart, about the ring (containing within it the figure of the Church and Beckets' Martyrdom) being this † Sigillum ecclesiae Christi Cantuarie ad causas: whilst that on the reverse, about the ring (within which are three smaller rings or circles having in each of them ●n head or face like to the picture of our Saviour's) was this. Deus pater. Deus filius. Deus spiritus sanctus. An inscription probably intended to help preserve the then decaying memory of the Churches ancient name and dedication to the Trinity. This undoubtedly is that seal, which some, from ('tis like) the triple visage, and that Trinitarian inscription in the reverse, have mistaken for our cathedrals first se●le, whereof before in my 1. Particular of the Church-Survey.   

Richard. 39  
Richard first a Monk of this Church, afterwards Prior 
Anno Dom. 1171.  of Dover, succeeded Becket, and dying anno 1183. his body was honourably interred in Christ-Church, in the then Lady-chapell: not in that which now stands, but in a more ancient one included within the old body of the Church, as is before showed more at large.   

Baldewin. 40.  
After Richard succeeded Baldewin. He died in the holy land, whither he would needs attend the King (Ric. 1.) 
1184.  when he had been Archbishop even almost 7 years, and was buried there. Between the Monks of Cant. and him there was great debate and strife about the College which he first intended and attempted to erect at Hackington by Canterb. and afterwards at Lambhith: but was crossed in both, as you may find at large elsewhere. He first laid Wales to the Province of Cant.   

Reginald. 41.  
Reginald Fitz-joceline succeeded Baldwin, but died within fifteen days after his confirmation, and after his election. 
1191.  49.   

Hubert Walter. 42.  
Then succeeded Hubert Walter. He it was that first devised our assize of bread, our weights and measures of wine, oil, 
119●.  corn etc. He compassed the Tower of London with a strong wall and deep mote, so as the water enclosed the same quite round, which before that time could never be brought to pass, and performed many other great works of inestimable charge: such as his ecclesiastical revenues alone could never have enabled him to do, had not other helps from his secular offices been adjoined. For at one time, besides that he was Archbishop, and the Pope's Legate à latere, he was Lord Chancellor, Lord chief Justice, and High immediate governor under King Ric. 1. of all his dominions born in Wales and England. And having been Archbishop almost 12 years, died at his Manor of Tenham. And was buried july 13. 1205, in the South-wall of Christ-church, beside the Quire. His tomb is there extant at this day, and is (I take it) the most ancient one (except Anselmes') that the Church visibly affords. From the situation whereof, let me give you this note, that the ancientest tombs in 
Ancient tombs.  Churches are so or alike situate, namely in or along by the Church-walls. For the honour of his Church, I may not omit his crowning there of King john and Queen Isabel his last wife, anno 1201.   

Stephen Langton. 43 
Anno Dom. 1206.   
Stephen Langton succeeded Hubert. He was made a Cardinal, and sat Archbishop 22 years, and dying july 9 1228. was buried in his own Church, in the Chapel of S. Michael; where you may find his monument. The first dividing of the Bible into Chapters, in such sort as we now accounted them, is ascribed to him, of some 
m Parker & Godwin. i● ejus vita. , but denied of other 
n Spelman. Gloss. verb. Heptatic●. Vlcombe. . This man changed the Parish Church of Olecombe, now called Vlcombe, into a collegiate Church. The Ordination whereof is extant in the Records of Christ-Church, where I have seen it. The head of which Church or College was styled Archipresbyter, by which name one S ● Benjamin, in the vacancy of the See by Archbishop Peckham's death, in the year 1293. presents to the then Prior of Christ-Church one S ● john Elmestone a Priest, with desire of his admission in minorem Canonicum ecclesiae praedictae, juxta ordinationem bonae memoriae Domini Stephani quondam Cantuar' Archiepiscopi etc. as I have it from the same Records.  
In this Archbishop's time five marks per annum was holden a competency for a Vicar's stipend (at Halstow, anciently called Halegestow signifying the Holy place, a Vicarage 
Vicar's stipend  being erected and endowed by Archbishop Hubert, the Vicar's stipend there was rated accordingly;) and thereupon that constitution, Quoniam autem de officio Vicarii, in Provinciali, was agreed upon and made, for the establishing of that rate as sufficient. Indeed five marks in those days was as much as ten pound in these. However, it seems it was a great deal cheaper world in those days, and all saleable things were then of far less price than now, when four 
Anno Dom.  times five marks of ours, nay four times five pounds of ours is now the ordinary, and yet (in respect to the chargeable state of these days) but reasonable and moderate stipend for a Curate. Would you know the reason? It is then shortly this; the greater abundance of money now then heretofore. For (as Sr Henry Savill noteth upon Tacitus) the excessive abundance of things which consist merely on the constitution of men; draweth necessarily those things which nature requireth, to an higher rate in the market. Captâ ab Augusto Alexandriâ (saith Orosius) Roma in tantum opibus ejus crevit, ut duplo majora quam antehac rerum venalium pretia statuerentur. Thus he. And so I leave this Archbishop.   

Richard Wethershed. 44.  
Richard Wethershed succeeded Stephen Langton: who enjoyed the honour but a little while to wit, two years or 
1229.  thereabouts, and died at S. Gemma in his return from Rome, where he was buried.   

S. Edmund. 45.  
S. Edmund succeeded him, who died anno 1242. eight years after his consecration, and was buried also in foreign 
1234.  parts. He married King Hen. 3. to Queen Eleanor at Canterbury in the year 1236.   

Boniface. 46.  
Boniface succeeded S. Edmund. He died in Savoy (his 
1244.  own Country) in the year 1270. somewhat more than 26 years after his consecration. He performed two things not unworthy of memory, he paid the debt of 22 thousand marks that he found his See indebted in. And built a good-Hospitall at Maidstone, called the new works, and endued 
Maidstone Hosp.  with revenues valued at the suppression at 159 lib. 7 s 10d. (William Courtnay his successor long after translated the same in a College of secular Priests. Bishop Godwin adds a third thing, at the belief whereof I somewhat stick; and that is his perfecting and finishing that most stately Hall of the Lord Archbishop's palace at Cant. with the buildings adjoining: unless it may be thus made good, to wit, by his paying the debt which his predecessors by building the same had run themselves into. And indeed in that sense he was wont to vaunt himself the builder of it. Praedecessores mei (saith he) istam aulam cum magnis expensis fecerunt, bene quidem fecerunt, sed expensas ad illam construendam nisi de pecunia mutua non invenerunt, videtur quidem mihi, quòd ego illam feci, quia illorum debita persolvi 
o Antiq. Brit. in ejus vita. .   

Robert Kilwardby. 47. 
Anno Dom. 1272. Black Friars London.   
Robert Kilwardby succeeded Boniface. He built the Black Friars in London, being himself of that order. Having been Archbishop about the space of six years he was made a Cardinal, and then resigning his Archbishopric got him into Italy, and died and was buried at Viterbium. Being yet Archbishop in the year 1277. by his kind and gentle persuasion he appeased the Citizens of Canterb. eagerly bend upon revenge in a very strange way to be taken of the Monks of Christ-Church, for refusing them their aid in that imposition of finding and setting forth twelve horsemen to serve in the King's intended war against Lewelyn Prince of Wales, laid upon the City, whereof before in the Black Friars I have spoken.   

john Peckham. 48.  
john Peckham succeeding Kilwardby: and continued in the Chair 13 years, and almost an half. In which time he 
1278. Wingham.  founded the collegiate Churchat Wingham in Kent, or rather changed the Parish-Church there into a Collegiate. The head of which College was called Praepositus, a Provost. The ordination of which Praepositure, together with this our Archbishop's letters for the dividing of Wingham Church into four Parishes, dated anno 1282. are extant in the Records of Christ-Church, where I have seen them. Now Wingham itself (the mother Cuurch) Ash, Goodnestone, and Nonington (chapels to it) were the 4 Parishes. Overland and Richborough were chapels to Ash, and Wimingswold a Chapel to Nonington. This College of secular Canons (for such the founder placed in it) was valued at the time of the suppression at 84 lib. of yearly revenues. Collegium in Cantia Wengamense (Harpsfields words of this foundation) ejus potissimum opera constitutum est, sed seminarium ejus beneficii à Roberto decessore ejus profectum est: Qui à Gregorio Pontifice impetrabat, ut liceret ecclesiam parochialem Wengamensem in eum usum convertere. The City of Canterb. went to suit with this Archbishop about limits and liberties, of which heretofore in my survey of Westgate street. Amongst other of his labours (as I have it from Gavantus his Thesaurus sacrorum rituum) he composed an office for Trinity-Sunday, called Officium Sanctae Trinitatis. It was received by the Church of Rome, and in use about the year 1290. but for the difficulty and obscurity of the style was sithence abrogated.  
Leaving these things I come now to the place of this 
Peckhams' tomb.  Archbishop's burial. He was buried (saith Bishop Godwin) in his own Church, but in what particular place I find not. Archbishop Parker (it seems) found it not neither, for he mentions it not. By a Record in the Church of the time of the death and place of the burial of this Archbishop which I have seen, it appears he was laid in part Aquilonari, juxta locum Martyrii beati Thomae Martyris. I fear the Author of the Tables hath done him some wrong in hanging Archbishop Vfford's Table upon that which (I take it) is rather Peckhams' tomb than his, that namely in the corner of the Martyrdom next unto Warham, which the Table-writer upon (it seems) Bishop Godwin's conjecture, takes for granted to be Vffords' tomb. But (as I conceive) the cost bestowed on that monument (however the archiepiscopal effigies which it hath is framed of wood) being built somewhat Pyramis-like, and richly overlaid with gold, which is not yet worn off, gainsays it to be ufford. For I read 
p Antiq. Brit. in vita Vfford. , that dying before he was fully Archbishop, having never received either his pall or consecration, and that in the time of that great plague which (as Walsingham reports) consumed nine parts of the men through England; his body without any pomp or wont solemnity was carried to Canterb. and there secretly buried by the Northwall, beside the wall of Thomas Becket. But I pass to his Successor. 
Anno Dom. 1294. Sub-Deacon-Cardinals at Christ-Church.    

Robert Winchelsey. 49.  
Robert Winchelsey succeeded Peckham. In the Record of whose inthronization, I find mention of three Sub-Deacon-Cardinalls of the Church which did assist the then Prior in that action. Such (it seems) the Church had at that time. Of the like sometimes in S. Paul's Church London, S. Hen. Spelman's Glossary will inform you in verbo Cardinalis. But I come to the Archbishop, who kept possession of the Chair about the space of 19 years, and died in the year 1313. Much might be said of his admirable liberality and charity to the poor, but here of Archbishop Parker, and from him, Bishop Godwin and others have said enough already. And I pass over his whole life, and come to his burial place, which is not now extant by any monument of 
Winchelseyes' tomb.  him in the Church. But certain it is he once had one there, and it stood (say those Authors) beside the Altar of S. Gregory by the South-wall. This obscure description of the situation at length I came to understand thus. First I read in some Records of the Church a gift ad luminare troni qui est contra imaginem Salvatoris contra altaria Sanctorum Iohannis Evangelistae & Gregorii Papae. To show me where these altars stood, comes after to my sight the mention of Altar Sancti Iohannis Evangelistae in Australi cruse. Which laid to the former I perceive these altars stood in the South crosse-Ile of the Choir, the one under the one, the other under the other East-window thereof, more assured of it by viewing the opposite wall, where are tokens of something (most likely that throne) once affixed to it, but now had away. By the South-wall then of this Crosse-Ile sometime stood this Archbishop's tomb.  
About 13 years after his death, Thomas then Earl of 
Endeavours for his Canonization.  Lancaster, implored his Canonization at the Pope's hands, but without success for these reasons. Scire te volumus (saith the Pope to him 
q Liber Ecc●s. Cant. ) quod Romana mater ecclesia non cons●vit super tanta causa praesertim praecipitanter aliquid agere, quin potius tale negotium solempnis examinationis indagine ponderare, propter quod si negotium ipsum credideris promovendum, oportet quòd illud coram fratribus nostris in Consistorio per solempnes personas ex parte Praelatorum Cleri & populi Anglicani vitam, merita, atque miracula ipsius Archiepiscopi attestantium specialiter destinatas solempniter proponatur, supplicatione subjuncta, ut inquisitio hujusmodi de vita mirabili, miraculis etiam & meritis gloriosis person● idoneis committatur, ut juxta exitum inquisitionis ipsius canonizatio fieri debeat vel omitti etc. Hereupon his immediate Successor (Walter Reynolds) and his Suffragans, anno 1326., all joined in petition to the Pope for his Canonization, directing their letters to him for that purpose under their several hands and seals: which it seems were never sent, for the original is yet remaining in the Cathedral. Vidi, inspexi. And I do not read that he was ever canonised. Yet for his virtues, the common people would needs esteem him a Saint. And I find treasurers of the Church account divers years for offerings to or at his tomb. Therefore it was afterwards pulled down. In the Records both of the Cathedral, and of the Hospital of Herbaldowne I have seen new Statutes of his making, 
His Statutes.  namely such as he made and gave to either, upon and after his Visitation of each place. It was he that first erected perpetual Vicarages in the mother Church of Reculver, and the chapels to it (Hearne and St Nicholas) and endowed them, as I find by an authentical copy of the ordination of those Vicarages which hath come unto my hands.  
For the maintenance of the Church's liberties, and ecclesiastical Jurisdiction, he mainly opposed prohibitions 
Prohibitions.  grown frequent in his days, and caused the Clergies grievances to be drawn into Articles: whereof see the Antiquitates Britannicae in his life. pag. 211. See also pag. 215. in the life of his Successor Reynolds; and if you would know what good courses have from time to time sithence been taken to restrain Prohibitions, see the same Author pag. 216. in the life of the same Reynolds. pag 286. in the life of Stafford. pag. 294 in the life of Bourgchier, in which last place you may find this worthy question properly, by my rendered Author, subjoined. Cum itaque (saith he) omnis Laicorum judicum in Praelatos quaerimonia, tum cum Romanae Curiae potestas etiam Regibus ipsis terrorem incussit; sola haec fuit, qd' nisi pleraeque causae ab ecclesiastico foro ampu●entur, appellationibus à regia cognitione ad populum perferantur: quid nunc dicere possunt cum pralati Regiam authoritatem & divino verbo sanctiùs, & sua jurisdictione multò peritiùs tueantur quam Causidici? etc.  
To return to our Archbishop. He married King Ed. 1. to his second wife Margaret in his Church at Cant. whose nuptial feast (saith Stow) was kept in the great Hall of his Palace.   

Walter Reynolds. 50.  
Walter Reynolds succeeded Rob. Winchelsey, who when he had sat Archbishop 13 years and somewhat more, died and was buried in the South-wall of Christ-Church near the Choir, where his tomb is as yet extant. At his inthronization (see the state of it in those days) Bartholomew Lord Badlesmere tendered himself to the Earl of Gloucester chief Steward, to serve in the office of Chamberlain to the Archbishop, for (or in respect of) his Manor of Hatfield by Charing 
r Lib. eccles. Cant. . This occasionally induced, let me set before you in this place the fees which by ancient Record in the Cathedral appear to have belonged to the Earl of Gloucester in respect of his office of Steward and Butler to 
Earl of Gloucester.  the Archbishop of Canterbury on the day of his inthronization: and they were these.  
Ista pertinent ad fe●d. Comitis Gloverniae pro officio senescalli, die intronizationis cujuslibet Archiepiscopi Cantuar. si tamen summonitus fuerit, & venerit ad faciendum servitium suum & non aliter.  
Idem Comes habebit de Archiepiscopo seven robas de scarleto.  
Item xxx sextarios vini.  
Item l. libras cer● ad luminare suum proprium pro toto festo.  
Item liberationem feni & avenae ad lxxx equos per 2. noctes tantum.  
Item discos & salsaria quae assid●bit coram Archiepiscopo ad primum ferculum.  
Item post festum pcrendinationem trium dierum cum l. equis tantùm, sumptibus Archiepiscopi, ubi idem Comes eligere voluerit de proximis maneriis dicti Archiepiscopi ad sanguinem min vendum.  
Ista pertinent ad feod. ejusdem Comitis, pro Officio Pincernar. die supradicto, si tamen, etc.  
Idem Comes habebit seven robas de scarleto.  
Item xx sextarios vini.  
Item l. libras cerae.  
Item liberationem feni & avenae ad lx equos per 2 noctes tantùm.  
Item cuppam qua serviet coram Archiep. die festi.  
Item omnia dolia evacuata.  
Item habebit sex dolia si tot potata fuerint viz. subtus barram, in crastino festi computo recepto, & licèt plura dolia si● potat● fuerint, sex tantùm inde habebit, & residuum Archiepiscopo remanebit.  
Et nota quòd in intronizatione Roberti de Kilewardby Archiepiscopi, praedict' Comes habuit primò praedicta feoda: & tunc habuit unum mantellum cum penula. Et postea in intronizatione I de Peckam Archiepiscopi habuit duos mantelloes.  
Ista maneria tenet praedict. comes pro dicto officio senescalli faciend. viz. Tonebregg, cum castro & handlo cum pertinen. & totam leucatam.  
Ista maneria tenet praedict. comes pro officio Pincernar. viz. Bradestede. Vieleston. Horsmandenne. Melton & Pectes.  
See more of this (if you please) in Mr Lamberts Perambulation of Kent in Tunbridge.  
To return to our Archbishop. He gave unto his Covent (saith Bishop Godwin) the Manor of Caldcote, and the 
Caldecote. Thoreholt.  Wood of Thorlehot. Now the Charters of this gift I have seen in the Church Records, dated Anno 1326. In which the Archbishop gives to the Prior and Covent manerium nostrum (as his words are) the Caldecotes juxta Cant. cum bosco nostro de Toreholt: and that by consent of the King and Pope. In the Pope's licence the situation and value of the thing, together with the use which the Covent meant to make of it, and for which they begged it of the Archbishop, is thus expressed. Cum tu (the Pope so writes to the Archbishop) inter alia mensae tuae Archiepiscopalis Cant. bona, unum modicum receptaculum vocat' Caldecote juxta Civitatem Cant. scituat', cum quadam terra eidem adjacen' valoris decem librarum vel circiter ad mensam eandem spectan' obtinere noscaris, quod u●que receptaculum cum terra praedicta, iidem Prior & Capitulum ac dilecti filii monachi ecclesia tuae Cantuarien. sanguine minuti, & ceteris laboribus futigati ibidem interdum propter loci vicinitatem recreari valeant, multum affectant per te sibi concedi, & in usus eorum perpetuos assignari, etc. In this passage give me leave to take notice of two things, to show what they mean and were. The first is that of Sanguinis 
Sanguinis mi●tio.  minutio, the other is the work or labour what it was that the Monks employed themselves about. For the former (sanguinis minutio) it was apertio venae ad minuendum sanguinem. So Reyner in his Onom●sticum. And was used of the Monks partly (I suppose) to keep their bodies under, and partly physically and for their health-sake, to evacuate corrupt and bad humours contracted, some may think, by their unwholesome diet, feeding most what upon fish, and course fare; and true it is, by their order they were to abstain from eating flesh; yet hear what Polydore Virgil saith 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 〈◊〉. Rer. lib. 7. cap. 2.  of that matter. Item à carnibus (saith he) perpetuò se abstinent, nisi cum aegrotare caeperint. Vnde monachi (mark now) qui hodie continenter carnibus vescuntur, quorum numerus ubique gen●ium extra Italiam ingentissimus est, perpetuò aegrotent necesse est, nisi velint impudenter fateri se contra suas leges facere 
s 〈◊〉. Fras. Co●. In I●opbagia. Fa●r, & defen● 〈◊〉 Haius i● Astro inex●o. q●io. 〈◊〉 pag. 130. etc. . So that I conceive they did thus evacuate not so much for unwholesome as for full and high feeding, and much ease withal, a course of life contrary to that of the Primitive Monks, who fared hardly, and not only lived by their labour, but used it as a principal means of their Mortification 
t Creccelius de Orig. & fund. Monastic. or●. cap. 1. .  
As for the other point, their work or labour wherein 
Monks employment.  they employed themselves, and were occupied, it was of divers kinds. The Ceremoniale Benedictinum thus sets them forth. Opera autem quibus se occupare debent, sunt haec: videlicet scribere libros, aut rubricare, velligare, pergamenum & alia necessaria praeparare, & his similia &c. No longer to digress this Caldecote Manor sometime lay partly in the old Park and there-away, about Cockar-barne, as they now call it for Caldcote-barne.  
And now return we to our Archbishop. To the Nonnes of Davington by Feversham which my Author thinks were 
Ha p●field.  French-women, he gave and prescribed rules or ordinances in the French Tongue, for their more easy intellect. He amerced the Precedent of S. Bertins', for leasing out, without his privity, the fruits of Chilham Parsonage which belonged to the Priory of Throuleigh, a Cell to S. Bertins', and one of those that in the general suppression of Prior's aliens by Hen. 5. was dissolved. And so much for this Archbishop, 
Prior's aliens.  except I shall remember his appropriation of the Parsonages of Farley and Sutton to the Hospital at Maidstone of his Predecessor Boniface foundation, and his like appropriation of the Parsonage of Waldershire to Langdon Abbey, unto which about the same time King Ed. 1. gave the Parsonage of Tongall   

Simon Mepham. 51. 
Anno Dom. 1327.   
Simon Mepham succeeded Walter Reynolds; and continued Archbishop five years and somewhat more, and died Anno 1333. at Mayfield in Sussex. His body was conveyed to Canterb. and laid in a Tomb of Black-Marble upon the North-side of St Anselmes' Chapel: that so called at this day, for when he was buried there, it had another 
Sai● Peter's Chapel.  name. The Record of the place and manner with the time of his burial kept in the Church saith he was laid in Quadam capellâ sancti Petri nuncupata ex parte australi summi altaris. His Tomb is that whereon by error Archbishop 
Mephams' Tomb mistaken.  Sudburies' Table now hangs.   

john Stratford. 52.  
His Successor was john Stratford who having sat Archbishop about 15. years, died and was buried in a Tomb 
1333.  of Alabaster on the Southside of the high Altar, besides the steps of St Dunstan's Altar. By the Table hanging whereon you may easily find it.   

john Vfford, or Offord. 53.  
Him succeeded john ufford or Offord. But he never received either his Pall or Consecration. Of his burial I have 
1348.  spoken before in Peckham.   

Thomas Bradwardin. 54.  
Thomas Bradwardin succeeded, but within five weeks 
1348.  and four days after his consecration he died, so that he was never enthronized at all. He was buried in St Anselmes' foresaid Chapel, by the South-wall.   

Simon Islip. 55.  
Simon Islip was his next Successor. Amongst many other acts of his piety, he gave unto his Covent to the use of their 
1349.  Elemosinary, the Churches or Parsonages of Monkton and 
Monkton. Eastry.  Eastry; say the Writers of his life. Yet I find these very Churches with others formerly appropriated to them for that use, to wit by Archbishop Richard, Beckets' immediate Successor, as you may find before in my Survey of the Almnery. Both relations true. For the Church Muniments inform me that these Parsonages were taken from the Church by Archbishop Baldwin; that Richard's immediate Successor in and upon the quarrel that was between him and his Monks (whereof before) and so they continued, at least at the Archbishop's dispose, until this Simon Islip, with the King's licence, did restore, reunite and annex them again unto the Church: shortly after which gift of his Vicar's perpetual were ordained and endowed to each Church; Copies of the ordination and dotation of which Vicarages I have seen in the Leigers of the Church, where they are fairly registered. But to our Archbishop again. With his consent Buckland Parsonage was appropriated to 
H●.  the Priory of Dover, as was the Parsonage there to Bilsington Priory. He died Anno 1366. after he had been Archbishop 16. years and upwards: and was sometime buried under a fair Tomb of Marble inlaid with Brass in the middle, and near the upper end of the Body of his Church, sithence removed and set between the two next Pillars on the North-side thereof. The times were very mortal, by the raging of the plague, when he came first to the See, as 
Great mo●aility. Note.  from Walsingham, is noted by Harpesfield, with this note of his upon it. Cum verò (saith he) propter hanc hominum animaliumque ceterorum pestilenti●m, agri passim inculti, vasti, & deserti jacerent, & possessores solitis redditibus destituerentur; coacti sunt non modo de solita pensione remittere, sed etiam agros omni rustica facultate instructos colonis locare. Quod & si a laicis possessoribus, ad rem attentioribus observari fere desitum est, in praediis tamen coenobiorum, Episcoporum & collegiorum mos ille frequens, ad nostrausque tempora, maximo colonorum emolumento perduravit.   

Simon Langham. 56. 
Anno Dom. 1366.   
Simon Langham succeeded Islip. Who sat only two years, died Anno 1376. was first buried at Avinion (where he died) in the Church of the Carth●sians (whose house he had founded,) but afterwards at Westminster (where he had been first a Monk, afterwards Prior, and lastly Abbot) in a goodly Tomb of Alabaster.   

William Wittlesey. 57  
William Wittlesey succeeded Langham, who having continued in the See, almost seven years, died in the year 
1368.  1374. and was buried almost over against (his Uncle) Simon Islip, between two Pillars on the South side of the body of the Church, under a fair Marble Tomb inlaid with Brass, as his Table will direct.   

Simon Sudbury. 58.  
Him next succeeded Simon Sudbury: who being barbarously murdered by the Rebels in Rich. 2. days, Anno 
1375.  Domini 1381. his body after all stirs ended was carried to Canterbury, and there honourably interred upon the Southside of the Altar of St Dunstan, the next above the Tomb 
Sudbury his Tomb mistaken.  of Archbishop Stratford, and is that (as in Odo I told you) whereon Odo's Table hangs. The place (I take it) or near it where his predecessor St Elpheges Altar-Tombe sometimes stood. That as there was but little or no difference between them, in the condition either of their lives or deaths, they being both Archbishops of the place and both unworthily murdered (I might say martyred) by the outrage of the people, a rabble of cruel assassinats, of Danes the one, ofDomestickes the other, little better than devils incarnate both, so there might also be little or no distance in their sepulchers or resting places after death. He built the West-gate of our City together with the greatest part of the Wall between it and the Northgate, commonly called by the name of the Long-Wall. A great work (saith my Author) no less necessary and profitable unto the City then costly and chargeable unto the builder. 
Leland.  The Mayor and Aldermen once a year, used to come solemnly to his Tomb to pray for his soul in memory of this his good deed to their City. To remedy and remove which piece of superstition (I take it) his Epitaph (some tokens whereof are yet discernible) was torn and taken from his Tomb at or since the Reformation. Wevers Monuments hath this fragment of it.  

Sudburiae natus Simon jacet hic tumulatus  
Martyrizatus nece pro republica stratus.  
Heu scelus infernum, crux, exitiale, nefandum  
Praesulis eximii corpus venerabile dandum  
In rabiem vulgi—    

William Courtney. 59  
William Courtney succeeded Simon Sudbury, and having sat twelve years lacking one month, died Anno 1396. at 
1381.  Maidstone. Where he pulled down the old work first built by Boniface his predecessor for an Hospital, and building it after a more stately manner translated it into a College of secular Priests, which at the time of the suppression was 
Maidstone College.  valued at 139l. 7s. 6d. by the year. This Archbishop lieth buried (saith Bishop Godwyn) upon the Southside of Thomas Beckets' shrine, at the feet of the black Prince in a goodly Tomb of Alabaster. But what says Wever? It was the custom of old (saith he) and so it is in these days for men of eminent rank and quality, to have Tombs erected in more places than one; for example and proof of my speech, I find here in this Church a Monument of Alabaster at the feet of the black Prince, wherein both by tradition and writing, it is affirmed that the bones of William Courtney (the son of Hugh Courtney, the third of that Christian name, Earl of Devonshire) Archbishop of this See lies entombed. And I find another to the memory of the same man at Maidstone here in Kent, wherein (because of the Epitaph) I rather believe that his body lieth buried. Thus he. His place of burial appointed of him in his Will extant 
Contradiction about the place of Courtneys' burial.  in Christ-Church was the Cathedral at Exeter, where he had sometime been a Prebendary, and where he requested the Bishop of the place to bury him. Afterwards lying on his death bed and having changed his mind in this point; and holding his body (as he then declared) unworthy of burial in his Metropolicall or any other Cathedral or Collegiate Church, he wills it to be buried in the Churchyard of his Collegiate-Church at Maidstone, in loco designato johanni Boteler armigero suo (as his own words are.) Thus you see his Will sends us to seek his burial place at Exeter. His after declaration on his death bed, to the Cimitery of his Collegiate Church at Maidstone. His Monument in that Church says he lies there, and this in Christ-Church, that he is in none of the three but here. And that I take to be the truest. For I find in a Lieger Book of Christ-Church, that the King (Rich. 2.) happening to be at Canterb. when he was to be buried (upon the Monks suit, 'tis like) overruled the matter, and commanded his body to be there interred.  
This Archbishop upon the overture of an intended invasion 
Clergy armed ●nd rated.  by the French, directs his letters to the then Commissary of Cant. to arm the Clergy of the City and Diocese after these rates and proportions 
u Ex Registro Courtney. . A benefice exceeding 100 marks to find a man and two Archers, a benefice exceeding xll. to find two Archers, a benefice of xxl. one Archer, and for those under xxl. to find Loricas, coats of male and other smaller a●mes. Here, as from a fit occasion, 
Archery.  let us observe by the way the alteration of the times in point of martial and military weapons. The Bow, (the long Bow) and the Bowman, we all know, were those which did the deed, and bare away the Bell in martial brunts in former times, the Bow then the prime weapon for offensive service, and the chiefest instrument war knew wherewith to try the mastery; the Gun, and Gun-shot being but of late (though too soon heaven knows whilst earth rues) invented: and yet so cried up and magnified, by martialists especially, that the Bow the whilst is quite rejected with contempt as useless, and doomed and deemed at best as only fit for men of peace in way of recreation to sport withal. Now being grounded in a good opinion of Archery myself, and not unwilling to vindicate the under valuation 
A worthy commendati▪ of it.  of it with other men, I desire here to recommend unto my reader a worthy and judicious Elegy one commendation of (England's ancient glory.) Archery; not my own, nor yet any mere Mercurians, one able to judge only by theoretical speculation, but a learned disciples both of Mars and Mercury, one equally experienced in both warfares, the armed and gowned; Master john Bingham I mean, in his Notes upon Aelians' Tactics, where he plays the part of a most excellent advocate for discarded Archery. The Book is now somewhat dear and scarce, and therefore to save their labour and cost (of searching the original) who can endure to see despised Archery commended according to it worth, I shall present them with a true Copy of that whole passage verbatim, as there it lies, pag. 24. and so forward. It is somewhat long; for avoiding therefore of too great an interruption and digression here, I have given it a place in my Appendix, where you may find it, Scriptura 15a. Craving pardon for this digression, I return to our Archbishop.  
He had the Bailiffs of Canterbury in question for meddling in and with ecclesiastical matters, as the punishment of Adultery 
Meddling in Church matters by Laics punished.  and the like, and made them to submit sub poena interdicti Civitatis. He had the Sergeants of the City also in coram, for bearing their Maces and using their authority within the precinct of his Church. But at the petition of the City they were dismissed, provided that for time to come they leave their Maces without the utter-gate when they come to the Church, or within the precinct. He had the Bailiffs of Romney also in coram, for meddling in church-business, who obstinately rebelled and sought and thought to secure themselves by a prohibition, but were deceived, for the Archbishop got it reversed, and (saith the Record) made that unadvised Town submit. He obtained 
x Liber Eccles. Cant.  of Ric. 2. four Fairs for the Church at the four principal feasts of peregrination in the year, viz. one on the Innocents-day, on Witson-Eve another, on the Eve of Beckets' translation a third, and the fourth and last on Michaelmas-Eve, to hold for nine days next following every of them, and be kept within the site of the Priory.   

Thomas Arundel. 60.  
Thomas Arundel next succeeded after Courtney. Who sat one month above 17 years, and died Anno 1413. He 
1396.  lieth buried (as his Table will show) on the North-side of the body of Christ-Church, where doubtless he sometime had a far better Monument than now remains of him. For his Will appoints out his burial thus. In Monumento meo novo quod ad hoc licès indignissimè construi & fieri feci in oratorio 
Arundels' Monument.  meo in navi sanctae Cant. ecclesiae, infra Cantariam meam perpetuam duorum Capellanorum ibidem ordinatam, etc. But chantry and Monument are both gone, a bare grave-stone 
His chantry.  leveled with the floor, with the brass all shamefully torn away being only left; whereas you may know there sometimes stood a Chapel (like to that I suppose of Bishop Kemp on the North-side of the Body of Paul's) wherein both the Archbishop lay fairly entombed, and his two Chanterists did daily celebrate, which had for their stipend xl. a piece yearly out of Northfleet Parsonage: and their dwelling or Mansion which was built for them by himself ex australi parte ecclesiae, and contained in length 80. and in breadth 60 foot measured. I suppose it yet standing, and to be one of those present buildings on the Southside of the Churchyard. The Chapel (as I learn from the report of the chantry Priest thereof) was taken down and sold away by H. 8. his Commissioners. This Archbishop 
y Harpsfield. Bredgare.  confirmed the foundation of the College of Bredgare, to which the Parish Church there was in his time converted by Robert then Parson thereof. In the year 1413. what year this Archbishop died I find 
z Walsingham.  him an Inhabitant in the Castle of Leeds in Kent, which in a decree or sentence which he gave between his Monks and the Covent of S. Gregory's by Cant. dated at that place, the same year, he calls his own Castle. 
〈◊〉.  Dat' (saith he) in Castello meo de Ledes.   

Henry Chicheley. 61. 
Anno Dom. 1414.   
Henry Chicheley succeeded next after Thomas Arundel. He sat 29 years, and dying anno 1443. was laid in a very fair tomb built by himself in his life time, standing on the North-side of the Presbytery. It is the tomb which was lately repaired and beautified by the All-souls-colledge men, whose founder he was. His table will direct you to it. Lindewood dedicating his Provincial to this Archbishop styles him Dei gratia, Cantuarien' Archiep. And no marvel 
Dei gratia.  for 600 year before, his predecessor Archbishop Athelard useth the style, writing himself thus. Ego Aethilheardus, gratia Dei humilis sanctae Dorobernensis ecclesiae Archiepiscopus etc. The like 
a D. H. Spelman. Glessar. in verb. Dei gratia.  was usual in the styles of other Archbishops. And not only Archbishops, Bishops, and Dukes, in times past used the same in their titles, but also Abbats, Priors, Earls, yea the meanest Magistrates and Legates sometimes, Earls especially which had jura Regalia, and mitred Abbats. But Kings in the mean season disdaining and displeased at it, and challenging it as the symbol and proof of their (save under God) independent Majesty, by little and little it became either wholly omitted or else altered, as our Archbishops into providentia divina, or permissione divina. Mr Selden will instruct you more at large in this matter, if you peruse the 1. part of his titles of Honour cap. 7. § 2. Unto whom let me add a pertinent discourse hereof. The author of it, Roverius, in his Illustrations upon the History of S. john's Monastery at Rheims pag. 618. Fecerant (saith he) liberae electiones, & Pontificiae exemptiones, ut horum temporum Abbates (speaking of the year 1192.) se Dei solius gratiâ constitutos censerent, atque inter dignitatis titulos hunc etiam annumerarent. Neque verò hoc primùm saeculo natus est hic sensus, cum anno jam Mxxx. Gandensis Abbas S. Bavonis sic scriberet. Otginae Comitissae Othelboldus gratiâ Dei Abbas, & annis plusquam centenis antè Abbas S. Galli; Christi favente gratia Harm●tus Abbas, & Christi disponente providentia, aut largiente clementia, Crimaldus Abba. Verum two, qui amantiores erant humilitatis religiosae, non facilè comperiuntur hoc usi sermone. Neque ehim vel Cluniacensis ullus, vel Bernardus Claraevallensis, vel Gofridus Vindocinensis, vel Lupus Ferrariensis id sibi usquam tituli arrogarunt. Nam sive ea voce significetur Praefecturam Deo soli debitam, subditamve esse, sive Monasterio beneficium à Deo impertitum, quòd vir talis fuerit Praefectus, sive Abbati gratiam à Deo factam, quòd sit Praefectus, non potest non aliquid continere sensus, quam humilitatem religiosam deceat, sublimioris, cum id de seipso Abbas profitetur, qui nec satis verè potest affirmare supremum sibi jus esse, vel sacrarum, vel temporalium rerum sui Monasterii, nec satis dimissè sua in Monasterium merita jactare, nec satis tutò Praefecturam, quae gravissimum onus est pro divino favore habere. Itaque sapientissimi quique, & si aliis hunc titulum tribuunt, nunquam tamen sibi, dignum videlicet rati, ut de aliis sentiant, quod de se non ausint. Quamobrem suspicari licet has voces pluribus Abbatum chartis, actisque publicis non tam illorum quam pragmaticorum usu, ac instituto invectas, dum Abbates inducunt de seipsis eo loquentes modo, quo ipsi pragmatici sibi de illis sentiebant loquendum. Quanquam videri etiam possit has voces à Librariis in antiqua interdum scripta ex sui saeculi moribus intrusas. Vix enim ante secundam Regum Franciae stirpem, aut Reges supremam pet●statem rerum civilium, aut Episcopi rerum sacrarum his verbis expresserunt. Sanè & Episcopi, & abbots aliqui invidiam titulo praeclarè aliquando emollierunt, aut potius sunt interpretati, dum se permissione, aut concessione Dei Episcopos, vel Abbates dixere etc.   

john Stafford. 62. 
Anno Dom. 1443.   
john Stafford succeeded. Sat almost nine years, and dying anno 1452. was buried in the Martyrdom, under a flat marble stone inlaid with brass.   

john Kemp. 63.  
john Kemp succeeded next. He continued not in the See 
1452. 〈◊〉 College.  above a year and an half. The Parish Church of Why in Kent where he was born, he converted into a College, in which he placed secular Priests to attend divine service, and to teach the youth of their Parish. Their Governor was called a Prebendary. This College at the suppression was valued at 93 lib. 2 s by the year. It was surrendered anno 36. Hen. 8. This Archbishop, with his two next Successors were Cardinals.   

Thomas Bourgchier. 64.  
Thomas Bourgchier succeeded Cardinal Kemp, continued Archbishop 32 years, and dying anno 1486. was buried 
1454.  upon the North-side of the high Altar in a marble tomb. He gave to his Successor by his Will 200 lib. in recompense of dilapidations. He had a chantry. The revenues whereof were surrendered with the Priory to the King (H. 8.)   

john Morton. 65.  
john Morton succeeded. Thirteen years he enjoyed 
1487.  the Archbishopric, died the year 1500. He lieth buried in the Lady-chapell of the Vndercroft under a marble stone. Howbeit a goodly tomb is erected in memory of him upon the Southside of the Chapel.   

Henry Deane 66.  
Henry Deane succeeded, who died anno 1502. the second 
1501.  year after his translation, and was buried in the Martyrdom.   

William Warham. 67. 
Anno Dom. 1504   
William Warham succeeded Henry Deane. The pomp and state of whose entertainment and inthronization you may read of at large elsewhere. He continued Archbishop 28 years, and died at S. Stephen's near Canterb. in the house of William Warham his kinsman, Archdeacon of Cant. and was laid in a little Chapel built by himself for the place of his burial upon the North-side of the Martyrdom, and hath there a reasonable fair tomb, where he founded a perpetual chantry of one Priest daily to say mass for his soul, but the dissolution of the Priory suppressed it, and seized the revenues thereof to the King's use. Erasmus 
b Pereg●natio Relig. ergô.  (upon whom this Archbishop bestowed the Parsonage of Aldington in Kent) so commends him for his humanity, learning, integrity and piety, that (as he concludes) nullam absoluti praesulis dotem in eo desideres.   

Thomas Cranmer. 68  
Thomas Cranmer succeeded, being consecrated Archbishop anno 1533. and suffered most unworthy death at Oxford 
1533.  anno 1556. He was the man designed to succeed in the Chair by his predecessor, who though he foresaw and foretold too, that a Thomas should succeed him, who (as my Author saith, slandereth I should say) per laxam & remissam vitae 
Harpsfield.! Warhams' evil prseage of a Thomas.  licentioris indulgentiam populo concessam, perque prava dogmata, magis Cantuariensem, omnemque reliquam Angliae ecclesiam deformaret, quam eam olim Thomas Martyr suo martyrio amplificasset; admonuitque nepotem, ut si quis fortè Thomas, eo vivo ea sede potiretur, ne ulla ratione in illius famulitium se ascribi pateretur etc. Yet to see, he pitches upon this man (a Thomas) in his choice of a successor. Waramus autem (saith the same Author) eum ipsum Thomam, de quo tam malè ominabatur, quique primus ex omnibus Cantuariae Episcopis haeresim (so he slanders our religion) in eam sedem invexit, successorem sibi sortitus est.   

Reginald Poole 69.  
Reginald Poole otherwise and more vulgarly called Cardinal Pooole succeeded. Two years and almost eight 
1555.  months he continued Archbishop, and died even the same day that Queen Mary did. His body was (and lies) entombed on the North-side of Beckets' crown, where his monument is extant. He was the last Archbishop that was buried in Christ-church. Their burials there have been ever since 
Burial of the Archbishops in Christ-Church discontinued.  discontinued; a thing the whilst to some seeming very strange, that of all the Archbishops since the Reformation, not one hath liked to be buried there, but all, as it were with one consent, declined their own Cathedral (the ancient and accustomed place of archiepiscopal sepulture) and choosing rather an obscure burial in some one private Parish Church or other.   

Matthew Parker. 70. 
Anno Dom. 1559.   
Matthew Parker succeeded Cardinal Poole in the Archbishopric, held the same 15 years and 5 months and deceased anno 1575. Besides a multitude of pious acts, he bestowed upon the reparation of his Palace at Canterb. one thousand four hundred pounds. He lies buried in the Chapel of Lambeth house. Amongst other his works, with the help no doubt of other able Antiquaries, he wrote the lives of his predecessors, the Archbishops of Canterb. intituling his book. De Antiquitate Britannicae Ecclesiae etc. Whereof Cuiacius (having occasion to make mention of it 
c Ad cap. qu● s●te. de Appellationib. ) gives this commendation. Sunt multa (saith he) in eo auctore praeclara, nomen ejus ignoratur, & liber tantum exstat in Anglia, unde accersitur, & accersitus est magno pretio.   

Edmund Grindall. 71.  
Edmund Grindall succeeded, and sat seven years and 
1575.  almost an half, and died and was buried at Croyden. He was a very grave man, and gave to our City C. lib. to be employed upon a stock to set the poor on work.   

john Whitgift. 72. 
1583. Hosp. and School at Croyden.   
john Whitgift succeeded and continued Archbishop somewhat above 20 years. In which mean space he built the Hospital and School at Croyden. After the finishing whereof 
d S● George Paul, in his ●fe. , the French Lieger Ambassador, Boys Sisi, enquiring what works the Archbishop had published, and receiving answer that he had written only in defence of Church government, but it being incidently told him that he had founded an Hospital and a School: Profectò (saith he presently) Hospitale ad sublevandum paupertatem, & Schola ad instruendum juventutem sunt optimi libri quos Archiepiscopus conscribere potuit. He lieth buried at Croyden.   

Richard Bancroft. 73. 
Anno Dom. 1604.   
Richard Bancroft succeeded and sat 6 years or thereabouts, died anno 1610. A man of singular wisdom, and very zealous in defence both of Church-liberties and discipline.   

George Abbot. 74.  
George Abbot succeeded, he sat Archbishop 22 years. In which space of time he bestowed great sums of money in 
1611  building and indowing of an Hospital at Guildford in Surrey, the Town wherein he was born, and afterwards buried. He 
●uilord Hosp.  began also to show himself a special benefactor to our City: witness the goodly conduit which he built for the common 
Conduit at Canterbury.  good and service of the same. A work as of great charge to the Author, so of no less benefit to the City. He died in july Anno Domini 1633.   

William Laud. 75.  
After whom succeeded the present Lord Archbishop his Grace, by name William Laud, by title Primate of all England, and Metropolitan, one of the LL. of his Majesty's most honourable privy Council, and Chancellor of the University of Oxford. Of whom to speak, is not a task for my pen. I leave it to posterity hereafter, and to better abilities to set forth his constant piety, great wisdom and spotless justice. Howbeit, what all men take unto themselves a liberty to speak of him, I shall be bold to commemorate, namely those famous works of his that so much praise him in the gate: As his care, his cost, his encouragement to the repair of what all men despaired as much to see repaired until he undertook it, as ever they did to see it finished, 
d Stow. Godwyn.  when Mauritius first began to build it, S. Paul's Church in London. Another, that never to be forgotten gift of his to the Vniversity-library of Oxford, of an innumerable multitude of choice and rare Manuscripts, with his great care and cost, gathered from all parts not only of this Kingdom, but also of the whole world. A third, the flourishing of the same University by his means in a twofold way; one, in the government of it, by his late new Statutes; the other, in buildings, at S. John's first, at his own proper cost and charges; and by his example and furtherance, in other Colleges, such buildings all and so goodly, as none did ever expect, and all do now admire to see raised.  
Now that Providence, which by the means of a most pious and prudent King sent him unto us, grant we may long enjoy him, and afterwards translate him from the cares of the Church militant here, to the joys of that triumphant one above.  
If any shall desire to see the ancient form of our Archbishop's 
Inthronization of the Archbishop of Cant. the form of it. Vide pro Scriptura 16. in Append.  inthronization, he may find it in my Appendix, transcribed from a Record of that of Archbishop Winchelseys, kept in the Church, and (as it may be supposed by the general title of it) intended for a precedent in this kind. And so having done with the first part of my intended Catalogue, to wit concerning the Archbishops of Canterb. I proceed to the second. viz.    

A Catalogue of the Priors of Christ-Church, with a brief touch of the contemporary Monks of note.  
Until the conquerors time, I find no mention of any Prior of Christ-Church. Henry brought hither by Archbishop Lanfrank, being the first I meet with. Aforetime (it seems) he that held the place was called Decanus ecclesiae. So it is intimated by Archbishop Parker in the life of Agelnoth, who tells also that Celnoth the Archbishop, almost 200 years before, was first Dean of the Church. A Saxon Record of this Church makes mention of one Aethelwine a Deane also in the same Archbishop's time, and another Record tells of another, one Godric in Archbishop's Stigands days, whom the book of Doomsday makes mention of. Further than thus I am not instructed in the names of those Deans: wherefore I must pass them over and come to the Priors.  

Henry. 1. 
Anno Dom. 1080.   
Whereof (as I said) Henry was the first: Sometime Abbot of Cane in Normandy: from thence brought hither by Lanfrank, and made Prior of this Church. Afterwards he became Abbot of Battle in Sussex 
e Reyner. Apost. Benedictin. , and so died.   

Ernulphus, or Arnulphus. 2.  
Ernulphus or Arnulphus, first a Monk of the Church, afterwards 
1104.  became Prior, succeeding Henry: then was preferred to the Abbatship of Peterborough, and lastly had the Bishopric of Rochester given him by his Predecessor in that See, Ralph, the Archbishop of Canterb. you may read more of him in the Catalogue of BB. in Rochester, and in Fox his Acts and Monuments you shall find a letter directed to him and others about Priests marriages.   

Conradus. 3.  
Conradus a Monk also of the place succeeded Ernulphus, made Prior as his Predecessor by Archbishop Anselm. Of 
1108.  whom, and of Henry Predecessor to them both, Edmerus maketh this mention. Res Monachorum (saith he, speaking of Anselm) posuit in dispositione suorum, constituens eye in Priorem, post Henricum, Ernulphum, post Ernulphum, Conradum (ipsius loci Monachos) ad quorum nutum negotia ecclesiae cuncta referrentur. Which is all I read of him.   

Elmerus or Ailmerus. 4.  
Elmerus or Ailmerus succeeded Conradus. He was first 
1112.  also a Monk, afterwards Prior of Christ-church, and continued Prior eighteen years, dying in the year 1130. He was contemporary with Edmerus and Alexander, both famous Monks of the place, great ornaments to the Church, and very dear both of them unto Archbishop Anselm. This Prior wrote divers Treatises mentioned of Pitseus, who will further inform you both of him, and those his Coaetaneans. Here by the way to do Balaeus right, let me note it once for all, that Pitseus for these and many other like things which 
Pitseus Bal●us his Plagiary.  I shall have occasion to cite him for, is but Balaeus his Plagiary; yet I rather quote him then Balaeus, because his Book is more common and easy to get.   

Gosfridus. 5.  
The next Prior after Elmerus, was Gosfridus, who (as I 
1128.  have it from the Continuer of Florence of Worceter) in the year 1128. was at the suit of David of Scots, by the consent of the Archbishop (William Corboyl) chosen Abbot of the Monastery of Dunfermelin in Scotland. Vir religionis eximiae (my Authors own words) Cantuariae Prior Gosfridus nomine, Rege Scotorum David petente, & Archiepiscopo Gulielmo annuente, Abbas eligitur ad locum in Scotia qui Dunfermelin dicitur. Ordinatus est autem ab Episcopo ecclesiae sancti Andreae. A petition to this purpose of the same Scottish King is extant to this day amongst the Records of the Cathedral, where I have seen and read it.   

jeremias. 6.  
jeremias (a Monk also of the place) succeeded Elmerus. 
1130.  Of whom I read in the Acts and Monuments, that Archbishop Theobald falling out with him for certain causes between them, for which the Archbishop taking stomach against him would lay the sentence of Interdiction against him: The Prior, to save himself, made his appeal to Pope Innocent. The Archbishop provoked the more by that, deposed him from the Priorship, and placed one Walter in his room. jeremias notwithstanding making his complaint and appeal to Rome, obtained letters from the Pope to Henry Bishop of Winchester, being the Pope's Legate; by the virtue whereof he against the heart of the Archbishop was restored, and Walter displaced. Nevertheless, the said jeremy, not willing there to continue with displeasure of the Archbishop, shortly after of his own accord renounced his Priory, and Walter again was received in his stead. Thus Master Fox. Bishop Godwyn in his Catalogue, in the life of Archbishop Theobald, writing of this matter, by mistake affirms him to have been Prior of Saint Augustine's. That he is herein mistaken you shall plainly perceive both by Matthew Paris. pag. 103. London edition. and by Archbishop Parker in the life of Theobald, if you please to consult them; of whom the latter tells, that this jeremy had given him in consideration of his surrender of the Priory 100 marks. These things happened (you see) in the time of Pope Innocent the second, who died Anno 1143. This Prior is mentioned by Harpesfield in the story of the new work of Dover by Corboyl.   

Walterus. 7.  
Walterus (as you see) was made his Successor. I find him surnamed Durusdens', in English Durdent, or Hard-tooth. 
1143.  Pitseus in his Appendix to his Catalogue of Englishwriters, mentions one of the name, this very Prior in all probability; and gives him a large Encomium, for his great learning, especially in divinity, and mentions some of his works you may read more of him in the story of the strife between Archbishop Theobald and Sylvester the 45. Abbot of Saint Augustine's, about his consecration, opposed of this Prior in the year 1151. recorded in the Acts and Monuments, part. 1a. pag. 307.   

Walterus parvus. 8.  
Walterus (to distinguish him from his predecessor) surnamed Parvus succeeded, whom I know only by his name, 
1151.  and the time in which he lived.   

Wibertus. 9  
And so must I say of his next successor Wibert, saving that his burial place is lately come to my knowledge by this inscription 
1160.  in Brass on a grave-stone in the Chapterhouse. Hic jacet Wibertus quondam Prior hujus ecclesiae.   

Odo. 10.  
Odo succeeded Wibert, and was Prior in Archbishop Beckets' days. After whose death (saith Master Fox) there 
a 1170. Acts and Monum. vol. 1. pag. 307.  was a great stir between the King (Hen. 2.) and this Prior about the choice of a new Archbishop. For the King (saith my Author) seeing the Realm so oftentimes encumbered by those Popish Archbishops, and fearing least the Monks of Canterbury should elect such another as would follow the steps of Thomas Becket, most humbly with cap in hand, and courtesy of knee, desired Odo the Prior, that at his request, and for contentation of his mind, such a one might be elected whom he would appoint (appointing and naming a certain Bishop, which was a good simple man after the King's liking;) but the Prior dissemblingly answering the King again that he neither could nor would without the consent of the Covent give promise to any man: in fine, contrary to the Kings so humble request, agreed to the election of another, which was the Prior of Dover called Richard Anno 1173. who continued in that sea eleven years. Thus Fox. His Covent and he (as the same Author reports) fell out about his translating the relics of Saint Dunstan. This doubtless is the man whom Pitseus mentions, and calls St Odo. A man (saith he) of approved virtue, and eminent learning. From Prior of this Church he was translated and preferred to be Abbot of Battle, saith the same Pitseus. One Samson Dorobernensis, a man famous also for his piety and learning, was his equal in time, and companion in place, being a Monk of this Church about the year 1170.   

Benedictus. 11.  
Benedictus succeeded Odo. And in the year 1177. was a 
1177.  party to the composition made between him and his Covent on the one side and the Abbot and Covent of St Augustine's on the other, touching the houses and ground on the Southside of the Churchyard of Christ-Church, by the Campanile sometime standing there, exchanged by St Augustine's with Christ-Church for other like elsewhere, whereof before in my Survey of the precinct. See more of him you may in Pitseus, who saith that from this Priory he was translated to the Abbey of Peterborough, and therefore is known by the surname of Petriburgensis, and died about the year 1200.   

Herlewinus. 12.  
Herlewinus succeeded Benedictus, and was Prior in the days of Pope Alex. 3. (who died 1181.) for I find him direct 
118●.  his Bulls to this Prior by name, commanding that the Offerings of the Church should be disposed of in resta●rationem ecclesiae, etc. Extreme Age having indisposed him for government he gave over his place, and had to his Successor   

Alanus. 13.  
This Alanus (Harpesfield saith) was first a Canon of Beneventum, but English-borne, afterwards Sacrist or Sexton of 
1181.  this Church, than Prior, and lastly made Abbot of Teuxbury. He wrote much; the particulars of whose labours you may find in Pitseus. Being Sexton he was very intimate with Archbishop Becket. But afterwards when he was Prior he opposed himself against Baldwin, both in his election, and in his proceedings afterwards: by whose policy, because he could not win him to his side, under the pretence of his preferment he at length procured his removal from this Priory to the Abbatship of Tewksbury: where he lived till the year 1201. and then died. He was doubtless a strict and stout prelate. For I read 
a 〈◊〉. eccles. 〈◊〉 Cant.  that in the year 1181. when, in a Procession at Christ-Church, one St Robert Mortimer an excommunicate person for his contumacy, quia noluit juri parere, super injuria quam fecerat Cantuar. ecclesiae de quadam pastura, quam abstulit manerio eorum quod dicitur Depeham: intruded himself into the company: this Prior, Alan, espying of him there, informs the Archbishop, who was then present, of it, and that a second time because the Archbishop would have connived at it; the Archbishop's servants dissuading the Prior because of the King's displeasure. At length because the Prior saw the Archbishop would take no notice of it, he tells him that sith he will not use his authority without, he will use his own within the Church. And accordingly being entered the Church and at mass, the Prior requires the Covent to surcease, who obeyed, and so the excommunicate to his shame was by strong hand cast out of the Church, and then they proceeded in their devotions. You may see more of this Prior in the story of the troubles happening between Archbishop Baldwyn and the Monks of his Church recorded in the Acts and Monuments. vol. 1. pag. 308.   

Honorius. 14. Roger Norris. 15. Osbertus. 16. 
Anno Dom. 1185.   
Honorius succeeded Alanus: of whom and of his next Successor Roger Norris, as also of Osbertus, or Osbernus his next Successor, you may read in that story I last mentioned: where it is said that Honorius died at Rome, whither he was sent to oppose Baldwyn in his project for the College at Hackington: And that Roger was made Prior in his stead: 
1189.  by Baldwyn who obtruded him upon the Monks, whereupon in their treaty for conditions of peace and composition, one article was, that this Prior should be deposed; And accordingly he was so, and at the request of the Archbishop promoted to be Abbot of Eusham, and with consent of the King and Covent Osbernus designed and made Prior, who 
1190.  had before taken part with the Archbishop,: but continued not long in the place; for the Monks not pleased with him, after Baldwins death, removed him again. About this time one William Stephens (or Gulielmus Stephanides) a famous Monk, lead his life in this Monastery, of whom you may read a large Encomium in Pitseus.   

Gaufridus or Galfridus. 17.  
Gaufridus or Galfridus succeeded Osber. Letters or Bulls 
1192.  like to those above mentioned sent by Pope Alex. to Herlewin his predecessor, and as were also directed by Pope Vrban 3. to Honorius the Prior, I find inscribed to this Prior by Pope Innocent 3. I meet also with certain letters of his and the Covent, whereby, with consent of Hubert the Archbishop, and at the petition of M 〈◊〉 then Custos or keeper of that house, they take the leprous Hospital of S. Jacob's near Cant. into their custody and protection, 
S. Jobs. Reyner. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. pag 〈◊〉. & 107.  as I have more at large made appear unto you in my survey of that quondam Hospital. In this man's time the controversy between the Monks and the Suffragans of the Province, about the choice of the Archbishop was decided by the decree of Pope Innocent 3. and the same Pope by another decree and letters to the Archbishop discarded secular Clerks out of the Church and Monastery. Contemporary with this Prior was the famous Gervasius Dorobernensis a Monk of this Church a great Historian and Antiquary, as Pitseus will inform you: as also of Nigellus Wireker another like Monk: and chantor of the Church, on whom my Author, from Leland bestows a most ample commendation for his piety and excellent endowments.   

jobn Sittingbourne. 18. 
Anno Dom. 1206.   
john (from I suppose the place of his birth) surnamed Sittingbourne succeeded, and was Prior in the time of the Church's troubles about the election of a new Archbishop to succeed Hubert, the Story whereof is obvious, and was with his Monks, 64 in number, by King john on that occasion sent into banishment. Whose places he caused to be filled 
Monks banished.  with certain Monks out of S. Anstin's Abbey: But the storm at length being after 7 years' banishment, blown over, they were called home, full restitution was made both to him and them every way, and 1000 lib. given them for recompense of all detriments as our Story's witness, together 
Matt. Paris pag 315. Lond. Editio.  with a Charter of Restitution, which because our stories have it not, I have thought good to annex and add as a Corollary to the story, and I find it to be of this tenor, in a Lieger of the Church. 
johannes Dei gratia Rex Angliae, Dominus Hiberniae, Dux Normanniae & Aquitanniae & Comes Andeg. Omnibus Vicecomitibus, & Forrestariis, & Ballivis suis salutem. Praecipimus volentes quòd Priorem & Monachos Cant. pacificè habere permittatis omnes libertates & liberas consuetudines suas in Ballivis vestris sicut habuerunt tempore inchoatae discordiae inter nos & ipsos. Teste meipso apud Winton xx ● die julii.   
This Prior afterwards, to wit in the Vacancy by the death of Richard the great, was designed to the Archbishopric 
1234.  by the free election of the Chapter, but going to Rome for 
Fox Acts and-Mon. vol. 1. pag. 356.  confirmation, though the Cardinals designed for his examination gave testimony to the Pope of his fitness and sufficiency: yet the Pope persuading him it was a Province (or office) of too great care and difficulty for him to manage being an aged plain man, he humbly renounced the election, and craved licence to return home, and S. Edmund afterwards filled the Chair by the Pope's provision.   

Rogerus de la Lee. 19 
Anno Dom. 1234.   
Rogerus de la Lee succeeded john Sittingbourne. I find him and his Covent in the year 1242. enter into composition with the Abbot and Covent of S. Augustine's touching divers matters then in difference between them, especially maritime rights and customs at Ministre and Sandwich, a copy whereof you may find in my Appendix Scriptura 17.   

Nicholaus de Sandwico. 20.  
Nicholas of Sandwich succeeded: but I find nothing 
1244.  of him more; Unless that be (as its like enough to be) his Epitaph or Inscription, which I lately holp to discover, being in somewhat a strange and unwonted character, after the old fashion, cut into the stone at the foot of a buttress, on the Southside of Beckets-chapell, a little within the Coemitery Gate, and, if read, runs thus.  

Respice: care: mere: rogo: defuncti: miserere:  
Sandwicensis: vivens: frater: memor: en: sis:  
Qui: nunc: in Limo:: e: strictè: jacet: ymo:  
Dic: Pater: hinc: &: Ave: Deus: hunc: &: protegat: a: ve:  
Omni: ne: baratri: penas: sibi: sentiat: atri:  
Set: celi: solio: requiescat: in: agm●ne: pio:  
Omnis: orans: ita: letetur: perpete: vita; Amen.   
That is as like to be either his predecessors or successors Epitaph, which on the contrary side of the Chapel is in the like character and manner cut into the wall, the briefest one shall see, being no more but   

Hic requiescit Rogerus.  
Hard by which; on a Buttress is a Subpriors' Epitaph, sometime legible, but now obscured for the most part by the foundation of the little Chapel put up between that and the next buttress to it.   

Rogerus de Sancto Elphego. 21.  
Roger. de S. Elpheg. was the next Prior. I find him a 
1258.  benefactor to the Chapel now the Deans; for in several windows of it, you may read Rogerus de Sancto Elphego, dedit hanc fenestram.   

Adam Chillenden. 22.  
Adam Chillenden is said to be the next Successor in the Priory. With the Abbot of S. Augustine's, the Prior of S. Gregory's 
1263.  and others, he was by the Kings writ anno 1269. 53. Hen. 3. declared quit and free from tallage with the City, under this form, as I find in Thorn. 
Tallage.  
Anno Domini Mcclxixo. fuit declaratum quòd Abbas non debet talliari in Civitate sub tali forma. Rogerus Abbas sancti Aug. Cant. Prior ecclesiae Christi Cant. & Prior sancti Gregorii, & magister Hamo Doge perquisiverunt breve Domini Regis direct' Baronibus de scaccario quòd Vicecomes Kanc' venire faceret 6. de discretioribus hominibus villae Cant. & 6. tam milites quam alios liberos & legales homines de vicineto ejusdem villae per quos rei veritas melius sciri poterit ad certificandum eosdem Barones si praedicti Abbas etc. & eorum predecessores unquam talliari consueverunt ratione tenementorum quae habent in Cant. vel non. Et postea venit inquisitio per Rogerum de Northwood, Ricardum de Pontefracto milites & alios qui dixerunt super sacramentum suum quòd praedicti Abbas & Priores nunquam talliari consueverunt cum Burgensibus ejusdem villae ratione tenementorum suorum praedictorum. Dixerunt etiam quòd antecessores praedicti Hamonis Doge ratione mercandisarum suarum quas fecerunt in eadem Civitate talliari consueverunt, sed ipse non quianullas exercuit mercandisas & ideo concessum est quòd praedicti Abbas et Priores ab hujusm' tallag' sint quieti. Vnde H. Rex Vicec. Cantii sic. Constat nobis per inquisitionem quam nuper fieri fecimus quòd Abbas & alii superiùs nominati nunquam consueverunt talliari ratione tenementorum suorum quae habent in eadem villa, quando cives ejusdem Civitatis talliati fuerunt. Ideo tibi praecipimus quòd de demanda quam facis per summonitionem scaccarii nostri praedictis Abbati et Prioribus de tall ' ratione tenementorum suorum quae habent ibidem pacem habere permittas: Et averia sua seu catalla si quae capta fuerint occasione praedicta eis deliberari facial etc. I have no more to say of this Prior, except I should mention his election to the Archbishopric, the passages and effect whereof I had rather you should acquaint yourself withal (gentle Reader) from the Acts and Monum. vol. 1. pag. 439.    

Thomas Ringemer. 23.  
Thomas Ringemer succeeded. In his time certain of the 
1270.  Monks of his Covent, leaving the Monastery, dispersed and seated themselves abroad in the rural and country possessions of their house, and appropriating to themselves, and converting to their private use the fruits of the same, spent their days in worldly pleasures and delights, contrary to the canons and rules of monastic discipline. Whom this Prior, an honest & pious man, called home, & provided that for time to come, the possessions of the Monastery should be commended to the care and managing of trusty laics, and not of the Monks. Herein he had to friend the then Archbishop john Peckham, who took his part, and afforded him his help and furtherance in the business. Notwithstanding, he found the Monks very reluctant and averse to reformation, who being impatient of an unwonted restraint, complotted to displace the one (the Prior) and with their calumnious aspersions sought the others infamy. Of certain (saith my Author) this Archbishop and Robert 
Harpsfield.  his next Successor, enacted many decrees very useful and conducing to the regulating of the Monks and keeping them within the compass of monastic discipline. And whereas (saith he) 30 of the due and ancient number of the Monks was decreased and wanting, the same Robert reduced them to their full number. But this Thomas, our Prior, betook himself to the Cistertian disciple at Beaulieu, and afterwards becoming more rigid to himself turned Anchoret. Peter Ikham a Kentishman, and (as my author thinks) a Canterb. man born, a famous Historian and Antiquary, was contemporary with this Prior, of whom see more (if you please) in Pits.   

