THE OTTOMAN OF LAZARO SORANZO.  
Wherein is delivered aswell a full and perfect report of the might and power of Mahamet the third, Great Emperor of the Turks now reigning: together with the interests and dealings which he hath with sundry other Princes, what he is plotting against the State of Christendom, and on the other side what we may practise and put in executition against him to his great damage and annoyance.  
As also a true Description of divers peoples, Countries, Cities and Voyages, which are most necessary to be known, especially at this time of the present War in Hungary.  
Translated out of Italian into English, by ABRAHAM HARTWELL.  
LONDON Imprinted by john Windet, 1603.   

TO THE MOST Reverend Father in God, the Lo. Archbishop of Canterbury his Grace, of all England Primate and Metropolitan, one of the Lords of her majesties most honourable privy Council, my singular good Lord and Master.  
MOst Reverend father in God, and my singular good Lord: It pleased your Grace in the beginning of Michaelmas term last, to demand of me a question touching the Bassas and Viziers belonging to the Turkish Court, and whether the chief Visier were promoted and advanced to that high & supereminent authority above the rest, according to his priority of time and antiquity of his being Bassa, or according to the good pleasure and election of the Grand Turk himself: wherein although I did for the present satisfy your Grace to your contentment by the small skill & knowledge which I have in those Turkish affairs: yet bethinking myself of this Discourse which having been by me translated out of the Italian tongue, had passed the Print, & had lain by me these two years not published to the view of this English world, upon some special considerations, that moved me for the time to conceal the same. I thought it would be a very acceptable and pleasing matter now to thrust it forth, for the better satisfaction of your Grace and others, that are desirous to understand the full truth & estate of that tyrannical and mahometical Empire. The Book was written and penned by one Lazaro Soranzo a Venetian Gentleman, in the year 1598. at what time Mahamet the third of that name, now reigning, was expected to have intended war upon the State of Christendom, either in his own person, or by sending forth some one of his Bassas or Viziers to be his General in that action, whereupon the Gentleman author of this Discourse, began to enter into a very deep and subtle consideration of all the designments & purposes which the Turk and his Council had plotted at home, against the poor distressed several States & common wealths of the christian Empire: & having performed the same did publish it in print for the general pleasure & benefit both of his own country and also of all others, that may have any interest in so weighty & important a business: In which treatise if he have somewhat trespassed by terms and words against the Caluinists, the error will soon be pardoned, if we shall remember that he is but a relator of others opinions & speeches, though himself indeed be greatly addicted to the popish religion, and the maintenance thereof. It containeth first a perfect and true discovery of the present estate, wherein that Eastern Empire now standeth, together with a special report of the revenues and forces thereof: secondly, the particular discourses, that were made, where, and upon what part of Christendom this war should be first attempted: and thirdly a most christian & resolute advise given by the author to all Christian Princes, how they may combyne & confederate themselves together in this sacred war, & be able every way to meet withal or any of these Turkish devices & plots, wheresoever & whensoever they shall be put in practice, which advise I would to God might deeply and fondly sink into the hearts and minds of all our western princes, to the end they might join altogether with prayer and force to eclipse that crescent Moon, being now (I hope) at the full, and according to the Turks own fearful presages, as it is mentioned in the 83. page of this little work, like utterly to be extinguished, whensoever it shall please the Moderator of all kingdoms to call away this present fatal Mahamet, who doth as yet domineer in that vast and huge tyranny. I was once minded (my most gracious good Lord) to have added hereunto a more ample discourse of the estate, forces and revenues of that Empire, comprehended in a Treatise (entitled, Il Turco vincibile in Hongheria, viz. That the Turk is vanquishible and to be overthrown in Hungary) written by an other Italian Gentleman, called Achilles Tarducci of the Marquisate of Ancona. But the time prevented me, so that I could not couple them together, according to my desire. And therefore I most humbly beseech your Grace to accept of this my poor travel, being performed by starts and at idle hours, which I should & ought to have employed in your more serious services: not doubting but that (if it shall please God to add any more years to this my Quinquagenarian year of jubilee, for which I most heartily thank his divine Majesty) I shall be hereafter, if not more able, yet assuredly more willing to discharge my duty to your Grace and my country, by doing some further service, that may be pleasing & acceptable to any indifferent reader. In the mean time, I do hereby (as I am bound) wholly devote myself to your service, beseeching the Almighty still to preserve & maintain your Grace in all health, honour, and happiness, to the continuation of the peace of this English Church, and the comfort of all your friends and followers: Among whom I must acknowledge myself, though the least and the worst, yet in all duty and affection.  
Your Grace's most loyal, faithful, and obedient servant. A. H. At your Grace's house in Lambhith, the first of januarie. 1603.   

The Preface.  
EVen as for Princes that would learn well to govern and maintain themselves, aswell in time of peace, as of war, there is no one thing more necessary, than the knowledge, first of their own affairs, and next of the state of other principalities, (as those do write, who have the greatest understanding in civil causes, & as Experience itself doth manifestly declare:) so is it most fit and convenient for them, to use their uttermost care & diligence, that they may have perfect skill & discretion to judge between truth and falsehood. For if the second part of their knowledge, I mean touching other men's states & Principalities: (for of the first it is not my purpose to discourse) be not founded and established upon truth, it will never be possible that their counsels shall sort to any profit or advantage, because it is well known, that a false information, either of a speech, or of an Astion, or of a place, may oftentimes breed no less damage, and danger, than a Counsellor that is either of small capacity, or else a liar, or a Captain that hath neither wisdom nor experience. And therefore very greatly are those Princes to be commended, who not only endeavour to inform themselves of the wits and loyalty of their own servants, but also for the more certainty how matters do pass in truth, maintain either at home in Court, or abroad in foreign places, Men of learning, and of practice: the one for matter of History, and properly appertaining to good civil government, and the other for the knowledge of the estates, inclinations, designments, interests, treasures, armour, weapons, confederacies, preparations, and all the forces of other Princes: whereunto may be added also as a matter of great impertance to know those Countries, which have not only been known many a year ago, but also those that have been lately dicovered, or may hereafter be made known to the world. In respect whereof, assuredly above all other Don john king of Portugal, and Isabella of Arragon, are most worthy of eternal memory, for the discovery of the East Indies, and of the new world, which was performed by their favour and assistance. And the reason of that which hath been said, is this, touching the first, because such matters having been reported or written, for the most part either to please, or for some advantage, or falsely penned by persons that never were present at the Action, or for fear have concealed the truth, their reports and writings have need of great caution & censure, before they be believed: and touching the second, because one eye-witness, as the Poet saith, is more certain & worthy of belief, than a thousand eare-witnesses, as they do most manifestly approve, who by the view of their own eyes, which they have made in diverse Provinces, do find & acknowledge, that in books of cosmography, Geography & chorography, there be many faults and errors to be noted in the government of sundry principalities, in the manners and customs of diverse peoples, and in the true situation of several places and Countries: besides many other tales and fables, which are here and there dispersed, as well in writers of old, as in writers of late times, and only because the Authors of them have written and recorded either all these matters, or at least very many of them, without ever seeing any part of them, but referring themselves wholly to the ancient descriptions, which in deed do not fully answer to the knowledge and experience of these days, and without justifying the same by such persons as have not only seen them, which every common Curseters and prating cozener, can also do: but also such as have had the skill to observe every action, and an intent truly to report it again. Homer called Ulysses a wise man, (which is the goodliest title that can be given to a Prince, or to a Captain) not because he had heard, but because he noted and observed the manners and customs of sundry peoples, and saw many Cities. And peradventure it was the reason which moved Plato to make a law, that none of his Citizens should travail abroad before he was xl. years old, to the end that being grown wise by age, he might with more judgement observe the affairs of the world, and then report them to his Country for the common benefit thereof. True it is that those Princes, which do not willingly admit any traffic with strangers, contrary to the law and course of all Nations, as for example the Moscovite, and Presbyter john, but especially and above all other the Princes of China, who being strengthened by fortifications, and keeping continual watch and ward for that purpose, will not suffer their subjects to pass or travel into foreign Countries, because they hold Plato's opinion to be true, which he setteth down in his common wealth, that strange fashions and customs may corrupt home-born natures: such princes (I say) have no need in deed, to be any diligent inquisitors or searchers of other men's actions. But for other states, that with all human entertainment and intercourse do admit all foreigners, and converse kindly with them, and embrace their enterests and confederacies, and therefore are more strongly & entirely enforced of necessity to guard themselves from their neighbours that are of great power & might, to the end they may the better maintain their own seigni●uries and dominions: for such states (I say) it is great reason & very convenient, that they should thoroughly inform themselves, & endeavour to their uttermost, not only ingeneralitie, but also in every particularity to understand all matters whatsoever which may be referred not unto private interests and commodities, such as, matters of traffic, and merchandises be, but to the state of the whole common wealth, which are properly belonging to Princes themselves. For as we do read written Histories to the end we may learn how to govern and manage matters, aswell present as to come, by understanding and reading how things have fallen out, that have been heretofore recorded in particularity: so ought we also to know how the affairs of the world do presently stand, to the end we may provide remedies in time, and meet with all inconveniences according to the general knowledge which we have learned by our reading: for such is the course and order of our knowledge, that by singularities we proceed to the notice of universalities. And therefore the Venetian Magnificoes, who are not meanly exercised and experienced in matters of state, do not only send unto other princes such Ambassadors as are of quick wit and conceit, according to the custom of other principalities, but also have established for a law, that at their return they shall in the Senate make a true and particular report of the Prince and state, with whom they have been Ledgers during the time of their Embassage: and so by that means they shall instruct the younger sort, which are trained up in the study of politic affairs, to be the better enabled for the service of their Country. And to the same purpose, that their Commonwealth may be also better governed, as well by the example of such matters as have already passed, as also by the fresh information of things presently in action, they preserve and keep the said writings with great faithfulness and secrecy in a Register especially appointed thereunto. And this was the cause, that I perceiving how the actions of the Turks, were publicly either too much extenuated and diminished, or else beyond all truth magnified, and enlarged rather upon want of true instruction and information, then upon any sting of passionate affections, which oftentimes make report of many matters to diverse private persons very indiscreetly, and inconsiderately, began to bethink myself, that it could not choose but prove very profitable to the state of Christendom, if I would take upon me the care to examine the present estate of the Turkish Empire, and endeavour to discover the disignements which that Prince hath plotted against the Christians, in the best manner I could. And forasmuch as it is not always good, to give too much credit to ancient Records, though they be never so true, because Principalities and states are easily altered and changed, either upon the nature or disposition of the new succeeding Prince, or upon condition and circumstance of time, or upon some other accident: (yea and so much the rather, for that the Venetian records which were wont to be most faithful and sincere, are not now imparted or communicated to any man by a special prohibition which they have made amongst themselves, the ancient reports also being now to no purpose, and the brief that is ordinarily delivered abroad, being rather imagined and full of errors then containing matter of truth) I have resolved with my self, to be more diligently informed, as far as possibly I could, of all those particulars which I thought meet and necessary to be known in these times, because I am verily persuaded, that the present war now in hand, is a matter of the greatest consequence that is at this time currant in the world. All which I have done upon special and private conference that I have had with persons of great experience and judgement, who are lately come out of those parts, not trusting mine own self in such matters, which I have heretofore seen, and oftentimes very deeply considered of. And so at last I have reduced the whole into a brief or compendious Method, for the benefit and service of Christian princes, & specially of those, who in regard of their interests with the Turk, have greatest need of such information. For seeing I was not able, by reason of mine infirmity, to follow the wars, as I ought to have done, after the example of Benedict Soranzo my father, who died at the conquest of Gorzolari in fight against the Turks, yet had I a desire at the least to do some service to the commonwealth, which alloweth it to be a matter lawful for every man to labour and write, as Polyaenus of Macedon writ to the emperors Antoninus and Verus, rather than by choosing to live idle and free to myself, I should seem altogether unprofitable and unfruitful to all others. So did Diogenes, when the rest of the valiant and courageous Citizens were very busy in defending the walls of their Country, he went up and down in the Market place, rolling his Tun to and fro, because he alone would not be idle (as he said) whiles other were valiantly labouring with their weapons.  
And therefore in this discourse or report, I will entreat of the Ottoman Empire and specially under Mahamet the third, until the year 1597. The time I do of purpose set down, because I know very well, that the event and success of war may alter many things, according to the mutability of the Prince, or necessity of sundry occasions, which even to this hour have altered and changed sundry matters. And this will I do principally and chiefly regarding that which appertaineth to the knowledge of this present war, which the Turk now wageth against the Emperor, and the Transiluanian, or any other matter, which by occasion of the same war may fall out to be considerable. For if I would have undertaken a longer course, I should have too much enlarged this volume, peradventure to the grief and tedious conceits of other men. Besides that a great part of the remnant of this history, I have at large extended in other my writings, and part thereof I may perhaps perform in other occasions. Howbeit I will not forbear to tell you of many matters, especially of such as may be at all times profitable and beneficial to all Christendom: to the end, that aswell those which live at this day, as also those which shall succeed us in posterity may in some sort reap some benefit and pleasure of this labours, wherein that I may proceed methodically, and orderly, I will distinguish and divide this present relation into three parts.  
In the first it shall be entreated of the Head, of the Members, and of the forces of the Ottoman Empire.  
In the second, of the Cogitations and Designments of the Turkish Prince: of the causes of this present war, together with the beginning and proceedings thereof: wherein for the better understanding of every thing, the original of the said war shall be fetched and repeated, even from Amurath, father to this living Mahamet.  
In the third and last, it shall be discoursed, that suppose the Grand Turk will be reconciled, whether it be good for the Emperor, and the Transiluanian, to entertain peace with him. Wherein also many matters shall be discovered, which (if the war shall continue) may be plotted against him by the said Princes, and which at all times may be practised by other Christian Princes, to meet with such perils and dangers as are now imminent, or any other which may hereafter light upon Christendom by the Ottoman forces.   

An advertisement to the reader.  
COurteous Reader, if in all this discourse you do not read, that Mahamet Satarzgi, (of whom mention is made pag. 9) is now become the General of the Turkish camp. That Sinan Cicala (pa. 6. b.) beginneth to recover the favour of the Emperor Mahamet. That Hassan Bassa, who had the government of Constantinople in the absence of the great Turk (pag. 6.) was first created chief Visier, and afterwards put to death: And lastly, that the Prince of Transiluania hath surprised Feulac, and Canaal, and such other like matters. And especially, that the Christian Emperor hath recovered the strong Fort of Giavarino, chiefly through the grace and favour of God, and next by the notable valour and labour of Adolph Baron of Schwartzenberg, most worthy of eternal memory: I pray you remember how the Author in his former Preface doth protest, that touching certain accidents he writeth no further than till the year 1597. wherein he also dealeth like a Politician rather than like an Historiographer: & therefore referreth those matters to some other works which he had then in hand. Farewell.   

Errata.  
page 21. b, 3, & 4, as the Dutch do Kiocai in Beluacensis.  
pag. 28. b, lin. 10. drink for the Turks, considering.  
pag, 34. li. 1. for Galleyslaves, read pilots.  
pag. ead. li. 3. for row them, read guide them.  
pag. ead. l. 21. three hundred thousand.  
pag. 37. b. li. 1. goodliest.  
pag. 40. li. 9 Forts therein, which should be scited  
pag, 55. b. li. 23. the Turks make every day.   

THE FIRST PART,  
Wherein is treated of the head, of the Members, and of the Forces of the Ottoman EMPIRE.  
IN the Ottoman Empire, 
Mahamet, a name dreadful to Christians, and fatal to the Turks.  there new reigneth, Mahamet the third of that name: a name verily no less dreadful and terrible unto Christendom, if ye observe and mark the actions of the other two former Mahamet's, then fatal to the Turks themselves, even in their own opinion: for they do greatly fear, that as the City of Constantinople, had her second beginning and increase from one Constantine, and afterwards was lost and destroyed under another Constantine, both being the sons of two Helenes: and likewise the Empire of Rome, began in one Augustus, and ended in another Augustus; so this City shall be lost again under a Mahamet, even as it was with arms conquered by Mahamet the second.  

§. I.  
THe now living Mahamet, Emperor of the Turks, 
The nature & conditions of Mahamet.  is by nature witty, and by disposition fierce and cruel: but by accident mild, timorous, and greatly effeminated, as hereafter shall be showed plainly, by certain examples of divers matters that have been done by him, both before he came to the Empire, and also after.  
Mahamet, 
Why he hated Nasuf-Aga, the Dwarf.  while he was but young, being shut up into the Seraglio, and bearing great hatred against the Dwarf Nasuf-Agà, for the many favours which he continually received at the hands of the Emperor Amurath, endeavoured so diligently to pry into his actions, as having observed, that every day he sent out of the Seraglio, a basket of flowers, he imagined with himself, that under those flowers, he conveyed forth some things of greater moment. And thereupon, one morning having stayed the Carrier by force, and powered the flowers out upon the ground, he found the basket full of Gold, and with exceeding indignation, accused him to his Father, telling him, that he was less favoured than his slaves: For (quoth he) they abound in that which is denied unto me. And this he spoke, because he found his Father to be very covetous.  
Moreover, 
Who were his grandmother, and Mother.  he was so haughty and disdain full, as he could not endure that his grandmother, who was (if all be true) a Gentlewoman of Venice, and of the house of Baffo, should domineer in the Court, and over his Mother, who was born at Rezi, 
The suspicion that Amurath had of him.  a town in the mountains of the Ducagini in Albania. In so much, as quarreling with his Father for the same very oftentimes, and ministering daily unto him new oecasions of dislike and fear: (for the Ottoman Emperors are so jealous of their own life and safety, as both in regard of the common ambition of aspiring minds, as also, and much the rather of their own particular and peculiar cruelty, they will not pardon nor spare their own blood.) After he was circumcised according to the Law of Mahamet, (whereat were present the Ambassadors of the Emperor, of the Moscovite, of the Persian Sophi, and for the State of Venice, Giacomo Soranzo my uncle, who in that business, had the chief place above the Christian Princes.) presently he was sent by his Father into Magnesia, there to abide and keep his residence. But when he did there every day more and more discover his fierceness and cruelty; 
Examples of Mahamet's cruelty.  by causing (sometimes in deed of an indignation and rage, but sometimes of a fantastical humour) the teats of women to be pinched off with hot burning tongues: by putting to a most cruel death, two thousand Softì, (that is to say, Scholars) only because they had made a sign unto him of some unchaste cogitation: and by killing many other persons, upon very light and slender occasions: and finally when he showed himself to be utterly alienated from venereal and wanton pleasures, and wholly occupied in Martial actions: His Father grew into such a conceit against him, as adding thereunto sundry other weighty suspicions of secret intelligences, which under the colour of friendship he entertained in the Court with Sinan Bassa, (he that surprised Giavarino, and died the last year:) entered into a cogitation with himself not only to have him better guarded, but also to deprive him of his life, if he did not change his course. Whereof being oftentimes advertised by the Lady Sultan, his mother, and also advised by her to pluck this suspicion out of his father's head by addicting himself to pleasure, he was obedient unto her therein. And afterwards he was so far given over thereunto, as either altering or dissembling his proper nature, he is by this accident, and of his own accord grown to be a most sensual Prince: and whether it be by habit and custom, or by enchanting besotment, as some think, (wherein the Greek, Hebrew, and Turkish Ladies are most cunning and skilful,) he cannot now live, no not when he is in arms amongst his Soldiers, without those pleasures, not without communicating the most important secrets of his state with his Favourites and Miniones: Then which there is nothing more dangerous and pernicious to Princes. Notwithstanding, I cannot agree in opinion with those who do attribute the cause of this late going forth into the wars in his own person, to this his sensuality: for there are diverse other truer reasons, that may be alleged of that his linger.   

§ II.  
FOr Mahamet being now become a new Prince, 
Why Mahamet lingered his going to the war.  determined to inform himself first before all other things, what were the forces of his state. He did well know the dislikes and brawls which were amongst the Bassas, and especially between Sinan and Ferat: in whose hands remained at that time the whole management of his Empire, as in due place we shall show hereafter. There was in Constantinople, a very great dearth of all things necessary for victual, and specially of bread. He perceived that the subjects were much discontented for many debts, which his father had not paid, but afterwards he satisfied them himself. He was not fully persuaded, what stirs the Persian might make, for the death of the young hostage Haidar, son to Emir Hamze, who was eldest son to Mahamet Codabanda: which was thought to have happened not without some suspicion of poisoning. Besides that his principal Captains promised, that they would follow the wars without his presence: (for they thought, that so they might the more easily enrich themselves.) He gave exceeding credit to the important counsel and advise of Sinan, who had vowed the utter ruin and destruction, not only of the Prince of Transiluania, but also of the Emperor without any great difficulty: (and all this, because by continuing still in that supreme degree of government which he then enjoyed, he might make his person the greater.) Moreover, most true it is, that Mahamet loveth peace: for that fierceness and cruelty which is natural in him, and yet mollified by pleasure and ease, as Iron is by fire, 
Why he killed one of his darlings.  is rather the disposition of a tyrant, than the hardiness of a true warrior. And that was manifestly declared on a time, when one of his dearest women, with tears & most affectionate prayers besought him in his gardens, that he would not go forth to the wars, by reason of a certain strange and wonderful dream which she had the night before: but he, growing into a great rage, for that she went about in such sort to hinder the glory, or rather, (as he said himself) the safety of his state, 
He threatened his mother.  with his own hand slew her: and did not stick likewise to threaten his mother, that he would also kill her, though otherwise she was greatly esteemed and dearly beloved of him.  
True also it is, that it was most convenient for him to apply himself to the necessity of the time, 
How the authority of the viziers was diminished.  because he was but little esteemed, and not so willingly obeyed by his subjects, as the most part of the former Ottoman princes were: by reason that the authority, which in times past was wont to be in the chief Visier, he suffered to be communicated and divided among the other Viziers: so that whensoever any favour or benefit was granted to any by one of them, it was very often repealed and revoked by the rest: A course that of all other doth soon abate love, and engender contempt. And so much the rather, for that his father Amurath had taken order that the Viziers might be removed upon every light occasion, and had also brought up a new custom to create many for money, and increased the number of them from four to nine. Lastly, he was enforced thereunto by the often change and alteration, which he used to make of his Heads and Captains, either upon some wrong information, that he had of the state, and of their natures, or else because it is a natural property belonging to the Turks to change their honours, and also their purposes, according to the events of fabulous Fortune. For having received diverse and sundry discomfitures, he was of opinion (and indeed he doth always put it in practice) that with the alteration of the head, he should make the members more courageous and hardy.  
But against all these reasons above rehearsed, 
How he gained the good will of the Soldiers.  there were other respects that prevailed indeed with him, and caused him to go forth to the war: and in particular, because the Soldiers being poor, new, and discontented with the avarice of the former Generals, desired greatly the presence of their Lord and Emperor: and that principally for the largesse and gifts, which he useth to bestow upon them, when he is in the camp himself. Where having now at the last appeared in person, he hath obtained great reputation, he hath canceled the dishonourable opinion that was conceived of him, and he hath yielded a singular satisfaction to his subjects: and so much the more, for that he endeavoured himself to gain the benevolence of his Soldiers, by showing himself not only very liberal in bestowing largely upon them, but also provident and circumspect in walking on foot and visiting their lodgings. For which action being reproved by some of his Counsellors, for that he exposed and offered himself too much to manifest danger, contrary to the custom of his predecessors, he answered them with the words of Cyrus, That all those which followed him in service being his brethren, it was fit he should make as good account of them as of himself. Another action of his there was, which did greatly reconcile their loves unto him, viz. that being in his journey, one Evening he mounted up to the top of his Pavilion, and espied two Tents of Spahogl●ni, disunited from the rest of the Camp, to murder and rob such as scatteringly went abroad from their lodgings: whereof being certainly assured, he gave them for a pray to the janissaries, and afterwards caused their bodies to be fixed upon stakes in the Campe.  
Now to refer other matters to a more fit place: 
How the Turks call their Emperor.  hitherto it hath been discoursed of the nature and conditions of the now living Emperor of the Turks, whom they call Sultan Alem that is to say, The Lord of the world, or (as others interpret it) The Emperor of all, and King of Kings: and therefore they call him also, Vlu Padischach, that is to say- The supreme or Sovereign Emperor: and to be short you have here heard of the Chief head of the present Ottoman Empire: For as touching his Children, although they do also somewhat appertain to the Head of this Empire, yet I do not intend at this time to enlarge this discourse about them.   

§ III.  
Only thus much I will say, 
The sons of Mahamet.  that he hath two Sons: For his first and eldest died not long ago. The eldest of those that are alive at this day, is of the age of 14. years or there about, and hath not as yet been seen: 
When they may be seen openly.  for the sons of the great Turk may not be visited nor seen abroad publicly, until they be circumcised. And it is very likely, that keeping company (as he doth) with many women, (among whom his greatest Favourite and chief Darling, 
Who is Mahamet's chiefest Minion.  is one La Flatra a Gentlewoman of Cyprus) he is to leave behind him unto his successor, many other children, for matter of the usual and wont Tragedies of the Ottomans. But now I come to the members, and first to the Principals.   

§. FOUR  
MAny men hold an opinion, 
Whether the Ottoman Empire want good Captains or no.  that this Empire wanteth very good Captains. Whereunto they are peradventure induced, because they have understood, that there are now dead, Piali, he that attempted the Isle of Malta: Mustafa, he that surprised Cyprus, Pertaf, Ali, and Vlucchiali, who were overthrown in the Sea by the League of the Christian Princes, in the year 1571: afterwards Osman, Ferat, and Sinan, who performed memorable exploits in Persia, and else where: and hereupon they do think that together with these, there are wanting some valorous persons among the Turks. A suspicion verily, not altogether varying from the truth. For most certain it is, that the long and troublesome war in Persia hath deprived this Empire of many warriors, that were of credit and valour: howbeit the power and mightiness of this state being at the first instituted, and since increased by Arms, 
How the Turks arise to military honours.  and having maintained itself hitherto rather by force then by love, all such as have any spirit of glory among the Turks, apply themselves to warfare, hoping thereby only to grow rich, and honourable above the rest. For they are not the most noble among them, but ordinarily the most valorous (excepting those that serve in the Seraglio, and in the Chamber of the great Turk) that are advanced to honours, which necessarily must have infinite riches weighing upon them. And thereof it followeth that this Prince can never want Captains of approved experience and valour: and so much the more, because even every private Soldier may mount from one degree to another, yea, and sometimes also per Saltum, by Skipp, to the very chief Generalship. But for as much as it is an ordinary custom, that in all Armies the glory is not given to any other, but to the chief Captains, hereof it cometh, that because the most famous and best known Captains were wanting, all (as it were) at one time, it is commonly reported, that this Empire wanteth other men, that are worthy of Military government.  
But I will put down the names of the principals, which govern at this present: to the end, that if perhaps they should die, or be deprived of their charges and places, yet in regard of that, where of they shall give me occasion to speak, the memory and mention of them will serve me to good purpose in this present discourse.   

§ V  
BEfore that Mahamet the Emperor departed from Constantinople, 
〈…〉  in the most important government of that City, which is full of sundry Nations, and humours, and is the seat of that most huge Empire, he set Hassan Bassa, the Eunuch, by Country an Albanian, of a town of the Cicalessi, in the territory of Elbasana. This man was Bassa of Cairo, in Egypt in the year 1582. at what time being recalled to the Court, 
〈…〉  because he was accused of diverse misdemeanours, he was in a great doubt with himself, and almost indeed resolute, either by fight to save himself, or else to retire towards Ormuz, and so to pass into the Indies, but yet at last to Court he went: where being imprisoned, and afterwards ransomed, by his Steward for five hundred Crowns, and now again by his wit remounted to so high an honour, he will (in mine opinion) pass a great way further, if he live. He is a man very wise and gracious: a great enemy to the jews, and a friend to the Christians.   

§ VI  
THe chief General in the Camp before the battle at Agria, 
Hibraim and his toils.  was Hibraim, borne in the province of Herzecovina, and cousin to the grand-Turke. He is a man of small brain, and most unfit for any command: but liberal, and pleasant, or rather fantastical and ridiculous. He calleth the Sat of Venice, and the State of Ragugia, his Cousins. He saith he will take Milan with an Armada or fleet of ships: and surprise the Isle of Malta, by making a mine under the Island: with divers other such like fooleries. He showeth himself greatly inclined to peace, not only because he is very timorous, but because he would please the Lady Sultan, Mother to the great Turk, and also his own wife.   

§. VII.  
TO Hibraim, there succeeded Sinan Cicala, for that in the last fight with the Christians, as the one showed himself very unfit for so principal a government, 
Sinan Cicala. why he succeeded: Hibraim in the generalship; and chief Visiershippe.  so was this man judged to be very valorous even by the Turkish Emperor himself, because he had brought back the Army, saved him his life, and left the issue of the battle, doubtful. Whereupon he thought him worthy not only of such a charge, but also of the chief Visiership. Yet at the last he was deprived both from the one office and from the other, because he went about (somewhat too boldly) to advise and counsel the Emperor, 
Cicala degraded and confined into Bursia.  that he would not give so much credit to the Sultan Ladies, and especially to his mother, who, because they would not lose his company, sought by all possible means to make him an effeminate and cowardly person; and in the end he was banished into Bursia a City in Asia, sometime the seat of the Ottoman Princes, where he remained not without danger of his life. For the mother (as women are wont to do, which either love or hate extremely) ceased not daily to entreat her son, that he would cause him to be put to death, because she could not endure that a slave should be so bold, as to go about to bring her into disgrace. This did Cicala fear, and great reason he had so to do, not only in regard of the unstaidness and inconstancy of the Prince, and the great affection which he bore to women, but also because he knew, that Hibraim being now returned to Constantinople at the instant suit of the Sultan Ladies, and especially of his wife, (for the chief Visier, being once displaced, cannot return again unless he recover his former degree,) he would continually persecute him, and foster the quarrels that were lately picked against him, by the adherents and followers of Ferat, who was an arrant enemy to Sinan, with whom Cicala had combined himself, even to his death. Notwithstanding Cicala being very rich, of a good wit and great valour, and especially very skilful in Land warfare, as one that was trained and brought up in the wars of Persia: it is to be thought that if he can escape these first violences of his Lord, he will with such dexterity manage the matter as he will recover that which is lost. For so did he, after his deprivation from the Generalshippe of the Sea which was taken from him, not so much in regard of the suspicion conceived for his brothers going to Constantinople, as to give satisfaction to the State of Venice, whom the Turk himself was very willing to content. The malice, that Cicala bore to that common wealth, began and was grounded upon a discourtesy, 
Why Cicala is no great friend to the Venetion state.  that he took against them, whiles he was but young and a Christian, only forsooth, because the Venetian Galeyes had detained a Galeon of his fathers. He is by his father's side a Genowaye, but his mother was a Turk of Castelnuovo: and himself was borne in Messina. He is very respective of courtesies, and revengeful of injuries offered unto him. He hath to his wife a Niece of the daughter of the late Rustem Bassa, and of a daughter of Sultan Soliman, she that not long ago, with incredible expenses made a very long conveyance of water in the deserts of Arabia, for the benefit and ease of the Pilgrims, 
Mecca in Arabia.  that go to the Mecca or Macca, as the Arabians term that City, which jointly they call Medina Alnabi, that is to say, the City of the Prophet, meaning thereby that Impious Seducer Mahomet. Which Gentlewoman being now mother-in-law to Cicala, is very famous in these times, 
One occasion of the present war in Hungary.  for that she was the chiefest persuader of the last Emperor Amurath to move war against the Christian Emperor, for the death of her only dear Son, who was slain with Hassan Bassa in the battle at Cupa.   

§. VIII.  
THere was General or rather Lieutenant for all Hungary, 
Giaffer, why degraded.  from Belgrado hetherwardes, in the year last past one Giaffer the Eunuch, by Nation an Hungarian. He was deprived of that charge for the same reasons, for which Hibraim was deprived. He hath warred in Persia under Osman, Sinan, and Ferat, until he was made Bassa of Tebrisio, 
Tauris.  now call- Tauris: where being besieged by the Persians, he showed great valour, wisdom and liberality.   