Henricus de Eastry. 24.  
Hen. de Eastry succeeded Tho. Ringemer, and continued 
Anno Dom. 1285.  Prior 37 years. A fair time, in which I find Record of many worthy acts done both in and about the Church and Monastery, and also in their Demesnes abroad, which therefore I may justly entitle to this Prior: whereof I may not forget the repair of the Choir and Chapterhouse which cost 839 lib. 7s8 8d. and the Novum clocarium longum versus North in the year 1317. a Steeple sometime standing on the North-side of the Church since either with age decayed, or by some alterations or new buildings defaced. He built also a new Grange at Berton, where in his time to wit anno 1302. 
Berton.  I find the Church had a Goal or Prison. For (as the Story 
* Liber eccles. Cant.  goes) one of Christ-Church Berton that year killing another there, and being by the Church's Officers imprisoned in the Gaol there: the Bailiffs of the City go to Berton, and by strong hand take the prisoner thence, and commit him to the Town Gaol: but after treaty and sight of the Church Charters of Infangthes etc. they restore him; who at the next assizes at Maidstone was tried, convicted, condemned, and hanged at the Church-gallowes at Hollingborne.  
To return to our Prior. I find 
b ●b. eccles. Cantuar.  that in his time the Church was plentifully furnished with Vines, as at Colton, Berton, S. Martins, Chertham, Brooke and Hollingbourne, all Manors of the same. They had to all or most of their Manors a domestic Chapel, to each of them almost, a 
Vines.  new one of his making, and a Bertary. The total of the charge of his 37 years' works is recorded to be 2184 lib. 18s. 8d. In his time a suit or at least a complaint or presentment was brought by the City against him and the Chapter, for building fourscore shops toward Burgate, and for stopping up the way between Queningate, and Northgate. But in the one, the latter, they defended themselves by the Charter of Hen. (whereof before:) And for the other, by the Jury it was found that although they had made shops opening to Burgate, yet upon their own soil, and without prejudice to the City, because the Church did not demand nor had any stallage for them. In the list of the Church's family in this Prior's time, a Notary makes one of the company. The Prior 
Notary.  (I take it) for the time being always had one, and used him (among other employments) chiefly as his Amanuensis or Scribe for the dispatch of such business as was brought before him by delegation from the See of Rome. For thus I find him petitioning the Pope for his authority to create Notaries, as it is in a Lieger of the Church. 
Significat sanctitati vestrae Prior ecclesiae Christi Cant. quòd per sedem Apostolicam frequenter committuntur eidem Priori Causae & negotia audienda & discutienda, ac etiam Delegatorum sententiae exequendae: propter quae necessarium est sibi usus & officium Tabellion' & quia in Civitate & Dioc. Cant. rarissimè haberi potest copia tabellionum: supplicat sanctitati vestrae Prior praedictus quòd placeat vobis gratiosè concedere sibi potestatem faciendi duos Tabelliones.   
But the present Prior Henry, in the year 1306. makes it his suit to an Imperial Count Palatine, who by a privilege annexed to his dignity, hath power to make notaries, to authorize him by letters of deputation to create three. Whereunto he condescended: whose letters or licence together with the Instrument or faculty of a Notariship by virtue thereof granted I purpose in my Appendix to tender 
Vide pro Scriptura † 16. in Appendice.  to their perusal who would know the course of that age in this point of creating Notaries. They even as little differ in tenor as in time, with those of Mr. Seldens' setting out in his Titles of Honor. par. 2. c. 1. §. 44. But (by the way) this way of creating Notaries is so long since disused and left, and that originally for this reason viz. Eo quòd Regnum Angliae ab omni subjectione imperiali sit liberrimum, as it is in Ed. 2. constitution or writ made for the future discarding that course of creating Notaries, and directed and sent to the Archbishop of Cant. and the Mayor of London, whereof you may read more at large in the same Author, both in the quoted place, and also Part. 1. c. 2. §. 5. And indeed Notaries were scarce and rare in this Kingdom long before Ed. 2. time, as you may find by those 2 Legatine Constitutions of Otho: Cap. Quanto. and Cap. Quoniam tabellionum. in the preface to each. And for that cause, and for supply of that defect, it was thought requisite, for the credit of public Instruments to invent and have recourse to authentic seals. Whence those two Legatine Constitutions; 
Authentic Seals.  the one commanding them to be frequently used, the other forbidding them to be at all misused. Ever since which time the public instruments of Bishops and other Ordinaries have been justified, by such authentic seals: and such of them as going out under the Bishop's seal (for, as one saith the certificate of any Ordinary under a Bishop 
b Finch. Of law lib. 4 pag. 138.  is of no credit nor will be received in the King's Courts) use hath been made of at the common law; for their seals sake, have been of faith and reputed authentic. How true then their affirmation is which say that Ecclesiastical Courts are no Courts of Record comes fitly 
Co●s of Record.  here in place to be inquired. bishop I know for certain (saith one) certifying Bastardy, Bigamy, Excommunication, the Vacancy or Plenarty of a Church, a marriage, a Divorce, a spiritual intrusion, or whether a man be professed in any religion, with other such like are credited without further inquiry or controlment. Besides a Testament showed under the seal of the Ordinary is not traversable. Thus Dr cowel in his Interpreter, in verb. Record. Where he citys many authorities for proof hereof out of common law and lawyers books: whither I refer you, and return to our Prior. Who in the year 1285. entered into composition with the then Abbot of S. Augustine's touching a certain key 
〈◊〉 Key at ●dwich.  and house built by him or the preceding Prior at Fordwich, to the great distaste of the Abbot, whereof more hereafter in my Appendix, where I will give you the full relation of it from Thorn. viz. pag. 275.  
In his time, namely anno 1296. the Priory was a while in great distress and worthily, for denying the King a subsidy, by example of the Archbishop (Robert Winchelsey) who made like denial of payment thereof: Under (saith my Author 
c Reyner, in Append. ad Apostolat. Be●edict. pag. 62. ) omnia temporalia ejus confiscata sunt, & quod horrendum est quicquid habebant Monachi ibidem infra portas suae ecclesiae, seisita sunt, ita quòd non haberent ad quod manus apponerent, pro vitae necessariis nisi quod vicini eorum Religiosi, & alii mittebant eis intuitu charitatis, & hoc tam diu duravit, donec Prior & Capitulum necessitate compulsi redemptionem fecerunt etc.  
I will conclude my discourse of this Prior with what I find written by Archbishop Parker of him and his stout and faithful discharge of his duty in maintenance of such rights, and putting into practice such power of Jurisdiction as in the vacancy of the See (by Walter Reynods death) devolved and appertained unto him and the Chapter. Erat eo tempore (saith he 
d Antiq. Britan. pag. 217. ). Prior Cantuariensis quidam Henricus, vir ut existimari convenit, minus rerum usu, quam jure ipso prudens, juriumque Cantuarien. Ecclesiae vacante sede quòd ab antecessoribus suis neglecta videbantur, explorator sedulus atque sagax, tum in gerendis ecclesiae rebus assiduus atque solerss. Hic paucis mensibus omnem illam intermediam jurisdictionem ante intermissam plenè exercuit atque renovavit. De Clericis ad ecclesiastica benesicia praesentatis & patronorum jure diligenter inquisivit, electiones confirmavit, intestatorum bona administranda commisit, provocantium appellationes recepit, testamenta actis insinuavit, ab executoribus & administratoribus rationes exegit, inter quos maximè Episcoporum defunctorum testamentorum executores, aut bonorum administratores interpellavit. Ita ut johannis Peckam (ut in ejus vita diximus) testamentum exequentes ad rationes reddendas coegit. Ad haec visitavit, procurationes percepit, Synodum celebravit, Clerum ex mandato Regio ad Parliamentum citavit, contumaces & in suam jurisdictionem committentes poenis coercuit, beneficia vacantium sedium contulit, ad haec capas choreales, annulos & sigilla à singulis Cant. provinciae Suffraganeis Cant. eccls vendicavit, omniaque ad Archiepiscopalem jurisdictionem per singulas species tam exquisitè exercuit, ut nihil fuerit praetermissum praeter Episcoporum consecrationem, quam cum sua authoritate per agere non poterat, Episcopo Londinensi mandavit & injunxit, ut is suffraganeis Cantuariae in Christi ecclesia die quodam statuto congregatis Menevensem & Bangorens' Episcopos tunc electos & sua authoritate confirmatos consecraret. Quibus sic consecratis in testimonium & fidem consecrationis literas conventus sigillo sigillatus dedit etc.   

Richard Oxinden. 25.  
Richard Oxinden succeeded Hen. Who is the first of all 
Anno Dom. 1322.  the Priors (except Wibert) that hath any memorial of his burial in the Church: and that you shall find to be in S. Michael's Chapel upon a plate of brass fastened to and upon East-wall, bearing this inscription 
Hic requiescit in gratia & Misericordia Dei Richardus Oxinden, quondam Prior hujus Ecclesiae, qui ob. Aug. 4. 1338.   
johannes de Teneth (Thanetensis Pits. calls him) a man famous for his piety and learning, was a Monk of this place contemporary with this our Prior, and Chantor of the 
Chantor.  Church (an office of great account in those days:) you may find him a witness to Henry the preceding Prior's Letters or faculty of Notariship before mentioned.   

Robert Hathbrand. 26.  
Robert Hathbrand succeeded R. Oxinden, and having been Prior 32. years died, and was buried in the same Chapel 
1338.  with his predecessor, where he hath the like memorial thus inscribed. 
Hic requiescit in gratia & misericordia Dei Dominus Robertus Hathbrand quondam Prior hujus Ecclesiae, qui obiit xvij. die Aug. Anno Domini Mccclxx. Cujus animae propitietur Deus, Amen.   
In his time the Monastery being visited with the Pestilence then raging generally throughout the Kingdom, 
Appledoor marshes inned.  the whole Covent almost died of it. Appledore marshes were inned in his time, to wit anno 1349. which cost the Church 350. lib 
c Lib. Eccles. Cantuar. . 
1370. Richard Gillingham. 27.  
1376. Stephen Mongeham. 28.   
Of these two, besides their names and times in which they lived, as yet I find not what to say.   

john Finch. 29. 
Anno Dom. 1377.   
Of this Prior's acts, or what he did living, I have seen no Monument but that of him dead you may find in the Martyrdom, where he lies interred under this broken Epitaph. 
Hic jacet johannes Fynch de Winchelsey quondam Prior hujus ecclesiae qui obiit 9 die januarii— edificia constructa & plura alia collata bona— cujus animae—   
I have seen a Bull of Pope Vrban 6. to this Prior de mitra, 
1378.  tunica, Dalmatica, cirothecis, cum annulo. To these the Pastoral staff and Sandals were added and granted to his Successor, and the succeeding Priors for ever, to be used by them in the absence only of the Archbishop. From this time (I take it) and because these were badges of Episcopal power and state, they and their Successors were (and were called) Lord-priors'. Stephen Birchynton was a Monk of 
Lord Prior.  this Church in those days. Pits. calls him Steph. Brickington, and saith he wrote the lives of the Archbishops of Cant. all until Courtney, and a Catal. of the Bishops of Ely.   

Thomas Chillenden. 30. 
1390.   
Thomas Chillenden (whom Archbishop Parker by mistake calls Henry Ch●llenden, and so doth Bishop Godwyn from him) succeeded john Fynch. Concerning this worthy Prelate I have (as occasion was offered) spoken much already in my Survey of the Church, unto which he was a matchless benefactor, and deserves eternal memory for it: wherefore I will be sparing of much further discourse of him or his acts. He was a man well beloved of Archbishop Courtney, but more dear unto his Successor Arundel (who made him his Commissary of Canterb.) and lies hard beside him in the Nave or body of the Church, a stately pile and 
Body of Christ-Church ne● built,  chiefly of his raising, as I have at large showed you before: and what saith his Epitaph? 
Hic jacet Dominus Thomas Chyllindenne quondam Prior hujus ecclesiae, Decretorum Doctor egregius, qui navem istius ecclesiae caeteraque diversaaedificia, quamplurima quoque opera laudabilia de novo fieri fecit. Pretiosa in super— ecclesiastica, multaque privilegia insignia huic ecclesiae acquisivit, qui postquam Prioratum hujus ecclesiae Annis viginti. 25. septimanis; & quinque diebus nobiliter rexisset, tandem in die assumptionis beatae Mariae Virginis diem suum clausit extremum. Anno Domini 1411. Cujus animae propitietur Deus. Amen.   
William Gillingham, a Monk of this Church was Coaetaneous with this Prior: of whom you shall find great commendation given by Pits.   

john Woodnesborough. 31  
john Woodnesborough succeeded Tho. Chillenden. See this 
Anno Dom. 1411.  man's courtesy to the City by what here follows, taken from the Records of the Church. 
Memorandum quòd xijᵒ die julii Anno R. R. Hen 5. Angl, 
Aid lent to the City by the Prior.  tertio, Dominus Iohannes Prior ecclesiae Christi Cant. ad instantiam & specialem rogatum W mi Lane & W mi Mason Ballivorum Civitatis Cant. fact. per joannem Browne Plomer dictae Civitatis Civem & armigerum ac plumbarium praefatae ecclesiae permisit servientes suos cum villanis egredi cum armis & aliis instrumentis defensivis ad augendum numerum & populum Civitatis. Quandam vigiliam in Civitate observatam progente Francorum qui revertebantur à Domino Rege de Suthampton versus partes proprias postquam acceperant à Domino Rege quòd ad partes hujusmodi disponeret transmeare. Et pro parte dictorum Ballivorum & civium Civitatis per oraculum viv● vocis dicti johannis Browne nuncii sive procuratoris eorundem, Dompno Stephano de Sancto Laurentio Cellerario, ac Willielmo Molush tunc Custodi ac capellano praefati Domini Prioris, sub fidelitate eorum est infallibiliter repromissum, Quòd nusquam pro isto facto in hominibus nostris aliquid juris vel clamei pro consimilibus negotiis aliquid in posterum super nos aut homines nostros futuris temporibus vendicabunt, & sub hac conditione Dominus Prior supra dictus de familiaribus suis ipsis accommodavit xuj. 〈◊〉 cum omni apparatu honesto ac twenty-four. architenentes ad decorem & laudem civium praedictorum. Hoc idem fecerunt penes Abbatem S. Augustini die & anno supradictis à quo ix. lanc' & twenty-four. architenen' ex praescripto habuerunt.   
This man continued Prior about 17 years, and then dying was laid next above his predecessor Chillenden, in the body of the Church, with this Epitaph.  

Est nece substratus jon Woodnesbergh tumulatus,  
Hujus erat gratus Prior ecclesiae numeratus;  
Quem colie ornatus hic tantus ubique novatus,  
Per loca plura datus sit sumptus testificatus:  
Auctor erat morum, probitatis, laudis honorum,  
Largus cunctorum, cunctis dator ille laborum,  
Quique Prioratum rexit sub schemate gratum.  
Annos hunc plenos per septenos quoque denos:  
Quadrigentenis Mil. ejus bis quoque denis  
Annis septenis Domini nondum sibi plenis.   

— cum tibi Chiste— agone  
Quem precibus pone radiantis forte corone.   
john Langdon a famous Monk of the place was contemporary with this Prior, of whom see further in Pits.   

William Molush. 32.  
William Molush succeeded Woodnesb: The tower now called Dunstan steeple, built for the most part by Archbishop 
1427.  Chichely being finished, this Prior in the year 1430. 
Godwin.  furnished it with a goodly bell remaining there till this day, and known by the name of bell Dunstan, as the steeple also is from thence. The Diameter of that bell at the lowest brim (saith my Author) is two yards and somewhat more. He also the year following bestowed on the Church-Brewhouse a great cauldron of the weight of v m●l. iiiic. three quart', as I find noted in a book of the Church.   

john Salesbury. 33.  
This Prior lieth buried at the upper end of the body of the Church with this Epitaph 
1437.   

Preteriens flere discas, & dic miserere,  
Et ne subsannes, quia victus morte johannes,  
Membris extensis jacet hic Sarisburiensis:   

Sic non evades, vindice morte cades.  
Hic prior ecclesiae Doctorque fuit Theoriae:  
Wulstani festo feria quarta memor esto  
Mille quater centum x. v. daunt documentum  
Sint animae merces, lux, decor & requies.   
Amen.   

john Elham. 34.  
He lies next above his predecessor Woodnesborough, under a fair stone with this Epitaph. 
1440.  
Hic requiescit Dominus Thomas Elham quondam Prior hujus ecclesiae, Qui cum Ann. 2. mens. 11. & 4. dieb. honorificè vixisset, 20, Febru. 1440. obdormivit in Domino.    

Thomas Goldstone. 35.  
This man in behalf of himself and his Covent appealed 
1448.  to the then Commissary of Cant. for Justice against a certain foul mouthed abusive fellow, who (as he stands charged upon record) anno 1452. had called them Whoresons and farting Monks. He lieth buried in the Lady-Chapell, but the brass is almost all torn from his monument. john Stone a most pious Monk of the place was contemporary with this Prior, of whom see Pits. 
1468. john Oxney. 36.  
1471. William Petham 37.    

William Selling. 38.  
Being a Monk of this Church, with leave of the Chapter he got him over into Italy, studied at Bononie, and became a 
1472.  great Scholar. But of his affection to antiquities he gathered together where ever he came in Italy all the ancient Authors, both Greek and Latin, he could get, and brought them over into England and to Cant. Not long after his return, 
Harpsfield.  by the common vote and suffrage of the Monks, he was chosen for their Prior. Shortly after his death by a fire which happened in the Monastery in the night time by the carelessness of some drunken servants, those brave Books 
Priory fired.  (which Lambert by error saith were brought over by a Monk of Saint Augustine's) amongst which were Tully's books de Republica so much desired, and many other of great price, were brought to ashes. Hen. 7. taking notice of his worth, sent him Ambassador to the Pope. He died anno 1494. and lieth buried in the Martyrdom with this Epitaph, which Wever hath curtailed. 
Hic jacet reverendus pater Wilhelmus Selling hujus sacrosanctae ecclesiae Prior, ac sacrae Paginae. professor, qui postquam hanc ecclesiam per ann. 22. men's. 5. & 24. d. optimè gubernasset migravit ad Dominum, die viz. passionis sancti Thom● Martyris, Anno 1494.   

Doctor Theologus Selling Greca etque Latina  
Lingua predoctus hic Prior almus obit  
Omnis virtutis speculum, exemplar Monachorum,  
Religionis honour, mitis imago Dei.  
Add quod ingenii rivorum tanta cucurrit  
Copia cunctorum quantula rara virum.  
Regius orator cujus facundia mulsit  
Romanos Gallos' Orbis & ampla loca.  
Hujus presidio res ista domestica rata est,  
Et redimita annis plurimis egregie.  
Pervigil hic Pastor damna atque incommoda cuncta  
A grege commisso fortiter expulerat.  
Dum brevi tumulo latet hoc, tota Anglia famam  
Predicat, & tanto lugeat orba patre.  
Huc iter omnis habens, stet, perlegat & memor ejus  
Oret ut ascendat spiritus alta poli.    

Thomas Goldstone. 39  
Thomas Goldstone succeeded Selling. He was a man also 
1495. Harpsfield.  which had his Prince's favour. For Hen. 7. sent him Ambassador to Charles the French King. He is in nothing more famous then for his much building, and repairing of and about the Church, as (for instance) the new building of the Tower or Lantorne of the steeple now commonly called Bell-Harry-steeple, as also of the Church-gate (stately piles both) and many other like pious works, which are easy of discovery by the three gold stones, the two first letters of his name and surname, the Mitre and Pastorall-staffe set up in many places about the Church and Monastery. He continued his government almost 25. years, and dying anno 1517. was laid by his immediate predecessor in the Martyrdom, with this Epitaph, which Wever also hath curtailed. 
Hic jacet reverendus pater Thomas Goldstone hujus sacrosanctae ecclesiae Prior, ac sacraepaginae professor, qui postquam hanc ecclesiam per annos 24. 8. mens. & dies 16. optime gubernasset, migravit ad Dominum, 16. Septemb. Anno Dom. 1517. Cujus animae, etc.   

Tangite vos Citharam plangentes carmine, mole  
Hic jacet occulta Religionis honos.  
Occubuit Doctor Thomas Goldston vocitatus  
Moles quem presens saxea magna tenet.  
Arripit hunc patrem mors pervigilemque Priorem  
Sic rapitur quoque lux istius ecclesiae.  
Grex sibi commissus monachorum plangat eundem  
Omissum Patrem, qui sibi fautor erat.  
Largus in expensis fieri dat plura novata  
Istius ecclesiam vestibus ornat idem.  
Sic fuit ad Regni laudem canit Anglia largus  
Totus & is mitis pauperibus fuerat  
O vos spectantes hujus jam funera patris,  
Nunc estis memores fundite quaeso preces.  
Requiescat in sancta Pace.   
Amen.   

Thomas Goldwell. 40.  
Thomas Goldwell succeeded Tho: Goldstone, and was the last Prior of the Church of Cant. governing the same until 
1517.  the year 1540 at what time this Priory was dissolved, and the Prior and Monks ejected and displaced by Hen. 8. who, in lieu of them, placed a Dean and twelve Prebendaries. The names of the Deans it shall not be amiss here to set down.  

1. Nicholas Wotton, Dr. of Law.  
2. Thomas Godwyn, Dr. of Divinity.  
3. Richard Rogers, Suffragan of Dover.  
4. Thomas Nevil, Dr. of Divinity.  
5. Charles Fotherbie, Bachelor of Divinity.  
6. john Boys, Dr. of Divinity.  
7. Isaac Bargrave, Dr. of Divinity.   
At the time of which new foundation of the Church by 
The cathedrals fourth and last seal.  Hen. 8. the common seal thereof was again changed and new made. The inscription in the circumference whereof was this, on the one side. Metrop'x. Cant. noviter erecte per regem Hen. 8. On the other side: Ego sum via. veritas. et vita. anno incarnati. Christi. 1540 Which was the Churches fourth and last common seal, and continueth still in use, being not so large as the former, which former was much larger than the next precedent, which was also far greater than the first, which first was much both of the same size and character with that leaden seal to St. Augustine's bull or charter lately set out 
St. A●stins common ●eales.  by St. Hen. Spelman in his Counsels pag. 122. And now having so sit an occasion, it will not be thought impertinent, I hope, if I present you with the inscriptions on the common seals of that Abbey. Whereof I find only two. The one, the smaller of the two, a very old one, representing on the one side both the names and pourtraicts of the blessed Apostles Peter & Paul, with this inscription in the circumference. † Hoc sigillum factum est anno primo Henrici Regis Anglorum. And on the other side, the effigies of an Archbishop in his pontifical habit (St. Augustine probably meant by it) with this inscription in the circumference † Sigill. ecclesie sancti Augustini Cantuarie Anglorum Apostoli. The other common seal, the larger of the two, and of more curious work then the former, representeth on the one side a Church, and in the midddest of it, both the name and effigies of St. Austin. together with the Abbeys arms 
* Being a Cross argent in a field sable.  and some other embellishments, with this inscription in the circumference. 
Anglia quae domino fidet sociatur amore  
Hoc Augustino debetur patris honore.   
On the other side, a Church also with the figures of both those Apostles Peter and Paul, this with a sword, the other with a key in his hand, and underneath, (if I mistake not) the Christening or baptising of King Ethelbert, by Austin, with this circumscription in the ●ing. Sigillum monasterii beatorum Apostolorum Petri et Pauli sociorum Augustini Anglorum Apostoli Cantuar. But I will no longer digress.  
For a Corollary to this Catalogue, I pray my Reader to take notice that this Prior, was a Lord-Prior, a spiritual Baron of the Parliament, and the Priory whilst it had existence, possessed of great revenues, being valued at the suppression (but not to the worth) at 2489l. 4s. 9d. The form of electing and installing this Prior, transcribed from the Church-records, he may find in mine Appendix. 
Vide p. 〈◊〉 Scriptura 19 in Appendice.  And so this Catal. also being ended, I proceed to the third.    

A Catalogue of the Arch-deacons of Canterbury.  
FOr your better understanding the original of this 
Original of the Archdeaconry.  Archdeaconry, take here, by way of preface or introduction to the ensuing catalogue, the words of Archbishop Parker 
f Antiq. Britan, in vita Lanfranci.  touching the same. Extra Civitatem Cantuariae (saith he) in part orientali erat ecclesia sancti Martini, ubi sedes Episcopi erat, qui domi, vel in Comitatu semper manebat, & vices Archiepisc. (qui Regis curiam frequentabat) per omnia gerebat. Monachos ecclesiae Christi (ac ipse Monachus) in obsequium accipiebat: solennitates in ecclesia Metropoli celebrabat, quibus peractis ad suaredieba●. Hic & Prior ecclesiae Christi (quem Decanum vocabant) in Synodis pari ornatu considebant. Atque hic mos usque ad tempora Normannorum perduravit, ejusque Episcopii praesul extremus fuit Godwinus. Quo mortuo anno scilicet 1065. Lanfrancus Episcopum Ecclesiae beati Martini substituere renuit, dicens quòd in una Civitate duo Episcopi esse non deberent, cum revera in Civitate Episc. non fuit, sed extra civitatem. Is igitur loco Episcopi quendam Clericum suum Archidiaconum ordinavit, cujus rei ante mortem eum poenituit. Thus he.  
Let me further enlarge this matter unto you out of a Record of Christ-Church, which is somewhat more copious in the relation of it then the former, and is thus entitled. Nota à quo tempore incepit primo ecclesiae Cantuariensis esse Archidiaconus. And then follows. Memorandum qd' à tempore beati Augustini primi Archiepisc. Cant. usque ad tempus bonae memoriae Lanfranci Archiepiscopi, per Ccclxij annos nullus fuit Archidiaconus in Civitate vel Dioc. Cant. Sed à tempore beati Theodori Archiepisc. qui sextus erat à beato Augustino usque ad tempus praed' Lanfranci fuit in ecclesia Sancti Martini in Suburbio Cant. quidam Episcopus authoritate Vitaliani 
Bishop of S. Martin.  Papae à Sancto Theodoro ordinatus, qui in tota Civitate & Dicc. Cant. vices Episcopi gerebat, in ordinibus celebrandis, ecclesiis consecrandis & puris confirmandis, & aliis officiis pontificalibus exequendis ipso absent. Idem etiam Episcopus omnimodam jurisdictionem in Civitate & Dioc. Cant. sede plena, authoritate Archiepisc. ipso absent & seed vacant in tota Provincia authoritate Capi●uli exercebat per Cccxlix. annos usque ad tempus Lanfranci praedict. Postmodum tempore Lanfranci Archiepiscopi praefatus Episcopus in fata decessit. Sed idem Archiepisc. alium substituere non decrevit, sed postmodum concessit cuidam clerico suo, nomine Valerio, totam jurisdictionem in Civitate Cant. tantum, exceptis & ecclesiis de patronatu Archiepisc. & causis matrimonial. de quibus se nihil intromittet. Et incepit idem Clericus tunc primò vocari Archidiaconus Cant. Contulit etiam eidem clerico domicilium extra Northgate juxta Monasterium Sancti Gregorii in quo continuò residebat usque ad tempus bonae memoriae Stephani Archiepiscopi per Clix. annos.  
By the premises it seems clear that Lanfranc erected the Archdeaconry (and instituted the first Archdeacon) of Canterb. yet I read that Almar (or Almarus) the man so much (and if guilty, worthily) condemned in our Stories for betraying the City of Canterb. (besieged by the Danes) into their hands, in the reign of King Ethelred, anno 1011. was Archdeacon of the Church of Canterb. so was likewise afterwards one Haimo, who, because of the troubled state of his country infested by the Danes, for a time, forsook his country, and got him over into France, where he kept until the times were more quiet and tolerable here at home, and then returning, was welcomed with this dignity. Harpsfield mentions both. But beside, long before either of these, I find in two Saxon manuscripts in Christ-Church, the one a Codicill, or Libel dated anno 805. the other, the Record or memorial of a Synod two years before, holden at Clofeshoaf (Cliff beside Rochester) one Wlfraed to subscribe with the Archbishop of Canterb. and others of his Church, thus. Wlfraed Archidiaconus. The same Records make mention of the names of other Archdeacon's afterwards, as  
Anno Dom. 


844. Beornoth.  
853. Aethelweald.  
864. Ealstan.  
866. Sigefreth.  
Eod. Liaving.  
890. Werbeald.     
Let me add that in the year 1075. (if we follow Harpsfields account, which questionless is the truer, for Lanfranc was not yet Archbishop, when Parker saith Godwyn died) eleven years before Godwyn's time, to the Instrument or Record of the Council holden at London De primatu ecclesiae Cantuar. & regulis ecclesiarum, next unto the Archbishops and BB. is this inscription. Ego Anschitillus sanctae Dorobernensis ecclesiae Archidiaconus subscripsi. How is it true then, that Lanfrank founded the Archdeaconry, and made the first Archdeacon of Canterb.? I answer and conceive for truth that there was a settled Archdeaconry before Lanfranks days: but he that was Archdeacon of the Church, was withal Bishop of S. Martin: that is, beside that of an Archdeacon, was endued with the title, power and office of a Bishop, or (as I take it rather) of a Chorepisc. whereby the might and did vices gerere Archiepisc. and supply his absence in many things, wherein a bare Archdeacon, by his office, by law, cannot meddle. Now Lanfrank finding the case thus to stand, and well knowing that Chorepiscopi (both in name and office) were abolished abroad, because of their pride, usurpation, and no very good ground of institution at first, and (as his own reason is) not liking to have two Bishops to one City; Godwyn the Incumbent of that dignity dying in his time, (as he was a man that much changed the face ofthings in our Church affairs) he changed the Chorepiscopall Archdeacon into a simple Archd. that is stripped him of his Chorepiscopall title and power, restraining the succeeding Archdeacon's power within the limits only of an Archdeacon's office. Et ita mihi videtur, pace alterius meliùs me sentientis semper salva. Now to my Catalogue.  
Before Lanfranks erection or change rather of the Archdeaconry, twelve are all the Bishops or Archdeacon's, whose names I meet with. viz.  

1. Wlfred.  
2. Beornoth.  
3. Aethelweald.  
4. Ealstan.  
5. Sigefreth.  
6. Liaving.  
7. Werbeald.  
8. Almar.  
9 Haimo.  
10. Edsin.  
11. A●schitillus.  
12. Godwyn.   
Whereof the first (Wlfred) I take it within few years after that his subscription before remembered, became Archbishop of Cant. In the year 807. Wlfred being a Monk of Christ-church in Cant. was made Archbishop of Cant. saith Godwyn. Likely to be this Wlfred. For he was always a Monk of Christ-Church that was Bishop of S. Martin. So Parker ubi supra.  
Of the 6 next, I have nothing to say, unless I should note that in subscribing to a Charter of King Etheldreds', Beornoths' name is set before divers Dukes.  
Of Almar, if you would know more, consult the Story of the Danish siege and surprisal of our City anno 1011. related by Roger Hoveden and others.  
Eor Haimo, let Balaeus and Pits. be your further informers.  
As for Edsin, I read in the Records of Christ-Church that anno 1035. Kanutus Rex dedit Eadsino Episcopo Sancti Martini, quae ecclesia sita est extra Doroberniam in Oriente, Apuldre, Palstre & Witricham ad opus ecclesiae Christi Doroberniae, liberè sicut Adesham. Whether this were the man that in the year 1038. was made Archbishop of Cant. I am uncertain. Haply it was. If so, the Catalogue of B B. will further inform you of him.  
Of the other two Anschitillus and Godwyn, I have said what I know. Wherefore I pass now to Lanfranks first Archdeacon. Archbishop Parker names him not, nor yet Archd. Harpsfield: but the Church Record (as you may see before) doth; and calls him Valerius, adding that he was Lanfranks Clerk. How long this man held the place I find not, but he was the last of that (the eleventh) Century. Those of the next were the 9 next following.  

1. William.  
2. Ichn.  
3. Ascelinus.  
4. Helewisus.  
5. Walter.  
6. Roger.  
7. Thomas Becket.  
8. Geffrey Ridell.  
9 Herbert.   
Whereof William was the first. For in the year 1101. in the Enquiry whether Maud, daughter of Malcolm King of Scots and Margaret his Queen, being to be married to Henry 1. were a Nun, or had taken on her the veil and vow of a Nun, or not, related by Edmerus, mention is made of 
g Hist. Novorum lib 3. pag. 57  one William Archdeacon of Cant. who together with Humbald the Archdeacon of Sar. was sent by Archbishop Anselm to Wilton to inquire out the truth of the matter there, it being the place of her education. He is again afterwards, to wit anno 1108. mentioned by the same Author pag. 96. as used and sent by Anselm, on his behalf, to invest and put into possession of the Bishopric of Rochester, Ralph Gundulph's next successor upon whom Anselm had bestowed the same. And that is all I read of him, saving a letter of the same Anselm directed to him and others about Priests marriages, mentioned in the Acts and Monuments.  
His next Successor (and he with whom Harpsfield begins his Catalogue) was one john nephew unto Ralph the Archbishop, who gave him this Archdeaconry with great and unwonted solemnity, as Edmerus relates it 
h Hist. memorat. li. 5. pag. 114. , who saith that Radulphus Archiepisc. consilio & petitione Episcoporum, proximè supra nominatorum (to wit Richard of London, Roger of Salisbury, Herbert of Norwich, Ralph of Chichester, john of Bath, and Hervey of Ely) dedit (concedentibus & approbantibus Monachis Cantuariensibus) Archidiaconatum ipsius ecclesiae Iohanni nepoti suo. Quae donatio facta est in Capitulo, praesente fratrum conventu, copiosa Clericorum ac Laicorum multitudine, pro hoc ipso in medium adducta, facta prius, coram omnibus, ab eodem johanne, tactis Evangeliis, sacramento, quo se fidelitatem ecclesiae ipsi, per omnia & in omnibus exhibiturum, dum viveret, repromisit. In the year 1119. this man was sent by the Archbishop to the Council then holden at Rheims, there to withstand the consecration of Thurstan the elect of York at the hands of the Pope, who had been rejected of Ralph the Archbishop of Cant. for refusing to make profession of subjection to his See. How he behaved himself in that Province, and what was the issue thereof, I leave it to Edmerus 
i pag. 125. , and the Catal. of B B. to inform you. The same man afterwards, to wit in the year 1125. succeeded Ernulph in the Bishopric of Rochester, which he enjoyed till his death which happened anno 1137.  
Ascelinus or Asketinus succeeded john, both first in the Archdeaconry of Canterb: and afterwards (as I take it) in the Bishopric of Rochester. For upon the death of john, Ascelinus (saith the Catal. of B B.) succeeded, and died anno 1147. Likely to be this Archdeacon.  
Helewisus or Helvinus succeeded. He was sent by Archbishop Corboyl together with the B B. of St. Davids and Rochester, 
.  to put the Monks of Dover in possession of their new Monastery built for them by that Archbishop, in the year 1134. which is all I read of him.  
Walter succeeded him. He was afterwards, to wit in the year 1147. elected Bishop of Rochester, and was the first that 
〈◊〉.  ever was made Bishop there by the Monk's election. The Archbishop of Cant. was wont aforetime to nominate to this Bishopric whom pleased him. Theobald the Archbishop bestowed this privilege upon them, by whose command they chose this Walter, who was the Archbishop's brother for their Bishop. Which Bishopric he held 35. years, and died in the year 1182.  
He was succeeded in the Archdeaconry by Roger, preferred thereunto by Theobald the Archbishop (as were his immediate Predecessor and Successors:) By whose means he became afterwards Archbishop of York. Read more of him (if you please) in the Catal. of BB. in York: where one thing is chiefly remarkable, viz. that whereas in his life 
Lex 〈◊〉  time he had procured of Pope Alex. this privilege, that if any Clergy man died in his Province, and delivered not his goods away by hand before his death, the Archbish. should have the disposition of them; it pleased God that the same measure he met unto other, he should be served withal himself. He left behind him (or had at least wise what time he sickened) 11000 lib. in silver, and 300 lib. of gold, beside an infinite deal of plate, and sumptuous householdstuff. All this (though he had bestowed it to the use of the poor and other good purposes) the King notwithstanding seized upon, and converted it to his own use, saying it was no reason that his Will should stand for good, that had disannulled the testaments of so many other.  
Being Archdeacon (as he was one that savoured not the Monks of his time 
k Godwin. ) he proved very troublesome and offensive to them of Christ-Church, by intruding himself amongst them, and into their Chapters and assemblies, as one of the society. Being no Monk, but a secular, the Monks could not brook his doings: but addressing themselves to the Archbishop for remedy, they procured of him the following letters. 
Theobaldus Dei gratia Cant. Archiepisc. Angliae Primas. W. Priori & Conventui ejusdem ecclesiae, Salutem. Cum grande conversationis monasticae detrimentum esse dinoscitur, contra usum ecclesiarum, & contra statuta regulae Monachorum capitulo clericos quasi de jure admisceri: iccirco ne quis clericorum sive Cant. Archidiaconus sive alius vestrrum quoquo modo habeat capitulum prohibemus. Si verò vobis Archidiaconus vester necessarius fuerit, & eum vocaveritis, tunc demum non differat, & ad vos venire, & vobis, si opus est, pro viribus auxiliari. Quotiens autem ipse à vobis accersitus vel Archiepiscopum comitatus sive in coena Domini, sive aliis opportunis temporibus in vestrum venerit Capitulum, more praedecessorum suorum Archidiaconorum, Asketini scilicet, Willielmi, & Helewisi qui nos praecesserunt semper in suppeditaneo sedis Archiepiscopi sedeat, nec occasione hac vel alia in Capitulo vestro juris quippiam se habere arbitretur etc.   
Of this Archdeacon you may see more in Richard Archbishop of Canterb. in the Catalogue afore cited.  
Thomas Becket succeeded Roger. But he that so favoured him as to bring him to this dignity, Archbishop Theobald, prevailed so far with the King for his further advancement, as that, after the accession of other preferments, at length Theobald dying, this man was selected by the King for his Successor. His story is obvious, wherefore I will not repeat it, and the rather because I have myself delivered many things of him before in proper place.  
Geffrey Ridell succeeded Becket: and was as the 3 former, of Theobalds' preferring and putting in. He continued Archdeacon until Archbishop Beckets' time, whose story mentions him as an enemy to him and his proceedings, as taking part with the King in his quarrel with Becket, who therefore excommunicated him as you may read in Rog. Hoveden, who will tell you more of this matter. This Archd. afterwards was consecrate Bishop of Ely, to wit. anno 1174. The often-cited Catal. in Ely will let you know more of him.  
Herbert succeeded him, in the time of Richard the Archbishop, Beckets' immediate Successor. Who ('tis said) made 
Ma●. Paris.  three Archdeacon's to his Diocese, which usually had but one before. Their names were Savaricus, Nicolaus and Herebertus. But this held not long, the 3 being in the same Archbishop's time reduced to one again, namely this Herbert. To whom the Archbishop made a personal Grant of jurisdiction much like that whereabout the Archbishop of York and the Archdeacon of Richemond differed about the same time; for appeasing of which difference issued out that Decretal Epistle of Innocent. 3. Cap. Cum venissent. de Institutionibus. Our present Archdeacon's Grant, which for Antiquity-sake I insert, was this here following. 
Richardus Dei gratia Cant. Archiepisc. totius Angliae Primas & Apostolicae sedis Legatus. Vniversis Christi fidelibus 
Personal Grant of Jurisdiction.  ad quos praesentes literae pervenerint, salutem. Cum dilectus filius Herbertus Archidiaconus noster plura ad Archidiaconatum suum de jure debere pertinere vendicaret, de quibus nobis non constabat, Intuitu probitatis suae & sincera affectione quam circa personam ipsius gerimus, haec el personaliter concessimus, sine omni praejudicio Cant. ecclesiae & Successorum nostrorum. Institutiones viz. & Destitutiones Decanorum, praehabito consilio nostro. Custodiam vacantium ecclesiarum ad nostram donationem non pertinentium, & omnes fructus dum vacaverint inde provenientes liberè & absolutè. Placita etiam ecclesiastica & omnia emolumenta inde provenientia tam de Dominiis nostris quam Monachorum ecclesiae Cant. in Archidiaconatu Cant. constitutis. Omnia etiam emolumenta de placitis Archidiaconatus sui ubicunque agitentur. Ita tamen quòd si modum circa homines Episcopor. vel Monachorum excesserit, nobis excessus correctionem reservavimus. Cognitionem etiam de causis matrimonior. cum accusantur usque ad desinitivum calculum, & si dirimendum fuerit matrimonium, id nobis reservavimus. Institutiones etiam personarum in ecclesiis vacan' quae ad nostram specialiter non pertineant donationem: cum extra provinciam fuerimus: cum autem praesentes fuerimus & persona aliqua instituenda prius oblata fuerit Archidiacono, dummodo hoc non fuerit procuratum, cum eam ad nos introduxerit, honorem ei in facto suo conservabimus. Omnes autem per nos instituti tam in ecclesiis de dominio nostro & Monachorum, quam in aliis, per Archidiaconum vel ejus Officialem introducentur in corporalem possessionem ecclesiarum in quibus fuerint instituti. Haec autem omnia praescripta sub praesentis scripti & sigilli nostri testimonio duximus redigenda, ut sicut ea praefato Archidiacono nostro sunt à nobis personaliter concessa, ita ejus personae illibata conserventur. His testibus M ¹⁰ Gerardo Walerano Archid. Baiocen. M ¹⁰ Petro Blesen etc.   
Thus much of the Archdeacon's of the 12t. I come now to them of the next Century, whose names and order were as followeth.  

1. Robert.  
2. Hen. de Castil.  
3. Hen. de Stanford.  
4. Simon Langton.  
5. Stephan. de Vicenna.  
6. Stephan. de monte Luelli.  
7. Hugo de mortuo mari.  
8. Willielmus Middleton.  
9 Robertus de Gernemutha.  
10. Richardus de Ferring.  
11. johannes de Longtona.   
For the first, Robert: I read that of Archdeacon of Canterb. he was made Bishop of Salisbury, succeeding Hubert that was translated thence to Canterb: in the year 1193.  
The second Hen. de Castilion succeeded Robert, and was Archdeacon in Hubert the Archbishop's time: as I find by divers of his subscriptions to charters and other evidences of St. Radigund's Abbey by Dover, made by Hubert and others. In the year of our Lord 1202. this man being Archdeacon, there happened a great controversy between King john and the Monks of St. Augustine's touching the right of the patronage of the Church of Feversham. They were so 
Feversham.  stiff and stout on both sides in the carriage of the business, that through the violence that was used by the one to out the other of possession, the Church's profanation ensued, whereupon this our Archdeacon challenging right to the custody of the Church during the vacancy thereof, interposeth himself, excommunicates the Monks for holding the Church by force, overthrows the altars as thereby profaned, and then interdicts the Church. The Monks straightway appeal to the Pope. He sends out his commission for the full understanding of the matter: But (saith Lambert 
l Perambul. of Kent, in Feversham. ) the Monks (being now better advised) took a shorter way, and sending presents to the King, they both obtained at his hands restitution of their right, and also won him to become their good Lord and Patron. Notwithstanding, the Archdeacon and they proceeded on in suit at Rome, about the custody and fruitsses of their vacant Churches: this and Milton especially. In which suit issued out that Decretal Epistle of Innocent 3. Bonae memoriae. de Appellatio. directed to the B B. of Rochester and London. I find also amongst the records of Christ-church a long scroll of witnesses depositions taken as well on the one part as the other, but what was the issue or final end of the controversy I know not, but do guess (by a like course afterwards taken with a succeeding Archdeacon upon this quarrel renewed) he had composition given him by the Monks, and thereby some share and part with them of the profits of their vacant Churches yielded to him for a peace. The matter which they strove for, was in those days of moment and very considerable, but the case is now altered by Stat. which gives the Successor 
m ●8. 〈◊〉. 8. 11.  the fruits in the vacancy, and so hath cut off such brabbles. I have nothing more to say of this Archdeacon, but that you may find him a witness to Queen Alianor's Charter made to the Monks of Christ-Church, acquitting them of the Cities walling and inditching in Ric. 1. time.  
I come now to the third Archdeacon of this Century, which was Hen. de Stanford or Sandford (for I find him written either way, and Harpsfield writes him Stafford) elected afterwards to the Bishopric of Rochester, and consecreate anno 1227. Being Archdeacon, he took a resignation of Blean Church, by the title of vices gerens Domini Stephani Cantuariensis, which was Archbishop Langton. He was coexecutor with the Prior of Christ-Church, of the Lady Agnes 
n Lib. Hosp. d: Estbridg.  Clifford's Will: See more of him in the Catalogue of B B. in Rochester. 
Ibidem.   
This Archdeacon being so preferred: Stephen Langton who was then Archbishop, having to his brother one Simon Langton (one that was not only out of means, but also out of favour both with the King and Pope, the latter, by means of the former giving him the repulse for the Archbishopric 
Matt. Paris.  of York, to which he was elected by the Chapter there) conferred the Archdeaconry upon him, the year before he died. In favour of whom (carne & sanguine revelante, saith a Record in Christ-Church) he much amended the Archdeaconry. For with the consent and confirmation of the Chapter, he annexed and united to it, not only the Churches (or Personages) of Tenham and Hackington, but also the 
Tenham. 〈◊〉.  whole Jurisdiction over the Diocese, with an exception only and reservation of some causes and Churches. Et quia (saith the Record in Christ-Church) dictus Archidiaconatus exilis erat in possess, concessit eidem Simoni totam jurisdictionem Diocesanam in Decanatibus ruralibus, exceptis causis matrimonialibus & ecclesiis quae sunt in maneriis Archiepiscopatus & Monachorum, de quibus se nihil intromittebat. But you may see (if you please) in my Appendix, the double Instrument of the conveyance of both one and the other 
* Vide pro Scripture. 20. & 2●. in Appendice. .  
To complete and make this grant absolute: whereas Baldwyn and Hubert his predecessors, upon the controversy between them and the Monks about the Chapels of Hakington and Lambhith, upon displeasure taken against the Archdeacon (it is like) for opposing them and their project in behalf of the Monks, had exempted certain Churches: this Stephen, with the Monks consent, by a special Charter, reverseth and revokes that exemption, and subjects again the Churches to the Archdeacon's Jurisdiction in such manner as by the tenor of the Charter copied in my Appendix Scriptura 22. may and will appear. And then began 
Archidiaconal jurisdiction enlarged.  the Archdeaconry to be enlarged, this Archdeacon being the first that ever had a real or perpetual grant made to him and his Successors of the Archidiaconal jurisdiction, whose predecessors never had other than a personal, such as was that (before set forth) made to Herbert, or the like.  
These things happening in December Anno Domini 1227. In the month of February next following, the same Archdeacon makes a double Charter to the Monks, whether in consideration of their passing their consent to the uniting the two foresaid Churches of Hakynton and Tenham to the Archdeaconry, or wherefore else to me appears not; by the one, conveying to them, with consent of his brother the Archbishop, omnes decimas de Eylwarton majores & minores 
Tit●ery of Yeluerton.  sitas infra limites parochiae de stanes Capella de Tenham: which at this day pass by and under the name of dominical or demeasne-tithes. i Tithes of the demeasnesse of that Manor, which is now called Yeluerton. By the other, becoming engaged for himself and his Successors that nothing should be done in the Church or Chapel of Hakynton, then there built or to be built, to the prejudice of the Church of Canterbury, a thing which the late stir between Archbishop Baldwyn and the Monks made them fearful of, and therefore cautions, wary and careful to prevent: and 
Archdeacon's House.  the rather because the Archdeacon had now seated himself there. For whereas from Lanfrancs until his time the Archdeacon's dwelling was near Saint Gregory's 
p Record. eccles. Cant.  hard by the Court there; it was in this Simons time removed, and the place given to the Monks of Christ-Church, (haply in consideration of their consent to the Archbishop's forenoted indultums or grants made to this Archdeacon) who kept it, as to the propriety of it at least wise, until the 25. Ed. 3. and was the same (I take it) which they then exchanged with the Canons of the place for other the like of theirs: in the deed whereof I find it thus described, viz. Placiam suam cum pertinen. jacen. inter Curiam. S. Gregorii versus South, venellam de Baggeb ' verse. North, ortum de Forgehagh verse. East, & ortum quondam johannis le Gerdeler versus West. The Archdeacon then removing thence, he settled and seated himself (as I said) at Hakynton, where his usual residence continued until that of late days the mansion house was alienated. Of late days, I say, for I read that not only Archbishop Arundel in Hen. 5. time died at the Archdeacon of Canterbury his mansion house at Hakynton, but that of late in Hen. 8. day's Archbishop Warham did likewise. But now it is gone, and the Archdeacon, quatenus Archdeacon, left houselesse.  
I return to our present Archdeacon Simon, who in the vacancy of the See by Archbishop Edmund's death which stood Peter Lambard the Monks Official, for that time of the vacancy, challenging to himself in right of his Archdeaconry all the jurisdiction both Provincial and Diocesan. But at length after some alterations hinc inde, all contentions between the Chapter and him in that behalf were friendly ended by a personal composition, a Copy whereof (that you may see the then state of this Archdeaconry) I suppose in my Appendix to set forth. This man, before he was Archdeacon took part (against King john) with Lewis 
Vale pro Scriptura 23. in Appendice. Matth. Paris.  the French Dolphin, who made him his Chancellor, for whose establishment here he was very active, as you may find more at large in Matthew Paris and others. The Pope, by his letters consulted with this Simon about Ralph Nevil the Bishop of Chichester and Chancellor of England, whom the Monks of Christ-Church, to gratify the King who much respected him, had (as the Canonists phrase it) postulated for their Archbishop in the vacancy by the death of Richard the great, whose relation of the man so wrought the Pope against him, that he was put by it and Edmund promoted to the place. Shortly this Archdeacon founded the Hospital of Poor Priests in Canterb. whereof enough already in proper place, and died about the year 1248. having been Archdeacon 21 years, upon whom Matthew Paris bestows this Epitaph. 
Sub eodem quoque annali curriculo, obiit Magister Simon de Langetuna, frater praeclarae memoriae Stephani Cantuariensis 
1248.  Archiepiscopi, ecclesiae Cantuariensis Archidiaconus. Qui si ecclesiae suae, videlicet Cantuariensis, persecutor & perturbator fuisset, non est mirandum, quin imò Regnum Francorum, Regnum & Anglorum, quandoque cum ex multiplici bello vexaretur, sicut sufficienter in loco suo praedictum est, movit, commovit & perturbavit &c.   
See more (if you please) of this man in Pitseus.  
Stephanus de Vicenna succeeded Simon Langton. So the process of the suit between his Successor Richard de Ferring and the Chapter about title of Jurisdiction in the vacancy of the See informs me, which gives a Catalogue of the Archdeacon's, and the order of their succession from Simon Langton down to that Richard. He held the place till his death, which by the computation of that process was about x. years.  
But I am persuaded that one Stephanus de monte Luelli ought to have a share with him of that time allotted to him for his incumbency in that dignity, which that process omitting this Stephen reckons between the former Stephen and Hugh Mortimer. For in the year 1257. in the time of Archbishop Boniface, I find in a Lieger of S. Radigund's Abbey by Dover the subscription of this Stephanus de monte Luelli, by the express title of Archdeacon of Canterb. as (with others) a witness to some Instruments or Charters made to that Abbey by the Archbishop. At what time I find that Hugh Mortimer was the Archbishop's Official. To whom I pass.  
This Hugh Mortimer was first (as I said Official of Cant. Electus Cantuar. (saith Florilegus) naves ascensurus jussit nemora 
1245.  Archiepiscopatus abscidi & vendi, & quasdam tallias & collectas in terris suis fieri, & constituit quendam suum Officialem natione Pictaviensem, Magistrum Hugonem de Mortimer, qui diligenter mandata sua exequebatur. He continued Official very long, it seems. For in the year 1270. I find a decision of his (as Official) of a controversy, wherein the Monks of Horton Priory in Kent were interessed, recorded in the Lieger of that house. It seems he was also Chancellor or Vicar general to the Archbishop. For in the year 1258. he sends his Mandatum ad inducendum to the Archdeacon's Official, for the inducting of the Abbot of S. Radegund into the Parsonage of Alcham, in this form. 
Magister Hugo de Mortuo mari Dilecto sibi officiali Archidiacon' Cant. salutem in Domino. De mandato Domini mei Archiepiscopi Cant. vobis mando specialiter, Quatenus Abbatem sanctae Radigundis nomine suo & conventus sui in possessionem ecclesiae de Alcham mittatis corporalem, & tueamini inductum contradictores & rebels per censuram ecclesiasticam compescendo. Dat' die Martis prox. ante festum. S Nicolai Anno Domini 1258.   
Afterwards to wit about the year 1271. he became Archdeacon, which place he held about 14 years. In which time, to wit in the vacancy of the Archbishopric by the death of Boniface, I find him 
q Liber Hosp. Pauper. 〈◊〉. Cantuar.  play the Diocesan, in appropriating (authoritate ordinaria, as his words are) to the Hospital of Poor Priests in Cant. the Parish Church of S. Margaret in Cant. with consent of the Patr. the Abbot of S. Augustine's. His challenging of this and the like power in the time of the vacancy, begat a quarrel between him and the Monks of Christ-Church, the like to that between his predecessor Simon Langton and them, both in the nature and end of it. Postmodum verò (saith the often cited Record of Christ-Church) vacant seed per mortem bonae memoriae Bonifacii Capitulum Cant. 〈◊〉 jurisdictionem Provincialem & 〈◊〉 supra exercebat per fratrem Galfridum de Romenal● officialem suum. Postea verò Mr Hugo de Mortuo mari tunc Archidiaconus Cant. ratione talis qualis possessionis Simonis praedecess●ris sui vendicabat hujusmodi jurisdictionem ad ipsum & Archidiaconatum pertinere. Tandem inter Capitulum & praedictum Hugonem personalis compositio intervenit, & ad vitam ipsius Hugonis tantummodo duratura, prout patet per tenorem ejusdem. This composition is much like that which you shall find copied in my Appendix, made to Simon Langton.  
William Middleton succeeded Hugh Mortimer, and held the place 2 years and upwards. And in the year 1278. was removed thence to the Bishopric of Norwich. Where, in the Catal. of BB. you may read somewhat more of him.  
Robertus de Gernemutha (or of Yarmouth whom Fox calls Gernemine, succeeded William Middleton, and like his predecessor continued Archdeacon upward of two years. This man renewed the old quarrel for Jurisdiction in the vacancy twice set on foot before, as you may see in Simon and Hugo: appealing the Monks to the Pope about it. During the dependence of which appeal in the Court of Rome, this Archdeacon died. This suit happened in the vacancy by Robert Kilwardbyes' remove or translation Postmodum (saith the old Record again) vacant seed Cant. per translationem Domini Roberti de Kylewardby Archiepiscopi in Episcopum Portuensem Capitulum Cantuar. omnimodam hujusmodi jurisdictionem ut supra exercuit per Magistrum Ricardum de Stradford Officialem suum. Sed postea Magister Robertus Gernemuta Archidiaconus Cant. occasione talis qualis possessionis praedictorum Simonis & Hugonis praedecessorum suorum vendicabat omnimodam hujusmodi jurisdictionem ad ipsum & Archidiaconatum suum pertinere, & super hoc ad sedem Apostolicam (at dicitur) appellavit, & praedictum Capitulum in Curia Romana traxit in causam, ut patet per processum inde habitum, inter Capitulum & dictum Robertum. Sed pendente causa in Curia praedicta Robertus ibi diem suum clausit extremum.  
Ricardus de Ferring succeeded in the Archdeaconry and held it fifteen years until he was removed thence to the Archbishopric of Dublin in Ireland vacant by the death of one Ottoninus (so Parker from Matt. of Westminster) and conferred on him by the Provision of Pope Boniface 8. but he died by the way in his return from Rome; where, being Archdeacon, he revived the suit then dormant by the death of his predecessor, which suit was hotly prosecuted for a while, but to little purpose. Postmodum vero (the Cathedral Record again) vacant seed Cant. per mortem bonae memoriae johannis Archiepisc. Capitulum Cant. omnimod. hujusmodi jurisdictio. ut supra exercuit per Magistrum johannem de Selveston officialem suum. Sed Magister Richardus de Ferring tunc Archidiaconus Cant. litem sopitam per mortem dicti Roberti praedecessoris sui in Curia Romana resuscitavit, & usque ad examinationem testium est prosecutum, & dati sunt judices de consensu partium ad examinandum testes, viz. Mr Rogerus de Rowel Archidiacon●s Bedforden. M ● Philippus de Barton, & Mr johannes de Excestre qui bullam remissionis ut dicitur receperunt, sed nihil ad rem inde factum est, nec etiam terminatum.  
john Langton (or johannes De Langtona) succeeded Richard in the year 1299. which thing came thus to pass 
r Godwin. Catal. of BB. in Ely. . This john, being Chancellor of England, first constituted anno 1293. and a second time anno 1307. was by a part of the Covent of Ely, chosen for their Bishop and he endeavoured mainly to have his election confirmed: but being disappointed of that Bishopric, the Pope, Boniface 8. (to whom from the Archbishop who had disannulled his election he appealed, but in vain) preferring another to that Bishopric, in way of recompense of his labour and cost, made him Archdeacon of Canterb. in the place of his predecessor Ferring. This john afterwards, to wit in the year 1305. was made Bishop of Chichester, being consecrated by Archbishop Winchelsey on the 10th of the Kal. of Octob. anno praed' Anno 1305. (saith a book of Christ-Church) 10. Kal. Octob. Robertus Winchelsey Archiep. consecravit in ecclesia Cant. Dominum johannem de Langtone Archidiaconum Cant. in Episcopum Cicestrensem. Harpsfield reports, that between him and both the Archbishop and Monks arose certain controversies about (the old quarrel) jurisdiction in the Sees vacancy. But I suppose he mistakes him in this for his predecessor Ferring. See more of him in the C●tel. of BB. in Ely and Chichester, as also in Harpsfield, Cent. 13.  
Thus have I briefly run over the 11 Archdeacon's of this 13th Century. A greater number (if you mark) than Harpsfield reckons upon: who of these names only Simon, Henry, William, Richard and john. He adds Robert Winchelsey, but erroneously. Indeed he was Archdeacon of Essex, but of Cant. never that I can find. Now let us on to those of the next Century. viz.  

1. Simon de Fever shame.  
2. Bernardus de Eyci.  
3. Gutterdus Labredus.  
4. Simon Convenius.  
5. johannes Brutonius.  
6. Raymundus.  
7. Hugo de Engolisma.  
8. Robert Stratford.  
9 Petrus Rogerius.  
10. Henricus Wakefield.  
11. Willielmus.  
12. Audomarus de Rupy.  
13. Willielmus Packington.  
14. Adam de Mottrum.  
15. Ricardus Clifford.   
Harpsfield begins this Century with Bernardus, ranking him next Successor to john Langton. But I find one between them, namely Simon de Feversham: to whom Archbishop Winchelsey gave the Archdeaconry vacant by Langton's remove to the Bishopric of Chichester. For the last cited Record goes on thus. Et eodem die dedit Magistro Simoni de Feversham Archidiaconatum Cantuar. Which is all I read of him, saving the testimony given him by Pitseus 
s De illust. Angl. Scriptor. ●ate 14. pag. 505. .  
Of Bernard, I read that in the year 1313. when the See of Cant. was void by Archbishop Winchelseyes' death, this man was Archdeacon, and that he suffered the Chapters then Official quietly to hold and exercise all manner of Jurisdiction belonging to the See. Postmodum verò (saith that old Record of Christ-Church) vacant seed Cant. per mortem bonae memoriae Roberti de Winchelsey Archiepiscopi, Capitulum Cant. omnimodam hujusmodi jurisdictionem ut supra excrcuit per Magistrum Rogerum de Rowell Officialem suum, sine aliqua appellatione vel contradictione. Erat tunc temporis Archidiaconus Cant. M ● Bernardus Eyci filius Dom. Aimeney de la Berto.  
For the next three. I find they did successively hold the Archdeaconry in the time of Walter Reynolds the Archbishop, and that is all: saving that the Records of the Cathedral have a Bull of Pope john xxij. thus entitled Bulla revocationis collationis Archidiaconatus Cant. fact' magistro johanni de Bruiton per Archiepisc. ut conferatur Raymundo sanctae Mariae in Cosmedin Diac. Card. per johannem Papam: From which Raymund I pass unto (I take it) his next Successor,  
Hugo de Engolisma. Both in the year 1327. and 1330. I have seen Records that style him Archdeacon of Canterbury 
t Lib. Hosp. Pauper. sacerd.  adding that one Petrus de Matre was his Proctor and Vicar general. To him Nicholas Trivet dedicated his History.  
Robert Stratford (I take it) succeeded next. For I find him Archdeacon in his brother john Stratford the Archbishop's time. He was Chancellor of England first constituted 11. Ed. 3. and again afterwards 14. ejusd. How this came to pass you may learn in the Catalogue of BB. in Chichester, to the which Bishopric he was preferred, succeeding therein his predecessor in the Archdeaconry, john Langton. I have seen 
v In Archivis Consistorii Cant.  a plea of his consisting of many articles, and containing in the first place an enumeration or particular of all the rights and privileges of his Archdeaconry; after which follows a suggestion of certain grievances offered to him and it by the then Commissary of Canterbury put up against him to his brother the Archbishop, with what success I know not, for I cannot find the issue.  
Petrus Rogerius sanctae Mariae novae Diaconus Cardinalis, in the year 1356. was Archdeacon of Canterbury, and Stratfords' 
x glib. Hosp. Pauper. sa●d.  next Successor (I take it:) whose absence was supplied by one Hugo Pelegrinus, who thus writes himself. Hugo Pelogrinus Thesaurarius Lichfield Apostolicae sedis in Anglia Nuntius, Reverendi patris in Christo Domini Petri Rogerii sanctae Mariae novae Diaconi Cardinalis Archidiaconi Cantuar. Vicarius in spiritualibus generalis.  
In the Vacancy of the See by the death of William Wittlesey, Anno 1374. one Henry of Wakefield was made Archdeacon by the then Prior and Covent of Christ-Church 
y Lib. eccl●e Cantuar. , who swore them Canonical obedience vacation durante.  
In the year 1379. 2. Rich. 2. Fox 
z Acts and Monum. Par. 1. pag. 562.  ex bundello brevium Regis de Anno 2. Rich. 2. par. 1. mentioneth two Archdeacon's of Canterbury. Thus the one. 
Lord William of the holy Church of Rome Cardinal, a stranger doth hold the Archdeaconry of Canterbury, and is not resident, the true value of all the yearly fruits, rents and profits, is worth seven hundred florins.   

Thus the other.  
Lord Andomar de Rupy is Archdeacon of Canterbury, to the which Archdeacon belong the Church of Lymin within the same Diocese, worth by year after taxation of the tenth xxl. The Church of Tenham worth by year after the said taxation, Cxxx l. uj ●. viijd. The Church of Hakington near Canterbury, worth by year twenty marks. The Church of Saint Clement in Sandwich, worth by year after the taxation aforesaid, eight marks. The Church of Saint Mary in Sandwich, worth by year eight pounds, of the which the said Archdeacon receiveth only six marks. The profits of all which premises S. William Latimer Knight hath received, together with the profits arising out of the jurisdiction of the Archdeaconry, worth by year xxl.  
Afterwards, to wit, in the year 1381. one William of Packington, or (as Pitseus writes him) Pachenton, had the Archdeaconry conferred upon him by the then Prior and Covent 
a Lib. eccles. Cant.  in the vacancy by Sudburies' death: his Proctor making and taking the accustomed oath of obedience to the Prior and Covent; and that he will not attempt any thing to the prejudice of the Church of Canterbury, and will faithfully execute such mandates as he should receive from the Prior and Chapter. Pitseus will further acquaint you with this man, and his great worth, and good parts, if you consult him.  
In Archbishop Courtneys' time (Sudburies' next Successor) one Adam de Mottrum was Archdeacon, and withal the Archbishop's Chancellor, as I find by Courtneys Will extant in Christ-Church, wherein he is a legatary.  
He was succeeded by Richard Clifford, who was Archdeacon in Archbishop Arundels days. Harpesfield tells of 
b Hist. ecs. Angl. Saecul. 15. cap. 14. pag. 634.  a controversy that happened to arise between the Archbishop and him about matter of Jurisdiction. Ricardo (saith he) controversia quaedam, de exercenda jurisdictione, cum Arundellio intercessit, quae certa transactione, mutuo ipsorum consensu composita est. The composition here spoken of is extant (for I have seen both prototype and copy) in the Church Records. The Lieger of the Consistory hath also a transcript of it. He was afterwards consecrate Bishop of Worcester, to wit Anno 1401. and translated thence to London Anno 1407. See more of him there in Bishop Godwins' Catalogue who speaks very honourably of him. I find his name and picture drawn and set up in the West-Window of the Chapterhouse of Christ-Church, as in likelihood, a benefactor to the work, it being new built in his time, as you may find elsewhere.  
For that was the way by which the religious men used to express their thankfulness to their benefactors, namely, by representing their effigies, and setting up their names, their coats also that had any, in some part of that building, which by their bounty they had holp to advance; sometimes adding withal their gift and largesse, what and how much it was: as for instance in that particular, in the Cloister, hard by the door of the Chapterhouse, about the shield of a coat representing the effigies of a Monk in his habit, one that about the same time with this Archdeacon, was a benefactor to that work, I read as followeth▪ Frater johannes Schepene, cum adjutorio amicorum suorum, contribuit ad fabricam claustri C. lib. cujus animae propitietur Deus. Amen.  
I have done with the Archdeacon's of this (14th) Century, and come now to them of the next, by name.  

1. Robertus Hall.  
2. johannes Wakering.  
3. Thomas Rumnoth.  
4. Willielmus Chichley.  
5. Prosper de Columna.  
6. Thomas Chichley.  
7. Thomas Wittembourne.  
8. johannes Bourgchier.  
9 Hugo Pentwin.   
The first of these (Hall) was (as Harpesfield says) Archbishop Arundells' Vicar general.  
The second Wakering, was keeper of the Privy Seal (saith Sir Henry Spelman) to Hen. 4. Regi ab archivis sive scriniis, saith Harpsfield, and in the year 1416. he was elected and consecrate Bishop of Norwich. Godwyn writes very honourably of him, as you may see in his Catalogue in Norwich.  
The third Rumnoth 
c Harpsfield ubi supra. , questioned and called before him john Bishop of Saint Assaph, as not legally holding his Bishopric, being never inducted or put into possession by his predecessor Robert, as the manner was, and of right he should have been, it being one of the rights of the Archdeacon to induct all B B. of the Province into the possession of their Sees.  
The fourth, William Chicheley 
d Idem Harpsf. ubi supra. , being Archbishop Chicheleys near Kinsman, was by him made Archdeacon, what time he was with the King in the French expedition. This William being a Notary of the Apostolic See, and dying in the Court of Rome: Pope Martin 5. bestowed the Archdeaconry upon his nephew Prosper de Columna, a Boy under fourteen years of age, and richly provided for before by the Pope his Uncle, but not to the content of the Pope's avaritions mind; who so prevailed with the King, that his nephew being an alien, and so incapable of the dignity by the laws of the Realm, he was by Royal indulgence indenized and made capable of the same, but so as the Pope should by his Bull, conceptis verbis, give way to the Patron freely to confer it afterwards, as it should fall void, and that this indulgence should not be drawn into example. This Archdeacon after a few years was made a Cardinal.  
The sixth, Thomas Chicheley, had the Archdeaconry afterwards conferred upon him by the same Archbishop Hen. Chicheley, his near Kinsman also. In an examplification of his (which I have seen) belonging to S. john's Hospital without Northgate, I find him style himself thus. Thomas Chicheley, decretorum Doctor, Archidiaconus Cant. & Domini Papae Prothonotarius. In the year 1463. he was Provost of Wingham College in Kent 
e Liber testam. pen●, registr. Domin● 〈◊〉. Cant.   
The seventh and ninth I know only by their names. For as yet I find nothing at all written of them.  
The eight, john Bourgchier, was (I take it) brother or near Kinsman to the Archbishop Thomas Bourgchier. He died in the year 1495. and was buried in the Lady chapel of Christ-Church, where you may find his Monument. I have transcribed the Inscription or Epitaph upon it before in the Survey of the Church Monuments. The Windows of this Chapel where he lies are very full of the Bourgchiers' arms.  
Thus much very briefly of the Archdeacon's of the 15th Cent. I come now to those of the next, by name.  

1. William Warham.  
2. Edmund Cranmer.  
3. Nicholas Harpsfield.  
4. Edmund Guest.  
5. Edmund Freak.  
6. William Redman.  
7. Charles Fotherbie.   
The first, William Warham, was Archbishop Warhams' Kinsman, in whose house 
s Antiq. Brit in ejus vita.  then situate at Hakington, the Archbishop died. He was withal Provost of Wingham. For the cause (its like) of his conscience, by Session, as the Canonists phrase it, he left both it, and the Archdeaconry, and by the privity and consent of the then Archbishop (Thomas Cranmer) had a stipend or pension of 60l. per annum, allowed him during his life, out of the Archdeaconry, and 20l. per annum out of his Prepositure of Wingham 
g Ex R● Cranm●. ,  
By his Successor in both, Edmund Cranmer, Archbishop Cranmers' brother, who continued Archdeacon afterwards until Queen Mary's days, and was then deprived of it, his Prebend also, and Parsonage of Ickham, which were all taken from him in the year 1554. for being a married Clerk, and the first given to Nicholas Harpsfield Doctor of Law, the second to Robert Collen's Bachelor of Law and Commissary of Canterbury, and the third to one Robert Marsh. 
h 〈◊〉 Lib. eccles. Cant.   
Concerning Harpsfield, Fox, a Protestant, and Pitseus, a Papist, give their several censures: but clearly ex diametro contrary, and so full (I fear) of partiality, and by their reflection upon the cause of religion, so prejudicated, that I leave it to the moderate to give a temper to them both, not desirous to interpose my judgement, but wishing only he may be censured with truth and indifferency. He was withal a Prebendary of Canterbury whom Doctor Moulin, after many other, doth succeed. Being a prisoner, he wrote the Ecclesiastical story of England, and other Books whereof see a Catalogue in Pitseus.  
Harpsfield in the beginning of Queen Elizabeth's reign, being deprived, Edmund Guest succeeded in the Archdeaconry, and shortly after, to wit Anno 1559. was consecrate Bishop of Rochester, and translated thence to Salisbury Anno 1571. Where you may see more of him in the Catalogue of B B.  
His next Successor was Edmund Freak, both in the Archdeaconry, and also in the Bishopric of Rochester, with which latter he held the Archdeaconry in Commendam, until he was afterwards removed to Norwich, and from thence to Worceter. The forecited Catalogue will tell you more of him.  
William Redman succeeded in the Archdeaconry, but in the year 1594. was removed to the Bishopric of Norwich. Consult the often cited Catalogue in Norwich, if you would know more of him.  
Charles Fotherbie upon Redmans' remove to Norwich was made Archdeacon, and afterwards Deane of Canterbury: both which with other spiritual livings besides, he held till his death, which happened Anno Domini 1616. He lieth buried in the Lady chapel in Christ-Church; and, Bourgchier excepted, who lies buried in the same Chapel, is the only Archdeacon of Canterbury, that by any Monument or Record appears to have been buried in Christ-Church. He was (you see) the last of that Century; as the modern Archdeacon, the reverend Dr Kingsley, is the first of the next, and makes the 59th Archdeacon. But manum de tabella. And here let me close this discourse of the Archdeacon's with a touch of that Prerogative anciently belonging to them, of putting the Suffragan-Bishops after their consecration or translation to a Bishopric, in possession of the same, (which we vulgarly call induction or installation) together with such rights and fees as were usually paid unto the Archdeacon in respect thereof. Their private Leaguer called (from the sable cover) the black book sets forth the matter at large, but affecting brevity, I have chosen rather to represent it in Archdeacon Harpsfields more compendious way. Est quidem (saith he 
* Histor. eccles. Saecul. 13. pag. 450. ) Cantuariensis ceterorum in Anglia Archidiaconorum antesignanus, habetque & hoc etiam saeculo habuit id praerogativae, ut designatos & initiatos Episcopos, quasi in praesenti rerum omnium possessione constituat. Ad quam possessionem tradendam, solebat ipse proficisci ad Episcopum in possessione locandum. Quibus temporibus equum Episcopi, & penulum ad suos usus, & viginti praetereà aureos 
* 10 marcas, saith Parker. Antiq. Britan. pag. 28.  ad sumptus accipiebat. Moris' praetereà erat, ut ex argenteo aut de aurato quodam poculo Episcopus ei in mensa praebiberet, acceptúmque poculum ad Archidiaconi commodum cederet. Posterioribus, & nostris praesertim temporibus, Archidiaconi possessionem hanc tradendi provinciam, aliis per literas mandantes, ipsi non proficiscebantur, viginti illos aureos solummodò sibi decerpentes. Thus he. And so both this Catalogue, and my whole task for the Cathedral is absolved.   

Parochial Churches.  
I Come in the next place, according to my method, to speak of the parochial Churches in and about the City. Give me leave, before I treat of them in several (as I mean to do) to premise a few things touching them in general. It is but of a very few of them, that I know or have found the certain either time or Author of their foundation. But as I shall show you that some of them have been erected since the Conquest: so I conceive (and am verily persuaded) none of them (except Saint Martins) do much, if at all, exceed the same in age, and that for many inducements. One that before it our Churches were generally built and made of Wood, and it is a thing noted of the Normans, that upon their Income they builded their Churches of stone 
i Stow. Daniel. . Another is that the Saints whose names some of our Churches do carry will not bear any much greater age, as Saint Alphege, St Dunstan, St Edmund the King and Martyr. A third reason I have, and I take it from a Deed or Charter of Coenulf King of Mercia, and Cuthred his brother, King of Kent, made to the Abbess and her Nonnes of Liminge, 
k In Archivis 〈◊〉. Cant.  and dated Anno Domini 804. granting them a certain parcel of Land in our City, appertaining (saith the Charter or Landboc) to a Church situate in the West part of the same, built in honour of Saint Mary. Now no such Church is, or since the Conquest (that I ever found) was standing in that part of our City. Whence I infer, that the face and condition of our City hath suffered an utter change since those days; and because we read that the Danes made havoc both of people and place in King Etheldreds' days, slaying the most part of the one, and burning and spoiling all the other (not sparing the Cathedral itself) I think we may justly charge upon that all-wasting deluge the utter subversion of such Churches as then were in our City, and consequently may not imagine any of our modern Churches (except as is before excepted) so ancient as to preced, but chose to succeed and follow the same. The Deed or Charter, because it may give content to some sort of Readers, and indeed historically glanceth at the misery that our Country suffered by the frequent invasion of the Danes, as I conceive of it from the end for which this land was given by it to the Nonnes, being (Ad necessitatis refugium) I here subjoin. 
✚ Dispensante ac gubernante Domino Deo omnipotent, Ego Coenulph Rex Maerciorum, & Cuthred frater meus Rex Cantuariorum Anno Dominicae incarnationis Dccciiij. concessimus venerabili Abbatissae Selethrythae & suae familiae ad ecclesiam sanctae Mariae semper virginis quae sita est in loco qui dicitur Limming, ubi pausat corpus beatae Eadburgae, aliquantulum terrae partem in Civitate Dorobernia ad necessitatis refugium: hoc est, vi. jugera pertinentia ad ecclesiam quae sita est in honore beatae Mariae in Occidentali parte civitatis, & quorum 
* Fortè terminos.  termini sic cingere videntur. Ab oriente fluvius Stur. Ab occidente & ab austromurus Civitatis. A statu ecclesiae protenditur in Aquilonem emissione virgarum circiter ut fertur quindecim. Si quis autem hanc nostram donationem infringere vel minuere temptaverit sciat se rationem redditurum in die judidicii, nisi ante digna satisfactione Deo & hominibus emendare voluerit. Et haec testium nomina quae inferius scripta sunt.  
✚ Ego Coenulfus Rex Merciorum hanc donationem meam cum signo crucis Christi confirmo.  
✚ Ego Cuthredus Rex Cant. sig. crucis confirmo.  
✚ Ego Aethelheardus gratia Dei archiep' consensi & sub.  
✚ Ego Aldulf Episc' consensi & subscripsi.  
✚ Ego Daeneberht Episc' con. & sub.   
Now of all the present Churches in and about our City, I find only two that were not of the patronage of some Abbey or other religious house, in or near neighbouring to the City; and they were S. Martin without, and S. Alphege within the walls of the City, both appertaining to the See of Canterb. Of S. Martin I have spoken enough already, on a former occasion. Leaving that then I will make to (the other) S. Aelphege, where I meet with the following 
S. Aelphege.  monuments.   

In the Chancel.  

In Maidstone natus jacet hic jon Piers vocitatus 
john Piers.   
Ecclesiae Rector Alphegi martyris almi.  
Cujus protector sit Deus omnipotens.  
Qui legis haec omnia prome pro seque labora,  
Sic tibi prosicies & amicus tu mihi fies.  
Cum ser is à tergo sator es impavidus ergo.   
Hic jacet Magister johannes Parmenter quondam Rector istius 
john Parmenter.  ecclesiae qui obiit XXᵒ die mensis Octob. Anno Domini M. D. i. cujus etc. This John was Commissary of Canterbury, in his time, and Parson of Adisham in Kent.  
Here lieth Sr Robert Provest Parson of S. Alpheys, which died 
Robert Provest.  the 22th day of january, Anno Dom. 1487. Mercy Ihu'. 
Es testis Christe quod non jacet hic lapis iste 
john Lovelych.   
Corpus ut ornetur set spiritus ut memoretur.   
Hic jacet Mr johannes Lovelych bacallarius in Legibus quondam rector istius ecclesiae, qui obiit 6 die Sept. Anno Dom. 1438. Cujus etc. This man was in his time Register of the Archbishop's Consistory at Cant.  
Here lieth Richard Stuppeny bachelor of both laws, who had by his wife Catherine 2 sons and 4 daughters, and departed this 
Richard Stuppeny.  life the sixteenth day of Novemb. 1596.  

Lo here a view of thine estate is set before thine eye:  
For as thou art even such was he who here in grave doth lie.  
If virtuous life or faithful friend could aught prevailed have,  
Then should not he who here lieth dead have laid here in grave.  
But death will not entreated be, it taketh hold on all:  
So that as all men come from earth, so to the earth they shall.  
Yet this the comfort is of them which now to Christ pertain,  
That dying they do die to live with Christ for aye to reign.   
This Richard Stuppeny was in his time a Proctor of Canterbury.   

In the South-Chancell.  
Here lieth Henry Gosborne cetezen and Alderman of the town 
Henry Gosborne.  of Canturbury, and four years at sundry times Mayor of the same Cety the which deceased the 22th day of April, the year of our Lord 1522. on whose soul etc.  
This worthy Patriot by his will gave twenty marks (a 
l In Regist. Consistor. Cant.  large legacy in those days) towards the repairing of the City-walls, at such places as the Abbot of S. Augustine, and the Mayor of the City should assign. It appears by and upon his monument that he had 2. wives, and by them 25. children, whereof ten were sons. Robert Gosborne his brother 
Robert Gosborne  lieth hard beside him.   

In the same Chancel.  
Richardus Engeham de magna Cherte reliquit hanc lucem 7. die Feb. Anno Dom. 1568. cujus animae etc. 
Richard Exg●ham.  
Qui tumulos cernis cur non mortalia spernis?  
Tali namque domo clauditur omnis homo.    

In the body.  

Pray for the sawlies of john Caxton and of jone  
And Isabel that to this Church great good hath done 
john Caxto● and joan h● wife.   
In making new in the Chancel  
Of Dexkies and Setys' as well  
An Antiphon the which did buy  
With a table of the Martyrdom of St Alphye  
For thing much which did pay  
And departed out of this life of October the 12. day.  
And Isabel his second wiff  
Passed to bliss where is no strife  
The xij ᵗ day to tell the trowth  
Of the same month as our Lord knoweth  
In the year of our Lord God a thousand four hundred fourscore and five.   
Hic jacet johannes Colfol quondam clericus parochialis istius 
john Colsell.  ecclesiae qui obiit 28. die mens. Maii A. D. 1500. & anno gratiae, cujus animae etc.  
Hic jacet Nicolaus Reve quondam Civis & Wexchandler 
Nicholas Reve.  Cantuar. qui obiit 28. die mens. Decemb. 1431. cujus etc.   

On the second Pillar from the West end  

Gaude Prude Thoma  
Per quem sit ist a columpna. 
Thomas Prude.    
With his coat of arms engraven (as the rest) in brass. He lived in Ed. 4. days, and by his Will 
m In Registro m●morato.  appoints to be buried by Christ-church porch, and therein gives as much as will build a pillar in this Church, and 5 marks to Christ-Church works anno 1468.   

In the West-window.  
Orate pro animabus Edmundi Staplegate & Ellenorae at pit 
Edmund Staplegate and Ellenor his wife.  uxoris ejus. This man who took his name from his place of habitation which was Staplegate in this Parish, was in his time namely in Ed. 3. day's diverstimes one of the Bailiffs of our City: of whom see more in Stablegate.   

In the Westwall, without.  

O ye good people that here go this way: 
Agnes Halke.   
Of your charity to have in remembrance:  
For the soul of Agnes Halke to pray  
Sometime here of acquaintance.  
In this Churchyard so was her chance  
First after the hallowing of the same.  
Afore all other here to begin the dance  
Which to all creatures is the loath game.  
The Tuisday next before Pentecost  
The year of our Lord M. Dc. and two  
Whose soul Ihu ' pardon that of might is most.   
Having now done with S. Aelphege, let us on and surveyed the rest. Whereof three, to wit, S. George, S. Mary Bredman, and S. Peter anciently were as they still are of the patronage of Christ-church, as were likewise whilst they stood, two other, viz. S. Michael of Burgate, and S. Mary of Queningate: all which 5, together with S. Sepulchers, were confirmed to it by Bulls of Pope Alex. 3. and divers succeeding Popes, and every one of them anciently paid in to it 
Liber eccles. Cant.  a several annual pension, as S. George, 5s. S. Mary Bredman, 6d. S. Peter. 6 s. 8 d. S. Michael, 2s. and S. Sepulchers, 12d. But let us on to the rest: whereof six, viz. S. Mary Magdalen, S. Andrew, S. Marry Castle, S. Mildred, All Saints and S. Paul belonged to S. Augustine's, and whilst it stood, also S. john's, and sometime S. Margaret. Three viz. S. Dunstan, Holy Cross of Westgate, and S. Mary of Northgate, to S. Gregory's. One viz. S. Mary Bredin, and whilst it stood St Edmund of Ridingate to the Nonnes of S. Sepulchers: and one also, to wit S. Margaret to the Hospital of Poor Priests of later time, as formerly to S. Augustine's. I will begin with those belonging to the Cathedral. And of them first with S. George's: in the Chancel whereof you may read upon a grave-stone the following Epitaph   

St George.  
Hic requiescit Dominus johannes Lovel quondam Rector 
john Lovel.  Istius ecclesiae, qui obiit 24. die mensis Aprilis Anno Domini 1438. Cujus etc.  
Which one is the only monument of any antiquity that I find there. I pass therefore hence to S. Mary Bredman. 
St Marry Bredman.  Surnamed (I take it) to distinguish it from other Maries in and about the City; and so surnamed, I conceive, and so have said before, because of the Bread-market kept beside it, as it is (we see) to this day. It was (as I have elsewhere also noted) anciently in Latin called Ecclesia S. Mariae Piscariorum, and in English, S. Mary Fishmanschurch, from a fish market thereby. B●t yet more anciently and before all this Ecclesia S. Mariae de Andresgate 
o l●b. 〈◊〉. Can●. , from that place hard by it where the 4 ways meet at S. Andrews-Church, of old called Andresgate, to say, Andrews-gate. Whence the Inn, now the Checquer, an house from great antiquity belonging to Christ-Church, in the elder rentals thereof stands described to be situate by Andresgate. But enter we the Church, and we shall there find some ancient monuments, as   

In the Chancel.  
Orate pro Thoma Alcock quondam Rectore istius ecclesiae qui 
Thomas Alcock.  obiit in die sanctae Crucis Anno Domini 1500. Cujus animam salvet passio Christi.  
Orate pro anima Domini Roberti Richmond olim hujus ecclesia Rectoris, qui obiit anno Domini 1524. decimo octavo die lulii. 
Robert Richmond.    

In the Body.  
Here lieth William Megg sometime Alderman of this city which deceased the first day of january Anno Domini 1519. On 
William Megg.  whose soul etc.   

St Peter.  
Whence Wever hath taken these monuments. 
Thomas Ikham & jone sa femme gisoint icy 
Thomas Ikham and joan his wife. William Ikham.   
Dieu de psalms eit mercy.— 1400.   
Hic jacet Willielmus Ikham quondam civis & Balivus Civitat. Cantuar. qui obiit— julii— 1424.  
Orate pro anima Wilhelmi Septvans militis & Elisabethe ux. ejus. 
William Septvans.   
He mentioneth another; of one john Biggs but imperfectly. 
john Big and Constance his wife.  I balk his, and set it out of new: from the Windows  
Orate pro bono statu johannis Bigg armigeri ac Aldermanni Civitatis Cant. & Constantiae consortis suae, qui me vitrari fecerunt, Anno Domini 1473.   

In the next window.  
Et specialiter pro bono stat● Willielmi Bygg— Civitatis Cant. & johannae consortis suae, & pro animabus parentum ac 
William Bygg and joan his wife.  benefactorum eorum qui hoc lumen— Anno Dom. 1468. This William Bigg was he (I take it) that with john Coppyn of Whitstable, built our Market Cross at the Bulstake: and gave x lib. towards the new building of St Georges- gate, whereof before.   

In the Chancel.  
Hic jacet Dominus johannes coley quondam Rector istius ecclesiae, 
john coley.  qui obiit 22. die mensis Feb. Anno Domini 14 8. Cujus etc. This man (it seems) built the Chancell-window, for in the foot thereof is or lately was legible. Per jehan Collay qui estoit Person icy.   

In the body.  
Hic jacet Magister johannes Sire quondam Rector ecclesiae 
john Sire.  Sancti Petri Cant. qui obiit in festo Sancti Pauli ad vincula, Anno Dom. 1436. cujus etc.  
As a thing worthy a monument, a Memorandum at least, let me acquaint you that anno 25. Ed. 3. the Parsonage house of this Church was given to Thomas the then Rector, by one Richard Langdon of Canterbury, with licence of the King 
p Lib. Eccles. Cant. .  
S ● Michael of Burgate and her Chapel S. Marry of Queningate are both down and gone: and so far from yielding any monument of others, that they rather stand in need of one for themselves, lest they be quite forgotten, both name and place.  
Having done with the Churches, by right of Patronage, belonging to Christ-church, let us proceed to those of S. Augustine's. Out of all which the Abbey anciently had and received certain annual pensions 
q Thorn In vitis Abbat. S. Augustini. , to wit out of St Mildred's 10 s. St Mary Castle 12d. St john 6 d. St Margaret 3 ●. All Saints 12d. St Andrew 12d. St Mary Magdalen 12d. and S. Paul 3 ●. Which together with the like in other Churches of their patronage in the Diocese, Robert the Abbot and his Covent anno Domini 1242. in consideration of a valuable recompense another way did release and relinquish.   

St Marry Magdalen.  
Hic jacet Iohanna filia johannis Hache quondam uxoris Henrici 
〈◊〉 Hach●.  Lind de Cant. quae obiit 21. die Novemb. Anno Domini 1417.  
Hic jacet Christoferus Alcock Draper qui obiit 3. d e mens. 
Chris●er Alcock  Septemb. Anno Domini 1492.  
Here lieth buried the body of Sibyl Orchard Widow, late the 
Sibyl Orchard.  wife of Mr. Libby Orchard late of Mounckton Court, in the Isle of Thanet deceased, which Sibyl died the 12. day of March, Anno Domini 1586.  
One Richard Wekys of this Parish, a Butcher, in the year 1471. by his Will was a great benefactor to this Church, as 
In Regist. Cons. Cant.  if you search the office you may find by his Will there. The Steeple of this Church was new built in the year 1503. towards which at that time (as I find by his Will) one Sir 
In R●gist Dom. Archid. Cant  Harry Ramsey of S ● George gave six seams of lime. Concerning the stopping up the Chancell-Window of this Church, I find that in the year 1511. a presentment of the matter was made to Archbishop Warham in a visitation of his in these words: viz. That john Fish hath joined his house to the Church by a dormant to the hurt of the Church, and the light of the Church is stopped by it. Fish being called into question for it, compounds with the Church Wardens, who the year following judicially appear and acknowledge it. 
t Ex Registro Warham.   
At a visitation holden Anno 1560. it was by the sworn Officers of this Church presented as followeth, viz. That there doth belong to the Parsonage house a piece of ground called Maudelen crossed, which is and hath been wrongfully detained by Mr Hyde Auditor of Christ-Church, to the great impoverishing of the said Parsonage 
* In Archvis C●s Cant. . By other Records 
* Lib. Came● Civi●s.  I find this ground to lie in the Parish of St Martin, that it was Northward bounded with the street, and Southward with certain Lands of St Augustine's, and that the Parson of this Church paid for it 4 s per annum to the Hosp. of St jacob, as I find in a Chantery-Booke.   

St Andrew.  
Of your charity pray for the soul of Edward Bolney Esquire 
Edward Bolney.  which deceased the second day of january in the year of our Lord God 1517. whose soul, etc. you shall find him in the Catalogue of our Majors.  
Here lieth buried the body of Stephen White Citizen of this City and the first Ironmonger that ever was dwelling in the City 
Stephen White.  of Canterbury who deceased the 28 ●h. of May Anno Domini 1592. etc.   

In the Windows.  
Orate pro anima Domini Willielmi Mellrose rectoris ecclesiae 
William Mellrose.  sanctae Mariae de Bredman. By it is his Device, being W. M. with a Rose over head.  
Orate pro anima fratris johannis Fanting Rectoris sanctae 
john Fanting.  Mariae de Bredyn. With his Picture, and Det mater Christi Fanting john gaudia coeli.  
These haply were benefactors to this Church about the same time that one Thomas Petyt of this Parish was, who in year 1498. by his Will 
v In Regist. Dom. Archid. Cant. , gave five marks to the making of a new Steeple, and a new Roof to this Church, like as did one Io●n Swan 
x In●od ●od. Regist.  another Parishioner there at the same time, and an Alderman sometime Mayor of the City, viz. lxujs. viijd. facturae novae testudinis & campanilis ibidem, cum contigerit de novo fieri, as his Will expresseth it. It was presented to Archbishop Warham at his visitation holden Anno 1511. Quod Maior & Communitas Civitatis Cantuar subtrahunt decimas & oblationes ratione opellarum fori piscari● in dicta parochia scit. debitas ecclesiae supradicte. But the Chamberlain of the City appearing and in the Town's behalf denying the presentment to be true, it doth not appear that the matter proceeded any further 
y Ex Registro Watham. . Here was sometime a chantry for William Butler.   

St Marry Castle.  
So surnamed for distinction sake, from the other Maries of the City. This Church hath line long desolate: and the Chancellonely (to the repair whereof one Roger Ridley An. 1470. by his Will gave 4l.) is left standing of it. Time was it was as absolute a Parish Church as any about the City, and in time of Popery, no doubt for it Tutelar Saints sake fared well and flourished, the change of the times in that point being very probably a main cause of the Church's decay and desolation. For offerings, altarages and the like profits whereof the living did mainly consist, and whereby the incumbent consequently chiefly subsist, being (as the Reformation would) withdrawn, there was not otherwise a competency for him to subsist by, which made it be deserted. St Augustine's Abbey, before the dissolution, having the patronage, both of it and St john's, another Parish Church not far distant from it now in a manner forgotten, this latter, with the consent of the Patron, was by the Prior and Covent of Christ-Church, in a vacancy, Anno 1349. united to the former 
z Lib. eccles. Cant. . Both which united Churches and Parishes since their desolation tacitly devolved to St Mildred's, and have been reckoned of that Parish, until now very lately this of St Mary Castle is begun to be divorced again from it by having a particular incumbent presented & inducted into it. A word or two more of St johns and I leave them both. It seems the Parish was of small extent, and so the living was according, poor and mean. For Records 
a Li●er 〈◊〉.  do call it Eccles● sancti Iohannis dicti pauperis. The Church stood much about the upper end of that Lane leading from Castle-street, which at this day we call, the backlane, but was from thence anciently called St john's Lane 
b Renta v●l. eccles. Cant. . It being come into private hands is (they say) and hath been of a long time profaned into a Maulthouse, or the like. Saint Laurence book makes mention of some portions of Tithes belonging to this Church: thus. Item praedict' Hospitale percipit totam decimam de 4 acris terrae in Marketfield, & Rector sancti johannis Cant●a. percipit de 2 acris, 8 garb. & de aliis 2 acris, 7 garb. in toto 1 copp. Item praeddict. Hosp. percipit duas partes decimae de 6 acris terrae capit. ad stonestreet verse. South & parvam semitam verse. North. Et Rector sancti johannis Cant. percipit tertiam partim decimae. One Henry Plaice was found dead in Cant. 
Anno 5. Ed. 3.  by a fall from a ladder as he was in tyling St john's Church in Cant. say the Crown rolls.  
The Parishes of St Andrew, St Mary Magdalen, and for a while S ● Paul which before the Dissolution buried at St Augustine's, since the Churchyard there was withdrawn, in lieu thereof, I take it (this St Mary Castle Church being of that Abbeys patronage) had this Churchyard assigned them for the burial of their dead there; a privilege wherein St Mary Bredmans Parish did and doth (but by what right, that being of the patronage of Christ-Church, I know not) communicate with the rest, but all or some part of the benefit arising by the burials there went and goeth to the poor of Mayners Spittle, who in respect thereof anciently kept it in repair, and for default thereof An. 1560. were presented 
c Ex Archivis Cons. Cant.  from St Andrew's. Since which time the case is altered, each Parish keeping their part of the enclosure.   

St Mildred.  
This Church, and a great part of the City (as Stow hath it in his Summary) was burnt in the year 1246.   

In the Windows.  
Orate pro anima Richardi Atwood. In a very ancient Character. 
Richard Atwood  A family of this name anciently dwelled in this Parish, being housed in Stourstreet, where one Thomas Atwood that lived in Hen. 8. days, dwelled and (being four several times Mayor of the City) kept his Mayoralty. The same man here built the Southside Chancel or Chapel, for a peculiar place of Sepulture for himself and his family, dive●s of whom lie there interred, under fair gravestones, sometimes inlaid with brass, all not worn but shamefully torn away, even founders and all: who yet hath a remembrance left of him in the glass, viz. 
Orate pro animabus Thomae Wood armigeri custodis contra 
Thomos' Wood and Margaret his wife.  ro●ular. Hospitii reverendissimi pa●ris in Christo Domini — Maioris hujus Civitatis, qui in honore jesu hanc capellam fieri fecit, & Margaretae uxoris ejus filiae johannis Moyle armigeri. Orate pro eyes.    

In the Windows.  
Magister johannes Boold— 
john Boold.   
Dominus johannes Mawny— 
john Mawny.   
Orate pro animabus Roberti Bennet & Crist— 
Robert Bennet.   
Orate pro animabus johannis Boys:— 
Ioh● Boys.  
Orate pro animabus Iohannis Pocat, & johannis Pocot silii ej usdem. 
john Pocat.    
One john Stulp (it seems) as a benefactor, had a great 
john Stulp.  hand in making divers new pews in this Church, as appears by his name upon them.  
At this place Lambert 
d Perambul. of Kent. in Cant.  saith, there was long since an Abbey. (S ● Mildred's, saith he, in the South-siae of the City long since (but not lately) an abbey.) But surely he is mistaken, and that hence, as I conceive. In the siege, surprisal and sacking of our City by the Danes in the days of King Etheldred, amongst other personages of note that are storied to have been lead captive by them, one Lefwine (whom some call L●frune) the Abbess of St Mildred, is named for one. Now this happening to be done at Canterbury, and she styled an Abbess, and that of St Mildred Canterbury, as in Harpsfield, Mr Lambert, it seems, finding in Canterbury a Parish Church of that name, supposed it had sometimes been that Abbey whereof Lefwine or Leofrune in the Deans time was Abbess, whereas indeed she was Abbess of S ● Mildred's minster in the I'll of Thanet, and the last Abbess of the same. So Thorn and from him Reyner in his Apostolatus Benedictiorum ᵉ will both tell you. 
Tract. 1. Sect. 1. pag. 62.    

All Saints.  
This Church affords no ancient Monument with an Inscription or Epitaph. Yet I find some men of good note buried there. Amongst the rest one Roger Brent sometimes 
●oger Brent.  an Alderman and thrice Mayor of Canterbury who by his Will 
f In Regist. Co●s. Cant.  dated Anno 1486. gave unto the City his Message called Stone-Hall in this parish, the house (I take it) wherein Mr Delme lately dwelled.  
This Church's Cimitery was acquired and laid to it but of late days as it were. For in Hen. 3. days, and (long after that) in Ed. 3. days too, it was in private hands, as I find by several Deeds of those times, and did anciently belong to Estbridge Hospital, in part at least 
g Lib. Ho●. de Estbridge. .   

St Paul.  
In the Chancell-Windowes-foote is this remembrance 
Hamon Doge.  of Mr Hamon Doge, in an ancient Character or letter. Magister Hamo Doge. He was a man of note in his time, lived in Hen. 3. reign, was the Archdeacon of Canterbury his Official and the last Parson of this Church. For which Thorn 
Lib. S. Radegundis.  is my Author, who saith, that Anno quo supra (which was 1268) ordinatio vicariae sancti Pauli facta fuit per magistrum Hugonem de mortuo mari per assensum Domini R. Abbatis, & magistri Hamonis Doge ultimi Rectoris ibidem. Fifteen years he had and held the Aldermanry of Westgate, and then passed it over to the Abbey of St Augustine's, who enfeoffed one Nicholas Doge with it 
i Ex Arcbivis terris London. 4. & 9 Ed. 1. . The same Hamon founded the Chartery in this parish, whereof I have formerly informed you.   

In other of the Windows.  
Orate pro Ricardo Wavere. 
Richard wavere.   
Orate pro anima johannis Stace, & Constanciae uxoris ejus. 
john Stace.   
Orate pro animabus johannis Gale & Christine uxoris. 
john Gale.  
Orate pro animabus Georgii Wyndbourne genero● & Katherinae 
George Wyndbourne.  uxoris suae, qui quidem G. obiit. 5ᵒ. die Ap. Ao. Dom. 1531. quorum etc.   
Orate pro animabus Richardi Berne & johanna uxoris ejus. 
Richard Be●e.   
Orate pro animabus Thomae Pollard. & Io.— 
Thomas Pollard.    

Against a Pillar.  
Sub isto marmore tumulatur corpus Magistri Edmundi Hovynden quondam vicarii hujus ecclesiae, qui obiit 23. die julii 
Edmund Hovynden.  1497. Cujus etc.   

By the South-wall.  
Epitaphium johannis Twine armigeri qui obiit 24. Novemb. 
john Twine.  1581.  

Clauditur hoc tumulo Iohannes ille Twynus,  
Qui docu● pu●ros verba latina loqui.  
Quique urbem hanc rexit Praetor turbante Viato  
Rem populi & Regni seditione vafra.  
Huic Deus in Christi mundato sanguine donet  
Leta resurgenti Lector idemque tibi.  
Vivit Dominus.   
Of these, Richard Berne, by his Will 
k In Regist. D. Archid. Cant.  dated anno 1461. full of pious and charitable legacies, gave x lib. towards the repair of this Church at that time in great want thereof. Item lego (saith he) ecclesiae Sancti Pauli pro reparatione operum ejusdem ecclesiae locis maximè indigentibus x lib. deliberandas per executores meos septimatim sicut denarii praedicti expendi possint in operibus praedictis.  
Because of some ancient and late differences between the City and St Augustine's, touching the extent of the City's Franchise or liberty hereaway, to help clear the doubt, my Appendix shall give you a copy of an ancient composition, whereby this difference was in part composed between 
Vide pro Scriptura 24. in Appendice.  them. And there also you may find a copy of the ordination of this Church's Vicarage.  
And now having done with the Churches in and about our City of St Augustine's patronage, I come to those next belonging to St Gregory's. viz. Northgate, Westgate and St Dunstan's.   

St Marry Northgate.  
Hic jacet Galfridus Holman armiger qui obiit 24. die mensis 
Geoffrey ●olman.  januarii. Anno Dom. 1478. Cujus etc.  
Hic jacet Walterus Garrade nuper Vicarius istius ecclesiae, qui 
Walter Garrade.  obiit 26. die mensis Augusti Anno Dom. 1498. cujus etc.   

Upon a plate set in the Northwall.  

All ye that stand upon my corpse  
Remember that late Ralf Browne I was. 
Ralph Browne.   
Alderman and Mayre of this Cite.  
jesus upon my soul have pite.   
For the time that this man lived in, see my Catalogue of the Majors.  
Archbishop Stratford in the year 1346. with consent of the Prior and Covent of St Gregory's, Patrons of this Church, erecting a Vicarage here, endowed the same in such manner, as by the ordination or composition thereof extant in my Appendix shall be fully showed. Scriptura 26.   

Holy cross of Westgate.  
Hic jacet Stephanus Matthew quondam parmarius istius villae 
Stephen Matthew.  qui obiit 5. die januar. Anno Dom. 1442. cujus animae etc.  
Hic jacet Dominus Willielmus Hall Capellanus. cujus etc. 
William Hall.   
Hic jacet Robertus Colt quondam pandoxator istius villae qui 
Robert Colt.  obiit 6. die Decemb. Anno Dom. 1444. & Deonisia uxor ejus quae obiit— quorum animabus etc.  
Hic jacet Willielmus Colkyn qui obiit 3. die Aug. Anno Dom. 
William Colkyn.  1440. cujus etc.  
Of your charity pray for the souls of john Nayler and Robert 
john Nayler. Robert Nayler.  Nayler his son late Aldermen of the City of Cant. which Robert died the 25. day of Decemb. Anno Dom. 1545. On whose soul etc. you may find the father in the Catalogue of Majors.  
Orate pro animabus Thomae Ramsey & Margaretae uxoris ejus, qui obiit 3. die mensis Maii Anno Dim. 1495. 
Thomas Ramsey   
Hic jacet johannes Cornwell dier & johanna ac Alicia uxores 
john Cornwell.  ejus, qui quidem Iohannes obiit 30. die mens. Decemb. Anno Dom. 1492. quorum etc.  
Of your charity pray for the soul of Margaret Colpholl the wife of Thomas Colpholl, which Marg. died the first day of March 
Margaret Colpholl.  Anno Dom. 1533. on whose etc.  
Hic jacet jacobus Hope Gentleman qui obiit 12. die Decemb. Anno Dom. 1458. cujus etc. 
james Hope.   
Hic jacet Christiana Crane quae obiit 22. die mens. januar. Anno Dom. 1445. cujus etc. 
Christian Crane.   
Of your charity pray for the soul of john Barber and jone his 
john Barber.  wife which john deceased the Xth day of April in the year of our Lord God. 1533.  
Hic— Thomas Lynd primus Maior Cant. & Constantiauxor 
Thomas Lynd.  ejus— Feb. 12. Anno Dom.—  
Of your charity pray for the soul of William Charnel first chantry Priest of Jesus'. which deceased the 10th day of Decem. Anno Dom. 1516.  
This monument reduceth to my memory (what I have often met withal) the Fraternity of Jesus' mass (as they called it) kept of old in this Church. For your better understanding whereof, you may please to know that in our Forefathers days there was a Priest named jesus Masse-Priest 
l chantry book.  maintained within the said Church by the brothers of the said brotherhood with the help and devotion of the Parishioners there, which bought and purchased divers lands and tenements to maintain the same, that is to say, one message and 66 acres of land and mershlying in Ash, 6 tenements in this Parish, 4 little tenements in S● Dunstan's, and 〈◊〉 in Harbledowne, at the valuation of them by H. 8. Commissioners for visiting of Chanteries and the like, found worth together 11 lib. 7s. 8d. per annum. Out of this the Priest had for his stipend or wages by the year with the charges of wax and wine 7 lib. And the Parish Clerk for ringing to the said mass at 6. of the clock in the morning, and for helping to sing the mass had yearly 6s. 8d. The names of such as were admitted to be of the Fraterntie were entered in a bead-roll, and like as those that of old had their names entered in the Diptycks, were specially and particularly mentioned and recomended to our Saviour's mercy by the Priest at Mass. In Ed. 6. time, this and all such Fraternities were dissolved.  
As a cause or token at least of this Church's name of Holy Cross, there was sometime over the porch or entrance into the Church a Crucifix or representation of our Saviour's crucifixion. Richard Marley's Will 
m In Regist. Cons. C●t.  tells me so, who tells me so, who therein appoints to be buried in this Churchyard before the Crucifix of our Lord, as nigh the coming in of the North-door there as conveniently can be. And wills his Executors to see gilded well and workmanly the Crucifix of our Lord with the Marry and john standing upon the porch of the said North-door; as his Will hath it, dated 1521. The Crucifix is gone, and the King's arms set up in place of it.  
The Vicarage of this Church was erected and endowed by the same Archbishop that Northgate-Vicarage was. If the ordination thereof come to my hands, I shall impart it 
Vid● pro Scriptura 27. in Appendice.  to you in my Appendix. Some of the Vicars of the place lie interred in the Chancel: as 
Nicholas Chilton, who died anno 1400.  
Robert Raynhull, who died anno 1416.  
Patricius Gerard, who died anno 1458.   
And hard by them one Clement Harding, bachelor of 
Clement Harding.  law, with these lines upon his monument. 
Multorum causas defendere quique solebat  
Hanc mortis causam evadere non potuit  
Doctus & indoctus moritur, sic respice finem  
Vt bene discedas quisquis es ista legens.    

St Dunstan.  
In a side chapel or Chancel here belonging to the Ropers 
- chantry book.  (and ⁿ wherein anciently two chaplains were of that family maintained to sing for the souls of such of the family as were dead and for the prosperity of their heirs living, and had given and allowed to each of them 8 lib. per annum for their salary or wages, beside a little tenement, next the mansion place of the Ropers, for their habitation) you may find these monuments.  
Hic jacet Edmundus Roper qui obiit 11. die Decemb. Anno Dom. 1433. cujus etc.  
Pray for the soul of john Roper Esquire, sometime general 
john Roper and ●ane his wife.  Attorney to our Sovereign Lord King Hen. 8. and Prygnatory of the bench of our said Sovereign Lord, and for the soul of jane his wife, daughter of St john Hyneux Knight chief judge of England, which john died the 7th day of April in the year of the incarnation of Ihu' Christ 1524. on whose souls and all his antecessors souls Ihu' have mercy, Amen.  
Hic jacet venerabilis vir Gulielmus Roper armiger filius & heres quondam johannis Roper armigeri & Margaretae uxor. 
William Roper and Margaret his wife.  ejusdem Gul. filia quondam Thomae Mori militis summi olim Angliae Cancellarii Graecis Latinisque literis doctissima, qui quidem Gul. patri suo in officio prothonotariatus supremae curiae banci Regii successit, in quo cum annis 54. fideliter ministrasset idem officium filio suo primogenito Thomae reliquit. Fuit is Gul. domi forisque munificens, mitis, misericors, incarceratorum, oppressorum & pauperum baculus. Genuit ex Margareta uxore (quam unicam habuit) filios duos & filias tres, ex iis vidit in vita sua nepotes, et pronepotes, uxorem in virili aetate amisit, viduatus uxore castissimè vixit annis 33. Tandem completis in pace diebus decessit in senectute bona ab omnibus desideratus, die quarto mensis Ian. Anno Christi Salvatoris 1577. aetatis verò suae 82.  
There are other monuments of the Ropers, but out of my survey, being not of any Antiquity.  
On the North-side, and West-end of this Church, is a little forlorn Chapel, founded by one Henry (surnamed) 
o Lib. Hosp. Pauperum Sacerdot. Cant.  of Canterbury, the King's Chaplain (as he writes himself) in the year 1330. and dedicated to the Holy-Trinity, together with a perpetual chantry committed to the care and oversight of the Hospital of Poore-Priests in Cant. who being to reap the profit, were to find the Chaplain and undergo all burdens.  
Archbishop Reynolds, in the year 1322. erected and endowed the Vicarage here. For the first ordination whereof and its augmentation afterwards see my Appendix Scripture. 28. & 29. And now let us pass to the Churches sometime appertaining to the Nunnery. viz. S. Mary Bredin, and (whilst it was in being) S. Edmund of Ridingate.   

St Marry Bredin.  
Hic expectat resurrectionem mortuorum corpus johannis Hales 
john Hales.  filii johannis Hales secundarii Baronis de scaccario Domini Regis, qui johannes Hales filius obiit quarto die Maii Anno Domini 1532.  
Humphrey Hales also and james Hales, others of the family, 
Humphrey Hales. james Hales.  lie beside him. Their seat was the Dungeon, a Manor continuing to the succession to this day. More anciently it was the Chiches: of which family one of the first, and most famous was Thomas Chich, that lived in Hen. 3. days: whose name effigies and Coat, being argent, 3 Lions rampant, azure; you shall find set up in the West-Window, as the Coat also is in stone in one Corner of the Chancel of this Church.  
William, the son of Hamon, the son of Vitalis one of them which came in with the Conqueror, built this Church, as his father Hamon did that whither we are going 
p Lib. Hosp. S. Lawrentii. ,   

St Edmund of Ridingate.  
A Church so quite desolate, as the place is no where to be found. And therefore, and because I have made it the subject of my Survey on a former occasion, I will spare all further discourse of it in this place, and come to St Margaret, a Church sometime, by right of patronage, belonging to St Augustine's, but in the year 1271. given to the Hospital of Poor Priests, as I have at large set forth in my Survey of that spital.   

St Margaret. In the Chancel.  
Hic jacet johannes Winter bis Maior Civitatis Cant. qui obiit decimo die Novembris 1470. cujus animae propitietur Deus Amen, 
john Winter.  qui lampadem ante summum altare presentis. ecclesiae in perpetuam memoriam sanctissimi corporis Domini nostri jesu Christi illuminari constituit. About which he takes order by his Will 
q In Regist. Dom. Archid. Cant. . Quod firma sive proficuum proveniens de duobus tenement' cum pertinen' apud yrencrosse in dicta parochia annui valoris 16 s solvantur custodibus bonorum ejusdem ecclesiae annuatim in perpetuum ad sustentationem unius lampadis ardere coram summo altare in summa cancella dictae ecclesiae, ac ad acquictandum cimiterium ejusdem ecclesiae de 3 s provenien' annuatim de eodem cimiterio versus Prior. & Conventum ecclesiae Christi Cant. & residuum dict. 16s fideliter expendatur circa reparationem dictorum 2 tenementorum, as his Will runs: whose words I have proposed because they give occasion of some further pertinent discourse: as first about our Churchyard which it seems was anciently in whole or in part Christ-Church land, and indeed I have in the Records there met with an ancient Deed, that bounding out an house out of which was given to the Monks a rent, lays it Eastward to St Margaret's Church: Christ-Church afterwards parting with her interest, was (it seems) considered with 3 s a year for it. Another thing is the Iron-crosse there spoken of. Some that would speak or write it short called it Tierne-crouch, or Tierne-crosse. 
Tierne-crosse.  It stood and that within memory of man, at the meeting of the foure-streets in this parish, whereof one leads to the Castle, another to Bridewell Hosp. a third to Ridingate, and the last up the City to the Cathedral. It gave name to the whole quadrangle there, and the houses thereaway are in ancient Deeds 
r Lib. Hosp. Paup. Sacerd.  described to be situate apud Tierne, or apud Tierne-crouch. So is that corner house there stone-built most: what, out of which issueth a certain yearly rent to Christ-Church 
s Rental. eccles. Cant. . So where you see the two houses of this john Winter's gift, being those very two which of late Alderman Watson (who purchased them from the Crown to which they escheated of old because given to superstitious uses) by his Will freely gave unto the City to the use of poor people; But let us on.  
Here lieth the body of Leonard Cotton Gent. who was Sheriff 
Leonard Cotton.  of the City of Cant. in the year of our Lord 1563. in the time of Thomas Giles Mayor, and was afterwards himself Mayor of the same City in the year of our Lord 1579. and departed this life in the year of God the 24th of April 1605. being of the age of 80. years. I have remembered him before in Maynards-Spittle.  
Pray for the souls of Thomas Fort and Elizabeth his Wife. On 
Thomas Fort.  whose souls, etc.  
Hic jacet johonnes Hosbrand & johanna ac johannauxores ejus, 
john Hosbrand.  qui quidem Iohannes obiit 1ᵒ die Octob. Anno Domini 1452. quorum animabus etc. 
Richard Prat lieth buried here  
Sometime of Cant. Citizen and Draper 
Richard Prat▪   
And Alice his wife, etc. you shall find him in the Catalogue of Majors.   
Here are no other ancient Monuments now extant. Some 
john Broker.  more have been, but the brass is gone. Haply amongst those, one was for john Broker of this Parish, in his time an Alderman, and twice Mayor of our City, who by his Will 
t In Regist. Cons. Cant.  dated Anno 1521. appoints to lie before St john's Altar. To understand him, I must tell you that, as this Church hath a double, or either-side Ile and Chancel, so the one. i. the South Chancel or Chapel was dedicated to St john, and the other to our Lady: each of which had it proper Altar now removed, the Officialls Court taking up the place of our Ladies, a tribunall-seate first erected and settled there in the year of our Lord 1560 
v Lib. act. pen●s Regist. Domini Cant. . I have the rather made mention of this john Broker because of his liberality to the City, to the Mayor and Communality whereof and their Successors for ever he gave two houses, the one in Saint Mary Castle-Parish, the other at the Waterlocke in this Parish. For which excuse me if I think him memorable.  
On the North-side of this Church our City hath her Fishmarket, and long hath had of my knowledge from good record, about 100 years: but anciently all or some part of the ground was the Parsons of this Church. Sciant etc. (saith a Deed in the Leaguer of Poore-Priests Hosp. as ancient as about the first of Hen. 3. reign) quòd ego Rogerus filius Henrici de Northamtona & Christiana silia Andreae Flandrensis concessimus & confirmavimus illam donationem & concessionem quam Alexander de Glovernia fecit Deo & ecclesiae beatae Margaretae & johanni Rectori ejusdem ecclesiae ac successoribus suis de quadam terra juxta praedictam ecclesiam ex parte Boreali ante domum johannis Turre inter regiam stratam & venellam ante domum quae fuit quondam johannis Pikenot & extenditur versus pistrinum Durandi vinetarii, etc. I fall not upon this, any way intending to disturb the quiet of our City's Title to this piece of ground, nor so much regarding the thing given, as it bounds, and of them chiefly, what it calls venella ante domum quae fuit quondam johannis Pikenot. Here then fixing a while, let me tell you first, that this venella was a Lane which sometime lead by the backside of the now fishmarket straight on till you come into the High-street, opening into the same, much-what over against the now Checquer-gate. And was then called Pikenot-alley, you may see from whence, namely 
Pikenot-alley.  from one Pikenot in his time a man of note, living or dwelling by it: It being a very common practice with our Ancestors to call their lanes by their names, who were known, and eminent men, and either dwelled in them or at one end of them. Hence (to begin with that) Canterbury-lane took 
Canterbury-lane.  name first from a family of Canterbury's sometime dwelling in or near the same. The name of a lane hard by it in that Parish which we call Shepeshunklane, but should call Sepesonkelane, 
Sepesonklane.  had a like original, namely from one of that name an in habitant there. A lane in St Peter Parish over against the Church called of old Pocockslane took name from the 
Pocockslane.  like occasion. So did also that lane in St Margaret's which we at this day call Hawkes-lane, but was anciently known by the name of Willardslane. As likewise did a lane sometime in St Mildreds-Parish, now lost, opening at the one end into 
Willardslane.  Stourstreet, at the other against the Chapell-Church-yard, to this day remembered by the name of Ballock-lane. For the 
Ballock-lane.  same cause was that lane in St Andrews Parish which we call Angell-lane, anciently called Sunwineslane, afterwards Sulcockslane, 
Sunwineslane. Salcockslane. Clementslane.  after that Clementslane. Hence lastly, another lane sometime in St Peter Parish, now lost, opening against the blackfriars gate there, was called Cokins-lane: and whether the lane late at the one end opening into the middle 
Cokynslane.  of Castle-street, and into Stourstreet at the other, in Saint 
Warelane.  Mildred's Parish, by name (as usually called) Warelane, which the late Mr Thomas Cranmer bought of the City, did take it name from hence or not, from one Ware, I mean, that had his habitation by it, though it be uncertain, yet is not unlikely that it did. But enough of these things. One word more of the Fishmarket. Certain old verses made in commendation of some Cities of this Kingdom singular in affording some one commodity or other, commend of Canterbury for her Fish, wherewith indeed, by reason of the Seas vicinity, as Malmesbury hath long since observed, her market is so well supplied, as none that know the place will think the Poet flattered her. The verses are these. 
Testis est London ratibus, Wintonia Baccho.  
Herefordeque grege. Worcestria fruge redundans.  
Batha lacu. Sarumque feris. Cantuaria pisce, etc.   
Having now done with the Churches, a word or two of 
Tithes how paid in Canterbury.  their endowments in general, I mean in Tithes. The custom and manner of payment whereof at this day, whether predial or personal is not in kind, but by and according to the rents of houses, viz. after the rate of xd. in the noble, quarterly payable. This I say is the present general custom of tithing throughout our City, one Parish (St Andrew) only excepted, where, but why I know not, the custom is, to pay somewhat more, viz. xd. ob in the noble. How long this custom hath been in force with us I find not, but by Records in the Archbishop's Registry to be found Copied in mine Appendix, it will appear that anciently our Clergy 
Vide pro Scripture. 29. & 30. in Appendice.  of this City were at like pass for their Tithes and offerings with their brethren the Clergy of London: and did partake with them of their custom, which how long afterwards it did continue, or when or wherefore it ceased and was changed and abated into the present manner of Tithing; and whether or no, parsonal Tithes were then paid beside (as 
parsonal Tithes.  Linwoods' opinion is they ought to be, this being, according to him, a predial tithe) I no where find. But I persuade myself that parsonal Tithes were likewise paid, and that because that almost every testator as well of City or Country gave satisfaction more or less by his Will to the Parish Priest, for his Tithes forgotten or neligently paid; which I conceive could not easily happen in this certain kind of payment. Yet I rather than otherwise suppose these privy parsonal Tithes seldom or never drawn from the parishioner by any legal compulsory way, or by any course taken for their recovery in foro exteriori, but by other means in those times as prevalent; one, the calling the parishioner to account for them in, foro conscientiae, at the time of confession and shrift (one cause haply of their name of privy Tithes;) another, the 
Privy Tithes.  much affrighting danger to incur the greater curse pronounced, and (which confirms me much in my persuasion of the usual payment of them) in every Parish Church in Town and Country until the Reformation four times in the year declared against all with-holders' of such Tithes, as elsewhere may be found 
x Relics of Rome. fol. 243. : the cause haply that every man was so careful not to dye in the Priest's debt for them. Hitherto, and enough of the Churches, both Cathedral and Parochial in and about our City.     

Ecclesiastical government of the City.  
HAving now run through the description of the whole City, with all parts, and members of the same, let us in the next place take notice of the policy whether spiritual or temporal, whereby the same is governed, beginning with the spiritual, or ecclesiastical.  
According to the Aristocratical form of Church government used in this Realm 
y Dowings Discourse. Conclus. 1. §. 6. , our City in spiritualibus, is subject to the Ordinary of the place, which is the Archbishop of Canterbury for the time being, immediately; but mediately, and under him, in a subordinate way, partly to the Archdeacon, partly to the Commissary; and, in quibusdam, to the Dean rural of the place. Of the Archbishops and Archdeacon's elsewhere enough: somewhat I have thought fit to speak in this place of the remaining other two. And first of the Commissary, a subordinate officer anciently relating and retaining to the See of Canterbury. But before I fall upon his original, give me leave to premise a few things touching our ecclesiastical Judges in genernall, and their consistorial form of judicature, which (by the consent of our learned Antiquaries) began under the Norman-conquerour, it being of a different condition aforetime. For until then 
z Daniel Hist. in William. 1.  the Bishop, and the Alderman were the absolute Judges to determine all businesses in every Shire, and the Bishops in many cases shared in the benefit of mulcts with the King. But the Conqueror confined the Clergy within the province of their own ecclesiastical Jurisdiction, to deal only in business concerning rule of souls, according to the Canons and Laws Episcopal. Further and better to illustrate this matter, well worthy your knowledge (courteous Reader) I must let you know, that it was the Law 
a jan Angl. 〈◊〉. 〈◊〉. pag. 130. Fox. Acts and Monte vol. 1. pag. 1017  of King Edgar (a Saxon) Ex omni eomitatu bis quotannis Conventus agitor, cui quidem illius Dioecesis Episcopus & Senator intersunto, quorum alter Iura divina, humana alter populum edoceto. A Law by King Canutus the Dane, reinforced thus 
b Spelman. Glossar. in V●rbo Aldermannus. Fox ubisupra. . Habeatur ter in Anno Burgesmotus (i Civitatis Conventus) & Shiremotus (i pagi vel comitatus Conventus) bis, nisi saepius opus sit; & intersit Episcopus & Aldermannus, & doceant ibi Dei r●ctum & saeculi, uterque scilicet pro suo munere. Hence that of Mr Selden, speaking of the jurisdiction that belonged to the Saxon. Ealdormen, or Earls. The scyregemot (saith he 
c Titles of Honour. par. 2. cap. 5. §. 5. ) which was a Court kept twice every year, as the Sheriff's turn is at this day, was held by the Bishop of the Diocese and the Ealderman (in shires that had Ealdormen) and by the Bishops and Sheriffs, in such as were committed to the Sheriff that were immediate to the King. And so both the ecclesiastical and temporal Laws were together given in charge to the Country. Thus he. Hence also that of S. H. Spelman, speaking of the Saxon-Count or Earl. Praesidebat autem (saith he 
d Gloss. in Verb. Comes. ) foro comitatus non solus, sed adjunctus Episcopo: hic ut jus divinum, ille ut humanum diceret, alterque alteri auxilio esset & consilio: praesertim Episcopus Comiti, nam in hunc illi animadvertere saepe licuit, & errantem cohibere. Idem igitur utrique territorium, & jurisdictionis terminus. As also hence that of him in another place: Aderant (saith he 
e Gloss. in Verbis Gemotum & Hundred. ) scilicet Hundredo (which was kept and held once a month) Thani (the same which sithence are called Barons) ipsique judices ecclesiastici, cum partis illius Clero. In hundredo enim non minus quam in comitatu unatunc agebantur, quae adforum pertinent ecclesiasticum, & quae ad seculare, donec Gulielmus Conquestor divisis jurisdictionibus, hanc ab illa separavit. In English even the same with that of Mr Selden in another place then any of those out of him above-cited. In the Saxon-times (saith he 
f Hist. of Titb●. cap. 14. §. 1. vid. Fox. Acts and Monum. vol. 1. pag. 193. ) all jurisdiction of ecclesiastical causes was exercised jointly by the Bishop of the Diocese, and the Shrife or Alderman of the Shiregemot, or Hundred or County Court, where they both sat; the one to give Gods right, the other for pupulds right, that is the one to judge according to the Laws of the Kingdom, the other to direct according to divinity. But at the Norman conquest, this kind of holding ecclesiastical pleas in the Hundred or County Court was taken away. Thus he. The Law or edict ordaining or commanding this separation of the two Courts you may find elsewhere 
g jan. Angl. lib. 2. pag. 76. Hist. of Tithes. cap. 14. §. 1. : with the repetition whereof, because it hath at several times been published, and for brevity sake, I will not trouble you. In those days one way and manner of trial and determination of causes was by a kind of decisory oath of the party. A● autem (as is observed by the forenamed learned Knight 
* Concil. Tom. 1. pag. 336. ) idest, jusiurandum sive sacramentum, appellabant Saxones nostri, litium illud dirimendi genus, quo ex consacramentalium (uti vocant.) assertione, de litigatis cognoscebant & judicabant, etc. The same observation hath Mr Lambert in his Perambulation. In Eareth. An example whereof they severally set forth. I myself have met with the like amongst the Records of our Cathcdrall, of the year 844. containing in it (if you will pardon the barbarous false latin, the fault of that age's ignorance) many observable passages, which you shall find in my Appendix Scriptura 32. But let me go on where I left. Since that edict of the Conqueror, as I find by searching and turning over ancient monuments, Ecclesiastical jurisdiction was a while exercised chiefly and for the most part, for Clergy-mens' causes especially in Synods or Chapters, the Bishop using in person to preside over the one, as the Archdeacon over the other. Afterward upon the revival of the civil, and promulgation of the canon-law, sufficiently replete with light and directions for deciding of doubts, and determination of causes without need either of Synods or Chapters, they began by little and little to decline, or at least not to be of such ordinary use for the hearing and ending of causes, such especially as were only civil and not criminal, as before; and then as a more easy and speedy way of dispatch the consistorial form of judicature which we now retain, exercised by Officialls, Chancellors, Commissaries and the like ecclesiastical Judges, came into request, of whom, in this nation, until about Pope Alex. 3. days, no mention at all, in any Record with us extant at this day is (I take it) to be found. I deny not the antiquity of Ecclesiecdici, or Church-lawyers. I 
Eccl●siecdici.  would not be so mistaken. For I grant (as behoves me) an existence of them many hundreds of years before, whereof the late learned Sr Thomas Ridley in his view of the Civil and ecclesiastical law 
h Pag. 104. , worthily vindicating their challenged antiquity, hath made very satisfactory proof. Whom in their Office I conceive not much unlike (if not the same that were) the Periodeutai mentioned by justinian in his Constitution Omnem. 42. de Episc. & Cler. Of whom see Gothofreds' notes there: as also Cujacius there, and upon the Title of the Pandects, de excus. tutor. lib. 6. §. 1. and justellus, in his Notes upon the Codex canonum Ecclesiae universae. pag. 216. who all agree that these Periodeutai were certain circuitores sive visitatores qui veluti episcoporum vicarii Regiones Civitatibus subjectas visitant ac circumeunt, nullamque propriam sedem habent. And I grant that such Church-Lawyers were ever after of use, as Assistants (or Assessors) to Bishops, for their help and direction in debating and deciding controversies according to the forms and formalities of Law (hence our Archbishop had his Auditores Causarum:) but came not, I conceive, to that perfection of authority, here in England at least, until about the time I told you.  
Synods then thus (as I said) declining, and their authority being transferred upon Officialls and the like: our Commissariship of Canterb. did not presently take beginning, but the Archbishop's Official partly, and partly the Archdeacon did for a time use and exercise the Jurisdiction throughout the City and Diocese, whilst as yet there was no Commissary at Cant. Afterwards the increase of causes in the Arches Court at London requiring the Officialls constant resisidence and attendance there, who before (like the Periodeutai) was ambulatory, and followed the Archbishop, leaving the Dean of the Arches to dispatch causes there as his deputy in his absence; and complaint being made 
i Ex Lib. eccles. Christi Cant.  (and it, as one amongst many other grievances by some propounded and put up) to Archbishop Peckham, to wit the nonresidence of the Official, he was by a Statute 
k Ms. pe●ms.  of Archbishop Winchelsey, Peckhams' next Successor, enjoined to residence; and about the same time, and upon that occasion (as I conceive) and the Archbishops more constant residence at Lambhith, a Commissariship was established in and for the 
Commissary of Cant. his original.  City and Diocese of Cant. and a perpetual or settled Commissary appointed to attend the same: the first (I take it) that by Patent or Commission held the place, being one Mr Martin, in his time Parson of Ickam in Kent, and thus his Patent or Commission runs.  
Frater I. Archiepisc. etc. Magistro Martino etc. Salutem. Quia quocunque auctoritas nostra se protendit ad incumbentia ncbis onera exequenda simul & semel personaliter adesse nequivimus, illos nonnunquam in partem solicitudinis accepimus de quorum fide & industria plenam in Domino fiduciam reportamus. Hinc est quòd de tuae circumspectionis & fidei plenitudine considentes, officium Commissar. Cant. tibi cum omnibus juribus & jurisdictionibus ad ipsum officium qualitercunque spectan' committimus per praesentes, ut tam prudenter quam fideliter in omnibus liberè authoritate nostra exercere valeas officium memoratum, & ad te tanquam nostrum in nostra Diocesi Commissarium generalem in his quae ad ipsum pertinent officium recurratur. In cujus etc. Dat' apud Mortlake, 3. Non. Maii Anno Dom. 1282. Consecrationis nostrae quarto.  
I shall spare recital of the succeeding Commissaries names, and their Patents or Commissions, not because I want instruction to do either, but for brevity sake.  
For which cause, though I might instance in many particular favours which several Archbishops graciously inclined to the advancement of their Episcopal Consistory, have been pleased to grant unto their Commissaries, rendering it a Court of good credit, yet I forbear the mention of them all: and the rather because being mostly upon Record in the Registry, they are already public, and obvious to all men's scrutiny. But yet one thing which antedates those Records, and concerns the Court, at least is not impertinent to our present discourse of the original thereof, I crave leave to particularise, and it is this, viz. A course taken upon and anon after the erection of the Commissariship, for the enlargement and bettering of the same, by the Archbishops revoking and calling the Jurisdiction, which divers Rectors or Parsons of exempt Churches within the Diocese exercised, from and out of their quasi possession (jura etenim incorporalia non possidentur, sed quasi possidentur 
l Lih 3. §. qui us● ctus. F. de vi & viar. & Inst. de Interdict, in princ. ) and conferring or transferring it upon the Commissary: whereof I find the following Record in Christ-Church.  

Revocatio jurisdictionis ecclesiarum exemptarum.  
Walter. permissione divina Cant. Archiep. totius Angliae Primas. Dilecto filio Commiss. nostro Cant. salutem, gratiam & benedictionem. Quia tam de jure communi quam de consuetudine in nostra Civitate & Diocesi omnis jurisdictio spiritualis ad nos authoritate Diocesana dinoscitur pertinere, jurisdictionem omnimodam quam rectores ecclesiarum sanctorum Martini & Elphegi Cant. & de Reculver, Monketon, Adesham, Ickham, Eastry, Dale, Godmersham, Saltwood, Westwell, Charing, Woodchurch, Wittresham, Northfleet et Pageham, necnon de Maidestan, & de Bocton subtus le Blen nostrae Dioecesis, ex nostra conniventia in parochiis ecclesiarum suarum singulariter exercuerunt, in derogationem juris nostri & ecclesiae nostrae, certis ex causis ad nos jamdudum revocavimus, ipsam jurisdictionem per nostros officiales seu Commissarios exercendam fore decernentes. Vobis committimus & mandamus quatenus omnimoda jur is dictione in parochiis ecclesiarum predict & earum qualibet ac capellarum dependentium ab eisdem & subditis earundem, de cetero utamini vice nostra prout Commissarii Cant. seu alii quicunque uti consueverunt in eisdem temporibus. retroactis. Contradictores & rebels per censuras ecclesiasticas compescendo. In cujus Rei testimonium Sigillum nostrum praesentibus est appensum. Dat' apud Lambeth 15. Kal. April. Anno Dom. 1317.  
Now only a word or two to show how it came to pass that the Records of the Consistory fall so much short of the original of the Court, as indeed they do, beginning not until about the year 1396. above 100 years after the erection of the Commissariship, and then leaving the Commissary, I shall proceed to speak somewhat of the Dean.  
The cause I cannot impute to the injury of time consuming the Records, because Records of greater antiquity are daily seen, and frequently and generally extant. As I cannot impute it to that, so neither will I ascribe it to the sloth or negligence of the Registers in times past, which I cannot, in charity, presume upon no better warrant than conjecture; although the meanness of their places and the movableness of the Court in those and latter times would readily help to support that surmise. To these causes (I say) I will not attribute the cause of our Court's disability to produce the Records of those elder times. Because (after a hint received from some well versed in Antiquity) spending some time about perusing our Chronicles which make mention of the rebellious insurrection made by Wat Tyler and jack Straw, happening in the reign of Ric. 2. and in the year of our Lord 1381. by and upon this perusal of the story, I found that they and their complices bore an especial hatred and spite to Lawyers, insomuch that not only they wasted and consumed with fire the Lawyer's houses then situate near Temple-bar London; but also being at, Canterb. and having received kind welcome and entertainment of the Townsmen there (all the people being 
〈◊〉.  of their assent) upon their departure, taking their way to Rochester, they sent their people to the villages about, and in their going they beaten down and robbed the houses of Advocates and Procurers of the King's Court and of the Archbishop, bearing him much malice for imprisoning their Priest, john Ball, a seditious malcontent and hypocritical Preacher. What should kindle in them this fire of envy to Lawyers, is easily apprehended if the drift of this their seditious rising be but considered. For like the Stoics of old, whose hearts were set upon a community; whence that of Seneca. Homines quietissimè viverent si haec duo Pronomina de medio tollerentur, meum & tuum) a parity and community was the thing projected, and the effecting of a plebetan liberty their aim, whereunto they well knew (as who knows it not) that laws and Lawyers were notorious enemies and obstacles: in as much as meum and tuum cannot stand with community, for 
Si teneant omnes omnia, nemo suum.   
Therefore saith one, speaking of this Ball, he persuaded or counselled them to kill and murder (amongst others) all Lawyers, justicers, and all manner judges, Magistrates and men in authority etc. Herewithal, what writings or Records soever they could fasten on where they came (as another obstacle to their projects thriving, which they were to remove) they concluded to set on fire. Hence was it that at Cambridge, the rabble of them there, breaking up the chests and forcing the places where the Records of the University were kept, without regard had, or difference made of any writings, whether Charters, Bulls, Letters patents, Statutes or other monuments whatsoever, in the Market place, some, other elsewhere they committed to the flame. Now to bring this home to my present purpose, which is to show what is become of our Records of the Consistory of Canterb. before those now extant. Having by this Story found how Lawyers and law-records were maliced by these all-wasting rebels, and considering (by comparing of the times) that our Registry takes its beginning not till awhile some few years after this rebellion, (it not being able presently to gather breath again) and that it was and is the Archbishop's Registry whom they maliced even to the death: I cannot but persuade myself, and in mine opinion more than conjectural it is, that those elder Records and their Registry bore a share with the rest of the Records and Lawyers houses which suffered the violence of those Rebels.  
I pass now from our Commissary with an hearty wish that the following Distichon (which George Sandys 
m Relation. lib. 1. pag. 6.  tells me is set over the court of Justice at Zant may be ever verified of his Consistory. 
Hic locus odit, amat, punit, conservat, honorat,  
Nequitiam, pacem, crimina, jura, probos. 