§ IX.  
HAssan Bassa, borne at Herzecovina, sometime the Dukedom of Santa Sava, 
Hassan (Son to Mahamet Socolevich,) Beglerbey of Grecia.  is now the Beglerbey of Grecia, as we call it, but of Rumelia as the Turks term it: for the greeks call that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, which we call Europe, by which name [Romania] not only Asia was called (as we read in histories) after the translation of the Roman Empire to Constantinople, but also Europe, and particularly Grecia. This Herzecovina is a part of the Province of Bossina, which stretcheth itself towards Ragugia, in the high way that leadeth to Constantinople. 
How the Turks call him that is chief next after the great Turk himself.  The foresaid Hassan, was son to Mahomet Soculevich, so called of Socol, a place in the same Province of Herzecovina, and was sometime Visier Azem, that is to say, the head of the counsel, and chief governor of the Ottoman. Empire under three Emperors: which office or charge the Mamalukes in the government of the soldan of Cairo do call Diadar or Devidar, and the Grecians call it Protosymbolo. He is very well beloved of his Soldiers for his great pleasantness & jollity. 
The state of Hassan.  He leadeth with him continually many women, and through his great expenses is half banckroupt. He hath been in Persia, and was also in these wars of Hungary: and being the greatest person among the rest of the governors of Provinces (for dignity and authority, and because his jurisdiction stretcheth into Bulgaria, Servia, and Albania) he keepeth a very great train. First he was employed by the great Turk at Rasgrad in Bulgaria, aswell to hinder the Walachians and transylvanians from passing over the river Danowe, as also if occasion should so require, that he might be there ready to pass it over himself. But now he hath hand-over-head and very rashly without any consideration sent him to Vidino, 
Vidino.  sometimes called Bidene, a Sangiackshippe, not subject to the Beglerbey of Temesuar, as some have written, but to him of Graecia. If he live, he will prove without doubt the greatest Captain of that Empire.   

§ X.  
HAfis Hacmat, 
Hafis Hacmet why degraded.  sometimes Bassa of Cairo, and Eunuch and an Albanian of the town of Vonari, not far from the Cicalessi, was General in Croatia and Bossina: but being accused of default for not having recovered Petrina, he was degraded: yet now he is returned into favour again, and is in Scopia. He is a just man and a wise, and one that for religion, or rather superstition accepted this charge. He was at the first a Mahometan Preacher, (for so signifieth the word Hafis.) He was the first man, that waged Turkish soldiers on horseback, with pay and prest-money: in which point, no doubt if the Ottoman Princes would resolve themselves to imitate our Princes, they might have (as it were) an innumerable company of horsemen and footmen.   

§. XI.  
THere were also in the Camp of Persia, Sinan, 
Sinan.  Bassa of Buda, an Albanian of the Mountains of the Ducagini, a man esteemed among the Turks to be wise and valorous: And Mahomet Satarzgi, 
Mahamet Satarzgi.  an Albanian also: for the most valiant Captains of the Turks are for the most part of that Nation. This Mahomet was a long time Bassa of Caramania, where he made himself known to be a man of great wisdom: but now soothing (forsooth) the humours of the Lady Sultane-Mother his country woman, 
Why favoured by the Sultan mother.  by showing himself to be desirous of peace, he hath not only obtained the office of Tzader Mechei Bassi, that is to say, Chief Master of the Pavilions, but it is also thought that through the same favour he will be advanced to greater dignities. They say, 
Why called Satarzgi.  that while he was Peich to the great Turk, that is to say, his Footman, he beehaved himself so well in a fray that happened not far from the old Seraglio, where the Regal Palace is, as having hardly handled his adversaries with a Butcher's knife, he was thereupon called Satarzgi, or rather because indeed he was a slaughterer.   

§. XII.  
THere was also one Haidar Bassa, 
Haidar Bassa.  he that being Beglerbey was sent by Amurath into Moldavia, who by his manner of proceeding there was in a certain sort the occasion, why the Polonians resolved with themselves to pay a yearly Donative or Benevolence to the Turk, and so to be agreed with him. He is now in Persia.   

. § XIII.  
THere were likewise in Belgrado, 
Odaverdi & Velli.  Odaverdi and Velli, Bassanes both, the one of them well tried in the wars of Croatia and Bosna, the other in the recovery of Madavia out of the hands of Srenipetro, who with a band of Cosacthi had gotten possession thereof, rather by rash temerity, then by any great wisdom.  
There are also in the Camp many other Sangiacchi and ordinary Bassas, whose names, because they are men of no great fame, are not yet come to our knowledge.   

§. XIIII.  
Moreover, it is reported, 
Hassan: why he stirred up the relics of Mudahar to an insurrection.  that there is recalled from Gemen or Gimin in Arabia Felice, one Hassan an Arabian, a foster-child and kinsman to old Sinan. This Hassan having cunningly procured the relics of the kindred of Mudahar, to rise up in a commotion, who had also before rebelled against Osman, he obtained over them a very honourable victory. And because he is very rich, he will have also some good means to maintain himself, even with the satisfaction of the soldiers.   

§. XV.  
HAlil Bassa, General of the Sea, 
Halil Bassa general of the sea & his simplicity.  second Cousin to the now living Grand-Turke, is of Bosna or else of Hungaria, a Freshman, and such a one, as having hitherto had no more skill but to collect and take up the donatives and benevolences of the Maritine Capes of the Arcipelago and of Morea, and this last year to set on fire the Monastery of the Calogieri in Strivali, called in times past Strophade, because they had entertained the Spanish Armada: is held in no great estimation. And therefore it is supposed, that he shall be discharged of that office, 
Giaffer.  & perhaps there shall be substituted in his place one Giaffer a Portuguese, brought up by Vlucchiali: who although he fled at the overthrow in the year 1571. yet is he esteemed to be a man, that will prove well in Maritimal warfare.   

§. XVI.  
Out of all question, 
Captains at sea  that Empire wanteth men that are excellent in the profession of Sea-matters, for so much as the Turk hath not since the year 1572. hitherto made any Armada or Fleet of any acaccount: and when occasion of employment faileth, no marvel though men of worth and valour be not known, nay though they do wholly want indeed. And yet when soever he shall be peradventure enforced to set forth a good body of an Armada, he may take that course which his Predecessors have done, that is to say, he may use the service of the valiantest Pirates, that he entertaineth in Tunise, in Bona, 
Famous Pirates  in Busca, and elsewhere. Among whom the most famous that live at this day are Cara Deli, Amurath Bei, Mahamet Bei, the three Memi, (whereof two are Albanians and the third is of Corsica.) Sala Bei & others. There is a certain French politic author which writeth, that Ariadino Barbarossa, the famous Pirate, was alured by Soliman into his service, with very honourable rewards, 
Why Soliman used the service of Ariadino.  even with the chief Generalship of the Sea, aswell to add strength to his Empire with the great riches of Ariadino, as also to the end that Ariadino should thereby be weakened in such sort, as he should not be any more able to annoy the Ottoman State.  
And now after this discourse of the Captains, I will speak of the common soldiers, and such members as are not so principal.   

§ XVII.  
THe great Turk hath two sorts of soldiers: that is to say, 
Two sorts of soldiers of his own and auxiliary.  soldiers of his own, & soldiers auxiliary. 1. such as come to aid and assist him. The soldiers, that are his own, be either horsemen or footmen. 
Soldiers of his own.  I will therefore first treat of the former, because the very sinews of that Empire consist wholly in the horsemen: and afterwards I will speak of the rest.  
The best horsemen, 
The Spahi.  that the Ottoman Empire hath, are the Spahi, who live upon their Timari. For the great Turk giveth two kinds of wages to his soldiers: one is called Timaro, and the other Vlefe. 
What wages the Timari are  The Timaro is properly a certain pension or an assignment of rents, which for the most part are levied out of the lands that are gotten in war, and are proportionately distributed among the soldiers that are of good desert, & do answer in some sort to the ancient Colonies and to Fees, or rather to Commendams. The reward, which the Romans bestowed upon their valiantest soldiers to enjoy during life, was called Beneficium, and those Beneficiarii, that were so provided for: the greeks call it Timarion, and those that enjoy the same Timarati, and Timarioti, deriving the term from the Greek word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, which signifieth Honour. Whereupon we do read of Theodorus, (not the Tiro, but the Stratelates, that is to say, the Praetor or conductor of the soldiers,) that Licinius Augustus the Emperor, gave unto him a Castle in Heraclea for a Timaro, long before he was wickedly martyred by his own band of soldiers, as it is written in Phile the Greek Poet, Damascene, and Nicephorus Calixtus, and as it is read in the Menaco, that is to say, in the Monthly Register of the Greeks. The said word Timaro may also be derived, 
Niceph. Call. Eccles. Histor. Lib. 7. Cap. 44  and peradventure more truly from the Turkish itself, whereby is signified a certain kind of procuration or provision for some charge or government, which the Timarioti are bound to have over the lands that are granted unto them.  
The Vlefe is a payment, 
What wages the Vlefe are.  which is daily disbursed by the Treasurers to the Soldiers that serve for pay, and to those of the Turks Court, who are therefore called Vlofezgi, or rather Olophagi, that is to say, provided as it were only for their diet, deriving that term from the Greek word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉,  
The Timari, which the Turk hath in Europe, may be some sixteen thousand? Every Spahi, that hath from three to five thousand Aspres, of yearly rent, is bound to go to the war with one horse: from five to ten thousand, with two horses, and so by proportion to a certain determinate quantity: and some there be that will carry more or fewer, according to their ability, and the desire which the● have of honour. The greatest part of these Spahi are subject to the Beglerbey, and may contain some nine thousand Timari: the rest are under the Bassas of Bassina, of Buda, and of Temesuar.   

§ XVIII.  
BEsides these Spahi, 
The Spahoglani.  there are also the Spahoglani, who being such as commonly come out of the Seraglio, are some what more dainty and delicate, and are neatly appareled like Courtiers after the Persian manner. They ride (like the Asians) upon little Saddles, so that they may easily be unhorsed. In times past they were not bound to go to the wars without their Emperor: but at last many of them were (as it were) enforced to go forth by Sinan and Giaffer, for very want of good Soldiers: who afterward wintered in Servia, and Belgaria, did so destroy and consume the Countries and the Peasants thereof, as they did more harm to the Turks themselves, then if they had been the very Tartarians, whose apparel also they counterfeited, to the end they might easily and handsomely cover their misdemeanours.  
Among the Spahoglani, are accounted those also which are of the great Turk's Court: who are distinguished into four orders, viz. the Selectari, Vlefezgi, Guraba, and Spahoglani. But because the number of the Spahoglani is the greatest of all the rest, they are all generally and indifferently called Spahoglani.  
The Selectari and the Spahoglani, 
The selectari.  are divided into troops▪ v●z. the Selectari of the right side, and the Selectari of the left side: and so the Spahoglani of the right, and Spahoglani of the left: and different badges they have one from the other. These four troops of Spahoglani and Selectari, with the two troops of the Guraba and Vlefezgi, make up six in all. 
The Guruba. The Vlefezgi.  Guruba is in the Turkish speech the Plural number of Carib and signifieth Poor and naked souls. And Vlefezgi is as much to say, as Hired, or waged, as we have told you before.  
Every one of these orders hath his Aga, which commandeth two or three thousand horse.   

§ XIX.  
THe Acanzii, 
The Acanzii, The Heducchi.  are for the most part Country Clowns, and are not like the Hayducches of the Hungarians, as some have written: for the Acanzii serve on Horseback, and the Hayducches on foot. And peradventure Giovius, and other writers of our time do not well to call them Venturieri, or Voluntaries: for in consideration of some exemptions, and privileges which are granted unto them, they are bound to go to war. True it is, that sometimes they will stray abroad, and rob the Country, as the Zingari and Tartars use to do. They are men of small worth. They dwell for the most part in Dobruccia, a Province of Bulgaria, towards the River Danow.  
The Gionli are Venturiers, 
The Gionli.  or Voluntaries, in deed, who together with sundry others, 
The Baratli.  whom the Turks call Baratli, that is to say, such as live in expectancy, do go to war even of their own mere good will. 
The Muteferaga.  Among these, as also among the Muteferagà, (which are of the principal Courtiers of the Court, not bound to go to the war, but only with the Sultan himself,) there are many Christians that serve voluntary. They have special exemptions and privileges. They go wandering abroad every where with great liberty, always preventing the army, like Outrunners: but they give the fifth part of their booty to their Lord. The other Baratli are comprehended in the families of the Bassas, and Sangiacches, and in the number of the servants to the Spahi.   

§▪ XX.  
THe Timari of Asia, 
The Timari of Asia.  may be about some fifty thousand: and so by consequent about a hundred and fifty thousand horse and foot, and servants: that is to say▪ two thirds more than the Timari of Europe. But they are unarmed, of small valour, and not apt for war, excepting only some few of them that keep upon the Sea coasts, and serve in the Galleys.   

§ XXI.  
THe Beglerbeyes of Asia, 
The Beglerbeyes of Asia. of Africa, of Europe.  before the last wars of Persia, were thirty: but since there are some more added unto them. In Africa there are three: the kingdoms of Fez and Morocco are rather tributaries to the Turk: And in Europe there are six.  
But because I have made often mention of this word Beglerbey, I think it will not be amiss to tell you what it signifieth.  
The Turkish word Beglerbey, signifieth a Captain of Captains, 
What Beglerbey signifieth.  or Prince of Princes: for the Beglerbeyes are the Supreme Lords over all that have any military command in the Provinces which are subject unto them: and are the very same, that the Melicul Vmerca be with the Arabians, and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, with the greeks. Three Beglerbeyes there be, that are in authority above the rest, and sit in equal place with the Bassas, whom the Turkcs call Viziers, when they sit together in the open Divano, 
The Divan.  that is to say, in the Counsel or Court of audience in the presence of the Great Turk: some do very ill and corruptly call it Dovana and Tiphano.  
The first of them is the Rumeli Beglerbeg, 
The Rumeli Beglerbey.  that is to say, the Beglerbey of Romania, or of graecia, or (as I told you before) of Europe. He resideth in Sophia, which peradventure may be the ancient Tibisca: but it is not (as some write) the Metropolitical City of Bolgaria or Volgaria, so called of the people that came thither from the river Volga: nor yet is it Nicopolis, which is so famous for the victory which trajan the Emperor had over Decebalus King of the Dacians. Neither is it true that Sophia is the same that Scopia is, which is a City either of Dardania or of Macedonia, as other some have written: nor was it Sardica, which is famous for the Synod there kept under the the Empire of the Sons of Constantine: For at this day that is not called Sophia, but Triaditza.  
The Anatoli Beglerbeg is the second, 
The Anatoli. Beglerbey.  that is to say, the Beglerbey of Notalia, otherwise called Asia the less. He resideth in Cytheia, in former times called Cotyaio, a City of Phrygia. Some call it by another name, 
The Denizi Beglerbey.  and seat it (peradventure amiss) in Galatia.  
The Denizi Beglerbeg is he that is the Beglerbey of the Sea, otherwise called, the Captain Bassa. He resideth for the most part in Constantinople, which the Turks by a corrupt word call Stamboli: and hath the chief charge of the Arsenal, or Storehouse for shipping. Before that Soliman made him a Beglerbey, he was called the Sangiacch of Gallipoli. He hath for his maintenance, the Revenues of the office of the Subassi of Galata, that is to say, the treasurer of Pera, which office is let to farm, for the yearly rent of about some sixteen thousand crowns: he hath also the revenues of the nine Islands that lie in the Arcipelago, the chief whereof is Nixia.  
And now, seeing we have told you of the horsemen, let us tell you likewise of the soldiers that serve on foot.   

§. XXII.  
THese are for the most part Giannizzaries, which are drawn out of the Mass or company of the Agiamoglani, 
The Agiamoglani.  that is to say, unexpert youths culled out of the tenths of the Christians. The rest of the Agiamoglani do serve in Serraglioes to row in the Caicchies, which is a kind of Boat, and to dress their gardens, and to do such other services. The greatest part of them have not above one Aspro a day.  
The Grecians call Aspro (and not Aspero, 
The Turkish coins.  as some would have it) the very same money which the Arabians call Osmannes, and the Turks Asce, so termed for the whiteness of it, 
Aspri.  because it is made of silver. Of Aspres there be two sorts, the lesser, and the bigger. The lesser are but of small goodness, and beauty, though they be most in use, and common among the people. The bigger are of better silver: and with them are paid the wages of the Soldiers, and the fees of the Courtiers. They are by some writers called Siderocapsia▪ of Siderocapsa, a Castle in the Province of Thasso, which is near to the famous mountain Athos in Europe, called by the Greekee 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Mons Aegaeus, the Goat-hill, either because it reacheth into the Aegaean, sea, or because it is full of Goats and Kids: or rather, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, the Holy hill, commonly called by the Turks, Seitbag, because there are on it three and twenty Monasteries of Calogieri, or Monks, that love to live in the Wilderness.  
One Aspro is worth 24. 
Manguri.  Manguri: (the Manguro is a Brasse-Money, and is worth as much as the ancient Numulus.) Five good Aspres in weight make a Drama, 
Drama.  or Drachma, (seven pence sterling:) twelve Drammas make a Taller, 
Tellero.  (or a Doller:) and one Taller and a half make a Venetian Cecchino, 
Cecchino.  which is as much as a Turkish Sultanine being a coin of gold, and the greatest price that the Turks have, 
Sultanino.  and is worth some sixteen Paul's of Rome, or much there about. The Soltanine or Soldano, (as others term it) is truly so called of the Sultanes, that is to say, of the Ottoman Emperors, even as the Cecchino is called a ducat, 
Brizantini.  of the Dukes of the Venetian estate: and as the Bizantii, or Bizantini, in the times of the Grecian Emperors, were so called of Byzantium, now Constantinople: and were even as much worth as the Sultanini.  
Some writers there be, 
The diverse values of these coins at several times.  that have set down diverse opinions of this foresaid account, because they have had a consideration of their several prizes at several times For some times the Aspro hath been worth no more but only eight Manguris, the Drama but four Aspres: Nine Aspres made a Taller: and so the Cecchino, as also the Sultanino, were no more but 54. Aspres the piece. But now all these moneys are altered: For the Taller is worth seventy, or 80. Aspres: the Cecchino 110. 120. and 125▪ And this came to pass especially by reason of the heavy impositions that were imposed in Constantinople, by occasion of the Persianwar. The ancient money also that went currant in the Ottoman Empire was prohibited, because it was stamped with sundry Images upon it, which was forbidden by the law of Mahamet: but rather in deed, and in very truth, because it was good silver, and so by coining it again somewhat base, the Treasury and the Officers did gain greatly thereby. But now (forsooth) they are not so superstitious as they have been: for they do hold that money only to be good and lawful, which is of the best allay. This little I have thought good to set down touching their money, to the end ye might have a perfit knowledge of the true wages, which the Ottoman Princes do give to their Soldiers. The rest of this matter, together with the Egyptian, Arabian, Sorian and Persian coins, that run currant through all this Empire, ye may have (with the licence of the Venetian superiors) out of a late modern writer: who if he had not showed himself somewhat irreligious, no doubt he would have deserved great commendation for the knowledge that he hath disclosed in many Turkish matters.  
The Giannizzaries then (as it hath been said) are the best soldiers on foot, 
The Giannezzaries.  that the Turkish Empire hath. They serve as the Praetorian soldiers did, and the Mamulukes, for the safeguard of their Lord, and as did those valiant youths that always accompanied the kings of Persia, who were called also janitores, or Porters, as saith the Author of that book, whose title is De mundo, among the works of Aristotle. And thereupon it pleased some peradventure to think, that the Giannezzaries were so called of janua: i. a Door, 
Not so called of the word janua.  alluding to the word Porta▪ that is to say the Court of the great Turk, because his Court of Audience is ordinarily kept in the gate of his Palace. But in truth, they are greatly deceived therein: for a Gate in the Turkish language is called Capi, and so is not janua. i. a Door: and therefore the chief Porter is called by the Turks Capisi Bassi. The word Giannizzaro is compounded of two Turkish words, 
The true Etymology of the Giannizzaries.  jegni-zeri, which signify Nova Militia, a new soldiery: New, not because it was newly brought in, (for it was instituted even by Osmanne Gasi, otherwise called Ottoman, and renewed, or rather bettered and enlarged by Amurath the first, upon the advice and counsel of Cara Rustem, who was then held by the Turks to be a very holy man:) But new or fresh they are called, because the Giannizzaries are the sons of Christians, taken from their fathers whiles they are but children, by the Officers of the great Turk, as it were for a tribute, every fifth or seven year, and sometimes oftener: being of the age some peradventure of eight, some of ten, some of twenty years, and some above. And afterwards they are for the most part distributed among the Turks in Anatolia, to the end they may be instructed betimes in the laws of Mahamet, learn the fashions and language of that Nation, and accustom themselves to labour and hardness, and then are they called Agiamoglani, as it hath been told you before. When they are grown fit for the wars, than they are sent to the Court, to be admitted into the order of the Giannizzaries. Those that are not found fit for the wars, are sent to the Ships, and to the Galleys, that they may be employed in the Art of Seafaring. But they that are of a pregnant wit and good Spirit, are at the very first shut up in one of the Serraglioes of Andrinople, or of Constantinople, or of Pera, and so by means they come to be employed in the service of the great Turk about his Chamber, under the rule and subjection of certain particular governors.  
The Giannizzaries have for their stipend between five and six Aspres a day, 
The Giannizzaries wages. etc.  and so have the Agiamoglani likewise: but they are distinguished by liveries. For the Giannizzaries have two liveries every year, and the Agimoglani have but one. The Giannizzaries do handle the Arquebuse very well, and are properly called the Arquebusiers of the great Turk's guard. They will fight resolutely for honour. Some of the Giannazzaries remain in the frontiers, and in Garrisons: some of them also keep on the sea, and serve in the Galleys, but the greatest part of them are resident, where the great Turk is: and hereupon it cometh that there are so many in Constantinople, where principally they may sooner become Giannizzaries. But those that are made Giannizzaries at Damascus at Cairo & elsewhere: perhaps, when they come to Constantinople; unless they be there confirmed, may not wear the Coyffe, which is called Zarcula: the last time that they went out to wars with their Aga (a thing not very usual) they rather caused great disorder, than did any service: partly because they do not willingly obey their General Captain, 
Their Captain General.  (whom by the Persian word they call Serdar, and by the Arabike Ser-Asker:) and partly because in our times their order is indeed imbasterdized, and nothing so valorous and faithful, as it hath been heretofore.  
Aga, is the name of the Giannizzaries Captain, 
What Aga is▪ and what Agalari are.  and is the chief of all the Agalari, who are principal Horsemen, that always accompany the person of the great Turk, and are so called of the word Aga, which signifieth a staff, and is a token of the authority which they have over the Chiliarches, the Tribunes, and the Droncarii or Troncarii, so termed a Tronco, of a Bastone or Truncheon which they carry in their hand.  
Moreover the Giannizzaries are very insolent, 
The insolence of the Giannizzaries.  not only towards private persons, who greatly respect them perforce, but also towards the great Turk himself. For having in their hands all the principal forces of the Ottoman Empire, and being very seldom, or very slenderly chastised for any fault and thereupon knowing themselves to be very mighty and greatly feared, they have not forborn many times to threaten, that they would depose their great Lord and Master, and set his Son in his throne: yea and very oftentimes they have violently with most barbarous fury enforced their Emperor to yield unto them in most unrighteous causes: As for example, (to leave those that are ancient,) they so dealt with the last Amurath, as they compelled him to give them into their hands either quick or dead, the chief Dephterdaro, and Mahamet Bassa the Armenian, (a man whom he loved beyond all measure,) accusing them, that through their fault, they were not paid their wages by them with good moneys.  
These Dephterdari or treasurers are three, 
The Dephterdari.  one is the chief, and as it were the Precedent of the chamber, the other two are as Colleagues or Assistants in the Exchequer.  
It hath fallen out also, that they are thus become the more seditious and insolent, because the number of them is greatly increased and multiplied, and that through the default of the officers that are sent to make the choice of the youths: for they do not choose the best and the most able for warfare (as it was wont to be used in times past,) but such as they may have for want of better men, shuffeling in oftentimes, by favour and bribes, many natural borne Turks, and sons of the Giannizzaries themselves: as indeed it came to pass in these last years, wherein they have had no consideration of any other thing but only of the disposition of body, and ripeness of years, to the end they might the sooner show themselves in the wars, and so pass for old and experienced soldiers, though in truth utterly void of any military discipline.   

§. XXII.  
SOme Spahi there be also, that serve on foot, 
Footmen of the Spahi.  as those which are at Negroponte, Misitra, and other maritimal places, and are employed for overseers, of the Gallie-slaves: they are subject to the Captain of the Sea.  
There is likewise an Infantry or company of footmen in the Garrisons, 
Asappi & Besly footmen.  which is comprehended under the name of Asappi and of Besli. The Asappi or Asepi, are not the same, which the Hungarians call Hussaroni, as one Greek author hath written: for the Asappi go to war for wages on foot, but the Hussaroni on horseback.   

§. XXIII.  
FInally the last Amurath, 
The Culcardasi.  perceiving that he had not such a number of soldiers of action and service as that Empire was wont to have in times past (for the reasons which I will touch hereafter) hath brought in a new kind of soldiery, both of foot and horse, consisting of townsmen and peasants being natural Turks: and hath granted unto them many privileges of profit and honour, calling them Culcardasi, a word that signifieth, brethren to Slaves, proper only to the Slaves Rinegate and is a most honourable term among the Turks.   

§. XXIIII.  
IN Africa the Turks have either no horsemen at all, 
Soldiers in Africa.  or else very few: but some footmen they have, which remain in the Garrisons of Algieri, of Tunisi, of Tripoli, of Goletta, and of other places on that coast: where for fear of the spaniards, who are very well fortified with Garrisons, and strongly fenced in those parts, because they are afraid of losing that which they have there in possession, it is very necessary & behoveful, that they should continually reside and stay.  
And these are the Soldiers aswell horsemen as footmen, whom the Great Turk may use in his wars as soldiers of his own. Touching whom I am to advertise you, somewhat of mine opinion.   

§. XXV.  
FIrst, 
The Author's Advertisements touching the Turks soulours.  that the said soldiers are rather in opinion and fame, so great a multitude as very many have reported them to be, then in truth they are: for as much as good soldiers there are but few: mean soldiers not many, and of such as make a multitude, namely servitors, victuallers and others that follow the army, a man should make but small reckoning.  
Secondly that the horsemen, in whom principally consisteth the power of that Empire, are not at this day so lusty, resolute, and painful, and to be short nothing at all such as they were wont to be, for that they have been greatly wasted and consumed in the wars of Persia, and particularly in this war of Hungary, where barley was so scant, and all other kind of victuals, for men, horses, camels and other cattle very dear.  
Thirdly, that the Spahi, who are the best horsemen that the great Turk hath, have not had any means to buy good horses, not only by reason of the dearth of all things, (which I tell you was very great) but also because all their good horses are spent and consumed, neither have the Spahi any commodity or benefit to maintain them withal, or to buy them any new, but only that which they defaulke out of their Timari. Moreover, they being become men now a days greatly given to ease and to gains, do not stick to take money to interest, rather to the end they may buy some Timari withal then buy any horseflesh with it, yea and to lend it out at usury to others that afterwards become bankrupts. And although peradventure it may seem to some, that in these last years, the horses were many: the cause thereof was this, that the Turks are now become so tender and effeminate, (especially since the Delicacies of the Persians have wrought even the very self same effect in them, which riot and excess wrought among the Grecians and the Romans) that every man (for sooth) will carry with him to the wars, so many easments of bedding, kitchen & victual, that they are enforced to use many horses for those purposes: neither is there any horsemen; (be he never so arrant a clown or peasant) but he carrieth more than one with him: & yet all of them (God wot) stark nought, very lean, & altogether unserviceable, as we have told you, & as the experience of the battle of Agria hath manifestly proved.  
But forasmuch, as touching the diminution of the Ottoman armies, divers men do diversly reason, it will not be perhaps far from the purpose, or at least not inconvenient, if I tell you also what I think of it.   

§. XXVI.  
WIthout all question the Ottoman Empire doth want of that number of soldiers which it was wont to have in their armies. 
The Author's opinion touching the decreasing of the Ottoman Armies.  And the reason of it is this: 1. that the Turkish estate being now greatly enlarged, those Turks, who in times passed for the straightness of room & narrowness of the country, ran all to the wars like the Tartarians, have now gotten more ease, greater pleasure, & better country than they had before, so that they do not very willingly resolve with themselves to leave their own houses, & to go to the Campe. 2. Moreover the country by reason of the largeness thereof is so far distant & as it were divided from the places where they must fight, that it breedeth great tediousness in them to go to the wars: & to people or to replenish it all with inhabitants it is a very hard matter, especially considering that the Ottoman Princes have always used to extirpate & (as a man may say) utterly to root out the ancient inhabitants, of any new Provinces, which they have conquered & gotten into their possession: or at least to transport them into some other countries. 3. Ye may also add hereunto, that the Commodity & increase of the country hath opened a way to the Turks for divers other, and greater traffics than they had in times past: wherein the greatest part of them being employed, they cannot so easily be resolved now to leave them & to go to fight, unless they be enforced to it against their wills: because by that course they must seek to enrich themselves with more incertainty and greater hazard of their lives, then by this of traffic. 4. Besides all this the Turkish armies consist (for the most part) only of Rinegate slaves, and those, Christians: for the Turks do not make any slaves of the Persians or Tartarians, because they will not part or divide with them their Military honours and advauncements, wherein all the riches, credit and authority of their estate doth wholly consist, and wherewith that Empire doth counterpoise the peril and danger, whereunto it might be subject, if they should admit so great a number of armed Rinegadoes. 5. Those of Asia, who in times past were wont to execute all Military functions, are now held in small reputation, or none at all, even as the natural Turks are, and esteemed to be very base minded and cowards, no less tender and effeminate, than the ancient Asiatici were thought to be: and therefore they grant unto them only the honours of Cadileskieri and Cadi: excepting some few, that are admitted to be soldiers, and do serve the Sangiacchi, and the Bassas, who ordinarily and for the most part are themselves slaves of Europe, and sent to be governors in diverse places of Asia.  
The Cadiliskieri (or as the Arabians call them) Casiaskeri, 
The Cadileskieri, and the Cadi.  that is to say, chief judges in the Ottoman Empire, and the ordinary judges of causes both Civil and Military, are two, the one in Anatolia, and the other in Romania. He of Cairo is not properly called Cadiliskiero (as some have written) but the Graund-Cadi, and was instituted by Selem, after that he had subdued a great part of the Armenians, the Egyptians, the Sorians, and the Arabians.  
And although there be some, 
Why Greece is not now so well peopled as it hath been.  that do attribute the want of Turkish Soldiers, to the diminishment of men, by example of the Arcipelago, and of Greece, which is for the most part disinhabited, and of all Macedonia, which is the best part of the Turks possessions: it may be answered, that Greece ever since those times wherein the flower of her greatness and Majesty was extinguished, hath also remained so barren & void of men, that it was never so reinhabited as it was before. Paulus Aemilius in one only day destroyed threescore and ten Cities in Epirus: and many Islands there be, which are utterly waste, and not habitable for barrenness. Besides that, the Civil wars of the Romans, the simplicity of the Greek Emperors, the Armadaes, and fleets of the Saracens, and also of the Latins, and last of all of the Turks, together with the notorious injuries of rovers and Pirates, have never suffered those Islands, and the rest of that most populous Country, so much as to take breath.  
True also it is, 
How it cometh to pass that the Turks country is so much disinhabited.  that a man may walk many a mile through the Turks Country, and find neither men nor houses. But the reason of this is, for that the Inhabitants having left the towns and walled places, which are situate either upon the beaten and common high ways, or very near unto them are eloyned afar of, and have scattered themselves further within the country, and retired into places among the Mountains that are more strong, where they have settled themselves in very populous numbers, because they would be safe & secure from the murders, and robberies of the Soldiers: who are wont even among the Turks (I would to God it were not so also among us Christians) to live at their own discretion, without all discretion, spoiling and wasting whatsoever they can attain: for such is their use and wickedness, not the profession of true Soldiers, as more at large I have showed in my book called Militia Christiana, Christian soldiery.  
And these are in mine opinion, 
Why the Turks armies are so full of poor rascals.  the most certain and true reasons of the Diminution of the Ottoman armies: but why they are now so full of people that are poor, and as it were utterly spoiled, this reason may be yielded, viz. for that only men of evil disposition, and such as are the basest persons, and of no worth, run headlong to their wars. And so much the rather, for that the Spahi themselves do send thither in their own rooms their servants & knaves, who together with the rest of the Soldiers, have no sooner taken a booty (or peradventure no sooner want an occasion to catch a booty) but they will fly out of the camp, and return home again. As for example, the soldiers of Sinan did in Walachia the last year, who having nothing left, but their shirtsleeves, and being almost utterly spoiled: because they would not die for cold and hunger, and because they found nothing to steal for their relief in the fields, began almost even at the first to forsake him: yea and at the return of the great. Turk himself from Belgrado to Constantinople, all the soldiers almost would needs follow him, and none of their Captains were able to hold them.  
Now that I have told you of the Soldiers, which the Great Turk hath of his own, I will tell you of his Soldiers auxiliary.   