Thus Englished.  
This place doth hate, love, punish, keep, requited,  
Voluptuous riot, peace, crimes, laws, th'upright.     
Having done with the Commissary, it remains that I speak 
Deane of Canter●ury.  somewhat of the Dean, an ecclesiastical officer set to oversee a certain number of Parishes, amongst which are those of our City, & a necessary member in the ecclesiastical or spiritual government of the same. We call him a Rural Deane.  
Now rural Deans (to speak of them first in the general) are the same with Archipresbyteri vicani or rurales, and their names are often confounded, but more frequently occurreth the name of Archipresbyter, and is more used amongst the Canonists, then that of Decanus. Wherefore I am minded to expound this of Deane by that of Archpriest (an Ecclesiastical degree, by the order of the decretals following next unto an Archdeacon, and following rather then preceding, because that albeit the Archpriest be, than the archdeacon (if he be but a Deacon and not a Priest) major ordine, yet is the archdeacon than the Archpriest major dignitate 
n Gl. in c. 1. de ●ic. Archipresb. verb. subesse. .  
Of Archpriests there is a double kind. Duarenus shall bring you acquainted with them. Sunt autem (saith he 
o De sacr. eccles. Minist. & Benefic. lib. 1. c. 8 ) Archipresbyterorum duo genera, quorum urbani quidam dicuntur, alii vicani. Vrbani dicuntur qui in urbe & in majori ecclesia officio suo funguntur. Cum enim Episcopus propter absentiam fortè, vel occupationes suas non possit omnia Episcopi munia, vel solus, vel una cum presbyteris obire, sed cur as suas cum eis partiri necesse habeat: utilius visum est ex presbyteris unum caeteris praeponere, qui ea quae ad presbyterorum officium pertinent, partim ipse exequatur, partim aliis facienda praescribat, quam omnibus simul presbyteris id committere, ne contentio aliqua inter ipsos ex communione administrationis oriretur. Et Archipresbyteri vicani nullam in urbe potestatem, nullum ministerium habent, sed in majoribus celebrioribusque pagis constituuntur. Ac singulis, praeter ecclesiae propriae curationem, certarum ecclesiarum, certorumque presbyterorum, qui videlicet per minores titulos habitant, inspectio observatioque committitur etc. Thus he; who in the next Chapter to that above cited proceeds to show and set forth the original of these Archpriests or Deans rural, and how they first sprang up, and is persuaded (as he tells us) that upon the abolishing and antiquating of the Chorepiscopi, these Deans or Archpriests succeeded in their stead. Where in St Hen. Spelman concurring with him in opinion, delivers the same very succinctly thus. Chorepiscoporum munus (saith her) cum nomine sensim antiquatum 
Glossar. in verb. Chorepiscopus.  abolevit (nec pridem) ecclesia: subinductis verò in eorum vicem (qui Episcopis liberiùs cedunt, & humiliori jure contenti sunt) Archipresbyteris, alias Decanis ruralibus, & Plebanis. So have you both the definition and original of Rural Deans.  
To speak now more purposedly of their use and office in this kingdom especially. Decani rurales (saith Lindwood) sunt Decani temporales ad aliquod ministerium sub Episcopo vel 〈◊〉 constituti etc. From this place in Lindwood, 
De Constitut cap 1. verb. Decanos rurales.  Dr cowel tells us that Deans rural are certain persons that have certain Jurisdiction Ecclesiastical over other Ministers and Parishes near adjoining, assigned unto them by the Bishop and Archdeacon being placed and displaced by them 
r Interpreter. in verb. De●ne. . Would you know upon what ground, and for what intent first instituted? briefly this, the assistance of the Bishop, or Archdeacon, or both. Cum enim (saith one 
* Rover. Illust Histor. Mon●st. S. Joann R●maens pag. 629. ) ad presbyteros rure degentes extendere se continuò non posset Episcoporum, aut Archidiaconorum vigilantia, collocati fuere per intervalla, in quibusdam quasi excubiis Presbyterorum aliqui Decani, vel Archipresbyteri vocitati, ut Caeterorum Presbyterorum, ac plebis moribus vice Episcopi aut Archidiaconi invigilarent. Their Jurisdiction for aught that I can find is not so certain, nor particularly laid down any where as it can be said to be of this or that form, or to be thus or thus bounded out: and therefore, as they are generally a motive and removable ad nutum constituentis, so is it arbitrary to the Superior that ordains them, I suppose, with decency and order, what charge or business they shall undergo. Yet these particulars of their office I meet with. First that by custom warranted by law 
s Vide Sum. Sylvestr. in verb. Archipresbyter. , many of them have a kind of Jurisdiction to visit their Deanrie, and to inquire of crimes and defamations happening in the same, especially by the Clergy, and to take cognizance thereof, correcting, for the smaller offences, by themselves, and for the rest referring them to the Superior, the Bishop namely or Archdeacon at the next Synod, Chapter, or visitation, reporting unto them what they find, (like as did the Irenarchae and Apparitores of old, their Notaria to the Magistrate;) whence they are termed testes Synodales 
t Lindwood. ubi supra. . But are by law flatly forbidden not only to take to ferme Episcopal Jurisdiction 
v Cap. quoniam. Ne praelati vic● suas etc. , but also to meddle in arduous or weighty causes such as matrimony and the like 
x In Const. Othon. c. cum non solum. de Indiciis. , as being by common intendment not qualified with skill enough to handle them: and those of Cant. Diocese by an ancient Injunction of the Archdeacon, were forbidden Probat of Wills. Moreover I find that these Rural Deans had each of them their seal, and were appointed so to have by the Legatine constitution of Otho. Quoniam tabellionum, which will have it authentical: and such seal to have only cut and graved in it the name of Office, sine nomine proprio, saith the gloss, because upon the expiration of their office it was presently to be resigned and surrendered up into the hands of him from whom they derived their office (so runs the Constitution.) The use which they made of these seals was this among other. Citations being often, atleast in causes of moment and against the Clergy of their Deanery, directed, committed and entrusted to their execution, they (as a part of their office) either executed the same themselves, or else they caused them to be executed by their apparitors, servants, beadles or messengers (for such they had aswell as the Bishop himself or other Ordinaries had theirs) and then returned the same citations, together with a certificate of the manner and form of their execution thereof under their seal. These things will appear to any that shall have recourse to the places quoted 
Const. Otho. Tanto calliditatis. c. excussis. etc. quidam ruralium de ●udic. etc. Item contra. de censib. in Provinciali.  in the margin. Those particularly of Canterbury Diocese, were Receivers of the Peter-pences or Romescot in their several Deaneries, had many times purgations committed by the Commissary to their dispatch, for the ease and benefit of the subject, and their wisdom and fidelity was entrusted for the taking of them: a thing warranted (if not required) by the Provincial Constitution. Item licet. de purgatio. canon. Besides they were penitentiaries and Confessors for the Clergy of their several Deaneries. They convocated the Clergy to visitations and to the choice of Clerks of the Convocation. Upon the vacancy of any Church in their Deanery it was usual with them of old to have the custody of it, that is to collect the fruits and get the cure supplied, in the name and stead of the Archdeaconry during the Church's Widowhood or vacancy; and to that end the one had the Church-door Key delivered him, which upon his induction of the new Incumbent, to put him in possession of the Church, he used to deliver him, according to the manner of giving corporal possession in those elder times observed, springing haply from those laws in the Digests. l. quaratione. §. 9 Item si quis. D. de acquir. rer. dom. l. clavibus. 74. de contra. empt.  
These and many other things brought them in such profit as that some of them were unwilling to depose their office and deliver up their seal 
y Io. de Atho. in Const. quonian tabellionum. Verb. & sine molestia. . The choice and ordination of them is not hitherto quite worn out of use amongst us, but their office in any of the premises, is either quite obsolete, or at least much diminished. Hence that of St H. Spelm. Ruralium Decanorum genus (saith he 
z Gloss. in Verb. Decani. ) hinc ab Episcopo, illin● ab Archid ' vel exhaustum omninò est, vel pristino spendore denudatum. The Authors and projectors of the intended Reformation of the laws ecclesiastical of this Realm, meant to endue them with no mean power, as is plainly seen by the fifth Chapter of the Title, De ecclesia & ministris ejus, illorumque officiis, running thus.   

De Archipresbiteris sive Decanis ruralibus. cap. 5.  
DEcanatus quilibet Archipresbiterum rusticanum habeat, vel ab episcopo, vel ecclesiae Ordinario praeficiendum. Munus autem ejus erit annuum. Hic tanquam in specula presbiteris, diaconis, gardianis, & aedituis, ut singuli quae ad eorum munus attinent praestent, perpetuò invigilabit. De Idololatris, & haereticis, de Symoniacis, de lenonibus & meretricibus, de adulteris & fornicatoribus, de his qui duas uxores simul habent atque maritos duos, de magis & veneficis, de calumniatoribus & blasphemis, de Sodomiticis & ebriosis, de ultimarum voluntatum corruptelis & perjuriis, de injunctionum aut nostrarum aut Episcopi violatoribus, inquirat. Et vocandi ad se, examinandi horum scelerum suspectos authoritatem habeat. Omnem accusationis ortum, sive per famam publicam, sive deferentium testimonio probatum, vel suspectum, Episcopo aut ejus loci ordinario infra decem dies in scriptis prodet. Qui autem venire ad eum recusaverit, per apparitorem vocatus tanquam contumax Episcopi voluntatem omnibus ejus Decanatus ecclesiis, sibi per literas significatam, quanta poterit celeritate subinde exponi curabit: alioqui subibit supplicium contemptus. Officii sui sexto quolibet mense Episcopum aut loci ordinarium certiorem faciet, quot infra ejus decanatum conciones co temporis spatio fuerint habitae.   

By this intended Constitution you see much of the pristine authority of Rural Deans, was meant to be annexed to them and their office. But this as the rest of those laws never came in force. So that of the quality, use and office of our Rural Deans, all the face that surviveth, or can be gathered from any express law or Constitution made touching them since the reformation, is represented and exhibited unto us by part of an English Canon made and published in Anno Dom. 1571. runneth thus. When the visitation is finished, the Archdeacon shall signify unto the Bishop, whom he hath found in every Deanery so furnished with learning and judgement, that they may be thought worthy to instruct the people in Sermons, and to rule and govern others. Of these the Bishop may choose some, whom he will have rural Deans 
a This under the title of Archdeacon's. . Hitherto and enough of Rural Deans in general: only let me tell you, that I suppose they were more in request when Ecclesiastical Courts were movable, and kept from Deanery to Deanery (for which see the Constitution Excussis. De judiciis in Provincial.) and when Rural Chapters, whereof there were four more principal in the year, each quarter one, were in use (for which see the Constitution Quia Incontinentiae. De Constitutio. in text. & glos. in verb. capitulis ruralibus) which rural Chapters are not hitherto so exolete and disused, but that our Archdeacon of Canterb. every year holdeth one, namely about Michaelmas, annually, throughout the whole Archdeaconry, which he therefore calleth Generale; than which one, though now he do not, yet did he formerly hold more, as is probable, because by the old Composition made between the Archbishop and him, his Apparitors 
1396.  are in express words assigned him, pro capitulis celebrandis, and for no other purpose.  
Now a word or two of our particular Dean, to whom I find that former times have had recourse for his assistance in many things. The Threasurer of Christ-Church 
b Liber ejusd. eccle.  in the year 1257. being unpaid divers rents due by the Church tenants in Canterb. hires the Deans crier for 12d. at four several times to denounce or publish throughout the City all such retainers of rents excommunicated: and makes it parcel of his demands in his Account for that year, viz. Preconi Decani Cant. 12d. ut denuntiaret detentores reddituum excommunicatos per totam Civitatem etc. His seal being authentical, he had a hand in many Exemplifications, in some joining with other, in other, alone by himself. Of which I have seen of each sort not a few. Wherein, especially in those of the elder sort, he writes and styles himself Decanus Christi civitatis Cant. For the same cause, I suppose, that our spiritual Courts were and are to this day called Curiae Christianitatis (Courts Christian) originally so called (as Mr Selden 
c In Notisad Eadmerum. pag 208. & 209.  notes upon the term frequent with Eadmerus and other writers of that age using it to denotate Episcopal authority and Jurisdiction) because in the primitive age of the Church, and in the Edicts of ancient Emperors. Bishops were specially and chiefly understood by the general name of Christians. Generali Christianorum nomine (saith he) in edictis Imperatorum veterum Episcopos speciatim designart volunt juris consulti nonnulli, ad l. 11. Christianos. C. de Episcopali audientia. Hinc apud nos Fora sacra quibus jure nempe communi subnixis aut Episcopi praesunt, aut two qui eo nomine Episcopos, utpote quos provocare licet, suspiciunt, Curiae 
Curiae Chris●ianitatis.  Christianitatis etiamnum vocitantur. Primò Christianitatis vocabulum, legem Christianam seu venerationem Christianam & Christianum cultum generatim sonabat, uti videre est in C. tit. de Apostolatis. l. 4. & C. Theodos. tit. de spectaculis l. 5. C. Eod. tit. de Decurtonibus. l. 112. C. Eod. tit. de Iudaeis, Coelicolis l. 19 alibi item. Sed postea Functio atque jurisdictio illa quae in gerenda Christianae religionis seu Christianitatis aut politiae Ecclesiasticae cura potissimum exercentur, Christianitas etiam signa●ter dicta sunt; atque inde sacra Fora, Fora Christianitatis vocitata. Thus he. And hitherto of the Ecclesiastical government of the City. I proceed to the temporal. But by the way let me refer you for further understanding of that style or title of Decanus Christianitatis, and of the quality, antiquity, and use of Rural Deans to Roverius his Illustrations upon the History of S. john's Monastery at Rheimes. pag. 628. 629.  
How our City was governed in temporalibus, before the time of the Bailiffs is somewhat obscure. Yet questionless it always had a special and distinct Magistrate to preside over it, whom I find styled, either the Praefect, the Portreeve, 
〈◊〉. 〈◊〉. 〈◊〉.  or the Provost, names differing more in sound then in sense and signification. For the first of which, in the year 780. in certain Charters of Christ-Church bearing date at Canterbury, mention is made of one Al●e hujus Civitatis Praefectus, as in one, Regis Praefectus in Do●niâ, as in another of them, who having purchased Burn●, consisting of four ploughlands, of his Master the Kentish King Egbert, for two thousand shillings, gave it all to the Monks of that Church, ad mensam, that is, for their maintenance in food diet. For the second, Portreve or Portgreve, in the year 956. to a Deed of the sale of a parcel of Land in Canterbury to one Ethelstane, by two Knights Ethelsi and Wlfsi, is the subscription (amongst other witnesses) of one Hlothewig Portgerefa, on this wise, viz. After King Edgar, Queen Eadgive (who writes herself, in Cantia etiam Guberbnator) and some others, it follows. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. By the way these 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 here mentioned as witnesses in the last place, and which I meet with in two other like Charters of Christ-Church about the same age were (I take it) of the nature of those Fraternities, Gilds, or Gildscips which Mr Lambert in his explication of Saxon words, in verb. Contubernalis, and more at large St Hen. Spelman in his Glossary, in verb. Geldum, severally expound. I proceed. In the Danish massacre here under King Etheldred, happening Anno 1011. Alfword (as Huntingdon) Elfrig (as Hoveden) Alfred (as Thorn calls him) Praepositus Regis (the City-Governor, I take it) was one of the personages of quality then taken prisoners. Afterwards Doomsday-booke records the name of another like Praepositus, Brumannus by name, in these words. Quidam Praepositus Brumannus nomine T. R. E. 
Id● 〈◊〉 R● Edwardi i 〈◊〉 Regis Willielmi.  cepit consuetudines de extraneis mercatoribus in terra S. Trinitatis, & sancti Augustini, qui postea T. R. W. ante Archiepiscopum Lanfrancum & Episcopum Bajocen. recognovit se injustè accepisse etc. (as it is before p. 4.) Thus before the Conquest.  
In succeeding times it seems the City was the Archbishops, especially Lanfranks, and his immediate successor Anselmes', the former holding it as it were in see ferme, the latter, freely, ex solido, in the nature of what the Lumbards' call an Alodium. Hence that of Mr Lambert 
d Perambulation o● Kent in Canterbury. . The Bishops (saith he) were never absolute owners thereof till the time of King William Rufus, who (as the Annals of S. Augustine say) dedit civitatem Cantuariae Anselmo ex solido, quam Lanfrancus tenuerat ex beneficio. Hence also that of Eadmerus 
e Hist. Novor. lib. 1. pag 18. , who then lived. Praecepit itaque Rex, ut sine dilatione ac diminutione investiretur de omnibus, ad Archiepiscopatum pertinentibus intus & extra, atque ut civitas Cantuaria quam Lanfrancus suo tempore in beneficio à Rege tenebat, & Abathia sancti Albani quam non solum Lanfrancus, sed & antecesseres ejus habuisse noscuntur in alodium ecclesiae Christi Cantuariensis, proredemptione animae suae, perpetuo jure, transirent. Nevertheless the City still had a Portreve to superintend and rule over it. For in the same Archbishop Anselmes' time, one Calveal, by the name and title of Portgreva, is mentioned as a witness to an exchange of houses between the Church, and the City; the Deed whereof, for the old English-sake, and because withal a good evidence of that age's plainness and simplicity, as much (it seems) affecting the Imperatorian Brevity, as ours abhors it (an age truly then in which men were never more extraordinarily cautious, and yet never more ordinarily cozened) it shall not be amiss here verbatim to insert.  
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Which in our modern English may be thus rendered.  
This is the Exchange between the Family. at Christ-Church, and the Knights at Canterbury of the society of Merchants. The society of Merchants give up (or put over) into the hands of the family eight houses within Burgate with (the liberties of) face and socne, as they themselves enjoy them. And the family give up (or put over) into their hands on the other side nine houses, two without Readingate. In one of them dwelleth Aelfric, and Bruman in the other. The (other) seven within Newingate. In them dwell Siward Entfert, and Brihtric, and Goldwine, and Hereword, and Willelm, and Wulfgeve, and Alfwine, with (the liberties of) face and socne as the family enjoys them. Thereunto is witness Anselm Archbishop, and the family at Christ-Church, and Calveal Portreve, and the chiefest men of the society. To show (or manifest) this, the family hath one writing (or part) and the society another.  
Not long after, the single was changed into a double Portreeve, Bailiff, or Provost; yet not elective by the vote and suffrage of the Citizens until Hen. 3. time, who in the eighteenth year of his reign, by his Charter granting the Town to the Citizens in Fee-ferme, enfranchised them with licence and power yearly to choose them Bailiffs of 
Bailisses of Canterbu●y.  their own. From and after which time, the City continued a Bailiffe-Towne, that is, was governed by Bailiffs, until the change thereof into a Mayoralty by Hen. 6. in the 26th 
Majors.  year of his reign, in which estate it now stands. My past endeavours cannot as yet furnish me with a complete nomenclature of all the Bailiffs: if my future shall, I shall willingly impart them. But of the Majors this, so near as I ca● is a true list or Catalogue according to their several Successions.  
Majors. How often. What year. 1 john Lind. 1 1449 He lieth buried in Westgate-Church. If you look back, you may find his monument or epitaph there. 2 William Bennet. 1 1450 He was divers times before, one of the Bailiffs of the City, unto which at his death he became a benefactor. For by his Will 
f In Regi●t. Dom. Archid. Cant.  he gave unto the City his Tenements beside jury-lane in Saint Mary Bredmans' Parish. Those two stone-houses (I take it) they are, the one the Tiger, the other the White-horse standing by that Lane, very ancient both, and known to belong unto the City at this day. He gave also to the Wardens of S Andrews Church in Cant. where he was a Parishioner, 4 s 4d. per annum, to keep and maintain the clock there, for ever. His other good deeds have their deserved mention elsewhere. 3. Gervase Clifton. 1. 1451. 4. Roger Ridley. 1. 1452. He gave by his Will 
g In Regist● Dom. Archid. Cantuar.  five marks to the paving of the Bulstake, and as much to the new building of S. Georges-gate, and 4 lib. also towards repairing of the Chancel of S. Mary Castell Church in Canterbury. 5. john Mulling. 1. 1453. 6. john Mulling. 2. 1454. 7. john Winter. 1. 1455. He lies buried in S. Margaret's Church, where if you look you shall find by his Epitaph what were his works of piety. He was in his former days one of the Bailiffs of the City, viz. anno 25. H. 6. the very last year of the Bailiffs government thereof. 8. William Bennington. 1. 1456. 9 Richard Prat. 1. 1457. What he was, may be further known by his Epitaph formerly taken and set forth in S. Margaret's Church, where he lies interred. 10. Philip Belknap. 1. 1458. He dwelled (they say) at the Mote, but died within the year, and William Bold supplied the place. 11. Roger Ridley. 2. 1459. 12. William Big. 1. 1460. He it was that with one john Coppyn of Whitstable built our present Mercat-crosse at the Bulstake, as the Inscription upon it will show you. By his will 
h In ●ed. Regist.  he gave 10 lib. towards the work of S. Georges-gate. He was a benefactor also to the window-work of S. Peter's Church, as is before remembered. 13. john Freningham Esq ●. 1. 1461. His Will 
i In eod. Regist.  shows him to be a man of much piety. For thereby he gave twenty Nobles to S. Mary magdalen's Church, 20 lib. to Christ-Church, 20 nobles to the Prior of Christ-Church for overseeing his will, 20 lib. to the repairing of S. Michaels- gate, or paving of the Bulstake, and 20 nobles to the amending of foul ways in and near Canterbury. This year the City was made a County per se, and that upon these (very valuable) considerations. Nos (saith the King, Ed. 4.) Civitatem nostram praedict. unam de antiquissimis 
Canterbury one of the ancientest Cities of England.  Angliae Civitatibus existentem in loco ejusdem regni eminentiori in prospectu omnium tam in idem regnum peregrinantium vel aliter à partibus ex●eris venientium, quam per idem transeuntium sitam existere considerantes, sedemque ejusdem Regni Metropolem in eadem existere, in cujus ecclesia Metropolitica corpus beati Thomae Martyris ad quem devotionem gerimus specialem honor●icè feretratur, necnon ossa carissimi consanguinei nostri ac praenobilis principis Edwardi nuper principis Walliae requiescunt humata. In superque fidelitates & obsequia laudabilia, 
Citizens commended.  ac probitatem, industriam & s●renuitatem Maiorum & civium Civitatis nostrae praedict. quibus se nobis incli●que recordationis atque memoriae progenitoribus nostris Regibus Angliae hucusque gratos in omnibus & paratos exhibuerunt, & praecipuè sidelitates & obsequia laudabilia ●obis jam nuper per Cives Civitatis praedict' ad sumptus, custas, expensas, labores, pericula, & gravamina Maiorum & Civium nostrorum praedict' plura & non modica exhibita meritò contemplantes etc. As it is in the Charter. The very same year 16 lib. 13s. 4d. part of the 60 lib. per annum, until then paid as fee-ferme to the King by the City, was fi●st abated, and by the King's Charter for ever after remitted to the City. The reasons and inducements were these. Quia Nos (saith the same Ed.) ex gravi & lamentabili querela eorundem nunc Maioris & Civium nostrorum Civitatis praedictae accipientes quòd eadem Civitas nostra ac inhabitants eandem in tantam paupertatem tam ob grandem & onerosam solutionem praedictae firmae sive feodi firmae ejusdem civitatis lx lib. nobis & progenitoribus nostris solus', ac grandes & onerosas custas & expensas suas in resistentia inimicorum nostrorum Regnum nostrum Angliae in partibus ejusdem Regni eidem Civitati vicinis quampluries invadere nitentium quam ob alia onera eidem Civitati necessariò incumbentia ac paucitatem inhabitantium ibidem in tantum depauperantur & vastantur, quòd ipsos inhabitantes Civitatem illam necessariò oportebit, quod absit, omnino relinquere desolatam, nisi eis per nos in hac parte gratiosius succurratur etc. as it is in the same Charter. 14. Thomas Foster. 1. 1462. 15. William Sellow. 1. 1463. 16. Hamon Beale. 1. 1464. He was a benefactor to S. Pancras chapel, as may be seen before, and beside gave 40●. to the Friar's Minors or Grace F F. in Cant. where by his Will 
k In Regi● praedict.  he appoints to have his body interred (in medio navis ecclesiae fratrum minorum, such are his own words) and to have a tomb of 3 foot high, at his Executors charges, set over him and Isabella his wife, anno 1492. 17. john Harndell alias Hearnhill. 1. 1465. 18. William Big. 2. 1466. 19 john Freningham. Esq. 2. 1467. 20. Roger Ridley. 3. 1468. 21. Nicholas Faunt. 1. 1469. He was hanged (as tradition gives) at the Bulstake in Cant. for aiding Bastard Falconbridge; and the liberties of the City were seized into the King's hands, so that the City was without a Mayor for some good space. 22. Roger Brent, Esq. 1. 1470. 23. Foger Brent, Esq. 2. 1471. See more of him in All-Saints Church. 24. john Bygg, Esq. 1. 1372. 25. john Bygg, Esq. 2. 1473. 26. john Bygg, Esq. 3. 1474. See further of him in S. Peter's Church, to the window-work whereof he was a benefactor, as there is to be seen. 27. john Whiteloke. 1. 1475. 28. Roger Brent. 3. 1476. 29. Thomas Atwood, Esq. 1. 1477. See more of him in S. Mildred's. 30. Hamon Beale. 2. 1478. 31. Thomas Atwood, Esq. 2. 1479. 32. Thomas Atwood, Esq. 3. 1480. 33. Richard Carpinter. 1. 1481. 34. Nichol. Sheldwich, Esq. 1. 1482. 35. Nichol. Sheldwich, Esq. 2. 1483. 36. William Sellow. 2. 1484. 37. john Whiteloke. 2. 1485. 38. Thomas Atwood, Esq. 4. 1486. 39 Stephen Barret. 1. 1487. 40. john Ingram. 1. 1488. 41. john Crispe. 1. 1489. 42. john Carlisle. 1. 1490. 43. john Swan. 1. 1491. See more of him in S. Andrew's. 44. Thomas Propchant. 1. 1492. 45. Edward Bolney. 1. 1493. 46. Edward Bolney. 2. 1494. See more of him in S. Andrew's. 47. Thomas Atwood, Esq. 5. 1495. 48. Stephen Barret. 2. 1496. 49. Henry Gosborne. 1. 1497. See concerning him in St Elpheges Church. 50. Thomas Sayer. 1. This year being 13. H. 7. by his Charter called Nova ordinatio (inter alia) the number of Aldermen till then but 6. was increased to 12. and the number of the common council abated from 36. to 24. both which continue to this day. 1498. 51. john Plumpton. 1. 1499. 52. Thomas Atwood son of Thomas Atwood. 1. 1500. 53. john Huet. 1. 1501. 54. Henry Gosborne. 2. 1502. 55. Thomas Sayer. 2. 1503. 56. Thomas Atwood. 2. 1504 57 William Cramp. 1. 1505. 58. Henry Gosborne. 3. 1506. 59 Rafe Browne. 1. 1507. See concerning him in Northgate Church. 60. john Nayler. 1. 1508. 61. William Cramp. 2. 1509. 62. john Huet. 2. 1510. He died in the time of his Mayoralty, and Ralph Browne supplied. 63. Roger Clarke. 1. 1511. By his Will 
l In Registro praed.  he appoints to be buried between the Church-gate and the Church-door of St Peter in Canterbury Anno 1542. It seems then one of the Altar-tombes there at this day was erected for him. 64. Thomas Atwood. 3. 1512. 65. john Broker. 1. 1513. See concerning him before in St Margaret's- Church. 66. Thomas Wainflet. 1. 1514. He died and john Foukes served out the year. 67. john Nayler. 2. 1515. See concerning him before in Westgate- Church. 68 Henry Gosborne. 4. 1516. 69. Thomas Foukes. 2. 1517. 70. William Rutland. 1. 1518. 71. john Broker. 2. 1519. 72. john Brigges. 1. 1520. One of the name, Anno 36. Ed. 3. gave unto the City, a parcel of Land called le Gravelpet in Winchepefield in parochia sanctae Mariae de Castro, inter quandam semitam ducentem de Wincheape ad Dodindale versus South, etc. as the Deed or Charter expresseth it 
m Lib. Testam. pertinen. ad cameram Civitatis. . 73. Roger Clarke. 2. 1521. 74. William Note or Nutt. 1. 1522. 75. Thomas Beale, son of Hamon, Beale. 1. 1523. 76. john Brigges. 2. 1524. 77. john Alcocke. 1. 1525. 78. Roger Clarke. 3. 1526. 79. jacob Whitlaffe. 1. 1527. 80. William Rutland. 2. He willed his body to be buried by his Wife in St Pancraces chapel at St Augustine's, and gave twenty nobles for the buying in of vijl. x ●. parcel of the Cities Fee-ferme, which was yearly paid (so runs his Will) unto the heirs of Mr john Lucus. 1528. 81. Robert Lewes. 1. 1529. 82. Thomas Atwood. 4. 1530. 83. john Alcocke. 2. 1531. 84. Thomas Beale. 2. 1532. 85. William Note or Nutt. 2. 1533. 86. john Brigges. 3. 1534. 87. john Alcocke. 3. 1535. 88 Robert Lewes. 2. 1536. 89. Rogert Clarke. 4. 1537. 90. john Starke. 1. 1538. 91. Thomas Beale. 3. 1539. 92. Robert Lewes. 3. 1540 93. William Coppin. 1. 1541. 94. Thomas Gower. 1. 1542. 95. john Freeman. 1. 1543. 96. john Alcocke, son of john 1. 1544. 97. john French. 1. 1545. 98. Thomas Batherst. 1. 1546. 99 George Webb. 1. 1547. 100 George Rand. 1. 1548. 101. john Freeman. 2. 1549. 102. Robert Lewes. 4. 1550. 103. William Coppin. 2. 1551. 104. George Webb. 2. 1552. 105. john Twine. 1. 1553. See concerning him before in St Paul's. 106. Thomas French. 2. 1554. 107. Edward Carpenter. 1. 1555. 108. john Fuller. 1. 1556. 109. George May. 1. 1557. 110. Stephen Seare. 1. 1558. 111. john Fuller. 2. 1559. 112. Henry Alday. 1. 1560. 113. Richard Furner. 1. 1561. 114. Richard Raiston. 1. 1562. 115. Thomas Percy. 1. 1563. 116. Thomas Giles. 1. 1564. 117. George May. 2. 1565. 118. William Fisher. 1. 1566. 119. james Nethersole. 1. 1567. 120. Peter Kelsham. 1. 1568. 121. john Seamor. 1. 1569. 122. james Drayton. 1. 1570. 123. Anthony Webb, son of George Webb. 1. 1571. 124. james Nethersole. 2. 1572. He was, for forgery, displaced, and William Fisher chosen in his room, who served out the year. 125. Simon Broome. 1. 1573. 126. john Rose. 1. 1574. See concerning him before where I have spoken of our River. 127. Peter Kelsham. 2. 1575. 128. Simon Broome. 2. 1576. 129. Thomas Limitary. 1. 1577. 130. Clement Bassocke. 1. 1578. 131. james Nethersole. 3. 1579. 132. Leonard Cotton. 1. 1580. See concerning him before both in the Hospital called Maynards' spital, and in St Margaret's Church. 133. Richard Gaunt. 1. 1581. 134. john Nutt. 1. 1582. 135. Iose Rose. 2. 1583. 136. Ralph Bawden. 1. 1584. 137. john Easday. 1. 1585. See concerning him before where I treat of our City-Wall. 138. Gilbert Penny. 1. 1586. 139. Simon Broome. 3. 1587. 140. Adrian Nicholle. 1. 1588. A fatal year to the Maypole at Dundgel-hill, as of us corruptly called. 141. Bartholomew Broome. 1. 1589. 142. Edward Nether sole, son of james. 1. 1590. 143. Christopher Leeds. 1. 1591. 144. Mark Berry. 1. 1592. 145. Thomas Long. 1. 1593. A great plague this year. 146. William Amy. 1. 1594. 147. Thomas Hovenden. 1. 1595. 148. james Fringeham. 1. 1596. 149. William Clarke. 1. 1597. 150. Charles Whetenhall. 1. 1598. 151. Robert Wynne. 1. 1599 152. Warham jennet. 1. 1600. 153. Simon Broome. 4. 1601. 154. Richard Gaunt. 2. 1602. 155. Ralph Bawden. 2. 1603. 156. Edward Nethersole. 2. 1604. 157. Mark Berry. 2. 1605. 158. Thomas Hovenden. 2. 1606. 159. Thomas Paramor. 1. 1607. He obtained the Sword for the City, not without great expense to the same. 160. William Watmer. 1. 1608. 161. George Clagget. 1. 1609. 162. Thomas Hawks. 1. 1610. 163. joseph Calf. 1. 1611. 164. Thomas Fetherstone. 1. 1612. 165. George Elven. 1. 1613. 166. john Pierce. 1. 1614 167. john Watson. 1. 1615. 168. Mark Berry. 3. 1616. 169. Thomas Hovenden. 3. 1617. 170. Avery Sabin. 1. 1618. 171. Henry Vanver. 1. 1619. 172. Ralph Hawkins. 1. 1620. 173. john Hunt. 1. 1621. 174. George Clagget. 2. 1622. 175. Richard Lockley. 1. 1623. 176. james Maste. 1. 1624. 177. William Whiteing. 1. 1625. 178. john Stanley. 1. 1626. 179. john Suffer. 1. 1627. 180. john Roberts. 1. 1628. 181. William Watmer. 2. 1629. 182. Avery Sabin. 2. 1630. 183. john Meryam. 1. 1631. 184. George Clagget. 3. 1632. 185. john Lead. 1. 1633. 186. Walter Southwell. 1. 1634. 187. james Nicholson. 1. 1635. 188. William Bridge. 1. 1636. 189. john Terry. 1. 1637. 190. james Master. 2. 1638. 191. john Stanley. 2. 1639. Hitherto of the Temporal Government of our City, the concluding Chapter of the present discourse or Surveyed thereof.    

AN APPENDIX, CONTAINING SUCH Authentical Instruments, escripts and writings as are quoted and cited in the precedent work.  

King Offa's Charter of the donation of certain 
Scriptura 1.  Lands to Christ-Church.  
EGo Offa a Rex Anglorum Dccxc. Anno dominicae incarnationis, 
†  nostri autem regni Dei gratiâ concessi xxxviij. cogitans de salute animae meae, & de statu regionis Merciorum perveni ad Lundoniam Civitatem 
Tempus. Donor.  ad conloquium venerabilis viri Aethelheardi Archiepiscopi, & locutus sum cum eo quid pro salute animae meae, & totius gentis Mercior. deo omnipotenti darem. Inter haec postulavit à me venerabilis Archiepiscopus Aethelheard ut darem sibi aliquod supplementum ad ecclesiam sancti Salvatoris in urbe Doroberniae; dicens cum omnibus Episcopis nostrae regionis esse inonestum non ditari matrem ecclesiarum à siliabus & filiis suis regibus quos fonte baptismatis regeneravit. Ego verò concessi petit●i illius & omnium episcoporum nostrorum, & dedi illi xc 
Do●m.  tributaria terrae bipertita in duobus locis. lx. in loco qui dicitur o● Linga hoese & Geddingas circa rivulum qui dicitur Fisces burna, & xxx. in aquilonali ripa fluminis Tamis, ubi appellatur Twicanham, ut habeat lx. ad emendationem ecclesiae sancti Salvatoris. xxx verò in Twicanhamme ad indumentum fratrum qui serviunt Deo in illa sancta ecclesia. Hanc elemosinam humilis & devotus ego Off a Rex Anglorum pro pignore Christianae fidei totius gentis nostrae offero Deo omnipotenti, ad suam sanctam ecclesiam, ut mei memoria & meae carissimae gentis ibi celebretur & Deo commendetur. Erat autem in conventu nostro celeberrimus dies Pentecostes, & conventus famulorum Dei quorum nomina scripta sunt hic. Aethelheard Archiep. Ceolwulf Episc. Vnwona Episc. Hathored Episc. Ceolmund Episc. Ealhheard Episc. Elfhum Episc. Cyneberht Episc. Dunferth Episc. Wermund Episc. Weohthun Episc. Omnes isti una mecum clamaverunt ad Dominum in die sancto in ecclesia sancti Pauli. Spiritus Domini qui hodie replevit orbem terrarum, & omnia continet, & scientiam 
Solemnis Ap 〈◊〉. Im  habet vocis all' & omnes sancti Dei Apostoli qui ab illo spiritu repleti sunt, tribuat 
* Ita Ms.  benedictionem sempiternaem consentientibus & def●ntibus hanc largitatem, & condemnet & excommunicet & in hoc saeculo & in futuro eum qui auferat vel minimam partem hujus doni ab ecclesia sancti Salvatoris quae sita est in urbe Cantewariorum. Et respondit omnis chorus, 
Testes.  Amen. Ad confirmandum verò hoc largitatis donum in testes aderant & subscripserunt & confirmaverunt donum Salvatori nostre.  
Ego Offa a Rex Merciorum cum benedictione omnium Episcoporum inpono signum sanctae ✚ ad confirmationem hujus doni, mihi donanti ad redemptionem. Et minuenti ad aeternam condempnationem, & sine ullo remedio in inferno ad aeternae poenae cruciatum.  

✚ Ego Eogferth Rex consensi & subscripsi, & promisi hoc donum semper firmare & angere.  
✚ Ego Aethelheard Archiepiscopus signum sanctae crucis inpono. Et in nomine sanct. Salvatoris conscribo.  
✚ Ego Colwulf Epis. Cons.  
✚ Ego Vnwona Epis. Cons.  
✚ Ego Hathored Episc.  
✚ Ego Ceolmund Epis.  
✚ Ego Ealheard Epis.  
✚ Ego Elfhun Epis.  
✚ Ego Cyneberht Epis.  
✚ Ego Deneferth Epis.  
✚ Ego Wermund Epis.  
✚ Ego Ealhmund Abb.  
✚ Ego Vtel Abb.  
✚ Ego Fothred Abb.  
✚ Bronda Princ.  
✚ Bynna Princ.  
✚ Esne Princ.  
✚ Heurdbriht Princ.  
✚ Ethelmund Princ.  
✚ Eadgar Princ.  
✚ Wigga Princ.  
✚ Cydda Princ.  
✚ Cudberht Princ.  
✚ Ceolmund Princ.  
✚ Vbba Princ.  
✚ Eobing Princ.    

The Foundation of Herbaldowne-Chantery. 
Scriptura 2●.   
THomas permissione divina Cant. Archiepisc. totius Angliae Primas & Apostolicae sedis Legatus. Dilectis in Christo filiis Priori & Priorissae ac fratribus & sororibus Hospitalis nostri de Herbaldowne. Salutem, gratiam & benedictionem. Scrutato registro bonae memoriae Domini Willielmi Wittlesey praedecessoris nostri dotationem sive ordinationem perpetuae cantariae in Hospitali nostro praedicto, reperimus in eodem, tenorem qui sequitur continentem. Vniversis sanctae matris ecclesiae filiis presentes literas inspecturis. Willielmus permissione divina Cant. Archiepisc. totius Angliae Primas & Apostolicae sedis legatus. Salutem in Domino sempiternam. Cum Custos quilibet hospitalis nostri de Estbrigge in Cantuaria qui pro tempore fuerit suis sumptibus & expensis invenire teneatur sacerdotem idoneum qui jugiter divina celebret coram pauperibus alterius hospitalis nostri de Herbaldowne in ecclesia sancti Nicholai ibidem, & eorum confessiones audiat, e●sque diebus & noctibus prout oportebit ecclesiastica ministrèt sacramenta. Sitque in praesenti & erit verisimiliter in futurum plurimum difficile stipendiarios reperire idoneos sacerdotes, qui inter dictos pauperes taliter conversari voluerint, praesertim cum ipsorum pauperum nonnulli lepra sint infecti, ac pro infectis hujusmodi ipsum hospitale principaliter 
Hospitale pro Leprosis principaliter fundatum.  sit fundatum, nisi for san mansionem ab eis separatam habuerint & vicinam, cantariamque non mobilem sed perpetuam obtineant ac ad victum eorundem Capellanorum dotatam competenter. Nos praemissa debito considerationis intuitu pensantes, curaeque animarum dictorum pauperam & hosp. praedict. utilitati providere volentes, quandam perpetuam Cantariam unius Capellani ut praemittitur divina apud Herbaldowne celebraturi fundamus, dotamus, & ut subscribitur ordinamus. Habebit siquidem sacerdos hujusmodi ipsius cantariae perpetuus in partem dotis ejusdem unam mansionem sufficientem & honestam aedificatam ex opposito portae dicti Hospitalis de Herbaldowne cum praediis & gardinis adjacentibus, & quodam columbari ibidem jam conferend. dicto Hosp. de Estbrigge per Dominum Willielmum Attewelle Capellanum de Regis licentia jam obtenta ut inter benefactores habeatur utriusque hospitalis supradicti, necnon quandam aream praefato hospitali nostro de Herbaldowne contiguam vocat' Claveringe 
* where, before, pag. 86 speaking of th● Hosp. I s●id the ●ry Priest 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 against the Hosp I fi●de I w● mistaken. 〈◊〉 the Account of the 〈◊〉 endowment, gi' ven to the Commissioners abo● the times of the suppression, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 had his dwelling 〈◊〉, ●t Clavering. : 
Claveringe  habebit etiam sacerdos istius Cantariae de fratribus & sororibus hosp. de Herbaldowne duas marcas de claro per equales portiones annuatim in perpetuum. Reputabitur insuper & erit sacerdos ipse absque nostro aut successorum nostrorum novo onere unus de numero pauperum in eodem hosp. nostro de Herbaldowne requisito propter ipsius conversationem, celebrationes & orationes quas quasi continuè faciet coram eis & inter eos, tantum percipiens & taliter sicut eorum unus incedens si voluerit vestitus pro reverentia sui ordinis ut sacerdos secularis. Habebit in super quinque marcas liberi & securi redditus in denariis tempore Domini Thomae Eltone jam custodis dicti nostri hosp. de Eastbrigge eid' hosp. adquisitas apud Herne quas solvent quidam Thomas de Co●t heredes & assignati ejus pro terris & tenementis 〈◊〉 per factum in hac parte sufficiens de solvendo, ac etiam duas marcas cum dimid. annuatim de custode quocunque ipsius hosp. nostri de Eastbrigge pro tempore eidem Capellano persolvend. ad quatuor anni terminos usualiter principales quas custos ipse cum ●lteriori summa annis singulis de certis terris redditibus & pasturis libere habere poterit quas dictus Dominus Thomas custos etiam suae custodiae tempore adquisivit de Domino Thoma de Ros milite apud 
Dominus Thomas de Ros.  Hothe. Super quibus terris & pasturis, libere distringere sacerdos ipse valeat pro omni tempore ipsarum duarum marcarum & dimidiae post unumquemque terminum supradictum per mensem, si postea in solutione ejusdem sit cessatum. Et sic dos ipsius Cantaria undecim marcas cum dimidia vel circiter verisimiliter inposterum valebit annuatim. Ad ipsam autem Cantariam quotiens eam vacare contigerit, Custos dicti Hosp. de Eastbridge qui pro tempore fuerit sacerdotes idoneos qui in ea residere voluerint, & quotidie coram ipsis pauperibus, cessante impedimento legitimo juxta Canonum exigentiam celebrare divina, aut per alium facere celebrari & animarum curam gerere corundem ut est dictum, ad quae omnia & singula sacerdotes hujusmodi teneri volumus & arctari nobis & successoribus nostris praesentabit. Ad sumptus autem reparationis domorum praefatae mansionis & columbaris ac exhibitionem panis, vini & luminariorum honestorum pro celebrationibus missarum praedictarum necessariorum tenebitur sacerdos ipse ratione praedictae dotis suae. Si autem sacerdos idoneus haberi non poterit qui ipsam cantariam habere velit, & ad celebrationes & curam praedict. ac alia praedicta oner a arctari noluerit ut est dictum, extunc Custos memorati Hosp. de Estbrigge qui pro tempore fuerit possessiones dictae dotis superius descriptas ingrediatur & teneat, ac de dictis celebrationibus & cur a disponat sicuti prius tenebatur & prout melius videbitur sibi expedire. In quorum omnium testimonium has literas nostras fieri fecimus pa●entes sigillo nostro consignatas. Dat' apud Croydone iiij10. Non. Feb. Anno Domini Mccclxxj ●. & nostrae translationis quarto. Nos igitur Thomas permissione divina Cant. Archiepiscopus, totius Angliae Primas & Apostolicae sedis Legatus praedictus, praedictam dotationem sive ordinationem ratam habentes pariter & acceptam similiter approbando & quantum in nobis est confirmantes: Vobis Con' & divi' firmiter injungendo mandamus quatenus Dominum johannem Bray Capellanum praedictae Cantariae modernum tantum unum de numero pauperum in hospitali praedicto admittatis tantum & taliter sicut alicui alteri pauperi ejusdem in quibuscunque pecuniarum summis seu aliis vitae necessariis effectualiter ministrantes. Dat. in Palatio nostro Cantuar. xviij0. die mensis Maii. Anno Dom. Mccccij0. & nostrae translationis Anno sexto.   

Rather than my Reader should swallow an error in the 
Herbaldowne.  Etymology of this name (of 
* Look for a discourse of the original of this name at the end of this Instrument. The names original examined.  Herbaldowne) I have thought fit here (though out of proper place) to recommend unto him some notions concerning the same (which very lately came into my thoughts) to supply their omission in my discourse of the place. So it is then, that Mr Lambard in his Perambulation of Kent, writing of this place, entitles his discourse thereof thus. Herbaldowne by Canterbury, in Saxon 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, that is, the Hill where the Army was betrayed. Hence a man would think, (as no question but the inference is made by some) that Mr Lambard met with that Saxon name of the place in some ancient Record or Monument of the Saxons times. And indeed if he did not, he was to blame thus in a manner, to affirm as much. Peremptorily to deny that he did, I will not presume; but shall here propose to the consideration of my Reader such probable presumptions to the contrary; and that the place took and gained the present name of Herbaldowne, from other grounds long since the Saxons times, as, I think, may give just cause of suspicion that Mr Lambard never had warrant for that name from any kind of Saxon antiquity whatsoever. I have collected them chiefly from the ancient Records and Evidences of the Hospital there, whereof Archbishop Lanfranc, in the Conqueror's time, was the undoubted Founder, which I think the best and fittest Judges to try and determine this matter.  
But for entry into this discourse, let me entreat you in the first place, to observe with me, that as this name of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 hath no ground in Story (no Chronicle of ours that ever I saw recording any such occurrence as the betraying of an Army, either there, or any where else thereabouts:) so Mr Lambard is silent in the instancing or specifying of any such matter for the illustration of the name. Next if we consult Edmerus, who lived a Monk of Canterbury in Hen. 1. time, and Records the erection of the Hospital there by Lanfranc, and the situation of it 
* Vide pag. 82. , we shall find him make no mention of the name of Herbaldowne, or of any other proper name it then had; not likely to have escaped his pen, but that also it escaped his knowledge. Now examine we the Hospital Records. The eldest whereof that I have seen (and I think I have not left any unsearched) have no mention at all neither, of that name, until Hen. 2. time. A Charter there of H. 1. concerning Assarts 
* For Assarts, what they signify, see Sr Hen. Spelmans' Glossary in Verb. Assa●tum.  (grubbing up of wood, I take it) which you shall have anon, calls it Hospitale de bosco de Blen. Another Charter there of a six penny quitrent out of a house in Canterbury, seeming, both by the style and Charter to be made not long after the former, gives it no other denomination then of, Hospitale de Sancto Nicolao 
* A name which neither Edmerus nor the former Charter mentions: and therefore I question whether the Church so called were then in being or not. . True it is that a following Charterthere, viz. of xx marks per annum, given to the Hospital (not by Hen. 3. as before it is mistaken 
* Pag. 84. , but) by Hen. 2. payable out of the Fee-ferme of Canterbury and continued to this day, makes express mention of the name of Herbaldowne, in these words: Leprosis de Herbaldona xx marcatas redditus singulis annis habendas de redditu meo Cantuaria, donec eas assignem alibi suscipiendas vel in ecclesiis vel in aliis redditibus etc. And another Charter 
* In lib. Hosp. de Esthridge, Cantuar.  much of that age, made by Archbishop Theobald, granting to the Church of St Nicholas there, and to the Priest officiating in the same, the Tithes of Westgate-Court (or Manor) makes like mention of the name. Clearly then so old it is: and that it should be much elder, I would be glad that any could show me as satisfactory reasons, as, I think I can them, that it is not. Not to repeat these already premised; I must acquaint you that the quondam extent and continent of Blenwood (or of the Forest of Blen, as I have seen it called in some old Deeds) cujus 〈◊〉 pars benè magna in agros ac pascua complanatur, as Twine 
* Derebus Alb●onic. lib. 〈◊〉. pag. 101.  hath it: was much larger than of late and at this day. By that Charter of Hen. 1. concerning Assarts, it may plainly, and without any straining or inferrement, be inferred that it then extended to the place of the Hospitals situation: and therefore doth the Deed call it (as the best description, and most intelligible and proper for it at that time) Hospitale de bosco de Blen, (that is, the Hospital of (or within) Blenwood) without any other proper name. But (to come now to the original and ground of the name of Harbaldowne) not long afterwards, to wit, in the interim of time between this Charter, and those aforementioned of Hen. 2. time, I conceive the place, by grubbing or rooting up the wood there, was disafforested, manured; and from Wood-land converted to herbage, or tillage. Aswell the Hospitals denomination in that Charter of Hen. 1. calling it (as I said) Hospitale de bosco de Blen; as the Grant itself, being to give the Hospitallers liberty to rid away 8. perches of wood, on all sides (or round about) the Hospital, plainly infers that the place was woody then. For you better satisfaction, see here the Charter itself recited verbatim. 
H. Rex Angl. Archiepiscopo Cantuar. & Vicecomiti & omnibus Baronibus & Ministris & fidelibus suis de Chent, Francis & Anglis, Sal. Sciatis me dedisse & concessisse, pro Dei amore, & anima patris & matris meae & Matildis regine & Willielmi filii mei, & pro redemptione peccatorum meorum, in acremento Hospitalis de bosco de Blen. x perticatas terre de bosco ad exsartandum & excolendum undique circa hospitale. Et volo & firmiter praecipio ut habitantes in loco illo habeant meam firmam pacem, ne aliquis eis injuriam vel contumeliam faciat. T. Wmo. Elemosinario Capellano meo, & Pagano filio johannis, & Gauf●ido filio Pagani, & Pagano Pe●r. apud Odestoc.   
Which Charter having taken effect: and, as the Hospital, so also the Hill (or Down) thereaway, it seems, then or soon after cleared of the wood upon it, and manured, it than first in all probability, to distinguish it from the neighbouring Hills and Downs as yet wild and woddy, took the name (or began to be called by the name) of Herbaldowne, that is, either the Pasture-downe or the down of herbage (or tillage) like as Wirtsberge, a City in Germany, so called (saith Verstegan 
* Restitution of decayed intelligence. pag. 238. ) from the abundance of warts or herbs which grew about the hill-sides by that town, is in Latin called Herbipolis: or (to instance in an example nearer home) as that Bocton near Lenham in Kent, for distinction sake from the other three Boctons in that County, hath this addition, of Malherb, from a kind of bad herbage proper to the place, as I am told. And now the place thus beginning to be so called; to the Hospitals name, of Saint Nicholas this, of Herbaldowne, was added, as in the stead, and for the supply of that former addition, and cognisance of Blenwood, so likewise as a fuller description to the Hospitals place of situation. Ita mihi videtur etc. or to say with learned, but modest Covaruvias 
* Pa●. 1. Relect. in Cap. Alma Mater etc. Tom. 1. pag 411. §. 11.  in a like doubtful case. His rationibus animum induxi meum, ut hanc opinionem in hac quaestione probarem, facillimè admissurus cujuslibet saniorem sententiam, & quae his probationibus exclusis, fortioribus & melioribus constet. Etenim in re dubia nequaquam decet semel conceptis opinionibus ita contumaci animo adhaerere, ut doctissimorum virorum judicia recusare nitamur. This (I say) is mine opinion in this matter, but with submission to better judgements, being very willing that other men should take or leave it as they please, and shall see cause. Assuring them by the way, that I have not taken this pains, so much to discover M Lambards' error, as to certify my Reader of what a large and vast extent and continent Blenwood. (or the Forest of Blen) hath sometime been, and how near it hath come unto our City. Give me leave to conclude this discourse with the words of the aforenamed Mr Twine 
* In libro, & loco superi●s citato.  (sometime an Alderman and Mayor of our City) concerning this Blenwood. Quid referam (saith he) sylvam Blenam Cantuariae vicinam, magnitudinis non contemnendae, si quae alia senta atque frondosa, cujus hodiè pars benè magna in agros ac pascua complanatur, in qua patrum nostrorum memoriâ apri venatione 〈◊〉, ut non ineptam sanè ad ursos quoqu●g g●endos, quae modò vulpium ac taxonum lustra opacat, arbitre● etc.   

Fenestrae in superiori parte ecclesiae Christi Cant. incipientes a parte septentrionali.  

Fenestra prima. 
Scriptura 3●.   
1 MOses cum Rubo. In Medio. Angelus cum Maria. Rubus non consumitur, tua nec comburitur in carne virginitas.  
2 Gedeon cum vellere & conca. Vellus coelestirore maduit, dum puellae venter intumuit.  
3 Misericordia & veritas. In medio Maria & Elizabeth. 
Plaude puer puero, virgo vetulae, quia vero  
Obviat hic pietas: veteri dat lex nova metas.   
4 justitia & Pax. 
Applaudit Regi previsor gratia legi.  
Oscula justitiae dat pax; cognata Mariae.   
5 Nabugodonosor & lapis cum statua. Puer in praesepio. 
Vt Regi visus lapis est de monte recisus  
Sic gravis absque viro virgo parit ordine miro.   
6 In medio Maria.  
7 Moses cum virga. In medio. Angelus & Pastores. 
Vt contra morem dedit arida virgula florem  
Sic virgo puerum, verso parit ordine rerum.   
8 David. Gaudebunt campi & omnia quae in eis sunt.  
9 Abacuc. Operuit coelos gloria ejus etc.   

Fenestra secunda.  
1 IN medio tres Reges equitantes. Balaam. Orietur stella ex jacob, & exurget homo de Israel. Isaia & jeremia. Ambulabunt gentes in lumine tuo etc.  
2 In medio. Herodes & Magi. Christus & Gentes. Qui sequuntur me non ambulabunt in tenebris. 
Stella Magos duxit, & eos ab Herode reduxit  
Sic Sathanam gentes fugiunt, te Christe sequentes.   
3 Pharaoh & Moses, cum populo exiens ab Egipto. 
Exit ab erumna populus ducente columnâ  
Stella Magos duxit. Lux Christus utrisque reluxit.   
4 In medio. Maria cum puero. Magi & Pastores. joseph & fratres sui cum Egiptiis. 
Ad te longinquos Ioseph trahis atque propinquos.  
Sic Deus in cunis judaeos gentibus unis.   
5 Rex Solomon, & Regina Saba. 
Hiis donis donat Regina domum Solomonis.  
Sic Reges Domino dant munera tres, tria, trino.   
6 Admoniti sunt Magi ne Herodem adeant: Propheta & Rex jeroboam immolans. 
Vt via mutetur redeundo Propheta monetur  
Sic tres egerunt qui Christo dona tulerunt.   
7 Subversio Sodomae & Loth fugiens. 
Vt Loth salvetur ne respiciat prohibetur.  
Sic vitant revehi per Herodis regna Sabei.   
8 Oblatio pueri in templo, & Simeon. Melchisedech offerens panem & vinum pro Abraham. 
Sacrum quod cernis sacris fuit umbra modernis.  
Vmbra fugit. Quare? quia Christus sistitur arae.   
9 Oblatio Samuel. 
Natura geminum triplex oblatio trinum  
Significat Dominum Samuel puer, amphora vinum.   
10 Fuga Domini in Egiptum. Fuga David & Doeg. 
Hunc Saul infestat: Saul Herodis typus extat.  
Iste typus Christi, cujus fuga consonat isti.   
11 Elias jesabel & Achab. 
Vt trucis insidias Iesabel declinat Elias  
Sic Deus Herodem, terrore remotus eodem.   
12 Occisio Innocentum. Occisio sacerdotum Domini sub Saul. 
Non cecidit David, pro quo Saul hos jugulavit  
Sic non est caesus cum caesis transfuga jesus.   
13 Occisio Tribus Benjamin in Gabaon. 
Ecce Rachel nati fratrum gladiis jugulati  
His sunt signati pueri sub Herode necati.    

Fenestra tertia.  
1 IEsus sedet in medio Doctorum. Moses & jethro cum populo. 
Sic Moses audit jethro vir sanctus obaudit  
Gentiles verbis humiles sunt forma superbis.   
2 Daniel in medio seniorum. 
Mirantur pueri seniores voce doceri  
Sic responsa Dei sensum stupent Pharisei.   
3 Baptizatur Dominus. Noah in archa. 
Fluxu cuncta vago submergens prima vorag●  
Omnia purgavit: Baptisma significavit.   
4 Submersio Pharaonis & transitus populi. 
Vnda maris rubri spatio divisa salubri  
Quae mentem mundam facit à vitio notat undam.   
5 Temptatio gulae & vanae gloriae. Eva capiens fructum. 
Qui temptat jesum movet Evam mortis ad esum  
Eva gulae cedit, sed non ita Iesus obedit.   
6 Eva comedit. 
Victor es hic Sathana: movet Evam gloria vana  
Sed quo vicisti te vicit gratia Christi.   
7 Tentatio cupiditatis. Adam & Eva comedunt. David & Goliath. 
Quo Sathan hos subicit Sathanam sapientia vicit  
Vt Goliam David, Sathanam Christus superavit.    

Fenestra quarta.  1 VOcatio Nathanael jacentis sub ficu. Adam & Eva cum foliis. Populus sub lege. 

Vidit in hiis Christus sub ficu Nathanaelem.  
Lex tegit hanc plebem, quasi ficus Nathanaelem.   2 Christus mutavit aquam in vinum. Sex hydriae. Sex aetates mundi. Sex aetates hominum. 

Hydria metretas capiens est quaelibet aetas,  
Primum signorum Deus hic prodendo suorum.  
Lympha dat historiam, vinum notat allegoriam  
In vinum morum convertit aquam vitiorum.   3 Piscatore Apostolorum. S. Petrus cum eccles. de jud. Palus cum ecclesia de gentibus. 

Verbum rete ratis Petri domus haec pietatis  
Pisces judaei, qui rete ferant Pharisei  
Illa secunda ratis, domus haec est plena beatis  
Retia scismaticus, & quivis scindit iniquus.   4 In medio Iesus legit in Synagoga. Esdras legit legem populo. S tu● Gregor. ordinans lectores. 

Quod promulgavit Moses, legem reparavit  
Esdras amissam; Christus renovavit omissam.  
Quod Christus legit, quasi pro lectoribus egit.  
Exemplo cujus sacer est gradus ordinis hujus.   5 Sermo Domini in monte. Doctores Ecclesiae. Moses suscipit legem. 

Hii montem scandunt Scripturae dum sacra pandunt.  
Christus sublimis docet hos sed vulgus in imis  
Ex hinc inde datur in monte quod inde notatur  
Christum novisse debemus utramque dedisse.   6 Christus descendens de monte mundat leprosum. Paulus baptizat populum. Heliseus. Naaman & jordanis. 

Carne Deus tectus quasi vallis ad ima provectus  
Mundat leprosum genus humanum vitiosum:  
Quem lavat ecce Deus quem mundat & hic Heliseus  
Est genus humanum Christi baptismate sanum.   
Fenestra quinta.  1 IEsus ejicit Demonium. Angelus ligavit Demonium. 

Imperat immundis Deus hic equis furibundis  
Hiis virtus Christi dominatur ut Angelus isti.   2 Maria unxit pedes Chr. Drusiana vestit & pascit egenos. 

Curam languenti, victum qui praebet egenti  
Seque reum plangit, Christi vestigia tangit.  
Illa quod ungendo facit haec sua distribuendo  
Dum quod de pleno superest largitur egeno.   3 Marta & Maria cum jesu. Petrus in navi. johannes legit. 

Equoris unda ferit hunc; ille silentia querit;  
Sic requies orat dum mundi cura laborat.   4 Leah & Rachel cum jacob. 

Lyah gerit curam carnis; Rachelque figuram  
Mentis, cura gravis est haec, est altera suavis.   5 jesus & Apostoli colligunt spicas. Mola fumus & Apostoli facientes panes. 

Quod terit alterna Mola lex vetus atque moderna  
Passio, crux Christi fermentans cibus iste.   Petrus & Paulus cum populis. 

Arguit iste reos, humiles alit hic Phariseos▪  
Sic apice tritae panis sunt verbaque vitae.   6 jesus cum Samaritana Synagoga & Moses cum quinque libris. Ecclesia de gentibus ad johannem. 

Potum quesisti fidei cum Christe sitisti  
E qua viri cui sex Synogoga librique sui sex. delicta notat hydria fonte relicta  
Ad te de gente Deus ecclesia veniente.   7 Samaritana adduxit populum ad jesum. Rebecca dat potum servo Abraham. jacob obviat Rachaeli. 

Fons servus minans pecus hydria virgo propinans  
Lex Christo gentes mulierque fide redolentes.  
jacob lassatus Rachel obvia grex adaquatus  
Sunt Deus & turbae mulier quas duxit ab urbe.    

Fenestra sexta.  1 IEsus loquens cum Apostolis. Gentes audiunt. Pharisei contemnunt. 

Sollicitae gentes stant verba Dei sitientes  
Haec sunt verba Dei quae contemnant Pharisei.   2 Seminator & voluores. Pharisei recedentes à jesu. Pharisei tentantes jesum. 

Semen rore carens expers rationis & arens  
Hii sunt qui credunt, tentantes sicque recedunt.  
Semen sermo Dei, via lex secus hanc Pharisei  
Et tu Christi sator insidiator.   3 Semen cecidit inter spinas. Divites hujus mundi cum pecunia. 

Isti spinosi locupletes delioiosi  
Nil fructus referunt quoniam terrestria querunt.   4 Semen cecidit in terram bonam. job. Daniel. Noah. 

Verba prius seruit Deus his fructus sibi crevit  
In tellure bond, triplex sua cuique corona.   5 jesus & mulier commiscens sata tria. Tres filii Noae cum Ecclesia. Virgines Continentes. Conjugati. 

Parte, Noae nati, mihi quisque sua dominati.  
una sides natis ex his tribus est Deitatis.  
Personae trinae tria sunt sata mista farinae  
Fermentata sata tria tres fructus operata.   6 Piscatores. Hinc Pisces boni, inde mali. Isti in vitam aeternam. 

Hii qui jactantur in levam qui reprobantur  
Pars sunt à Domino maledicta cremanda camino  
Vase reservantur pisces quibus assimulantur  
Hii quos addixit vitae Deus & benedixit.   7 Messes. Seges reponitur in horreum. Zizania in ignem. justi in vitam aeternam. Reprobi in ignem aeter. 

Cum sudore sata messoris in horrea lata  
Sunt hic vexati sed Christo glorificati.  
Hic cremat ex messe quod inutile judicat esse  
Sic pravos digne punit judex Deus igne.   8 De quinque panibus & duob. piscibus satiavit multa millia hominum. D us Sacerdos. Rex. 

Hii panes legem, pisces dantem sacra Regem  
Signant quassatos à plebe nec adnihilatos.   Synagoga cum Mose & libris. Ecclesia cum johanne. 

Quae populos saturant panes piscesque figurant  
Quod Testamenta duo nobis dant alimenta.   
Fenestra septima.  1 CVravit Iesus filiam viduae. Ecclesia de gentibus cum jesu. Petrus orat & animalia dimittuntur in linthea. 

Natam cum curat matris prece; matre figurat  
Christo credentes primos, nataque sequentes.  
Fide viventes signant animalia gentes;  
Quos mundat sacri submersio trina lavacri.   2 Curavit Iesus hominem ad piscinam. Moses cum quinque libris. Baptizat Dominus. 

Lex tibi piscina concordat sunt quia quina  
Ostia piscinae, seu partes lex tibi quinae.  
Sanat ut aegrotum piscinae motio lotum  
Sic cruce signatos mundat baptisma renatos.   3 Transfigurationem Domini. Angeli vestiunt mortuos resurgentes. Angeli adducunt justos ad Deum. 

Spes transformati capitis, spes vivificati  
Clares in indutis membris à morte solutis.  
Cum transformares te Christ, quid insinuares  
Veste decorati declarant clarificati.   4 Petrus piscatur & invenit staterem. Dominus ascendit in Hier. Dominus crucifigitur. 

Hunc ascendentem mox mortis adesse videntem  
Tempora; te Christe piscis praenunciat iste.  
Ludibrium turbae Deus est ejectus ab urbe.   5 Statuit Iesus parvulum in medio Discipulorum. Monachi lavant pedes pauperum. Reges inclinant doctrinae Petri & Pauli. 

Hoc informantur exemplo qui monachantur  
Ne dedignentur peregrinis si famulentur.  
Sic incurvati pueris sunt assimulati  
Reges cum gente Paulo Petroque docente.   6 Pastor reportat ovem. Christus pendet in cruce. Christus spoliat infernum   

Fenestra octava.  1 DOminus remittit debita servo poscenti. 

Vt prece submissa sunt huic commissa remissa  
Parcet poscenti seu parcit Deus egenti.   Petrus & Paulus absolvunt poenitentem, & Dominus sibi credentes. Servus percutit conservum. Paulus lapidatur. Stephanus lapidatur. 

Cur plus ignoscit Dominus minus ille poposcit  
Conservum servus populus te Paule protervus  
Regi conservo repetenti debita servo  
Assimulare Deus Martyr nequam Pharisaeus   Tradidit eum tortoribus. Mittuntur impii in ignem. judaei perimuntur. 

Caeditur affligens, captivatur crucifigens  
Hunc punit Dominus flagris, hos igne caminus.   
Fenestra nona.  HOmo quidam descendebat de Hier. in jerico & incidit in latrones. Perforat hasta latus, occidit ad mala natus. Creatur Adam. Formatur Eva, comedunt fructum, ejiciuntur de Paradiso. 

Ex Adae costa prodiit formata virago.  
Ex Christi latere processit sancta propage.  
Fructum decerpens mulier suadens mala serpens  
Immemor authoris vir perdit culmen honoris  
Virgultum. fructus. mulier. vir. vipera. luctus  
Plantatur. rapitur. dat. gustat. fallit. initur.  
Poena reos tangit, vir sudat, foemina plangit.  
Pectore portatur serpens, tellure ribatur.   Sacerdos & Levita vident vulneratum & pertranseunt. Vulneribus plenum neuter miseratus egenum. Moses & Aaron cum Pharaone. Sribitur tau. Educitur populus. Adorat vitulum. Datur lex. Elevatur Serpens. 

Pro populo Moyses coram Pharaone laborat.  
Exangetque preces, signorum luce coronat.  
Cui color est rubeus siccum mare transit Hebraeus  
Angelico ductu patet in medio via fluctu.  
In ligno serpens positum notat in cruce Christum  
Qui videt hunc vivit, vivet qui crèdit in istum.  
Cernens quod speciem Deitatis dum teret aurum  
Frangit scripta tenens Moyses in pulvere taurum.   Samaritanus ducit vulneratum in stabulum cum jumento. Ancilla accusat Petrum. Dominus crucifigitur. sepelitur. Resurgit. Loquitur Angelus ad Marias. 

Qui caput est nostrum capitur: qui regibus ostrum  
Prebet, nudatur: qui solvit vincla ligatur.  
In signo pendens. In ligno brachia tendens.  
In signo lignum superasti Christe malignum  
Christum lege rei, livor condemnat Hebraei  
Carne flagellatum, rapit, attrahit ante Pilatum  
Solem justitiae tres, orto sole, Maria  
Quaerunt lugentes, ex ejus morte trementes.   
Fenestra decima.  Suscitat Iesus puellam in Domo. Abigael occurrit David & mutat propositum. Constantinus jacens & matres cum pueris. 

Quae jacet in cella surgens de morte puella  
Signat peccatum meditantis corde creatum  
Rex David arma gerit, dum Nabal perdere quaerit  
Obviat Abigael mulier David, arma refrenat.  
Et nebulam vultus hilari sermone serenat.  
Rex soboles Helenae, Romanae rector habenae  
Vult mundare cutem quaerendo cruce salutem.  
Nec scelus exercet, slet, humet, dictata coercet.   Dominus suscitat puerum extra portam. Rex Solomon adorat Idola & deflet peccatum. Poenitentia Theophili. 

Qui jacet in morte puer extra limina portae  
De foris abstractum peccati denotat actum.  
Errat foemineo Solomon deceptus amore:  
Errorum redimit mens sancto tacta dolore.  
Dum lacrimando gemit Theophilus acta redemit  
Invenies veniam dulcem rogando Mariam.   Dominus suscitat Lazarum. Angelus alloquitur jonam sub hedera ante Ninevem. Poenitentia Mariae Egipticae. 

Mens mala mors intus; malus actus mors foris: usus  
Tumba, puella, puer, Lazarus ista notant.  
Pingitur hic Ninevejam pene peracta perire  
Veste fidus Zosimas nudam tegit Mariam.   Mittit Dominus duos Discipul. propter asinam & Pullum. Sp. sanctus in specie columbae inter Deum & homenum. 

Imperat adduci pullum cum matre Magister  
Paruit huic operae succinctus uterque minister,  
Signacius simplex quod sit dilectio duplex  
Ala Deum dextra fratrem docet ala sinistra,   jesus stans inter Petrum & Paulum. 

Genti quae servit petris Petrum, petra mittit.  
Escas divinas judeis Paule propinas.   Adducunt discipuli Asinum & Pullum. Petrus adducit ecclesiam de judeis. Paulus adducit ecclesiam de gentib. 

Quae duo solvuntur duo sunt animalia bruta  
Ducitur ad Christum pullus materque soluta.  
De populo fusco Petri sermone corusco  
Extrahit ecclesiam veram reserando Sophiam  
Sic radio fidei caeci radiantur Hebraei  
Per Pauli verba fructum sterilis dedit herba  
Dum plebs gentilis per eum sit ment sidelis  
Gentilis populus venit ad Christum quasi pullus.   Occurrunt pueri Domino sedenti super Asinam 

Vestibus ornari patitur Salvator asellam  
Qui super astra sedet, nec habet frenum neque sellam,   Isaias dicit. Ecce Rex tuus sedens super asinam. Qui sedet in coelo ferri dignatur asello. David ex ore infantum, etc. Sancti sanctorum laus ore sonat puerorum. 
Fenestra undecima.  IN medio coena Domini David gestans se in manibus suis. Manna fluit populo de coelo. 

Quid manibus David se gestans significavit  
Te manibus gestans das Christe tuis manifestans  
Manna fluit saturans populum de plebe figurans  
De mensâ jesus dare se coenantibus esum.   Lavat Iesus pedes Apostolorum. Abraham Angelorum Laban camelorum 

Obsequio lavacri notaet hospes in hospite sacri  
Quos mundas sacro mundasti Christe lavacro.  
Cum Laban hos curat, typice te Christe figurat  
Cura camelorum mandatum Discipulorum.   Proditio Iesu. Venditio joseph. joab osculatur Abner & occidit 

Fraus judae Christum, fraus fratrum vendidit istum  
Hii judae, Christi Ioseph tu forma fuisti.  
Foedera dum fingit Ioab in funera stringit  
Ferrum, judaicum praesignans foedus iniquum.   Vapulatio jesu. job percussus ulcere. Helizeus & pueri irridentes. 

Christi testatur plagas Iob dum cruciatur  
Vt sum judeae, iocus pueris Helisee.   
Fenestra duodecima.  CHristus portat crucem. Isaac ligna. Mulier colligit duo ligna. 

Ligna puer gestat, crucis typum manifestat.  
Fert crucis in signum duplex muliercula lignum.   Christus suspenditur de ligno. Serpens aeneus elevatur in columna: Vacca comburitur 

Mors est exanguis dum cernitur aereus anguis  
Sic Deus in ligno nos salvat ab hoste maligno  
Vt Moyses jussit vitulam rufam rogus ussit  
Sic tua Christe caro crucis igne crematur amaro.   Dominus deponitur de ligno. Abel occiditur. Heliseus expandit se super puerum 

Nos à morte Deus revocavit & hunc Heliseus.  
Signa Abel Christi pia funera funere tristi.   Moses scribit Thau in frontibus in porta de sanguine agni. Dominus in sepulcro. Samson dormit cum amica sua. jonas in ventre ceti. 

Frontibus infixum Thau praecinuit crucifixum  
Vt Samson typice causa dormivit amicae.  
Ecolesiae causa Christi caro marmore clausa.  
Dum jacet absorptus Ionas Sol triplicat ortus  
Sic Deus arctatur tumulo triduoque moratur.   Dominus ligans Diabolum. Spoliavit infernum. David eripuit Oves. & Samson tulit portas. 

Salvat ovem David; sic Christum significavit.  
Est Samson fortis qui rupit vincula mortis.  
Instar Samsonis, frangit Deus ossa Leonis.  
Dum Sathanam stravit, Chr tus Regulun jugulavit   Surgit Dominus de sepulcro. jonas ejicitur de pisce. David emissus per fenestram. 

Redditur ut salvus, quem ceti clauserat alvus:  
Sic redit illesus, à mortis carcere jesus.  
Hinc abit illesus David: sic invida jesus  
Agmina conturbat, ut victa morte resurgat.   Angelus alloquitur Mariam ad Sepulcrum. joseph extrahitur è carcere. Et Leo suscitat filium. 

Ad vitam Christum Deus ut leo suscitat istum.  
Te signat Christ joseph; te mors; locus iste.    
To these verses in the Windows let me add four other legible of late on the Wall in the North-Ile of the Choir, in the foot almost of the painted piece there, and contain a brief dialogue between Saint Anselm sometime Archbishop here, and an Heretic, about the Virgin▪ conception of our blessed Lady, written (it there appears) Anno Domini 1477.  

Haereticus.  
Nunquam natura mutavit sic suajura,  
Vt virgo pareret, in virginitate careret.   

Anselmus.  
Lumine solari nescit vitrum violari;  
Nec vitrum sole, nec virgo puerpera prole,   
The Articles between the Prior of S. Gregory's of Canterbury 
Scriptura 4 ta.  and the Covent of the same Church on the one party, and the Mayor and Communality of the City of Cant. of the other party, by the mediation of Thomas, Prior of Christ-Church of Cant. john Hales one of the Barons of the Exchequer of our Saveraigne Lord the King, Christopher Hales general Attorney of our said Sovereign Lord the King, and Thomas Wood Esquire, by the consent of the most reverend Father in God William Lord Archbishop of Canterbury.  
FIrst it is agreed and determined that the said Monastery 
1.  as it is enclosed at this present date with the new houses and tenantries which been built next adjoining unto the same Monastery, as well on and by the South part of the said Church-gate, as on and by the Northpart of the Courtgate of the said Church, be fully and entirely to all intents of and within the liberties and franchises of the said City of Cant. And that the tenants inhabiting in the same tenements shall at all times do and own their obedience unto the Mayor of the said City, and to the Aldermen and other Officers of the said City and of the Ward of Northgate for the time being and shall be contributory to every charge within the same City in like wise as all the other inhabitants of the same City and shall be. And that the said Mayor and Aldermen of the said City and Ward and their Successors shall execute their Office within the said Monastery as they should do in any other part of the said City, except in the causes and articles following.  
Item it is agreed for the quietness of the said Prior and 
2.  Covent and their Successors that no person shall be arrested by his body within the said monastery for any personal action to be attempted by way of plaint before the Mayor of the said City, but in form following, that is to say, if any plaint be entered and affirmed against the said Prior or his successors or any person inhabiting or abiding within the said Monastery in such manner that the process and execution according to the same plaint cannot be had and done upon the said Prior, his successors, or any such foresaid Person there inhabiting or abiding within the said Monastery, that then if the said Prior, his successors or other person inhabiting or abiding within the said Monastery, having knowledge by the said Mayor or by any of his Officers thereof by monition to be given by the time of two days before the time prefixed for the appearance, he at the time of that monition being within the said Monastery or elsewhere within the liberties of the same City: If then the said Prior, the next Court-day after the said summons or knowledge so given put in pledges of right according to the custom of the said City to answer to the said plaints so taken and affirmed, that then no manner of arrest nor attachment of any of the said bodies shall not be put in execution within the said Monastery against the said Prior his Successors or any such person inhabiting or abiding within the same. And it is condescended agreed and determined by this composition that every such monition or warning hereafter to be given against the Priors or any other person spiritual or temporal inhabiting or resident within the same Monastery shall be good and effectual to be given to the party to be sued or to any religious man of the same Monastery then being a Priest.  
Item it is agreed that all the manuel and necessary servants of the said Prior and Covent that hereafter shall be 
3.  inhabiting within any of the said tenantries shall not hereafter be impanelled, summoned, amerced ne distreyned for any mercements for any manner of Jury that shallbe sued between party and party.   

Foundation of the Vicarage of Cosmus-Bleane. 
Scriptura 5 ta.   
VNiversis sanctae matris ecclesiae filiis praesentes literas inspecturis Simon permissione divina Cant. Archiepiscopus totius Angliae Primas & Apostolicae sedis Legatus Salutem in 
Causae fundationis.  Domino. Quia tam ex fama publica quam ex inquisitione ex officio nostro in hac parte capta evidenter comperimus ecclesiam parochialem sanctorum Cosmae & Damiani in la Bleen nostrae Dioc. Hospitali nostro sancti Thomae Martyris de Estbrigge in Civitate Cantuar. ab abtiquo fuisse & esse appropriatam, unita● pariter & annexam, per unum milliare & amplius ab ipsis Civitate & Hospitali notoriè distantem, sacerdotemque qui curae animarum parochianorum ecclesiae praedictae hactenus intendebat seu intendere solebat in dicto Hosp. per dies & noctes quasi continuò fuisse commorantem, cum alibi pro sacerdote hujusmodi hospitium sive habitatio minimè extiterat ordinat', quodque vix in ecclesia praefata singulis ebdomadis sacerdos praedictus propter dictorum locorum distantiam per dies duos missam celebravit, ac parochiani ecclesiae praedictae nonnulli infirmati sacerdotem hujusmodi diebus & noctibus inquirendo in loco ut praemittitur sic distanti quam plurimum fuerant fatigati, & saepius in infirmitatibus subitis proper praefati sacerdotis absentiam multiplicem neque confessi neque communicati lamentabiliter decesserunt, ac alii in infirmitatibus hujusmodi remanserunt periculose & multipliciter desolati. Nos itaque praemissa pericula mentis nostrae intuitu debite ponderantes, eisque quantum cum Deo poterimus ex nostri officii debito mederi cupientes, de voluntate & assensu Dilecti nobis in Christo Domini Thomae Newe de Wolton custodis sive magistri Hosp. antedicti, intervenientibus etiam authoritate & assensu dilectorum filiorum Prioris & Capituli ecclesiae nostrae Christi Cant. de consilio jurisperitorum nobis assistentium, volentes dei cultum, animarumque profectum parochianorum ecclesiae praedictae, Domino disponente, salubriter augmentare, statuimus, ordinamus & disponimus, ut de cetero sit in dicta 
Dotatio Vica●iae.  ecclesia perpetuus Vicarius habens infra ejusdem paroch● mansionem quom praefatus Dominus Thomas Newe Custos erexit pro eodem. Habebit etiam idem Vicarius decimas ac oblationes subscriptas ad valorem annuum decem librarum & ultra ut communiter creditur se extend●tes, pro victu suo & oneribus infrascriptis supportandis, ejus quoque Vicarii praesentatio in vacationibus ipsius Vicariae singulis ad Custodem ipsius Hosp. inperpetuum pertinebit. Habebit etiam ipse Vicarius in partem summae praedictae pro dote sua omnes decimas praediales apud Natyngdon 
D●cimae apud Natingdon.  dicto Hosp. debitas ab antiquo, quae quinque marcas aut circiter de claro valebunt annuatim, nec non omnes decimas praediales per totam parochiam dictae ecclesiae sanctor. Cosmae & Damiani praeterquam de terris & praediis dominicalibus omnibus & singulis praedicti. Hosp. jam cultis & colendis infra parochiam antedictam & preter omnimodas decimas praediales & alias quascunque provenient' ex terris subscriptis & animalibus in eisdem depascendis & eorum fetuum super terras hujusmodi emittend▪ quae terrae sic exceptae sunt & jacent ex australi parte cujusdam cursus aquae currentis in ipsa parochia quae vocatur Vischmannysbourne in quadam valle infra dictam parochiam inter ecclesiam 
Fishmannesbourne.  praedictam sanctor. Cosmae & Damiani in le Bleen & Curiam, dicti Hosp. apud le Hothe dictae nostrae Dioc. scituat. Ita quod Vicarius ille de decimis praedialibus nec aliis cujuscunque generis fuerint ex illa parte australi dicti cursus aquae infra parochiam praedict. qualitercunque provenien. nihil penitus vendicare poterit vel debebit. Habebit insuper dictus Vicarius in complementum summae decem librarum praedictarum omnes decimas vitulorum, agnorum, aucarum, lini, lanae, lactis, lacticinii, casei, foeni, herbagii, silvae ceduae, aliarumque rerum omnium decimabilium infra dictam parochiam, decimis de terris & praediis dominicalibus & possessionibus quibuscunque provenientibus ac de animalibus dicti Hosp. & ipsorum foetibus in ipsa parochia ubicunque depascendis & emittendis, cujuscunque generis fuerint, decimis quoque animalium hominum aliorum quorumcunque super ipsas terras dominicales & super terras aliorum ex parte australi cursus aquae praedict' foetus emittentium, & ex quibus ipse Vicarius nihil omnino percipiet duntaxat exceptis. Habebit itaque omnes oblationes in dicta parochiali ecclesia sanctor. Cosmae & Dam●ani & ejus parochia extra Curiam dicti Hosp. apud la Hoth ubicunque faciendas & quia tanta commoda ipse Vicarius infra dictam parochiam quasi Rector loci optinebit, subscripta onera de emolumentis & proficuis praedictis dictus Vicarius qui fuerit pro tempore futuris temporibus supportabit, viz. Cancellum 
On● Vic●.  dictae ecclesiae sanctorum Cosmae & Damiani construet & reparabit suis sumptibus & expensis quotiens & quando oportebit. Et volumus quod si in ea parte per Custodem praefati hosp. debite monitus infra tempus congruum per ipsum Custodem limitandum reparationes & constructiones hujusmodi fieri non fecerit competenter, licebit extunc eidem Custodi qui pro tempore fuerit de dictis oblationibus & decimis partem rationabilem & non excessivam liberè capere & levare, cum qua reparationes aut constructiones ipsas poterit fieri facere competenter, & si sic partem rationabilem ceperit & levaverit ipse Custos, Vicarius ille pro reparationibus aut constructionibus tunc necessariis excusatus habeatur penitus ne fraus aut malitia locum habeat in hac parte. Sustentabit etiam Vicarius hujusmodi qui ibidem pro tempore fuerit suis sumptibus competentem mansionem pro ipso vicario in dicta parochia jam constructam. Orabuntque singuli qui ibidem erunt Vicarii in singulis suis missis pro nostra salute dum vixerimus, & pro anima nostra cum ab hac luce migraverimus, ac pro salute Domini Thomae Newe dum vixerit, & pro ejus anima cum ab hac luce migraverit, necnon pro anima bonae memoriae Domini Simonis de Islep dudum Cant. Archiepisc. praedecessoris nostri, quia cum ejus bonis in maiori parte ipsa mansio ut accepimus erecta extitit & constructa, & pro animabus Domini Thomae de Ros qui multas possessiones suae hereditatis dedit 
Dominus Thomas de Ros. & Beatrix ejus uxor. Dominus Eustacius de Dapschecourt & uxor.  dicto hospitali in partem dotis unius Cantariae perpetuae pro salute animae suae & Beatricis consortis suae ac etiam Domini Eustacii de Dapschecourt & consortis ejus, de quorum bonis multa pietatis opera facta sunt in dicto Hosp. sancti Thomae martyris. Inveniet in super dictus Vicarius qui fuerit pro tempore vinum & panem ac luminar' in praefata ecclesia pro celebrantibus necessaria, & suis sumptibus ea exhiberi faciet competenter, & subibit omnia alia onera praedictae ecclesiae imposterum imponenda quae ad decimas solvendas taxata non existunt eaque agnoscat debite & persolvat. Artabitur etiam ad residentiam continuam infra parochiam praefatae ecclesiae faciendam, sicut ad residentiam continuam alii ecclesiarum Vicarii per constitutionem sunt artati. Obedietque custodi praefati hosp. qui fuerit pro tempore in licitis & honestis. Reservamus insuper nobis & Successoribus nostris Archiepisc. Cant. potestatem corrigendi, augmentandi & diminuendi nostram ordinationem praedictam quotiens nobis vel eis videbitur expediens & opportunum. In cujus Rei testimonium sigillum nostrum fecimus hiis apponi. Dat' apud Otteforde tertio Non. Augusti Anno Domini Millesimo CCCmo. septuagesimo quinto, & nostrae translationis anno primo.   

The Foundation of Eastbridge-Chantery. 
Scriptura 6 ●a.   
SAnctae matris ecclesiae filiis universis ad quos praesentes literae pervenerint Simon permissione divina Cantuar. Archiepiscopus &c. salutem in Domino sempiternam. Quia per inspectionem cujusdam patentis literae bonae memoriae Domini Simonis de Islep nuper Cant. Archiepisc. praedecessoris nostri ejus sigillo 
Causae fundationis.  consignatae comperimus evidenter quod ipse ex certis causis una perpetuam cantariam in hospitali nostro apud Estbrig' in Civitate Cant. ad honorem Dei cultusque divini, & pro salute animarum quorundam benefactorum ipsius hosp. & omnium fidelium defunctorum devotè & legitimè ordinavit, ejusque Cantariae sacerdotem qui fuerit pro tempore annuatim percipere voluit ad certos anni terminos in ordinatione eadem expressos de custode ejusdem hospitalis in perpetuum decem marcas ex valore antiquarum & novarum possessionum eidem hospitali adquisitarum capiendas & etiam persolvendas, prout in dicta ordinationis litera plenius expressatur. Sacerdotem quoque ipsius Cantariae per literas ordinationis praedictas artavit ad residentiam continuam in dicta Civitate aut eius suburbio faciendam, ita quod se ab ipsis Civitate aut suburbio per spatium unius diei minimè absentaret nisi de Custodis dicti Hosp. aut tenentis ejus locum licentia speciali petita pariter & obtenta, quam ex causis licitis necessariis & honestis dare poterit dictus Custos aut locum ejus tenens quotiens ubi & quamdiu sibi videbitur expedire, dum tamen idem capellanus in absentia sua hujusmodi per alium Capellanum idoneum faciat divina celebrari, quodque pauperibus & peregrinis ad ipsum hosp. confluentibus & in ipso infirmitatis sacramenta & sacramentalia quae si praesens fuerit per se vel per alium ministrabit & debite faciat ministrari. Volumus itaque & etiam ordinamus quod sacerdos ipsius Cantariae qui est & erit inposterum mansionem habeat 
Mansio Cantaristae.  infra septa dicti hosp. inter Infirmariam & magnam portam ejusdem hosp. jam ei assignatam, cum una camera supra ipsam portam aedificata, suis sumptibus continuè in statu debito conservandam. Verum post ipsam ordinationem Dominus noster excellentissimus Dominus Edwardus Rex Angliae & Franciae illustris qui nunc est quoddam messuagium suum in Civitate Cant. situm, la Chaunge vulgariter nuncupatum, in magna parte tempore donationis ejusdem infrascript' collapsum ex pia donatione sua Domino Thomae Newe de Wolton nunc magistro praedicti Hosp. ad terminum vitae suae donavit, ita quod post mortem suam ipsum messuagium Successoribus ipsius magistris, viz. Hosp. praedicti remaneret in perpetuum, in auxilium sustentationis unius capellani perpetui divina celebranti in Hosp. praedicto, pro salubri statu ipsius Domini Regis dum vixit, & anima carissimae matris suae Isabellae defunctae, & anima ipsius Domini Regis cum ab hac luce migraverit, anima etiam Domini 
Dominus johannes at Lee.  johannis at Lee qui in parte dotavit dictam Cantariam, ac animabus omnium fidelium defunctorum, prout in carta dicti Domini nostri Regis plenè vidimus contineri, Ac per inquisitionem & informationem fidedignorum accepimus quod dictum messuagium per praefatum Dominum nostrum Regem collatum ut praemittitur, per executores dicti praedecessoris nostri & cum bonis ejus caritatiuè est taliter reparatum & constructum quod verus valor ejus in certo redditu ad septem marcas ascendit, & in futurum ascendit annuatim ut speratur. Quodque difficile sit in presenti honestum reperire sacerdotem, qui pro salario decem marcarum ad tam continuam residentiam & cotidianas celebrationes voluerit ut praemittitur onerari. Devotionemque dicti Domini nostri Regis quoad augmentum dictae dotis hactenus frustratum esse comperimus: Ordinamus 
Augmenta● 〈◊〉 dotis.  & statuimus addendo ordinationi praedicti praedecessoris nostri, de consens● dicti Domini Thomae Custodis praefati Hosp. & exècutoris praedecessoris nostri praedicti quod dos dictae Cantariae decem marcarum per quinque marcas & dimidiam de septem marcis redditus messuagii sive tenementi praedicti per Dominum Regem dati ut praemittitur percipiendas per sacerdotem praedictum qui fuerit pro tempore equis portionibus, ad quatuor anni terminos, ad quos dictae decem marcae in ordinatione dicti praedecessoris nostri sunt sol vendae augmentetur, & eandem Cantariam cum dictis quinque marcis & dimidia tenore praesentium augmentamus, cum potestate per dictum Capellanum distringendi in dicto messuagio seu tenemento vocat' la Chaunge per Dominum nostrum Regem dato ut praefertur, quotiens per aliquem terminorum praedict' in ordinatione praedicta contentorum pars debita ipsius redditus quinque marcarum & dimidiae in parte vel in toto per dies quindecim eidem capellano non fuerit persoluta. Et quia praesentatio Cantariae de 
Cantaria de Bourne.  Bourne hospitali praedicto unitae prout in ordinatione primae Cantariae praedictae per praedecessorem nostrum facta plenius continetur, ad Bartholomeum de Bourne seu ejus heredes a●t assignatos ante unionem praedictam pertinebat: statuimus, ordinamus, & propterea declaramus quod praesentatio dictae Cantariae cum vacaverit, nobis seu successoribus nostris, aut sede ecclesiae Cant. vacante, Priori & Capitulo ejusdem ecclesiae facienda, ad praefatum Bartholomaeum, heredes ' ●ut assignatos suos, collatioque ejusdem ad nos & Successores nostros cum eam vacare contigerit alternis vicibus pertinebunt, & quod collatio dictae Cantariae in prima vacati' ejusdem ad nos vel Successores nostros perti●eat, quia assignatus dicti Bartholomei ad ipsam Cantariam tunc vacantem capallanum praesentavit eandem occupantem in praesenti. jurabit quilibet Capellanus ejusdem Cantariae in admissione sua seu collatione sibi facienda, ordinationes dictae Cantariae & singula contenta in eisdem fideliter observare, alioquin ejus admissio, collatio & institutio nullius penitus sint momenti. In quorum omnium testimonium sigillum nostrum fecimus hiis apponi. Dat' apud Wingham xv. Kalen. Novembris. Anno Domini Mccclxxv to. & translationis nostrae anno primo.   

The grant of Poor Priests Hospital with the 
Scriptura 7ma.  Lands and appertenances to it, by the late Queen, to the City.  
ELizabetha Dei gratia Angliae, Franciae & Hiberniae Regina fidei defensor &c. Omnibus ad quos praesentes literae pervenerint Salutem. Cum Blasius Winter clericus Magister hospitalis pauperum Sacerdotum in Comitatu Civitatis Cantuar. necnon Ed. Freake Roffen' Episcopus Archidiaconus Cantuarien. verus & indubitatus Patronus dicti Hospitalis in jure Archidiaconatus praedicti & Mattheus Cant. Archiepiscopus totius Angliae Primas & Metropolitanus Ordinarius ejusdem Hospitalis per scriptum suum gerens datum quarto decimo die Maii anno Regni nostri decimo septimo ob diversas causas eosdem moventes in praedicto scripto 
S● sum redditio Hospit.  mentionat' & expressas, dederunt, concesserunt & confirmaverunt nobis heredibus & successoribus nostris in perpetuum totum Hospitale pauperum Sacerdotum infra Civitatem Cant. praedictum, & advocationem ejusdem Hosp. necnon omnia & singula domos, aedificia, structuras, gardi● ', pomar', terras arabil', glebas, tenementa, prata, pasturas, mariscos, boscos, subboscos, redditus, reversiones, servitia, portiones, pensiones, annuales redditus, decimas bladorum, granorum & feni, advocationem & advocationes ecclesiae & ecclesiarum, vicariae & vicariarum quarumcunque & reversionem & reversiones omnium & singulorum praemissorum, ac omnia & singulaproficua, franches ', emolumenta & hereditamenta quaecunque dicto Hosp. spectantia & pertinentia, vel ut pars, parcella vel m●mbrum ejusdem hosp. nunc vel antehac accept', usitat', cogni● ' seu reputat', tam infra Civitatem praedictam quam infra Comitatum Kaenc. Habend' nobis, heredibus & Successoribus nostris ad solum opus & usum nostrum heredum & Successorum nostrorum in perpetuum, ea tamen intentione & siducia q●d nos, heredes & Successores nostri ad humilem supplicationem & petitionem Maioris & Communitatis dictae Civitatis nostrae Cantuar●otum dictum Hosp. & omnia & singula alia praemiss● cum su● pertinen●is praefatis Maiori & Communitati & Successoribus suis per literas nostras patentes sub magno sigillo nostro Angliae debito modo fiend' & sigilland' dare & concedere dignaremur Tenend. praedictum Hosp. & omnia & singula caetera praemissa cum pertinen' de nobis & Successoribus nostris ut de manerio nostro de East-Greenwich in dicto comitatu nostro Kanc' in libero socagio per fidelitatem tantum & non in capite, prout per praedictum scriptum nobis heredibus & Successoribus nostris per praedictos Magistrum, Episcopum, & Archiepiscopum inde confectum & sigillatum, quod quidem scriptum Decanus & Capitulum ecclesiae Cathedralis & Metropoliticae Christi Cant. per eorum scriptum sub eorum communi sigillo sigillatum gerens dat' decimo sexto die Maii anno regni nostri supradicto consirmaverunt, & in omnibus ratisicaverunt & aepprobaverunt, quod quidem scriptum—— & irrotulat' in Curia Cancellariae nostrae prout per eadem manifestè liquet & apparet. Ratione cujus nos modò seisiti sumus de toto praedicto Hosp. ac de omnibus & singulis praemissis supradictis cum suis pertinentiis in Dominico nostro ut de feodo ut in jure coron● nostrae ad intentionem & fiduciam praedict' in nobis reposit. Sciatis igitur quod nos tam ad humilem petitionem dictorum Maioris & 
Concessio ejusd. Civitati.  Communitatis quam in performando & perimplendo intentionem & fiduciam praedict' in nobis reposit' per praedict' Magistrum, Episcopum & Archiepisc. confirmat' per praedict' Decanum & Capitulum in script' praedict' ut praefertur express' & mentionat', de gratia nostra speciali, ac ex certa scientiâ & mero motu nostris dedimus, concessimus & consirmavimus, ac per presentes, pro nobis, heredibus & Successoribus nostris damus, concedimus & confirmamus praefatis Maiori & communitati & successoribus suis in perpetuum totum praedictum hospitale pauperum Sacerdotum, & advocationem ejusdem, necnon omnia & singula domos, edificia, structuras, gardina, pomaria, terras arabiles & pasturas, terras glebales, tenementa, prata, pascua, pasturas, mariscos, boscos, subboscos, ●edditus, servitia, portiones, pensiones, annuales redditus, decimas bladorum, granorum & feni, advocationem & advocationes ecclesiae & ecclesiarum, Vicariae & vicariarum quarumcunque & reversionem & reversiones omnium & singulorum praemissorum, ac omnia & singula proficua, libertates, franches ', emolumenta & hereditamentae quaecunque dicto Hosp. spectantia, pertinentia, vel ut pars, parcella vel membrum ejusdem Hosp. nunc vel antehac accept', usitat', cognit' seu reputat'—— nobis, heredibus & Successoribus nostris per praedictum scriptum superius recitatum ut praefertur dat' & concess', tam infra Civitatem praedictam quam infra Comitatum Kanc. Habend. tenend. & gaudend. praedictum Hosp. necnon omnia & singula praemissa cum omnibus & singulis suis pertinentiis pr●fatis Maiori & Communitati & Successoribus suis in perpetuum. Tenend. de nobis heredibus & Successoribus nostris ut de manerio nostro de East Greenwich in dicto Comitatu nostro Kanc' in libero & communi socagio per fidelitatem tantum & non in Capite. Et ulterius de ampliori gratia nostra dedimus & concessimus ac per praesentes damus & concedimus praefatis Maiori & Communitati omnia exitus, redditus, reventiones & proficua praedicti Hospitalis & ceterorum omnium & singulorum praemissorum per praesentes concessorum cum pertinent' 〈◊〉 dicto quartodecimo die Mati ultimò praeteriti hucusque provenien' sive crescen' Habend. eisdem Maiori & Communitati ex dono nostro absque computo s●u aliquo alio proinde nobis heredibus vel successoribus nostris quoquo modo reddend' vel faciend. Et ulterius volumus & per praesentes concedimus praefatis Maiori & Communitati & successoribus suis quod nos heredes & Successores nostri in perpetuum annuatim & de tempore in tempus exonerabimus, acquietabimus & indempnes conservabimus tam eosdem Maiorem & Communitatem & successores suos quam totum praedictum hospitale & caetera praemissa, cum omnibus & singulis suis pertinen. superius per praesentes praeconcessa de omnibus & omnimodis corrodiis, redditibus, feodis, annuitatibus & denariorum summis ac oneribus quibuscunque per nos antehac quoquo modo factis seu concessis de praemissis praeconcessis, seu de eisdem aliquo modo exeun' seu solvend. vel superinde onerat' seu onerand. praeterqua● de servitiis per praesentes nobis heredibus & Successoribus nostris reservatis. Et ulterius volumus ac per praesentes pro nobis, heredibus ac Successoribus nostris concedimus praefatis Maiori & Communitati & Successoribus suis quod hae literae nostrae patentes & irrotulament ' earundem erunt firmae, validae, bonae, sufficientes & efficaces in leges erga nos, heredes & successores nostros tam in omnibus curiis nostris quam alibi infra regnum nostrum Angliae absque aliquibus confirmationibus licentiis vel tolerationibus de nobis, heredibus vel successoribus nostris inposterum per praedictos Maiorem & Communitatem vel successores suos procurand. vel obtinen. non obstan' male nominand. vel malè recitand. vel non recitand. praedicta Hosp. domos, aedificia, structuras gardina, pomaria, terras arabiles & pasturas, terras glebales, tenementa, prata, pascua, pasturas, mariscos, boscos, subboscos, redditus, reversiones, servitia, decimas bladorum, granorum & feni, advocationes, pensiones, portiones, ac caetera omnia & singula praemissa vel alicujus inde parcellae, aut non obstan' male recitan' vel non recitand. aliquarum dimiss' seu concess' praemiss●rum seu alicujus inde parcellae de recordo sive non de recordo existen', vel non obstan' aliquibus aliiis defectibus in non nominando alicujus villae, hamletti, parochiae aut Com' in quibus praemissa vel aliqua inde parcella jacent vel existunt, aut in non nominando vel male nominando praemissorum five alicujus inde parcellae in natura, genere, specie, seu qualitate sua. Volentes etiam & per praesentes firmiter injungendo praecipientes tam Thesaurar. Camerar. Cancellar. & Baronibus curiae scaccarii nostri praedicti quam omnibus receptoribus, auditoribus & aliis officiariis & ministris nostris, heredum & successorum nostrorum quibuscunque pro tempore existen' quod ipsi & eorum quilibet super solam demonstrationem harum literarum nostrarum paten' vel irrotulament' earund' absque aliquo alio brevi seu warranto à nobis heredibus vel successoribus nostris quoquo modo impetran' seu prosequen' plenam, integram, debitamque allocationem & exoner ationem manifestam de omnibus & omnimodis—— corrodiis, redditibus, feodis, annuitatibus, denariorum summis & oneribus quibuscunque de praemissis exeun' seu solvend. vel superinde onerat' seu oneran' praefatis Maiori & Communitati & successoribus suis facient & de tempore in tempus fieri causabunt. Et hae literae nostrae patentes & irrotulamet ' earundem erunt annuatim & de tempore in tempus tam dict' Thesaurar. Camerar. & Baronibus dictae Curiae scaccarii nostri, quam omnibus, receptoribus, auditoribus, & aliis officiariis & ministris nostris heredum & successorum nostrorum quibuscunque pro tempore existentibus sufficiens warrantum & exoneratio in hac parte. Volumus & jam & per praesentes concedimus praefatis Maiori & Communitati, quod ipsi habeant has literas nostras patentes sub magno sigillo nostro Angliae debito modo fact' & sigillat' absque fine seu feodomagno vel parvo nobis in hanaperio nostro seu alibi ad usum nostrum proinde quoquo modo reddend. solvend. vel faciend. eo quod expressa mentio de vero valore an●uo aut de aliquo alio valore vel certitudine praemissorum seu eorum alicujus, aut de aliquibus aliis donis sive concessionibus per nos vel alios progenitores nostros praefatis Maiori & Communitati antehac in praesentibus minimè facta existit aut aliquo actu, statuto, ordinatione, sive provisione, aut aliqua aliare, causa, vel materia quacunque in aliquo non obstante. In cujus Rei testimonium has literas nostras fieri fecimus patentes. Teste me●psa apud Westm' quinto die julii, anno regni nostri decimo septimo.  
Per breve de privato sigillo & de dat. praedict. Authoritate Parliamenti. Lutley.   

The endorsement.  
IN the year of our Lord God 1575. and in the seventeenth year of Queen Elizabeth within written, this bountiful and worthy gift by our said Sovereign Lady Queen Eliz. to the Mayor and Communality of the City of Canterb. of the hosp. within mentioned, and the lands and tenements to the same, to the use of the poor, was of the Charge of the Citizens by sesse to fifty pound and more procured and obtained by john Rose then Mayor of the said City and Richard Gaunt than Sheriff of the same suitors and solicitors in and about he procuring thereof of the proper money and charge of the said john Rose first disbursed till the full accomplishment and obtaining the same, after he again was paid the same as it was collected and gathered.  
It is likewise endorsed upon these letters patents, that these lands and the whole revenues thereof were intended by her Ma.tie to be to the use of the poor of Canterb.   

An act of Parliament for paving the streets. 
Scriptura viij ua,   
EDwardus Dei gratia Rex Angliae & Franciae & Dominus Hibernia Omnibus ad quos praesentes literae perverint salutem. Inspeximus quandam petitionem nobis in Parliamento nostro apud Westm' sexto decimo die januarii ultimo praeterito summovit' & tento per Communitates Regni nostri Angliae in eodem Parliamento existen', ex parte Maioris & Communitatis Civitatis Cantuar. exhibitum in haec verba. To the right wise and discreet Commons in this present Parliament assembled. Shown unto your wisdoms the Mayor and communality 
Canterbury one of the eldest cities of England.  of the city of Canterbury, forasmuch as the same city is one of the eldest Cities of this Realm, and therein is the principal See of the spiritual estate of the same realm, and which city also is most in sight of all strangers of the parts beyond the sea resorting into this said Realm and departing out of the same, and because of the glorious Seints that there lie shrined is greatly named throughout Christiandome unto which city also is great repair of much of the people of this Realm as well of estates as other in way of pilgrimage to visit the said Saints. And it is so that the same City is oftentimes full fowl, noyous, and uneasy to all the Inhabitants of the same, as to all other persons resorting thereunto, whereof oftentimes is spoken much disworship in divers places aswell beyond the Sea as on this side the sea which cannot be remedied in any wise but if the said city might be paved whereunto the more party of the Inhabitants of the same City having Burgeses house's or tenements in the same be well willed and agreeable, so that there might authority be had to compel other such persons as have burgeses houses lands or tenements therein to be contributory to do the same. Please it therefore your wisdoms the premises considered, and that the Mayor and Communality have no lands nor tenements nor other yearly revenues in common whereof they may make or sustain any such payment, to pray the King our Sovereign Lord that he by the advice and assent of the Lords spiritual and temporal of this his Realm in this present Parliament assembled and by authority of the same Parliament to ordain, establish and enact that all and every person and persons being seized of meses or tenements within or adjoining to the principal street of the said City which beginneth at the gate called Westgate set in the West part of the 
Westgate.  said City and extendeth from thence Eastward unto a gate called Newingate set in the East part of the said City, and in or adjoining to another street of the said City which 
Newingate.  beginneth at a place called Burgate set in the East part of 
Burgate.  the same City, and extendeth from thence Westward unto a place of the same city called the Bulstake where the 
Bullstake.  other market of the same City is usually kept, or in or adjoining to another street extending Westward from the same place called the Bulstake unto the gate of the house of the Blackfriars of the same city, or in or adjoining to another street of the same City extending from the same 
Black-Friersgate.  place called the Bulstake Southward unto the church of St Andrew in the same city, and from the Church Southward unto another place of the same City being in the parish of St Margrett in the said City called the Iron-Crosse into 
The Iron-Crosse.  which streets and places commonly is more resort aswell of strangers as of other than to any other street or place within the said City; by reasonable premonition to the same person or persons, or to the inhabitants or occupiers of the same Burgeses meses or tenements by the Mayor, Sheriff and Chamberlyns of the same city for the time being or by two of them or by any of their Ministers or servants to be made, as oftentimes as shall need or reasonably require hereafter make or do to be made, repair or do to be repaired sufficient and sufficiently pavement before all and every the said Burgeses meses or tenements set lying or adjoining in or to any of the said streets or places, immediately from the said Burgeses meses or tenements and every parcel thereof unto the midst of the street afore them and every of them, and unto such place or places of the street afore them and every of them as shall be thought fit to the Mayor, Aldermen, Sheriff, Burgesses and Chamberlyns of the same City for the time being or to the more part of them in number the canell place afore the said Burgeses meses or tenants or afore any of them to be made. And if any person or persons having any burgeses meses or tenements set lying or adjoining in or to any of the said streets or places above rehearsed after such premonition to them or to any of them made, make not or do to be made, repair nor do to be repaired the said Canell or such pavements sufficiently after the manner and form above rehearsed within six month's nex after such premonition to them or to any of them to be made: Then the Mayor, Sheriff and the Chamberlyns of the said City for the time being, or two of them have full power and authority to make or do to be made, repair or do to be repaired as the cause and time of necessity shall require, the said pavement sufficiently in form aforesaid before the said Burgeses meses and tenements and every of them which shall happen not to be made or repaired sufficiently in the manner aforerehersed within other six months the said first six month's next ensuing. And that it shall be lawful to the said Mayor, Sheriff and Chamberlyns of the said City for the time being and to every of them to take sufficient distress within every place of the said city of the goods and chattels of such person or persons as shall happen hereafter to be found in default of making or repairing of such pavement, or of the goods and chattels of the juhabitants or occupiers of the same Burgeses meses or tenements afore which such default shall happen to be found, to the value of such reasonable costs and expenses as shall happen to be due to the said Mayor, Sheriff or Chamberlyns of the said city for the time being or any of them in making or repairing of the said pavement, and the said distress to do praise by the oaths of four, three or two honest persons of the same City, and it sell, and the money thereof coming retain to him or them that shall happen to make or do to be made, or repair or do to be repaired the said pavement for the costs or expenses by them or any of them done in making or repairing of the same pavement. And the surplusage of the money coming of the said goods or cattles so sold; if any be over the said costs and expenses, be delivered to him or them that were owners of the said goods and cattles so taken and praised afore the time of the said taking. And also that every person and persons having any rent in fee-simple, fee-tail, term of life or term of years, so the term exceed ten years going out of any of the said Burgeses meses or tenements, set lying or adjoining in or to the said streets or places or in or to any of them be contributors and contributory, chargeable and charged by dew premonition to them and every of them in manner and form afore rehearsed. 
Caetera desunt.    

Composition between the Parson of St Margaret 
Scriptura ix na.  and the Hospital of Poor Priests.  
HEc est compositio facta inter Rectorem ecclesiae sanctae Margaretae Cantuar. & hospitale pauperum sacerdotum, quod Capellanus qui in Capella pauperum sacerdotum Cantuariae quae 
jura Rectoris.  infra limites parochiae sanctae Margaretae est constituta pro tempore ministrabit, inspectis sacrosanctis jurabit, quod nullas oblationes, nullas decimas, nullas obventiones ad ecclesiam beatae Margaretae jure parochiali pertinentes, in praejudicium ipsius ecclesiae ex certa scientia recipiet, & si forte receperit ignoran●er, eas cum omni integritate Rectori ●psius ecclesiae restituet. Omnes vero servientes in dicto hospitale sive mares sive feminae à Rectore dictae ecclesiae sanctae Margaretae sacramenta spiritualia recipient sicut parochiani, & in festivitatibus in quibus oblatio debetur ecclesiis, ad praedictam ecclesiam venient sicut alii parochiani facturi. Idem etiam tam in laicis quam in clericis peregrinis si in dicto Hospitali moram faciant undecunque sint observabitur: Ita quod si aliquem ex talibus personis peregrinis in dicto Hospitali infirmari contigerit, spiritualia à praedicto Rectore recipiet, & ecclesiam sanctae Margaretae si ipsum in dicto Hosp. mori contigerit prosua respiciet facultate. Capellani verò & clerici degentes 
jura Capellanorum.  ibidem ab eo qui in spiritualibus à Rectore ecclesiae beatae Margaretae cum sacramento ut dictum eis praeficitur praedicta recipiant sacramenta & liberam habebunt potestatem ubi voluerint eligendi sepulturam. Habebunt etiam potestatem sine calumpnia recipiendi annalia sive tricennialia ex devotione fidelium qui non sunt parochiani ecclesiae sanctae Margaretae, vel etiamsi sint parochiani, dum tamen non procurent hoc fieri in praejudicium matricis ecclesiae; quod si fuerit ab eis procuratum, & super hoc convinci potuerint, plena restituent quicquid taliter perceperunt. Insuper pro orto quem habent in Binnewitht unam libram cymini solvent annuatim pro decimis praedicto Rectori, & in festo sanctae 
Hortus in Binnewiht.  Margaretae, super altare ipsius ecclesiae matricis in signum juris parochialis pro loco in quo habitant duos cereos trium librarum offerri faciant vel decem et octo denarios. Si verò contigerit quod aliquis separatim ab eis domum in Binewith sitam inhabitaverit, erit parochianus sanctae Margaretae sicut antea fuit. Item de tenemento Domini Abbatis & conventus sancti Augustini nullum sibi tenementum perquirent nisi de eorum voluntate, & si aliqd' tenementum alterius Domini in praedicta parochia quocunque titulo perquisierint, salvum erit matrici ecclesiae jus quod in eo prius habuerat. Item si forte aliquo tempore in praedicto Hosp. Capellanus non praefuerit, sed laicus procurator: idem ad consimile sacramentum tactis sacrosanctis se astringet scilicet ad observationem praemissorum. In diebus verò dominicis & aliis festivitatibus in quibus ex consuetudine oblationes fiunt generales in ecclesiis, non celebrabunt missam in dicto Hosp. donec 
Tempus missae celebrandae in Hospitali.  Evangelium in ecclesiabeatae Margaretae sit perlectum sive missa consummata, nisi de licentia hoc fiat ecclesiae memoratae Rectoris, & his diebus parochianos sanctae Margaretae non admittent nisi cum missa in ecclesia sanctae Margaretae fuerit expleta. Campanas 
Campanae Hospitali prohibitae.  verò in praedicto loco non habebunt. Et si qua partium praedictarum contra formam hic scriptam venire praesumpserit, unam marcam nomine poenae totiens solvet Abbati sancti Augustini 
●aena transgressoris.  & Archidiacono Cantuariae vel cui viderint secundum Dominum libere conferendam, quotiens contravenerit, compositione nihilominus firmum robur optinente. In cujus Rei testimonium tam Abbas sancti Augustini quam Archidiaconus Cantuar. huic compositioni sigilla sua apponi fecerunt.   

Composition between Christ-Church and St Augustine's, 
Scriptura xma.  about lands lying by the Campanile of Christ-Church.  
RIchardus Dei gratia Cantuar. Archiepiscopus totius Angliae Primas & Apostolicae sedis Legatus Vniversis sanctae matris ecclesiae filiis ad quos praesentes literae pervenerint eternam in Domino Salutem. Ad omnium volumus noticiam pervenire qualiter dilecti filii nostri Benedictus Prior & Conventus ecclesiae Christi Cantuar. cum Rogero electo monasterii sancti Augustini & Conventus ejusdem loci quasdam terras suas pro quibusdam terris ad idem monasterium pertinentibus commutaverunt. Praefatus siquidem Electus & Conventus sancti Augustini quasdam terras habuerunt ex parte meridiana cimiterii nostri juxta Campanile nostrum in Cantuar. scilicet terras Gervasii de Cornhelle unde solebant haber● annuatim v ˢ & xd d terram Willielmi Furbatoris unde habebant ijˢ terram Willielmi filii Ricardi unde habebant viij de quibus reddebant ad firmam Domini Regis annuatim xxd. unde monachi nostri eos acquietabant erga Regem, terram etiam Baldwini presbiteri & Davidis de Chert fratris ejus unde habebant ijˢ terram Philippi Parmentarii unde habebant xxd d terram quae fuit Everwaker unde habebant xvijd. Terram quae fuit Mudekyn & Sedegos quae reddebat eye xxd. Summa quorum reddituum est xxˢ & xd. & terram in qua quaedam Capella constructa 
Causa finalis hujus Compositionis.  fuerat. Quoniam vero hae praedictae terrae nobis & ecclesiae nostrae periculosae fuerunt propter crebra incendia: Idcirco praedictus Rogerus Electus & conventus praenominati Monasterii ad preces Domini nostri Henrici Regis Angliae & nostras concesserunt & dederunt & assignaverunt in escambium nobis & ecclesiae nostrae has terras liberas & quietas ab omni questione & querela, salvo quidem jure illorum qui praenominatas terras de Monasterio sancti Augustini tenebant. Nos autem pro jam dictis terris concessimus dedimus & assignavimus in concambium eidem Electo & Conventui ad electionem ipsorum quasdam de terris nostris liberas & quietas ab omni questione & querela, salvo quidem jure illorum qui terras illas de nobis tenere solebant, scilicet terram Roberti filii Richardi Flatbold, etc. ut in Compositione plenius poterit apparere: as Thorn cuts it off, and that because (as he adds) Vbi situantur non invenitur scriptum. Summa quorum reddituum est xxijs ijᵈ. Cumque volumus hanc commutationem & escambium hincinde sic de utriusque partis consensu factum firmiter & inviolabiliter observari ipsam commutationem praesentis scripti nostri patrocinio confirmamus & sigilli nostri munimine roboramus. Facta est autem haec commutatio anno Incarnationis Dominicae Millesimo Centesimo septuagesimo septimo, Regnante illustrissimo Anglorum Rege Henrico secundo.   

Concerning the School at Canterbury. 
Scriptura xj a.   
ACta & processus super statuscolar: ecclesiae sancti Martini juxta Cant. coram m ¹⁰ Roberto de Mallingg generali Commissario Cant. primò viva voce, & post per specialem commissionem Domini W. Archiepiscopi Anno Domini 1321. inter magistrum Radulphum de Waltham Rectorem scolarum Civitatis Cant. & m ●um Robertum de Henney Rectorem ecclesiae sancti Martini juxta Cant.   

Commissio.  
Walterus permissione divina Cantuar. Archiepiscopus totius Angliae Primas dilecto filio Commissario nostro Cantuar. Salutem, gratiam & benedictionem, Cum nuper tibi praecepimus viva voce ut in negotio tangente m ●m Radulfum rectorem scolar' grammaticalium Civitatis nostrae Cantuar. & magistrum Robertum, Rectorem ecclesiae sancti Martini juxta Cant. ac ejusdem loci Rectorem scolarum, ex officio, authoritate nostra procederes, & inquisita veritate idem negotium debito fine terminares, dictum negotium de quo miramur adhuc coram te pendet indecisum. Quocirca tibi committimus & mandamus quatenus ulterius in dicto negotio authoritate praedicta procedas, & finem sententiando, previa ratione, celeritate qua poteris, imponere non omittas. Dat' Cantuariae tertio Non. januarii Anno Domini Millesimo trecentesimo vicesimo primo.   

Inquifitio.  

DOminus Richardus rector ecclesiae de Monketon.  
Dominus Galfridus Vicar. ecclesiae de Chyleha●.  
Dominus Stephanus de Wyks.  
Dominus Nich. capellanus sancti Sepulchri.  
Dominus Theob. Vicar. ecclesiae S. Pauli.  
Dominus Simon Rector eccles. S. Mariae de Castro.  
Dominus Thomas Rector eccles. S. Petri.  
Dominus johannes Rector eccles. omnium sanctor.  
Dominus johannes Rector eccles. S. Mich.  
Magister Robertus de Honynton.  
Alexander de Elemosinaria.  
johannes le Taillour.  
Simon at Fermerye.  
johannes de Stablegate.  
johannes de Strode.  
Robertus de sancto Martino.   
jurati dicunt quod non debent esse plures gramatici in Schola sancti Martini nisi xiij. & hoc se dicunt scire ex relatu bonorum & fide dignorum ab antiquo & dicunt quod semper consuevit Rector Scholarum Cant. Scholas sancti Martini per se vel suos propter numerum scolar. visitare. Dicunt etiam quod quando hostiarius vel submonitor scolar. Cant. propter numerum scolarium scolas sancti Martini visitavit, scholares sancti Martini absconderunt se usque ad numerum xiij. & hoc se dicunt scire ex relatu fidedignorum ab antiquo. De aliis scholaribus in scholis sancti Martini alphabetum, psalterium & cantum addiscentibus non est certus numerus limitatus, ut dicunt.   

Sententia diffinitiva.  
IN Dei nomine Amen. Cum nuper inter m rum Radulphum, Rectorem scolarum Civitatis Cant. ad collationem venerabilis patris Domini W. dei gratia Cant. Archiepisc. totius Angliae Primatis spectantium, & m rum Robertum de Henny, Rectorem ecclesiae sancti Martini juxta Cant. & ejusdem loci scolar. Rectorem ad dictam ecclesiam sancti Martini de patronatu ejusdem existentem pertinentium, super eo quod idem magister Radulphus praetendebat dictum m rum scolarum S. Martini habere deberet in scolis suis xiij. scolares in gramatica erudiendos duntaxat. Idemque magist' scolarum S. Martini omnes indistinctè ad scolas suas confluentes in praejudicium scolarum Civitatis praedictae & contra consuetudinem admittere, & in suis scolis tenere & docere in grammatica praesumpsit, orta fuisset materia questionis; tandem dictus venerabilis pater utriusque loci Patronus & Diocesanus, nobis Commissario suo Cant. generali tam vivae vocis oraculo, quam subsequenter literatoriè hujusmodi questionem seu negotium per viam inquisitionis ex officio commisit fine debito terminandum. Nos igitur Commissarius praedictus magistros utriusque sc●larum praedict. & Recto●em ecclesiae S. Martini praedict. coram nobis fecimus evocari, & super dicto negotio viros fidedignos clericos specialiter juratos inquiri fecimus diligenter. Qua inquisitione facta puplicata & dictis magist●is & Rectori copia decreta, nihil dicto contra inquisitionem vel probato, set ad audiendum pronuntiationem nostram die eisdem praefixo. Quia Nos Comm●ssarius antedictus inve● quod magister Scolarum S. Martini xiij. scolares duntaxat in gramatica per ipsum scolarum magistrum quicunque fuerit docendos habere & tenere ac docere debet ex consuetudine ab antiquo, illam consuetudinem, authoritate, nobis in hac parte commissa decerminus observandam. Inhibentes magistro scolarum S. Martini ne plures scolares ultra numerum praedict. in suis scolis in gramatica docendos admittat de cetero, nec consuetudinem praedictam infringere praesumat quoquo modo.   

Ab ista sententia praedictus magister Robertus appellavit ad sedem Apostolicam, & pro tuitione Curiae Cant. Vnde Officialis Cur. Cant. inhibuit Commissario, etc.  
OFficialis Curiae Cantuar. discreto viro magistro Roberto de Mallingg Commissario Cantuar. generali Salutem in autore salutis. Ex parte m ●i Roberti de Henney Rectoris ecclesiae sancti Martini Cant. nobis extitit intimatum, quod cum ipse ac praecessores seu praedecessores sui Rectores in ecclesia praedicta omnes & singuli, temporibus suis, à tempore cujus contrarii memoria hominum non existit fuerint, & adhuc sit idem magister Robertus de Henney nomine suo & ecclesiae suae praed' in possessione ve● quasi juris habendi scolas grammaticales in dicta ecclesia S. Martini seu infra septa ejusdem, magistrosque ad informandum & instruendum in arte gramaticali quoscunque illuc ea de causa accedentes ibi praeficiendi seu deputandi, & eos libere admittendi, informandi & instruendi in arte gram' praedicta. Ex parte m ● Roberti de Henney in possessione vel quasi juris hujusmodi ut praemittitur existentis, ac metuentis ex quibusdam causis probabilibus & veresimilibus conjecturis grave sibi & ecclesiae suae praedictae circa praemissa praejudicium posse generari in futurum, ne quis circa praemissa vel eorum aliquid quicquam in ipsius vel ecclesiae suae praedictae praejudicium attemptaret seu faceret aliqualiter adtemptari, ad sedem Apostolicam, & pro tuitione Curiae Cant. extitit ut asseritur palam & publice ac legitime provocatum. Set vos ad instantiam seu procurationem cujusdam Radulfi magistrum scolarum Cant. se praetendentis, provocatione praedicta quae vos veresimiliter non latebat non obstante, post & contra eam, pradictum m rum Robertum de Henney, quo minus possessione sua hujusmodi libere gaudere potuit, contra justitiam m●lestastis, inquietastis ac multipliciter perturbastis, ac tresdecim scolares duntaxat in dictis scolis ecclesiae sancti Martini & non plures admitti debere minus veraciter pretendentes, cuidam magistro johanni le Bucwell m ro scolarum hujusmodi per dictum m ●um Robertum de Henney praefecto seu deputato, ne ultra 13. scolares hujusmodi inibi admitteret seu haberet inhibuistis minus juste in ipsius mri Roberti de Henney & ecclesiae suae praedictae praejudicium, dampnum non modicum & gravamen. Vnde ex parte ejusdem mri Roberti sentientis se & ecclesiam suam praedictam ex hiis & eorum quolibet per vos indebitè praegravari, ad dictas sedem & Curiam extitit ut asseritur legitimè appellatum. Quare vobis inhibemus, & per vos omnibus & singulis quibus jus exigit inhiberi volumus & mandamus ut pendente in Curia Cant. hujusmodi tuitoriae appellationis negotio quicquam hac occasione in dictae partis appellantis praejudicium attemptetis vel attemptent, faciatis aut faciant aliqualiter attemptari, quo minus liberam habeat appellationis suae prosecutionem prout justum fuerit. Citetis etiam seu citari faciatis peremptorie dictum Radulfum partem ut praemittitur appellatam quod compareat coram nobis vel nostro Commissario in ecclesia beatae Maria de Aldermarichurche London sexto die juridico post festum sancti Martini yemalis in dicto tuitoriae appellationis negotio processurum, facturum & recepturum quod justitia suadebit. De die vero receptionis praesentium, & quod in praemissis feceritis nos vel nostrum Commissarium dictis die & loco certificetis per l●teras vestras patentes harum seriem continentes. Dat. London ' xij. Kalen. Novemb. Anno Domini 1323.   

Sed quia pars appellans appellationem suam praefatae Curiae Cantuar. suggestam, sufficienter prout debuit non probavit, pars appellata dimissa fuit ab examine dictae Curiae Cant. per literam subscriptam.  
THomas de Themnstr' Curiae Cantuar. examinator generalis Domini Officialis ejusdem Curiae in ipsius & Domini Decani ecclesiae beatae Mariae de Arcubus London Commissarii sui generalis absentiâ Commissarius, discreto viro magistro Roberto de Mallingg Commissario Cant. generali Salutem in authore Salutis. Cum nos in tuitoriae appellationis negotio quod in dicta Curia vertebatur, inter m rum Robertum de Henney Rectorem ecclesiae S. Martini partem ut suggeritur appellantem ex parte una, & M rum Radulfum m rum scolarum Cant. partem appellatam ex altera legitimè procedentes, dictam partem appellatam eo quod pars appellans praedictam appellationem suam praefatae Curiae in hac parte suggestam, prout debuit, non probavit, ab examine dictae Curiae duxerimus dimittendum. Tenore praesentium vobis intimamus quod inhibitione quacunque sub dat' London ' xii. Kalen. No. Anno Domini Millesimo trecentesimo vicesimo tertio à Curia Cant. in hac parte impetrata, & vobis directa non obstante, libere poteritis exequi quod est vestrum. Dat' London. xiij tio. Kalen. Aprilis Anno Domini supradicto. 
Scrutinie in Dunstans Tomb.    

Scrutinium factum circa feretrum beatissimi patris Dunstani 
Scriptura xij a.  Archiepiscopi, ex mandato Reverendissimi patris ac D ni Domini Willielmi Warham Cantuar. Archiepisc. & Domini Thomae Goldston sacrae paginae professoris, ejusdemque ecclesiae Prioris dignissimi Anno Domini 1508. die 22 do Aprilis.  
VIcesimo die Aprilis Anno Domini 1508. quo die tunc accidebat coena Domini▪ ex mandato ipsius Domini Archiepisc. & Prioris, deputati sunt tres vel quatuor de confratribus ad ejusmodi opus aptiores & ferventiores, ut in vespere, post quam fores ecclesiae essent clausae, ne laici hujusmodi negotio adessent, ad scrutinium faciendum circa feretrum sancti Dunstani, ut ipsi explorarent qua via faciliori possent ejus sacrae reliquiae videri: ea ratione ut omni ambiguitate & scrupulo semotis, oculata fide rei veritas probaretur. Hii quidem fratres in ipsa noctis tempestate non tam diligenter quam prudenter ad id quidem perduxerunt opus, ut anteluc●num oculis perspicere potuerunt arcam quandam plumbeam ubi sacrae ejus reliquiae recondebantur. Quae quidem arca deposita fuit & immersa 
Situs Feretri.  in opere lapideo feretri ex parte australi summi altaris scituati. Ea siquidem arca intus erat lignea exterius, interiusque plumbo undique cooperta & clavis omni in loco affixa, adeo ut inter clavum & clavum non erat spatium relictum latitudinis humanae palmae. Erat quoque haec arca longitudinis juxta longitudinem operis lapidei ipsius feretri, viz septem pedum, latitudinis autem circiter pedis cum dimidio. Era●que in omni sua parte ferreis ligamentis circumducta tutissimis adeo ut vix possit discerni via possibilis illam aperiendi. Confisi tamen in divino auxilio & sancti Patroni suffragio, instituit Dominus Archiepisc. cum Priore ut quidam confratres in sequenti nocte, laicis semotis, iterum opus aggrederentur. Quod & factum est. Sex enim de confratribus per Priorem ad hoc deputati una cum ope aliorum quos convocarunt ingenti sudore hanc arcam qu● est maximi ponderis fecerunt supra opus lapideum sublevari. Id cum fecissent, tandem cum magna difficultate satagentes an●eriorem partem arcae aperierunt quod profecto facere nequivissent nisi partem asseris quo in superiori parte arca claudebatur effringerent. Eo sane confracto licuit videre interius ab uno fine arcae usque in aelium finem. Ibi verò patebat aspectui cista quaedam plumbea: quae quidem cista facta est non ex plano plumbo, sed arte quadam pulcherime fabricata & plicata. Ea vero aperta, reperta est etiam & alia cista plumbea quasi tabefacta: quae putatur esse illa in qua ossa sancti Dunstani cum primum sepeliebatur recondebantur. Intra has duas cistas plumbeas cum aperirentur 
Quidrepertum  primò reperta est quaedam parva lamina plumbijacens supra pectus corporis. In qua quidem lamina continebatur haec scriptura. Hic requiescit Sanctus Dunstanus Archiepiscopus. Et scribitur hic titulus literis Romanis. Deinde repertus est pannus quidam lineus nitidus valde atque integer superpositus corpori sancti Dunstani. Quo sublevato, apparuit illud sanctissimum organum spiritus sancti indutum pontificalibus vetustate pro magna parte consumptis. Porro apparuit ibidem testa capitis quae & tangebatur & osculabatur tam à Domino Archiepiscopo qui valde mane in crastino sequenti viz. in vigilia Paschae aderat, quam à Priore ceterisque quamplurimis de conventu monachorum. Cujus quidem testae partem à reliquo divisam Dominus Archiepiscopus tradidit Priori ea ratione ut decenter adornaretur, ut inter reliquias ecclesiae venerandam reponeretur. Denique videbantur & alia ossa diversa tam de brachiis quam de costis, ac etiam nonnullae massae de carne ejusdem patroni nostri. Quae revera omnia odore redolebant suavissimo. Ad istud non tam jocundum quam desideratissimum spectaculum affuere prope omnes de conventu. Ad hoc etiam invitati 
Testes.  sunt per Dominum Archiepiscopum hi capellani de familia sua, viz. Prior Dovoriae Episcopus Suffraganeus ejus, nomine johannes Thornton Doctor sacrae theologiae. mr Cuthbertus Tunstall, Doctor legum, Cancellarius ejusdem Domini Archiepiscopi. Mr Thomas Wellys, Doctor theologiae, Mr Robertus Wekys. M ● Andreas in artibus mag. Magr. johannes Pers bacalarius in legibus. Hi verò vocati sunt ad videndum & testimonium perbibendum e●rum quae superius scripta sunt. Erant interea ad id ipsum advocati per Dominum Archiepiscopum tres notarii publici, puta mr johannes Baret scriba actorum praerogativae ecclesiae Cant. Mr johannes Colman scriba Consistorii Cant. & Mr Willielmus Potkyn scriba jurisdictionis immediatae. Eos notarios Dominus Archiepiscopus requisivit ut singulis quae superius scripta sunt de scrutinio facto circa reliquias sancti Dunstani diligenter per eos insp●is & consideratis, instrumentam publicum de eisdem conficerent, idque complere super depositione testium praedictorum polliciti sunt. Haec cum peracta fuissent, tunc ad mandatum Domini Archiepiscopi arca superius dicta iterum clausa est firmissimis tam opere ligneo quam plumbeo clavis quamplurimis affixa tu●issimis. Idque factum est in praedicta vigilia Paschae. Nec fores ecclesiae antea aperiebantur, quam confratres nostri id operis explevissent.   

A Grant or Demise of part of the demeasnesse of Reculver Monastery made by Archbishop Agelnoth 
Scriptura xiij a.  to two of his Ministers.  
IN nomine Domini nostri I hu Christi. Ego Aegelnothus peccator, Servus servorum Dei, & minister ecclesiae Christi, Anglorum quoque licet indignus Archiepiscopus. Notum volo esse 
☧  omnibus nostrae mortalitatis Successoribus, quod quandam terram dominicam sanctae Mariae Raculfensis Monasterii, L. scilicet agros in praestariam annuo duobus ministris meis, Alfwoldo & Aedredo, ex consensu fratris nostri Givehardi Decani ejusdem ecclesiae sanctae matris Dei, ut illam terram habeant non longius quam ipsi placuerit 
Givehardus Dcanus.  Decano, vel ejus Successori. Quamdiu vero eam tenuerint, singulis annis dent in ipso monasterio Deo famulantibus rectam decimam frugum & omnium pecorum quae in ipsa terra nutriunt, & pro censu L. denarios, & de subjectis pascuis j. pensam caseorum & si quid fracturae contigerit. Vbi verò eidem fratri nostro Decano vel ejus successori visum fuerit ut illam terram possint fructificare dominicatui suo, recedant ab ea, absque querela & contradictione, quia Dominica est sanctae Mariae, nec eam sibi vel posteris suis ullo modo possint defendere. Quod si praesumpserint, & ipsi & fautores sui iram Dei & excommunicationem omnium Dei fidelium incurrant, & legem patriae Domino suo solvant. Hujus praestariae traditionis testes sunt fratres ejusdem Monasterii, & quidam milites mei qui subter sunt ordinatè descripti.  
Ego Givehardus subscripsi. Ego Fresnotus subannotavi. 
mon '  Ego Tancrad' recognovi. 
mon '  Ego Milo assignavi. 
mon '  Ego Siward contestificavi. 
miles  Ego Godri● testis fui. 
miles  Ego Wlfi. 
miles  Ego Wlsige. 
miles  Ego Radwine. 
miles.  Ego Ordnoth. 
miles.  Ego Alfric. 
miles. hog.  Ego Osward. 
miles.  Ego Aelfhelm. 
miles.  Ego Lefsona. 
miles.  Ego Aelfric. 
miles. quatm '  Ego Sibriht. 
miles.  Ego Aelwine. 
miles.  
Ego Haimericus presbiter jubente Domino Agelnotho Archiepiscopo hanc cartulam conscripsi die Nativitatis sancti Iohannis Baptistae.    

The Kentish manors, in the Conqueror's time, belonging 
Scriptura fourteen a.  both to the Archbishop and Monks of Canterbury, and recorded in the Book of Doomsday.  

De maneriis Archiepiscopatus. De Stursaete.  
STursaete est manerium Archiepiscopi, & in 
* Id est Tempore Ed. Regis.  T. E. R. se defendebat pro seven. sullinges, & nunc similiter, & est appretiatum hoc quod est in dominio xl. lib. Et nunc habet Archiep. xx. & v. burgenses, qui reddunt x. sol. de gablo, & ex his supradictis seven. sullin' habet Godefridus dapifer unum sulline de Archiepiscopo Tenitune, & est appretiatum C. sol.  
Adhuc autem & Vitalis habet inde unum jugum terrae de Archiep. & est appretiatum xxs. Hamo vero tenet inde similiter dimidium sulling ' quod tenuit Alric Bigge à ' poor Archiepiscopi in T. E. R. & est appretiatum C ●.  
Rodbertus de Hardes tenet inde unum jugum terrae ex isdem sull' & est appretiatum xxxs. & ex his seven. sullin' habet Archiep. unum sull' apud sanctum Martinum; & de eodem sullino habet Radulfus Camerarius in feodo medietatem de Archiepiscopo & valet iiijl. & dominium valet vijl.  
Et in Canterberi● sunt seven. burgenses, qui reddunt huic manerio viijs. & iiij. denarios de gablo.  
Et inibi sunt iterum xxx. & ij. ma●surae & unum molendinum quae tenent clerici sancti Gregorii ad eorum ecclesiam Ibique manent xij. burgenses qui reddunt eye xxxv ●. & molen linum reddit vs.  
Adhuc etiam tenet Aegelwardus iij. juga in 〈◊〉 unde reddidit T. E. R. & adhuc reddit altari sanctae Trinitatis xijs. & est appretiatum xls.  
Albold vero tenet de supradictis sull' unum jugum Wic, & est de terra monachorum sanctae Trinitatis, quod est appretiatum xxxs.  
Hic finitur hundredus de Stursaete.  
In Fordwic habet Archiepiscopus seven. mansuras terrae quae modo non faciunt servitium ad mare ut in T. E. R.   

De Wingeham.  
Wingeham est proprium manerium Archiepiscopi & in T. E. R. se defendebat pro xl. sull' & nunc pro xxx. & v. & valet Cl. hoc quod Archiepiscopus habet inde.  
Et ex isdem sull' habet Willielmus de Archis unum sull' Fleotes ab Archiepiscopo in feodo & valet vjl.  
Et Vitalis habet i. sull' & valet xlvs.  
Wibertus & Arnoldus habent iij. sull' q' valent xijl.  
Et Heringod habet inde i. sull' decem agros minus & valet xls.  
Et Godefridus Archibalistarius habet inde i. sull' & dimid' & valet Cs.   

De Burne.  
Burns est proprium manerium Archiep. & in T. E. R. se defendebat pro vi. sull' & nunc similiter, & est appretiatum xxxl. & est in Handret de Berham.   

De Petham.  
Peteham est proprium manerium Archiep, & in T. E. R. se defendebat pro seven. sull', & nunc similiter, & est appretiatum xxl.  
Et ex istis sull' habet Godefridus Dapifer dimid. sull' quod pertinet. ad vestime●a monachorum, id est Suurtling.  
Et Nigellus habet unum sull' & unum jugum terrae quae est appretiata xls.  
Hoc est in hundredo de Peteham.   

De Aldintune.  
In hundredo de Bilicholt habet Archiepiscopus unum manerium, Aldintune, & in T. E. R. se defendebat pro xxj. sull', & nunc pro xx. & valet Cl. & seven.  
Et ex his habet Will' de Archis unum manerium stutinges quod Aelfere tenuit de Archiep. & tunc defendebat se proj. sull' & dimid', & nunc pro uno, & valet xl.  
Item ex supradictis sull' de Aldintune habet Archiep. dimid. jugum & dimid. virgam in Limines' & valet xijl. & tam' qui tenet reddit xvl. de firma.  
In Rumene sunt xxv. burgenses qui pertinent ad Aldintune.   

De Limminge.  
In Limwarlethe in hundret de Noniberge habet Archiepisc. in suo dominio unum manerium Limminges quod T. E. R. se defendebat pro seven. sull' & nunc similiter.  
Rodbertus filius Watsonis habet ex his ij. sull' in feodo.  
Et Rodbertus de Hardes dimid. sull'.  
Et Osbertus Pasfora dimidium jugum.  
Et in maresco de Rumene jacet unum sull' Aelmesland, de elemosina monachorum sanctae Trinitatis, & non est de supradictis sull'.  
Et de isto sull' habet Will' Folet unum jugum, id est, Sturtune.  
Et de eodem sull' habet supradictus Rodbertus tria juga. i. Ordgareswice, & Cassetvisle & Eadruneland.   

De Raculf.  
Raculf est manerium Archiepiscopi & in T. E. R. se defendebat pro viij. sull' & est appretiatum xl. & ij. lib. & v. sol. tres minutes minus.   

De Northewode.  
Nordewode est manerum Archiepiscopi & in T. E. R. se d●fendebat pro xiij. sull', & nunc similiter, & est appretiatum Ll. vs.  
Et ex iis sull' habet Vitalis de Canturberie unum sull' & unum jugum, & in Tanet sull' & dimid. & etiam in Macebroc habet xij. agros & di' sull' ab Archiepiscopo. Et Ezilamerth & tota haec terra est appretiata xiiijl. & vs. & vjd. Haec maneria habet Archiepisc. in hundret de ipso Raculf.   