§ XXVII.  
AMong all the auxiliary Soldiers, 
Soldiers auxiliary.  whose service and help he useth in his affairs, without all doubt, the chiefest, the most in number, nay the only men are the Tartarians: the knowledge of whom, because it is not peradventure so manifest to every man, I will truly and faithfully display, as I have done in all things before, and will do also in those matters which are to be set down hereafter: following that which I have learned and understood from many persons that are very worthy of credit, and have had long practise and traffic with the Tartarians themselves, and avoiding especially those fables, which diverse men have written of them. I will add also thereunto somewhat of the Circassians, as partly depending upon them, and likewise of the Curdians, of the Drusians, and of the Arabians.  
But because there be diverse sorts of the Tartarians or Tartars, so called peradventure, because they are the Relics (as the word in deed signifieth in the Syrian tongue) of those Isdraelites, that were transported beyond Media being than not inhabited: I will treat but only of those that serve for our purpose. And those be they, which are subject to a King that keepeth in Taurica. Whereof some do dwell in Europe, and some in Asia, between the Pool Meotis, called at this day Mar Delle Zabacche: the River Tanais, called by the Tartarians Don: the river Volga, which they call Rha, and Edil, and the Mengrellians, and Circassians: and all these are called Nogai. For the other Tartarians, on this side and beyond the Volga, between Moscovia, and the Sea of Baccu, that is to say the Caspian Sea, and the Georgians are partly subject to the Moscovite, partly free and of themselves, and partly under the jurisdiction of the Turk, there where Demir Capi standeth, sometimes called the Caspian or Iron Gates.  
This foresaid King is called the Tartar of Crimo. 
Crimo. jegnibasca.  Now Crimo or Kriim (call it as you list) is the chief and principal City of all the Kingdom, although he be resident for the most part in jegni Bascca, a place in Chersonesus Taurica, called at this day by the polacks and Russians, Perocopska. The Crimo is beyond that, near to the Ditch, 
Why the Tartarians are called Precopisi.  whereof the Tartarians, especially by the said polacks, and Russians are called Precopisi, which is as a man may say Zappahsi innansi, Digged or delved forth, so termed of the word Procop, which signifieth a hollowing or a digging, and not of a certain King of theirs, whom some will needs have to be one Procopio. Neither is it true (as others affirm) that such a Ditch was made but of late, as it appeareth by Herodotus, there where he maketh mention of the Market of Cremne.  
The title of the Tartarian King, is Han, (which signifieth a Lord) and not Chan, unless we will pronounce C. for H. as the Italian useth sometimes to do in certain Latin words: 
The title of the Tartar king. Han. Kiocai. Zar.  or with a more hard pronunciation as the Dutch do Kiocai, in Beluacens is signifieth Kioc-Han, that is to say, Gog-Han, a word familiar and welknowen in the holy Scriptures. Ezekiel. 38. and 39 Revel-20. The Polacckes call him Zar, that is to say, Caesar.  
The Family or house of the Tartar King, 
The surname of the Tartar King.  which giveth him his Surname, is Kirei: whereupon they have been called Mahomet Kirei Han, Islam Kirei Han, Hassan Kirei Han. The King now living is called Alip: So that by his style, you may call him, Alip Kirei Han. i. Alip Kirei the Chan, as in France Hugh Capet the king, Henry Valois the king, Henry Bourbon the king, etc.  
The coast of Taurica, 
Which part of Taurica belongeth to the Turk, and which to the Tartar.  that is watered with the Black Sea, till ye come to the strait of Osphorus, (which is the Cimmerian Bosphorus) at the entrance of the Pool Maeotis, belongeth to the Turk: But between the Continent, and that part which is watered with the said Pool, belongeth all to the Tartar, although many Christians that use the Greek rites and ceremonies, do dwell there also.  
Of these Tartarians, 
Why the Moscovite feareth the Tartarians.  the Moscovite standeth in great fear, because with sundry Inroads they enter into his Country, and carry away many of his Subjects, to sell them afterwards to the Turks, and others: and in the year one thousand five hundred and seventy: they burned the very City of Moscow itself: how much more than would he fear them, if he should go out of his own Country? In deed the Moscovite may annoy the Tartarians that dwell in Asia, and keep them from doing any hurt to the Christians upon the bank of Volga, where they are to be found as soon as they have passed over the River. And hereupon it cometh to pass, that they go out but in a small number. and that in this present war, the report of their multitude is far greater than in truth it is.  
These Tartarians that are under the Moscovite, 
Tartarians under the Moscovite.  are those of Cassan, Asdrahan, and Citrahan: of whom, because they serve not to our purpose, I will not say any thing at this time.  
The Tartarians of Europe, 
Tartarians of Europe.  that dwell in Taurica, and out of Taurica, from the Pool Maeotis, to the great Sea, can not be hindered by the Moscovites, without the good leave and pleasure of the Polaccke. For they must needs pass through his Country, either by the way of Smolensko, or else somewhat lower, by the way of Tanais, nearer to the Pool. But those ways are very difficult, both in regard of the Rivers, and also of the Fens and Marshes: and besides that, they are very long. 
The Tartarians are Sarmatians.  And these are the very self same Sarmatians, which are of Sarmatia in Europe and Asia: For the Ancient Writers do make Scythia, and Sarmatia, to be all one.  
The Weapons of the Tartarians are Scimitarres and Bows. 
The Tartarians weapons.  And because they want that quantity of Steeles both of wood and Iron, whereof they have great need to make their arrows withal, they make them of Reeds, whereof they have great abundance. They are very keen and sharp, which they can handle very well and nimbly, as well in shooting them forth outright, as also backwardly, when they make as though they would retire and fly away: which kind of fight they use more like to thieves than soldiers.  
They all ride on Horseback: their horses are small, and unshodde: when they pass over the Ices, which in those parts are very great, they drive a crooked nail into their horses feet, to avoid the danger to slipping: courageous they be, and very apt to labour, and take pains.   

§ XXIX.  
THe Turks use the Tartarians in their wars, 
Why the Turks use the service of the Tartarians.  both because they are all of one offspring, (for mahometans they be all:) as also, and especially because they should not unite themselves with their enemies against them: for they are the only men whom the Turks do greatliest doubt: and the rather, for that (as Sultan Soliman said once in a Counsel which he held in his own presence, 
The opinion of Sultan Soliman.  touching those Princes whom the Ottoman Empire ought chiefly to fear:) the Tartarians may of a sudden run with infinite numbers even to Constantinople itself, and arrive there, before that ever the Turks can be prepared for defence against them. 
Why the Turk and Other Princes seek to keep friendship with the Tartars.  And hereupon it cometh to pass that the Turks do endeavour by all kind of good offices to hold them in friendship, and to be allied with them in marriage: (for in that respect Soliman's mother was married to his father, she being a Tartarian, and the daughter of Mehemet Kirei:) the Turks also for the same reason do bestow divers contributions and benevolence upon the Tartarians, yea, such and so great, as in the time of wars a levy of the Tartarians is very costly to the great Turk, because he must of necessity give them so much, as may be sufficient not only to maintain themselves, but their wives also and children which they leave at home: so that to tie them the faster and safer unto them, besides the bonds of alliance and kindness they are enforced to use this necessary exigent, whereas on the contrary side, in the time of Soliman the Tartarians were enforced under Sedac Kirsi to gratify the Turk.  
The Moscovite and the Polack likewise do bestow great gratuities upon the said Tartarians, for fear of their sudden inroads which they may make upon them in the time of harvest.  
The Moldavian also, although he pay tribute to the Turk, yet is he bound in many respects to grafie the Tartarians, who are in those parts none otherwise held to be friends to any, than the Swissers are to the Princes in our countries  
But because the passages of the Tartarians into Hungary in this time of war, 
The voyage that the Tartarians may make into Hungary.  are divers and uncertain, and so may also be in times to come, it shall not be unfruitful and inconvenient, if I touch the courses and voyages, which they may take, to the end that we on our side may the more easily endeavour and provide either altogether to hinder them, or at least to make their arrival there to be more difficult unto them.   

. § XXX.  
THe Tartarians, 
Through the Polack country inhabited:  when they will join themselves with the Turkish armies, must needs of necessity pass through the Polack country, either inhabited, or waste and desert. 
By Russia and Podolia.  The country inhabited, is Russia, & Podolia, two Provinces which are on their right hand. They may pass also on a sudden under Premisla, 
By Premisla.  by the valleys that lead into upper Hungary. But both these former ways may be easily stopped by the polacks, and the last also by the Imperialistes, and the transylvanians. They may likewise pass at Sumber, 
By Sambur.  or somewhat nearer to Transyluania: but this is a more difficult way then the rest.  
Through the waist or desert country, 
Through the waste Polack Country.  they may pass two ways, the one far from the Sea, the other nigh to the Sea. If they will go that way which is far from the Sea, they arrive at the River Niestro and so enter into Moldavia, and from thence traversing Walachia, 
By Severino.  they come to Zuerin or Severino (so called by the christians in memory of Severus the Emperor:) but this may be stopped by the Polacches, the Moldavians and the Walacchians. At Severino, if they had the country friendly and favourable unto them, yet they may peradventure have somewhat to do, before they can pass over the River Danow: but now forasmuch as that place is at the devotion of the Transyluanian, they shall be enforced to pass it, & to make way to themselves by force & arms: which will prove no less difficult unton them, then if they should have attempted the voyage by land.  
The Tartarians also may come to the Niestro, 
By Achermano.  by the way that is nigh to the Sea: for they may pass to Achermano, (which the Polacckes call Bialogrod, the Moldavians Cittat-Alba, and the Hungarians Nestor Alba,) a territory and Sangiaccheship belonging to the Turks, at the mouth of the said River Niester, and not at the mouth of Ister or Danubius, as some have written: and it is near to the Sangiaccheship of Bendero, 
By Bendero.  called by the polacks and Moldavians Tegina, and is a place in the Province of Maldavia, but subject to the Turk, through the default of that Aaron the Vaivode, who in this present war, thinking to reconcile himself, for the revolt which he made from the Turks, would not surprise it, when he might.  
In the said Sangiackeshippes, the Tartarians may take two ways, the one by passing the Rivers of Pruto and Sereto, and so annoying Walachia: the other without passing the said Rivers, and by going over the Danowe in Bulgaria, which is a country belonging to the Turk. This last way, though at this time it would be the safer, yet for all that it would not be without great difficulty, yea, and somuch the rather, for that the Turks themselves will not willingly yield their consents that the Tartarians shall take that way, for fear lest they should waste their country. 
Which way the Tartarians went & came to and from this present war  The first time, that they passed to this present war, they took the way of Premisla, and in their return they went home by Severino: but after that they were discomfited and overthrown by the Walachians and transylvanians, to the end they might more easily save themselves in their return homewards, they took the way last before named.   

§. XXXI.  
Besides the Tartarians above mentioned, 
The Giebeli Tartarians, their weapons & habitation.  there are also certain other Tartarians called Giebeli, which may be to the number of about two thousand, they handle the Scimitarre and the Bow: they wear a Salate and a jack, whereupon they have gotten the name of Giebeli, that is to say, men of arms. They dwell commonly in Dobruccia, between the Danowe, and the Ruins of the wall, that was caused to be made by the Greek Emperors, from Gorasui, near to Silistria, as far as Constane, upon the bank of the Greek Sea. 
Why the Turks use them.  These Tartarians do the Turks very often use, because they would make the world believe that the Tartarians of Crimo, are come to assist and succour them: and so causing these few Tartarians to pass over on this side of the Danowe: (for they dwell in the uttermost part of Moldavia, between the Niestro and the Danowe,) even until they come to the great sea in the Sang●ack-ships of Bendero and Achermano (whereof I told you somewhat but a little before,) they do mightily increase the rumour of them, and breed a great fear in our people. Lastly, 
The voyage of the Tartarians of Europe into Persia in old time.  I will conclude this discourse touching the Tartarians, with a conceit worthy of consideration and memory, and it this, that as the Tartars of Europe in the time of the Romans went even as far as Persia, by the way of Demir-Capi, that is to say, the iron gates, a place very famous and renowned in regard of Alexander the great, passing through the country of the Georgianes: even so the very self same way was taken in our days, particularly by Osman Bassa, who therein did greatly labour to imitate, 
And of Osman Bassa of late time.  or rather to overgo Domitius Corbulo, and Pompeius Magnus, as ye may read in Tacitus and Dion.   

§. XXXII.  
THe Circassians, sometimes called the Zighis, 
The Circassian  are by the Polackes named Pientzcorschii, that is to say the Inhabitants of five mountains, and therefore they are also termed Quinque-Montani▪ i. Five-mountayne-men. They do not reach to the Caspian Sea, as some have written, but only to the Cimmerian Bosphorus, to the Pool Maeotis, and to the great-Sea. 
Their manner of life.  Some of them are Freemen: but some of them are tributaries to the afore named Tartar of Crimo. They live all after the superstitions and rites of the Grecians. They go with the Turks to war, but they serve them even for poor poverty. They use to sell one another of themselves: and many of them are become Sclaves, as well by the way of Mengrellia, and by the Tartarians, with whom they have to do sometimes, as also by the means and conveniency of Asaf, which is a Fort belonging to the Turk at the mouth of the river Tanais. They are well accounted of, for their good disposition and lively courage. In the time of the Souldanes all the Mamalukes almost were Circassians, and thereupon came the Mamalukes to be called by the Turks, 
Osman overthrown by the Cassacchis in Circassia.  Zercas. In Circassia was Osman heretofore overthrown by the Cassacchis: (what they are, it shall be told ye in due place:) in his return from Persia to Constantinople, after he had passed the River Phas or Phasis, (which is so famous for the Golden Fleece) in Mengrellia, 
The Godlen Fleece.  which is upon the great-Sea in the confines of Trabisonda, a River which Pompey durst not pass over, when he pursued Mithridates, for fear of the Tartarians, the Circassians, and other people near thereabouts.  
And let thus much suffice to be spoken of the Tartarians and Circassians.  
The Turk is also wont sometimes to invite the Curdians or Gurdians to his wars: 
The Curdians  who are mahometans, and live like Freemen, and are very courageous. They dwell in the region of Bagadat, and in that part thereof, which now is called Curdistan, that is to say, Chaldaea, named by the Arabians Keldan. Some are of opinion, that they may one day do great hurt to the Turkish Empire. Some think the same also of the Drusians, 
The Drusians  who are soldiers by profession, and dwell in the Mountain Libanus: as also of the Arabian Bandoliers, 
The Bandoliers of Arabia.  who are Lords and Masters of the Champeine, as sometimes our Fuorusciti or outlaws are wont to be among us. But in truth I do doubt, that the Majesty and State of that Empire shall have small cause to fear either the first, who do inhabit but a small country, or the second, who are but some few Mountain people, or to be brief the last, who are indeed a confused number of thieves.  
Now lastly, it will be very convenient, that I show unto you, 
Victual, Armour, & Munition of the Turk.  the strength and forces of that Empire, that is to say, how the great Turk is able to provide himself and his Armies with victuals, with Armour, and with Munition, aswell by land as by Sea. For in vain were it to have an Army, and not to be able to arm and feed both men and cattle, or to make an Armada without timber and people. I will also by the way touch unto you, how these provisions of the Turks, may be either stopped, or very hardly be brought unto him: and by the knowledge thereof it will the more easily appear, what the enemy can by all likelihood do against us.   

§ XXXIIII.  
ANd to begin with victuals, 
Corn in Asia.  as a thing more necessary than any other provision whatsoever, for the maintenance of an Army, most certain it is, that the Turk wanteth not corn: For he may have great store of it out of Asia, and to convey it into Hungary, 
The ways to convey it into Hungary.  he hath many divers and sundry ways. But that which is by the great Sea at the mouth of the Danow, hath no good free passage, in regard of the Walacchians, who do now depend upon the Transyluanian. That by Constantinople is to long a journey, and yet there can none be carried that way neither. The most free and easiest way of all the rest for this purpose, is that by Sea to Salonicchi, and from thence by the way of Scopia to Belgrado, where the country being very plain and even, the Turks may very commodiously make their convoys, and much better they might do, if they had any carts.  
In Europe, 
Corn in Europe.  the Turk hath not now any great commodity of victuals. For Maldavia and Walachia, although they be Provinces, that are by nature very fruitful of Barley and Wheat, yet by the occasion of this present war, they are become almost altogether unfruitful, not only because they are not now sowed as heretofore ordinarily they have been, but also because that little which the ground yieldeth, is purloined by men, and trampled with horses. Besides that, the Walachian and the Moldavian, who being as tributaries to the Turk, aught to minister unto him all the help that possibly they can, yet at this present they will fail to do it: the Walachian, because he is utterly alienated from him, and the Moldavian, because he hath enough to do to furnish himself.  
The Turks may also convey some victuals out of Macedonia, 
Corn in Macedonia and Servia: and how to convey it into Hungary.  and Servia, (two Provinces that are wont to be very plentiful of corn:) which they may easily do, because the Country is partly plain, and partly hilly, but without any stones. They may also take the same way of Salonicchi, by passing through the Champains of Morava in Servia, not far from the most fertile plains of Cossovo, which our writers do call the Champains of Black birds, by reason of the great multitude of them that were seen there before the battle, wherein Amurath the first was slain. Whereupon I do note by the way, that the ancient writers were in an error, 
An error of the ancients touching Macedonia and Servia.  whiles they thought, that a man could not possibly pass through all the Mountains of Macedonia and Servia,: considering that they are very easy to be passed, excepting only that part of them, which out of Epirus entereth into Macedonia, for that is in deed unpassible with carriages.  
Now touching the point, 
How the Turk may be hindered from his victuals by sea.  how to hinder the Turks victuals, that they may not be conveyed and brought into those Countries, where the wars now are. I do think that it will prove a very difficult and hard matter for us Christians to bring it to pass, either by sea or by land. The victuals of Asia, which come out of Egypt, and are embarked at Alexandria, Damiata, and other places, cannot be impeached or stayed, without an Armada, or a fleet of ships, nor without fight also with the fleet of the enemy. Besides that the Arcipelago, where this must specially and principally be attempted, hath many channels.  
And by land, 
By land.  they can be stopped but in one only case (unless the Turk might be debarred and kept out of his own Country, which is the hardest thing of all.) And this only way is for the Transiluanian, together with the Walachians, to pass over to the hither side of the Danowe, and interpose themselves between Bulgaria, and Servia, which in times past were called the two Misiaes'. And yet when all comes to all, there is no remedy but we must look to fight, and therefore it will behove us to have a very mighty army in a readiness.  
Moreover, 
What victual the Spahi; the Sangiacchi, all villages, and Belgrado do furnish.  every Spahi, is bound to bring to the camp, one load of corn for his own victual. All the Sangiacchi do send thither, Meal, Barley, and Grain, when and as much as they can. And all the villages also are bound to send a certain quantity of Barley, whensoever they are commanded. And in Belgrado, there is ordinarily made great store and provision of Biscuit, Meal and Barley.   

§ XXXV.  
IT is very true, 
Why the Turks cannot set forth to war in the beginning of the year: nor keep long in one place.  that the Turk cannot set forth his army towards the wars before the grass be grown, or rather not before harvest-time as well in regard of the provisions (as I have told you) which the Spahi & others are bound to bring to the camp, as also because it is necessary, that both men and cattle should have good means to maintain themselves in the field, yea and so much the rather for that the army is very populous, as indeed all the Turkish Armies are for the most part, of people, of horses, and of Camels: whereupon it falleth out also, that that they cannot long be maintained nor stay together by great heaps and multitudes in one place by reason of their great expenses.  
Out of Scopia, they have some little store of Rice, 
Rice from Scopia, Alexandria, etc.  whereof the Turks do make themselves a peculiar kind of pottage: they have also some quantity of it out of Alexandria, and other places, whither our Merchants do use to transport it.   

§ XXXVI.  
THey have great abundance of flesh-meates, all their Country over (specially where their soldiers meet together, 
Great store of flesh meat, mutton and beef.  and go to war:) namely of Muttons, and of Beeffes, which are (as a man may say) innumerable in those huge and wide Champains where they feed and pasture: yea and so much the more store of them they have: because the Moldavian is content that the Turks shall pass through their Country, with their cattle, their honey, and their Butter, in regard of the great custom and toll which they gain of them for the passages thereof. Although (to speak the truth) there doth not now pass that way, so great a multitude of Muttons, as in time passed there hath done, because there was not heretofore so good a riddance of them into Polonia, as now there is. Which in deed is no small grief and displeasure to the Turks, who do use to eat the flesh of Muttons with great delight and very savourly, whereas on the other side they do not so greatly care for the flesh of beeves.  
The Turks also use to carry with them a certain kind of salt powdered flesh, which being beaten into powder, serveth them for a very great nourishment, especially if they mingle it with their pottage, or broth: and this meat they call Tzorba.   

§ XXXVII.  
ANd now to their drink. 
Their drink.  It is most certain, that there want no good waters over all the country where the wars are. 
Water.  And for water, it ought not to seem a strange drink: for the Turks considering that by their law they are bound to drink it, as the Carthaginians also do: and as for Religion sake likewise it is used to be drunk by the inhabitants of the Kingdom of Tarsus, which on the East confineth and bordereth upon Cataio, and is famous in the holy Scriptures for the three wise kings, 
The Country of the 3. kings that came to worship Christ  that came from thence to worship Christ. But what a great advantage it is to the Turks to have this commodity of water, let them consider that have conversed and practised with the dutch, (although at other times also, as Tacitus writeth, they used to drink at the Wellhead.) certain it is, 
What means Mahomet used to make his followers to be soldiers.  if we mark the matter well, that Mahamet their Lawgiver, did for none other cause so straightly command his followers, that they should so precisely abstain from wine, but only because that having thoroughly resolved with himself to have his law defended with force & arms, he thought it convenient by means of sobriety to make them as fit and apt for the wars as possibly he could. And besides that also, he did enthrall them to the imaginary opinion of the government of Destiny, to the end he might make them the more obedient to their Captains, and the more resolute in fight. He also ordained, that they should often wash themselves, to the end, that his Armies might the more easily be kept clean and free from those evils and diseases, which do ordinarily breed of filthiness, and likewise make them the more able to endure the hardness and distemperature of the weather, with other such like policies.  
The Turks also have a certain kind of Brewage or drink (which they call Tzerbet, 
A drink called Tzerbet.  and we S●rbetto, a soup or Broth:) and it is made of Raisins and water, sometimes mingled with the juice of Lemons, and with Musk: most dainty and delicate it is, to the taste, and will often strike up into the head like Wine. Whereof also if any of the Turks are desirous to drink, 
The Turks especially the Giannizzaries will drink wine.  especially the Giannizzaries, who will swill of it beyond all measure, they may have some in Hungary, and chiefly in upper- Hungary, where the wine of Toccai is very famous.   

§ XXXVIII.  
LAstly, the Turks cannot want provision of wood and timber, 
Provision of timber.  which (as Cyrus saith) is as necessary for an army, as any other thing whatsoever. True it is, that in some places of Servia there is no great store of it: but there is as much as may be desired, in the rest of the voyage from Constantinople to Belgrado: and in the way of lower Hungary, on this side of the Danow, even unto Vesperino: but specially in Bazca, 
Basca & Srema plentiful of wood.  & also in Srema, which is a Province so called of the City Sirmio, so noble and renowned, principally for the Council that was kept there.  
These two Provinces do lie on this side of the Danow, between the Danow itself, and the rivers of Drava and Sava, and have great abundance of wood and timber, by reason that they have not felt the miseries of the war, because the Turkish armies have not taken that way, but only in the beginning under the conduct of Sinan.  
And now that we have discovered whatsoever is necessary for the victual and food of their men and cattle: 
Armour of the Turks.  it followeth also to be considered, how the Turks are at this present armed, and how they may have munition sufficient for the war, whether it be Defensive, or Offensive.   

§ XXXIX.  
THe Spahi of Europe, to strike a far off, 
Armour of the Spahi, lance. Pusdogan. Scimetarre.  do use to wear a light Lance with a pommel, and to strike at hand, an Iron Club or Mace, which they call Pusdogan: or else a Scimitarre, or Cimitare: for so by a barbarous word they call that weapon, which by little and little groweth crooked towards the point, and is like for all the world to the Knife, that Xenophon attributeth as proper to the Persians, called by the Turks Cedare, by the Arabians Seife, and by the dutch Sabell, a corrupt word taken from the Hungarians, and slavonians, who call it Sabla. Some of them do also wear an Axe, and a short sword. Some few jacks, and Targates they have: 
Axe. Short sword. jack. Targate. Dart.  but the rest of all their body is unarmed. None of them doth handle the Pistol: and many of them do only use the Dart. The greatest part of those Spahi, that kept in the frontiers of Croatia, and of Hungary, had Cuirasses, and corselets, but they are almost all extinguished, & those that are of late gone thither in their rooms are not accustomed to such armour.  
All the Giannizzaries, and some of the Asappi, 
Armour of the Giannizzaries and some Asappi, Harquebus.  handle the Harquebus, but for the most part not so well as it is handled by us Christians. Which what advantage it may be unto us, let those judge that saw the handling of the Harquebus, Da posta: that was so profitably used in the actions of that most glorious Gentleman Alexander duke of Parma.  
The Acanzii, the Spahoglani, 
Armour of the Acanzii, Spahoglani, Chiaussi, etc. Armour of the footmen.  the Chiaussi, (which use ordinarily to go as Messengers or Ambassadors) and other Cavalieroes of the great Turk's Court, do handle the Dart, and some of them the Lance, after the Asian manner. To be short, all the footmen almost go with a Scimitarre, and without any Murrain, but the most part of them with Daggers after the Greek fashion. 
Horsemen of Asia.  The horsemen of Asia do carry, as it were, half Pikes. Many of them are archers: they ride upon low Saddles, so that they may easily be overthrown to the ground.   

§▪ XL.  
THere are also in the Turkish armies divers Officers or servants, 
Armourere▪ Gunners.  as the Giebegi, that is say, Armourers, that survey their Armour. The Topigi or Bombardieri, 
Armenians.  that look to their Guns: whereof some have pay, and some have none, but divers fees and recompenses they have. The Armenians for the most part do serve for pioneers, and do such works among the Turks, as our Spazzacamini or Chimney-sweepers do among us Italians, and thereupon are in scorn called Bochgi. 
Voincchi.  There go also with the camp many Voinicchi, who are villains or slaves. They live after the Greek manner: they serve for any use, and dwell in Servia and Bulgaria. Vonicchi is a Sclavoine word, signifying Bellicos, warlike men, because in times past they were much employed in the wars. 
Sarchor.  Many other there be likewise, that voluntarily follow the Army to be pioneers, and to do such other base services, and are called Sarchor.  
And here in this place I will omit at large to entreat of the Military discipline of the Turks, 
Military discipline of the Turks.  because that point hath been better examined by others than I can do. Only I will tell you some special matters, because I will not leave the Reader fasting and unsatisfyed in this behalf, as peradventure in other points I have already glutted him.   

§ XLI.  
WIthout all doubt, 
Qualities required in Christian Soldiers.  the Turkish soldiers are far inferior to our soldiers that are exercised. By our Soldiers, I do understand not only the Italians, but also those of Spain, of France, of Hungary, of Germany, & of other nations that use to go to warfare in our armies. And by exercised soldiers, I mean such as have not only been well instructed in the art of warfare, but also such as have been accustomed with the exercises of a Christian soldier, to the end that accompanying valour and virtue both together▪ they may the more surely in the service of our Princes become victorious, although they be peradventure far inferior in number to our enemies. Most evident and plain are the examples of the victories obtained by a few Christians under Marcus Aurelius, Constantinus, 
Victories of the Christians against the Infidels.  Theodosius the elder, Theodosius the younger, Honorius, Aetius and many others: but more particularly over the Saracenes, under Pelagius the first, King of Castille, who with one thousand slew twenty thousand of them: and under Charles Martell, who at one only time overthrew and vanquished three hundred, threescore and fifteen thousand of them: I leave to tell you what the Christians also did, under Alfonsus the chaste, Ranimiro, Ferdinando, and Waltero the great Master of the Dutch order, who slew a hundred thousand Tartarians with the death of one only of his own soldiers: and Corui●us, who after he had obtained seven victories against the Turks, with fifteen thousand only, 
Victories of the Christians against the Turks.  most valourously fought the eight battle against eighty thousand of them, as (among others) Thomas Bozius writing against Macchiavel hath at large described.  
Moreover, every man that hath warred with the Turks doth know well enough, that they lodge at large: and that in their marching they go very confusedly, so that they may very easily be endamaged in the tail of their Army. George Castriota, was one of the most famous Captains, that ever fought with the Turks, 
Scander-Beg.  and was otherwise called Iskander-Beg, i. the Lord Alexander, a name that was given him by Sultan Amurath, when being his Hostage or Pledge he caused him to be circumcised at seven years of age: (for the Turks at circumcision change the name, as we use to do at baptism.) This man fight thus with the Turks being in this disarray, had such victories of them as were most worthy of triumph.  
Besides all this the Turks, when they do fight, put more confidence in their Multitude, in the opinion that they have of Destiny, in the noise of their warlike instruments, and in the horrible cry of their barbarous shoutings, 
Good government among the Turks.  than they have in any good order, or in true discipline. And yet many good things they have, as namely, a Supreme authority in their Captain General, an obedience in the soldiers, though now it be somewhat diminished: forces always ready, 
A fault in Christian Princes.  so that they shall not need to go about, begging of soldiers, as our Princes do, who very oftentimes make more account and better reckoning of other men's forces, than they do of their own, and to make a levy of soldiers, are enforced to evacuate and empty their treasuries and to consume the greatest part of their time unprofitably. The Turks spend their treasure either in matters of greatest importance, 
Good qualities in the Turks.  or in bestowing liberally upon their soldiers: which is a most sharp spur to animate and encourage them to battle. They never attempt any enterprise at a jump or upon a sudden. They do not employ their forces in matters of small moment. They undertake no action, but with order and great military preparation: and for the most part they fight not out of season.  
And although some be of an opinion, 
Engyners.  that the Turks want Engyners, yet it is daily seen, that with great facility and ease they overthrow the greatest forts and fortresses of the world, whereof they make no account at all: for sometimes they will corrupt the enemies officers, with honours, with gifts, and with provinces, and sometimes they will make breaches into the walls with continual batteries, working with the mattock, filling up the trenches, and other whiles also overwhelming Cities, either with huge artificial mountains of earth, or with undermining: and lastly, disquieting the inhabitants with perpetual and importunate assaults and never giving over the enterprise till it be performed.  
Moreover, they do not want any munition, 
Bullet Artillery.  of Bullet, Artillery, Powder. For Bullet, they always make it when they have need of it. For Artillery, they have great quantity of it, at Constantinople, at Pera, at Belgrado, and at Buda: the most part of it taken from the Christians. They have also learned to cast Artillery: the more shame for us, who have not been contented to transport our arrant cruel enemies out of Asia into Europe in Amurathes time, but have also become Masters unto them in this Art: and I would to God, that we did not likewise carry them great store of Armour and weapons beside: nothing regarding or fearing the wrath of God, the excommunication of the Popes, nor the utter ruin of ourselves. And as for Powder, 
Powder.  it is made at Cairo, and at Acque Bianche. i. the whitewaters, (which is a place not far distant from Constantinople:) and elsewhere in great abundance.  
The Turks do also greatly practise military stratagems, 
Stratagems.  or wily policies in war, whereby they do use to mingle deceit with force, according to the commandment of Mahomet their lawgiver: neither do they want means and ministers, that are cunning and skilful to practise the same, both because all such, as among them do attend the Art of warfare, do endeavour themselves to learn and know whatsoever is necessarre for the good managing of an exploit, and also because fraud and deceit is a thing most proper to the Turk. Much other matter might be set down touching this point: but if any be desirous to understand more hereof, let him read, (among others that have written of the Turkish affairs,) the discourses of Renato Diego Lusinge, Lord Alimes, in his book entitled, Of the beginning, conservation, & decaying of States.  
And now that I have showed you the Land-Forces of the Ottoman Empire, it is also very fit and convenient, that I should, likewise show you, the forces thereof by Sea.   