De Boctune,  
Boctuna est manerium Archiepiscopi & in T. E. R. se defendebat pro v. sull' & di' & nunc similiter, & fuit appretiatum in T. E. R. xl. Et Archiepiscopus habet inde Cs. & xv. & iij. denarios de gablo. Nunc autem valet xxl. Sed tamen reddit xx. & v. lib. de firma. & Archiepiscopus habet suum gablum sicut prius.  
Ricardus Constabularius habet inde unum manerium Gravenai in feodo ab Archiepiscopo quod in T. E. R. se defendebat pro uno sull', & nunc similiter & valet vjl. Hanc terram habet Archiepise. in Hundret de Boctune.   

De Taeneham.  
Teneham est manerium Archiepiscopi & in T. E. R. se defendebat pro v. sull' & dimid. & nunc similiter, & est appretiatum Ll.  
Dimidium sull' terra tenet Godefridus de Melling in scapai ab Archiepiscopo quod valet iiijl. & tn' reddit Cs.  
Oswardus vero tenuit hoc idem sull' ab Archiepiscopo Cantuarberiae in T. E. R. Hanc praedictam terram habet Archiepiscopus in Hundret de Tenham.   

De Cerringes.  
Cerringis est proprium manerium Archiepiscopi & in T. E. R. se defendebat pro viij. sull', & nunc pro seven. quia Archiepisc. habet aliud ad suam propriam carrucam, & valebat in T. E. R. xxl. & habet inde Archiep. iiijl. & vijs. de glabo. Nunc vero valet xxxl. sed tn' reddit xll. de firma. Et Archiep. habet inde gablum sicut prius.   

De Plukele.  
In eodem Hundredo & in Lest de Wiwarleth habet Archiepiscopus unum manerium Plukelai in dominio quod in T. E. R. se defendebat pro uno sull' & nunc similiter & valet xvl. & tam' reddit xxl. de firma. Haec maneria habet Archiepiscopus in Hundret de Calehela.   

De Geldingeham.  
Gelingham est proprium manerium Archiepiscopi, & in T. E. R. se defendebat pro vi. sull' & est apretiatum hoc quod Archiepisc. habet inde in dominio x. & viij. lib. & hoc quod Anscetillus de Ros & Rodbertus Brutinus habent xl ●. Et tamen reddit Archiepiscopo de firma xx. & v. lib. & xviijs. Hoc manerium est in hundredo de Certaham.   

De Meidestane.  
Maeidestane est proprium maneriam Archiepiscopi & in T. E. R. se defendebat pro x. sull'. Et ex iis tenet Radulfus unum sull' quod est apretiatum ls. Et Willielmus frater Episcopi Gundulfi ij. sull', & sunt apretiat ' xl. Et Anscetillus de Ros unum sull' quod est apretiatum lxs. Et duo homines habent inde i. sull', qui reddunt altari sanctae Trinitatis xvjs. & tam valet illud full ' xxs. Hoc manerium habet hundret in seipso.   

De Nordflita.  
Nordflita est manerium Archiepiscopi, & in T. E. R. se defendebat pro vi. sull' & nunc pro v. & est apretiatum xx. & seven. lib. Sed tamen ille qui tenet reddit inde de firma xxx. & vijl. Et infra leugam de Tonebrig est inde tantum quod est apretiatum xxxs. Hoc manerium & Meppaham jacent in hundredo de Tollentr'.   

De Bixle.  
Bixle est manerium Archiepiscopi & in T. E. R. se defendebat pro iij. sull' & nunc pro ij. & est apretiatum xxl. & reddit xxxl. & viij ●. & est in hundredo de Ealmestrou, & in dimidio Led de Sutune iiij. full '.   

De Earhede.  
Earhede est manerium Archiepiscopi, & in T. E. R. se defendebat pro iiij. sull' & nunc similiter. Et Osuvardus tenuit illud ab Archiep. in T. E. R. & est apretiatum xvjl. & tamburlaine▪ reddit xxjl. Hoc manerium habet Archiep. in hundredo de Litelet i. sull. & dimid.   

De Bradestede.  
Bradestede tenuit Wlnod cild ab Archiep. T. E. R. Et nunc tenet illud Haimo ab isto Lanfranco Archiepisc. & tunc defendebat se pro uno sull' & dimid. & nunc similiter, & est apretiatum xvijl. Istud manerium est in hundredo de Hostreham.   

De Otteford.  
Otteford est manerium Archiep. & in T. E. R. se defendebat pro viij. sull' & nunc pro totidem. Et est apretiatum lxl. Et hoc quod Haimo inde tenet est apretiatum lxs & x. & hoc quod Rodbertus interpres, & Gosfridus de Ros inde tenet viijl. & xs. Et hoc quod Ricardus de Tonebrig inde tenet xl. & twenty-three. porcos.   

De Sunderhersces.  
Sunderhersces est manerium Archiepisc. quod Godwinus tenuit T. E. R. injust & Archiepiscopus iste Lanfrancus explatitavit illud contra Episcopum Bajocensem juste per concessum Regis, & in T. E. R. se defendebat pro uno sull' & dimid. & nunc similiter. Et est apretiatum xviijl. & tam' qui tenet illud reddit inde xx. & iiij. lib. & unum equitem de firma Archiepiscopo. Haec muneria sunt in hundredo de Codesede.   

De Wroteham.  
Wroteham est manerium Archiepiscopi & in T. E. R. se defendebat pro viij. sull' & est apretiatum xx. & iiij. lib. & tam' ille qui tenet reddit inde de firma xxx. & v. lib. Et de iis predict. viij. sull' tenet Will' Dispensator i. sull' quod est apretiatum iijl. Et Gosfridus de Ros aliud quod est apretiatum iijl. Et Faremanus unum sull' & dimid. & est apretiat ' Cs. Et hoc quod Ricardus habet xvl. Hic finit hundredus de Wroteham.   

De Mellingetes.  
Mellingettes est manerium Archiep. & in T. E. R. se defendebat pro ij. sull' & nunc similiter, & est apretiatum ixl. & tam' reddit de firma Archiepiscopo xvl. Hoc manerium habet Archiepiscopus in hundredo de Lavercefeld.   

De Derente.  
Dairente est manerium Archiepiscopi, pro ij. sull' se defendebat in T. E. R. & nunc similiter. Et est apretiatum xvl. Et xs. habet inde Ricardus infra Castellum suum, & tam' Archiepiscopus habet in firma sua xviijl.   

De Einesforde.  
Einesford est manerium Archiepiscopi, & in T. E. R. se defendebat pro vi. sull', & nunc similiter, & nunc tenet Radulfus filius Hospaci ab Archiepiscopo, & est apretiatum xxl. Et ex eo habet Ricardus de Tonobrig tantum quod est apretiatum iijl.   

De Hulecumbe.  
Hulecumbe tenuit Aelferus in T. E. R. de Archiepiscopo, & defendebat se pro ij. sull' & dimid. & nunc tenet Comes de O ˢ de Archiepiscopo, & defendit se pro ij. sull', & est apretiatum xjl.  
Archiepiscopus habet iiij. praebendas ad Nuventune, & sunt apretiatae vjl.  
Tota summa Clxxx. & seven. sull' & dimid.   

Incipiunt maneria Monachorum in Kent.  
NOrdunda est manerium monachorum Sanctae Trinitatis, & est de cibo eorum, & est de hundredo de Cantuarberia, & in T. E. R. se defendebat pro uno sull'. & ei subjacent C. Burgenses iij. minus qui reddunt viijl. & vjd. de gablo, & est apretiatum x. & seven. lib. H●c manerium est de Hundret de Cantuar.   

De Eastrege.  
Eastrege est manerium monachorum, & de cibo eorum, & in T. E. R. se defendebat pro seven. sull' & nunc similiter. Et in alia parte est dimid. sull' & unum ioc'. & v. aeceres. Gedinge, & valet xxx. & seven. lib. & x ●. & iijd. inter totum.   

De Tilemannestune.  
Willielmus Folet tenet i. manerium Tilesmannestune ab Archiepiscopo, & hoc est de terra monachorum, & in T. E R. se defendebat pro i. sull', & nunc facit similiter, & valet xxxs.  
Iste idem Will' habet de praedicta terra dimid. sull' ab Archiepise. in Fenglesham, quod tenuit Lenenot in T. E. R. ab Archiepisc. & valet xxs.  
Iste idem Will' habet adhuc ab eod. Archiepisc. et de praedicta terra monachorum Stepenberga quod se defendebat T. E. R. pro dimid' sull', & nunc facit similiter. Et Godwinus tenuit illud in temp. E. R. ab Archiepisc. Aedzi & valet xxxs.  
Bocland se defendit pro i. jug●. 
Hic finit hundret de Estrege.    

De Sandwic.  
Sandwic est manerium sanctae Trinitatis, & de vestitu Monachorum, & est Leth & Hundredus in seipso, & reddit Regi servitium in mare sicut Dovera, & homines illius villae antequam Rex eis dedit suas consuetudines reddebant xvl. quando Archiepiscopus recuperavit reddebat xll. & xl. milia de alecibus. Et in praeterito anno reddidit Ll. & allecia sicut prius. Et in isto anno debet reddere lx. & x. lib. & allecia sicut prius. In T. E. R. erant ibidem Ccc. & seven. mansura. Nunc autem lx. & xuj. plus.   

De Muneketune.  
Munechetun est manerium monachorum & de cibo eorum, & in T. E. R. se defendebat pro xx. sull', & nunc se defendit pro x. & viij. & est apretiatum xll. Hoc praedictum manerium est in hundredo de Tenet.   

De Eadesham.  
Edesham est manerium monachorum sanctae Trinitatis & de cibo eorum & in T. E. R. se defendebat pro xvij. sull' & nunc similiter, & de gablo reddit xvjl. & xvjs. & iiijd. & valet xxxl. de firma & Cs. the gersuma.  
Et ex iis sull' habet Rodbertus filius Watsonis ij. id est, Egedorn qui valent vijl. & tamen qui tenet reddit inde viijl.  
Et Rogerius tenet ex his i. sull' add Beraham q' valet iiijl. Hoc manerium habet hundret in seipso & in Laed est de aestraie.   

De jiecham.  
jecham est manerium monachorum & de cibo eorum, & in T. E. R. se defendebat pro iiij. sull', & nunc similiter, & est apretiatum xxx. & ij. lib. Et hoc quod Will' de Hedesham habet inde viz. i. sull' add Rocinges valet vijl. Hoc manerium est in hundret de Dunahamford.   

De Saesaltre.  
Saesealtre est Burgus monachorum & de cibo, & proprie de coquino eorum. Et Blittaere tenet illud de monachis. Ibique est terraduarum carrucarum & est apretiatum Cs. Hoc manerium in nullo hundret est.   

De Certeham.  
Certaham est manerium monachorum & de vestitu eorum & in T. E. R. se defendebat pro iiij. sull', & nunc similiter, & est apretiatum xx. & v. lib. & tamen reddit xxxl.   

Godmeresham.  
Godmaeresham est manerium monachorum & de vestitu eorum & in T. E. R. se defendebat pro viij. sull' & est apretiatum xxl. sed tamen reddit xxx. Hic sinitur hundretus de Feleberga.   

De Cert.  
Cert & manerium monachorum, & de vestitu corum & in T. E. R. se defendebat pro iij. sull' & nunc similiter & est apretiatum xxl. Istum Cert est hundret.   

De Litlecert.  
Litelcert iterum est manerium monachorum & de cibo eorum quod in T. E. R. se defendebat pro iij. sull', & nunc pro ij. & dimid. & valet viijl.  
Et ex iis habet Will' fil' Hermenfridi dimid. sull', id est, Pette, ab Archiepiscopo in feodo, & reddit inde altari sanctae Trinitatis xx●l. pro omnibus consuetudinibus & valet xls.   

De Apeldre.  
In Letd de Limware jacet hundret de Blacctune, in quo Rodbertus de Rumene tenet ad firman i. manerium Apeldre, & est de cibo monachorum S. Trinitatis & in T. E. R. se defendebat pro ij. sull' & nunc pro i. & valet xijl. Sed tamen reddit xvjl. xvjˢ. & vijd.   

De Welle.  
Waell● v'est manerium monachorum sanctae Trinitatis, & est de ●ibo eorum, & in T. E. R. se defendebat pro seven. sull' & nunc pro v. & valet xxiiijl. & iiijd. & tamen reddit xjl. de firma. Hoc manerium & Litlecert sunt in hundret de Calehele.   

Holingeburne.  
Holingburne est manerium monachor. & de cibo eorum, & in T. E. R. se defendebat pro vi. sull' & nunc similiter.  
Et de isto manerio tenet Eps' Baiocensis dimid. sull' ab Archiepisc. per gablum, & postquam Eps' habuit hoc dimid. sull' nunquam reddit inde scottum. Et est appretiatum inter t●tum hoc manerium xxxl.   

De Boctune.  
Ratel tenuit Boctune de Archiepiscopo Cantuarberiae & defendebat sein T. E. R. pro dimid. sull', & istud dimid. sull' est & fuit de vi. sull' de Holingeburne. Nunc autem tenet illud Radulfus filius Toroldi ab Archiepisc. & est apretiatum xl ●. Haec maneria sunt in hundret de Haihorna.   

De Merseham.  
Merseham est manerium S. Trinitatis & de cibo eorum, quod T. E. R. se defendebat pro vi. sull', & qua●do Archiep●us eum recepit pro v. & dimid. & modo pro iij. & Hugo de Mundford habet ex iis unius medietatem & valet xviijl. Hoc manerium jacet in Limwarled in hundret de Langebrige.   

De Aelmesland.  
Rodbertus filius Watsonis tenet de Priore Cantuarberiae Aelmesland ad firmam, & praecepto ejusdem Prioris reddit firmam secrestano ejusdem ecclesiae.   

De Werehorne.  
In Limwarled & in hundret de Hamme habent monachi S. Trinitatis de vestitu eorum j. manerium Werchorne i. sull', & est apretiatum lxs.   

De Broke.  
In Laed de Wiworlaed & est hundret in quo tenet Rodbertus de Rumene i. manerium Broc ad firmam de cibo monachorum, & pro i. sull' defendebat se, & nunc pro dimidio, & valet iiijl.   

De Langeport.  
Idem Rodbertus habet in Langport de terra monachorum j. sull' & dimid. de Archiepisc. quod idem Archiepisc. diratiocinavit contra Epm' Baiocensem. Et Godwinus Comes tenuit illud, ibique pertinebant & pertinent xx. & j. burgenses, de quibus Rex in mare habet servitium, ideoque quieti sunt per totam Angliam, exceptis tribus forisfacturis quae habet Rodbertus in Rumene. Adhuc vero pertinet ibi j. jugum terrae, & haec omnia valent xvjl.   

De Niwendenne.  
In Limwarlaed & hundred de Selebrichtindaene habet Archiepiscopus de terra monachorum j. manerium Niwendene in dominio quod in T. E. R. tenuit Leofric de praeterito Archiepiscopo, & pro i. sull' see defendebat & subjacebat Saltwade. Nunc est apretiatum viijl. & x ●. garsumae.   

De Berewicke.  
In Limwarlaed in Hundred de Strate habet Will' de Edesham de terra monachorum j. manerium de Archiepiscopo Berewic quod tenuit Godricus Decanus & pro dimid' sull' se defendebat & nunc similiter, & est apretiatum xjl.   

De Heed & Saltwde.  
In Limwarlaed in Hundred de Heed habet Hugo de Munford de terra monachorum j. manerium Saltwode de Archiepiscopo, & comes Godwinus tenuit illud & tunc se defendebat pro seven. sull' & nunc sunt v. & tam' non scottent nisi pro iij. & in Burgo de Heed sunt cc. & xxv. burgenses qui pertinent huic manerio, de quibus non habet Hugo nisi iij. forisfacta, & est apretiatum xxviijl. & vjs. & iiijd.   

De Prestetune.  
Prestetune est manerium monachor. & est de victu eorum, & in T. E. R. se defendebat pro i. sull' & nunc similiter, & est apretiatum xvl. Hoc manerium est in hundred de Feversham.   

De Liveland.  
Liveland est terra monachorum, quam Ricardus Constabularius tenet in feodo ab Archiepiscopo, & Decanus Cantuarberiae habuit & tenuit eandem terram & in T. E. R. se defendebat pro i. sull' & nunc similiter, & valet xxs. Haec maneria habent monachi in hundred de Feversham.   

De Leanham.  
Lenham est manerium monachor. quod Godefridus de Mellinges tenet ab Archiepiscopo in feodo & in T. E. R. se defendebat pro ij. sull' & nunc similiter, & valet viijl. & tam' reddit xijl. & xs. de firma.   

De Fearnlege.  
Fernlege est manerium monachorum, & est de cibo eorum, & in T. E. R. se defendebat pro vi. sull' & est appretiatum xxijl. Et hoc quod Abel monachus inde tenet per jussum Archiepiscopi & apretiatum vjl. Et hoc quod Ricardus inde habet infra leugam suam iiijl. & de istis vi. sull' tenet Godefridus dapifer dimid. sull' quod est apretiatum ixl. Hoc manerium habent monachi in hundred de Maedestane.   

De Pecham.  
Pecham est manerium S. Trinitatis de cibo monachorum & in T. E. R. similiter fuit, & se defendebat pro vi. sull' & ex istis habet nunc Ricardus de Tunebrige ij. sull' & i. jugum. Et ex istis ij. sull' & joco isto nunquam scottavit Ricardus postquam habuit ea. Et in T. E. R. fuit hoc manerium apretiatum xijl. & ●nc viijl. Et praefatapars Ricardi valet iiijl.  
Et in Stotingeberga quod tenuit Edricus de E. R. est dimid. sull' unde ipse Edricus dabat Scottum ad Pecham spontanee, non quod pertineret ad sanctam Trinitatem, nec ad monachos. Hoc manerium est de hundred de Litelfeld.   

De Meapeham.  
Mepaham est manerium monachorum, & de cibo eorum, & in T. E. R. se defendebat pro x. sull' & est apretiatum xxvjl. & infra leugam Ricardi habetur tantum quod est apretiatum xviijs. & viijd. Hoc manerium habent monachi in hundred de Toltetem.   

De Cliva.  
Cliva est manerium monachorum & de vestitu eorum & in T. E. R. se defendebat pro ij. sull' & dimid. & est apretiatum xvjl. Hoc manerium est in hundred de Scamele.   

De Orpintune.  
Orpintuna est manerium monachor. & de vestitu eorum & in T. E. R. se defendebat pro iij. sull' & nunc pro ij. sull' & dimid. & est apretiatum xxvl. & tamen reddit de firma xx. & viij. lib.  
Et in hoc eodem manerio tenet Malgerus ab Archiepiscopo iij. juga terrae quae quidem liber homo tenuit in T. E. R. & haec tria juga non scottabant cum hoc manerio & sunt de explacitatione quam fecit Archiepiscopus contra Epm' Baiocensem per concessum Regis. Et illa iij. juga sunt appretiata Ls. & ex iis eisdem sull' habet Dirmannus dimid. sull' add Kestane.   

De Saendlinge.  
Elfgaet tenuit Saendlinge ab Archiepiscopo in T. E. R. & nunc tenet Hugo nepos Herberti ab Episcopo Baiocen. & defendebat se in T. E. R. pro i. sull' & dimid. & nunc similiter, & est appretiatum viijl. Haec maneria sunt de hundred Aelmestrin & sunt in medio Led de Sudthune.   

De Fremingeham.  
Fremingeham est manerium monachor. & de vestitu corum quod Ansgodus Rubitoniensis tenet ab Archiepiscopo, & tn'reddit firmam monachis & in T. E. R. se defendebat pro i. sull' & nunc similiter, & est appretiatum xjl. Hoc manerium est in hundred de Clacstane.   

De Gravenea.  
Graven● est manerium monachor. & de vestitu eorum quod Richardus Constabularius tenet in feodo ab Archiepiscopo, & tamen reddit firmam monachis, & pro i. sull' see defendit, & jacet in hundred de Boctune.   

De Hlose.  
Hlose est manerium monachorum & de vestitu eorum & pro i. sull' se defendit quod Abel monachus tenet & firmam monac●is reddit. Hoc sull' jacet in vi. sull' de Fernlege.   

De Surlinge.  
In Surlinge est dimid. sull' & pertinet ad vestitum monachor. quod Godefridus Dapifer tenet & firmam reddit.   

De Huntindune.  
Huntindune est manerium monachorum & de vestitu eorum & defendit se pro dimid. sull' quoth Godefridus Dapifer tenet & & firmam reddit. Istud dimid. sull' est de vi. sull' de Fernlege.   

De Burricestune.  
Burgericestune tenent Wlfricus & Cole & est ibi dimid. sull' & reddunt inde Cs. altari S. Trinitatis. Hoc dimid. sull' est the x. sull' de Meidestane.  
Tota summa Cxxx. & iij. sull' & dimid.    

The Record of Archbishop Winchelsey his Inthronization, 
Scripturae xuj ●.  showing in and after what form the Archbishops of Canterbury anciently were enthronized: and thence entitled. Forma Inthronizationis Archiepiscopi.  
Die dominico post festum sancti Michaelis, viz. uj to. No●. Octob. Anno Dom. 1294. Archiepiscopus Inthronizatus fuit ab Henrico tunc Priore ecclesiae Christi Cantuar. forma sequenti.  
EOdem die summo mane, conventus primam, & totum servitium usque ad magnam missam celebrarunt, & postea, cappis induti, in choro Dominum Archiepiscopum expectarunt qui in manerio conventus apud Chertham illa nocte & per quinque dies praecedentes moram fecerat continuam. Cumque venisset Archiepiscopus ad portam Cimiterii de equo descendit, & Prior sacris indutus pallium ipsius Archiepiscopi de manu cujusda● clerici ejusdem Archiepiscopi in panno mundo plicatum recepit, & dictum pallium deplicavit & illud Capellano prius cum Conventu revestito tradidit deferendum, qui in vase argenteo panno serico candidissimo cooperto pallium deplicatum, manu erecta, conventu praecedente coram Archiepiscopo & Priore ad magnum altare solempniter deportavit, & super illud posuit. Conventu vero in Choro remanente Archiepiscipus ante magnum altare se prostravit orando. Completa oratione & data populo benedictione, Cantor T● Deum incepit. Pallio vero super altare remanente, & 
Sedes lignea Archiepiscopi.  conventu in choro Te Deum canente Archiepiscopus ad sedem suam ligneam ●n choro interim declinavit. Quo cantato, Prior, deinde singuli per ordinem ad altare accedentes pallium osculabantur deinde Archiepiscopum. Hiis peractis pallium in Vestiarium delatum est: & Archiepiscopus ad cameram suam declinavit. Cumque Dominus Rex de Sancto Augustino venisset, & ecclesiam intrasset, Archiepiscopus solempnioribus pontificalibus in Vestiario indutus & pallio redimitús, cum Priore, & tribus Diaconis, & tribus Sub. diaconis Cardinalibus chorum intravit. Ad cujus introitum, Cantor Bs ' Deum time incepit, quod conventus 
Subdiaconi● Cardinales.  solempniter decantavit. Iuterim verò Archiepisc. & Prior & praedicti Ministri Altaris stationem fecerunt retro magnum 
●eretrum beati Blasii. Sedes marmorea.  altare sub feretro beati Blasii coram sede marmorea versi ad Orientem. Rex verò juxta sedem praedictam stando cum multis nobilibus Regni Archiepiscopum expectavit Rseio verò percantato, Prior subjunxit collectam. Dominus qui de excelso coelorum. & dicta collecta, Prior Archiepiscopum usque ad praedictam sedem marmoream perduxit. Et facta modica statione coram sede, Prior subjunxit aliam collectam. Omnipotens sempiterne Deus. Dicta verò collecta, Prior dictum Archiepiscopum inter brachia sua reverenter recepit, & ipsum in sede praedicta intronizavit per verba subscripta quae legit in cedula quam manu tenebat. In Dei nomine Amen. Authoritate ejusdem ego Henricus Prior istius ecclesiae Christi Cantuar. intronizo te Dominum Robertum Archiepiscopum in hac Cant. ecclesia, in qua idem Dominus noster Iesus Christus custodiat introitum tuum ex hoc nunc & usque in seculum Amen. Lecta cedula vocatisque testibus, Prior rogavit quendam notarium publicum quod praemissa omnia in publicam formam redigeret, ad memoriam futurorum. Hiis peractis, octo monachi cantum Benedictus coram Archiepiscopo in Cathedra sedente sub feretro sancti Blasii alternatim decantaverunt. Quo cantato, Prior collectam subjunxit. Omnipotens sempiterne Deus. Qua dicta, Cantor Of sicium missae de Trinitate solempniter incepit. Archiepiscopus coram sede sua versus ad Orientem incepit Gloria in excelsis, & postea ibidem collectam missae subjunxit, & lecto Evangelio, Credo ibidem incepit, & postea Dominus vobiscum ibidem subjunxit. Cantato verò officio, de sede sua descendit, & ante magnum Altare venit, & oblationem panis & vini à Cantore prout moris est recepit, & extunc totam missam ibidem complevit, nec postea illo die ad sedem suam est reversus. Missa celebrata indulgentias populo concessit, & sacris vestibus in vestiario exutus, cameram suam intravit, & vestibus festivalibus ad aulam magnam in palatio suo declinavit pransurus. Rege verò autem ingresso discubuernt omnes & 
Aula magna Palatii.  spendidè sunt refecti. Postmodum vero Rex & Archiepiscopus ac etiam omnes Praelati & Proceres cameram Archiepiscopi in Palatio sunt ingressi,—— prout moris est post cibum sumpturi. Deinde Rex as S. Augustinum rediit, & Archiepisc. in camera sua remansit. Caeteri verò omnes ad propria cum gaudio sunt reversi. Praedictae verò intronizationi interfuerunt Dominus Edwardus Rex Angliae, & E. filius suus, & E. frater ejusdem Regis, ac etiam London'. Lincoln'. Hereford', Elyen', Norwicen', Roffen' & Dunelm' Episcopi. Et Glovec', Lincoln', Penebr', Marescal', Hereford' & Warewik ' Comites, ac etiam innumerosa multitudo aliorum Praelatorum & Procerum Regni.   

A Grant of power delegated to the Prior of Christ-Church 
Scriptura●xvj ●xvj a.  by a Count Palatine, to create Notaries.  
VEnerabili in Christo p●tri Priori ecclesiae Christi Cantuar. Bassyanus de Allyate de Mediolan' Dei gratia Comes Palatinus Salutem & debitam diligentiam in commissis. Sagax humanae 
Causae concessionis.  naturae discretio, memorid hominum labitate pensatâ, ne diuturnitate temporum quae inter contrahentes aguntur▪ oblivionis defectui subjacerent, tabellionatus adinvenit officium, per quod contrahentium vota scribuntur & scripturae ministerio postmodum longum servantur in aevum. Cum itaque ex parte vestra nobis extitit humiliter supplicatum, ut vobis potestatem creandi tres tabelliones seu not arios publicos concedere dignaremur. Nos 
Concessio.  hujusmodi supplicationibus in hac parte favorabiliter annuentes, praefatam potestatem usque ad dictum numerum pa●ernitati vestrae authoritate nobis & antecessoribus nostris à divis Imperatoribus super consiciendis tabellionibus seu notari is publicis concessa plenariè duximus concedendam, vestram paternitatem ad hujusmodi potestatem obtinendam approbantes. Verum quia volumus quod forma solita in creatione not ariorum observetur, ne 
Formalia creationis Notar.  minus idonei & insufficientes ad hujusmodi of sicium exercendum deputentur, diligenti examinatione praemissa, eosdem quos creare volueritis per Pennam, Calamartum atque Cartam quae tunc in manibus tenebitis praesentialiter investiatis, recepto prius ab eisdem tribus sigillatim, sacri Imperii nomine, fidelitatis solitae, necnon & de ipso tabellionatus officio fideliter & legaliter exercendo, corporali juramento. Dantes & concedentes unicuique illorum trium authoritate vobis, tenore praesentium, ut superius exprimitur, concessa, plenam licentiam & liberam potestatem Instrumenta, acta, prothocolla, & literas exemplandi, faciendi, copiandi & publicandi testes recipiendi, & examinandi ac publicandi, testamenta conficiendi apperiendi & approbandi, confessiones super quibuscunque contractibus audiendi & recipiendi, & insinuandi & scribendi ultimas decedentium voluntates, tutores & curatores dandi, alimenta decernendi, decretum interponendi & faciendi ac scribendi quaelibet alia Instrumenta & scripturas sive contractus tam ultimarum voluntatum, quam quorumcunque aliorum negotiorum, & Tabellionatus officium libere, prudenter & fideliter ubilibet exercendi, & omnia alia & singula scribendi & faciendi, quae ad saepedictum officium spectare noscuntur vel etiam pertinere. Et ad unumquemque eorundem trium cum necesse fuerit, in omnibus & singulis supradictis, & quae ad of ficium pradictum pertinent liberè recurratur. Forma autem juramenti per unumquemque eorundem trium talis erit, dicatur etiam sic cuilibet sigillatim. Tu jurabis ad 
Forma juramenti p●r notarium praestandi,  sancta Dei Evangelia quod nunquam er is contrarius Romanae ecclesiae, nec imperio, nec nobis, nunquam falsam facies cartam. Testamentum autenticum & omnia ea quae autenticari debent non autenticabis in cartis abrasis, bombacinis vel papyris. Contratus verò, acta causarum, testamenta, donationes, & omnia ea quae ad artem & officium notarii pertinent, prout audiveris & rogatus fuer is, manu propria, cum tuo nomine & signo scribes & ●utenticabis. Dicta quoque testium bona fide, sine fraude scribes & recipies, & generaliter omnia alia & singula quae ad ipsam artem & officium not ' spectant juxta fidelitatem & officii consuetudinem fideliter ac integraliter observare jurabis. In quorum omnium testimonium & certitudinem pleniorem presens privilegium in forma publici Instrumenti fieri mandavimus per notarium infrascriptum, & nostri sigilli fecimus appensione muniri. Dat' & act' Lugd. in ecclesia maiori, sub anno Domini Millesimo trecentesimo sexto, die v. mensis Martii, Indictione iv. tempore Domini Clemen. P P. quinti anno primo, praesentibus discretis viris Albertino filio dicti Comitis laico & Vitale Fagiani clerico Medioln' Dioc. testibus ad hoc specialiter vocatis & rogatis. 
Et ego Willielmus Thomae dicti Coci de Ros clericus Hereford. Dioc. publicus sacri Romani Imperii authoritate Notar' omnibus praedictis interfui, & de dicti comitis mandato presens privilegium scripsi, & publicavi, meoque signo consueto signavi rogatus.    

A form or faculty of a Notary's creation by virtue of the precedent delegation.  
HEnricus permissione divina Prior ecclesiae Christi Cantuar. Dilecto sibi in Christo johanni de Watford clerico Lincoln' Dios. Salutem, & in agendis viam veritatis. Hii sunt ad officia publica meritò promovendi, quos morum honestas, literarum peritia & factorum experientia sufficientes reddunt ad laborum fastigia, & solicitudines publicas subeundas. Cum igitur Deminus Bassyanus de Alliate de Mediolano Comes Palatinus nobis potestatem creandi tres tabelliones seu notarios publicos authoritate eidem Domino Bassiano & antecessoribus suis à divis Imperatoribus super conficiendis tabellionibus seu notariis publicis concessa, plenariè duxerit concedendam, prout in literis suis patentibus inde confectis quarum tenor inferius describitur plenius continetur. Nosque virtute potestatis ejusdem, cum exacta diligentiâ, servata formâ in eisdem literis contenta, Ma' Richardum de Northon' Lincoln' Dioc', & johannem de Berham Cantuarien. Dioc' Tabelliones seu Notarios publicos nuper creavimus, unumque adhuc creare, virtute potestatis ejusdem, tabellionem seu notarium publicum valeamus: probitatis merita, & sagacitatis industriam te idoneum redden' ad tabellionatus officium exercendum, quae & quem, diligenti examinatione praemissa in te invenimus, attendentes: recepto prius à te ad sancta Dei Evangelia corporaliter juramento super omnibus & singulis articulis servandis in praedictis patentibus literis contentis, & de tabellionatus officio fideliter & legaliter exercendo, te creamus Tabellionem & N● ' publicum, ac de eodem officio per Pennam, Calamarium atque Cartam quae in manibus tenemus praesentialite investimus authoritate qua fungimur memoratâ Dantes & concedentes tibi plenam licentiam & liberam potestatem faciendi & exercendi omnia & singula quae in eisdem patentibus literis continentur, & ad Tabellionatus officium spectare noscuntur, vel etiam pertinere, & quod ad te, si necesse fuerit, in omnibus & singulis supradictis & quae ad praedictum officium pertinent liberè recurratur. Tenor autem praedictarum literarum talis est. Venerabili in Christo patri— Priori ecclesiae Christi Cant. Bassianus de Alliate de Mediolano Dei gratia Comes Palatinus Salutem, etc. ut supra. In cujus Rei testimonium & certitudinem pleniorem praemissa per Hugonem de Byford notarium publicum infrascriptum in hanc publicam formam redigi mandavimus & sigilli nostri appensione muniri. Dat' & act' apud Waleworth juxta Lamheth Anno Domini Millesimo trecentesimo nonc. Indictione octava, vicesimo septimo die mensis Martii, Praesentibus discretis viris johanne de Teneth, Hugone de sancta Margareta, Alexandro de Sandwico monachis ecclesiae nostrae praedictae, Bertino de Twitham Ad. de Thrulegh armigeris nostris literatis testibus ad haec vocatis specialiter & rogatis. 
Et ego Hugo de Byford Clericus Hereford. Dioc. publicus authoritate Imperiali notarius, praemissis juramenti praestationi, creationi & investiturae concessioni & dationi una cum testibus praedictis, anno, indictione, die & loco praedictis praesens interfui, & ea omnia prout supra scribuntur fieri vidi & audivi, & ad mandatum dicti Domini Prioris in hanc publicam formam redegi, meoque signo consueto signavirogatus.    

The Kings writ forbidding such Notaries the exercise of their office, and damning the credit of their Instruments, entitled  
Breve de Officio Tabellionis authoritate Imperiali non exercendo.  
REx Vi●. etc. Ex parte Cleri & populi regni nostri gravis 
Immuni●s Angliae à subjectione Imperiali.  relatio nostris auribus insonuit & tumultus, quod licet regnum nostrum Angliae ab omni subjectione imperiali sit immune, & ab origine mundi extiterit alienum, tanta tamen multitudo Notariorum authoritate imperiali officium publicum in Regno nostro praedicto, tam de hiis quorum cognitio ad nos & non ad alium pertinet, quam de aliis, exercentium crevit, quod nobis & juri coronae nostrae grave exheredationis periculum & incolis & habitatoribus dicti Regni nostri dampnum irrecuperabile praesumitur evenire, nisi remedium apponetur in hac parte. Nos igitur volentes hujusmodi dampnis & periculis prout juramenti vinculo astringimur pro viribus obviare, & dictum regnum nostrum inde exuere, prout decet, tibi praecipimus quod in singulis locis infra Ballivam tuam ubi expedire videris publicè proclamari, & ex parte nostra firmiter inhiberi facias, ne quis hujusmodi Notarius, sub paena quae incumbit in causis, contractibus, seu aliis negotiis officium notarii exerceat quoquo modo. Facias a●tē in dictis locis publicari & districtiùs inhiberi, ne qui Archiepiscopi, Episcopi seu alii praelati vel eorum Ministri instrumentis hujusmodi Notariorum ex nunc faciend. fidem aliquam praebeant ullo modo. T. meipso apud Westm'. xxuj ●. die April. Anno Regni nostri xiij tio.   

A Composition made Anno 1242. between the Abbey 
Scriptura xvija.  of St Augustine's, and the Priory of Christ-Church, about divers things, especially maritime customs at and about Minster and Sandwich.  
NOverint universi praesens scriptum inspectari quod cum inter viros religiosos Dominum Robertum Abbatem & Conventum S. Augustini ex parte una, & Dominum Rogerum Priorem & Capitulum ecclesiae Christi Cant. ex altera super terris, redditibus, consuetudinibus maritimis juribus variis & diversis agitata esset diutiùs materia questionis, tandem de communi voluntate & assensu partium, de consilio virorum prudentum amicabiliter in hunc modum conquievit, viz. quod Abbas & Conventus praenominati pro bono perpetuae pacis concedunt quod Prior & Capitulum memorati terras & redditus de feodo S. Augustini quas dicebantur hactenus occupasse de cetero habeant tam in Cant. quam extra. Ita tamen quod aequivalentes terras ac redditus permutationis nomine alibi reeipiant ab eisdem. Simili modo concedunt Prior & Capitulum memorati Abbati & Conventui praedictis in similibus similem permutationem. Ita tamen quod de caetero neutra pars terras vel redditus alterius partis intrabit, vel sibi appropriare praesumet, nisi licentia super hac petita prius & optenta. Item pro bono pacis concessum est à Priore & Capitulo antedictis quod de cetero ad Fletum de Menster per 
Fletum de Menster.  flumen de Sandwico sit accessus per navigium & recessus, hoc adjecto, quod si in ipso flumine, ante dictum Fletum aliqua navis anchoram fixerit, vel levandae navis, vel negotiandi, seu merces alias transferendi causa se ibidem exoneravit, dicti Prior & Capitulam consuetudines maritimas habeant. In Fleto autem antedicto nihil juris de caetero vendicabunt, sed omnes consuetudines & emolumenta liberè percipient Abbas & Conventus praedicti ratione fundi in eodem. Ita tamen quod tenentes dictorum Prioris & Capituli liberi sint & quieti ab omni consuetudine de qua hactenus liberi esse consueverunt, nec dictum Fletum malitiosè ampliabunt Abbas & Conventus praedicti in dictorum Prioris & Capituli detrimentum. Simili modo provisum est quod Prior & Capitulum memorati omnes consuetudines maritimas habeant in portu de Sandwico ex utraque parte Fluminis, secundum tenorem & usum cartarum suarum infra terminos in ipsis cartis contentos, quia sic hactenus usi sunt. Ita tamen quod dicti Abbas & Conventus 
Villa de Stanore.  in villa sua de Stanore & in terris suis dominium habeant & usum consuetum: quod si in dicta villa de Stanor sive in terris dictorum Abbatis & conventus sive in flumine infra dictos terminos inter qu●scunque personas discordiae vel contentiones emerscrint, secundum qualitatem delicti justitia super his siet sicut hactenus fieri consuevit. Vltra locum autem qui vocatur Hennebrigge prope Stanor versus Clivesende, Ramesgate, Margate, Westgate, 
Hennebrigge. Clivesende. Ramsgate. Margate. Westgate.  sive in aliis terris dictorum Abbatis & Conventus tam in Thaneto quam extra, & ex alia parte maris in tenemento ipsorum de Northborne Idem Abbas & Conventus omnes consuetudines maritimas ratione applicationis & terrae suae percipient preterquam ut distinctum est Ita quod in mari nil juris vel consuetudinis maritimae percipient praeterquam ut distinctum est ratione applicationis & terrae suae, nec impedient nec procurabunt quo minus dicti Prior & Capitulum per suos Ministros in mari secundum tenorem cartarum suarum & usum, jura & consuctudines maritimas recipere & capere possunt, nec aliquam querent occasionem vel aliquid facient per quod dictorum Prioris & Capituli jura & consuetudines maritimae infra suos terminos maris & terrae in aliquo minuantur. Similiter dicti Prior & Capitulum ultra dictum locum qui dicitur Hennebrigge nil juris aut maritimae consuetudinis quae dictis Abbati & Conventui ratione applicationis & terrae suae provenire possunt accipi●nt, vel impedient nec procurabunt quo minus naves quae applicare voluerint ad terras dictorum Abbatis & Conventus applicent & consuetudines maritimas reddant quae ipsis ratione applicationis & terrae suae debent, nec aliquam quaerent occasionem vel facient aliquid per quod dictorum Abbatis & Conventus jura & consuetudines in terris suis in aliquo minuantur sed locis suis utrique libere utantur consuetis. Item concedunt liberaliter Prior & Capitulum memorati quod in ●vicula ipsorum praedicti Abbas & Conventus & eorum familia propria—— Item quoniam 
Navicula Prior. & Convent.  per clericos recusatos à Capitulo sancti Augustini & à Capitulo ecclesiae Christi Cant. aliquando ad monachatum admissos, & è converso, sepius consuevit discordiae fomes seminari, concessum est ab utrisque quod de caetero ex causa culpae vel defectus recusatus ab alterutro capitulo à neutro recipiatur.   

A Composition between the same houses about a 
Scriptura xviij ●.  Key and house at Fordwich.  
With such circumstances as are added by the Relator, Thorn, St Augustine's Chronicler. A lieger book of Christ-Church hath a copy of it in French. Vidi.  
ANno Domini Mcclxxxv ●. die Lunae proximo post festum Translationis sancti Thomae Martyris sedata est discordia quae 
Caya & domus apud Fordwich  mota fuerat inter Abbatem sancti Augustini & Priorem sanctae Trinitatis de quadam caya & domo aedificata in quodam prato apud Forwicum per Priorem sanctae Trinitatis, quae aedificia Abbas sancti Augustini destrui praecepit, quibus iterum per Priorem ibidem aedificatis Abbas secundo funditùs evertit meremio & omnibus aliis ibidem inventis in Sturam. projectis. Vnde ad praedictam litem pacificandam Dominis Henrico Episcopo de Verdun, Otes de 
Episcopus de Verdun. Otes de Gransonne. Stephanu de Pencestre & 〈◊〉 nobiles.  Gransonne, Stephano de Pencestr' & aliis nobilibus per Dominum Regem ad hoc specialiter assignatis, sub hac forma conquievit, quod Prior pro se & suis Successoribus: concessit quod in prato versus ecclesiam in Oriente de cetero aliquam domum alicujus aedificii sine gratiâ & licentiâ Abbatis nunquam levabit. Et quia praedictus Prior non potest bene esse sine domo super ripam de Fordwico pro suis vinis & aliis suis victualibus recipiendis & servandis Abbas praedictus concessit Priori & suis successoribus unam plateam in Fordwico super ripam situatam quae tenet in longitudine ix. perticatas de xuj. pedibus & dimid. in latitudine xxij. pedes, reddendo inde Abbati S. Augustini unam Rosam in festo sancti Iohannis Baptistae pro omnibus servitiis, sectis Curiarum, & omnibus aliis demandis; donis, judiciis, executionibus & omnibus aliis delictis ibidem factis eidem Abbati semper salvis, sicut in aliis locis ejusdem villae idem Abbas habet vel solet habere Ita quod in dicto manso aliquas mercandizas, res vel victualia praeterquam propria bona ejusdem Prioris non recipiet nec permittet quoquo modo fore recepta Pro hac autem concessione Prior praedictus dedit Abbati & ecclesiae suae tres acras prati cum omnibus suis pertinentiis in Fordwico unde una acra jacet ex latere prati elemosinar' sancti Augustini, & aliae duae jacent partim in prato ubi domus prius sic fuit levata, & partim in aliis locis prope pratum Abbatis, sicut bundae monstrant & testantur, Reddendo inde Priori unam Rosam in festo S. johannis Baptistae pro omnibus servitiis & demandis. Ordinatum 
Barrer. & Piles.  fuit etiam quod barrer' & piles per Abbatem in cursu aquae erectae super calsetum ibidem per Custodem quinque portuum deponentur & illud calsetum per Abbatem & homines suos de Fordwico reparatum fiat communis Abbati, Priori, & Communitati villae praedictae, à quibus omnibus perpetuis futuris temporibus ad fugandum & cariandum debet sustentari Nec licebit Priori & successoribus suis in eadem villa de caetero aliquid perquirere de tenura Abbatis sine ejus voluntate vel successorum suorum. Et quia per istam compositionem seu ordinationem totum pratum in quo continetur quaedam walla vocata walla seu casea Cellerarii ecclesiae 
Walla Cellerarii eccles. Christi Cant.  Christi Cant. quae continet xx ti perticatas in longitud. & viginti pedes in latitudine data fuerat Abbati & Conventui sive quacunque for prisa in excambium pro platea apud Fordwicum ubi domus Prioris & Conventus sanctae Trinitatis fuit aedisicata, nec poterant dicti Prior & Conventus extunc de jure habere usum dictae Wallae ut prius habuerunt, super quo postea inter partes controversia orta per magnam compositionem sequentem provisum fuerat quod walla seu casea praedicta dictis Abbati & Priori communis ad curiandum & chaceandum quotiens necesse habuerint, & sibi viderint expedire.   

The form of electing and installing the Prior of the Church of Canterbury. 
Scriptura nineteen a.   
STatuto die de Priore ●ligendo, congregatis omnibus fratribus in Capitulo, qui ad Capitulum commod' poterint venire; Dominus Archiepiscopus Capitulum intrabit cum solo Capellano suo, & proposito breviter verbo Dei, tanget de negotio electionis Prioris. Deinde praecipiet in virtute obedientiae & sub poena excommunicationis maioris ipso facto incurrendae, ne aliquis à more, favore vel odio nominet aliquem in Priorem nisi illum quem magis idoneum & in spiritualibus & temporalibus esse crediderit circumspectum. Subsequenter D. Archiepiscopus examinabit personaliter totum conventum per singula capita. Et Capellanus suus scribet in rotulo nomina nominantium & nominatorum. Postea D. Archiepisc. deliberabit & conferet apud se illo die secundum Dominum & sanam & sanctiam conscientiamsuam, & prout in extremo judicio reddere voluerit rationem, de numero, zelo & merito nominantium, & idoneitate nominatorum in Priorem. In craslino verò Dominus Archiepisc. in pleno Capitulo illum quem maior & sanior pars Capituli nominaverit, in Priorem nominabit publicè ita dicens. Invocato nomine & auxilio sanctae Trinitatis & gloriosae virginis matris Christi, & omnium Sanctorum hujus ecclesiae nostrae Patronorum, ad laudem & honorem eorundum, fratrem N. de N. nominamus vobis Priorem. Nominatus verò statim surget, & in medio Capituli insufficientiam suam humiliter & instanter allegabit. Et statim praecentor incipiet. Te Deum Laudamus. Quo incepto, omnes surgent, & conventu praecedente, & Domino Archiepisc. & Priore sequentibus ibunt in ecclesiam solempniter cantantes Te Deum. Et cum venerit in Chorum Dominus Archiepisc. 
S●llum Prio●is.  statim installabit Priorem in stallo suo ex parte Boreali. Quo facto Prior prosternat se super formam. Postea Dominus Archiepisc. in primo stallo chori ex parte australi expectabit quousque Te Deum percantetur. Quo finito, subjunget Dominus Archiepisc. Kyriel. Christel. Kyriel. Pater noster. Et ne Nos. Salvum fac servum tuum. Esto ei Domine turris fortitudinis. Nihil proficiat inimicus in eo. Domine exaudi orationem meam. Domine vobiscum▪ Oremus. Omnipotens sempiterne Deus miserere famulo tuo N. & dirige eum secundum tuam clementiam in viam salutis eternae, ut te donante tibi placita capiat, & tota virtute perficiat per Christum Dominum nostrum. Dicta itaque collecta omnes redibunt in Capitulum, tam Dominus Archiepisc. quam Prior & conventus ordine quo supra. Et cum venerint in Capitulum antequam Dominus 
Locus Prioris in Capitulo.  Archiepisc. sedeat, ponat Priorem in locum suum juxta sedem Archiepiscopi ex parte boreali. Et hiis expletis, Dominus Archiep. data benedictione conventui & populo redeat ad cameram suam in Palatio, & Conventus ad servitium divinum. Si verò Dominus Archiepisc. agens in remotis, non possit personaliter interesse electioni Prioris, tunc committet vices suas duobus fratribus de Capitulo Cant. ad audiendum & examinandum vota singulorum, sicut supra continetur. Et ipsi duo fratres scribent nomina nominantium & nominatorum in Priorem. Et hujusmodi nomina inscriptis mittent vel portabunt Domino Archiepisc. sub sigillo communi Capituli ubicunque fuerit c●ra mare vel ultra. Et Dominus Archiepiscopus habita deliberatione & facta collatione ut praemittitur committet iterum vices suas alicui fratri de eodem Capitulo Cant. ad nominandum in Capitulo Priorem, & ipsum installandum in choro et ponendum in Capitulo in loco suo, juxta formam superius annotatam.   

The Chapters Confirmation of the Parsonages of Hakinton 
Scriptura xx a.  and Tenham appropriated to the Archdeaconry of Canterbury by Stephen Langton the Archbishop.  
VNiversis sanctae matris ecclesiae filiis praesentes literas inspecturis. I. Prior & Conventus ecclesiae Christi Cant. Salutem in Domino. Ad universitatis vestrae notitiam volumus pervenire nos cartam venerabilis patris nostri Domini S. dei gratia Cant. Archiepiscopi totius Angliae Primatis & sanctae Romanae ecclesiae Cardinalis inspexisse sub hac forma. Vniversis sanctae matris ecclesiae filiis praesentes literas inspecturis. S. permissione divina Cant. Archiepisc. totius Angliae Primas & sanctae Romanae ecclesiae Cardinalis Salutem in Domino. Curae pastoralis officium commissum laudabiliter prosequemur, si mentis acumen & manus exercitium ad ea quae honorem Dei & ecclesiae profectum respiciunt solicitius convertamus. Ea propter Cantuariensis ecclesiae quae Metropolis est, cui authore Domino deservimus, in omnibus quae secundum Deum possumus augmentare volentes honorem, & supplere defectus, advertimus diligenter quod ecclesia illa quae inter 
Dignitas ecclesiae Cantuar.  alias ecclesias Anglicanas obtinet principatum, utpote quae aliarum mater est & magistra, non nisi unum habet Archidiaconum, cujus Archidiaconatus proventus ita fuerunt hactenus tenues & exiles quod ipse, qui authoritate tantae ecclesiae inter alias plus habere dinoscitur honoris, vix habere de suo possit ad expensas & sumptus necessarios competentes. Volentes igitur defectum hujusmodi qui 
Ecclesiae de Tenham & Hackington.  in scandalum ecclesiae nostrae redundat salubri provisione supplere ecclesias de Tenham & Hackinton, quae ad patronatum nostrum spectare noscuntur, de voluntate & assensu Capituli nostri, monachorum scilicet ecclesiae Christi Cant. in Capitulo existentium Archidiaconatui ipsi duximus in perpetuum uniendas, decernentes ut qui pro tempore Archidiaconatum illum obtinuerint ecclesias praedictas, tanquam de corpore ipsius Archidiaconatus liberè possideat & quietè. Ad hoc cum actenus temporibus nostris de consuetudine sit obtentum quod Officialis noster Decanos constituerit in Diocesi Cant. qui constitutistatim tenebantur Cantuar. Archidiacono respondere, volumus & de voluntate & assensu praedicti Capituli nostri statuimus ut de cetero Archidiaconi Cant. qui pro tempore fuerint Decanos constituant, & amoveant pro suae voluntatis arbitrio prout melius viderint expedire in Dioc. memorata, & sibi respondeant sicut decet, cum absurdum sit ut alius eos constituat quam is qui eis debeat praeesse, & cui respondere tenentur, praesertim cum ipsis referentibus corrigere debent caeterorum errata. Vt igitur haec omnia perpetuis temporibus stabilem obtineant firmitatem praesenti scripto sigillum nostrum duximus apponendum. Actum Anno Domini Millesimo ducentesimo vicesimo septimo. mense Decembris. Nos igitur haec omnia sicut à praememorato venerabili patre nostro S. Cantuariensi Archiepiscopo piè & rationabiliter provisa sunt & concessa, quantum in nobis est, rata habemus & accepta. In cujus rei testimonium praesenti scripto sigillum nostrum apposuimus. Actum Anno Domini Millesimo ducentesimo vicesimo septimo, mense Decemb.   

An enlargement of the same Archdeacon's jurisdiction by the same Archbishop. 
Scriptura xxj ●.   
S. Dei gratia Cant. Archiepiscopus totius Angliae Primas & sanctae Romanae ecclesiae Cardinalis. Dilectis filiis universis ecclesiarum Rectoribus per Cant. Dioc. constitutis Salutem, gratiam & benedictionem. Ad universitatis vestrae notitiam volumus pervenire nos in Cantuariensi capitulo constitutos, de assensu & voluntate ipsius Capituli, Prioris I & Conventus ecclesiae Christi Cant. concessisse dilecto filio, magistro S. de Langton Archid. Cantuar. & successoribus suis, ut omnes ecclesiae parochiales Cant. Dioc. tam ad nostram quam ad Capituli nostri donationem spectantes, & earum Rectores, Capellani etiam tam perpetui quam annui, in morum correctione, & ecclesiarum visitatione caeterisque omnibus ad Archidiaconi officium spectantibus, eisdem in perpetuum sint subjecti. Vnde vobis mandamus quatenus praefato Archidiacono & successoribus suis in praemissis de cetero intendatis. In cujus rei testimonium has literas nostras patentes vobis duximus transmittendas. Dat' Anno Domini Millesimo ducentesimo vicesimo septimo, mense Decembris.   

The same Archbishop's Charter of Revocation of certain 
Scriptura xxij ●.  Churches in the times of Baldwin and Hubert his predecessors exempted from the Archdeaconry, entitled  
Carta S. Archiepiscopi de Revocatione ecclesiarum exemptarum tempore Baldwini & Huberti, & de revocatione dignitatis Archidiaconatus.  
VNiversis sanctae matris ecclesiae filiis praesentes literas inspecturis S. permissione divina Cant. Archiepisc. totius Anglia Primas, & sanctae Romanae ecclesiae Cardinalis Salutem in Domino. Sicut ea quae rationabiliter provisa fuerint & statuta robur optinere debent perpetuae firmitatis, sic si q' sint contra rationis tramitem attemptata digna correctione convenit emendari. Cum igitur nobis constet Archidiaconatum Cant. per abusum quorundam temporibus piae recordationis Baldewini & Huberti praedecessorum nostrorum, necnon & nostris temporibus in magna parte fuisse minus rationabiliter diminutum, quibusdam ecclesiis quae ad nostram seu capituli nostri donationem pertinent Archidiaconi Cant. jurisdictioni se subtrahentibus tam in morum correctione, quam in ecclesiarum visitatione & ceteris pertinentibus ad officium Archidiaconi memorati. Nos volentes praedictum Archidiaconatum in statum meliorem & debitum reformare, de voluntate et assensu totius Capituli nostri, in ipso capitulo existentes statuimus, quod etiam praesenti scripto duximus confirmandum, ut de cetero omnes ecclesiae parochiales Cant. Diec. tam ad nostram quam ad Capituli nostri donationem spectantes, et earum Rectores Archidiacono Cantuar. quicunque pro tempore fuerit in perpetuum sint subjecti, tam in morum correctione, quam in ecclesiarum visitatione et ceteris omnibus quae ad Archidiaconi officium spectare noscuntur, non obstante exceptione quae facta fuisse preponitur à memoratis antecesseribus 
Capellae de Hakinton & Lamheth.  nostris Baldwino viz. Et Huberto occasione capellarum de Hakintun & Lamheth quas ipsi in praejudicium Cant. ecclesiae construere nitebantur, praesertim cum talis exemptio potius fuerit velamen malitiae quam libertas, & audaciam frequentiùs praestitit delinquendi, cum etiam eaedem capellae per sententiam Apostolicam fuerint demolitae, & sententiatum fuerit illa omnia irritanda quae occasione ipsarum fuerant attemptata, sicut in rescripto Apostolico contineri perspeximus evidenter. Vnde volumus & firmiter praecipimus omnibus Rectoribus ecclesiarum praedictis, & Capellanis eorum tam annuis quam perpetuis ut magistro Simoni Archidiacono Cant. & ejus successoribus Cant. Archidiaconis, in hiis quae ad officium Archidiaconi pertinent decetero sint subjecti, debitam eye in omnibus reverentiam & obedientiam, tanquam Archidiaconis impendendo. In cujus Rei testimonium presens scriptum sigilli nostri munimine duximus roborandum. Actum Anno Domini Mo. CCo. vicesimo septimo, mense Decembris. Valt'.   

A personal Composition between the Chapter 
Scriptura xxiija.  and the same Archdeacon touching Jurisdiction in the Vacancy.  
VNiversis sanctae matris ecclesiae filiis ad quos praesens scriptum pervenerit Rogerus Prior & Capitulum ecclesiae Christi Cantuar. Salutem in Domino. Noverit universitas vestra quod cum contentio verteretur inter nos R. Priorem & Capitulum ecclesiae Christi Cantuar. ex una parte & magistrum Simonem de Langeton Archidiaconum Cant. ex altera super quibusdam juribus ad Archiepiscopum Cant. dum vivit sine contradictione & immediatè spectantibus, viz. super institutionibus faciendis ad vacantes ecclesias, & super collationibus ecclesiarum vacantium 
jura Archiepiscopalia.  authoritate concilii, ac etiam super cognitione causarum matrimonialium, quae ipsius Archiepiscopi forum dum vivit immediatè contingunt. Item super causis omnibus quae moventur & moveri possunt inter Suffraganeos & Suffraganeorum subjectos totius provinciae subjectae ecclesiae nostrae Christi Cant. tum per simplicem querimoniam, tum per appellationem factam vel faciendam ad ipsum Archiepiscopum dum vivit in omnibus casibus à Canone diffinitis, tum etiam in causis tuitionum appellationum factarum ad sedem Apostolicam inter eosdem & quoslibet totius provinciae supradictae, quatenus procedunt appellationes à cognitione ordinaria vel extraordinaria delegatione. Item super instituendo clerico seculari & poenitentiario in eadem ecclesia, sic conquievit. viz. quod nos Prior & Capitulum concedimus pro bono pacis & intuitu personae ipsius, praedicto mag. Simoni Archidiacono personaliter & ad vitam suam quod authoritate ecclesiae 
Archidiacono quae concessa.  nostrae Cant. Metropolitanae, habeat, sede vacante, Institutiones infra Dioces. & extra, collationes ecclesiarum vacantium authoritate concilii, & cognitiones causarum matrimonialium. Ita tamen quod ex ista nostra concessione, nec quoad titulum, nec quoad fidem bonam, nec quoad aliquam praescriptionem inchoandam sive complendam in praedictis juribus post mortem ipsius Archidiaconi vel cessionem nullum nobis possit praejudicium generari. De illis verò quae sunt circa personas Episcoporum quoad querelas de eis deponendis vel appellationes ab eis faciendas ad sedem Cant. & similiter de tuitionibus appellationum ab eis ad Dominum Papam interpositarum, sic est actum inter partes praedictas, quod dictus Archidiaconus (tenore praesentium) protestatur & confitetur se nullam vendicare jurisdictionem nec cohertionem aliquam faciendam in personis Episcoporum occasione alicujus querelae contra eos motae vel movendae, vel ipsorum negligentiae; nec vendicat appellationes factas à personis Episcoporum nec ab eorum Officialibus, ipsis Episcopis existentibus extra regnum. Similiter 
Quae P. & Convent. reservata.  nec tuitiones appellationum ab eisdem ad Dominum Papam factarum cum sint de sequela dictarum appellationum. Set ipsi Prior & Capitulum in praedictis quod suum est exequantur. Ecclesias autem vacantes quae nostrae sunt donationis dabimus personis quibus videbimus expedire, & collatione facta significabimus Archidiacono instituendos eosdem, qui absque omni contradictione & examinatione personae, & inquisitione de persona ac difficultate qualibet instituet sine mora, nisi evidens & 
Poenitentiarius.  manifestum quid appareat propter quod hoc facere non possit, dummodo super aliis articulis sicut moris est inquiratur. Magistro vero Willielmo penitentiario mortuo vel amoto de alio substituendo clerico seculari in Penitentiarium sic convenimus, quod de Prioris & Archidiaconi praeficiatur assensu, qui tantum in ecclesia nostra & non alibi quotiens commodè poterit injunctum sibi officium prout Dominus dederit salubriter exequetur. Ille autem Penitentiarius secularis providetur in supplementum fratrum nostrorum penitentiariorum deputatorum vel deputandorum à Capitulo, ita quod tam salubre negotium nullum defectum habeat vel neglectum. Invocationem verò brachii secularis contra personas excommunicatorum tam à nobis authoritate privilegii nostri quam ab aliis claves ecclesiae contemnentium habeat Archidiaconus, & sic excommunicatos à nobis ad instantiam nostram faciat publicè denuntiari. Ista autem sic procedit compositio quod 
Compositio temporalis.  tantummodo ad tempus Archidiaconi supradicti durabit, ita quod post obitum ipsius vel cessionem nullum hincinde praejudicium in aliquogeneretur. Vtraque verò pars haec omnia supradicta bona fide promisit fideliter observare. Et ut haec compositio ut praedictum est robur optineat, duplicatum est hoc scriptum in modum cyrographi, cujus una pars sigillo nostro signata penes dictum Archidiaconum remanebit; altera verò pars sigillo dicti Archidiaconi signata penes nos in testimonium residebit. Act apud Cant. Anno Domini Mo. CCo. xl. primo xijo. Kalen. Septembr●s.   

A Composition between Saint Augustine's Abbey 
Scriptura xxiiija.  and the City of Canterbury about limits and liberties, entitled by Thorne Compositio cum Civibus Cant.  
ANno Domini Millesimo Cclxviijo. in crastino Purificationis beatae Mariae, Anno Regni Regis Hen. filii Regis johannis xlijo. apud Westm' coram eodem Domino Rege, convenit ex consensu ipsius Domini Regis inter Abbatem sancti Augustini Cant. & Cives dictae Civitatis super quibusdam contentionibus motis inter eos, viz. quod si aliquis latro captus fuerit cum manu opere, ita quod possit vocari Infangthef, de porta Cimiterii 
〈◊〉. Porta cimiter● Occidentalis.  Occidentalis sancti Augustini usque ad domum Henrici Fabri, & à domo H. Fabri usque ad domum Nicholai de le Berton, & deinde per vicum qui vocatur Loderslane usque ad novam 
Loderslane. Nova strata.  stratam, & sic à nova strata usque ad sanctum sepulchrum à dextris remanebit de cetero civibus & libertati Civitatis Cant. sine contradictione praedicti Abbatis vel successorum suorum vel ecclesiae Sti Aug ' imperpetuum, sive ille qui captus sit, de hominibus Abbatis vel de libertate sua interius vel exterius fuerit. Et si qualiscunque captus fuerit, qui similiter vocari debeat Infangthef in sinistra parte praedictorum bundarum & metarum, vel à sancto Sepulcro usque Chaldane, quantum fuerit de feodo ipsius Abbatis ex utraque parte, & similiter à domo praedicti Henrici Fabri per 
Chald●ne.  viam qua itur apud Fispole, ex utraque parte usque ad Fispole, 
Fispole.  scilicet quicquid sit de feodo ipsius Abbatis, & similiter si talis latro inventus fuerit in campis de Northome, & per vicum qui ducit ad portam S. Augustini, de cetero remaneat praedicto Abbati 
〈◊〉.  & Successoribus suis & ecclesiae suae in perpetuum. Ita quod servientes ipsius Abbatis illos licitè capere poterint infra praedictas metas & bundas, & justitiam facere de ipsis secundum cartam suam & legem & consuetudinem Angliae, sine contradictione praedictorum civium vel heredum suorum inperpetuum, sive ille qui captus fuerit sit de villa vel de libertate praedictae civitatis vel aliunde. Ita tamen quod propter istam conventionem nihil depereat praedictis civibus de juribus suis quae habuerint in tenentibus praedicti Abbatis, qui manentes sunt infra metas & bundas praedictas, quae remaneant tam praedicto Abbati quam praedictis civibus, quin illi qui mercandisas fecerint sint in Lot & Scot & in Tallag' & in defensione ipsorum contra omnes sicut 
Lot Scot Tallag.  prius fuerunt sin●. aliqua contradictione ipsius Abbatis vel Successorum suorum. Ita quod quando tallagium assessum est super eos, tallagium illud colligetur per visum Ballivi Domini Abbatis si interesse voluerit, & si non tunc licitè per Ballivos praedictae Civitatis. Dicti etiam cives nihilominus infra metas praedictas & bundas habebunt per Coronatorem suum visum hominum mortuorum & vulneratorum, & praesentationem quae pertinet ad coronam Domini Regis coram Iustic' in adventu suo sicut prius habuerunt attachiac' & prisonam omnium eorum de quibus dictus Abbas non potest fa●ere justitiam in Curia sua & si ille qui captus fuerit per praedictum Abbatem infra praedictas metas & bundas evaserit de prisona dicti Abbatis dicti cives non debebunt respondere 
Prisona Abbatis.  de ipso escapio coram justitiarii, sed dictus Abbas & successores sui ipsos acquietabunt coram eisdem. Et concessum est hincinde quod si aliqua contentio oriatur inter eos de aliquibus articulis quibus fortasse dictus Abbas dicit se usum fuisse, vel dicti cives dicunt se habuisse in feodo ipsius Abbatis, & non possunt inter eos inde convenire sine aliquo placito, querens veniet ad curiam, & habebit breve Domini Regis ad vicecomitem quod per sacramentum xij. tam militum quam aliorum liberorum & legalium hominum forinsecorum per quos rei veritas melius sciri poterit, & qui nec praedictum Abbatem nec praedictos cives aliqua affinitate contingant, inquirat rei veritatem de jure & usu per illos xij. terminabitur contentio, quia utraque pars concessit quod sine aliqua calumpnia tenebit se contentum de hoc quod praedicti jurati utrique parti dabunt per sacramentum suum.   

The Ordination of the Vicarage of St Paul Cant. 
Scriptura xxva.   
VNiversis Christi fidelibus ad quos praesens scriptum pervenerit, Magister Hugo de Mortuo mari Officialis Curiae Cantuar. gerens vices venerabilis patris Domini Bonifacii Dei gratia Cant. Archiepiscopi totius Angliae Primatis in remotis agentis Salutem in domino sempiternam. Noveritis nos ad praesentationem magistri Hamonis Doge Rectoris ecclesiae sancti Pauli Cantuar. Virgilium de Alcham Capellanum ad Vicariam praedictae ecclesiae, de consensu & assensu venerabilis patris R. dei gratia Abbatis S. Augustini Cant. & ejusdem loci Conventus qui dictae ecclesiae veri sunt patroni admisisse, ipsumque vicarium charitatis intuitu instituisse cononicè in eadem. Salvis tamen dicto magistro Hamoni Rectori dictae ecclesiae & successoribus 
Reservata Rectori.  suis ejusdem ecclesiae Rectoribus octo marcis argenti annuis de fructibus dictae Vicariae ad Natal' Domini, ad Pascham, ad festum Natalis beati Iohannis Baptistae, & ad festum beati Michaelis equaliter percipiendis. Et dictus Vicarius solvet procurationes 
Onera Vicarii.  Domini Archidiaconi, & alia omnia onera ordinaria sustinebit. Habebit autem dictus Vicarius & percipiet nomine Vicariae 
jura Vicarii.  suae omnes obventiones, oblationes, casus & alia. jura omnia ad dictam ecclesiam sancti Pauli aliquo modo spectantia & pertinentia (exceptis bladis & fabis in campo) & sic est ad praesens taxata Vicaria supradicta. In cujus Rei testimonium presentes literas ei fieri fecimus sigillo Officialitatis Curiae Cantuar. firmiter roborat'. Dat' Cantuar. 5. Id. Decemb. Anno Domini 1268.   