§. XLII.  
THe great Turk hath many Tersani, 
Storehouses for shipping in Asia.  that is to say Arsenales or Storehouses for shipping. The Arsenal or Storehouse of Sinopoli near to Trabisonda is one of the best. At Constantinople there are a hundred & thirty seven rooms in one vault; and at Midia and Achilo they have space enough to make some if they will. Besides that, the Turks do use also to make Galeyes in such places, where they may most commodiously have timber for them: the charge and care whereof they lay most commonly upon the Raislari or Raisi, that is to say, the Captains of the said Galeyes. Moreover they have great abundance of timber in many places, & specially in the golf of Nicomedia in Asia, over against Constantinople: and in the mountains of the Ducagini, 
Europe.  from whence they may convey it by the River Drino unto Alessio a territory of Albania: in which province also they have some quantity at Velona, and at Polona, which is very famous by Augustus, who was there studying, when Caesar was killed.  
The great Turk hath also an Arsenal or storehouse in Africa at Suez, 
Africa.  in the mouth of the Red Sea, with certain Galeyes, which were made heretofore against the Portugese's, for the enterprise of Diu & Ormuz: but it is of small reckoning because in that country there is no store of timber, and to bring it from the ports of Bythinia and Caramania to Cairo by the river Nilus, and so to Suez upon Camels is a matter of great difficulty and expense.   

§. XLIII.  
IT is most certain and true that the Turks do put their timber to work, 
Timber and Galleys. Their Galleys not very good.  so ill seasoned, so green, & so fallen without any observation of the course of the Moon, that their Galleys cannot prove very good & durable: and the rather, because they use to make them for the most part in great haste: besides that the hovels or vaults, that are made to cover them, are not so well fitted, nor safe from the rain. 
Pitch hard and soft. Tallow. Hemp not much. sails why scant.   
They have Pitch, both hard and soft from Velonae, and from Rissano in the golf of Cathare: the one out of the mines, the other from the trees. And tallow they want not, by reason of the great abundance of beeves and Muttons, that are in those countries. But they have not hemp enough, and so by consequence they are not well provided of Sails: and so much the worse, because the Sultan Ladies (who have thirty Galeons' of a thousand & five hundred tun a piece, and eighteen great Hulks, 
The Sultan Ladies Galeons'.  which they send into Alexandria with divers merchandise,) do draw out of the Arsenal, with the good liking and pleasure of the Grand-Turke, sail & chordage, as much as is requisite for the service of their said vessels. Besides that the officers, who have the charge of the said Sails, & such other like furniture for ships, do keep them but ill favouredly and lend them out easily for gain.  
The Turks do also want nails, so that very often in steed thereof, they are fain to use sharp wooden pins. 
nails scant.   
Of Mariners they have great store. They entertain the Asappi principally to serve them in Sea actions. 
Mariners  And if they should happen to want any, they would compel the Candians to serve in their Galeyes (for there is always a great multitude of them in Constantinople) & other Grecians that are their subjects, which do wholly attend that trade. 
Gallyslaves.  To this purpose also they keep many boys exercised that way, in their watch-Gallyes, in their ships, and other Boats. But galleyslaves they want which is a matter of great consideration: for unprofitable are their Galleys, without people to row them. And neither will the Christian slaves be enough for that service, nor yet those that are supplied out of Barbary. Besides that the Turks do not make any slaves of the Tartarians, of the Persians, nor of the Georgians, because they will not admit them into their military government, which wholly resteth in the hands of their slaves, as it hath been somewhat touched heretofore, and more at large shall be hereafter in the third part of this treatise. Sometimes they will also command the Asappi to go and serve for Galley slaves, as a base kind of people and of no worth: and sometimes others of the country: 
An Auariz; or exaction raised upon the Christians for the maintenance of galleyslaves.  for whose stipend and wages there was applied in times past, an Auariz, that is to say, an exaction laid upon the christians of Europe, which amounted to the sum of three hundred thousand Cecchinoes or ducats: but now it is employed upon other land-matters. In their great necessities they use also some of the Armenians, some of the jews, and some of the Christians, even by force & compulsion, as namely Cicala did in the last year of his generalship. The Spahi likewise go for souldidiers in the Galleys, that are kept for the defence & safeguard of the Islands of Barbary, and other places, but without any other pay, saving only the profit of their Timari: and thereupon they grow wonderful greedy to rob and spoil. If they make a fleet of a greater number of Galleys then ordinary, (which may be about some thirty,) they will send some Giannizzaries into them.  
They make great abundance of Biscuit, 
Biscuit.  at Velona at Lepanto, at Negroponte, at Volo in the gulf of Salomicchi, whether the wheat is brought and conveyed, that is gathered out of Macedonia and Servia in Zataraes' or Lighters by the River Vardaro, which in old time was called Auxius.  
And thus much let be sufficient to have spoken of the Turks forces by land and by Sea. But for as much as according to the opinion of some ancient Captains, Gold is the Sinews of war, 
The riches of the Ottoman Empire.  and (as it were) the Spirit and Soul, that quickeneth and giveth life to an Army: I will briefly adjoin hereunto some matter touching the Ottoman riches: Wherein a great part of the Forces of that Empire and of other principalities doth consist.   

§. XLIIII.  
FIrst, 
His Timari.  if we do consider the value and account of the Timari, it is manifest and plain that the Great Turk, is the richest Prince, that is upon the earth: because having bounden unto him by his Timari, more than three hundred persons, to serve him in his wars, without any interest, hindrance or charge of his own, it may easily be perceived, what a great matter it would be for him to maintain so many Soldiers, with his own pay.  
Moreover, 
The Turks Hasnads or Treasury.  the great Turk hath two Hasnads, (or as many do pronounce it with a stronger aspiration, Gasnads) that is to say treasuries whereof the one is called the outward or common treasury, the other the inward or private Treasury. 
The common or public Treasury. The private Treasury. Gifts.  The former hath about some nine or ten millions of yearly revenue, which is wholly employed in the expenses that are needful and necessary for the state. The later is exceedingly rich, by reason of the many and great gifts or presents, which are given to the grand-Turke by sundry Princes, and specially by the Christians, by his own servitors and subjects, and by all such as have any thing to deal with him, not permitting any person to come before his presence with empty hands, for he doth attribute that, which indeed turneth to his chiefest gain, rather to be a sign of his great pomp and Majesty. And truly if ye shall well consider the nature of the whole generation of the Turks, ye shall find all of them to attend none other thing, but only to gather that they may give it afterward to the great Turk: so that by this means, all the riches of that large Empire do pass through their hands, as it were through water-pipes, into the huge Ocean of their emperors covetousness.  
Into the same private Hasnad, or Treasury, 
Revenue of Cairo.  there runneth also the yearly revenue of Miszir (for so the Arabians and Turks do call the ancient Memphis, that is to say, Cairo, by a corruption from the Hebrew word Mizraim) which revenue amounteth to the sum of above one Million. There runneth thither also, 
In heritances.  the yearly value of all the inheritances of the richest persons in all his Empire, whose heir he maketh himself to be, even at his own pleasure. For all the wealth of those, which bear the title of slaves, doth wholly depend upon his supreeme will and disposition. Thither come likewise, all confiscations and forfeitures, 
Confiscations, fines, etc.  all fines and amercements (which are very many) all the goods of such as are condemned by law, all the Revenue that is gathered of Custom and Impost: all the rent of the Salt-pits, and the Tithe and tents of all prays that are taken by land or by sea, of all cattle, and of all Harvests in the fields: the profit also of the Mines, 
Mynes.  whereof there are very many in Servia, (insomuch as it is called, Provincia d' Argento, 1. the Province of Silver) in Bosna about jaiza, in Macedonia, and elsewhere. All which jointly together, amounteth to a most huge quantity of gold more or less, according to the greedy avarice of the Prince, and to the diligence, or rather insaciablenes and extortion of his officers.  
Besides all this, 
Tribute of the Christians.  the Turk doth also levy a tribute upon the Christians, which is a Sultanine upon every Head, or Poll of them, assoon as they are above xiiii. years old: which tribute is now increased to a higher rate, 
Tribute of the Turks themselves.  by occasion of this present war. There is likewise a certain redemption of that, which is paid by the Turks according to the rate of five and twenty Aspres a piece, and is called a Gift, because it is expressly forbidden by their law that the Turks should take any tribute of the Turks.  
Lastly, 
Treasure left.  the now living great Turk, did find in this private Hasnad or treasury, great store of gold, but not in that excessive quantity, as some have been bold to write, which was gathered together by his father, who was very avaricious and greedy beyond all measure, and as insatiable and careful to hoard up, as he was miserable and sparing in spending and giving. 
The covetousness of Amurath the third.  He was of the mind that he would sell even the flowers of his own gardens: he paid no debts: he gave nothing, or at least very little to his soldiers: a thing that was far different from the custom of that Empire. To be short, he was most respective and heedy in all his expenses as well ordinary as extraordinary, those only excepted which he laid out upon his women, who (although they were his slaves) yet was it his pleasure, that when they departed from his entertainment, and embracement, they should be greatly enriched, and well furnished with jewels.  
To all these things before rehearsed, there may be added a matter, 
Yearly Tributes of Christian princes to the great Turk.  which without tears cannot be remembered, and that is, the tributes (or rather to use a more modest name for it, the Benevolences and Gratuities) which the Christian Princes do usually give to the great Turk. The memory whereof ought to enkindle, yea and inflame them with a most just disdain and indignation against so barbarous and unjust a tyrant, and to cause them, that (as indeed they do in their consciences acknowledge it to be more profitable for Christendom, and honourable for themselves:) so they would all join together with one consent to spend the same money for the glory of Christ, and for there own safety.   

§ XLV.  
THe Christian Emperor paid unto the Turk for Hungary, 
The Emperor  and to have peace with him (if I do well remember myself) forty and five thousand Dallers.  
The Vaivode of Moldavia payeth one and thirty loads of Aspres, 
The Vaivode of Moldavia.  or little less. A hundred thousand Aspres make a load, which at the time of the imposition make two thousand Crowns, every Crown being worth fifty Aspres, which is now worth more than a hundred. And beside, he payeth also to the Tartarian twenty Cart-loades of honey, with four Oxen in every Cart, and fifty Mares beside. but it may be that by some new composition he payeth now somewhat more or less.  
The Vaivode of Walachia, before it was at the devotion of the Transiluanian Prince, 
The Vaivode of Walachia.  paid fifty loads. Such is the information that I have had from such as have seen the books of Moldavia, and Walachia: and therefore I do differ somewhat from those, that have written otherwise hereof.  
The Prince of Transiluania, 
The prince of Transiluania.  paid to the Turk before this present war 15000. Cecchinoes or Ducats.  
The state of Ragugia payeth. 12500. 
The state of Ragugi. The state of Venice.  Cecchinoes'.  
The state of Venice, for the Island of Zante (i Zacinthus) 1000 Cecchinoes: as Selem also challengeth a certain sum of money, before it was bereaved of the Kingdom of Cyprus, because the Ottoman Empire was somewhat entered into the Soldans accounts and reckonings.  
The Moscovite also gratifieth the Tartarian for Taurica, 
The Moscovite.  to avoid the incursions, which the Tartarians are wont to make into his Country, either of themselves, or at the instance of the Turk.  
The Polack paid to the Turk in the year 1591. so many furs of Sables, as were worth 25000. crowns of gold: but it is not a yearly tribute, as some have written. Indeed he giveth to the Tartarian every year a certain sum of money, to buy Scimitarres, and apparel withal, by an ancient capitulation or composition, as it is read in the Histories of Polonia.  
I have noted also the gifts which some Princes do bestow upon the Tartarian, which although they began at the first indeed, before the Turk had any thing to do with the Tartarian, are yet still continued by the said Princes, principally to please the Turk.  
There be also certain tributes and gifts, which the Princes of Africa, and of Arabia, 
The Princes of Africa, Arabia, and Georgia.  and the Ge●rgiani, and others do use to give, but I will omit them, because they are not of any moment, nor serve any thing to this present purpose.  
Finally, there be also many Rewards and Gratuities, 
Gratuities extraordinary to the Turk and his Officers.  which the foresaid Princes do bestow extraordinarily upon the officers of that barbarous Prince to keep them to be their friends: and which upon diverse and sundry occasions they bestow also upon himself, either to hold him in friendship, or to pacify his rage and fury (which is sometimes eager in deed, and sometimes but counterfeit) or else they give it for a certain Ceremony: because (as I have signified before) he doth account this kind of profit to be very honourable unto him. Besides that all such as desire Offices and Dignities, or return from the governments of Provinces, or from some notable enterprise, do bestow upon him (as it were by bond and duty) the godliest and most precious things which they have gotten: Neither is there any other cause why his pleasure is that all the presents, which are offered unto him, should thus openly and in public view be presented to his own presence, but only with this barbarous pride and ostentation to inflame and provoke both his own subjects & strangers to bestow the more upon him.  
The end of the first Book.    

The second part.  
Wherein is treated of the purposes and Designments which the Ottoman Princes have towards other princes: Of the cause of this present war in Hungary; the beginning and proceeding thereof: wherein for your better understanding, the original of the said war shall be fetched, even from Amurath, the father of this now living Mahomet.  
NOw that we have seen the nature and conditions of Mahomet, the head and chief of this Ottoman Empire, and what are the members, strength, and forces of this most monstrous body, as I may call it: fit and convenient it is: that for the full and perfect knowledge thereof, we should go about to search the purposes and designments, which the said Mahomet hath against other Princes, and specially against the Prince's Christian: to the end we may the better understand the true causes of this present war, together with the beginning and proceedings thereof. But forasmuch as this war began, even in the time of Amurath, father to the now living Emperor, it will be necessary for our better intelligence to speak somewhat of him, and to fetch the true original of the said war even from thence: wherewithal there shall be also discovered unto you more plainly, all the greatest interests and dealings which he hath with the rest of the Princes in the world.  

§ I.  
ANd to begin the same accordingly Amurath, the Lord and Emperor of the Turks father to the now living Mahomet, 
The nature and conditions of Amurath the third.  was a prince (of a Mahometan) very tolerable and discrete. He was a zealous observer of that most vain superstition of the Mushaphum, (for so the Turks call the Book of their law, 
The name of the Turks Lawbook.  as the Arabians term it the Al-koran: that is to say most wickedly, as it were by excellency, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, the Scripture, as though there were none other Scripture like it: even as the jews and Hebrews call the holy Scriptures, Kara.) He took great delight also in reading the Histories of his predecessors, as Selim the first did the Histories of Alexander the great, 
Why Amurath was called Bongi.  and of julius Caesar: and because he was so studious in Philosophy, he was called by the Turks in mockage, Bongi, as Bajazet the second was also called in the same respect. He was no drinker of wine, as his father Selem was. In the pleasures of sensuality, which are so familiar and tolerable among the Turks, he was rather continent, than otherwise, especially in that most abominable sin of lechery, and chiefly for many years before the end of his life. Moreover, if a man that is a niggard & avaricious, may be called a lover of justice, he was a great lover of that justice which is known among the barbarians: very careful & desirous he was likewise to understand all the affairs of other princes, but above all other things, most exact & perfect in the knowledge of his own estate: insomuch as he had a particular memorial of all his business, of all his revenues ordinary and extraordinary, and of all his expenses, which he kept in a book appointed by him for that purpose, and laid continually upon a little table in his own privy Chamber, and came (as it were) by inheritance to the now great Turk, even as that of Augustus came to Tiberius the Emperor. And it may be peradventure, that by reason of these his too diligent occupations and businesses, or rather in deed by his natural inclination, he was for the most part very full of melancholy: which besides that it made him somewhat still and sparing of speech, and oftentimes irksome and tedious to himself, it also procured him to be exceedingly suspicious of any matter: 
Why he did sometimes take Opium.  so that to lighten and quicken himself, he did use sometimes to take Opium: for the Turks do hold opinion, that the said Simple or drug doth breed a good colour, and rejoice the heart, as also that he who hath once eaten of it, cannot any more abstain from it. He entertained likewise in his Serraglioes many dwarfs and many dumb persons, whom he would cause to fight together one with another, to the end he might take some pleasure in the sight of so vain a pastime. He made war rather for religion and exercise of his people, then for that he was given to war by Nature: and that also he followed not by himself, but always by his Officers. For he would still glory to himself, that he had enlarged the confines of his Empire, even as far as the Caspian sea, only by his own wit and advise, and by the execution and exploit of his said Captains: a matter which his predecessors could never perform or bring to pass in their own persons. He warred for the space of fifteen or sixteen years with Mahomet Codabenda king of Persia, son to Shakstone Tamas, who was the son of Ishmael: and with Abas, that liveth at this day, whom some do falsely call the Miriza: 
What Miriza is.  for Miriza is the proper title of the eldest son to the king of Persia, called Sophi, but is not in deed the title of the king himself. He was wont to say that he had fully resolved with himself never to conclude peace with him, until he had taken Casbin, which now is the seat royal of the Persian kings: 
The true causes why he warred with the Persians.  & that for two causes. One was to recover the ashes of that Bajazet, who was son to Sultan Soliman, and fled to Tamas to avoid the indignation of his father, but was put to death by the same Tamas, to the end he might by that means be reconciled to Soliman. The other cause was to ruinate and utterly destroy the Sepulchre of Arduelle, father to Ishmael, the Author of the Persian sect or religion: 
Why Ishmael called Sophi.  who was called Sophi, either of the Greek word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (that is to say wise) as though he had been descended from the ancient Magis, or Wisemen of Persia: or because he was accounted and esteemed to be a Wiseman, (as also for the same reason Sempronius was so called) or else of the Arabian word Sophi, which signifieth wool, because all the Persians do wear a Tulpante on their heads, not of very fine linen cloth as the Turks do, but (to make show of greater religion) made of wool, 
The Persians called Keselbassi.  died into a red colour, whereupon they are by the Turks termed in mockage, Keselbassi, that is to say, Red-heades, or Red-Cappes: that thereby they might make a difference from the Tartarians of Zegatai, in times past called the Bactriani, and dwelling beyond the Caspian sea, who because they profess themselves to be of the right and true descent of Mahomet, 
The Tarrarians of Zegatai called jeschilbassi.  do use to wear it of a green colour, and thereupon are called jeschilbassi, i Green Caps.  
Now by the way: A Tulpante, and a Tocca is all one, and signifieth that Globe or Sphere, 
What a Turbante is: and what it may signify.  full of Circles, great and small, which are in the many turnings and wreathe of those Linen Rolls, which the Grecians of this time do call 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and serveth them both for a Cap, and a Hood. And indeed properly it should be called a Turbante, of the round shape thereof, termed by the greeks 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 growing sharp in the top like unto a Sugarloaf, or a Cypress tree, as the Turks were wont to wear it at the first: but now they wear it more round. And thereupon it may be peradventure called in the holy Scriptures Pomum (that is to say, an Apple) namely in the 79. Psalm, where King David bewailing the taking of the City jerusalem, saith, The Temple of the Lord was given into the custody of Apples according to the vulgar and common translation, which place certain Writers not without some reason have interpreted to be meant of the Turks. And so likewise it may be, that not of Constantinople, but of the Persian Kingdom, the Red-Apple is to be understood, which the Ottoman Emperor shall bring into his subjection, before he be utterly subdued by the sword of the Christians, as is to be red in the Turkish Oracle or Prophecy (if so it may be called) and is now a long time known to every man, 
An exposition of a Turkish prophecy.  and is by diverse men diversly interpreted Others there are, that would expound the Turbante to be a Symbol or token of Fortitude: whereby those that do wear the same should be admonished, that when they go to the wars they should not think to return; but therein gloriously to die, whiles they may remember that they carry with them the Syndon or winding sheet, wherein they use to wrap their dead carcases. The Giannizzaries do not wear the Turbante, 
The jannizzaries Zarcola.  but a Zercola, which is of white Felt, and is jump of the same fashion and shape, as may be seen in diverse pictures, to make a difference from the rest of the Turks, that wear it of a red colour.   

§ II.  
ANd now to return again. 
Why Amurath was content to be at peace with the Persians.  At the last Amurath was pacified with the Persian: but weary he was and so were his people also, of so long a war, and therefore he might be well contented with this pacification considering especially that he had conquered so much Country, and achieved so great glory withal. Moreover he thought also, that by this means he might the more sound establish his state, and better secure the new Inhabitants, which he had planted in his new conquered countries, by distributing among them all the Timari, that were to be raised thereof, and by building diverse fontes therein, which should be cited and seated in such manner as one of them might easily help and succour the other.   

§. III.  
While Amurath thus enjoyed this peace, from which as being a man given to study and Melancholy, he did not of himself greatly abhor, he was counseled and advised by his Viziers to renew the war.  
Now these Viziers are the chief counsellors of war, 
Who the Viziers be.  and of estate: and the council or assembly of these men, is called by the Turks Divano, as hath been before declared, and not Capi, 
What the Porta is.  that is to say, the Porta, which properly is the Court; wherein is also in diverse other things the Turks do imitate and follow the Persians, who (as ye may read in Xenophon) did call the Court by that name.  
The reasons whereby they moved & advised him to renew the war, 
The reasons of the Viziers to move Amarath to make war.  were these. Namely, that great Empires & states cannot be maintained without the help of force and arms: that as long as the common wealth of Rome kept wars with the Carthagenians, and the Emperors of Rome in Germany, that Empire lasted and continued. That so likewise had the Ottoman Emperors done in times past, who do not hold the end of war to be peace, as the Princes of Christendom, and other weak princes do, but they take the only end of war to be war, whereby the Turks have not only amplified and enlarged their Empire to that huge greatness, wherein now it is, but have also kept their subjects occupied and busied: and so have diverted them from civil seditions and insurrections, which for the most part are bred & nourished by ease and idleness. To be short, that the subjects, whiles they continue in peace, some grow to be cowards, some apply themselves too greedily to trades and traffic, and some to spoiling and robbery, insomuch that thereby there will be utterly lost the knowledge of the Sea-warres, which hath now a long time been almost abandoned, and of the land-warre also, if for any long space they should cease to make wars. And consequently they should want Captains, and valiant or hardy Soldiers, because the only use of war doth enure men to become good warriors, and maketh them exceedingly courageous. And certain it is, that matters which are achieved and gotten, are preserved by the same means whereby they be gotten.  
Besides these Viziers and Bassas, that laboured to persuade him hereunto, in regard of their own interest and benefit, especially the two concurrents and opposites Sinan and Ferat, who without wars were held in no great credit, or account, nor could enrich themselves according to the greedy desires of the Barbarians: their were also the Agentes of France, of England, and of the Prince of Geilan, which endeavoured to persuade the same, by such reasons, as shall be told you in due place.   

§ FOUR  
But Amurath would not resolve upon any thing: 
The reasons why Amurath would not resolve upon war.  not because he was not persuaded to make war, but because he was not thoroughly certified, what advantage would grow unto him by moving war, rather against one prince then against another: & so much the rather, for that the Viziers did differ in their several counsels and advises among themselves. And for as much as their sundry opinions did comprehend the chiefest and most principal interests of the world and specially of Christendom: I thought with myself, that it would be a matter not displeasing to such as willingly shall read this discourse, to relate them all in particular, and with such good order and facility, as the reports themselves, and the pronunciation of that barbarous tongue will suffer me. And so by that mean I shall give you a more full and certain knowledge of the Ottoman affairs, 
A note for Christian Princes.  and therewithal note also unto our Princes the purposes and designments of that tyrant, not only to the end that they might in time look about them, and bethink themselves of fit remedies for the same, but also the sooner resolve, valiantly to band themselves together in one, for the vanquishing and overthrow of him.   

§ V.  
THeir opinions were eight in number. The first: 
The 8. several opinions of the Viziers.  that in any case the war should be renewed against the Persian. The second: that they should rather bend their forces against the king of Fez, and Morocco. The third: against the Isle of Malta. The fourth: against the king of Spain. The fifth: against the state of Venice. The sixth: against Italy. The seventh: against Polonia. And lastly, the eight against the Emperors.   

§ VI  
THe reasons of their several opinions were these. 
The first opinion, to move war against Persia: and the reasons thereof  And first, touching the renewing of the war against Persia (a kingdom which the Turks comprise under the name of Azemia:) they argued, that when soever the king should see the great Turk entangled in other enterprises, he would surely break the peace, as well for the recovery of his Country, which was lost with small honour & credit, as also to be revenged at one time or other, of all the old griefs and injuries that he had received of the Ottoman Emperors. That he should be provoked thereunto and assisted therein by the Christian Princes, and specially by the king of Spain, who could very well do it by the way of the Indies, and by sending unto him (as at sundry other times he had done) engineers, Gunners, and such other helps. That the Country was not yet well settled, the fortresses were new, and the Inhabitants (lately planted) in great danger, and somewhat too far off, to be relieved in time. That if the Persians would do nothing else, but ransack and forage the Champain, the said Inhabitants should be compelled and enforced to yield and give place, unless they would perish for hunger. That not to achieve or obtain, but to prosecute and follow a victory, is the true glory. That the Turk should take good heed, not to offend the great prophet Mahomet, nor to move him to indignation or wrath, considering that he had obtained greater victories against the enemies of his Religion, than ever his predecessors had obtained in former times: and therefore it was fit and convenient, and it was also the duty of a religious and thankful prince, not to omit the injuries that were done both to God and man. There was added to this, that Vsbegh-Han had voluntarily offered to serve him in this war, and so had the prince of Geilan also.  
This Vsbegh-Han, is the Prince of those Tartarians, 
Who Vsbegh-Han is.  that dwell at the furthest end of Persia, in that part which the Turks do call at this day Bahera, in old time Bactra, and are called Ketzie-Bassi, 
What Tartarians are called Ketzie-Bassi and why?  because they wear Caps covered with felt. It is not long ago since the said Vsbegh died, and left behind him a son, who may now be about some twelve years of age. 
Where Geilan is.  Geilan, is also a Country more toward the East of the Caspian sea.  
Moreover, that he need not to make any doubt of victory, considering the good success that he hath had heretofore. That he had no cause to fear their Harquebuses: for they had but few, and the Turks can better handle them then the Persians: nor yet their horses, although they were of the Arabian and Caramanian race, the relics of Amurath the second, for they had many times and often been put to flight for very cowardice. And lastly, that he could not doubt, lest the Gurgini (so do the Turks call the Georgiani, 
The Georgians.  in times past the Iberi) should make any stir in aid and favour of the Persians. For part of them are his own Subjects, and under the jurisdiction of the Bassas of Teflis, and of other places thereabouts, after they were made Bassalucches by Mustapha: part also of them are his tributaries: and it is well known, that the rest are contented to live under their Lords, Simon and Alessandro, without attempting to seek better fortunes, but to defend their own Country. Which although it be but small, and not very hard to be kept and defended, yet is it very strong by situation, and almost unpassible, for the Mountains, for the Woods, and for the strait places that compass it about.   

§ VII.  
TOuching the second opinion, 
The 2. opinion to make war upon the king of Fez and Morocco, and the reasons thereof.  which was for the bending of their forces against the Siriffo in Africa, it was thus debated. That it was a great dishonour to the Ottoman Empire, that they had not as yet overthrown and subdued those Moors. That it was as great a shame, that they had so small a portion in Africa, considering that it was the third part of the world, and being so near unto Italy, did so greatly vex and trouble the Romans. That Algiers and Tunise would never be secure, nor the Subjects and Sea-rovers thereof satisfied, until they had gotten the full rule and dominion of that kingdom. 
The cape of Aguera. The haven of Araza.  That if they wholly reduce into their power and possession the Cape of Aguero, and the Haven of Araza or Larace (which indeed is situate without the strait, and not within it as some have written) places very fit and convenient for the English, that get many booties in those seas, as also for diverse others both friends and enemies to the Moors, the Turkish navigation should be thereby the more secured. That this king of the Moors, although he be a Mahometan, and a Tributary to the Ottoman Empire, yet very lately he had held secret intelligence with the King of Spain, and also with the knights of Malta, who by means thereof were like to to have taken Tripoli: and that he had likewise maintained and assisted the insurrection of Marabut, and of his successor. 
The rebellion of Marabut.  That though he were mighty for men, yet he was poor in money. And lastly that although the Spaniards do hold in Africa, 
Certain places which the Spaniards hold in Africa.  Maraschebir, Oran, the Pegnon, Tanger, Arsilla, Mazagan, and Ceuta, or Septa and therefore may combine themselves with the Moors to the great damage of the Turks: yet notwithstanding they might be bridled with an Armada of ships, and by passing also if need were, even into Spain. 
Tunise and Goletta.  And withal, that the examples of Tunise, and Goletta, which was held to be impregnable, and yet was taken by Sinan, to his exceeding glory, were so fresh in memory, that they could not choose but remember them.   

§ VIII.  
TOuching the third opinion, 
The third opinion to conquer Malta, and the reason thereof.  which was for the sending of an Armada to conquer the Isle of Malta, it was said: that considering the mahometans, both in their traficks, and also in their pilgrimages, 
Pilgrimage to Meka.  as they went to Mecca, received most notable losses by the Galleys of those knights: the great Turk ought to command that in any case order might be taken to secure that voyage, not only for religions sake, but also to be avenged of the trespasses and wrongs already done unto them, or rather to recover the glory of Soliman, who in vain, and without any good success attempted to surprise it. That all the Subjects cried out and Exclaimed for the enlarging and delivery, some of their friends, & some of their kinsfolks that were there in captivity: saying, that so did their forefathers, 
The Isle of Rhodes.  when they spoiled and deprived the same knights of the Isle of Rhodes, the chief fortress and defence of the Christians in the East. Moreover, that they deserved due chastisement also, aswell because they had furnished those that rebelled against the grand Turk in Africa, with munition of war: as also because they endeavoured to surprise Modone on a sudden.   