The Ordination of the Vicarage of St Mary Northgate Canterb. 
Scriptura xxvja.   
Anno Domini 1346. Bonae memoriae johannes Cant. Archiepiscopus Vicariam parochialis ecclesiae beatae Mariae de Northgate Cant. religiosis viris Priori & Conventui sancti Gregorii Cant. appropriatae, de expresso dictorum Religiosorum & Domini Thomae Sheme Vicarii dictae ecclesiae consensu in certis ordinavit portionibus, sub hac forma.  
QVod viz. idem Vicarius & successores sui in dicta ecclesia 
jura Vicariae.  Vicarii haberent & perciperent nomine Vicariae praedictae libere & absque impedimento & contradictione dictorum religiosorum omnes oblationes in primis missis parochianorum dictae ecclesiae de Northgate defunctorum ubicunque sepeliendorum, in dicta ecclesia factas & faciendas, ac in secundis missis hujusmodi defunctorum parochianorum ibidem haberent illi oblationes factas & faciendas qui eas de jure vel consuetudine habere deberent quodque dicti Vicarii omnes & omnimodas alias oblationes in dicta ecclesia de Northgate, & in quibuscunque locis infra fines, limites seu decimationes dictae ecclesiae scituatis qualitercunque factas & faciendas, seu ad eam vel in ea provenientes, seu inposterum provenire valentes, oblationibus & obventionibus hospitalis 
Hospitale de Northgate exceptum.  de Northgate Cant. duntaxat exceptis. Dictique Vicarii omnes decimas lanae, agnorum, porcellorum, aucarum, pomorum, pirorum, canap', lini, fabarum & aliorum fructuum & herbarum in ortis sive gardinis crescentium, ac decimas Warenciae sive mader vulgariter nuncupat', infra dictam parochiam provenientes, nec non omnes alias minutas decimas ad dictam ecclesiam qualitercunque spectantes, omnesque alios proventus, quos dictae ecclesiae Vicarii ab antiquo percipere consueverunt, percipient & haberent, praeterquam omnes maiores decimas (ad 
Raservata Religiosis.  quatuor marcas annis singulis aestimatas) ad dictam pertinentes ecclesiam, quas Religiosi praefati sibiipsis perpetuum reservarunt. Quodque Vicarii antedicti onus deserviendi praefatae ecclesiae in 
Onera Vicarii.  divinis, inventionisque librorum & ornamentorum dictae ecclesiae, cercorum processionalium, & unius lampadis in Cancello dictae ecclesiae ardere debentis, ministrationisque panis, vini, luminar & aliorum ad celebrationem divinorum necessariorum ibidem, ac etiam solutionis decimarum ac aliarum impositionum quarumcunque quae Anglicanae ecclesiae imponi contingent pro medietate taxationis dictae ecclesiae, suis subirent sumptibus & expensis. Praefati verò religiosi onus refectionis & reparationis 
Onera Religiosor.  Cancelli dictae ecclesiae intus & exterius, ac solutionis hujusmodi decimarum & impositionum quarumcunque, pro alia medietate taxationis ipsius ecclesiae, necnon caetera onera ordinaria & extraordinaria eidem ecclesiae incumbentia seu incumbere debentia Vicariis dictae ecclesiae non ascripta superius, agnoscerent perpetuum & subirent.   

The Ordination of the Vicarage of Holy-Crosse 
Scriptura xxvija.  of Westgate, Cant.  
IOhannes permissione divina Cantuar. Archiepiscopus totius Angliae Primas & Apostolicae sedis Legatus cunctis Christi fidelibus Salutem consequi sempiternam. Ex officii nostri debito Religiosos viros Priorem & Conventum Prioratus sancti Gregorii Cantuar. quibus ecclesia parochialis sanctae Crucis de Westgate Cant. appropriata esse dicitur, & Dominum johannem dictum Sorges vicarium ejusdem ecclesiae, ad exhibendum coram nobis ordinationem Vicariae ejusdem ad judicium nuper fecimus evocari. Sed dictae partes in termino ad praemissa eis dato nullam ordinationem hujusmodi exhibere se posse, quia eam non habuerunt, allegarunt. Pars insuper dictorum Religiosorum asserunt quod ipsi onera solutionis decimarum & aliarum impositionum quarumcunque pro taxatione ipsius ecclesiae, necnon alia onera ordinariaeidem in cumbentia in perpetuum agnoverunt, quodque ipsi nihil de fructibus, redditibus, proventibus seu obventionibus ecclesiae praefatae pro tempore dicti Vicarii perceperunt, quamvis aliorum vicariorum ejusdem ecclesiae temporibus certam pecuniae pensionem habere consueverunt & percipere ab eisdem. Dictus etiam Vicarius asseruit quod ecclesiae praefatae commoditates quaecunque sibi pro sua sustentatione congrua & oneribus suae Vicariae incumbentibus vix sufficiunt his diebus, unde nos super vero valore annuo, omnium & singulorum fructuum, redituum, proventuum, & obventionum ejusdem ecclesiae in quibuscunque rebus consistant, necnon de & super omnibus & singulis eidem ecclesiae incumbentibus oneribus, quae viz. per dictos religiosos & quae per Vicarium ipsius ecclesiae solebant agnosci, summariè & de plano, absque strepitu & figurâ judicii praemissis finem volentes imponere; de consensu dictarum partium inquisitionem in forma juris fieri fecimus diligentem, quam judicialiter publicavimus & examinavimus in presentia partium earundem. Demumque de consensu dictorum Religiosorum Vicariae praedictae Patronorum, Vicariam ecclesiae memoratae, ejus consideratis facultatibus, & ponderatis in ea parte undique ponderandis, ordinandum duximus modo infrascripto, & taxandum & limitandum quid & quantum praefati Religiosi in futurum perceperint ex fructibus, reditibus & proventibus ecclesiae prelibatae. Ordinamus siquidem & statuimus quod dicti Religiosi & Successores 
Reservata Religiosis.  eorum decimas omnium & singulorum hortorum inter sines & limites parochiae praedictae constitutorum ecclesiae undecunque, necnon decimas cujusdam molendini Sheffo●es-mill vulgariter nuncupati infra parochiam ejusdem ecclesiae scituati percipiant & habeant post instans festum Nativitatis Sancti Iohannis Baptistae temporibus secuturis. Dictus autem Vicarius & Successores sui 
Concessa Vicario.  ibidem Vicarii habeant & teneant duas mansiunculas subtus ecclesiam praedictam ex utraque ipsius parte scituatas ad Vicarium ejusdem ecclesiae antiquitus pertinentes, ceteras etiam decimas tam majores quam minores, necnon oblationes ac fructus, reditus, proventus & obventiones omnes & singulas ad dictam pertinentes ecclesiam seu inposterum pertinere valentes causa seu occasione quibuscunque dictis religiosis superius non ascripta percipiant, teneant, habeant ipsius ecclesiae Vicarii in perpetuum suae nomine Vicariae. Onus autem eidem deserviendi ecclesiae in divinis ac ministrationis, 
Onera Vicarii.  & exhibitionis panis, vini, luminar', & aliorum quae ad celebrationem divinorum ibidem necessaria fuerint per Rectores seu Vicarios locorum inveniendorum seu ministrandorum de jure vel consuetudine in nostra Diocesi usitata, ac etiam lotionis vestimentorum & ornamentorum dictae ecclesiae inventionisque seu exhibitionis straminis quo dicta sternatur ecclesia prout & quotiens opus fuerit, Vicarii ecclesiae praefatae suis agnoscant & sub●nt sumptibus & expensis. Onera vero refectionis & reparationis Cancelli ejusdem ecclesiae, inventionisque seu exhibitionis & reparationis 
Onera Religiosor.  librorum, vestimentorum & ornamentorum ejusdem quae per ecclesiarum Rectores inveniri seu exhiberi vel reparari de jure vel consuetudine debent aut solent Ac insuper onus solutionis decimarum & aliarum impositionum quarumcunque quae dictam ecclesiam secundum ejus taxationem vel aliter concernere inposterum poterint seu debebunt, necnon & caetera onera ordinaria & extraordinaria ecclesiae praedictae qualitercunque incumbentia seu incumbere debentia Vicario ejusdem ecclesiae qui erit pro tempore non ascripta superius, dicti Religiosi subeant in perpetuum & agnoscant. Reservantes nobis & Successoribus nostris Archiepiscopis Cantuariensibus dictam Vicariam augmentandi & diminuendi si & quando nobis aut eis videbitur expedire, plenariam potestatem. In quorum testimonium sigillum nostrum fecimus hiis apponi. Dat. Saltwood quinto Id. junii Anno Domini Millesimo trecentesimo quadragesimo septimo, & nostrae translationis quarto-decimo.   

The Ordination of the Vicarage of St Dunstan, Cant. 
Scriptura xxviija.   
VNiversis tenore praesentium innotescat, quod Nos Walterus permissione etc. facta inquisitione super valore fructuum & obventionum omnium ecclesiae sancti Dunstani juxta Cant. quae viris religiosis Priori & Conventui sancti Gregorii Cantuar' appropriatam esse dinoscitur: Vicarium ecclesiae S. Dunstani ordinamus in hunc modum, ut viz. ejusdem loci Vicarius qui pro tempore 
juta Vicarii.  fuerit pro sua sustentatione & suorum omnes decimas minores, oblationes & caeteros proventus omnimodos percipiat, decima garbarum cujuscunque bladi in campis crescentis duntaxat excepta, 
Reservata Religiosis.  quam praefatis Religiosis nomine Rectoriae applicamus, ac ipsos hujusmodi garbarum decimas perpetuis futuris temporibus percipere debere decernimus ac etiam ordinamus. Onera vero tam ordinaria 
Onera eorum.  quam extraordinaria Cancelli, librorum & ornamentorum, quatenus ad Rectores locorum pertinere consueverunt per hanc nostram ordinationem plene agnoscent. Salvanobis potestate hanc nostram ordinationem interpretandi, declarandi, corrigendi, addendi seu detrahendi quotiens & quando nobis expediri videbitur. In cujus etc. Dat' apud Mortlake decimo sexto ●alen' Augusti 1322.   

The tenor of the same Vicarages augmentation.  
IOhannes permissione divina Cant. Archiepiscopus totius Angliae Primas & Apostolicae sedis Legatus, cunctis Christi fidelibus Salutem perennem. Ne perpetui ecclesiarum parochialium Vicarii, 
Causae augmentationis.  propter rerum inopiam, & suarum portionum tenuitatem egeant, nostro pastorali officio convenit remedium adhibere. Eapropter religiosos viros Priorem & Conventum sancti Gregorii Cant. ecclesiam sancti Dunstani Cant. in proprios usus habentes, ut Domino Stephano Vicario ecclesiae antedictae cujus Vicariae praesentatio ad ipsos dicitur pertinere, sufficientes de ipsius ecclesiae fructibus, proventibus & obventionibus portiones, unde ipse possit & Successores sui in dicta ecclesia Vicarii possint congruam sustentationem habere, & sibi incumbentia onera supportare, infra certum à nobis eis praesixum terminum assignarent, nostra authoritate legitima moneri fecimus & induci. Qui quidem religiosi quandam exhibuerunt ordinationem dictae Vicariae per bonae memoriae Walterum quondam Cant. Archiepiscopum praedecessorem nostrum factam, in qua taliter continetur quod Vicarius dictae ecclesiae qui pro tempore fuerit decimas minores, oblationes & caeteros proventus ad dictam pertinentes ecclesiam, & provenientes undecunque ad eam debeat percipere & habere, decimis garbarum cujuscunque generis bladi de terris infra parochiam praedictae ecclesiae constitutis provenien ibus dictis religiosis retentis. Sed idem Vicarius asserens dictas portiones in hujusmodi ordinatione Vicariae contentas & assignatas eidem nullatenus sufficientes fore; judicialiter demum, post altercationes diu●inas dictarum partium super sufficientia & insufficientia portionum dictae Vicariae assignatarum in ordinatione praedicta super valore eorum annuo de mandato nostro & consensu dictarum partium legitimè inquisito, compertum extitit portiones easdem per praedictum praedecessorem nostrum, ut praemittitur assignatas Vicariae ipsius ecclesiae quatuor marcis annis singulis duntaxat valere. Vnde Commissarius noster in hujusmodi negotio rite proccdens, auditis propositis & allegationibus partium earum, n●cnon depositionibus testium praedictorum hincinde rimatis plenarie & discussis, nihil que per partem religiosorum quare potiones dictae Vic●riae augmentarinon debeant & suppleri effectualiter proposito sive dicto, terminis successivis & variis ad hoc datis, concurrentibusque omnibus & singulis quae in ea parte requirebantur de jure, in praesentia dictarum partium coram eo sufficienter comparentium, dictam Vicariam augmentari debere pronuntiavit finaliter & decrevit Ipsisque Vicariis & Successoribus suis ibidem Vicariis ultra 
Augmentatio ipsa.  ordinationem nostri praedecessoris praedicti, ea rata manente, mansum dictae Vicariae quem Vicarii ejusdem inhabitare solent antiquitus, necnon & pensionem duarum marcarum sterlingorum annuam per Religiosos praedictos solvendarum sibi & successoribus suis ibidem Vicariis in festis Natalis Domini & sancti Iohannis Baptistae equalibas portionibus annuatim in dictae assignatae su● portionis augmentum canonicè assignavit. Ordinavit insuper & decrevit 
Onera Vicarii.  quod idem Vicarius & sui successores in eadem ecclesia Vicarii futuris temporibus eidem ecclesiae deserviant in divinis sustentationibusque cereorum, luminarium, ac panis & vini, pro celebratione missarum in eadem. Necnon in quibuscunque solutionibus decimarum & impositionibus aliis extraordinariis dictae ecclesiae ad quatuor marcas estimata onera pro medietate supportabunt. Praefatique religiosi refectiones & reparationes cancelli dictae ecclesiae, 
Onera Religiosor.  inventionemque librorum, vestimentorum & ornamentorum ad Rectores locorum pertinentes s●bibunt perpetim & agnoscent, reservata nobis & Successoribus nostris etc. Vnde Nos idem Iohannes Archiepiscopus praemissa omnia & singula authoritate nostra ordinaris (ut praemittitur) ritè facta approbamus & tenore praesentium confirmamus. Dat' Cantuariae, iijo. Cal. Augusti Anno Domini Millesimo Cccmo. xlijo. & nostrae translationis nono.   

A Record showing the ancient form and Custom of payment of Tithes in Canterbury, taken out of the Archbishop's principal 
Scriptura xxix.  Registry.  
THomas permissione divina Cantuar. Archiepiscopus totius, etc. Dilectis in Christo siliis Commissario nostro Cant. generali & Archidiaconi nostri Officiali Salutem, gratiam & benedictonem. Clamosa insinuatione quorundam Rectorum & Vicariorum ecclesiarum nostrae Civitatis ad aures nostras pervenit, quod licet ex antiqua & rationabili consuetudine tam in nostra Civitate quam alibi per totam Civitatem London' antiquitus observata & legitimè praescripta, etiam in contradictorio judicio aliquotiens obtenta, pro quolibet hospitio seu domicilio dictae nostrae Civitatis pro decem s●lidis sterlingorum per unum annum conducto, quad●antem, & si pro viginti solidis hujusm' hospitium seu domus per annumconducatur, obolum, & pro hospitio pro quadraginta solidis per annum conducto denarium, & si hospitium hujusm' pro majori summa per annum conductum fuerit, plus, juxta summam seu portionem praedict', inhabitantes & conducentes domos et hospitia hujusmodi qualibet die dominica per annum, et singulis etiam festio solempnibus, & praecipuè Apostolorum quorum etiam vigiliae per annum jejunantur, Deo & ecclesiae in cujus parochia domus seu aedificia hujusmodi situantur offerre debeant & tenentur. Sunt tamen nonnulli dictae nostrae Civitatis qui tam oblationes suas hujusmodi 
Oblationes.  ecclesiis eorum parochialibus ac Rectoribus & Vicariis earundem vigore dictae consuetudinis debitas, quam decimas eorum 
Decimae personales.  personales de lucro negotiationum suarum provenientes & ecclesiis quarum sunt parochiani debitas injustè subtrahunt & subtrahere moliuntur, ac decimas hujusmodi solvere contradicunt, objicientes contra Rectores & Vicarios hujusmodi decimas petentes consuetudinem non solvendi decimas supradictas, quam Canones vocant corruptelam, & plerumque quod deterius est confederatis & coadunatis pluribus conditionis similis, per illicitas conventiculas contra decimas hujusmodi exigentes ex praecogitatâ malitiâ gratis insurgunt, & quatenus in eis est Rectores & Vicarios sic petentes injustè opprimunt & jurium ecclesiaslicorum subtractiones diversis modis adaugent contra canonicas sanctiones, in animarum suarum grave periculum & libertatis ecclesiasticae laesionem manifestam. Nos igitur animabus nostrorum subditorum prospicere & morbo hujusmodi pestifero quantum à Canone est permissum mederi cupientes. Vobis con' & utrique vestrum di' committimus & mandamus firmiter injungendo, quatenus in singulis ecclesiis dictae nostrae Civitatis omnes & singulos decimas & oblationes hujusmodi injustè subtrahentes, & eas debitè non solventes, diebus dominicis et festivis intramissarum solempnia, cum major affuerit populi multitudo, authoritate nostra peremptoriè moneatis et efficaciter inducatis, quod de eorum decimis seu oblationibus subtractis ecclesiis quarum sunt parochiani, infra unius mensis spatium à tempore monitionis vestrae continuè numerandum satisfaciant competenter. Et quod de caetero subtrahentes hujusmodi suas decimas et obl●tiones quatenus ad eos attinet fideliter persolvant ut tenentur, sub poenâ excommunicationis majoris quam in contravenientes et monitionibus vestris non parentes in hac parte, mora et culpa eorum in ea parte praecedentibus per vos volumus canonicè fulminari, et sic excommunicatos publicè nuntiari. De nominibus verò hujusmodi subtrahentium cum omni diligentia et ca●teld plenius inquiratis seu inquiri faciatis in singulis parochiis ecclesiarum dictae nostrae Civitatis, in quibus per ipsarum ecclesiarum Rectores & Vicarios fueritis congruè requisiti. De die verò receptionis presentium, monitionisque & executionis vestrarum in hac parte factarum modo & forma, ac de nominibus subtrahentium hujusmodi, necnon de omni eo quod feceritis & inveneritis in hac parte, nos cum per partem dictorum Rectorum & Vicariorum fueritis congruè requisiti certificetis, per vestras literas patentes, seu certificet alter vestrum qui praesens mandatum fuerit executus per suas literas patentes harum seriem continentes. Dat' in palatio nostro Cant. fourteen ●o. die menfis Aprilis Anno Domini Millesimo Cccmo. nonagesimo septimo, & nostraetranslationis anno primo.   

Another Record to the same purpose, taken out of the Registry of the Consistory at Cant. being a deposition 
Scriptura xxxa.  or witnesses examination taken in a suit, Anno 1457. there commenced, for tithes, by the then Parson of St Elphege, Cant.  
THomas Proude de parochia sancti Elphegi Civitatis Cantuar. aetatis L. annorum & ultra, liberae conditionis ut dicit, interrogatus an sit consuetudo in Civitate Cant. quod omnes & singuli parochiani cujuscunque parochiae tenentur offerre diebus dominicis & aliis diebus solemnibus quorum vigiliae jejunantur secundum valorem redditus domuum, hoc est, si domus solvat xxs. obolum, & si xl s denarium, & sic secundum ratam ascensiuè & descensiuè, dicit quod sic. Interrogatus quomodo scit, dicit quod ita ipse observavit, & obtulit, & sic vidit observari toto tempore suo, ac etiam sic audivit à tempore & per tempus cujus contrarii memoria hominum non existit à praedecessoribus suis ita observatum fuisse Interrogatus an novit aliquam constitutionem in hac parte latam dicit quod audivit quod sic, & quod virtute illius constitutionis ac consuetudinis praedictae quidam magister Galfridus Langbrok nuper Vicarius sancti Dunstani extra muros Civitatis Cantuar. contra johannem Belsyre parochianum suum in casu consimili per sententiam diffinitivam victoriam obtinuit. Interrogatus insuper an Curati dictae Civitatis praesentes & praedecessores sui pro temporibus suis, & praesertim dictus Dominus johannes Permenter Rector sancti Elphegi fuerunt & sunt in possessione seu quasi juris percipiendi & habendi hujusmodi oblationes ab inhabitantibus & occupantibus domos & hospitia infra suam parochiam modo & forma praemissis, dicit quod sic. Interrogatus per quantum tempus, dicit quod de notitia, & scientia suis per x. xx. xxx. & xl. annos, & de auditu suo per lx. annos, & per tempus cujus contrarii memoria hominum non existit, & nunquam audivit de contrario usque ad litem hanc motam. 
These things are con-tested by William Sellow and joh ⁿ Mersh both of that Parish.    

An abstract out of the Life of St Elphege, written by Osborne 
Scriptura xxxja.  a Monk of Canterbury in the Conqueror's time, of what concerns the siege and spoil of Canterbury (both Cathedral and City) happening in the year 1011. never before Printed.  
SEd totius malignitatis magister simul ac minister Diabolus, Diabolus inquam totius malignitatis magister simul ac minister, dum infidelium paucitatem ad injustam justi hominis necem propter copiam fidelium impellere non potuisset, aliam patrandi sceler●s artē aggreditur, per quam illi omni sociorum timore sublato quod nequissimè cogitaverant crudelissimè exequerentur. Quendam namque Edricum Rex totius Imperii sui Praefectum statuerat, hominem 
Edricus Regis & Regni P●fectus.  humili quidem genere, sed qui lingu● divitias ac nobilitatem comparaverat, callentem ingenio, suave● eloquio, & qui omnes ●d temporis mortales cum invidià atque persidià tum superbiâ & crudelitate superaverat. Hujus igitur fratrem primò nobilitati Cantuariorum in praesentia Regis gratuitò maledicentem, deinde ea quae unicuique ex paterna hereditate pervenissent violentâ dominatione invadentem, hujus inquam fratrem lubricum ac superbum eadem nobilitas aggressum interfecerat, edes succenderat; justo Dei judicio agente, ut qui in alios injustè exarsisset: ipse justae vindictae poenas exolvisset. Cujus sanguinis frater superstes ultionem à Rege postulat. Denegat Rex postulata, jure fratrem peremptum pronuntiat, qui tantam nobilitatem tanta animi mobilitate regali palatio inpetere praesumpsisset. Praefectus colorem mutatus palatium egreditur, junctisque secum decem milibus viris quam optimè armatis occisum fratrem ulcisci conatur. Sed dum conatus suos parùm processisse conspiceret, resistentibus iis quos importunissmos adverfarios habebat, & ingenti virtute contra certantibus, elatus in iram, Danorum conciliabula expectat, auxiilia perquirit, non jam ad Cantuarienses solos debellandos, sed ad totius Britanniae fines depopulandos. Quorum ignaviam maledictis increpitat, quod tot annos laborando nihil offecerint; cum praesertim Rex senio & languore, principes otio, omnesque divitiis ac voluptatibus contabescant. Opus tantummodo esse incepto, cetera rem ipsam expedire. Regnum post victoriam aequa sorte dividendum, se Orientalibus Anglis, illos verò Aquilone potiri. Cujus hominis pollicitationibus principes Danorum arrecti simul & memores sociorum per doctrinam Pontificis sibi praereptorum socios se infatigables ad quodcunque ducere vellet promittunt, dextrasque dant & accipiunt, sacramenta exigunt & porrigunt. Itaque ma●urato consilio Dani & Angli: Dani relicta statione quam hiemandi gratiâ propè Londoniam ceperant, cum innumerâ classe & non segniter armatâ Portum Sandvicum subeunt, ea viz. ratione, quod illam & ad receptionem navium habilem & civitati ad quam 
Portus Sandwici.  tendebant acceperint primum. At Edricus cum innumera pedestri multitudine & ipse pedes occurrens exercitum intolerabilem fac'. Hostes Pontifici Praefectis nobilitati omnis Cantuariae necem intentant. Cujus Rei fama civitas Cantuariorum vehementer permota, propterea quod neque alimentorum subsidia in ea fuissent, nec illis comparandis tempus jam idoneum suppeteret totas spes atque res suas in manus summi sacerdotis comendat, templumque Domini quod excellentissima omnium populorum veneratione ibi quidem colitur assidua supplicatione frequentat. Arbitrabantur etenim sese propter loci sanctitatem ibi vitari posse, & omnia magis fieri, quam se violenta inimicorum manu inde avelli. Sed verus ac sempiternus Deus, etc.  
Mox universa nobilitas, quae olim in legis violatorem vindictam exercuerat: universa inquam nobilitas lacrimabili quaest● Pontificem circumdat, orat ut urbem exeat, vitae consulat: in vulgi morte damnum quidem esse, sed quovis modo tolerabile; illius verò vitam omnium in terravitas excellere. Sentiens autem beatus ille suasionem tametsi piam sua tametsi existimatione indignam, longè inquit alia mihi via gradiundum puto, dum praeteritos mecum labores reputans, aeternam Dei retributionem cogito, etc.  
Postquam accepere ea homines quibus omnia quam mors & cruciatus corporis cariora erant, citato mox consilio, diversi alius alio se transferunt: plures verò placandi gratià Danos accedunt, ratos se apud hostes tutos fore qui infra muros Civitatis tuti esse non possent. Sed è contra omnia venère. Sed me piget ista narrare. At Aelphegus convocatis pauperibus populi sui, hortabatur 
Aelph●gus.  eos bono animo esse, Deum prae oculis habere, praeter eum qui corpus & animam in gehennam perdere potest nichil formidare, etc.  
Deinde Episcopali super illos benedictione effusa, pacis communione in osculo sancto libata, dum divini epuli omnes participes efficeret, se illis, illos sibi, utrosque autem omnium protectori Deo commendavit. jamque dies aderat primos visura tumultus: Ecce tota Civitas hostili agmine circumvallata omnem exeundi civibus libertatem negabat. At illi pro muris consistentes, resistendi audaciam non tam ostendebant quam simulabant. Vigesimo autem obsidionis die exhausto quicquid ad vitae usum paraverant, mittitur à Pontifice qui Dano subgerat ut ab incepto desistat, populum innocenter obsidionem pati, cavere ne divinae correptionis flagello pro filiorum castigatione ad tempus concesso nimis ins●enter abutatur. Fieri plerumque ut quem pater heredem vult, bac● percutiat, baculum post in ignem projiciat. Sed Angli (nam illi ad impietatem procliviores extiterant) quo amplius cognatum populum afflictari cernebant, eo sero●ores instare, vineas agere, turres extruere, arietibus murum ferire, igneas faces jacere, prorsus nihil intactum habere. Ind feralis per contiguas domos ignis conceptus, horrendos crines attollit, ac saeviente austro per omnia loca se dilatando spargit. Cernere tibi videreris, aut Romanas flammas Neronem mirari, aut Trojana incendia Aeneam deflere. Tum vero miseranda inter cives cunctatio, utrumnam desertis murorum propugnaculis ad proprias domus convolarent, an eis neglectis munitioni incumberent: vicit communem utilitatem privata affectio, filiorum dulcis recordatio tuendae familiae innata compassio Currunt itaque furore praecipites, animositate audaces, neque vitae memores nequ● mori potentes. Rapiunt è mediis ignibus conjuges & caros liberos, hostili gladio statim feriendos. Sed illis ad cineres aedificiorum attentiùs occupatis, ecce quod dictu quoque miserabile est, effracta urbe, exercitus ingreditur, terribilis sonitus ex 
Vastatio Civitatis.  clamore vocum simul & ex clangore tubarum attollitur; adeo ut omnia Civitatis fundamenta concuti viderentur. Quae tunc 
Danorum immanitas.  facies rerum, quam miserabilis confusio malorum, sub nullius scientiam cadere potest qui non ejusdem calamitatis spectator affuerit. Alii namque ferro jugulati, alii flammis consumpti, plures verò supra muros praecipites dati, nonnulli quod dicere pudet per verenda suspensi deficiunt. Matronae quas ceteris clariores nobilitas effecerat, dum thesauros quos non habebant coguntur prodere capillis per omnis civitatis plateas distractae, ad ultimum flammis injectae moriuntur. Super omnia in minorem aetatem crudelitas desevit, dum parvul● à matrum uberibus evulsi aut lanceis exciperentur aut superacto plaustro minutatim conterentur. jam verò ea quae sequuntur mala pro dolorum magnitudine vix enarrare valeo. Ecce etenim venerandus Pontifex non ferens tantam suorum depopulationem, dum forte plangentium 
Monachi in eccles. Salvatoris circumsepti.  turba monachorum in ecclesia Salvatoris circumseptus fuisset: repente manibus tenentium se lapsus de ecclesia evasit, currensque ad locum cadaveribus plenum inter densissimos hostium cuneos se ingerit, talia geminando inclamitans. Parcite ait parcite, etc.  
Protinus ergo innumeris manibus fortissimis athleta carpitur, ac intercepto g●jure vox loquentis praepeditur. Vinculis palmae 
A●egus capitur.  innectuntur, genae unguibus dissecantur, pugnis & calcibus latera tunduntur. Inter haec servus Dei muto simillimus, ne uno quidem verbo dolorem prodere; sed sancti spiritus consolatione roboratus, summa tantum labia quasi cum Deo loquens movere. Sicque ad atrium Templi non tam deductus quam impiorum manibus impulsus, jubetur novi flagitii spectator assistere, quatenus mortem ante mortem videret, nullumque mortis genus existeret, quod illum sive patientem sive suis condolentem praeteriret. Accedunt itaque filii Diaboli ad templum filii omnipotentis Dei, cuppas super invicem positas inflammant, tectum exinde molientes amburere. jam plumbi materies à facie ignis resoluta 
Templum spoliatum.  coepit introrsum defluere, cum bea●a monachorum plebs caput pallio cooperta, amaris lachrymis faciem rigata in Deum per omnia confisa egrediebatur, datura pro Salvatore quod pro omnibus ille dignatus est impendere. Ad quam ferro excipiendam mox carnifex occurrens, mirabili atque miserabili eandem caede devastat. Quid tum quaeso etc.  
Igitur ex omni numero, qui ad octo millia hominum protendebatur, 
Decimatio populi.  quatuor solummodo monasticae professionis, octingentos autem inferioris ordinis viros remansisse accepimus, quos primum beneficii gratiâ pro decimis computatos, deinde verberibus acriter— aut pecuniaria redemptione dignos judicaverint aut servilibus mancipandos operibus secum abduxerunt etc.  
jam populo caeso, jam urbe flammata, jam denique Christi templo violato, perscrutato, spoliato, extrahitur sanctus toto corpore vinctus, furentis populi manibus occidendus. Cumque 
Porta septentrionalis.  ad Portam Septemtrionis praecedentium raptu, & subsequentium impulsu traheretur, ecce two quos solos paulo ante ex omni Civitatis ruina superfuisse commemoravi, pedes trabibus inserti sub militari custodia tenebantur. Qui viso Pontisice etc.  
Ducitur igitur ostia Christi de urbe ad classem, de classe ad carcerem, de carcere ad iniquitatis judicem. Carcerem pronuntio quem horror tenebrarum foedavit, quem augustia parietum foedavit, quem ranarum importunitas foedavit. Ibi virum menses septem duodeno milite septum servavere rati illum ecclesiae patrimonia spoliaturum, ac pro sua liberatione eye daturum. Sed Elphegus etc.  
Expectato autem sacrosancto Dominicae requici Sabatho, cum perfectae salutis integritatem se recepisse, nec quemquam ex omni populo per totum triduum obiisse conspicerent, legant principes legionum quatuor, qui pontifice adito, primò quidem pro impenso beneficio gratias exhibeant, deinde hujus conditionis alloquium proponant, ut si vita ac libertate velit potiri sexaginta argenti talenta persolvat, singulis talentis quinquaginta librarum pondera appensis. Praeter haec spondeat se suasurum Regi, ut cum impossibile sit absque grandi pecunia Anglos Danis conciliari ducenta superioris ponderis talenta solvantur, sicque foedus inter utrosque populos firmum constituatur. Quo ille accepto nuntio, etc.   

Foundation of Lukedale chantry.  
SCiant praesentes & futuri ad quos praesens scriptum pervenerit 
Scriptura xxxija.  quod ego Rogerus Dei gratia Abbas Sancti Augustini Cantuarien. & Conventus ejusdem loci concessimus Reginaldo de Cornhelle & heredibus suis habere cantariam suam in capellâ 
Reginaldas de Cornhelle.  sua quae constructa est intra septa Curiae suae de Lukedale faciendam 
Curia de Lukedale.  per Capellanum suum commensalem in propriis expensis, salvo in omnibus jure matricis ecclesiae de Littlebourne, ita quod praefatus Reginaldus vel heredes sui nullis futuris temporibus onerabunt personam vel sacerdotem praedictae ecclesiae de Littlebourne occasione cantariae in jam dicta capella faciendae. Reddet igitur tam praedictus Reginaldus quam heredes sui integrè & plenariè deciniationes omnium terrarum quas habent in eadem parochiatam magnas quam minimas matrici ecclesiae de Littlebourne. Praeterea d●bunt decimas duarum partium molendini de Bremlinge, & tertiae partis si eam recuperare potuerint, & decimas 
Molendinum de Bremlinge.  feni tantilli prati quod ibi habent & duos solidos annuos super altare matricis ecclesiae de Littlebourne, reddend, per manum Willielmi de S●octing vel heredum suorum in duobus terminis, scilicet in media quadragesima 12●. & in festo sancti Michaelis 12d. Visitabunt etiam matricem ecclesiam cum oblationibus suis in quatuor annuis festivitatibus, Natalis scilicet Domini, Purificationis, Paschae, & festivitate sancti Vincentii, cum in partibus illis fuerint, ut parochiani saepedictae ecclesiae de Littlebourne. Sacerdos etiam qui pro tempore in saepenominatâ capellâ ministrabit fidelitatem faciet personae saepedictae matricis ecclesiae, quod in nullo defraudabit eam in decimis magis sive minimis, nec in praedictis oblationibus confessionibus sive testamentis, sponsalibus, sive purificationibus, vel tricennalibus, vel in aliquibus ad Ius ecclesiae de Littlebourne pertinentibus. Veniens itaque saepenominatus Reginaldus in Capitulum nostrum sacramentum prestitit pro se & heredibus suis se & heredes suos in omnibus & per omnia haec supradicta fideliter observaturos. Hiis testibus etc.   

A Grant made by Archbishop Wlfred to the family at 
Scriptura xxxiija.  Christ-Church permitting them to enjoy certain houses which themselves had built (it seems) upon the re-edifying of the Monastery.  
IN nomine sanctae Salvatoris Dei & Domini nostri jesu Christi Anno ab incarnatione ejusdem Dei & redemptoris mundi 
†  D. CCC. xiij. Indict. iija. praesidente Christi gratia archipontifice Wlfredo Metropolitano sedem ecclesiae Christi quae sita est in Dorovern●a civitate Anno iiijo. Episcopatus ejusdem Archiepiscopi divina ac fraterna pietate ductus amore Deo auxiliante renovando & restaurando pro honore & amore Dei sanctum monasterium Dorovernensis ecclesiae reaedificando resici auxiliantibus ejusdem ecclesiae presbiteris & Diaconibus cunctoque Clero Domino Deo servientium simul. Ego Wlfredus misericordia Dei Archisacerdos pro intimo cordis affectu dabo & concedo familia Christi habere & perfruere domos quas suu proprio labore construxerunt jure perpetuo hereditatis munificentia illis viventibus seu decedentibus cuicunque relinquere vel donare voluerint unusquisque liberam habeant facultatem in eodem monasterio donandi sed nec alicui foras extra congregationi. Ita etiam in Christi caritate obsecrans praecipio omnibus successoribus meis hanc praedictam donationem inconcusse & inviolatam salva ratione servandam sine fine semper in evum: hac tamen conditione ut Deo humiliores & gratiores omnium beneficiorum Dei semper existant, seduloque frequentatione canonicis horis ecclesiam Christi visitent orantes ac deprecantes pro seipsis propriis piaculis & pro aliorum remissione peccatorum misericordiam Domini implorent. Necnon domum refectionis & dormitorium communiter frequentent juxta regulam monasterialis disciplinae vitae observant. Vt in omnibus honorificetur Deus & vita nostra & bona conversatio nobis nostrisque proficiat in bonum. Si quis illorum per audaciam suae malae voluntatis hanc praedictam constitutionem inritam habere & in oblivionem deducere, & congregare convivias ad vescendum & bibendum seu etiam dormiendum in propriis cellulis sciat se quisquis ille sit reatum se esse propriae domi & in potestate Archiepiscopi ad habendum & cuicunque ei placuerit donandum. l' manentem itaque hanc kartulam in sua nihilominus firmitate. Ego Wlfred gratia Dei Arch ' episc' signo sanctae crucis Christi confirmans subscripsi.  

✚ Ego Wernoth pr' Ab ' con' & subscripsi.  
✚ Ego Wulfheard pr' con' & sub'.  
✚ Ego Heamund pr' con' & sub'.  
✚ Ego Oswulf pr' con' & sub'.  
✚ Ego Ceolstan pr' con' & sub.  
✚ Ego Tudda pr' con' & sub'.  
✚ Ego Diornoth pr' con' & sub'.  
✚ Ego Guthmund pr' con' & sub'.  
✚ Ego Cuthberht pr' con' & sub'.  
✚ Ego Coenhere Dia. con' & sub'.  
✚ Ego Brunheard Dia. con' & sub'.  
✚ Ego Haehferth praeposi' con' & sub.    

An Apology for Archery, by Mr john Bingham, in 
Scriptura xxxiiija.  his Notes upon Aelians' Tactics, pag. 24. etc.  
Arrows] Archers have always been of special esteem for the field, and preferred before the other kinds of lightarmed. Many nations have been commended for their skill in shooting. Amongst the Grecians the Cretans were (of ancient time) sole Archers, 
a Pausan. in Attecis 40.  as Pausanias witnesseth. Yet was not their service equal with the service of the Persians. For Xenophon confesseth, that the Persian Bow overreached the Cretan a great way: and that the Rhodians with their sling out-threw the Cretan Bow. Of the Carduchans' a people, through whose Country the Grecians passed at their return out of Persia 
b Xenoph. de exp●d Cyri. lib. 4. 322. C.  Xenophon writeth thus: They carried no other arms, than Bows and Slings. They were excellent Archers; and had Bows well nigh three Cubits long; Arrows more, than two Cubits. When they shot, they drew the string, applying their hand somewhat toward the neither end of the Bow, setting their left foot forward. With their Arrows they pierced both Targets, and Curates. The Grecians putting thongs to the midst of their Arrows sent them backat the enemy in steed of Darts. The same in effect is reported by 
c Diod. Sicul. lib. 14. 411.  Diodorus Siculus. Of the Parthian horsemen, Appian saith: When Crassus commanded the lightarmed to disband, and go to the charge, they went not far, but meeting with many Arrows, and being sore galled with them, they retired straight, and hid themselves amongst the armed, and gave beginning of disorder, and fear, representing to the sight of the rest, the force, and violence of the shot, that rend all arms, they fell upon, and made way aswell through bodies, that had the best, as the worst furniture defensive: giving mighty and violent strokes from stiff and great Bows, and forcing out the Arrow boisterously with the compass, and bend of the Bow. 
d Plutarch. in Crasso. 〈◊〉  Plutatch hath the very words, that are in Appian. The Indians also were good Archers, albeit not much praised by Q. Curtius, 
e Curtius' lib. 8 353.  He saith: their Arrows were two Cubits long, which they deliver out of their Bows, with more labour, than effect: for as much as the Arrow whose whole efficacy is in lightness, becometh altogether unwieldy by reason of the weight. And yet he telleth, that Alexander, at the assault of the principal City of the Mallians, was stroke through his Cuirass into the side beneath the Paps with an Indian Arrow: with whom 
f Plutarch in Alexan. Diod. Sicul. li●. ●7. 614.  Plutarch and Diod. Siculus accord. 
g Arr lib. 6. 129. E.  Arrian addeth the wound was so deep, that his breath was seen to issue out together with his blood. The Goths and other people of the North, that invaded the Roman Empire, had their chief victories against the Romans by the help of Bows, and Arrows. 
h Veget lib. 1. cap. 20.  Vegetius (before alleged) speaketh it plainly: So our Soldiers, saith he, unarmed both bodies and heads, encountering with the Goths, were oftentimes wholly defeated, and slain, with the multitude of their Arrows. I may not pretermit the praise of our Nation in this skill. Our own stories testify, that the great battles, we gained against the French, were gained by the joynt-shooting of our Archers principally. And that the English have heretofore excelled in Archery and shooting, is clear by the testimony even of Strangers. 
i Aurel. Cicuta de 〈◊〉. mil. lib. 2. 206.  Cicuta (whom I named before) commending the use of Bows, as necessary for the service of the field (and that long after Guns were invented) preferreth the English before all other, and setteth him down, as a pattern for other to follow. And 
k Patrit. Parall. parte secunda lib. 3. pag 37.  Patritius, disputing of the violence of Arrows, doubteth not to affirm, that an English Arrow with a little wax put upon the point of the head, will pass through any ordinary Corslet or Cuirass. Howsoever the credit of Bowes is lost, at this present, with many great Soldiers, yet have they of ancient time been highly prised. 
l Veget. lib. 1. cap. 15.  Vegetius saith; how great advantage good Archers bring in fight, both Cato in his Books of military discipline doth show evidently, and Claudius, by augmenting the number of Archers, and teaching of them the use of their Bows, overcame the enemy, whom before he was not able to match. Scipio Africanus (the younger) being to give battle to the Numantines, that before had forced a Roman army to pass under the yoke, thought he could not otherwise have the better, unless he mingled chosen Archers in every Century. And 
m Leo cap. 6. §. 5.  Leo the Emperor in his Constitutions military hath this Constitution amongst other: You shall command all the Roman youth, till they come to forty years of age, whether they have mean skill in shooting, or not, to carry Bows and Quivers of Arrows. For since the Art of shooting hath been neglected, many, and great losses have befallen the Romans. And in another place: 
n Leo cap. 11. §. 49.  you shall enjoin the Commanders under you, in winter to take a view, and to signify to the Turmarches (Colonels) how many horse, and what kind of arms the Soldiers, under their Commands, stand in need of, that necessary provision be made, and the Soldiers be furnished in time convenient. But specially you are to have care of Archers; and that they, who remain at home, and have vacation from war, hold Bowes and Arrows in their houses. For carelessness herein hath brought great damage to the Roman State. So Leo. This of old time was the opinion of the Romans concerning Archers. How we are fall'n out with them in our days (the skill of the Bow, being a quality so commendable, and so proper to our Nation) I know not, unless fireweapons perhaps have put them out of countenance. And surely it may not be denied, that the force of fireweapons of our time doth far exceed the height of all old inventions for annoying the enemy. And, when I have given them the first place, I will not doubt to give the second to Bows and Arrows: being so far from casting them of, that I would rather follow the wisdom of the Grecians; who albeit they esteemed Arrows the best flying weapons, yet thought it not amiss to hold in use slings, and darts. Every weapon hath it property; and that which is fit for one service, is not so fit for another. The fireweapons have their advantages; They have also their disadvantages. Their advantage is, they pierce all defence of armour, and lighting upon a place of the body, the wound whereof endangereth life, they bring with them certain death. Their disadvantages are, they are not always certain, sometimes for want of charging, sometimes through overcharging, sometimes the Bullet rolling out, sometimes for want of good powder, or of dried powder, sometimes because of an ill dried match, not fit to coal, or not well cocked. Besides they are somewhat long in charging, while the Musketier takes down his Musket, uncockes the match, blows, proynes, shuts, casts of the pan, casts about the musket, opens his charges, chargeth, draws out his scouring stick, rams in the powder, draws out again, and puts up his scouring stick, lays the musket on the rest, blows of the match, cocks, and tries it, guards the pan, and so makes ready. All which actions must necessarily be observed, if you will not fail of the true use of a Musket. In rain, snow, fogs, or when the enemy hath gained the wind, they have small use. Add that but one rank (that is the first) can give fire upon the enemy at once. For the rest behind, discharging, shall either wound their own Companions before, or else shoot at random, and so nothing endanger the enemy, the force of a musket being only available at point blank. chose the disadvantage of Arrows is in the weakness of the stroke, which is not able to enter a Cuirass, that the foot or horse now use. Yet can no weather be found, wherein you may not have good use of Bows: rain, snow, wind, hail, fogs, hinder little (especially the string of the Bow being not to wet) nay rather profit. Because in them you can hardly discern, muchless avoid, the fall of the Arrow. As for quickness in delivery, the Bow far excelleth the Musket. A good single Archer is able to give five shot in exchange for one of the Musketier; and that with such certainty, that you shall not hear of an Archer that misseth the delivery of his Arrow, where the Musketier, often faileth by reason of the accidents and impediments before by me rehearsed. join that a whole squadron of Archers, being embattled, may shoot at once together: which only the first rank of Musketeers may do. And make the case there were a hundred Musketeers, and a hundred Bowmen each digested into ten files, each file containing ten men, the Bowmen shall be able to shoot at once a hundred Arrows (all their Arrows) for ten Bullets given by the Musketeers, namely those ten of the first rank discharging alone. It must not be pretermitted, that the Bow and Quiver both for marching, and all service, are lighter and of less labour to use, than a Musket, which is no small advantage in arms and fight. To conclude, the Bowmen may be placed behind the armed foot, and yet in shooting over the Phalange annoy the enemy before joining, and 
o Plut. in Sylla.  all the time of fight, even whilst they are at push of Pike; where the Musketier, there placed, must either idly look on, or else playing with his Musket, most of all endanger his own friends. Neither is the force of Arrows so weak, as is imagined, no not in the arming of our days. For the Pike albeit he have his head and body covered, yet are his legs, and feet, his arms, and hands open to wounds: any of which parts being wounded brings a disability of service. To say nothing of his face, and eyes, before which the showers of Arrows falling like a tempest without intermission, must needs breed a remediless terror, and make him think rather of saving himself, then offending his enemy. The Musketier being also unarmed is as subject to the shot of Arrows, as the Archer is to the shot of the Musket; and the Arrow touching any vital part, as much taketh away life, as doth the Musket. Lastly a horseman for his own person (I must confess) is safe enough from the danger of Arrows by reason of his armour; but his horse, being a fair and large mark, and having neither barb, nor pectoral, nor ought else to hide his head or breast, how can he escape wounds? Witness our fields in France, where our Archers always beat the French horse, being barbed, and better armed, than our horse are, at this day. And for the bloody effect of Bows the story of Plutarch is worth the rehearsing. He, in the life of Crassus hath thus: 
p Plutarch in Crasso.  The Parthians opposing the Cataphracts against the Roman horse, the other Persians galloping here and there dispersedly, and troubling the face of the field, broke up from the bottom, Hills of Sand, that raised infinite dust, whereby the Romans lost their sight and voice: and thronging together, and thrusting one another were wounded, and died not a simple, of quick death, but tormented with convulsions and pangs of grief, wallowing up, and down, in the sand to break the Arrows in their wounds, or else endeavouring to pluck out the hooked heads, which had pierced veins and sinews, renting a fresh themselves, and adding torment to torment: so that many died in this manner, and the rest became unprofitable. And when Publius Crassus desired them once more to charge the Cataphracts, they showed their hands nailed to their Targets, and their feet fastened to the ground, whereby they were unable either to fly, or fight. These wonders did the Parthian Bows, which notwithstanding were not to be compared to our ancient English Bows, either for strength, or far shooting. And that we may not seem to rely upon antiquity alone. 
q Patric. paral. ●il. pa l. 2. 39  The battle of Curzolare (commonly called the battle of Lepanto) fought in our days betwixt the Turks, and Christians by Sea may serve for an experience of the service of Bows and Arrows. In which there died of the Christians by the Arrows of the Turks above five thousand, albeit they were in Galleys and Ships, and had their blinds pretended to save from sight, and mark of the Turks, where as the Artillery of all sorts of the Christians consumed not so many Turks: notwithstanding the Christians had the victory. Now then for us to leave the Bow, being a weapon of so great efficacy, so ready, so familiar, and as it were so domestical to our Nation, to which we were wont to be accustomed from our Cradle, because other Nations take themselves to the Musket, hath not so much as any show of reason. Other Nations may well forbear that, they never had. Neither Italian, nor Spaniard, nor French, nor Dutch, have these five hundred years, been accounted Archers. It was a skill almost appropriated to our Nation. By it, we gained the battles of Cressy, of Poitiers, of Agincourt, in France: of Navarre, in Spain: By it, we made ourselves famous over Christendom. And to give it over upon a conceit only (for no experience can say that our Bow was ever beaten out of the field by the Musket) will prove an imitation of Aesop's dog, who carrying a piece of flesh in his mouth over a River, and seeing the shadow in the water, snatched at the shadow, and left the flesh. I speak not this to abase the service of Muskets, which all men must acknowledge to be great; I only show, there may be good use of Bows, if our Archers were such, as they were wont: which is not to be despaired, and will easily come with exercise.   

A Discourse of the Privilege commonly called 
Vide pro Becket in Catalogo Archiep.  Clergy, branched into the five following Particulars, viz.  

1. The nature and qualities of the privilege, what it is, and whence it came.  
2. The form and manner how it is put in practice.  
3. The antiquity thereof in the land.  
4. The extent of it to lay men, and the cause thereof.  
5. The declining of it by degrees, and restrained condition thereof with us at this day.   
TO begin with the first. The better to know the nature and quality of this privilege, liberty, immunity, exemption 
1. Particular.  (callit which you please) I must let you know, that by the Canon-law (for I will look no higher) every Clergy man hath a certain Franchese granted him, known by the term of Privilegium Clericale, the which as a chain, consisteth and is made of many links. One, and that the chief, whereof is this. That he may not be called to secular judgement 
a c. Si diligenti. De foro comp. & Lindw. in Provinciali. de off●. Ord c. 2. verb. ecclesiasticali privilegio. . That is, that he may not be convented nor brought into question for any matter by or before a temporal Judge. Within the compass and extent of the which privilege, the Canons and Canonists bring as well civil as criminal causes, so exempting Clerks from the secular power in the one as well as the other. And by the way, if Dr Ridley, from whom I have it, be not deceived, this I may safely say, that many titles of the Canon-law, such as those of buying and selling, of leasing, letting and taking to farm, of mortgaging and pledging, of giving by Deed of gift, of detecting of collusion, and cozenage, of murder, of theft, and receiving of thiefs, and such like, although they are known notoriously to belong to the conusance of the Common-law at this day, yet with the matters whereof they treat, were anciently in practice and allowed in Bishop's Courts, in this land, amongst Clerks. My Author, in my judgement, speaks probably, but his reasons are many and large his discourse, and therefore (for brevity sake) I refer you over to his Book 
b View of the Civil and Ecclesiastical Law. pag. 103. . In case this once were so, yet time hath worn it quite out of use, a thing both at home and abroad notorious; for Conarruvias a late Civilian of Spain can say, that, as in France, in real actions, so also in England, in real, mixed and personal actions, by custom here used, Clerks are convented and compelled to answer before the secular Judge 
c Conarr. Pract. quaest. c. 3●. Tom. 2. pag. 497. num. 5. . A course (as he noteth) that much withdraws them from their calling, and such an one as is not known to take place in Spain. Ad rem redeo. The Clergy of this Kingdom bearing themselves too much upon this privilege, heretofore dared, and in other parts to this day are not afraid, to act and commit many foul and heinous crimes: the truth of which assertion will easily appear by the Story both of the Venetian Controversy, and of Archbishop Becket, who may be rightly said, like a stout Champion, to have stood in defence and maintenance of this ecclesiastical liberty (amongst the rest) usque ad arras: This being one of the articles, (as himself in his Epistle to Pope Alex. 3. reports) for which he and the King were at mutual defiance viz. That Clerks and religious men might be taken from the Church to secular judgement 
d Fox. Acts and Monum. Tom. 1. pag. 282. . The consequence of this privilege being so bad, and withal the peremptoriness of the men of the Church in claiming it as due and derived to them jure divino (for so they here sometimes did, and in other parts yet do think of it) have provoked many to argue and debate the case pro & contra. Amongst which (besides the controversy between Pope Paul. 5. and the Venetians about it; and another like difference happening in France between the Prelates and the Lord Peter's many years agone, reported in the Acts and Monuments vol. 1. pag. 462. and so forward) Duarenus 
e Com. in Digest. tit. de judic. 〈◊〉. ult. pag 166. ●bisupra.  a famous Civilian of France, and Conarruvias ᶠ (whom I named afore) an eminent Lawyer of Spain, and a Bishop, both, as to the Papists, without exception, being such themselves, have scanned and discussed the point, both of which conclude, that this privilege descendeth not the jure divino. Which being so, inquire we next what positive law there is to uphold it; The Bases then and props whereon it rests, have their chief foundation laid in many chapters of that question 11. Q. 1. and in C. at si clerici. c. clerici. and c. qualiter. de judic. c. Nullus. c. si diligenti and c. significasti de foro competenti, and in many other places of the Canon-law mentioned of Conarruvias, ubi supra. Through the countenance and warrant of which Canons, and in imitation of them (as I suppose) the Constitutions extant in the Provincial. c. 1. de foro competen. and c. 1. de Poenis. and other the like unto them were agreed upon and made with us. Taking these and the like Canons for their warrant, the Ordinaries heretofore with us in England were wont to address themselves to the secular Magistrates, and of them to require and claim such Clerks (called convict before, and attaint after judgement) as they detained, and went about to bring or had brought to a trial, for any criminal matter, such as felony and the like. And if denial or refusal were made of their delivery, then to proceed to the coercion of the Judge by the censures of the Church, until he should actually deliver up the Clerk 
g Cap. 1. de foro competenti in Provinciali. . But if they were delivered upon their demand, than they took them and the matter to their hearing. Who, if Clerks in holy orders, and able canonically to purge themselves of the objected crime (I say, canonically, because vulgar purgation was and is forbidden by the Canon-law 
h Tit. 15. de purgatione canonica & vulgari. ) then were they acquitted. If they failed in such their purgation, than were they degraded, or else sent to do perpetual penance in some Monastery. But if no Clerks, but mere laymen, than were they dismissed in case of such purgation, but if they were not able so to purge themselves, than were they perpetually imprisoned (the punishment for an attainted Clerk, without any allowance of purgation at all 
i The aetiology of this see in the Reformati●. legum ecclesiastic. de Purgation●. cap. 4. .) Which things shall more largely be made appear unto you out of the Statutes and Canons to be cited in the ensuing discourse. Of the further nature of Clergy, see S. Hen. Finsh his Book Of Law. lib. 4. pag. 462. For I have tarried long enough on that point. Yet before I pass to the next, be pleased that I set before you the form of a Proclamation used to be sent out and published before purgation, as I met with it in an old manuscript book in my keeping, entitled   

Litera proclamatoria seu citatoria quorum interest.  
W. Permissione divina Conventualis ecclesiae Westm' Abbess humilis discreto viro Decano de B. salutem & mutuum in Domino charitatis affectum. Instat apud nos W. de A. clericus super crimine homicidii per ipsum (ut imponitur) in villa de B. perpetrati, in Curia laicali coram non suo judice, de facto dampnatus, nobisque adjudicandus secundum libertates ecclesiasticas liberatus, & carceri nostro, prout moris est, vinculis mancipatus, ut sibi ob ecclesiasticae libertatis honorem, paternae solicitudinis officio assistentes, ipsius clerici purgationem super imposito sibi crimine canonicè recipere dignaremur. Volentes igitur dicto clerico in sua justa petitione, quatenus cum justitia poterimus nostri officii debitum impartiri, ceterisque quorum interest, plenam & celerem exhibere justitiam in hac parte: discretionem vestram sub mutuae vicissitudinis obtentu requirimus & rogamus in juris subsidium, quatenus tribus diebus dominicis proximis post receptionem praesentium, in ecclesiis de B. & C. & aliis convicinis publicè & solempniter denuntietis seu denuntiari faciatis, si qui dictum clericum super facinore memorato accusare, seu aliter procedere voluerint, contra eundem, seu reclamare quominus ipsius purgationem in forma juris admittere, & ad ejus liberationem procedere non debeamus, coram nobis vel Commissario nostro compareant in ecclesiae nostra Conventuali Westm' proximo die juridico post festum O. S. proposituri & ostensuri in forma canonica, causas si quas habeant quare dictam purgationem ejusdem W. super dicto crimine (ut praemittitur) diffamati in forma juris admittere, & ad ejus liberationem procedere non debeamus, ac etiam audituri & facturi in praemissis quod juris fuerit, & consonum rationi, alioquin in dicto negotio procedetur quatenus de jure poterit & debebit, eorum absentiâ non obstante qualiter autem, etc.  
To this place belongs the writ called Terris, bonis & catallis 
2. Particular.  rehabendis post purgationem. For which see the Interpreter, in Litera. T. I leave it to the learned to inform and satisfy themselves in this first Particular by many learned treatises written on this subject, especially of late by occasion of the Venetian Controversy. And so I pass to the second Particular, namely the form how this Privilege is put in practice, that is, the Formalities used at and about the demanding and allowing of Clergy here in England. But these are so common to be seen at every Assizes and Sessions, and so obvious in many men's writings, that I shall not need to make their recital take up any part of my discourse. I leave them therefore, and invite you to my next Particular.  
The Antiquity of this Privilege here in England. As concerning 
3. Particular.  which I find that Matthew Paris makes mention of it in the days of Hen. 2. in these words. Quod de caetero clericus non trahatur ante judicem secularem personaliter pro aliquo crimine vel trangressione, nisi pro forestâ & laico feodo, unde Regi vel alii Domino seculari laicum debetur servitium 
k Matth. Paris. in Hen. 2. . The Antiquity of this privilege also shows itself by many of the provincial Constitutions, for example, by c. Item statuimus, and c. si aliqui. de Poenis. as likewise by c. contingit de judiciis, all made by Boniface Archbishop of Canterbury An. Dom. 1261. and other the like. And indeed the Antiquity of it is plainly seen in Beckets' days. For albeit the King and his Ministers opposed and resisted it, yet then, if not sooner, it began to take root here in England. And however by this Customs or Articles of Clarendon, the King's purpose was to put it down, and take it away, yet, in part of his penance for the death of the Archbishop, these Articles that originally were the occasion of the murder were by himself revoked 
l Antiquitat. Britan. in vita Thomae Becket. . So as it may be said to have prevailed at that time, as it were, in contradictorio judicio. And not only so but afterwards, by degrees, through the means of succeeding Archbishops (Stephen Langton especially, and Boniface, stout Prelates both) backed by the Pope and his Canons, it did take place so far, as that, not only after the publication of Magna Charta, it was ever construed and conceived to be a Church-liberty 
m Vide Stat. 4. H. 4. c. 3. , but also sithence, beside the participation that it had with the rest of the Church liberties in general in their allowance by the often iterated confirmation of that Grand-Charter, it became at length established by many particular Acts of Parliament, as first of all by that of the 3. Ed. 1. c. 2. following within little more than twenty years after the making of the great Charter. The next whereunto (from which we may argue the allowance of it) is that of the 4. Ed. 1. c. 5. Thirdly it obtained express confirmation by the Stat. of Articuli Cleri. 9 Ed. 2. c. 15. & 16. But my purpose being only in this place to show the Antiquity of this privilege, and not to make any larger Catalogue of the Acts of Parliament that have de tempore in tempus confirmed it to the Church, then may serve to prove the same to have once, and that how long since, been in it numbers absolute here in this land, therefore enough of this.  
Come we now to the extent of this Privilege. Touching which I must needs say that the Canon-law (as all know) 
Particular 4.  affords it only to Clerks in orders. Secondly, that, for aught that I can find, there is not any Statute of this land that ex professo hath granted or extended it to laymen, only the Stat. 4. Hen. 7. c. 13. and some other since imply it. How is it then that heretofore and at this day laymen lay hold of, and have the benefit of this privilege? Surely, by Custom, which as Harpsfield 
n Hist. eccles. Angl.  writing of Hen. 7. witnesses, first set footing here in those days. Quin & hoc (saith he) his temporibus in Anglia obtinuit, ut si quis legere potuisset, & si nullo sacro ordini foret initiatus, pari potiretur privilegio. Now how this Custom come up I freely confess I am to learn, and one would wonder how lay-men should come to share with Clerks in their so peculiar privilege. Polydor Virgil making mention of it, saith because Clericis affines 
o Histor. Angl. lib. 26. . But in my poor opinion haply thus. Because an evident great favour and benefit redounded to Clergymen in the enjoying of this privilege, in that notwithstanding their conviction before the secular Magistrate, they might escape without punishment (at least of death, and loss of member) in case they were able canonically to purge themselves before their Ordinary. And because also by the Canon-law, it belonged to the Church and ecclesiastical Judge to handle the plea of Clergy, namely whether the offender be indeed (as in word he affirms himself to be) a Clerk 
p C. Si Iudex. de senten. excem. lib. 6. . Therefore, in favour of lay-men, who could not but take it much to heart to see Clerks by this their immunity to escape, they themselves the whilst for want of it, suffering; and no less in favour of life; the secular Magistrates admitting and conniving at their plea, or their Ordinaries plea for them, of Clergy, permitted them as Clerks to have the benefit of Clergy, in case (to colour over the matter) they could but read like a Clerk (the Book being made as it were Umpire between the two Judges:) the Ordinaries in the interim, for the enlargement of their Jurisdiction readily condiscending, and after common practice had in process of time given it the force of a Custom and so of a law, being constrained to make no difference in this point of Clerks and Laics that would pray their Clergy, but to challenge, claim and require them all alike; so far forth (namely in such cases) as the Statutes of the land have not disallowed nor restrained the same. Ita mihi videtur, correctione alterius melius me sentientis semper salva. And so inclining towards an end of this discourse, I desire you to harken to the last of my five Particulars.  
The declining and waning of this Privilege by degrees, and 
5. Particular.  restrained condition thereof with us at this day. To demonstrate which I will tie myself to speak even wholly out of the Statutes and Canons of this our Realm: ordering them so, as that out of them you may see this point historically lead along from beginning to end. Turning then with me the old saying Religio peperit divitias, & filia devoravit matrem, into Immunitas peperit impunitatem, & filia &c 
q Vt partus ille viperinus, de quo Plinius. lib. 10. c. 62. . you shall see this plainly verified in the subsequent story. If you have been versed in Beckets' story, you cannot but know that this immunity stood then generally accused of begetting impunity, and instances of it are there given in some Clerks that escaped punishment altogether, or, if any, suffered but slight pains nothing answerable to the quality of their faults by virtue of this exemption, which thing caused the Kings so eager oppugning thereof. Now no course or provision (that I can find) was taken for remedying this abuse either by the Church or State afterwards, until that Boniface aforesaid in the year 1261. made and set out a provincial Constitution 
r Cap. Item Statuimus de poenis. in Provincial.  commanding and enjoining Bishops in their Dioceses to erect and have one or more Prison or Prisous for the safe keeping of Clergy-malefactors. Providing withal that if any Clerk be so incorrigible, and accustomed to commit wickedness, such as for which, if he were a layman, he should by the laws of the land suffer death, that he shall be adjudged to perpetual imprisonment, etc. This Constitution, whether for want of execution, or because it was not penal enough, did not afterwards generally serve turn to keep Clerks within compass, as may be gathered out of the very second Statute 
s 3. Ed. 1. cap. 2.  that makes mention of this privilege. For there, to the end the King should not need to provide any other remedy therein, he admonisheth and enjoineth the Prelates, upon the faith which they owe to him, and for the common profit and peace of the Realm, that Clerks convict of felony delivered over to the Ordinary shall not be delivered without due purgation: which argueth a remissness this way in Ordinaries in former time. This Stat. being made in the year 1275. within three years after, namely Ann. Dom. 1278. the Prelates assembled in Convocation, consult, conclude upon and make a Constitution 
t Cap. Clerici de Purgatio. Canon. in Provincial.  providing against the too-easie enlargement of criminous Clerks, and the admission of slight and slender purgations for them, and enjoining a solemnity and wary exactness to be used therein, so that no occasion of offence be offered to the King or his Ministers through the non observance of this Constitution. Had not both these last mentioned Stat. and Constit. lain neglected without execution, as it should seem (by the preamble of the Stat. 23. H. 8. c. 1.) they did, they might haply have been the last that needed to have been made of this nature. But because they wrought not that good effect which was hoped and expected, therefore in the 25. of Ed. 3. another Stat. (viz. c. 4.) is enacted, and (as I gather by it) upon this occasion, viz. Because that Clerks were suffered, by Ordinaries, upon slight purgations, to be enlarged and dismissed to their encouragement to offend again, therefore the secular Magistrates debarred them their Clergy, and sine delectu personarum, punished them and lay men all alike. Now complaint being made here of in Parliament by the Prelates, this Stat. was agreed upon and made, whereby for redress of the injury offered to the Church and Churchmen, provision is first made for the privilege of it and them, and then ensueth a promise made in their behalf by the then Archbishop of Cant. (Simon Islep) to the King, that he will make a convenient Ordinance, whereby clerical offenders delivered to the Ordinaries shall be safely kept and duly punished, so that no Clerk shall take courage to offend for default of correction. The performance of which his promise you shall find recorded and testified by a Successor of his the Author of the Antiquitates Britannicae, in the life of the same Simon pag. 244. under the year of Grace 1351. As also by Harpsfield in his Eccles. Hist. p. 532. whose severe Constitution made in that behalf; if you desire to see, although you will not find it (I know not why) incorporated into Lindwoods Provincial, yet is it extant amongst the Provincial Constitutions placed and annexed at the latter end of the Legatine Constitutions, in some Books (in mine Fol. 150.) I must therefore why the Stat. 4. H. 4. c. 3. should about 50. years after the date of it, call for such a Constitution, as if it had been yet unmade, and the old promise of the Archbishop not hitherto performed. For so the Stat. intimates, in so much as the then Archbishop Thomas Arundel was fain to renew the promise in Parliament, which notwithstanding was neither by himself nor by any other succeeding Archbishop performed, as is testified and avouched by the forecited Stat. 23. H. 8. c. 1. And thus much of the first part of the Apophthegm. Immunitas peperit impunitatem.  
Great now had the patience of the King and State been in expecting the reformation of such abuses as grew by reason of this ecclesiastical privilege, and a long time had the secular arm forborn to apply a temporal, but more terrible remedy and animadversion. So that now, sith neither the former Constitutions of the Church could keep the Clergy in awe (as indeed how is it likely they should, the Authors of them not having gladii potestatem 
u Duaren. De sacr. eccles. minister. & benef. lib. 1. c. 4. ?) neither the ingeminated threats of applying a temporal remedy to curb their extravagancies, would make them and others, partakers with them in their privilege, to beware, it was now high time to clip the wings of this masterless liberty by restraint. For until the fourth year of H. 7. we shall find no Act of Parliament that hath any whit derogated or taken away from this privilege. But then (which brings on the latter part of the Apophthegm. Filia devoravit matrem) because that in confidence and trust of the privilege of the Church, divers persons had been the more bold to commit murder, rape, robbery, theft and all other mischievous deeds, because they have been continually admitted to the benefit of the Clergy, as often as they did offend in any of the premises (as the preamble of the Stat. 4. H. 7, c. 13. runneth) therefore, for avoiding of such boldness, it is enacted that the benefit of Clergy shall be but once allowed to any person not being within orders, and that convicted persons (to the end, as I suppose, it may be known whether they have had their Clergy once before, or not) shall be marked with the letter M. for murder, or F. for any other felony, and that to be done openly in the Court, before he be delivered to the Ordinary. Thus for Lay-clerkes. Now for Clerks in orders, it also provides, that if upon their second ask of their Clergy, they have not their letters of orders, or a certificate from their Ordinary witnessing the same, ready to show, or do produce the one or the other by a day given them by the Justices to bring them in, then to lose the benefit of their Clergy as he shall do that is without orders.  
This Act (it should appear) was not strict enough to bridle the insolences of some Clergymen and others that bore themselves upon the privilege of Clergy. In the 23th year therefore of the next King (H. 8.) his reign, the Parliament having in the preamble of the Stat. 23. ejusd. H. cap. 1. enumerated many several promises iterated and made by the prelate's to take course within themselves, and by their own power and authority without any need of the States, help to suppress the insolences of such malefactors, as upon confidence of Clergy dared the committing of almost whatsoever foul enormities and outrages, and declared how these promises were frustrate and came to none effect, and withal complained of the many abuses of Ordinaries in and about purgations. For remedy, they enact that Clergy shall be taken quite away from all persons that are not within holy orders, which shall commit petit treason, Wilful murder, and many the like felonies. And as for persons in orders, none (saith the Statute) that shall be convict of any the felonies therein mentioned shall be suffered to make purgation before his Ordinary, but shall remain and abide in perpetual prison under the keeping of the Ordinary, unless he become bound with sureties (such as the Stat. there alloweth and accepteth of) for his good abearing, with certain other clauses and provisoes. Amongst which one is for the degrading of Clerks convict, and sending them to the King's bench, there to suffer judgement to dye, as lay-men. You see this privilege now brought pretty low, yet it stoops lower, and now comes to be almost quite eclipsed. For besides many several Acts of Parliament 
x 23. H. 8. c. 11. & 25. H. 8. c. 3. & 5.  between the last spoken of, and the 28. H. 8. c. 1. taking it away from divers sorts of felonies. By this Act of 28. H. 8. 1. Clerks in orders are brought under the same pains and penalties that others be, which being but temporal, and made to endure only unto the last day of the next Parliament, when that time came about, was by the Stat. 32. H. 8. cap. 3. as good and beneficial for the common wealth made perpetual. By which last Act, over and above, in express words, it is decreed that Clerks in orders, in such manner as lay-clerkes are wont to be, shall be burnt in the hand for such felonies as they may or aught to have their Clergy for.  
This privilege being brought thus low rose up no more. For after the last mentioned Stat. came that of 1. Ed. 6. c. 12. whereas large an enumeration is made what offences shall exclude their Authors of their Clergy, as in the former. It suffered yet daily further restraint. For afterwards Statutes upon Statutes, one at the heel, and in the neck of another take it from this and t'other offender, as Rastals' Calendar, in verbo Clergy will fully direct, as also will Lambards' Eirenarcha. pag. 540. and so forward, to which I refer you. For 
Conveniunt cymba vela minoramea.   
And now, to set before you that which principally hath devested and outed the Church of her Jurisdiction over such as were and are to reap benefit by this privilege, and to show unto you how the ancient course of the law in the point of delivering Clerks to their Ordinaries to be purged, came to be altered. I have to acquaint you that the Stat. of 18. Eliz. c. 6. (the causes and motives for making whereof are in the preamble expressed, amongst the rest, to be these, viz. the avoiding of sundry perjuries and other abuses in and about the purgation of Clerks convict delivered to the Ordinaries) hath quite taken away purgation, until that time ever accustomed, ordaining withal that no man, that shall be allowed his Clergy, shall be committed to the Ordinary, but presently enlarged (after allowance of Clergy and burning in the hand:) Providing nevertheless that the Justices, for the Offenders further correction, may retain him in prison for a time. Thus have you seen how this privilege hath declined and been brought down to the present despicable condition wherein it is with us at this day. Remains so mean, as by them the once flourishing estate of it will hardly gain belief. Truly then 
Quoth fuit in pretio, sit nullo denique honore.   
Suffer me to conclude this discourse with his sweet meditation, 
Quarles Hist. of jonah. Meditat. 10.  who making God's mercy the subject of his contemplation, in allusion to this practice and allowance of Clergy to convicted Prisoners, thus ejaculates.  