§ IX.  
TOuching the fourth opinion, 
The fourth opinion against the king of Spain: and the reasons thereof.  which was to move wars against the King of Spain, it was said: that if the Ottoman Empire were determined to attain the Monarchy of the whole world, it was not possible to be achieved, unless the mightiness of that Prince were first weakened, who without all doubt was the greatest both for state and riches that Christendom had. That it could not be feared lest the said King of Spain should assault Algieri, 
Algieri.  for that it was now a great deal better fortified than it was in the time of Crai the Spaniard: (for so by a Sclavoinetearme, 
How the Turks call Charles the fifth.  the Turks of the Court do call Charles the fifth.) That although Spain should take courage to enterprise such a matter, in regard of the losses which it receiveth continually by the Pirates of Africa, yet it would be restrained from so doing for very fear, lest it should bring an Armada of enemies into those seas, who might peradventure endamage it greatly. That the Spanish Galleys would not hazard themselves to come into the Levante, because they would not be so far from home. Moreover, that the resolutions of that King, either in regard of his many businesses, or in some other respect are very slow. And as it is manifestly seen by that which they did at Prevesa, and Navarino, the Spaniards do utterly refuse even for their own commodity and benefit to encounter with the Ottoman forces. That the said King of Spain walketh with great consideration: for (if it be true) in the latter end of the Persian war, he denied to aid the king of Persia, when he might have succoured him as before he had done. That although he would peradventure stir in defence of himself, and his state against the Turkish forces, yet he could not so do in deed: considering that he is so greatly occupied in the maintenance of Flanders, 
How greatly the king of Spain may be troubled with the Moors, the French, & the English.  and recovery of the low Countries▪ which are very strong both in regard of the Sea floods, and of the many rivers that are therein: and so much the more troubled he is, by reason of the obstinate and constant resolution of that people, for the preservation of their liberty and religion: and likewise in respect of the great enmity which is between that king and the Queen of England, who doth greatly ease that war, by troubling him in his state of Portugal, by intercepting his treasures of the judies, and by sacking his kingdoms, as particularly she did at the Groin, which is a place of very great importance to annoy Spain, to disturb the navigation of the Indies, and also to attempt divers other places in that other navigation of the Ocean. Moreover, that he was so far interessed in the wars of France, that he could not wholly turn himself any whither else. 
How the king of Spain may be diverted to the Persian Gulf.  To be short: that suppose he be reconciled, and at peace with the said princes, so that with more safety and ease he might attend this principal enterprise in tended against him, yet might the Turk damnify him in his Spices and other merchandises, yea, and (if need were) he might divert him into the Red-sea, otherwise called the Persian Gulf, by means of the Galleys, that lie so conveniently and commodiously for that purpose at Suez: or he might surprise some good fortress of his, as was attempted against the Portugese's for Diu, and Ormuz, and as Alfonso d' Albuguerque, the Portugal Viceroy in the Indies, thought once to have done, 
Alfonso d' Albuquerque.  when he meant to have stolen away the bones of Mahomet, by a sudden incursion into the Country with certain light horsemen, even as far as Mecca: and as it was done at other times, while the Sultan's reigned: and also as Tratan the Emperor was minded to have done in his time. Again, that the passages into Africa might be much troubled, especially if the Turk would set upon the Spanish coast in the Midland sea, which would be a great contentment to the subjects, who do continually make humble petition and supplication for it, as well in regard of the safety of their traffic and pilgrimages, as also that the poor moors might once be delivered from the dominion of the Spaniard, 
The Moors weary of the Spanish government.  as Selim at the lest was persuaded to have done. And so much the rather, for that the said Moors, who are now multiplied into a great number, although they keep close both for fear, & also for their traffic, whereby they are grown to be very rich, yet as well by nature, as also for Religion, do bear a mortal hatred against the Spaniards. Moreover, that this course might easily be performed by reason of the conveniency of the havens in Africa, which lie near at hand: and also because the said Princes of France and England, have offered to continue their wars, with him: the King of France, by disquieting him in the parts of Navarra, for the challenge which he hath thereunto: and the Queen of England (as it hath been said) not only by setting upon him in the West Indies, and in the Ocean, which she may do both by North and by West, but also by raising again some new stirs in Portugal, where there doth not want great store of Mal-contents. For that people doth think, that with the loss of their last king, they have also lost all their wealth and prosperity: because that as under his government they grew rich by the peace that he entertained with the said princes of France and England: so under the Spaniards dominion they do find, that by the wars they live in continual perils and danger. Again, there be many banished and discontented persons, not only of the kingdom of Portugal, but also of the kingdom of Arragon in France, in England, and in Constantinople, who together with many Moors, (which also were in Constantinople) have offered many aids and helps both secretly and openly: and have promised that the enterprise will be very easy, when so ever Spain shall be set upon, especially if it be done upon a sudden. For the greatest part of that kingdom doth want the use of military knowledge: 
Spain not well exercised in military knowledge.  because the people of that Country do not apply themselves to arms, neither are there any ordinary bands of Soldiers over all the realm: and but a small number of horses neither. Moreover, that the Subjects, which Spain sendeth forth into the Indies, into Flanders, and into Italy, are so many in number, 
Spain wanteth men.  as they do greatly weaken it: yea, so much, that if occasion should so fall out, it should not only want help of their own, but also should stand in need to be relieved with the aid and assistance of other states that are near unto them, and subjects of the same crown, who peradventure would prove to be of no great good service, and so much the less, because they may easily be stopped, and diverted some other way.   

§ X.  
THe fifth opinion, 
The fifth opinion, to break peace with Venice: & the reasons thereof.  was to break the peace with the state of Venice: For this said they, which endeavoured to persuade the great Turk's mind thereunto, rather with apparent reasons, then with such as were true in deed: (though peradventure, every man easily believing that which he desireth, they might seem very probable and likely to the Turks:) that no enterprise happily would prove less hard and difficult than this, as it might be found by the experience and examples of such actions as had passed heretofore: especially seeing the Turks not many years ago having warred with the Venetians, and surprised somewhat of theirs, had received many and great satisfactions at their hands to make peace with them. That the said Commonwealth & State of Venice, accounting peace to be the end whereat it shooteth, it should seem that the people is timorous and cowardly, and by their ancient ordinances and customs, do never prepare themselves to war, but when they are drawn unto it by force: that peradventure they will think to be overcome, before they look for it, as it fell out with them for the kingdom of Cyprus. That if the said state would make resistance by itself alone, perhaps it hath not forces sufficient: if joined in confederacy with others, 
The king of Spain cannot help Venice against the Turk.  it could not perform any great matter in haste, by reason of the many difficulties, that depend upon leagues: and namely of the several cogitations and interests, wherewith the Spanish king is now entangled: in regard whereof it was enforced at last to make peace with Selem. Moreover, that it was a hard matter, if not impossible, that the said king, being so greatly occupied in his other wars, could at this time join in league with that state: and also that without him all other confederacies, to ache war by Sea, were of no importance or consideration. And as for the Pope, though it be very likely, that he will do all that possibly he can do, 
What relief the Pope can yield to Venice.  to keep the Christian princes from annoying the said state, but rather will advertise and admonish them to aid and succour it: yet the most that he can do himself is only that he may yield it some assistance, either of moneys, or of some Ecclesiastical profits, or else peradventure he may send to join with their Armada, his five Galleys, which together with the Galleys of Malta, of Savoy, and of Florence, can make no more but twenty in all, at the most. And beside, that the said state of Venice hath not happily that good intelligence, with all the rest of the Christian princes, which in such a case were needful for it, (but the Turks are therein greatly deceived.) And to be short, seeing it hath spent great store of gold in discharging the debts of the Treasury, whereinto it had run by the last wars, and by building many fortresses, it will be found peradventure not so well provided and furnished with money. And lastly, that all that state being very full of forts, it is impossible at one time to keep them all well fenced, and sufficiently strengthened. 
Diversity of opinions among the Bassas, how and where to annoy Venice.   
But for as much, as it seemed, that the greatest part of the Viziers did concur in this opinion, but yet varied among themselves, how to attempt this enterprise: I will set down their differences in particularity.  
Sinan the Albanian, 
Sinan and his death.  of Topoiano, a town of the Sangiaccheship of Preseremo, who died the last year of a natural death, but peradventure somewhat discontented, because the war of Hungary succeeded not according to his mind: (and yet some think rather that he died of poison:) he persuaded, that Corfu should be attempted, under the pretence of 3. hundred ducats a year, due to the Imperial Chamber of Turkey, 
He persuadeth to attempt Corfu.  ever since the year 1537: for La Bastia, because it was yielded to the Corfiottes but upon that condition.  
La Bastia is a waist and desert place, being under a town of the Turks in Epirus, 
La Bastia.  twelve miles right over against Corfu, near to the Salt pits, which are in the Turks possession at the mouth of the river Calamatta: and is the principal port and Staple for the merchandises, which come from a great part of Greece, to be embarked at Corfu.  
But in very deed Sinan endeavoured to persuade this attempt, because the Fortress of Corfu was thought to be unvanquishable, both by Nature and by Art: and he being exceedingly ambitious to achieve the name and title of a great Conqueror, was so bold and hardy, especially upon the exploit which he did at Goletta, as to promise to himself a very easy conquest of this also: as in truth he did not stick to vaunt that he could perform it, when he passed by Corfu, 
Goletta●.  in his victorious return from the enterprise of Goletta.  
Ferat, who was called Carailam, that is to say, the Black-Serpent, 
Ferat Bassa, & his death.  and died also the last year, being by Mahomet caused to be strangled: (how wisely and considerately, I leave to the judgement of those that understand matters of state better than I do.) For he was accused to have practised intelligence with the Tartarian of Crimo, that he should refuse to come to the Turkish camp, because Ferat himself was not General thereof: and to have endeavoured also a reconciliation for Michael the Vaivode, and the Transiluanian, both at one time, by giving the court to understand that they had not rebelled for any hatred which they carried indeed against the Turks, but rather upon an indignation conceived against Sinan. All which he laboured only of purpose to bring the said Sinan into disgrace, whom he held to be his most capital enemy, because he was made Masul, 
Ferat degraded.  that is to say, he was degraded, for the tumult and stir that fell out between the jannizzaries and the Spahoglanes, at the circumcision of the now-reigning Turk. This Ferat advised, that Catharo should be conquered, 
He advertiseth to attempt Catharo.  because he thought that the said Fortress did keep Castle Nuovo (as it were) in bondage, and that it was the principal key of Dalmatia, of the Adriatic Sea, and of Venice. 
Andronig.  And also that he being borne at Adronici, a Castle of Albania, could very well know even from his youngest years, that the said Fortress, which is famous in that province, was of so great importance, as in truth it is.  
I have somewhat enlarged this Discourse of the particulars touching Sinan and Ferat, because I have had occasion many times (as I shall also have hereafter) to make mention of them, as the most principal men in this Empire, and in this war.  
Sinan Cicali, 
Sinan Cicala persuadeth to attempt Cerego.  an errant enemy to the state of Venice, for the reasons which we have above alleged, he persuaded that Cerigo should be attempted, for the self-same causes, for which he calleth it the Lantern of the Archipelago, and the spy of the Turkish actions, especially for that it is manifestly perceived and seen: how the Christians may easily pass over into Morea, out of this Island. So did Damaratus king of the Lacedæmonians, 
Demaratus K. of Lacedæmonians.  when he was banished out of his kingdom, advice and counsel Xerxes, that if he would attain to the Lordship and government of Greece, he must possess himself of this Island which at this time was called Cythera.  
Other Bassas there were, 
Other Bassas persuade the attempt of Novigrade and Zara.  which held opinion, that to be revenged of the spoils and robberies committed by the Vscocchis (of whom I will speak somewhat hereafter) and to meet with other their wrongs and injuries, they should surprise Novigrad and Zara: or at the least, that the Venetians should be enforced and of necessity constrained by that means to be bound, to pay all the losses and damages which those rovers and thieves had wrought against the Turks, both by land and by sea. For the Venetians had denied to be bound to make any such recompense, because in the public Books and Registers of Constantinople, there was not to be found any agreement, or any payment for the same, as in truth there was not. 
The fishings of Butintro.  The same Bassas also were of opinion, that it were fit the Venetians should be spoiled and bereaved of their Fishings at Buthroto, which at this day is corruptly called Butintro, (a place directly over against Corfu, and ten miles somewhat more West of La Bastia. (Whereunto they were moved, not because the Turks were never heretofore possessed of them (although the Venetians had possessed the same, long before the Turks had any possession in Albania) but only because there runneth a rumour among them, that the said fishings are rent at a hundred thousand ducats, where as in deed there is no more paid for them, than six thousand or thereabouts.  
Some other Bassas were of opinion, that the Turkish fleet should upon a sudden go forth with a good wind, 
Others persuade to attempt the coasts of the Adriatic sea.  either from Morea, or from the gulf of Lepanto, or from Prevesa, or else from Velona, and run all along the coasts of the Adriaticall sea, with a full resolution to surprise that part that should be found most convenient and commodious for them. Which course they did think would very easily sort to very good purpose, because they presumed, that all the places which lay upon the sea, might very fitly be annoyed also upon the land, for that the Turks have almost all that Country in their possession. These Bassas likewise above all other attempts, 
Others Pola.  propounded the easiness and also the great importance of possession Pola, and Ragugia. The one because it is a City, which is altogether disinhabited, and hath a very fair haven, and is situate in Istria, and is also a province not very well furnished with Soldiers and inhabitants, nor greatly strengthened or fenced with Fortresses: and principally, because it seemeth that the said City of Pola, is not distant from Venice, above a hundred and twenty miles. And the other, that is to say Raegugia, because it is (as it were) the second Gate, 
Others Ragugi.  (for the first and chiefest is thought to be Corfu) whereby you may enter into the Maritimal and Sea-state of the Venetian Commonwealth in the Adriaticall sea, and also because the situation therefore, is most fit and convenient for preparation to be made therein, for annoying of Italy, if they should mean so to do in good earnest: especially, for that the state of Rugugia hath within it most safe and spacious ports and havens, whereof indeed the Turk hath great want in that quarter of the sea.  
For Durazzo hath not any haven able to receive four Galleys, 
What ports the Turk hath in the Adriatic sea.  and also in the entrance thereof, there are many flats and shelves which are very dangerous. Twelve miles beyond Durazzo, under the Cape or Promontory of Lacchi, there is an other harbour for twenty galleys, or there abouts, but it is not very safe: neither are there any great good waters about it. In the Gulf of Velona, there is also an other harbour under the land for so many galleys likewise. Somewhat nearer on this side, about some eight miles, is the Haven called Porto Raguseo, where may lodge some thirty Galleys, but not very safely on the North, on the Northwest, nor on the West. Without the Gulf, at least in the coast of Albania, or rather within the Gulf (for the ancient Authors do bound the Adriaticall Sea with the mountains of Cimmeria) there is first the Haven of Santi quaranta (i. the forty Saints) where likewise they may entertain some few Galleys. And a little on this side of that, is Neribo, sometimes called Orico: where the Romanians touched, when they departed from Ottranto, to the end they might afterwards sail all along that coast. And this Haven is able to receive forty Galleys: but it is not very safe. The only havens of Ragugia, which be five or six, 
The haven of Santa Croce.  are of the greatest receit: in three whereof especially in the Haven of Santa-Croce, there may be entertained and harboured all the Armadaes of the world, much more the fleet of the Turkish Ships. The same place also is very fit and convenient for the Turks, because they may easily convey thither their timber for ships, from the Mountains of the Ducagini in Albania: which cannot so commodiously be brought into the other ports above mentioned as I have somewhat more at large declared in other writings that I have penned upon the occasion of this war.  
But the greatest part of the Viziers inclined most to the attempt of the Isle of Candie, 
Others persuade to attempt the Isle of Candie.  for (said they) seeing it is most necessary to secure the navigation, which the Turks continually make from Constantinople to Alexandria, for Merchandises, and for devotion to Mecca, that they might be safe from the Galleys of Spain, of Malta, and of Florence, it could not otherwise be brought to pass, 
What the Emirs are, and why they wear a green Turbante.  but by one of these two ways, as a captain of the Emirs once said. (These Emirs profess themselves to be of the right & true descent from their Law giver Mahomet, and therefore they wear a green Turbante:) that is to say, either by binding the Venetians, that they shall not only forbear to give entertainment to the said Galleys within there Seas, but also make satisfaction for all losses, that the Turks shall sustain, as often as they shall not safely guard their said ships from all such dangers. Or else by causing the Venetians to suffer and permit a good company of Turkish Galleys to be resident at Candie for that purpose. Hereunto they added also, that this attempt would prove the better, & come to good success, because that kingdom is divided in itself, by reason of the difference which is between the Greek Religion, and the Latin, and for the great discontentments, which some (but falsely and vainly peraduentur) do report, to be grown between the noble men of Venice, and the Noble men of Candie, between those that are privileged persons, and those that are tied to impositions and taxes, and between the Clowns and the Gentlemen there. And so much the rather, for that it is a very easy matter to set upon it with a Turkish Armada, seeing it is (as it were) compassed about with Anatolia, with Caramania, with Barbary, with Alexandria, with Morea, and with the Arcipelago, which are all countries belonging to the Turkish Empire: so that they may easily from hand to hand aid and succour those that should first attempt to disturb therein. Moreover, that by the purchase and winning of this most fruitful Island, they should obtain the absolute command and rule of the Sea, for that it is (as it were) the very Centre in the middle of the Mediterranean Sea, or rather of the world, considering that it is almost equally distant in situation from Asia, Africa, and Europe, so that it was by the ancient Authors adjudged the most fit and convenient seat of all the world. And this also might so much the more easily be brought to pass, for that thereby the number of the Venetians Galleys should be diminished, and the Ottoman Empire should increase the means to make many more Galleys, than now they have. Lastly, seeing there are many Candiotes remaining in Constantinople, they may have good information, and some aid also of them, and so much the more, because many of them are banished persons, and have either withdrawn themselves into that City to get their livings, by labouring in the Arsenal, and in Pera, or else are come thither with merchandises, and specially their most precious wines, which they bring through the Greater Sea▪ and from thence to the mouths of the Danowe, and so to Chilia, 
The waye● how the Muscadels of Candie are conveyed into Polonia, Moscovie & Germany.  to Galaz, to Rene, even to the Floz in Walachia, and then in Cartes into Polonia: For into Germany they are brought, not by that way (as some write) but by the Ocean to Hamburgh, and to Lubeke, and some few to Dansk: and yet there are some carried thither also by the way of Venice.   

§. XI.  
THE sixth opinion was, 
The sixth opinion to attempt Italy, and the reasons thereof.  that leaving all these other courses and enterprises, all the Forces, that the Turks could make aswell by Land, as by Sea, should be sent against Italy: And the reasons were these, That if they were minded indeed to attempt the conquest of the Monarchy of the world, the Turkish Empire should never attain unto it, unless it first obtained the Rule and Lordship of Italy: because out of that Province, as from the Centre of the universal world there do proceed all the counsels and principal assistances, that may hinder and cross the proceedings which are attempted elsewhere. That the Romans became to be Lords and Masters of the world, because they had the government of Italy in possession. That the Huns did always direct all their designementes to that only end, when they passed into Italy out of Hungaria, by Dalmatia, and by Carso. That the Alanes and the Goths, 
The Romans. The Huns. The Alani. The Goths. The Vandals.  aswell those that dwelled on this side, as those also on the other side of the Danowe, after they had conquered Grecia, entered into Italy by the way of Bosna and Croatia. That the Vandals also, having subdued Spain, went thither with an Armada of ships out of Africa: And lastly, That the Germans, the Frenchmen and the Spaniards, 
The Dutch. The French. The Spanish. The Saracens.  had oftentimes done the like. Moreover, that the Saracens (of whom it was wont to be said in the Romans times, that it was very convenient either not to have them enemies, or to keep them friends,) had overrun it all thorough, kept it a long while in their possession, and sacked Rome itself, the Lady and Empress of the world: A City, which (as Sultan Soliman very fond said according to the report of iovius) did of right belong to the Ottoman Empire, 
The foolish speech of Soliman touching Rome.  because it was alienated by Constantine, to the great prejudice of his successors. To be short, that there could no enterprise be attempted, either more glorious or more profitable, than this of Italy, for that it is the Province, which is Queen of all the rest, 
The praise of Italy.  for conveniency of situation, for temperature of air for fruitfulness for all things necessary for man's life, for the majesty and beauty of so many most famous and noble Cities, for riches, for the very Sea, and seat of the Christians religion, for the ancient Glory and mightiness of that Empire, and for many other respects. That it would also be a very easy matter to bring to pass, for that Italy is at this day ruled and governed by many Princes which are divided among themselves, as well in regard of their own private interests, as also of several nations, whereof they are proceeded: and that peradventure they are not all very willingly and lovingly obeyed of their Subjects and peoples, who by reason of the peace, which they have so many years enjoyed, will prove to be but cowards and weaklings: and for that also they are grown to such a huge multitude, as if entrance should be made into the Country, either in one part or in many, at such times as their corn were yet ripening in their fields, as the Turks should on their behalfs want no victuals, so should the Italians be of necessity constrained either to shut up themselves within their fortresses, or else to perish for hunger. Which thing will be made more manifest and clear, if ye shall consider, that now whiles they live in peace, they have not corn sufficient for their sustenance, but are enforced to provide the some abroad, and to cause it to be brought to them from Morea, 
How the Italians provide themselves of Corne.  from Constantinople, and even as far as from the Ocean. Moreover, that the Italians are accustomed for the most part to procure their livings with handi-crafts, or with traffic, in such sort, as if their trades were hindered, they should be compelled so much the rather to yield to such conditions as the conqueror shall impose upon them, or at least to become tributaries, and acknowledge the Ottomans power. And beside, that the Turkish Soldiers would willingly go thither, because they are not to pass through Countries, which are barren, frozen with Ice, and disinhabited, or through thick bushes and woods, or mountains unpasseable, but as it were in the sight of their own houses, and through their own proper Countries. And lastly, that if the Turks have entered thereinto at other times, when their borders and confines were not so convenient, nor so near as now they are: much more may they, or rather ought to attempt the same at this time, seeing they have them now so nigh and commodious.   

§ XII.  
THE seventh opinion was that they should make war first in Polonia, 
The seventh opinion, to war against Polonia, and the reasons thereof.  and then afterwards in Hungary and Germany. The reasons thereof were these: That forasmuch as it did not stand with the dignity of the Ottoman majesty, to suffer the king of Polonia so often to refuse the payment of his Tribute, it was very fit, that all forcible means should be used to recover the same. That for the many discontentmentes, which have passed in that Kingdom, there was very good hope that he might the more easily be enforced to pay it. That the war should be very convenient and commodious for the Turks, because Polonia was so near, & bordered upon Moldavia, and upon the Tartarians, and also upon the Sangiackeshippes of Achermano, & of Bendero, and upon Vosia. Again, That the entire and quiet possession of Moldavia, and Walachia, could never be kept & maintained, unless the hardy boldness of the polacks were bridled: and so much the more for that the Vaivodes of those provinces, although they were greatly enriched, yet could they never recover themselves in any distress, nor be relieved any where but in the Turks kingdom. That by these means also the injuries might be revenged, which were wrought against the Turks by the Cosacchis, when they sacked Coslou, 
The Cosacchi Coslou.  a place in Taurica belonging to the Turkish state: that thereby likewise the passage should be eased for their Merchandises, that go from the Turkish States into Moscovie: that the Moscovite himself should be put in a bodily fear, (and that pervaduenture to his great loss and damage) because his Country lay so near, especially, considering that he was the impediment, why the Ottoman Empire achieved not the total conquest of Persia. That growing in this sort so nigh unto Germany, it may be that one only discomfiture would utterly overthrow the Emperor, for that he should see his Country the more easily compassed about with the Ottoman Forces: That to be short, all the Country of Polonia is very open and without Fortresses, and that the Polackes themselves were not now to be accounted any great warriors, because they have lived so long in peace. For the wars which they made with Maximilian were but of small continuance, and the other wars which were made before by King Stephen with the Muscovite, were made by him as he was an Hungarian, and rather with Hungarian Soldiers, then with Natural polacks, and rather with besieging, then with fight.   

§ XIII.  
THE eight and last opinion was, 
The eight opinion to war against the Emperor: and the reasons thereof.  that war should be made against the Emperor, whom the Turks call, The King of Betz, that is to say, of Vienna, in times passed peradventure Vindoniana. Those which were of this opinion, were moved thereunto: for that the Vscocchis were become so insolent in praying upon the Turks both by land and by sea, 
The insolencies of the Vscocchis.  as not only in regard of the losses, which they continually wrought, but also even for the honour of the Ottoman majesty, they could no longer be endured: & so much the rather, for that the merchants subject to the Turk, both to the public and to their own private detriment, have been constrained to change the Port of Narenta, and to go to Spalleto, a Country belonging to the Venetians, to the end they might carry their merchandises into the Christians Countries, and bring back other merchandises for them into Turkey. And yet they could not by that course go and come safe, neither notwithstanding the peace, that hath been continued with the Emperor and the Venetians. Moreover, that they also ran up and down by land, stealing men's cattle, burning towns and villages, and taking children even out of the very arms of their natural mother. So that there is great reason to fear, least in time they will be able to become the Lords and masters of some neighbour-Fortresse, which would be a matter that might turn, not only to the great loss, but also much rather to the exceeding shame and dishonour of the Ottoman Empire. Again, that forsomuch as the Emperor had carried so slender a respect towards the grand-Turk, whiles he was busied in the wars of Persia, as that he delayed in deed for a long time to send him his tribute: 
The easiness of this war.  (for so the Turks call it) he made show thereby that he was rather minded to break the peace, then to maintain it. That the victory would prove both easy and certain, for that on the one side he might be assaulted in Croatia, and on the other side in Hungary, and in Austria. That the country was fruitful and abounding in all things, very commodious and fit for the Soldiers, both in regard of the nearness thereof, and also because they should pass thither (almost all the way) by their own houses. That the principal Holds of the Kingdom of Hungary, namely Belgrado, Buda, and Alba-Regale, and the rest that are of the greatest importance, were possessed and guarded vetie well with the Turkish garrisons. And that although some discomfiture might peradventure happen, yet would they be most convenient receipts for the Relics of the army, where they may be as well defended and preserved, as also repaired and renewed with such helps and aids, as are there nigh at hand. That the Emperor seemed to be inclined rather to peace then to war: and it may be also, that he is not so well esteemed and obeyed by all the Princes of Germany, as his degree requireth. That all the Princes of Germany were divided, as well in regard of their interest in Religion, and in state, as also particularly in respect of the election of the New King of Romans. That they are almost weary (as some of the Protestant Princes do severally report) of the government of the house of Austria: and that they are also too much given to the love of their treasures and riches. And finally, that seeing there are many years passed since the Germans have handled neither Lance nor Harquebus, they cannot now tell how to take Arms, nor to use them: beside that they will hardly be obedient to their Capitanes. Lastly, That even as the said Almains themselves would always dwell in murmur and distrust with the Hungarians, with the Italians and with the Spaniards, as often as they should go to the wars together, because those nations are naturally not well liked, (I will not say hated) by them: So the said Dutchmen, being enemies among themselves for the diversity of Heresies which they follow, will always be afraid, lest if the Emperor should obtain the victory and remain Conqueror, that then they shall be compelled to forsake their licentious liberty, and to obey the Pope: So that there is no doubt, but that they will rather forbear to fight, then to help their prince and themselves. 
The Emperor can have no aid of other Princes.  To be short, that there could be no fear of any aid or succours, which the Emperor might have of other princes. Not of the Polacke, nor of the Transyluanian, aswell in regard of the peace, which is between the Great Turk and then, as also for that they will be in doubt, lest they should draw all the tide and force of the war into their own States and Dominions. Besides, that the one of them would be afraid, lest he should be enforced to abandon the Frontiers, and retire himself to the frozen Sea, and the other lest he should be deprived of that Estate, which he possessed by the Grant of the Ottoman House. Moreover, that the King of Spain, who is the only Man that can help the house of Austria in deed, is otherwise employed and busied. That the pope cannot yield supply for all, that shall be needful in this business. That the Italian princes will not run in haste to spend their Treasures, nor consume their subjects for an other man's benefit. And for conclusion, That the State of Venice, doubting that it should thereby provoke the Ottoman Forces against itself, would rather stay to see the issue and success of the war, than it would put itself to a certain, or at least to a doubtful danger of overthrowing itself.  
And these were the several opinions of the Viziers, inconsiderate no doubt for the most part, and agreeable to their barbarous temerity and rashness, whereby they feign unto themselves that those things are easy, which afterwards by experience they prove not only to be difficult and hard, but also very dangerous and pernicious.   

§ XIIII.  
But for as much as my meaning is to satisfy those also, that may in any sort doubt of the variety and truth of the things, which I have spoken, I will add hereunto in brief, how the Turks come acquainted with our matters, and how we come acquainted with theirs: though it be most certain, that the like consultations are proper to all Princes, 
The consultations of Soliman & Selim.  and particularly to the Ottoman Princes, as among other examples, we know that Soliman, and the last Selim, did use the same, the one of them by examining with his Bassas the forces of all the Princes of the world, and the other by advising with them, which might be the most certain way to conquer the Christians.  
Without doubt the great Turk, 
How the Turks come to the knowledge of our affairs.  and the great men of that Court are very well informed and advertised, aswell of all actions that daily happen, as also of the designementes and purposes, yea and of the most secret counsels of our Princes, sometimes by the merchants, 
merchants slaves.  which of all nations are at Constantinople, and sometimes by the Slaves, whom the Turks every day. A great number whereof, do also very oftentimes most impiously deny and renounce the faith and religion of Christ, either for rewards that are propounded and offered unto them, or else to avoid the most horrible and cruel punishment, which they had before endured at their barbarous hands, or peradventure for some other end and purpose, as did of late years one of the emperors Secretary, who was resident at Constantinople. 
The Emperor's Secretary became a Renegado The Jews.  Besides that the Hebrues, who are the most cunning and crafty searchers and inquirers of matters, and most mortal enemies to the Christians are dispersed in great number over all the Turkish dominion, especially by reason of the traffic which they use continually in the Ottoman Market towns, and also for the tolles and customs which are almost wholly in their hands, through all that state. And they think, that by serving the Turks for spies and pryers into our actions and affairs they shall not only secure themselves of their goods, their own persons, and their children, but also that they shall reap great gain and commodity of importance, whereby they do much gratify and pleasure the great estates of that Empire. The last war which the Venetians had with the Turk, was much occasioned by one john Miches an Hebrew, 
john Miches a Jew.  who was discontented with them, because he could not by stealth convey away certain merchandises, which under a forged name he had caused to be brought to Venice. 
John Lopes a Jew.  Of one John Lopez, an Hebrew also (whose picture by order of the holy Inquisition was of late years burned at Rome) it is most certainly known for a truth, that he imparted and commnnicated with Amurath many secrets of Pope Xistus Quintus which he by espial had found and learned whiles he remained in Rome. Lastly, it is not to be doubted, but that the Turks do also keep diverse Spies in pay, 
Spies among Christians.  that are near to all the Princes in Christendom: yea (and that which is a great matter, but yet it is true) even among the Switzers, and Grisons of purpose to understand what levies of Soldiers are made of those people's.   

§ XV.  
ANd as touching our Christian Princes, 
How we come to the knowledge of the Turks affairs  the expenses are most notorious and well known, which they bestow, not only to learn the counsels one of another, (and that oftentimes to the great shame and damage of those that serve them in these actions) but especially and principally to understand the counsels and designments of the Turk their common enemy. For those Princes which have the greatest interest and intercourse with him, do keep (even within the City of Constantinople) many Spies in pay, 
Spies, Jews and Turks.  yea giving wages and stipends to the very jews, and also to such Turks, as are most in trust, and nearest in credit with the chief Bassas, besides the large gifts which they liberally bestow upon others, when they have any matter of moment communicated unto them. Moreover, 
The Bassaes.  the Bassas themselves will not stick sometimes to impart to our Ambassadors such matters, as are propounded among them in their secret and privy Council before the great Turk himself: although he doth use very oftentimes to call his Council into the field, taking occasion to go on hunting, to the end it should not be so easy for any particular persons to sound the depth of his deliberations. 
Why the Bassas disclose the Turks secrets.  But the Bassas are hereunto moved upon diverse and sundry considerations: sometimes upon affection, as heretofore did Mahomet Socolevich the chief Visier of Selim, and the Muphtis of that time, 
What a Muphtis.  to the Agents of the state of Venice.  
Muphtis is the chiefest man among the Turks in their spiritual Superstitions, & the chief Interpreter of the law of Mahomet, and is of so great authority in show and appearance that in matters of counsel his opinion is never contradicted or gainsaid: I say in appearance, because when the Turk is disposed to have any matter go forward in deed, the Muphtis either for flattery, or for fear, is the first and chiefest man to commend it.  
Sometimes the Bassas are moved so to do, for that by quarreling and jarring among themselves, they think by these means the more easily to disturb the designments and purposes of their opposites, as peradventure the aforesaid Bassas did, and as Sinan and Ferat at last were wont to do. Or to be short, they are very oftentimes moved thereunto, because all Turks generally are beyond all measure greedy of bribes and gifts: as for example among the Bassas, that same Hassan showed himself to be, 
The cunning knavery of Hassan Bassanes  who was a Venetian of the Cilestri, and General of the Sea before Cicala. For when one of the Viziers had offered in Council to the great Turk that he would surprise the City of Venice, and was not harkened unto, but rather reproved for his ridiculous vanity, he went strait to the Venetian Bailo, or Agent, and told him, that whereas such a matter was propounded in the Council by others, he withstood it, for the natural affection which he carried towards that Common wealth: for the which he received a most rich present. Lastly, it is true also, that the Ottoman Counsellors do reward their servants, and enrich them by imparting their secrets unto them, to the end that they may afterwards acquaint such withal, as use to be most liberal to them. 
The Lady Sultanes.  And so do they likewise to their women: whereupon it cometh to pass, that the Sultan Ladies (who are either the Kinsfolks or the favourites of the great Turk, dwelling continually in the Serraglioes, where all principal businesses are managed and handled) become acquainted with these secrets, which afterwards for very rich gifts and presents that are sent to the said Ladies, from the officers and Agents of such Princes as the secrets do concern, by the eunuchs that wait upon them and keep them, are very easily disclosed and revealed. Moreover they do sometimes endeavour with all their study and industry, to perform some notable service towards some Prince, to the end they might receive the oftener and richer Gratuities from him. The mother of the now reigning Turk, pretendeth to honour the state of Venice, and craveth of it very many times some reward for the same. It is not long ago since all the Sultan Ladies requested of the said state, 
Feathers made of Glass.  that it would forbid the carrying out of certain feathers that are counterfeited and forged of glass, at Murano: which being joined and set together, do much resemble the plumes made of a Herons feathers. And this request they made, because the said counterfeit or forged feathers, were sold so good cheap at Constantinople, and yet did so please and satisfy the people, that the said Sultan Ladies could not sell at so high a rate, as before they did, the goodly bunches and bundles of feathers of several birds, which were sent unto them for Presents, from diverse quarters in great quantities: 
The use of wearing feathers, how and where it began.  for it is the use not only of men, but of women also, to wear such feathers on their heads: following therein the manner of the Tartarians, (from whom it came to the Turks:) for that Zingi Chan (who by some is not rightly called Chan-gio,) was saved alive by the means of an Owl: for this Bird having alighted upon a certain thicket of young trees, among which Zingi had hidden himself, for fear of his enemies that pursued him, they did verily think that there could not be any body there, because the Bird remained there so quietly. Whereupon the Tartarians (sayeth Haytho) do hold the said Bird in great reverence, so that he, which at that time could get any of her feathers, accounted himself a happy man. And ever after, all the other Tartarians from hand to hand have still continually used to wear the like feathers on their heads in memory of that action, and for a kind of Reverence.   

§ XVI.  
But to return to our discourse where we left it: 
Amurath resolveth to make war upon the Emperor.  Amurath, after he had floated and wavered certain days between the contrarieties of these his Viziers Opinions, resolved with himself to move war against the Emperor, hoping in this part of the world also to surpass the memory of his predecessors, as he thought he had done in Persia, and so much the rather, for that he was to make war in a Country adjoining to his own, and consequently very convenient for Victuals, and not inconvenient for his Subjects. 
Encouraged thereunto by Sinan Cicali.  Hereunto he was also encouraged and heartened by Sinan Cicala, after that he perceived he had not persuaded the enterprise of Corfu: hoping withal to obtain the Generalshippe, whereby he might put down his Opposites, and purchase great riches: especially having authority, as indeed for the space of seven years he had, to do whatsoever the Great Turk himself might have done, if he had been present in the Campe. 
By Hassan the Bassa of Bosna  Moreover Hassan the Bassa of Bosna, a man rather temerarious and headdie, then valorous: (if ye consider what he did in Croatia) continually solicited Amurath to the same purpose: both for the self same end, which is common to all the Turks, that is to say, to enrich himself by the means of war, and also because he verily believed, that by this course he should safely attain and come to those supreme honours and dignities, which were foretold him by the superstitious South sayers. For being the Great Turks chief Cuthroat or Executioner, he was a most vain observer of such divinations: Whereupon to satisfy Sinan and himself, he did continually advertise and inform the Turk of the losses and damages that were wrought by the Vscocchis, and by the Subjects of the Archduke, and of the burnings and spoils that they committed whiles they overran the Country: wherewith he did also assure him, that the best course he could take, was to begin the war in those parts, and afterwards pursue the same either against the Emperor, or against the Venetians, or else passing over on a sudden into Italy (as was done in the days of Mahomet, of Bajazet, and of Soliman) to put all the princes of that Province into an exceeding fear, and so to reap and bring home most rich and wealthy spoils. Yea he solicited him so far, that at the last he obtained licence of the Turk to begin the war, by making himself to be seen and known that he was in the confines of the Emperor: but yet with secret commission, that he should not say he did it upon his commandment. He erected the Fort of Petrina upon the river of Cupa, 
The fort of Petrina.  which he called of himself Hassan Grad: a place from whence he might easily run over the Country, and bridle Carlistod, Zagabria, Metlica, and all the Countries round thereabout: and spoiling the villages every where, he filled all places with terror, with tears, and with lamentations. And one thing I will note by the way, 
A Parallel of two Bassaes.  which is memorable, and notable, Namely, that the first man also, that overranne the Country in the confines of Persia at the last wars, in token that the Turk had broken the peace with him, was called even by the same name Hassan, being the Bassa of Van, which is a City either of Medea, now called Seruan, and Vaaspracan, or in the confines thereof, and was sometimes the uttermost place that the Turks had toward Persia: and the same Hassan was none otherwise overthrown by the Persians, then as afterwards it happened to this Hassan, in fight with the Emperialistes.   

§ XVII.  
But because I have oftentimes made mention of the Vscocchis, 
What the Vscocchis be.  it will not be far from the purpose, before I pass to other matter, briefly to tell you, who they be, and so much the rather, because they were the occasion of so great a war. It is not true, that those whom we call Vscocchi, (which signifieth by the Sclavoine word Scoci, Skippers, or Lepers, because they skip and leap like Goats, with their corded shoes upon the tops of the Mountains.) It is not true (I say) that they are Inhabitants of Chimaera, as iovius and others that follow his opinion do believe. For the Vscocchis do dwell about five hundred miles distant from the Chimeriottes (and yet they are both people of Albania) in the Mountains that 
The Vscocchis and the Chimeriotti not all one people.  are called Acroceraunii, in the mouth of the Gulf, right against the Cape of Santa Maria, the uttermost Promontory of all Italy. The Vscocchis speak the Sclavoine speech, but the Chimeriottes the Albanian: The one live after the Romish rite, the other after the Greek. The one are a company gathered together, and that but of a few, the other natural by country, and many in number. Among the Vscocchis there be many Murlacchis, which cannot stay under the Turk, and many that are banished by the state near to the Venetians and other Princes thereabouts, and fled to the Vscocchis for very poverty. 
What the Martelossi are.  There are also among them many Martelossi, that are Spies, and thieves in those quarters: for so in deed signifieth the word Martelos, so that it is the name of a profession, and not of a Nation, 
What the Murlacchis are.  as some have thought. And because I have also made mention of the Murlacchis, I will not omit to tell you what they be. The Murlacchis are called in those parts all the Christians that dwell in the Mountains, but specially those that inhabit the mountain Lica, which is between Novigrad and Segna. The original of the Sclavoine word Moralacchi, was at the beginning, when the Barbarians came into Italy, because after that they had passed Walacchia, they called the people's that dwelled at the Adriatic Sea by that name, as if they would say, Dwellers on the Sea. For even as the Turks do call all the Italians by the general word Franchi, of the particular nation of the Frenchmen, so did the Barbarians term all Italians likewise by that term of Vulacchi, or Vuloschi, as though they were Walacchians.  
The Vscocchis do dwell upon the Sea at Segna, 
Where the Vscocchis do dwell  and Buccari, and within the land of Othozaz, and over all Vinodol, which is a territory belonging to the Conte of S●rim. And although they run up and down all those quarters, spoiling and robbing, and stealing all that they can get, no otherwise then the Turcomanni did in times passed among the Grecians, yet are they tolerated by the Imperial Officers, because they would not lose the devotion and benevolence of that people, who without any expenses or charges of those estates, and with great bravery defend those Frontiers, even as the Cosacchis do in Polonia, 
Why they are tolerated by the Imperialists.  of whom I will speak more hereafter. But because they are thus tolerated and also protected, contrary to the covenants and agreements that have passed between the Imperialistes and the Turks, 
The Turks grieved with this toleration.  and also concerning the sea between the Venetians and the Turks, they have oftentimes given occasion to the Turks to put hands to their weapons, for the defence of their subjects and of their merchandises, which they carry to Ancona, & to Venice: 
The Venetians grieved at it also.  yea & the Venetians themselves have been occasioned to do the like, as well for the maintenance of the jurisdiction which they pretend to have in the Adriaticall sea, as also because they would take away all occasions from the Turks to come with an Armada, for revenge of the injuries and losses, which they have received by the said Vscocchi: and finally, because they would not be troubled with the great Turk, as always they are, when his subjects are spoiled, by demanding amends for the same. Moreover, the Vscocchis have within this little time laid their hands to rob the Christians also of their merchandises, and particularly the Venetians, not (as their Vaivodes and Arambassi do say) for the losses which they received these last years, whiles they were besieged in Segna, but in truth to enrich themselves, by all the injurious ways and means they could. Whereunto they do the more willingly apply themselves, because they know very well that they cannot be hindered or at least very hardly, by the said Venetians, for that they come backed and assisted by the Imperialistes, and can quickly recover their own home, as in deed they do both safely and securely, and whensoever they list.  
These Vscocchis, may come forth into the Sea, to pray and spoil by four ways: that is to say, between Fiume, Veghia, and Cherso: 
How many ways the Vscocchis may come forth to the Sea.  between these Islands and Arbe, between Arbe and Pago, and between Pago, and the firm land of Zara. This last passage hath somewhat a strait Channel, and may be of some 100 paces.  
The Venetians do keep diverse Galleys, and Barks armed, 
How the Vscocchi may be hindered from their Thieving.  that walk continually up and down these Channels to hinder the Vscocchis, but by reason of the many disorders, that have hitherto happened, there are now but some Galleys only, or at least accompanied with a few Barks of small avail. It were very necessary, principally to multiply the number of Barks, which being backed behind with Galleys, might easily set upon the Vscocchis: and then without all doubt they might make the passage for Merchants to be more safe and secure: and somuch the better if there were appointed certain watches, even in such places as were fittest for that purpose. And although to do this, the costs and charges would be of some moment, yet they might well be borne, considering they shall be used but for a small time: for the Vscocchis being once severed and scattered, they cannot so easily unite themselves together again: And the Merchants also no doubt, would willingly contribute to the charges, forasmuch as it concerneth their benefit and interest principally. There might also a remedy be had against their thieveries in another sort, that is, by contributing to the chief Captains of the said Vscocchi, a certain sum of money competent, to the end they should abstain from doing any damage by Sea, either to the Turks or Christians. For to hinder thieves from robbing, especially such as these be, who are very courageous and hardy, is a thing almost impossible, unless it might be performed in deed by an open war. And if any man should think, that this course would displease the Turk, for that he could not but suspect that the Venetians did not effectually employ themselves against the Vscocchis, so long as their own Merchants did pass to and fro in safety: and forasmuch also, as this deliberation and agreement could not be kept so secret, but that it must needs come to the knowledge of the Turks: I do think verily, that it may be provided for by one of these two means: either by signifying so much to the great Turk himself whose satisfaction is principally respected, or else by making supplication to the Pope, that in regard of the public quiet he would interpose himself to cause payment to be made to the said chief Captains, with the moneys of the state of Venice, or of the Merchants, to be delivered to his Holiness secretly. Moreover the Emperor himself might be treated withal, that his Imperial Majesty would be pleased to accept of a convenient Garrison for the defence and custody of Segna, and of those Confines. Or rather, which would be the true remedy indeed, they might by general consent and agreement be drived quite out of those Countries, considering that they are public and common thieves, and authors of the greatest troubles in Christendom: yea and so much the rather, for that otherwise they can never be diminished, much less utterly extinguished, aswell because they are not forbidden or hindered from multiplying themselves, and receiving new supplies daily into their troops: 
A law among the Vscocchis.  as also and principally because they have a law, that when the husband dieth, the wife remaineth heir of all, and he that afterwards taketh her to wife, becometh Lord and Master of all that she possesseth.  
And hitherto let it be sufficient to have spoken of the Vscocchis, and of the means how to repress their insolencies: wherein I refer myself, as also in all other things which I have heretofore said, and am hereafter to say, to better judgements than mine own, and to persons that are better informed than I am.   

am XVIII.  
AMurath then having moved war against the Emperor, Sigismundo Battori, the Prince of Transiluania, 
Sigismundo Battori the Transiluanian declareth himself an open enemy to the Turk.  showed himself openly to be against the Turk a matter verily not expected by him, and little hoped for by those that examined things only by reason, and according to state: for assuredly it was the work of the only providence of God. For by this open declaration of this prince, there is arisen without all doubt, the security and safety of Germany and Italy, with the most notable diversion of the war, that ever hath happened hitherto against the proceedings of the Turks, by all the princes Christian that have fought with them. 
The offer of Sinan.  Whereupon Sinan having offered himself, after the death of Hassan, to go in person for the recovery of that which was lost, and to restrain the tongues of such as did sting and backbite him to his grand Seignieur as being the Author of this council, and being gone forth in deed with supreeme and sovereign authority, there happened between the one side and the other, all those actions, which shall be particularly written by the Historiographers.  
And behold, 
The death of Amurath and his sepulchre.  whiles this Sinan was at Belgrado, the Emperor Amurath died the 9 day of januarie in the year 1595. and was buried at Constantinople, in a Meschita, or Meszita, which he had made in his life time, 
Why the Turks temples are 〈◊〉 Moschee.  and dedicated to Bahalzebuf, that is to say, to the Idol of Flies: for thereupon peradventure such fabrikes or buildings are either corruptly or in mockage called by us Christians Moschee, of Moscha which signifieth a Flie. Prince Mahamet being returned from Magnesia to Constantinople, after the death of his father, 
Mahamet succeed.  by the great carefulness of Ferat, who presently dispatched a Galley unto him, and being enthronized according to the accustomed Ceremonies of the Ottomans, the deliberations and consultations touching the war, were renewed. It was thought at the first, that Mahamet was rather inclined to peace then otherwise, having found (as it was noted unto you in the beginning of this discourse) the City full of dearth, his subjects not well pleased with this war, 
The pretence of Sinan to be chief Visier.  the Bassas divided among themselves, and specially the two chiefest of them, Sinan and Ferat: for the one challenged the chief place, because he was always most loving towards him, and had dissuaded his father from a certain determination that sometimes he had to put him to death, for jealousy of the state, and had ever advertised him from time to time, whatsoever had happened in the Empire The other thought that he had purchased great merit, 
The pretence of Ferat to be chief utsier.  because he had in so short a time brought him into the possession of his Empire, that he had so greatly desired, and that at such a time, as was most important for the estate of all his affairs. In such sort, 
The death of them both.  as for these causes, and for others also which I have told you before, they justled lustily one against the other● till in the end they were both brought to their deaths.  
Notwithstanding Mahamet, 
The reasons that moved Mahamet to go forth to the war in person.  after that he had somewhat settled his household & domestical affairs, was of necessity constrained to go forth to the war in his own person: and principally besides the reasons before alledhed, because the Soldiers did not stick openly to give him to understand, that to the camp they would go no more without the presence of their great Lord: for that they were greatly discontented with the former Generals, Sinan and Ferat, who had entreated them very hardly. Besides that the seeds of civil discords, did as yet remain alive, in those that were affectionate, some to one of them, and some to the other: And lastly because Cicala had promised him assured victory, if he would so do.   

§ XIX.  
IN this year, which was the first year of his going forth, 
The taking of Agria and the importance thereof.  he surprised Agria: a place which although it be not very strong in regard of the hill, that commandeth it, yet is it of great inportance for the situation, because the uniting of the Transylvanians forces with the Emperors will be now more difficult, for that the Turks will continually haunt and beat the way that leadeth from Toccai to Cassovia: for the other upper way of Sacmar, is much longer. And it is so much of greater importance, because if the walls of Agria be repaired, the Turk may there maintain a puissant army, between both his enemies.   

§ XX.  
IN this year also happened the battle, 
A doubtful battle.  whereof without doubt it may be said, that either both the armies remained victorious, the Imperial in the beginning, and the Ottoman in the end: or else that neither of them was vanquished by the other, seeing both of them retired uncertain of their own estates or how the matter had gone with them. And so do we read, that it happened even alike in the battle between Lewes the xi king of France, 
Lewes the 11. Charles duke of Burgundy.  and Charles Duke of Burgoine: to leave the examples of the greeks and romans, that are more ancient. Whereupon it was, that both the armies following the advise and counsel of Leo the Emperor, did rather give encouragement to their several peoples, with signs of apparent joy on both sides, then confess their losses. 
The flight of Mahamet.  True it is in deed, that Mahamet saw with his own eyes, that at the beginning his army was so discomfited and confounded, as greatly fearing his life, he fled to a hill in the sight of Agria, accompanied with some few of his Agalaries, and there dried and wiped his eyes with a piece of Mahomet's apparel, 
He dried his eyes with a piece Mahamet's vesture.  which for reverence he carried about him. Trne it is that our Men had showed very great valour: for less than 50. thousand Soldiers▪ (so many jump, as Francisco Maria, Duke of Vrbino required, for the extirpation and rooting out of that tyranny,) went to meet with the enemy, fought with him, and discomfited an Army of 300. thousand persons, even in the presence and view of their Prince, who had gathered the same together, almost out of all the Forces of his Empire. Insomuch as it cannot any way be doubtted, but that if our men had been less greedy, more united, better advised and instructed, and above all if they had been the friends of the Lord of Hosts, they had obtained one of the most singular victories, that peradventure was ever obtained by the christians, yea and had taken Mahamet prisoner, as Bajazet the first was at Mount Stella, by the Great Tamur Chan, that is to say, an Iron Lord, who is otherwise by some corruptly called Tamerlan and Tamburlan. 
Tamerlan.  In brief, to conclude this part, the Turkish Captains having showed small knowledge and little valour, and therefore many of them were degraded and put to death, and almost all the common Soldiers having likewise showed great cowardice and astonishment of mind: it is very likely that their Great Lord and Master will think better of his business in the year to come, either by making peace, or by continuing the war with less danger. Whereupon, whiles Christendom attendeth and waiteth in great perplexity of her doubtful cogitations, peraducnture it shall not be unprofitable, if (as much as shall lie in me) I go about a little further to search out the thoughts and counsels of our enemies, and examine what may or aught to be done by our Prince's Christian to advance their businesses, to the glory of God and man.  
The end of the Second Part.    

The third part.  
Wherein is treated, That suppose the Turk will grow to Peace, whether it be good that the Emperor and the Transyluanian make peace with him: with a discourse of such matters, as if the war continue, the said Princes may work against him: & what the other Christian Princes may also do, to meet at all times, with such dangers as may alight upon Christendom by the Ottoman Forces,  
IN this last Part then, I will show first, That let it be supposed, Mahamet the Emperor of the Turks, hath a desire to grow to a Peace with the Christian Emperor, and with the Transyluanian, whether it be good that those Princes should make peace with him: and secondly I will discourse upon such matters as the great Turk feareth, if the war be continued, may be wrought against him, as well by the said Princes, as by the other Princes of Christendom. Wherewith I will also endeavour myself to give you such notice and knowledge of peoples and places, as peradventure this my travail shall be deemed altogether unprofitable.  

§ I.  
EVen from the very beginning of this war, 
Advice given to Mahamet to make peace with the Emperor.  Amurath refused to treat of peace, whereunto he was greatly solicited by the Ambassadors of France, and England: to the end they might have procured him to make war by Sea, (as before I noted) against the king of Spain, of purpose to divert him from the war, which the said king continued against their Princes. Their instant motions they reinforced again after the two overthrows given to the two Hassans, the one in Croatia, and the other in Hungary: and a while after that, the stirs and tumults of almost an open rebellion that were perceived in Constantinople, which after the death of Amurath, were much more renewed in Mahamet's time. They did also most manifestly set before his eyes the difficulties of this present war, & brought him to a consideration how much more easily the other might be effected. Moreover, they considered also the open declaration, that the prince of Transiluania had made, whereby without all doubt the difficulties of the war might grow greater to the Turks: for that the said Prince being a young man & valiant, and having gained a very great reputation among diverse peoples and nations, as well friends, as enemies, he would never be drawn back by any other means, but only by necessity: whereunto it would be the hardest matter in the world to drive him, as long as there was no peace made with the Emperor, which peace could not by all likelihoods be hoped for at that time, considering the common interests of both the said Princes, the new confederacy concluded betwixt them by their late alliance, the insurrection of the Ra●cians (of whom I will speak in their due place) the rebellions of the Vnivodes of Moldavia and Walacchia, and lastly the fear which all the Turks had, lest the Transiluanian should be the man, that was to bring low, 
The Turks fear the Transiluanian.  or peradventure quite to overthrow the unmeasurable hugeness of the Turkish Empire. Insomuch as Mahamet giving ear to the foresaid reasons, & fearing above all things to provoke and raise against himself a league and confederacy of the Christian Princes, (a matter greatly feared of all the Ottoman Princes) it seemed as well by the answer which he caused to be given to the said Agents, as also by that which he went about to work, 
Mahamet contented that peace betreaed of.  that he had a mind not altogether alienated or estranged from peace, and so much the rather, for that he permitted the Beglerbey of Grecia to negotiate and treat with the Agents of the Emperor, of the Transiluanian, and of the Walacchian.   

§ II.  
HOwbeit, the truer opinion was, that this Mahamet was encouraged to war, 
Mahamet resolved to continue war. The presage of Ferdinando. Why the Turks negotiate peace.  yea never a whitlesse then his father Amurath was, especially after the overthrow which he received in Croatia, to recover the reputation that he had lost: for so was it the opinion of the old Archduke Ferdinando, that it would come to pass. But in deed it was thought, that he rather negotiated the peace (besides those reasons that are above specified) as well to follow the use of all wars, and specially of the Ottomans, as also by that means to make us Christians, the more negligent and careless in our resolutions and preparations: hoping above all other things, that we while peace was entreating, would walk more fearfully and warily in annoying him, lest we should thereby provoke him further: Even as it fell out (just) to the Emperor Maximilian the second, 
Why Maximilian the 2. did not surprise Alba-Regale, when he might.  who for none other respect forbore to surprise and reduce to his subjection Alba-Regale, but only because he would not anger Soliman, with whom he was then in treaty of peace: which although it was indeed concluded, yet was it afterwards broken with the great loss of the said Emperor.  
But let us suppose, that Mahamet either desired at that time to make peace in good earnest, or at least desireth it now at this time, 
Points of consideration.  it is fit and convenient to consider very well, whether in regard of the present state of our affairs, we on our behalfs ought to make peace with him, I will report the principal points, whereupon in mine opinion this whole business, and the resolution of so important a matter dependeth. Of which points some do belong to the Emperor, and to the Transiluanian, and some others to the honour and interest of all Christendom: leaving the same notwithstanding to the judgement of other men.   

§ III.  
THE first thing to be considered is, 
Conditions of peace, which the Turk will look for.  that we may probably believe the Turk will never make peace, unless on the one side the Emperor, and the Transiluanian do make restitution unto him of all his places which they have surprised: and on the other side, he must remain free and unbound from making any restitution, especially of any thing that is of moment. 
A law of the Turks not to restore any thing once gotten.  For the Turks hold it for an inviolable law, that the ground which is once trodden with the feet of their horses, & taken into possession, ought never to be restored: & specially if they have built any Meschites, or Temples therein, or else when the places which they have gotten, be convenient for them, and for their advantage. And although we do read that Amurath the second▪ after he had spoiled and deprived the Despote, George Wocoviche of Servia, yet he restored him to his estate which he had lost: 
●eogie Wocovich Dispote of Servia, father in law to Amurath the second.  yet ye must understand that Amurath did so, because he was desirous to make peace with the Hungarians, whose valour he greatly feared. Besides that he was also his father in law, because he had a daughter of his to his wife, although she were of the Greek Religion. One of those sins, for which it hath pleased God to spoil and deprive many Rulers of those Countries, 
George Wocovich termed an Infidel because he majied his daughter to the Turk. Cephalonia recovered by the Venetians.  even of their States and Liberties, as it happened to the said George himself, after the last overthrow of Laodislaus: whereupon in their Sclavoyne songs, he is to this day called Heviernish, that is to say an Infidel. True it is also, that Cephalonia the Island, belonging sometimes to the Turk, is now in the possession of the State of Venice, after it was conquered by the help of consalvo di Cordua, called the Grand Captain, either because the Turk thinketh it is a matter of no moment, 
Selim restored diverse places to Giacomo Soranzo, for the behoof of Venice.  or else that it is not very easy to be recovered. So Selim in the last peace that he made with Venice, was contented that there should be restored to Giacomo Soranzo Commissioner for that State, by Ferat Bey, (he that of late years died Bassa of Buda,) thirteen villages that were by the bordering Turks, surprised in that war, in the territory of Zara: fourteen more in the territory of Sebenico, and somewhat also in the territory of Spalleto: For by that mean he thought he should be the better assured of the breach and dissolving of that League, whereof at the last he was greatly afraid.  
The Restitution, which we may fear, that Mahamet looketh to have from the Emperor will be in Croatia, of the contentious Fort of Petrina, 
What restitution Mahamet looketh for of the Emperor  and of all that which he hath surprised upon the way of Canisa, beyond the river Drava, even as far as Baboz, which is near unto Zighet his Frontier. In the lower Hungary he looketh for the restitution of Strigonia, and Vicegrado: and in upper Hungary of Vaccia, Filec and Novigrad. And it may be moreover, that he will challenge the repairing of the burnt walls of Attuan, or some increase of Tribute, (as he calleth it,) for his expenses in the war.  
Of the Prince of Transyluania, 
What restitution he looketh for from the Transyluanian.  he will challenge the restitutition of Walacchia, and require that he divest and deprive himself of all pretences and titles, which he sayeth he hath thereunto. Moreover that he restore unto him Lippa, which is of great importance to Transyluania, because it is in his confines, and within the Bassanate of Temesuar upon the river Marisso: And finally, that the Sangiackeshippes of janova and Bezcherech with divers other places of less name which he had burned may be repaired, or else that he may be well paid for them: besides some other gifts and yearly augmentations, which he looketh for. 
What places the Turk for his part will never restore.   
On the other side, ye may almost be assured that there will never be gotten of Mahamet the Country of Turevopolie, which is between Sava and Cupa, 
What a Bano is.  now under the jurisdiction of the Bano: Bani are certain Governors of Provinces, but are of less authority than the Beglerbyes', though some have written otherwise. Neither shall ye ever get of him Biz, or Bicagi, a place of some importance, because it is more towards the Sea coast, near to the territory of the Venetians to come to Novigrad: nor in Hungary on this side of the Danowe, Vesprino, and Giavarino, with the Castles near adjoining, and beyond the Danow Agria, the last place that he hath taken.  
I have thought good to set down the said places by their particular names, to the end that by knowing what matters of greatest moment and importance are in the possession of either side, my narration and discourse may prove the plainer.   

§ FOUR  
THE second thing to be considered is this: 
what danger if both Emperor and Transiluaman do not join together to make peace with the Turk  if the Turk refuse to make peace jointly with the Emperor and the Transiluanian together, whether these Princes ought to agree to a peace the one without the other. Certain it is, that to do it severally and disjoined, would be to the great danger of him that is the weaker, or of him that is excluded out of the peace, and also it would be against the confederacy, against the covenants and conditions whereunto they have sworn, and against the promises, which they have both made to the Pope. Moreover, who can doubt but that it would also be against all law and duty of gratitude on the emperors behalf, 
Ingratitude in the Emperor.  in regard of the singular benefit, which he hath received by this open declaration that the Transiluanian hath made against the Turk? and on the Transylvanians part, 
Breach of faith in the Transiluanian.  would it not be against the observation and keeping of his word, which he professeth to be inviolable, and quite contrary to that which he hath hitherto refused to do, although he hath been thereunto required, both by the last, and also by this now present Emperor of the Turks, with most ample and large conditions of benefit, of honourable titles, and of perpetual protection? Which if the Emperor Ferdinand● had regarded, most certain it is, that little less than all Hungary had been at this day in the possession of our enemies.  
Moreover, 
No faith in Infidels.  who can ever promise to himself any faith in an Infidel, without fear, that he will not break the bonds of all lawful peace at his pleasure? considering that princes, & specially the barbarous Princes never wanted plausible and likely pretences so to do as the Venetians do know very well by the faith and promise, that Selim did break with them, in the year 1570. besides almost an infinite number of examples, that might be alleged thereof. Which point of breach of faith, although in truth no prince can in reason fear, yet certain it is, 
The Transiluanian is to fear breach of faith in the Turk.  that the Transiluanian Prince hath an exceeding great cause to fear it, because the Ottoman house thinketh, that from him only it hath received all the injuries and all the losses of this present war, and that by his only Rebellion (for so do the Turks call this his just and lawful desire, which he hath to withdraw himself from the Turkish sovereignty) all their designments and complots have been interrupted and frustrated, and the course of their hoped victories utterly stopped: and so much the rather ought he to fear it, for that if the whole tide and force of the war should come upon him alone, hardly could he defend himself from so mighty an enemy, if he should not be aided and succoured, neither by the Polacke, nor by the Emperor: for of himself alone he is but a poor and a weak Prince. And although it may seem, that he hath a state fortified by nature, and therefore might peradventure be defended for some time, yet in the end he should of necessity be constrained, either willingly or by force to yield to that power, which is now grown to be so terrible and fearful to the whole world both for number of people, and also for treasure, and in respect of all manner of furniture for war, almost invincible.  
Neither should the Emperor be free from fear in this point, 
The 〈…〉 ●eare the same  if the Transiluanian should be at peace with the Turk: because it would be enough for the Ottoman Emperor only to have these princes disarmed for a time. For he knoweth very well with how great difficulty Soldiers are brought together again under their ensigns, after that they are once returned home: and especially how hard it is for the Emperor, who is constrained to make war rather with auxiliary Soldiers, then with his own, who also cannot come to succour him without some time, and the meeting together of circuits and dietes, which are to be holden, before any thing can be done.  
And thus upon these reasons that have been set down, it may be concluded very resolutely, that to make peace on this fashion, would not only not be helpful to the two Princes, but also much more dangerous and pernicious to both their estates, for that the enemy may shortly after take up arms again, and renew the war with greater advantage, whensoever he shall think it fit and convenient for him.   