Like pinioned prisoners at the dying tree,  
Our lingering hopes attend and wait on thee;  
(Arraigned at justice bar) prevent our doom;  
To thee with joyful hearts we cheerly come;  
Thou art our Clergy; Thou that dearest book,  
Wherein our fainting eyes desire to look.  
In thee we trust to read (what will release us)  
In bloody characters, that name of jesus.    

The Copy of an ancient Ms. showing and setting forth the form of some kind of Law-trialls amongst 
Scriptura xxxva.  the English-Saxons.  
IN nomine Dei summi regis aeterni. Plerumque etenim contingere 
〈◊〉  solet ut res possessae hereditatis acquisitae in contentionem plerisque & altercationis conflictum deveniunt nisi cum idoneis testibus & subscriptionibus sapientum & fidelium personarum testimoniis tractata & confirmata fuerint. Quapropter sapientes salubrem consilium prudentium quaerunt, & cyrographorum cautionibus & heroicorum virorum testimoniis confirmantur ne imposterum aliquibus altercationibus vel scrupulo falsi suspitionis corrumpuntur, aut nebulo ignorantiae in aliquo fuscetur. Idcirco etenim Oswlf Dei gratia Dux atque Princeps Provinciae Orientalis 
Oswlf Dux atque Princeps Provinciae Orientalis Cantiae.  Cantiae circa suae propriae hereditatis jura tractare studuit. Et hoc coram beatae memoriae Wlfredo Archiepisco, coramque Abbatis Wernotho atque Feologeldo ceterisque fidelissimis & religiosissimis Ceolstano, viz. Aethelhuno atque Heremodo presbyteris ecclesiae Christi, necnon saepe coram sociis suis & amicis fidissimis, qualiter post discessionem suam circa hereditatem suam imposterum agere voluisse, id est, ut post dies uxoris suae & filii ejus Eardwl●i, filiae quoque suae Ealfthrythae ad ecclesiis Dei omnia dare Deo & sanctis ejus sibi in sempiternam hereditatem sub eorum testimonia dare praecepit sicut in altera kartula manifeste & lucide comprobatur. Sed tamen post obitum Oswlfi Ducis surrexit excitata à quibusdam quaestio & contentio magno circa hereditatem Oswlfi contra uxorem ejus Beornthrythae cujus altercationis conflictum neque à Domino Archiepiscopo nec ab aliquibus personis inferioribus ullo modo sedare potuit, sed utrique partes ad synodale concilium advocari & invitari jubebantur, & cum ad synodum devenissent & diligenti investigatione veritatis sententia utrarumque partium à sancto synodo quae facta est in loco praeclaro cet aeclea querendo examinaretur, inventum est nihil justius nec rectius esse posse constare quam sic perseverare hereditatem Oswlfi sicut ipse Oswlf prius proprio arbitrio per omnia donare coram praedictis testibus decreverat, atque ita hoc etiam ab illo sancto synodo perpetua● perdurare dejudic atum est. Insuper etiam sancta illa synodus decrevere statuit ut illa altercatio nunquam amplius per aliquam inquietudinis discordiam post diem illum & deinceps excitando moveretur, & hoc cum signo sanctae crucis Christi perenniter perdurare conscripserunt Et si quis posthaec alicujus personis homo Diabolica instigatus temeritate insurrexerit qui hoc Kanonica & synodalia decreta infringere temptaverit à societate sanctorum omnium, & à coetu congregationis & communionis ipsorum sciret se esse alienatum synodali judicio statuerunt. Sed heu pro dolor ille antiquus venenatissimus serpens qui protuplaustu piacula indidit, & humanum genus sibi per haec subdidit, ceu caelydra infesta & pestifera in quorundam pectore adhuc turgescit, & ad excitandos seditiones discordiasque committendas post curricula quantorum annorum id est xxxiiij iterum ecclesiam Christi & hereditatem sanctorum ejus adgravare ac depravare impia nisu ac prava voluntate conatus est, atque illam praedict' altercationis conslict● renovare & excitare post synodalia decreta, ac probabilium patrum sanctiones studuit. Quamobrem congregata multitudine spiritalium 
Synodale concilium apud Cantuariam.  seculariuque personum in Dorovernia Civitate, anno dominicae incarnationis Dcccxliiij. in dict. Aethelwlfo Regi praesente atque Aethelstano filio ejus Ceolnotho quoque Archimetropolitano Archiepiscopo; necnon Tatnoth presbitero electo ad Episcopalem sedem Dorobrevi, id est, civitatis Hro●i, cum Principibus, Ducibus, Abbatibus & cunctis generalis dignitatis optimatibus inter 
Dorobrevis.  quas etiam ille venenatissimus anguis cognomento Aethelwulf ad turbandum & inquietandum ecclesiam Dei deveniens, sicut sepe progenies & parentes ejus fecerunt, prolatis falsis machinamentis è latebris cordis suae dicens hereditatem Oswlfi Ducis cum auro & argento patris sui Aethelheah esse comparatum, & per hoc spoliare ecclesiam Dei & sanctos coenubias ad quas hereditas illa periinebat cum pravis sequacibus nisus est. Tunc ille Archiepiscopus Ceolnoth & familia ejus id est ecclesiae Christi illa per ordinem replicavit qualiter in illo sancto synodo de illo reconciliatum & dejudicatum est. At ille nolens adquiescere, neque judicio synodis & probabilium patrum sanctionibus neque adsertione & veredicavoce Episcopi vel alicujus personis tunc etenim à sapientibus & prudentibus trutinatum ac dijudicatum 
juridici examinisprisca formula.  est familiam ecclesiae Christi, & familiam aet Folcanstane, familiam quoque at Dobrum, necnon & familiam aet Liminge ad quos hereditas illa pertinebat justo juramenta hereditatem illam sibi ipsis contra hereditatem Aethelheahes castigare, nam & ita fecerunt. juraverunt xxx homines de familiis praedictis, xij presbeterli, ceterii communi gradus & sic etiam illa altercatio utrarumque partium perenniter sedari decretum est, & illa altercatio nunquam amplius per aliquam inquietudinis discordiam post diem illum excitando moveatur, & firmiter decreverunt ut sub anathematis vinculo esset nodatus qui hanc reconciliationem in aliquo 
Anathema in violatores.  irritum faceret, sicut & ille excommunicatus constat à consortio sanctorum omnium & à communione synodalis concilii & familiis nostris ecclesiaeque Dei alienus existat qui hoc Kanonica Statuta & synodalia praecepta infringere studuit, nisi digne Deo & hominibus praesumptionis suae conamen emendare voluerit, & hoc signo sanctae crucis Christi roborando omnes pariter conscripserunt.  
✚ Ego Aethelwlf Deo dispensante Rex Occidentalium Anglorum hanc praedictam reconciliationem familiae Christi & hereditatis Ethelheahes, & omnem altercationis conflictum qui inter se concitatum habuerunt sedatum esse demonstrans, & hoc cum sapientibus meis signo sanctae crucis Christi perenni titulo roborabo & subscribo quorum subter in scedula liquescunt vocabula.  

✚ Ego Aethelwlf Dux con' & sub'.  
✚ Ego Cynewlf con. & sub.  
✚ Ego Lulling con. & sub.  
✚ Ego Aethelheah con. & sub.  
✚ Ego Aethelheah con. & sub.  
✚ Ego Gisshard con. & sub.   
✚ Ego Ceolnoth gratia Dei Metropolitanus Archiepisc. cum presbyteris & familia sua hoc id est signo sanctae crucis Christi roborando subscripsi.  

✚ Ego Alchhere Dux con. & sub.  
✚ Ego Aethelwlf Dnx con. & sub.  
✚ Ego Freothoric Ab ' con. & sub.  
✚ Ego Aethelmod con. & sub.  
✚ Ego Aethelred con. & sub.  
✚ Ego Freothoric con. & sub.  
✚ Ego Denemod con. & sub.  
✚ Ego Beornfreth con. & sub.  
✚ Ego Osfere con.   
Haec sunt etiam nomina familiae Christi & illius familiae aet Folcanstane necnon aet Dobrum, atque aet Liminge qui hanc jurationem juraverunt, quorum nomina subter adnotantur.  

✚ Ego Abba pr' con. & sub.  
✚ Ego Brunheard pr' con. & sub.  
✚ Ego Hunred pr' con. & sub.  
✚ Ego Hysenod pr' con. & sub.  
✚ Ego Wigmund pr' con. & sub.  
✚ Ego Eof pr' con. & sub.  
✚ Ego Degmund pr' con. & sub.  
✚ Ego Wealdhere pr' con. & sub.  
✚ Ego Aethelred pr' con. & sub.  
✚ Ego Cichus con. & sub.  
✚ Ego Sigemund con. & sub.  
✚ Ego Bornfred con. & sub.  
✚ Ego Wynna con. & sub.  
✚ Ego Sygeanod con. & sub.  
✚ Ego Wihtred con. & sub.  
✚ Ego Willmund con. & sub.  
✚ Ego Beornmod con. & sub.  
✚ Ego Cynwif.  
✚ Ego Willhere.  
✚ Ego Berhtnoth.  
✚ Ego—  
✚ Ego Ceolbald con.  
✚ Ego Alchhere.  
✚ Ego Duddel.  
✚ Ego Ethelhere.  
✚ Ego Nothhere.    

Records extracted from the Tower of London, touching the liberties of Canterbury. 
Scriptura xxxvj2.   
Viz. Ex bundello recordorum & brevium Regis, de anno decimo nono regni Regis Ricardi secundi.  
RIcardus Dei gratia Rex Angliae & Franciae & Dominus Hiberniae Thes ' & Camerar' suis salutem. Volentes certis de causis certiorari quae & cujusmodi libertates civibus Cantuar. apud Cantuar. coram johanne de Berewyk & sociis suis Iusticiar' itinerantibus in comitatu Kanciae Anno Domini Edwardi filii Regis Henrici quondam regis Angeliae vicesimo primo allocatae fuerunt, necnon quae & cujusmodi libertates eisdem civibus allocatae fuerunt coram Henrico de Stanton & sociis suis Iusticiar' Domini Regis Edwardi proavi nostri itinerantibus apud Cant. Anno regni sui sexto in recordo & processu coram eisdem Iusticiar' habitis de morte Alexandri Carectarii Prioris ecclesiae Christi Cantuar. infra Prioratum ejusdem Prioris ut dicitur interfecti, vobis mandamus quod scrutatis rotulis praedictorum justiciar. de annis praedictis in Thesaur' nostra sub custodia vestra existentibus nos de eo quod inde inveneritis in Cancell●r ' nostra sub sigillo scaccarii nostri distincte & aperte sine dilatione reddatis certiores, hoc breve nobis remittentes. Teste meipso apud Westm' qua● decimo die Novembris, anno regni nostri decimo nono. Scarle.  
Placita coronae coram I de Berewyk, Thoma de Normanville, Willielmo de Bereford, johanne de Lythegreynes & Hugone de Kane Iusticiar' itinerantibus apud Cantuar. in Comitatu Kanciae à die Paschae in quindecim dies anno regni regis Edwardi filii Regis Henrici vicesimo primo.  
De scriantiis dicunt quod Willielmus de Lynstede Rector ecclesiae de Stureye tenet Alderman' de Westgate in capite de Domino Rege per seriantiam unius esperuarii s●ri quae valet per annum 
Westgate.  decem marcas, nesciunt quo waranto. Et similiter Iohannes filius Iohannis de Handlo tenet Aldr' de Redingate Cant. in Capite 
Redingate.  de Domino Rege quae valet per annum duos solid', nihil inde faciendo Domino Regi per annum nesciunt quo waranto. Et similiter Edmundus de Tyerne tenet Alder' de Worthgate quae valet 
Worthgate.  per annum duos solid' in capite de Domino Rege, nihil inde faciendo eidem Domino Regi per annum, nesciunt quo waranto. Et similiter Thomas Chicch tenet Aldr' de Burgate quae valet 
Burgate.  quadraginta denar' per annum. Et Stephanus Chicche tenet Alder' de Northgate quae valet duos solidos per annum. Et johannes 
Northgate.  de Holt tenet Aldermann' de Newingate quae valet per 
Newingate.  annum duos solidos nihil inde faciendo Domino Regi per annum, nesciunt quo waranto. Ideo praeceptum vicecomiti quod venire faciat eos, etc. Postea praedictus Stephanus Chicche & alii excepto magistro Willielmo de Lynstede veniunt & dicunt quod praedictae Aldermanriae spectantes sunt & annexae ad firmam Civitatis praedictae, viz. sexaginta libr'. quas solvunt Domino Regi pro praedicta Civitate per annum. Et Iur' istius civitatis hoc idem testantur. Ideo remaneant quousque & Postea venit praedictus mag' Willielmus de Lynstede & dicit quod ipse tenet praedictam seriantiam de quodam Willielmo de Godstede, reddendo eidem Willielmo inde per annum centum solid. sine quo ipse non potest inde respondere etc. Ideo praeceptum est Vicecom' quod venire faciat eundem Willielmum, etc. Et praedictus mag' Willielmus ponit loco suo Phm' de Intebergh ' clericum. Postea Willielmus de Godstede per attornatum suum venit & dicit quod ipse tenet eandem seriantiam de communitate civitatis praedictae reddendo inde per annum quadraginta denar' ad firmam civitatis & hoc á tempore quo non extat memoria. Et Iur' hoc idem testantur. Ideo praedicti mag' Willielmus de Lyndestede & Willielmus de God▪ ●ede inde sine dine, salvojure Domini Regis etc. De libertatibus dicunt quod cives Cantuar' tenent eandem civitatem de Domino Rege reddendo inde per annum ad scaccarium Domini Regis sexaginta libras. In qua quidem civitate praedicti cives clamant habere return' brevium, emendas assisae panis & cervisiae, Pillor', Tumbrell ', & furcas nesciunt quo waranto. Ideo praeceptum est vicecom' quod venire faciat praedictos cives. Postea praedicti cives veniunt & dicunt quod Dominus Henricus Rex pater Domini Regis nunc concessit eis & carta sua confirmavit quod ipsi & heredes sui habeant & teneant de eodem Henrico Rege & heredibus suis imperpetuum praedictam Civitatem Cantuar. ad firmam pro sexaginta libris sterlingorum singulis annis solven' per manum suam viz. ad Sccm' Pasche triginta libr', & ad Sccm' sancti Michaelis triginta libr' per cartam suam quam proferunt & quae hoc idem testatur. Et quoad return' brevium & alias praedictas libertates dicunt, quod idem Dominus Henricus Rex concessit eis quod ipsi & eorum heredes imperpetuum habeant return' brevium Regis praedictam civitatem & libertatem ejusdem civitatis tangen' tam infra suburbium quam infra Civitatem praedictam. Et quoad praedictas libertates, viz. tenere placita coronae habere mercatum, feriam, furcas & Weyf ' in civitate praedicta, dicunt quod Dominus Henricus Rex pater Domini Regis nunc concessit eis omnes libertates & liberas consuetudines quas habuerunt tempore Henrici Regis avi ipsius Henrici Regis patris D'omini Regis nunc, quando meliores & liberiores eas habuerunt. Et dicunt quod cives praedicti & antecessores sui praedictis libertatibus à tempore praedicti Henrici Regis proavi Domini Regis nunc plene usi sunt. Et johannes de Mulford qui sequitur pro Rege petit judicium pro Domino Rege de sicut praedicti cives nullam speciale warantum ostendunt à Domino Rege vel ab aliquo antecessore suo de libertatibus praedictis nisi tantum quod Dominus Henricus Rex pater Domini Regis nunc concessit eis omnes libertates & liberas consuetudines quas habuerunt tempore Henrici Regis proavi Domini Regis nunc, quae quidem libertates non specificantur in praedicta carta, si praedictas libertates, viz. emendas assise panis & Servisie, pillor', tumbrell ', furcas & Weyf ' clamare possunt per eandem cartam. Postea inquisitum est per Iur' istius civitatis si praedictae libertates annexae fuerunt praedictae civitati tempore quo praedictus Dominus Henricus Rex dimisit praedictis civibus praedictam civitatem ad feodi firmam dicunt quod sic. Ideo remaneant salvo jure Domini Regis, etc.  
Quaedam Avicia de Lymebernestere de London inventa fuit 
Borgha sancti Martini.  occisa in Borgha sancti Martini, nescitur quis eam occidit. Primus inventor & quatuor vicini veniunt & non maletr'. Et praedicta Borgha sancti Martini in qua ista felonia facta fuit ab ultimo itinere hic usque nunc subtraxit se à civitate ista cum qua solebat esse respondens in itinere justic. de omnibus ad coronam Domini Regis pertinentibus. Et similiter compertum est per rotulos I de Reygate & sociorum suorum justiciar. ultimo itinerantium hic quod praesentatum fuit coram eisdem Iusticiar' quod tenentes istius Borghae sancti Martini & de la Fyspole solebant 
Fyshpole.  facere sectam ad hundredum Domini Regis de Burgate, de tribus septimanis in tres septimanas, & ad Portmotum civitatis, & 
Portmotum.  quod subtraxerunt se ad dampnum Domini Regis duorum solidorum per annum per quendam johannem de Tonford tunc ballivum Archiepiscopi Cantuar. Et idem Iohannes modò venit & dicit quod praedicta borgha nunquam subtracta fuit per ipsum. Et praedicta Borgha sancti Martini venit & quoad hoc quod solebant respondere & intendere cum hominibus istius civitatis ad praesentandum quae ad coronam pertinent, bene cogn. quod ipsi in aliis itineribus respondere solebant cum hominibus istius Civitatis. Et qd' ipsi nunquam praemuniti fuerunt nec sum. ad aliquid praesentandum cum eis. Et quod ipsi semper parati fuerunt ad praesentandum cum eis si praemuniti fuissent. Et Iur. istius Civitatis praesentes sunt & non possunt ostendere nec verificare quod unquam praemuniverunt praedict. borgham ad aliquid praesentand. cum eis. Set omnino praedictam feloniam infra praecinctum istius Civitatis factam concelaverunt. Ideo ad judicium de eye dem duodecim Iur. Et praedicta borgha de cetero sit intendens & respondens cum praedictis civibus de hiis quae ad coronam pertinent. Et quod Coron' Civitatis de cetero fac. officium coronatoris in praedicta Borgha. Et eadem borgha sancti Martini quoad praedictam sectam dicit quod nunquam consueverunt facere sectam ad hundredum praedictum de Burgate nec ad Portmotum Civitatis praedictae nisi tantum bis in Anno ad arma monstranda. Et de hoc ponit se super patriam. Et Iur. istius Civitatis simul cum militibus ad hoc electis dicunt super sacramentum suum quod omnes residentes & comorantes in eadem Borgha debent venire quater per annum ad hundredum de Burgate ad summonitionem Ballivorum Civitatis ad praesentandum ea quae ad visum franciplegii pertinent. Et similiter venire debent ad Portmotum istius civitatis quociens cives praedicti corniare fecerint commune cornu Civitatis praedictae, & dicunt quod praedicta secta subtracta est per octodecim annos elapsos ad dampnum Domini Regis duodecim denar. per annum. Ideo consideratum est quod praedicta Borgha de cetero faciet praedictas fectas, & quod distr. decetero ad praedictam sectam fac. Et quod Dominus Rex recuperet arreragia sua de eadem borgha viz. octodecim sold. Et praedicta borgha in misericordia. Et quoad tenentes de Fyspole dicunt quod ipsi fac. sectam sicut facere consuerunt. Et quod nichil est a retro domino Regi Ideo remaneant etc. Et quoad johannem de Tomford dicunt quod ipse non fecit praedictam subtractionem, nec per ipsum facta fuit.  
Plita ' coronae de Com. Kanciae coram Henrico de Stanton, Willielmo de Ormesby, Henrico Spigurnel, johanne de Mutford & Willielmo de Goldington Iusticiar. Domini Regis itiner antibus apud Cantuar. in octabis Nativitatis sancti Iohannis Baptistae, anno Regniregis Edwardi filii regis Edwardi sexto.  
Adam le Corour occidit Alex' Carectarium Prioris ecclesiae Christi Cantuar. infra Prioratum ejusdem Prioris. Et statim post captus fuit & coram justiciariis ad diversas transgressiones, etc. tanquam clericus convictus liberatus fuit Archiepiscopo Cant. & adhuc est in prisona de Maydenstan, nulla habuit catalla nec fuit in warda quia extraneus primus inventor & duo vicini veniunt & non maletr. Et Alex. atte Amerye & Thomas Biane duo vicini non veniant & nec maletr. Et Alex. fuit attach' per Thomam Beane & Galf●m ' Coupere. Ideo in misericordia. Et praedictus Thomas fuit attach' per Williel' Sellynghale & Richardum de Wykham. Ideo in misericordia. Postea compertum est per rotulos Coron' Civitatis Cantuar. & testatum quod johannes Andrew tunc coronator etc. venit in crastino circa horam primam post feloniam praedictam factam, & voluit vidisse corpus & fecisse officium Coronatoris, & Willielmus de Derby tenens locum Richardi de Wylmynton tunc Senescalli praedicti Prioratus, & Thomas Percy custos portae praedicti Prioris non permiserunt ipsum Coronatorem intrare. Et postea praedictus Prior misit pro coronatoribus forinsecis, viz. Henrico de Woghope, Willielmo Baroun qui obierunt & johanne de Aldelose Coronatore superstite qui ceperunt Inquisitionem de morte praedicta apud le Barbecan extra Castrum Cantuar. in praesentiis Warrese ' de Valoign ' 
Barbecan.  & johannis de Bourne tunc Custodum pacis, etc. Et praeceptum est vicecom' quod venire faciat praedictum Priorem, etc. Postea venit praedictus Prior & dicit quod Prioratus ejus est locus exemptus à Civitate Cantuar. & ab ejus libertate. Dicit etiam quod praedictus Coronator per ipsum impeditus non fuit, nec praedicti Coronatores forinseci per ipsum fuerunt mandati. Et hoc petit quod inquir. Et Iur. Civitatis simul cum militibus ad hoc electis dicunt super sacramentum suum quod Richardus de Wylmynton qui obiit tunc Senescallus ejusdem Prioris non permisit dictum johannem Andrew Coronatorum intrare dictum Prioratum pro officio suo faciendo set claudere fecit portas ejusdem Prioratus ita quod intrare non potuit, set dicunt quod hoc fecit nesciente Priore. Dicunt etiam quod idem Richardus misit pro praedictis Coronatoribus forinsecis qui ibidem venerunt, & praedictum mortuum viderunt. Et dicunt quod idem mortuus postea sepultus fuit per quosdam garciones qui prius erant socii ipsius mortui quorum nomina ignorant. Et quod praedicti Coronatores ceperunt inquisitionem praedictam de praedicto mortuo apud le Barbecane, ut pradictum est. Et Iur. quesiti qui Coronatores solebant facere officium coronatoris in praedicto Prioratu temporibus retroactis, dicunt quod semper ante illud tempus Coronatores Civitatis Cantuar. illud fecerunt. Quesiti etiam si praedicti coronatores forinseci venissent ibidem per mandatum Prioris, dicunt quod non, set per praedictum Richardum de Wylmynton ignorante praedicto Priore. Ideo idem Prior inde quietus. Postea venit praedictus Willielmus de Derby & non potest dedicere quin impedivit praedictum Coronatorem Cantuar. nec quin claudere fecit portas praedicti Prioratus, per quod idem Coronator officium suum de praedicto mortuo ibidem facere non potuit. Ideo ipse custoditur: Et praeceptum est vicecom' quod capiat praedict' Thomam Percy, etc. Postea venit praedictus Willielmus de Derby & fecit finem pro praedicta transgressione per quinque marcas, per pl' johannis de Sfeld, & Thomae Dod de Faveresham. Postea venit praedictus Thomas, & non potest dedicere quin fecit praedictam transgressionem. Ideo ipse custoditur. Postea venit & finem fecit per quadraginta denar. per plm' Richardi de Haddelegh.  
Md. quod iste tenor exemplificatus est sub eo qui sequitur tenore. Richardus dei gratia Rex Angliae & Franciae & Dominus Hiberniae. Omnibus ad quos praesentes literae pervenerint salutem. Inspeximus quandam certificationem nobis in Cancellaria nostra per Thes. & Camerar. nostros de mandato nostro missam in hec verba. Placita Coronae etc. de verbo in verbum usque in finem. & tunc sic. Nos autem certificationem praedictam ad requisitionem dilectorum nobis Ballivorum Civitatis nostrae Cant. tenore praesentium duximus exemplificandam. In cujus, etc. Teste Rege apud Westm' quintodecimo die Anno   

A Codicill (or Charter) of Kenulf King of Mercia, of the gift of certain Land in Canterbury (at a place now called Binney) to Wlfred 
Scriptura xxxvija.  the Archbishop.  
IN nomine sancti Salvatoris Dei & Domini nostri jesu Christi Regnante ac gubernante eodem Domino jesu simulque spiritu 
†  sancto gubernacula in imis & in arduis disponendo ubique regit. Licet sermo sapientium consiliumque prudentium stabilis permaneat, tamen ob incertitudine temporalium rerum divinis numinibus muniendo perscrutando pro ignotis & incertis eventis stabilienda robor andaque in Deo vivo & vero sunt. Quapropter ego Coenulfus gratia Dei Rex Merciorum viro venerando in Christi charitate summo pontificalis apice decorato Wlfredo Archiep. dabo & concedo aliquam partem terrae juris mei quae mihi largitor omnium bonorum Deus donare dignatus est pro intimo caritatis affectu, ut Apost' ait, hilarem enim datorem diligit Deus; Et hoc est in loco qui dicitur binnan ea circiter xxx. juger a inter duos rivos gremiales Fluminis quod dicitur Stur. Et haec terra libera 
Binnan ea.  permaneat in perpetuam possessionem ecclesiae Christi. Quod si quisque huic largitioni contradixerit, contradicat ei Deus & deneget ingressum coelestis vitae. Actum est hoc Aᵒ. Dominicae incar. Dccc. xiiijo. Indict. vja. his testibus consentientibus atque confirman. Quorum nomina nota sunt.  

✚ Ego Coenuulf gratia Dei Rex Merciorum hanc donationis confirmationem signo crucis Christi rob.  
✚ Ego Wlfred arc' aeps' cons. & sub.  
✚ Ego Denebyrht aepsc' cons. & sub.  
✚ Ego Wlfhard aepsc' cons. & sub.  
✚ Signum manus Eadberhti ducis.  
✚ Signum manus Ealhheardi Ducis.  
✚ Signum manus Ceolwlfi Ducis.     

The Epilogue to his Countrymen.  
IF, by your good acceptance of these my Labours for the City, I may receive encouragement to proceed in my endeavours, it is in my thoughts, by God's assistance, in convenient time, to do somewhat in like kind for you in the Country. In the mean time, from that recourse which some of you have had unto me for satisfaction and information to the memory of what Saints their Churches were at first commended, conceiving that it may give content both to them and others of you who (not out of any either superstitious or riotous instinct, I hope, but for those good and pious ends which the first Institution of the Encaenia 
Encaenia.  had regard unto, namely, not only the encouragement of others to the like acts of piety and devotion, by a thankful commemoration of his or their bounty and munisicence who had either founded or endowed the Church, as at the first; but also the manifestation and maintenance of Christian Union, charity, and good society, by a kind of Love-feast, as afterwards the manner was) are desirous to reduce that ancient laudable Custom, sometime consonant to Canon 
* Cap. Ex scriptures. de Feriis in Provincial. , of observing those Feasts of Dedication, now, through ignorance most what, I suppose, of their Saints names, generally in these parts laid aside; conceiving it, I say, an acceptable thing to revive and restore to each Parochial Church and chapel the forgotten name and memory of such Saint or Saints, as at their dedication (upon such or like grounds as are judiciously rendered and laid down elsewhere 
* Hooker. Ecclesiastic. polity. lib. 5. num. 13. ) were given (and are therefore proper) to them: having used my best diligence for a full Collection of those of Canterbury-Diocesse from good Record, I shall here leave it with you in pawn, and as a pledge unto you of those my future endeavours for your further content hereafter, if God permit.  

Canterbury-Deanrie.  
St Alphege. Within the City. St Andrew. St Mary-Bredman. St Mary-Bredin. St Mary-Castle. Holy Cross- of Westgate. St Edmu●- of Ridingate. St George- of Newingate. St john. St Margaret. St Marry Magdalen. St Marry- of Northgate. St Marry- of Queningate. St Michael- of Burgate. St Mildred. St Peter. All-Saints.  
St Dunstan. In the Suburbs. St Martin. St Paul.  
St Cosmas and Damian. Bleane.  
St Marry. Fordwich.  
St Marry. Little Hardres.  
St Michael. Herbaldowne.  
St Nicholas. Herbaldowne.  
St Stephen. Hackington.  
St Marry. Natyndon.  
St Nicholas. Sturrey.  
St Nicholas. Thannington.  
Milton.   

Sandwich-Deanrie.  
St Clement. in Sandwich. St james. St Marry. St Peter.  
St Marry. Barfrestone.  
Bettishanger.  
St Pancras. Colred.  
St Leonard. Deale.  
St Marry. Eastry.  
St Augustine. Eastlangdon.  
St Peter and Paul. Eithorne.  
St George. Ham.  
Knolton.  
St Martin. Great Mongeham.  
St Augustine. Norborne.  
St Marry. Ripple.  
St Nicholas. Ringwold.  
St Andrew. Sibertswold.  
Sutton.  
St Nicholas. Sholden.  
St Andrew. Tilmanstone.  
St Marry. Westlangdon.  
All Saints. Waldershare.  
St Peter and Paul. Worth.  
St Marry. Walmer.  
St Marry. Woodnesborough.   

Westbere-Deanrie.  
All Saints. Birchington.  
St Marry. Minster.  
St Marry Magdalen. Mounklon.  
St Giles. Sarre.  
St john Baptist. in Thanet. St Lawrence. St Nicholas. St Peter.  
St Marry. Chistlet.  
St Martin. Hearne.  
St Marry. Hoth. Holy Crosse.  
St Marry. Reculver.  
St Elphege. Seasalter.  
St john Baptist. Swalcliffe.  
All Saints. Westbere.  
All Saints. Whitstable.   

Bridge Deanrie.  
St Innocents', Adisham.  
St Nicholas. Ash.  
St john Baptist. Barham.  
St Peter. Beaksbourne.  
St john Evangelist. Ickham.  
St Giles. Kingston.  
St Vincent. Littlebourne.  
St Peter. Molash.  
St Marry. Bishopsbourne.  
St Peter. Bridge.  
St Marry. Brooke.  
All Saints. Boughton Alulph.  
St Marry. Chartam.  
St Cosmas and Damian. Challocke.  
St Marry. Chilham.  
All Saints. Chillenden.  
St Marry. Crondall.  
Elmestone.  
St Lawrence. Godmersham.  
Holy Cross- Goodnestone.  
St Peter and Paul. Great Hardres.  
St Marry. Nonnington.  
All Saints. Petham.  
St Marry. Patricksbourne.  
St Mildred. Preston.  
Stodmersh.  
St james. Staple.  
All Saints. Stourmouth.  
St Marry. Stelling.  
St Andrew. Wickhambruex.  
St Marry. Wingham.  
St Gregory and St Martin. Why.  
St Bartholomew. Waltham.  
St Margaret. Wemingswold.   

Dover-Deanry.  
St Antonine. Alkham.  
St Peter. Bewsfield.  
St Andrew. Buckland.  
St Peter. Charlton.  
St Martin. Cheriton.  
St Marry. Capleferne.  
St Peter and St Paul. Ewell.  
St Marry & St Eanswith. Folkstone.  
St Margaret. at cliff.  
St Martin. Guston.  
St Nicholas. Newington.  
St Laurence. Hougham.  
St Michael. Hawkinge.  
St james. In Dover. St john. St Marry. St Nicholas.  
St Peter.  
St Marry. Liden.  
St Peter and St Paul. River.  
St Peter. Swinkfield.  
St Peter. Westcliffe.   

Ealham-Deanrie.  
St Martin. Acris.  
St Marry. Braborne.  
St Margaret. Bircholt.  
St Marry Magdalen. Denton.  
St Marry. Ealham.  
St james. Elmested.  
St Peter. Horton.  
St Marry. Hastinglegh.  
St Marry & St Eadburgh. liming.  
St Leonard. Hith.  
St Marry. Postling.  
St Oswald. Padlesworth.  
St Peter and St Paul. Saltwood.  
All Saints. Stanford.  
St Marry. Stowting.  
St Martin. Woodton.   

Charing-Deanrie.  
St Marry. Ashford.  
St Nicholas. Boughton Malherb.  
St George. Bennenden.  
All Saints. Biddenden.  
St Peter and Paul. Charing.  
St Marry. Great Chart.  
St Marry. Little Chart.  
St Dunstan. Cranebrooke.  
St Marry. Eastwell.  
St Marry. Egerton.  
St Marry. Frittenden.  
St Peter and Paul. Hedcorne.  
St Marry. Hothfield.  
St Marry. Halden.  
St Lawrence. Hawkherst.  
St Marry. Kennington.  
St Peter. Newenden.  
St Marry. Pevington.  
St Nicholas. Pluckley.  
St Marry. Rolvinden.  
St Michael. Smarden.  
St Nicholas. Sandherst.  
St Mildred. Tenterden.  
St Marry. Westwell.   

Lim-Deanrie.  
S. Martin. Aldington.  
S. Peter and S. Paul. Appledoore.  
S. Romwald. Bonington.  
S. Peter and S. Paul. Bilsington.  
All Saints. Burmesh.  
S. Eanswith. Brenset.  
S. Augustine. Brookland.  
S. Peter and S. Paul. Dimchurch.  
S. Marry. Eboney.  
S. Thomas Martyr. Fairfield.  
S. Marry. Hinxhill.  
All Saints. Hope.  
S. Leonard. Herst.  
S. George. Ivechurch.  
S. Marry. Kenarton.  
S. Michael. Kingsnoth.  
S. Stephen. Lim.  
S. Peter and Paul. Newchurch.  
S. Marry. Orlastone.  
S. Marry Magdalen. Rokinge.  
S. Laurence. in New Romney The present Church. S. Martin. S. john Baptist. S. Nicholas.  
S. Clement. Old Romney.  
S. Marry. Sevington.  
S. Marry. Selling.  
S. Peter and Paul. Shadoxherst.  
S. Marry. Smeth.  
S. Augustine. Snave.  
S. Marry. Stone.  
S. Dunstan. Snargate.  
S. Marry. West-Hith.  
S. Marry. Willesborough.  
All-Saints. Lyd.  
S. Marych. In the Mersh.  
S. john Baptist. Mersham.  
S. Matthew. Warhorne.  
All-Saints. Wood-Church.  
S. john Baptist. Wittresham.   

Satton-Deanrie.  
S. Margaret. Bromefield.  
S. Peter. Bredherst.  
Holy-Crosse. Barsted.  
All-Saints. Boxley.  
S. Peter. Boughton Monchensey.  
S. Michael. Chart.  
S. Martin. Detling.  
S. Peter and Paul. East-Sutton.  
S. Dunstan. Frensted.  
S. Marry. Goodherst.  
S. john Baptist. Harietsham.  
All Saints. Hollingbourne.  
S. Margaret. Hucking.  
S. Marry. Lenham.  
S. Nicholas. Leeds.  
Loose.  
S. Marry. Langley.  
S. Nicholas. Linton.  
All-Saints. Maidesto●e. Colledge-Church S. Faith. Parish-Church.  
S. Michael. Marden.  
S. Marry. Sutton Balance.  
All Saints. Stapleherst.  
S. Marry. Thornham.  
S. Nicholas. Otham.  
All Saints. Vlcombe.  
S. Giles. Wormshill.   

Sittingborne-Deanry.  
Bicknore.  
S. john Baptist. Bredgate.  
S. Peter and Paul. Borden.  
S. Bartholomew. Bobbing.  
S. Laurence. Bapchild.  
All-Saints. Eastchurch.  
S. Michael. Hartlip.  
S. Margaret. Halstow.  
All-Saints. Iwade.  
S. Katherine. Kingsdowne.  
S. Clement. Leisdowne.  
S. Trinity. Milton.  
All-Saints. Morston.  
S. Marry. S. Sexburgh. Minster.  
S. Marry. S. Crosse. Milksted.  
S. Marry Newington.  
S. Trinity. Queenborough.  
S. Margaret. Rainham.  
S. Nicholas. Rodmersham.  
S. Marry Magdalen. Stockbury.  
S. Michael. Sittingbourne.  
S. Giles. Tong.  
S. john Baptist. Tonstall.  
S. Marry. Vpchurch.  
S. Margaret. Witchling.  
Wardon.   

Ospringe-Deanrie.  
Buckland.  
S. Peter and Paul. Boughton Blean  
S. Leonard. Badlesmere.  
S. Marry Magdalen. Davington.  
S. john Baptist. Doddington.  
S. Marry. Eastling.  
S. Marry. Feversham.  
S. Bartholomew. Goodnestone.  
All-Saints. Graveney.  
S. Michael. Hearnhill.  
S. Thomas Apostle. Hartey.  
S. Marry. Luddenham.  
S. Laurence. Leaveland.  
S. Peter and Paul. Linsted.  
S. Marry. Norton.  
S. Peter and Paul. Newenham.  
S. Peter. Ore.  
S. Laurence. Otterden.  
S. Peter and Paul. Ospringe.  
S. Katherine. Preston.  
S. Marry. Selling.  
S. james. Sheldwich.  
S. Marry. Stallesfield.  
S. Marry. Tenham.  
S. Michael. Throuleigh.   
FINIS.   

THE TABLE.  

A.  
ABbey, of S. Augustine's: See S. Augustine's.  
Abbotsmill. 44  
Adesham. 210, 433  
Aelmesland, 436  
Aghne 212  
Aid, lent to the City by the Monks 292  
Aldermanry, an Office, and the nature of it 97  
Aldermen, at Canterbury, from what antiquity ibid.  
Aldington 216, 427  
All-Saints-Church 336  
St Alphege- Church 326  
Almnery, at St Augustine's: See St Augustine's: at Christ-Church: See Cathedral.  
Andresgate 329  
St Andrew's- Church 332  
Anselm Archbishop, his monument 241  
Antiquity an ornament, 1, of Canterbury: See Canterbury: of Archbishops in general; and of the Archbishop of Canterbury in particular: See Archbishops.  
Antiquitates Britannicae; the commendation of it by Cujacius, 273  
Apostolic sedis Ligatus, that title, when first given to the Archbishop of Canterbury, and when it ceased 243  
Appledore, the marshes there inned. 290, the manor, 435  
Archbishopric, at Litchfield 234  
Archbishops: their antiquity in the Church, 223, number in England in former time and at this day, 227, Archbishops of Canterbury, their antiquity, 227, a Catalogue of them from p. 229, to p. 274, the form of their inthronization, 275 441, their Palace at Canterbury, 186, their manors, 187, 241, 425, their burial in Christ Church discontinued 273  
Archdeaconry of Canterbury: when, and of whom erected 65, 298, enlarged, 309, 310, 453, 456  
Archdeacon's there, a Catalogue of them, 298, etc. three at one time in the diocese, 306, their house 310, composition with the monks, 411, 457, with the Archbishop, 319, fees for inducting Bishops 323  
Archery, commended 267, an Apology for it, 479  
Archflamins 224  
Arundel Archbishop, his monument and chantry 268, St William, his monument, 184  
Atwood, a family in Canterbury 335  
Austin-friars-s. See Friars  
St Augustine's Abbey, when and wherefore founded, 46, by whom, ibid. their charters, 47, etc. Royal benefactors to it 53, Monks there, of what order 54, the estimate of their revenues, ibid. Abbat there, his dignity and privileges 55, Harms that befell it 56, by the Danes ibid. by fire, 57, by water 58, by the law of Mortmain, ibid., by the general dissolution. 60. It's present remains, ibid. Almnery, ibid. Ethelberts' Tower, 61, St Pancrace-Chapell, ibid. Church-yard, 63, a common footway through that, 17, common seals of the Abbey, 297, composition with the City, 338, 459  
Authentic seals 288   

B.  
BAiliffs of Canterbury 366  
Ballock lane 347  
Barbican, where, and why so called 35  
Barham 213, 214, bis  
Barnacle-Crosse 149  
Barton: mill 45, manor 88, 214, prison, 286, Elizabeth Barton. See No●nery.  
Beausherne 87  
Becket Archbishop, his murder 166, Tomb, 178, translation 245, Fair 246, shrine 247, jubilee 248, the City's patron 250  
Berewicke 437  
Berksore 220, bis 241  
Bertha 96  
Bilsington-Priory, the parsonage there appropriated to it 263  
Been 213  
Binnewith 101, a family in Canterbury so surnamed 102, 139  
Bishop of St Martin 65, 299  
Bishopric, the note of a City 240  
Bishops Sees removed from villages to Cities, 240, titular Bishops 105  
Bixle 213, 430  
Blackfriars. See Friars  
Black Prince, his chapel 176, his chantry 177, his monument 184, his chantery-priests house 135  
Blean: Wood 221, 382, Vicarage 118, 399  
Bocholt 212, bis  
Bocking 217  
Bocton 428, 435, Malherb, whence so called 384  
Borle 221  
Bovyton 221  
Boxley 245  
Bradested 430  
Bramling 211  
Breakpotlane 108  
Bredgar-Colledge 269  
Brewerslane 28, 129  
Bridewell 141  
British-Bricks. See Roman-Bricks  
Broke 220, 436  
Brotewell 214, 217  
Brownes, a family, Aldermen of Westgate 97  
Bulstake 146  
Burgate 16, the Church there, ibid. 331, ward 146  
Burial (and Burning) of the dead in Cities forbidden, 46, 231, and why 232, when first permitted in England 233, of the Archbishops at St Augustine's, when first discontinued 233, when at Christ-Church 273  
Burn 212 bis. 213, 214, 426  
Burricestune 430  
Byri 214   

C.  
CAir, what it signifies 8  
Cair-Kent. See Names of Canterbury.  
Cair-Medwag 25  
Caldecote-manor 221, 260  
Calvells, a family in Canterbury 68  
Canterbury, the antiquity of it. i, 39 368, 410, names of it, ij, famous in the Romans time, iij, of whom founded, ibid. surveyed of it in Doomsday-booke, iiij, anciently a hundred, 95, 96, Malmesbury his commendation of it, 150, spoiled by the Danes, 238, the cause of its decay, 246, made a County per se, 368, the Citizens of it commended, ibid. the ecclesiastical government of it, 349, temporal 363, Liberties of it, 502  
Canterbury's, a family 347  
Canterbury-lane ibid.  
Capgrave john, a famous Friar 130  
Sub deacon- Cardinals at Christ-Church 257  
Castle at Canterbury how ancient 33, common prison kept in it of old 34  
Catalogue of Archbishops of Cant. Archdeacon's Majors Priors  

See 


Archbishops.  
Archdeacon's.  
Majors.  
Priors.      
Cathedral at Canterbury, the antiquity and nature of the foundation, 151, a Cathedral monastery 152, the first Church there, built by the Romans 154, dedicated to our Saviour, ibid. burned by the Danes, 155, re-edified ibid. fired a second time 156, re-edified ibid. name changed to St Trinity 157, enlarged ibid., fired a third time 159, re-edified ibid., new-named, and called Christ-Church ibid. the Campanile there 160, 190, Body new built, 161, 291. Choir repaired and Beckets' Crown 163, a Suruèy taken of the present Church, 164, Porch, ibid. Body, ibid. Martyrdom, 166, Lady chapel, 167, St Michaels chapel 168. Quire-hanging, 169, Altars, 170, Beckets' Chapel, ibid. his Crown, 171, Vestry, 172, Treasury, 173, Deans Chapel, ibid. Library, 174, Windows, ibid. 385, Vndercroft, 175, French Church, ibid. Black Prince's Chapel, 176, Lady chapel, 177, Beckets' Tomb, 178, Chapterhouse 179, cloister, ibid. Monuments, 180, Font, 181, Church precinct, 188, Churchgate, 193, Cimitery gate, 194, schoolhouse, ibid. Honours, 196, Infirmary, ibid. Dortor, 199, Refectory, 200, Courtgate, 205, Northhall, ibid. Steward's Court, 207, Almnery, 208, Mint and Mintyard, 124, 209, benefactors to this Church, 210, burial of the Archbishops procured to it, 234, that, when first discontinued, 273, Tombs in it mistaken, 236, 243, 256, 262, 265, the several seals of it, at several times, and for several uses, 158, 159, 250, 251, 297.  
Cellarar of Christ-Church, his office and charge 201, his Halimot, 203, his hall and lodgings 204  
Chamberlain there, his office and charge 201  
chantry lane 67  
Chant●r of Christ-Church 290  
Chapters rural 351  
Charters, of Ethelbert and Augustine questioned, 7, before K. Withreds time questionable, and why, ibid.  
Charing 212, 428  
Chart 212, 215, 218, 434  
Chatham 434  
Cheap, what it signifies 149  
Cheyham 217  
Chiches, a family in Canterbury 145, Aldermen of Burgate 97  
Christ-Church. See Cathedral.  
Church-government in England, Aristocratical 225, 349  
Churches, before the Conquest, mostly of wood 156, 324  
Church matters, Laics ' punished for meddling in them 268  
Churchyards, their beginning in England 233  
City, a Bishops See, the note of it, 240  
Clavering 379  
Clementslane 347  
Clergy, a discourse of the Privilege so called 250, 485  
Clive 438  
Clothmarket 130, 147  
Cokyns, a family in Canterbury 116, Aldermen of Worthgate, 97, a quondam hospital of that name in Canterbury, where, by whom, and when founded ibid.  
Cokynslane ibid. 347  
Combewell 245  
Commendation of Canterbury by Malmesbury 150  
Commissary, and Commissariship of Canterbury 353  
Compositions, between Christ-Church and St Augustine's, 160, 283, 288, 415, 448, between the City and S. Augustine's, 338, 459, between the Archbishop and Archdeacon, 319 between the Monks of Christ-Church and the Archdeacon 311, 457, between the hospital of Poor Priests, and the Parson of S. Margaret 141, 413, between the Gray-Fryers and Christ-Church 103  
Conduit at Canterbury 274  
Consistory at Canterbury 353  
Controversy, between the Archbishop of Canterbury and his Monks, 252 betwixt the Archdeacon there and them 304, 311, 313, 314, 315, between the King and the Monks of S. Augustine's 308, between the Archdeacon and Commissary of Canterbury, 317, between the Archbishop and Archdeacon there, 319, between the City and S. Augustine's, 17, between the City and S. Gregory's 91  
Copton 217  
Cowlings 216  
Cottons hospital 144  
Court Christian 363  
Courts of Record 288  
Crinemel●slane 101  
Croyden, the hospital and school there 273  
Cumbe 213  
Curia Christianitatis 363   

D.  
DAnes, infested S. Augustine's Abbey 56, the miracle to the contrary fabulous ibid. Invade and take Canterbury, burn the City and Cathedral, and tithe the people, 155, 238, 471  
Dapschecourt St Eustace 401  
Davington 262  
Deane of Canterbury 357, 362, of Christ-Church, 275, the names of those of the new foundation 297  
Deans rural 357  
Decanus Christianitatis 362  
Dedications of Churches 510  
Dei gratia, usual heretofore in the stile of Archbishops, etc. 269  
Derent 431  
Diepham, 220, 222, 280.  
Difference. See Controversy.  
Digges, a family in Canterbury 100, Aldermen of Newingate 97  
Ditch about Canterbury how ancient, and of what breadth primarily 31, the neglect of it late days 32  
Division of parishes 230  
Doccombe 220  
Dodingdale: manor 75, tithery, 76, family ibid.  
Doge Hamon, his chantry 67, more of him 337  
Doomsday book why so called 4  
Dorobernia See Names of Canter. Dorovernia Durovernum  
Dorobr●vis 499  
Dover, whence it took it name, 37 the Priory there: See S. Martins  
Dudindale. See Dodingdale,  
Dungeon: the manor 144, the hill ibid.  
S. Dunstan's Church 342. vicarage 466, his shrine searched, and why 237, 421  
Durolevum 25   

E.  
EArhede 430  
Earl of Gloucester, his office and fees at the Archbishop's inthronization 259  
Eastbridge hospital: of whom first founded and endowed 110, new founded 111, benefactors to it, 116, 118, 119. chapel and chantry there, 119, 120, 402.  
Eastry 213, 217, 222, 263, 432.  
Ebbeney 214  
Ecclesiastical government of Canter. 349  
Ecclesiecdici 352  
S. Edmund's Church 20, 343  
Eghethorne 214  
Einsford 431  
Elizabeth Barton. See Nunnery.  
Encaenia 510  
Old Epitaphs, rare in England 242  
Esshe 222  
K. Ethelberts' first charter to S. Augustine's, 47, his second 48, third, 49  
Etheredeshith 215  
Royal Exchange at Canterbury 121, 403  
Eylwarton 217   

F.  
Fairs 246. At Christ-Church, 268  
Fairfield 222  
Fawkshall 177, 221  
Fearnledge 216, 438  
Fermary, See Infirmary.  
Ferry. See Westgate.  
Feversham: Town, 244, Abbey, when, of whom, and for whom founded ibid. names of some Abbats there, 245, Church: difference about the patronage of it 308  
Fincux Sr john, 131, 184, 342  
Firmins Barton 79  
Fishmanschurch 148  
Fishmarket ibid. 346  
Flamens 224  
Fog Sr Thomas 183  
Folkstane 215, 218  
Fordwich-Trouts 45  
Fraternities 108, 341  
Free-school: at S. Martin's, 165, At Canterbury 194, 416  
French Church in Canterbury 175  
Freningham 222, 4●9  
Friars, how distinguished from Monks, 99, in margin 100  
Augustine-●emit-Fryers ●emit-Fryers, whence so called 127, their habit 128, their first coming into England ibid. to Canterbury ibid. opposed by the Monks of Christ-Church 129, and by the parson of S. George, ibid. john Capgrave a Friar there 130, what benefactors they had 131  
Black Friars, 106, whence called Dominican-black, praedicant, ibid. their first coming into England, ibid. and to Canterbury. Their governor's title ibid.  
Grace- Friars, 99, whence called Franciscans, Minors, Observants, ibid. Mendicants, 100, their governor's title ibid. when the first of them came into England, ibid. when first, where and by whom seated in Canterbury, ibid. composition between them and Christ-Church, 103, their privileges, 104, benefactors ibid.   

G.  
Gaol of the City. See Prison Gates of the City, their number and names 16  
Geddinge 211, 212, 213  
Geferscipes, what 364  
S. George's Church, 329, gate. See Newingate.  
Gildhall in Canterbury 125  
Gilds. See Fraternities.  
Gilingham 429  
Godmersham, 213, 218, 222, 434  
Goggeshall 218  
Government of the City, ecclesiastical, 349, temporal. 363  
Graven●y 213, 214, 439  
Grey Friars. See Friars.  
S. Gregory's Priory, when and by whom founded 88, a house of Regular Canons, 89, their habit, ibid. the endowment and revenues, ibid. the value, 90, fired, ibid. controversy with the City, 91, articles of agreement between them, 397  
Guildford, the hospital there, 274, Sr john Guildford 183   

H.  
HAdleghe 214, 217  
Hakynton 87, 309, 453  
Halstow 222  
Haltone 219  
Ham 215  
Harghes 213, 214  
Hawte Edmund 183  
Hearne 258  
Hengam Odmar 183  
Henry the fourth's monument 185  
Herbaldowne, the names original examined, 381, Hospital there wherefore founded, 80, of whom, endowment, ibid. St Nicholas Church there 84, chantry 86, the foundation of it 378  
Hermitage at Northgate 29  
Heth 215, 218, 437  
Hlyden 211, bis  
Holy-Crosse Church, 339, Vicarage, 463  
Holy maid of Kent. See Nunnery.  
Holingbourne 217, 221, 435  
Horsleghe 218  

Hospital of 


Eastbridge  
St Jacob's  
St john's  
St Laurence  
Poor Priests.      

See 


Eastbridge  
St Jacob's  
St john's  
St Laurence  
Poor Priests      
Hottewell 140  
Hubert de Burgh 10  
Hulecumb 4●2  
Huntindune 440  
Hurdles (or Wattles) their use 10   

I  
S. Iacobs' Hospital, how ancient, and of what condition 77, the endowment and revenues, 78, 79, of what value 79, how far privileged from tithes, ibid.  
Ickham 212, 216, 433, a family in Canterbury so surnamed 14, 330  
jesus hospital 88  
jews in Canterbury 124  
jewry-lane ibid.  
Illegh 217  
Impropriations 58  
Infirmary and Infirmary Chapel. See in the Cathedral.  
Inthronization of the Archbishops: See Archbishop.  
joan Lady Mohun 185  
S. john's Church: 334, Lane ibid. hospital: when and by whom founded 88, the endowment, 92, fired 93, the Chapel there ibid.  
Irenarchae 359  
Isabella Countess of Athol 185  
judicature ecclesiastical, how exercised of old 349   

K.  
KIngsbridge: See Eastbridge. Hospital: See the same.  
Kingsmill 42   

L.  
LAics, their meddling in Church-matters punished 268  
Laling 217  
Lambertslane 28, 129  
Lamheth 211  
Lanes in Canterbury 347  
La●gdone, 214, Abbey there, 245, 262  
Langport 436  
S. Laurence hospital, when, by whom and wherefore founded 72, Founder's charter 73, the endowment, ibid.  
Laza-hous●s about Canterbury 80  
Leanham 216, 437, Mr Cambdens' opinion touching it examined 22  
At Lee Sir john 403  
Leeds Castle 269  
Leisdowne 2●0  
Leprosy 80  
Lex talionis 304  
Liberties of Canterbury 502  
Liminge, land in Canterb. granted to the Nonnes there 324, manor, 427  
Little- Chert 434  
Little-pet-lane 124  
Liveland 437  
Livingsbourne- chantry 119, 404  
Loders- lane 460  
Longport 67  
Loose 214, 440  
Lukedale- chantry, 66, foundation of it 476   

M.  
MAidstone, hospital, and college 254, 262, 265, manor, 429  
Majors of Canterbury, a Catalogue of them 366, etc.  
Malling 214, 431  
Malmesbury, his commendation of Canterbury 15  
Manors: of the Archbishop: See Archbishop: of the Monks of Christ-Church: See Monks.  
Manumission 182  
St Margaret's- Church, 344, Officials court there when first erected 346, the parsonage of it granted to Poor Priests- Hospital 137  
Margaret Duchess of Clarence, her monument 184  
Market- cross: See Bulstake. Market- field 149  
St Martins: by Canterb. 64, Bishops See there, 65, 299, School, 65, 195 416, by Dover, 220, when and of whom founded, 24●, Buckland parsonage appropriated to it 263  
St Mary Bredin Church 343  
St Mary Bredman Church 329  
St Mary Castle Church 76, 333  
St Mary Magdalen Church, 331, Magdalen- Croft 332  
S. Marry Northgate Church, 339, Vicarage 462  
S. Marry Queningate Church: See Queningate.  
Mayners, a family in Canterbury 142 spital there, of whom founded, ibid. chapel to it, ib. revenue, ib.  
Meadlane 101  
Medmilne 138  
Meltons' 213  
Mepeham manor, 216, bis. 222, 438, Archbishop, his tomb mistaken 262  
Mercats in the City, and Suburbs 147  
Mersey 217  
Mersham 219, 435  
Mersteham 217  
S. Michael of Burgate Church: See Burgate.  
S. Mildred's Church 335  
Milles upon Stoure 42  
Mil●on 217, 218  
Minchen- wood, 69, Nonnes anciently called Minchens ibid.  
Mints at Canterbury 123, 209  
Mohuns, a family 185  
English Monasteries of two sorts 152  
Monks, whereby distinguished from Friars, 99, in marg. 100, their vow, 153, diet, 200, employment, 262, those of Christ-Church, of what ●rder 153, their habit 154, manors 187, 202, 241, 432, died all to five 235, banished, 282, restored, ibid. distressed 289  
Monksda● 77  
Monkish policy 64  
Monkton 216, 222, 263, 433  
Monuments in Christ-Church 180  
Mortality great in England 256, 264  
Mortimer Sir Robert 280  
Mortmain 44  
Mosaique- work 171  
Mote 66   

N.  
Name's, of Canterbury. See Canterbury, of the Cathedral several times altered: See in the Cathedral.  
Newingate, 18, Ward 127  
Newington by Sittingbourne, 25, another Newinton 217  
Newstreet 67, 460  
S. Nicholas of Herbaldowne. See Herbaldowne in Thanet 258  
Niwenden 436  
Nunnery of S. Sepulchers, when and by whom founded 68, the Nonnes there enclosed, 70, their number, 71, habit, ibid. Elizabeth Barton, the holy Maid of Kent, a name there, here impostures 70  
Nonnes anciently called Minchens 69  
Northfleet 429  
Northgate, 29, Ward 132  
Northwood: See Barton. Archbishops Norwood, 427, Monks Norwood, 432, Sir Roger Norwood 284  
Notaries 287, 443, 445  
Notaria 359  
Noviomagus 24  
Nunhelmestune 211   

O.  
OAten- hill 148  
Odo Archbishop, his tomb mistaken 236  
Offa King, his charter to Christ-Church 234, 376  
Officialls court. See S. Margaret's Church.  
Orgariswike 212  
Orpintune 439  
Osborne the Monk, his relation of the Danish siege and massacre 471  
Osterland 216  
Otteford 41, 212, 214, 430  
Out-aliens way 22   

P.  
PAgeham 211, 222  
Palace (of the Archbishop) at Canterbury 186  
St Pancras- Chapel 61  
Parish- Churches in Canterbury, of them in general, 324, in particular 325, etc.  
Parishes, their division 230  
Pavement of the City, an Act of Parliament about it 148, 410  
St Paul's Church, 337, Vicarage 461  
Pecchinges 216  
Peckham, 216, 438, Archbishop, his tomb mistaken 256  
Periodeutai 352  
St Peter's Church 330  
Petham 426  
Pikenot- alley 346  
Pitsaeus, Balaeus his plagiary 277  
Pluckley 429  
Pococks- lane 347  
Polres, a family in Canterbury, aldermans of Northgate 97  
Pomoerium, what 32  
Poore-Priests Hospital in Canterbury, when, of whom, and for whom founded, 136, chapel, ibid. spared by the Dissolution, 140, when afterwards surrendered, 141, granted to the City, ibid. The grant, 405, Composition with the Parson of S. Margaret 141, 413  
Porta machecollata (a French word, as I have since learned) 29  
Portr●ve of Canterbury 363  
Portsoca 97  
Posterns 31  
Poultry 22  
Perfect of Canterbury 363  
Prestantune 216  
Preston 217, 437  
Princes Priests, their house in Canterbury: See Black Prince.  
Prior's: alien, suppressed, 262, of Christ-Church, a Catalogue of them 275, etc. Prior's Key at Fordwich, 288, 450, a Lord Prior, 29, a spiritual Baron 298, the form of his election and installation, 298, 452  
Priory: of Christ-Church, fired 295, dissolved 297, value, 298, of Dover, See S. Martin: of S. Gregory's: See S. Gregory's.  
Prison, in the Castle. See Castle. City-Prison, 27, 28, called the Spech-house 126, and why 127  
Professions, of divers Abbots 245  
Prohibitions, courses taken for their restraint 258  
Provost of Canterbury 363   

Q.  
QVarell. See Controversy.  
Queningate, 29, Church, 30, market, 147, in the margin, lane, 193   

R.  
RAculver, 216, 220, 239, 258, 424, 427  
S. Radegunds- Abbey 245  
Reculver. See Raculver.  
Rents, of Church-lands, why so small 264  
Rethercheape 149  
Ridingate, 18, Ward 144  
Risbergh 217  
River of Stour, 37, the name, how ancient, and whence derived, ibid. projects to enlarge it 38  
Rochester, the Bishopric there, made elective 304  
Rode, between London, and Canterbury, how it lay in the Romans time 21  
Rokinge 212  
Roman- bricks, 6, 62, 65, ports, 19, ways 23  
Ropers, a family in Canterbury 342  
Ros Sir Thomas 118, 380  
Rural- Deans 357  
Rush- market 147   

S.  
SAcrist of Christ-Church, his office, and charge 172, 201  
Saendling 439  
Salcockslane 347  
Salthill 148  
Saltwood 43y  
Sandherst 212  
Sandwich, the Port there given to Christ-Church 155, resigned to the Crown 156, touching it again 217, 218, 219, 221, bis. 433  
Sanguinis minutio, what, and why used of Monks 261  
S. Saviour's Church: See Cathedral.  
School: at Canterbury, 194, 416, at S. Martin, ibid. and 65, of the jews 124  
Seals, not used here before the Conquest, 158, Authentic Seals, 288  
Septvant, a family 182, 330  
S. Sepulchers Church, 71, Churchyard and Parish, ibid. Nunnery: See Nunnery.  
Sesalter 222, 434  
Shaffordsmill 45  
Shaldeford 213  
Sheld●ich 211  
Shepeshanklane 347  
Slindone 220  
Smiths company 108  
South Church 213  
Spech-house, and Spech-house. lane, 28, 126  
Staple, of wool, at Canterbury 133  
Staplegate, ibid. a family in Canterbury 133, 328  
S. Stephens. See Hakinton.  
Stystede 218, 220  
Stodmersh, the parsonage of it granted to Poor Priests Hospital 137  
Stour. See River.  
Stoursaete 38, 425  
Stourstreet 38  
Stouting 218  
Strangers, way, 22, Church, 175  
Streets, an Act of Parliament for paving them 148  
Suburbs 45  
Sudbury Archbishop, a worthy benefactor to our City, 11, 265, his tomb mistaken 236, ●65  
Summagium (or Summarium) bosci, in Blenwood, granted to S. Sepulcres, 69, to S. Gregory's, ibid. to Herbaldowne- Hospital ibid.  
Sunderherst 430  
Sunnewineslane 347  
Surling 440  
jewish Synagogue (or School) at Canterbury. See School.  
Synods 351   

T.  
TAllage 284  
Templares, their house in Canterbury 134  
Temporal government of Canterbury. See Government.  
Tenham 212, 309, 428  
Terrings 216  
Terstane 221  
Testes Synodales 359  
Theobald Archbishop, his Tomb mistaken 243  
S. Thomas hill 87  
Thorholt- wood 221, 260  
Thoroughfare in S. Augustine's Churchyard 17  
Through- hall-lane 147  
Thurrock 218  
Tiernes, a family in Canterbury, aldermans of Worthgate 97  
Tierne-crouch (or cross) 20, 344  
Tilemannestune 432  
Tithes, how paid in Canterbury, 348, 468, 470  
Titular- Bishops: See Bishops.  
Tombs, anciently how situate, 252 divers in Christ-Church, mistaken: See Cathedral.  
Totius Angliae Primas, in the Archbishop's title, when it first came up 240  
Treasurer, of Christ-Church, his office, and charge 201  
S. Trinity- Church: See Cathedral.  
Turretts, in the City-wall, how many, 16, convenient for Pest-houses ibid.   

V.  
VAgniacae 25  
Verses, in Christ-Church-Windowes 174, 385  
A Vicar's stipend, what of old 253  
Vines 286  
Vlcombe, the College there, of whom erected 253  
Vnlawfullnesses of burial in Cities: See Burial.  
Vow of Monks, threefold 153   

W.  
Wales, laid to the province of Canterbury [252  
Waleworth 216  
Wall, about Canterbury, 6. how ancient, ibid. repaired by Archbishop Lanfranc, 8, provision to secure it, 10, benefactors to it, 11, 15, 327, a general tax throughout, the City, for repair of it, 11, measured, and why, 13, the late neglect of it censured, 14, Monks of Christ-Church, and their men, quit of murage 9, 10  
Wardm● 97  
Wards, the City divided into them 96  
Warelane 347  
Warbam Archbishop, his bad presage of a Thomas, 272, Erasmus testimony of him ibid.  
Waterlock-lane 135  
Watling-street, in Canterbury 19  
Wattles; See Hurdles.  
Welle 435  
Werehorne 217, 436  
Westcliffe 223  
Westerham ibid.  
Westgate 27, the prison there, ibid. mill, 44, street, 94, Aldermanry, 97, ward 99, 193  
Westwell 162, 223  
Wheat-market 147  
Willardslane 347  
Winchepe 149  
Winchelsey Archbishop, where entombed 257  
Windows at Christ-Church, the Iron-worke, and verses 174, 385  
Wingham College: when, and of whom erected, 255, manor 427  
Winulphus Hospital: See Mayners-Spittle.  
Wodetone 211  
Wood, a family in Canterbury: See Atwood.  
Wooden Churches: See Churches.  
Worthgate, 21, ward 136  
Wroteham 431  
Wye College, when, and of whom erected, 271, surrendered, ibid. value, ibid.  
Wyke 66   

Y.  
YElverton-Tithery. 310   
FINIS.