§ V.  
THE third and last consideration, which appertaineth not so much to the aforesaid Princes, 
Where it is likely the Turk will bend his forces next.  but to all Christendom together, is, that suppose the Turk do make peace, and keep it for a while, where may we think in reason, that he will hereafter direct his arrows? For we have established this for a most certain ground and foundation, that the Ottoman Empire doth keep her Subjects always occupied and employed in new wars, against some state or other, as having had her original and maintenance by force and arms.  
Of truth it is not to be thought, that he will renew the war against the King of Persia, 
Not against the king of Persia.  at the least as yet, and not being provoked thereunto: because the Soldiers of Europe, who are the sinews and strength of his Armies, do abhor to go thither, by reason of the length of the journey, the want of victuals, the roughness of the ways, and the brave valour of the Persians. And so much the less is it likely that he will renew the war there, because it is but a while ago since he made peace with that king, and for that he hath not as yet fully established the foundations of his new Fortresses. And to be brief, the Persian indeed wanteth no Soldiers for there are three sorts of Soldiers that go to war under him: The Turcomanni, who are unto him as Feudataries be with us, and hold their lands of him. The Corizzi, or Coridschi, who are stipendaries and waged by him: and Auxiliaries, who are such as come to aid and succour him, and namely, the Armenians, the Georgians, and others all very valiant and hardy, especially those that go to war on horseback, as all of them for the most part do, which is the greatest imperfection in the Persian Armies.   

§ VI  
NEither is it to be thought, 
Nor against the king of Fez and Morocco.  that he will move war in Africa, against Mulei Ameth the king of Fez and Morocco, 
The Siriffo of Africa.  whom the Moors call the Siriffo, which signifieth as much with the Turks, as the title of Sultan, uz. King and Lord. For in so doing, he shall get but little, and much he may lose, besides that, he shall be somewhat too far from home. Moreover Mulei Ameth, who was the Brother of Abdala and of Mahamet, is a man very hardy and warlike: insomuch as although to divert the suspicion, which his Brother Abdala had conceived against him, whiles he reigned, and was King, he showed himself even for all the world as the Ottoman Mahamet did, to avoid the wrath and displeasure of his Father, altogether given to pleasures and sensuality, 
The kingdom of Gago. The finest gold.  yet did he afterwards conquer the Kingdom of Gago, towards Guiney: from whence there is brought the most fine & pure gold xxiiii. Caractes: and holdeth in possession all that part of the Country, which is more than a hundred days journey from the Ocean sea, even above Tripoli.   

§ VII.  
NOr against the Isle of Malta, because (as Amurath was advised by Sinan Cicala, 
Nor against the Isle of Malta.  whilst he was General of the Sea) it would turn to the small credit and reputation of the Ottoman Empire, to employ so huge Forces against so small an Island, & so much the rather, because it might peradventure fall out, that he should never obtain the possession thereof, or at least it would be very hard to get it, aswell in regard that it is now much better fortified and strengthened than it was in the days of Soliman: as also because it would be very courageously defended by the ancient bravery of those most valiant knights, and sooner relieved and succoured by the Christian Princes, who are now well taught and instructed thereto by their former experience.   

§ VIII.  
NOr yet against Spain, 
Nor against Spain Insurrection of the Morescoes.  upon a vain hope, that the Moors which are there, would make an insurrection and rebel against the King: For it is not true (as some think) that they are so ready to put in execution, as indeed they are all confederated to desire innovation, yea so much the less may the Turk hope for any such insurrection, for that the said Morescoes are divided in many several places, which places are also very open and without strength: they are also unarmed, and a people of no certain faith: and therefore in such a case they will not be overhasty, and specially for fear of losing their wealth and riches. 
Portugeses & Arrogonians.   
As concerning the Portugals and the Arragonians, of whom also according to the opinion of the Bassas, it seemed that the King Catholic might stand in some fear: the truth is, that they are not only humbled by a tolerable kind of enforcement, but even of their own selves they have applied and settled their minds to an honest necessity. Moreover, those that have good intelligence in matters of state, do knowefull well, that to lend the ear to the advices and encouragement of Outlaws and discontented persons, is a very vain thing, and oftentimes proveth very dangerous.  
Besides it is very likely and credible, that the Turk will very well bethink himself, before he will rashly run to provoke and stir up the greatest king in the world against him, notwithstanding that he be greatly busied and occupied in other wars: as well for that if he should be molested by the Ottoman forces, he may very easily conclude a peace, or at least suspension from wars with his enemies, as also because he is so mighty a Prince, that he may well quite himself against the Turks, especially with his Armada, and Fleet of ships, which without increase of any expenses unto him, he may cause every year in good time to scour the Ottoman Seas. For out of all doubt, he is not inferior to the Turk, 
The Turks Empire.  neither in forces, nor in greatness of Empire. Considering that the Turkish Empire (if notwithstanding it be lawful to call that state an Empire, which is unduly usurped and kept from the lawful Emperors) is in deed very huge and great, for that in Asia it possesseth all that is between the greater Sea, 
In Asia.  and the Ocean of Arabia and Persia: and from the Caspian Sea, and the river Araxis, and the other more Easterly confines of the Kingdom of Persia, even until the Mediterraneall Coasts of the Hellespont as far as Nilus. And in Africa, 
In Africa.  all the coast of Nilus, till ye come beyond Algieri, and also a great part within the land of this province, where it bordereth upon Egypt, 
In Europe.  and the red Sea. And in Europe, all that Country which is from Buda even to Canstantinople, and between the river Niestro, and the Danow, and the AEgean Sea, 
In Islands.  and the Adriatic, with all the coast of the greater Sea, as far as Tana. Besides all the Islands of Asia, and the greatest part of the Islands of Greece. And yet notwithstanding, the Empire of the most potent king of Spain is nothing inferior unto it, 
The Empire of the King of Spain.  for it stretcheth her power and jurisdiction in the West, it enlargeth the confines of her most mighty estate in the East, and passing over the new world, and arriving even to the Islands of the Moluccaes, the uttermost part of the Oriental Islands it reacheth (like a true Monarchy indeed) over all those maritimal or Sea-parts as far as the strait of Gibraltar.  
Neither truly is it likely (as some think) that he will move war against the polacks, or against the Tartarians, or against the Moscovites.   

§ IX.  
NOt against the polacks, 
Nor against Polonia.  because they are (as a man may say) in the very bowels of the Turkish estate. They are very well armed both with men and horse: and if they do possess Moldavia, and Walacchia (as easily they may do) and then pass over the Danow into Bulgaria, they may fortify the banks of Danow as the Romans did, and hardily pierce with their Arms, even into Constanstinople, which is the very heart of his Empire, and so utterly ruinate and destroy all his Country, with the same bravery and valour which the polacks have sundry times showed when they warred with the Turks.   

§ X.  
NOt against the Tartarians, 
Nor against Tartary.  because they are of the self same Religion with him, and also his confederates: with whom if he should war, he should gain either little or nothing of them, because they are but poor, and for the most live abroad in the fields, so that whensoever they shall perceive the approach of their enemy, they may easily retire themselves, and when the enemy is departed, recover that which was lost. And finally, if the Turk shall keep and maintain them as his friends, he may reap many and great services at their hands, whereas on the contrary, if he hold them his enemies, they may work him much harm.   

§ XI.  
AND lastly, not against the Moscovites, 
Nor yet against Moscovit.  because they dwell among frozen Ices, and fenny Marrishes, in a barren Country, far distant and divided from all his estates: whose Prince is continually environed and guarded with a great number of Horsemen and Footmen, who are also very well trained and exercised in managing and handling the Harquebus.  
If then it be a matter in reason not to be feared, 
But either against Venice or against all Italy.  that though he should conclude a peace, he would move war against any of these above mentioned, yet of a certainty we may greatly fear, that he will resolve to bend his forces, either against the state of Venice, or against all Italy.   

§ XII.  
IF against the state of Venice: 
If against Venice: them what trouble to Christendom  in very truth, the troubles of Christendom, would then be greater than now they are, because the nearer the danger would thereby be unto Italy, and unto the very state of Religion, so much the more considerable and troublesome would it be. The Princes of Greece because they did not succour the princes that were their next neighbours, 
By example of Grecia.  who were exposed and open to the Ottoman forces, all of them wholly lost their estates: God himself in the mean while permitting the same to be effected, not only for their riot and voluptuousness, and for the civil discords that were among them, but also yea and much more for the Schism, which the greeks had made in the holy Church, so that first by the goths, then by the Bulgarians, afterwards by the Sarracens, and last of all by the Turks, they were brought to that lamentable misery wherein now they are: even as Pope Nicholas the fifth foretold, when he writ to the Emperor Constantine, surnamed the Dragon, as Gennadius the Patriarch of Constantinople hath observed, and I in another place have touched more at large. Cardinal Bessarion writing to the Princes of Italy, sayeth, 
And of Constantinople.  that because they would not in time relieve Constantinople, only with 50. thousand Crowns, they were the cause and chief occasion, why the Turks afterwards, having gotten possession thereof, with a continual course of perpetual victories, subdued Trabisonda, Sinope, the Island of Metelino, (i. Mitylene,) La Morea, Caramania, and the Countries adjoining, Bossina, Bulgaria, the Lower Hungary, Epirus, and a great part of Dalmatia, of Albania, and of Sclavonia, and lastly of the Island of Negroponte.  
But forasmuch as the world ringeth to this day with the words, 
Pope Vrbanes exhortation to move christendom to the recovery of jerusalem.  which the Great Pope Vrban uttered, when in Cleremount of Aluernia, he moved and encouraged the Christian Princes to the glorious conquest of jerusalem, which is called even by the Turks Cuzzimu Barec, that is to say, The famous and holy place, for the reverence which they bear to the Sepulchre of our Lord, & in that respect is visited (as Bethlehem likewise is,) by their Chazilarii, that is to say, their Pilgrims, in their return from Mecha: And forasmuch also, as every man doth well know the godly and wonderful entreaty and persuasion made to the said Christian Princes, by Petrus Heremita, 
Petrus Hermita.  and the Sermons of the blessed Friar john Capestrano, 
john Capestrano.  who had already gathered together 40. thousand signed and marked with the Cross, to go against the Turks, even in the very self same countries where now the war is: And lastly, forasmuch as besides the holy and very zealous exhortations of many Popes, and other holy Men, (whereof there is great store to be found in the Counsels, and ecclesiastical Histories) there resoundeth now in our time over all Christendom, 
Pope Clement the eight.  the lively voice of the now living Pope Clement, who like another jacob, watching day and night, without any tiring or weariness, for the service and maintenance of Laban's sheep, that is to say, of the faithful flock of jesus Christ, crieth out with a loud voice, by his holy prayers and devout tears to the Lord for mercy towards our salvation and safeguard: It shall be sufficient at this present, briefly to recount the substance of those matters, which pope Pius the second, (even the same that wrote a long letter to Mahamet the second Emperor of the Turks to convert him unto the Catholic Faith) being full of the holy Ghost, uttered at the Council of Mantua, in presence of the Christian Princes, after he had bewailed the ruin of the Greek Empire, and of other kingdoms in Christendom, that were fallen into the Turks power, uz.  
Surely, 
The substance of the speech of Pius the second in the Council of Mantua.  it would be a very righteous and religious matter, O ye most generous and Noble Princes of Christendom, if once at the last ye would waken yourselves, & enter into an earnest cogitation, not to suffer those poor & dismayed relics of Christians, utterly to be lost, that are foregone into the most cruel rage of the Barbarians, which of you, in good sooth doth not clearly and manifestly see the common and imminent danger, that hangeth over our heads? Andrinopolis, and Nicopolis, (because I will not at this time remember so many other most goodly and rich Countries, which most unjustly that most cruel and outrageous Tyrant doth now possess) were of no long time heretofore, Cities further distant, then were those Christians that have been lately taken, and are now most cruelly and miserably tormented by our enemies. Oh that you might be moved, ye religious and godly Princes, with the incomparable bond and obligation, wherein ye are bound to Christ our Lord, who hath not only freed and delivered you from the jaws of the ancient Serpent, but also hath appointed you to be Princes of his people, to the end that like watchful and charitable Pastors ye should courageously keep the same from the mouth of the Wolf. The blessed God hath put into your hands the Sceptre, and the sword, because it should be your care, as well by doing justice, and showing mercy to maintain his people in peace, as also by war to deliver those that are unduly and unjustly oppressed. Let your particular interests cease, when the interests of God cometh in place. Let the discourses of man's wit give place to the cause of God. Nay rather, even your own peculiar and proper interests, and human respects also do persuade you of themselves to take weapons into your hands, and to repress and daunt the pride of this most cruel and fierce wild beast, who like a Lion rangeth about continually, over all the Champeine and field of Christendom greedily to devour some part either of our own Countries or of our neighbours. Alas, let us learn by other men's expenses and losses. Let us quench the fire of our brethren, lest we burn up ourselves also with them: Let us in time meet with this great tide, that like a headlong stream is like shortly to surround all our Countries. Up ye generous & noble champions of Christ, resolve courageously with yourselves (to the end that our age be not thought to be less glorious than former times) in some sort to imitate & follow Godfrey, Baldwyn, Boemound, and those other famous Argonauts, who to recover out of the profane hands of the enemies of holy faith, the sacred Sepulchre of our Redeemer, sold their own proper goods, abandoned their lands and houses, passed over the Seas, and for a long time endured exceeding great travails and troubles, because they thought that they could not better employ their treasures, their weapons, and their valour, then in so holy and laudable an enterprise, who then will be the first man that will take the Cross, and give example to others? Who will he be, that will be Captain and guide herein? Where be the Soldiers of Christ, that will follow this glorious standard and Ensinge? And finally who will show himself so impious, that he will not lay aside all private injuries and hatreds, for the common safety?  
But hereof let it be enough for me to have spoken, being carried thereunto out of my determinate discourse and narration, by a just zeal that I bear towards the honour of God, and the salvation of so many souls, which are redeemed by the blood of Christ, and live at this day in the most miserable thraldom and slavery of the Ottoman Empire.  
And therefore if the great Turk should move war against the Commonwealth of Venice: 
Why Venice should be relieved.  (which God forbid, because the said estate of the Venetians doth deserve to be kept and preserved a perpetual Virgin through all ages, as well for the comfort of her subjects, for the ornament of the world, and for the defence of Christendom, as also for the piety thereof, and for the excellent manner of government therein used) the danger would be of great importance, and it would then be very necessary (if the love of my Country do not deceive me:) that all the princes of Christendom should earnestly and thoroughly advise themselves, how to maintain it in her former estate, so that no notable damage may light upon it: and so much the rather, for that enjoying her lawful and ancient liberty and neutrality, with her public consultation it doth never offend any Prince in the world. And above all the rest, 
Specially by the king of Spain.  it behoveth the king Catholic so to do, either by combining himself with the Venetians, or by succouring them otherwise: as well because it is very likely, that the Turk will not employ his forces, only for the subduing of the Venetian estate: but thereby to have a more easy way to attempt Italy, whereof the crown of Spain doth possess the fairest and goodliest parts: as also because the other Princes are not peradventure altogether sufficient by Sea to vanquish the enemy with any security, unless they shall help one another with moneys, with victuals, with Soldiers, & specially with Galleyslaves, and Mariners, which certainly is a matter very considerable: For without doubt the true way & means utterly to defeat and destroy the enemy, 
The true way to overthrow the Turk, is by sea.  will be to vanquish him by Sea, especially in these times, wherein he hath not an Armada of any account, and is also greatly destitute of Mariners, and men of command, that are skilful and courageous in that profession. Moreover, the Turks do abhor these battles by Sea, both because they are most cruel and dangerous, and also for that in such fights they are always discomfited and overthrown, and do know full well, that afterwards they shall be the more easily vanquished and overcome by land. So Euagoras of Cyprus, and Conon of Athens counseled the kings of Persia to do against the Lacedæmonians. So Augustus having defeated Marcus Antonius by Sea, subdued also his old and victorious army consisting of eighty thousand footmen, and two & twenty thousand horsemen, without any fight. The like was done by Roger the Portuguese, Admiral to the king of Arragon, who notwithstanding that his king was upon the land overthrown by the king of France, yet assaulting the French Armada by Sea, discomfited the same, recovered that which was lost, and carried away the fruits of both the victories. And who knoweth not, what might have been done, after the Turkish fleet was dispersed and overthrown in the year, 1571. And when it ran away of itself in 1572. If at the first occasion and opportunity that was then so happily offered, there had been made a choice of the best Galleys, to have gone presently and met with the enemy in the Arcipelago, and in Morea, and even as far as Cyprus: and if in the second good opportunity we had followed the happy and judicious courage of Soranzo, the general Providatorie of Venice?  
Very true it is, 
The strength and power of Venice.  that the state of Venice is at this day become so potent and mighty, not only in respect of the great store of gold which it hath gathered in this long peace, and of the debts paid, whereunto it had run in the last war, and somewhat before that time: but also in regard of the many Galleys, munitions, and other preparations for war, which it hath provided in this time: that if occasion so fall out, it will peradventure be well able to defend itself of it own self: and specially, if it would resolve itself at such time, as it doth little fear the enemy, to be the first that should assault and strike him, yea and to do it indeed, (as Alcibiades was wont to say to the Athenians) by sending forth a mighty Armada to annoy him, and upon a sudden to surprise some of those places, which I will name in the end of this third part. Moreover it hath also at this present so well fortified her estate, that in all reason it need not greatly doubt the conceits and designementes of the Ottoman. 
Corfu. Catharo. Zara.  Corfu, Cathara and Zara are among other Forts esteemed to be inexpugnable, and so much the rather, for that by reason of their moderate and reasonable distance from Venice, they may easily be succoured and relieved, and being as it were the keys of the Adriatic Sea, they may also hinder the entrance of the enemy, or enforce him of necessity to return back with all speed, lest he remain entangled and caught in the net. 
Candie.  The Isle of Candie is likewise so well provided for defence and is thought to be so strongly guarded with Garrisons and Munition, as it cannot be attempted by the Turk, without incurring his great hazard and danger, yea and so much the more, for that if the enemy should endeavour to disbarke his people there, one great part of the Island having no havens or Harbours, is defended by nature itself & the other part may be so well kept both by the valour of foreign soldiers, and also by the brave manhood of the Countrey-inhabitantes, who are no less tender and careful of their own welfare, then faithful to their prince (provided always that they be by just proportion and good advise distributed and divided, some for the defence of the Havens, and some for the defence of the shore,) that he shall never be able to disbarke there, or if he do, it will be to his great loss. In which accident it will be an easy matter to disperse the Relics of the enemy's army, partly because they can very hardly be succoured by the Turk, in regard of the far distance of his Country and States? and partly because his Fleet of Ships cannot well brook those Seas, either without danger of breaking and rending in pieces, or fight with the Venetian Armada. Lastly, the Fort of Palma, 
Palma.  which is also built by the Venetian Common wealth, with as religious as judicious an advisement, will not only serve (if it please GOD) at all times for a secure and safe defence against the enemy, if he should be so bold as to trouble Istria, and to pass to Friuli, but it will also be a continual and most necessary a Bulwark, against all the Barbarians, which may attempt to come and annoy Italy. And thus much let be said touching the State of Venice. 
If against all Italy, than which way the Turk may come thither   
Now touching Italy, forasmuch as I have already heretofore touched the reasons, which might one day move the Ottoman to think of such a course, I will in this place set down the most principal ways, whereby he may come thither, and that to answer to such persons as do think the same not only to be a very difficult matter, but almost altogether impossible.   

§ XIII.  
THE Turk hath two ways, 
Two ways for the Turk to pass into Italy by land.  whereby he may pass from his own Countries and States into Italy by land: one is (and that is the better way for the ease of his horsemen) by departing from Belgrado through the higher way, which is between the rivers of Drava and Sava: the other on this side of the Sava. Both of these ways do meet at Lubiana, called by the dutch Luback, and in old time Nauporto, a Country of great abundance in all things, and most fit to be (as it were) the seat of the war. The City itself is very easy to be surprised. From hence they may go to Goritia, or rather by Piuca to pass by the Carse above Montfolcon: both these ways likewise do meet at Lisonzao, which the Turks call Ague-bianche, or White waters, a river that is very memorable for the battle of Theodorico king of the Goths, and of Odoacre king of the Heruli, and also for the last approach of the Turks, when they arrived even as far as San-Cassano in Mesco upon the Campardo, burning and spoiling all the Country with most barbarous cruelty. That way which leadeth to Goritia, is for victual and for horse, more commodious than this of Carse: which for all that, though it be very stony and rocky, and also that in the Piuca there be some woods and straits, not so easy to be passed, being near to Scelescnytabor, which is a hold kept by a few Clowns, yet notwithstanding the said way is not unpassible for horses, 
Why Theodorico builded Montfalcon.  and was made by Attila, when he came to Trieste, and passed on to Aquileia. And hereupon it came that Theodorico, after he was become the Lord and conqueror of Italy, was moved in this way to fortify Montfalcon even as Gradisca, 
And Odoacre Gradisca.  a little while before, was erected and builded in the other way by Odoacre, when he lorded it in Italy. A fortress which was afterwards surprised by the same Theodorico, when he was sent against Odoacre, 
And the Venetians, Palma.  by Zeno the Emperor, and which was also erected for the self same end and purpose, for which the Seignieurie of Venice have now builded Palma against the Turks.  
The Turkish Armies, departing from Constantinople, without coming to Mandor-Alba, or Alba-Graeca, 
Another way for the Turk to come into Italy.  (which is called Belgrado, and in times past Taurono) may also come into one of these ways, by passing through the towns of Nis, and Precup, where are certain straits on this side of Sophia, and leaving Belgrado on the right hand: or else without touching Sophia to meet in any sort at Novibazar, and from thence through the Dukedom of Herzegovina in Basna, at Bagnaluca, to meet at the last even in the high way, a little more than two days journeys distant from the territory of Venice, and very near unto those places, where sometimes the Turks made their musters when they came into Italy. This is a very plain and even way, fit also for carriages, and for conveying of stuff and artillery. Whereupon Ammianus Marcellinus reporteth, that by the same way Gallus the brother of julian was carried in a Chariot from Betovia to Pola.   

§ XIIII,  
Moreover, the Turk, to the end he might the more grievously vex and trouble Italy, 
How the Turk may annoy Italy both by land and sea at one time.  may at one and the self same time, send an Army by land into one part of it, and an Armada by Sea into another. So thought the other Mahamet to have done, & this Turk also that now is, was there unto persuaded the last year by Sinan, of purpose by that means the rather to divert the king of Spain, and the State of Venice, that is to say, by his fleet troubling and molesting the Adriatic Sea, even just in the same sort as is afore declared, 
Ottranto.  and his army assailing the coasts of Sicily and Naples, or of a Calabria and Puglia, replenishing all those quarters with fear and damage. There is yet fresh in memory the surprising of Otranto by the Turks, in the days of the other Mahamet, and the fearful fright which the Court of Rome did sometimes take at the arrival of the Ottoman navy, in the Tyrrhene sea. For costing all along Italy with the land winds, the Eastern wind, the Southeast wind, and the South wind, and coming out of Barbary with a north-east wind, and a Western wind, he may most easily overrun all, 
Examples of Augusto Cotrone, Re●gii, & 〈◊〉 Sant-Angelo,  even as far as Civita Vecchia. Besides that it is well known what the Turks have done divers times at Augusta, at Cotrone, at Reggio, and in more ancient times what the Saracens did at Mount Gargano, now called Sant-Angelo.  
I know very well how hard a matter it will be for the Turks to put in execution those Designments, 
The pleasure strength, and government of Italy.  which I have touched before to that purpose in the second Part of this Discourse: for that (to be brief) this most noble Province of Italy, being the Garden and pleasure of the world, is without all doubt so well fortified both by Nature and Art: so full of Gold, and people, and victuals also: (especially if by God's punishment, or by some other accident the harvests do not prove so barren as they have been these last years:) and last so carefully kept and governed by her Catholic and valorous Princes as a man may resolutely conclude, that if the Turk do come thither, either he shall retire and return, as heretofore diverse his elders and predecessors have done, or else Italy shall become his Grave and Sepulchre, even as it hath always been to all Barbarians. But for as much as it is the office of true Politic prudence to fear an enemy, not thereby to become a Dastard, 
The advice of Thucydides to think upon dangers.  or a Coward (as Thucydides said) but with all diligence and circumspection to procure and provide such remedies, as may vanquish and overthrow him: I will briefly set down, how we may diverse ways meet with those and such other dangers, that may hang over Italy by reason of the Ottoman Armies, and also what remedies may be most profitable and effectual in this present war, and therefore are greatly feared by the Turks themselves.   

§ XV.  
AMong other remedies, that were proposed, when Mahamet the second surprise Ottranto, (as I told you) to divert him from Italy, 
The opinion of Martin de Segoni for diverting the wars from Italy.  one Martiu de Segoni Bishop of Dulcigno, as we read in a Treatise that he wrote thereof to Pope Sixtus the Fourth, propounded this present remedy, which it delighteth me to report in his own very words. Pannonum Rex (sayeth he) cum suo Exercitu, confederatisque populis, praesentet se ad Danubium, fama praecedente quod in Rasciam sit traiecturus: futurum inde omnium Turcorum multitudine sibi obuiam ad I strii traiectum progrediente, Gentes nuper Valonam & ad alia Epiri maritima loca missae, ad Italiam transfretandae, statim ob metum Pannonum ad castra Turchi revocentur. That is to say, Let the King of Hungary with his Army and Confederates present himself at the Danowe, with a fame and rumour first given out, that he is minded to pass over into Rascia: and thereupon will it come to pass, that all the Turks multitude proceeding to meet with him at the passage of the (Danowe where it is called) Ister, the soldiers which were lately sent to Valona, and to other maritimal places of Epirus, of purpose to be transported into Italy, presently for fear of the Hungarians, shall be called back to the Turks Campe.  
Now we having in stead of the king of Hungary, the Emperor, and the Prince of Transyluania, I will discourse to the same purpose, as well of the one as of the other, so far forth as shall be sufficient most clearly to make known, what hindrance and detriment it would be to Christendom, if these two Princes, 
Counsell● to make a diverting war.  should make peace with the Turk, at the least so speedily as it is doubted they will: because among all the good means that may be used to secure a state from their most mighty enemies, there is none so safe and approved by great Captains then this course of diverting war. 
Hannibal.  As among others Hannibal told Antiochus when he advised him to set upon Macedonia, to the end King Philip might not send aid to the romans: 
K. Hieron.  and Hieron King of Syracuse, when he advised the Romans to set upon Africa, to the end the Carthagenians might not send succours to Hannibal in Italy.   

§ XVI.  
THE Emperor hath already his weapons in hand: 
Why the Emperor should not make peace with the Turk  and although indeed he have lost some places, yet he hath also gotten some others. The war is not altogether inconvenient or incommodious, by reason of the dearness thereof. The Soldiers have now begun to enure themselves to the wars, and to take courage against the horrible shoutings and outcries of the Enemy, and are already accustomed to endure cold and frost. The Captains have learned the Military Discipline, and the manner of fight with the Turks: if our soldiers issue forth into the field before our enemies, we may attempt to recover either by siege, or surprise some of those places that have been lost: yea and so much the rather, for that it will be a hard matter for the Turks to succour it, because those that are gone home to their houses, cannot in time return in so great a multitude for want of grass and victuals: and those that remain in the frontiers are not able and sufficient both to offend and defend. Moreover, there is not a small number of those, that have refused to stay in Hungary, because they had not wherewith to live, and because they would avoid the distemperature of that cold air, which will use all their art and cunning to stay at home.  
Let us add hereunto, 
The Princes of Germany to aid the Emperor.  that now is the only time, wherein it is to be hoped, that all the Princes of Germany, both great and small, will waken and rouse themselves in earnest, because it is not now so much in question to defend the Hungarians, who are naturally hated by the Dutch (as many other Nations do also hate one another) as it is to defend themselves, their wives, their children, and their own riches. In which point, if they conceive peradventure, that they might keep and enjoy all these things aforesaid, more safely and securely under the government of the Turk, they may be very easily certified of the truth of this their conceit, when they shall behold the Tragical spectacles of Greece, 
The lamentable state of Greece.  which since it hath been vanquished by the Turks, hath remained like the jews, without King, without Sceptre, without liberty, without titles, without riches, yea, and (a most horrible matter to report) even without the comfort of the tender embracements of their own natural children.  
Whereas, if the war continue, who can with any reason doubt, 
Reasons to continue the war.  but that the Princes of the Empire shall of necessity be enforced earnestly to assist and aid both the Emperor and themselves? because it is in all likelihood to be feared, that Mahamet will set forward his Army either towards Toccai, 
Toccai. Vienna.  of purpose to hinder the union of the Emperor and the Transyluanian, or to Vienna, as he was persuaded to have done, not long ago by Sinan, who showed unto him the easiness of winning it, the glory that would redound unto him thereby, and the great importance of the enterprise: 
Why the Turk withdrew his army out of Croatia.  And also for that from the languishing of the head proceedeth the weakness of the members. And it may be, that he commanded his army to retire out of Croatia, not only because he knew the jealousy which the Italian Princes do carry of their own affairs, and specially the Venetians, who in that respect have put themselves in defence with their new fortress of Palma: but also because he would unite all his forces together, & so become the stronger to perform the said enterprise. But howsoever it be, certain it is that he hath not withdrawn it for any gifts or rewards which he hath received from the Venetians, as some have falsely believed. Again, that we may think the better of this danger, it is a matter worthy of good consideration, that Mahamet was inclined to this enterprise from his childhood, in so much as even at that time he made humble supplication to his father, that he would reserve that glory for him: which without all doubt, if (as God forbid) it should so fall out and come to pass in deed, would not only prove to be a most notable loss to the Empire, but also in particular to all Italy. For so having gotten the possession of that key, which is of greatest importance to open him the way into the entrance of all those Countries, he shall also have a more ready and easy passage into the fairest and goodliest part of the world, which is the very uttermost scope and end of all the Ottoman designments. 
The way for the Turks to come to Vienna.  For that, even as he hath a free way to come to Vienna, by passing between the Danow and the Drava, in lower Hungary, and so without any impediment to Giaverino (a Fort, that by the advice of Alfonso Duke of Ferrara was caused to be made at the very self same time that Soliman arrived there by the self same way, and where at this day also, being possessed by the Turks in manner and sort (as Philippo Pigafetta hath written) they may easily pass to trouble and vex both Astria, and Stiria.) 
Three other ways for the Turk (if he obtain Vienna) to come into Italy.  So if he should be possessed of Vienna, he may without all doubt the more easily assault Italy by two other ways, which I have not as yet named. The one is, by the way of tirol, descending by the Alps of Trento into the Champaigns of Verona, where Alarico entered: or by those of Bassano, which is a way that hath been often used by the dutch: the other is, that of Villaco, which cometh directly from Vienna, and meeteth either at Frioli, or at Venzone, or at Cividale. The Turks also in such a case may take another way, which was heretofore made by the Barbarians, that is to say, the way of Tolmezo in Carnia, which may also meet at Cadore: but that shall not be to any great purpose for them.  
But for as much as among those things, which hinder the Emperor from such aids and succours as he desireth and as without all doubt would be most sit and convenient for this present business, there are three especially that are worthy of greatest consideration: it shall not be amiss to touch them.   

§ XVII.  
THe first thing is, 
The speeches that hinder the Emperor from necessary aids of the Christian Princes.  the voice that runneth amongst the many Protestants of the Empire: that if his Imperial Majesty should become the conqueror of the Turk, they shall be of necessity enforced to yield obedience to the Pope of Rome (as they call him) a matter that is abhorred by the common sort of people, but much more by the great Princes and Potentates there: by the great Princes especially, because they have usurped a dominion upon the greatest Ecclesiastical livings and revenues: by the common people, because they are persuaded thereunto by the Protestant Ministers, as namely by the Caluinists and Lutherans, who do resolutely advise them rather to obey the Turk then the Pope, and therefore Caluanisme is a kind of disposition to Mahametisme, as many very learned men have written. Besides that both the great Potentates, & also the common Subjects there have suffered themselves most easily to be persuaded to this impiety and ungodliness, only in regard of the most sensual and licentious life, which they are thereby permitted to lead.  
The second thing is (which is so peremptorily disputed by many) that the Emperor is to make peace with the Turk, because the Empire showeth itself so backward and faint to relieve him: as well for that it feareth to spend her treasure to no purpose, as also for that it being of itself inclined to peace, 
The backewardnes of the Empire in relieving the Emperor.  it doth willingly take advantage of this occasion: which also ministereth matter to many Christian Princes, especially to the Polack, and to the Venetians, that they do not stir either little or much against the Turk, because they suspect they shall be abandoned and forsaken, when the cause is at the best, and that they shall spend themselves without any gain or profit. And it seemeth that it is made the more credible by this, for that it is maliciously given out and published to the world by those Imperialists, which have no great inclination towards that most religious house of Austria, uz. That the Emperor is not greatly inclined to war: That he keepeth himself continually retired in Bohemia, in Prage, in his palace because he feareth some violent death? whereunto he is the rather induced either by reason of the conspiracy which was lately discovered, or of that which a certain Englishman called Dee, 
M. john Dec.  foretold him (a matter in sooth no less superstitious than unworthy to be apprehended and believed by a Prince that is so wise and feareth God.) But certainly if it were true, that the Emperor either for these or for some other reasons did now incline toward peace, it had been more safe counsel and advise for him, to have resolved on it, even in the beginning and at the first, rather then at this time, in regard of such reasons as I have heretofore declared, and also more at large in a certain discourse, which I have made upon this point even to this day. And thus also was Archduke Ferdinando advised by Peter the Vaivode of Moldavia, 
The advise of Peter the Vaivode of Moldavia.  who if he had not died in the year 1594. in the mountains of Bolzano was utterly resolved (though he was a man of the Greekish sect and religion) to have come and kissed the feet of our Pope, as I have declared in due order and place.  
The third and last thing is, That if the Empire on the one side be not willing to contribute to so great expenses, 
The difficulty of the requests made by the Imperial princes.  unless the Conquests that may be made and achieved, become united to the Empire itself: and if the Emperor on the other side will not consent thereunto, by reason of the pretences and challenges, which he hath to Hungary, being a state of his own, it seemeth that both the one party and the other, do propound matters so difficult, that none of them are likely to be effected. True it is, that we ought to think and believe that the Emperor knoweth full well, if he should show himself contented to do that which the Imperial Princes do request at his hands, he should thereby prejudice himself, & yet those Princes would afterwards forbear to do that in deeds, which they offer in words. And thus much let be said touching the Emperor.   

§ XVIII.  
NOw touching the Prince of Transyluania, 
The Prince of Transyluania, and his valour.  who may now serve (as the Second Champion) in stead of the former King of Hungary, there is no doubt to be made, but that he is both in religion and in heart a most fierce and eager enemy against the Turks. That which he hath done hitherto, (say what they list of him, such as either are not well informed or too affectionate and passionate in the cause) doth yield unto all the world a most clear and manifest testimony, that he is no less brave in bestirring himself to fight, and resolute in his courses, then fortunate in his actions, and even such a one as the ancients required a Captain to be. And this not by the favour of fabulous fortune, but in truth by the grace of that Lord, who in the holy Scriptures is called the Lord of Hosts, by whom like a new David or judas Machabaeus, he is lovingly defended and protected. 
Why the Turks fear him.  He is also greatly feared of the Turks by reason of certain popular and common predictions of theirs, which although they be in deed but light and vain, yet do they make a great impression in the minds of barbarous and base people, and specially of the mahometans, who do absolutely believe Fatum, or Destiny. Among these their divinations and Foreboading, 
A Prophecy of the Turks for Transyluania.  they hold this one to be of great account and reckoning, which saith, That from the cliffs of the Mountains of Transyluania, there shall one day come forth a Prince, who shall overcome and bring to nothing the Ottoman Empire. So saith Flavius Vopiscus, in the life of the Emperor Florian, That in his days it was prophesied of an Hungarian prince which in time should reduce all the Barbarians under his command and government. And the like also is read in Suetonius Tranquillus of the Emperor Galba (For never yet did Princes want their flatterers.) Moreover the Turks do also constantly believe, 
Another prophecy touching the end of Mahamet's sect. Musulmani.  that the Sect of Mahamet is not to last any longer then for a thousand years, which term according to our computation cannot be far of: and that the Musulmani, (for so the Mahametists do call themselves, that is (Truly religious people which believe aright) are not to have above fourteen or fifteen Emperors: and therefore they do greatly err, that reckon seventeen of them at this day. This Mahamet, who now liveth may be reckoned the fourteenth or fifteenth: for Mose or Musa (as they call him) some do reckon him among them, and some do not. Lastly it is also most true, that the Turks do greatly fear the Transyluanian, and in that respect do diverse and sundry ways endeavour, 
Why the Turks do go about to bereave him of his life.  not only most devilishly to weaken that valorous courage, which he showeth against them, but also to deprive him of his life: persuading themselves for certainty (besides all that which hath been touched before) that he hath secret intelligences, even with in the City of Constantinople, to overthrow that estate: & that if his glory & renown do increase, the matter will easily be brought to pass, for that he is so willingly followed and accompanied by the transylvanians themselves, who do most readily obey him, and for that also he is greatly desired and wished by the Walachians, the Rascians, the Bulgarians, the Sicilians, and all other warlike and hardy Nations to be their Lord and Master. And that this is true, I will briefly declare, because I do think that for the better understanding of the state of this present war, it will be very necessary to know what these people's are.   

§ XIX.  
THe transylvanians without all doubt are esteemed to be the most warlike people of all Europe. 
The Transyluanian Nation.  These together with the Moldavians, and Walachians, are the ancient Dacians, 
Why the Romans paid tribute to the Dacians.  whom the Romans so greatly feared: insomuch as when they had overthrown the Armies of the Emperor Domitian, the Romans were forced to pay them tribute under the same Domitian, under Nerua, and in the beginning of Traian's Empire, upon condition that they should not pass over the Danow to annoy and endommage their Countries. This is manifestly made known to the Turks themselves, by the discomfitures which many times have been given them by corvinus, by the two Battories', and lastly by this third man, who at this day is in war against them.  
Moreover, Michael the Vaivode of Walacchia, 
Michael the Vaivode of Walachia.  although in times past he held that government of the Turk, yet now he is under the obedience of the Transyluanian: and without doubt it standeth him greatly in hand to continued in that protection, because he may not now any longer trust the Turks, who have been so oftentimes displeased and discontented with him, and specially for the slaughter which he made of those, that under his promise of peace were sent by Hassan Bassa into Walacchia. Besides the Walachians, whose valour is very well known to the Turks, when they served under the conduct of Dracola their most valiant Captain, the said Vaivode is attended for Soldiers with many Hungarians and transylvanians, 
Captain Dracola.  some few Albanians, Grecians, Bulgarians, and Rascians. 
The Vaivodes soldiers.  He hath not many Arcubusiers, as also the Transyluanian himself hath no great store of them. For all these Nations, and especially the Hungarians do usually fight at hand, and on horseback with Lances, and with a wonderful courage show their faces to their enemies.  
The Rascians, 
The Rascians.  who in the Council of Constance be called Sirfis, are a people that have their original offspring, from the upper Misia, which now is called Servia and Rascia. They by reason of the Turkish wars did heretofore retire themselves to the further side of the Danow, and not to this side, as some have written: & at this present they dwell nigh to Temesuar, Lippa, & those parts. They did in times past rebel against the Turk & now do serve the Transyluanian.  
The Bulgarians, 
The Bulgarians.  some do inhabit all that Country which was called the lower Misia, even to the Danow, over against Walachia: some inhabit Thracia, together with the Grecians, and others in Macedonia, which now also is inhabited with Grecians, with Seruians, and with Albanians. The Bulgarians are a brave and valorous people. Some of them that have fled out of their own Country, do serve the Transiluanian, and no doubt many others would run also unto him, if he had sufficient means to entertain them. They are very apt to make a tumult and insurrection, as well in their own Country, as also among their neighbours, if they were cherished and heartened thereunto, especially by the Transyluanian, 
The Prince of Transyluania compared to Alexander the Great.  whom they do admire no less, then that Alexander the Great, who was half their Countryman, that is to say, Pella, a place of Macedonia: and unto whom he hath with great judgement been likened, by Girolamo Frachetta in those orations, which he hath written to this valorous Prince.  
The Siculi or Sicilians, 
The Siculi or Sithulians  who inhabit the mountains towards Polonia and Moldavia, and that part of the Country which is somewhat more hilly, are fierce and sturdy Clowns, resembling the Tartarians, more than any other Christians of those quarters: and therefore they should be called Sythuli: They are rather footmen than horsemen, and have also some Arcubusiers. They followed the Prince of Transyluania in the year 1595. when he passed into Walachia against Sinan, at which time the said Sinan did most shamefully run away: 
Why the Siculi rebelled.  But having received a promise of the Prince, that their Noblemen should be exempted from some subjection, in regard of an offer, which they made to conquer as much Country more, as that was which they did enjoy: when they perceived that their intention & his promise was not kept and performed, they rebelled and made an insurrection, while the prince was at Prage: but afterwards with the punishment of some of the Principals, and two hundred others, they were well quieted and pacified.   

§ XX.  
THE prince of Transyluania doth not entertain and receive under his ensigns, 
The Prince of Transyluania wanteth money.  all those peoples that do thus admire him, and so greatly desire him to be their Captain and Lord: because he hath no good means for money to pay them: for without stipends or wages, it is not possible that soldiers can be satisfied and maintained: neither are their spoils, prays, and booties sufficient to feed them, and keep them contented, nor their harvests and Collections, to supply the wants of so great a number, especially in the times of war, wherein all things grow from worse to worse. 
How his want is to be supplied.  In such sort as I do conclude, that forasmuch as our Christian Princes have no better means to maintain this war against the Turk, and that in some remote place, and far distant from their own countries and States, nor a more easy and safe way to overcome him, then by obeying and following even the very self same counsel which Demosthenes gave to the Athenians, 
The Counsel of Demosthenes to the Athenians, applied to this purpose by the Author.  when the people of Olinthus (a City of Thracia) craved their aid and succours against Philip, the Father of Alexander, and King of Macedon, at such time as he went about to assault them: I will be also so bold (though not in such eloquent terms as that most famous Orator did use) to tell them, that the fittest and meetest counsel which can be given them for the common good, is with all speed to succour and relieve this courageous youth (as in part the Pope, & the most religious king of Spain have done) with some part of those treasures which they have received from God, to be spent in the service of his divine Majesty, and their own salvation. For there is no one thing that doth more hinder the propagation of the Gospel of jesus Christ, and the good success of their actions against the common enemy, then to want money sufficient for his necessities, or rather not to make some greater preparations and provisions for so weighty an enterprise. And so much the more, for that he is compelled to spend a good portion of that little, which he hath in maintaining his forces that are divided, partly in Walachia to keep them in awe for fear of their revolt to the Turks, and partly in diverse places of Transyluania towards Moldavia, for fear of the Moldavians, of the Tartarians, and of other his enemies. 
The Transyluanian may peradventure be forced to take some other corpse that may be dangerous to Christendom.  Besides that it may be with great reason suspected and feared, lest if this Prince shall want means and ability to maintain himself with forces in the field against the enemy, rather than he will yield and submit himself again to an Infidel Prince, he will resolve upon some such course as he thinketh more godly and pleasing to God, and more safe and secure for himself: which peradventure may redound to the great damage and hindrance of Christendom, for the loss that it should receive in those parts of so valiant a Prince, as (I fear me) it hath some savour and taste of it already.  
And now for as much as I have showed, that it is not good for the Emperor and Transiluanian to make peace with the Turk, I will for the last point discover unto you, 
What things the Turk especially feareth.  the things which the enemy doth greatliest fear, and what may be performed on our behalf to annoy him most.   

§ XXI.  
FIrst the Turk feareth least the Princes of Italy will resolve in earnest to succour the Emperor and the Transyluanian either with men, 
The Princes of Italy. The Duke of Florence. The Pope.  or with money. He seeth, that the great Duke of Tuscan hath sent his brother and his nephews to the one, and Captains and presents to the other. That the Pope sent the last year his nephew with a good army into Hungary, by means whereof the Garrison of Strigonia and Vicegrado was the sooner yielded: and moreover that he furnisheth both the one and the other with money: yea, and likely it is, that as he is able, he will do so still, until the war be ended. He perceiveth also, that the going of the Duke of Mantua into Hungary made his Soldiers believe, 
The Duke of Mantua. The Venetians  that the other Italian Princes would likewise make some stir. He doubteth, lest the Venetians will be at the last of necessity compelled to take up arms against him, either for their own proper interest and benefit, or by the continual and instant motions of the Pope, as they did in the times of Leo the ix. of Nicholas the 2. of Gelasius the 2. of Alexander the 2. of Galixtus the 2. of Clement the 3. of Nicholas the 4. and of other Popes: so that not only for the singular benefits which they have done to Christendom, they have deserved and obtained very great pre-eminencies and privileges, at the hands of the Emperor and the Popes, but also for their piety and obedience to the Sea Apostolic, but also by common consent to be called the defenders and fortress of Christian Religion. And hereupon it cometh that the Turk dare not at this time minister unto them any occasion of the least discontentment in the world, but doth readily satisfy them in any matter, which they request of him.   

§ XXII.  
Moreover he doubteth that Polonia also will rise up against him: 
Polonia.  knowing for certainty, that the Pope offereth to furnish it with good store of money, whereof the meaner and poorer sort of the people in that kingdom are very greedy, and desirous. For they think, that they cannot in any better sort purchase desert to themselves from their Prince, for which they may afterwards in convenient time crave reward at his hands, then to serve him in his wars. This suspicion and doubt of his, is the more increased in him, because he knoweth that the king of Spain did not answer the letters of the King of Polonia, but until now at the last, when he was somewhat discontented with the peace which Maximilian had concluded with that kingdom. And further, 
Three reasons why if Polonia rise against the Turk, he shall be forced to make a defensive war.  the Turk knoweth full well, that if Polonia, should once in earnest resolve upon this point, he should of necessity be compelled to make a defensive war, rather than an offensive, to his exceeding great disadvantage, and that for 3. reasons.  
1 The first, because thereby he must needs lose Moldavia, 
Hieremie the Vaivode of Moldavia.  for that the Polack hath appointed for Vaivode of that province, one Hieremie, who is a man that showeth himself not altogether alienated misseaffected towards our affairs of Christendom: and who also in respect that he may in good time understand any stirs that the Turk shall make, and minister good store of victuals to the camp is one, that will be worthy of no small regard and consideration in this present war. And therefore I may not forbear in such an important point to tell you, that it shall always be good for our Lord and his Ministers to maintain good intelligence with the said Hieremie, and that they be careful to look what sort of persons they send to treat with him, and how they write unto him: for these people, who be the very Davi & Getae in Terence, are by nature most suspicious. It will be good also to honour him greetly and to seem most willing to visit such as he shall send either to Rome, or to treat with the Nuntios Apostolic. For the Turk endeavouring by diverse and sundry means to bind him to himself, or wholly to alienate him from us, or else at the least to cousin and deceive him: (all cunning fetches much used by the Ottomans) it cannot be but very helpful and beneficial to us, to maintain him, as much as may be, in good love and amity with us.  
2 The second reason is, 
The Cosacchi  because thereby, he shall have the Cosacchis more openly to oppose themselves against him, as well for that they be subjects of the K. of Polonia (as the Vscocchis be of the Emperor) and receive their General from him, whom the Soldiers do ordinarily obey: as also for that they may at their pleasure burn and destroy Vosia, which is a Fortress of the Turks, 
Vosia. Boristhenes  situate at the mouth of the River Boristhenes, called by the Polackes Occhiacovia, and by the Moldavians Dassova: as in the year 1583, they burned Bendero, 
Bendero.  their General being then janzo the Hungarian, 
janzo.  who was appointed over them by K. Stephen of Polonia. Many other harms and annoyances they may also do unto him, as they did under Suita the Russian, 
Suita. Gonte janus.  and under Conte janus son of Basilius the Duke of Ostrova, and other their Captains, which they likewise received from the Polonians. These Cosacchis do dwell in an Island of Boristhenes, almost four days journeys above Vosia. The Island is called churches, and the River Boristhenes is by them termed Nis, which is the Niepro. They are Arcubuziers, and excellent Archers, and both by nature and open profession very great enemies to the Turks. Many of them do serve at this day the Transyluanian, the foresaid Hieremie and Michael. Others do attend and go with the chancellor of Polonia: and others are also dispersed and scattered in Podolia. But all of them with great courage do show their faces to the Tartarians, and Turks.  
3. The last reason is, because the Polacke only, 
The passage more easy to Constantinople.  or at least more than any other Prince, is able to make the passage to Constantinople more easy for our people: for that is the place, whether we must needs go at the last, if we mean to do any good in deed. And so much the more, for that if the Polack, do show himself to be an enemy to the Turk, than the Transyluanian shall not need to fear the passage, which his Army must make into Walachia. For the way of Moldavia without touching Walachia, would be very incommodious for it, aswell because it runneth too near unto the sea, as also because if he would pass into Bulgaria, he must return backwards to go into the Country, that they may keep and feed his horses, and to avoid the unlucky place of Varna.  
And here by the way, I will not forbear to advertise you of an error, which is of no small moment, as I have also endeavoured myself to do, in sundry fit places of this narration, of divers others which peradventure will not prove altogether unprofitable, to such as are delighted with the like studies. 
Errors touching Moldavia, and Walachia.  And the error is this, that P. iovius describing the said Provinces of Walachia and Moldavia, being deceived by the ambiguous and doubtful word of polacks, confoundeth the one of them with the other. And so are others also deceived who do think that to be Walachia, which the Hungarians call Transalpina the lesser, whereas in comparison of Moldavia, it should be called Transalpina the Greater. Those are likewise in an error, who do hold, that walachia called by the Turks Islakia, deriving the name from the ancient Roman Flacci, is also termed by them Bogdania & Cara Bogdania, 
Islakia. Bogdania. Cara Bogdania.  for by that name they term Moldavia (and not Walachria) either because it is very plentiful of that kind of grain, which we call Saracino, and Formentone, that is to say, Wheat, whereof Formentie is made, Or because one of those Princes of Moldavia, with whom the Turks had some long war, was called Bogdano, that is to say, Deodato. i. God's gift, adding thereunto for his praenomen or forename Cara, which signifieth Black. And it is called also Moldavia of the Davi, who were the frist inhabiters thereof, and rather for the softness and fatness of the mould of that soil, then for the blackness of it, as he thought, that called it Mori-davia.  
But returning back again to Polonia, I will here set down also the answer, which the chancellor of that kingdom made to Sinan Bassa, at such time as he required and demanded the tribute, which he wrongfully pretended to be due to his Lord and master: to the end that thereby may be known the benefit and profit, that in all reason is to be expected of this combination, if the Polonian will yield unto it. 
The answer of the chancellor of Polonia to the demands of Sinan.  Sinan caused a message to be delivered to the chancellor, that without delay he should pay the said tribute: or else he would force him to leave the Frontiers, and to retire to the Icy Sea. The chancellor caused answer to be redeliverd back unto him, that he would not stay for him in his own Country of Polonia, but that he would enter into the Ottomans Territories, and proceed with all speed even to the banks of the Danow, & fortifying them on both sides, would make the place more easy to pass up further into those Countries of the Turk. This is Dacia Ripensis, 
Dacia Ripensis. Constantine the Emperor.  which as you may read in Procopius, was fortified by the Romans. Zozimus doth greatly blame Constantine the Emperor, because he forsook and abandoned the Forts of the Danow: the relics whereof are yet to be seen in Roscic, Vidim, Nicopolis, Silistria, and other places that are possessed by the Turks.   

§ XXIII.  
Moreover, 
Why the Turk feareth Moscovia.  the Ottoman not only esteemeth the Pope to be the head and chief of all the princes Christian, so that by his authority he may easily unite now some, and then some of them against him but also accounteth him to be as a temporal prince, in regard of that which he possesseth in Italy: 
By whar names the Turks, and Persians call the Pope.  and thereupon he calleth him Franch-Beg, the Prince of Italy, or of the Italians, and Rum-Beg, the prince of Rome, whom the Persians call in their language Rum-Schach. 
The Califa. The Czar of Moscovia.  Halife and Califa the Turks call the Vicar of God, a title, which most impiously the ancient Agarenes began to appropriate to themselves. So that the Turk doth greatly fear, lest the Pope should send some person of credit into Moscovia, to solicit the union of that prince with the Emperor, which would be a matter of great loss unto him: or at least that he should persuade him to let or hinder the coming forth of the Tartarians: as we have showed before, how he may easily do it.  
He also feareth the armies and power of the Czar or Zar of Moscovia, for so the Moscovites do call their prince: besides the reasons before alleged, as well for that he doth absolutely command and govern his subjects, and therefore it seemeth that among all the princes of the world, he is the only man that may compare with him: as also for that he doth very well remember the discomfitures which the Moscovites have given to the Turks (for the Turkish princes do use to record in writing the actions of their ancestors) and in particular, when thy went about at the last to draw the Tana into the V●lga, they were by the Moscovites (who had united themselves with the Tartarians of Precop,) scattered and put to flight.  
He feareth the Czar likewise, 
The Turk feareth the union of the Moscovite with the church of Rome.  because he doubteth least upon this occasion there follow a treaty of the union of that prince, with the Church of Rome, as it happened in the times of Adrian the 6, of Leo the 10. and of Clement the 7. Popes of Rome, in manner and sort as it is written by Albertus Campensis, and as it is more at large recorded in the Moscovia of father Antonio Possevino, a great minister of the service of God, sent of late for the same purpose by Gregory the 13. to john Basilius, upon occasion of the war, which the said john had with Stephen king of Polonia. Or rather he feareth the Moscovite, because he suspecteth, that if he should become the head and chief of all the Grecicians, 
He feareth the Moscovites attempt to trouble his state.  it would so much the more encourage and hearten that Nation to make an insurrection and rebellion in the Ottoman state. These are matters that might peradventure be brought to pass and sort to good issue, if among the Moscovites there were less ignorance in matters appertaininh to God, so that a man might freely converse with them, 
A wish of the Authors, that these things may come to pass, & how.  and preach the word of Christ: and in brief, if these unions were not of purpose negociated and handled, rather by such cunning and crafty devices the more easily to enlarge Dominion and Schism, then for any thing else: even as the Turk under the amity and friendship, which hath been sought and offered unto him by many Princes, hath entered and pierced into the bowels of Europe. But of this point we do not now stand in fear: and therefore I wish that we would hope in the Lord, and pray that he would take away from their eyes that vail of obstinacy, which hath hindered them from seeing the goodly light of the evangelical truth, and that he would renew in the great duke now living, or in his successors those spirits, 
Basilius.  which were in that same Basilius, who by the means and mediation of john king of Denmark, requested of Pope julie the second, that he might send his Ambassodours to the Council, not for any ambition, or ostentation, or private interest, but only to humble himself in truth, and sincerity under the mighty hand of God, and to visit the Pope.  
This suspicion is increased in the Turk, 
The submission of the Maroniti to the Church of Rom.  by the late humiliation, which was made to the Church of Rome by the Maroniti, (who (as Haythone writeth) do inhabit about the Mount Libanus in Soria) procured and wrought by the Jesuits, and by Vecchietti, with the protection and patronage of pope Gregory the 13. and of Ferdinando the great Duke of Tuscan. 
The submission likewise of the Russiou Bishops.  But much more is he dismayed at the obedience which those Bishops of Russia have of late yielded, who in the names of themselves, and of the Russians which are subjects unto them, by the zeal of Sigismond king of Polonia, have humbled themselves to Pope Clement the viii. whereof Cardinal Baronius hath more particularly written in his learned Annals Ecclesiastical. And this matter is so much the more considerable, for that especially by the means and help of the Russians, the conversion and uniting of the Moscovites, may exceeding easily be procured: and also for that with less expenses and danger, passage may be made by Moscovia into Asia, for the sowing and planting of the Faith of jesus Christ, then by all the other parts of the world beside.  
Lastly, the Turk feareth the Moscovite, 
The Moscovites Ambassadors to the Emperor.  because he suspecteth, that he will-dispose himself to move war against him, as often as he seeth the Emperor and Empire to do the like in earnest. And in this point consisteth the whole matter, as it was signified to the emperors Majesty by the Ambassadors of Moscovia, that were last sent unto him from the Prince of Moscovia with very rich presents, at the instigation and exhortation of Alessandro Cumuli the Popes Agent.   

§ XXIIII.  
THE Ottoman likewise feareth, 
Why the Turk feareth Tartary.  that his Holiness will send Agentes, especially men of great authority and good judgement to the Tartarians, aswell those that are free, as those that are subject to the Tartar of Crimo, to the end that by offering & giving Money to certain chief persons, which are of greatest reputation among them (as it is used also among the Swissers) they should provide, that they stir not out of their own Country: with an open publication of the Pope's name, as at other times it hath been done. For all the Tartarians are of an opinion, that the Pope hath exceeding store of treasure, and is a man of great power and authority, 
Why the Tartarians have come in so small a number to aid the Turk.  and therefore they will be very readily resolved to pleasure him in any thing. And it is holden for certain among the Turks, that the Emperor and the Transyluanian did so this last year, because the Tartarians came unto them in so small a number, and not in that multitude, as they had provided, and as some of us (Christians) did vainly and falsely believe. And so much the more is our vain opinion confuted, because it is notoriously known, that Alipe Chan, treating with Visconte the Nuntio for some aid, that he might be preserved in his State against his Brother Hirach, was not able to procure many of his own people to be sent forth out of his own Country. I know it well that some have attributed the cause of this defect of the Tartarians to the discontentmentes, 
Why the Tartarians were disconted with Amurath.  which they have conceived against Amurath, for the peace which he made with the Persians: For (say they) they had thought to have gotten upon the Persian, before this peace had been concluded, so safe a passage to go to Mecca, as without passing through the Turks Country, they might freely have gone thither. But I know that these men are greatly deceived. For they were not the Tartarians of Crimo, that were so greatly discontented with the Turk: but those that were under the obedience of Vsbeg-Chan (of whom I have somewhat spoken before:) and those also not for that cause which they allege. For (if I be not in an error) although they would have gained and gotten into their hands all the whole Persian Estate and kingdom, yet they must algates of necessity pass through the Country of the Turks, when so ever they would go to Mecca. But the reason thereof was because Amurath had concluded a peace with the Persians, without making them acquainted therewithal, and to the exceeding great detriment of their designments and affairs.  
And in sooth even as true is it, 
The difference and quarrel between Alip Chan, and his brother Hirach  that the Tartarians did forbear to come to the Turks in so great a multitude as they expected, because they were kept back by the Moscovite, although the Tartarians themselves did use it for an excuse: but the very truth is, that the Tartarian two brethren being become great enemies, the one to the other. Alipe Chan to maintain himself in the state, and Hirach to drive him out of it, they held all the Country in a faction, and busied wholly in the defence of their own private quarrels, as yet they do. For Alipe though he be the King now reigning, is not obeyed by all the Tartarians: and Hirach is acknowledged to be king, only by such as have served him as general in this war. Who although it is very likely that in the end he will get the victory, because the Turkish Emperor Mahamet hath commanded them all to obey him, and acknowledge him for their king, and the greatest part of the Soldiers do follow him: yet is the contrary opinion holden by such as have the best intelligence of the Tartarian affairs, not only because even among the Barbarians. Ius Naturae, i. the right of Nature carrieth a great stroke, but also because Hirach is less beloved, more avaricious, and esteemed among them to be a man of small brain and valour.   

§ XXV.  
LAstly, 
The Turk feareth to be troubled by the Pope, and the king of Spain.  the Turk feareth that the Pope and the king of Spain are minded to trouble his state and Country, both by sea and by land, and by that mean to divert him from his purposed designments. But forasmuch as this may be done by diverse and sundry ways, it will not be amiss in plain and distinct manner to tell you, what I think. 
Conditions requisite to be in such as should be sent to trouble the Turkish state.  The Christian princes, and especially the pope, may send diverse Agents into the Turkish Empire, who (that they might have the more credit) would be of the self same Countries, wherein such a trouble and insurrection should be attempted. It were very fit also that they had the tongue, to the end they might both understand, and be understood: and lastly that they be men of good carriage and judgement: but above all other things, that they have convenient supply of money, to spend upon such chief men and Captains as are of greatest credit with the people, and that they have authority withal to promise to such as are the mightiest among them, 
What pretence or colour they may use.  that they shall be well rewarded and recompensed. Finally, it shall be very needful, that for their more easy admittance and entertainment in the Country, and not on a sudden to be driven away, they should cover all their treaties with the cover of Religion, not to couch the Snake under the grass, as our naughty Politicians do, but (if so it may please the Lord) among the thorns of their errors to sow the seed of God's word, making show for the time that they will reform and repair the Churches that are in Tartary, Circassia, Bulgaria, Walacchia, Moldavia, and Graecia.  
Moreover the territory of the Turks, 
How the Turk may be overthrown by his own nation.  and especially that part which the Turkish Empire doth possess in Europe, inhabited partly by Turk's Natural, partly by Rinegadoes, and partly by Christians, the Ottoman Prince may with great reason fear, that if either his Armies shall receive an overthrow, or some of his principals be corrupted, his people's will make an insurrection and tumult to his exceeding great loss, yea, and peradventure to his utter ruin, even as Caesar wrought and effected against juba.  
But because the knowledge of these people's is very necessary, for the better understanding of this point touching these insurrections and rebellions, I will enlarge the matter somewhat farther.   

§ XXVI.  
THE Turks natural, that is to say, 
The natural Turks.  those that be Turks of the ancient offspring, although they be by nature not of so evil a disposition and inclination, as the other Rinegate Turks are, yet be they as greatly discontented and displeased as the Rinegates are: so that it will be no great matter for them one day to make a rebellion, especially if they shall find a Head, or a Captain fit for the purpose. 
Why the natural Turks are discontented.  The occasion of their discontentments springeth from hence, that they see all the military charges and offices, whereon only the profit, commodity, & honour of that Empire doth chiefly depend, (as it is before partly touched) are given and bestowed upon the rinegate Turks, those few only excepted, which are granted to some of the natural Turks by exceeding great favour, or to the children of the Sultane-Ladies. And hereupon it cometh, that among the Musulmani, there is no term or title more honourable, 
What the word Turk signifieth.  or more in request, then to be called Schiavo del Gran Signore, the vassal or slave of the great Lord: nor any more infamous and more abhorred, than the word Turk: for Turk in their tongue signifieth a villain: as among the Greeks Nomade doth not signify only a man of Numidia, but a Shepherd, and therefore Strabo calleth the Scythians, Nomadi. And hereof likewise it is, as it hath been also obsetued by a late modern writer, that even as the Italians do in their Comedies bring on the stage a Zany, which is a Bergamaske slave or villain, so the Turks in their plays do bring up a Turk, that is to say, a rustical or rude Clown. Others there are, which derive the word Turk from the Hebrew, and will have it to signify an Exul or a banished man, for the self same reasons, for which we told you before, that the Tartarians calthemselues Reliquias, relics.  
The rinegate Turks, out of all question it is certain, 
The Rinegadoes.  that when by the grace of God they shall feel and understand the benefit which they have lost, they will easily overturn that state upside down, with the total and utter overthrow of that Empire: considering that they have in their hands (as it hath been told you) all the reputation and riches, which are the things whereon both Credit and Obedience do necessarily depend. But for as much as they are men of a most vicious and wicked nature, and are tolerated in all kind of beastly insolences, so that they dare do any thing that them listeth, they are willing and content to live in that infamous liberty, without attempting any innovation.  
The Christians, 
The Christians called by the Turks Ghiauri.  who by the Turks are called Ghiauri, that is to say, Gentiles and Infidels, even in regard of the diverse and sundry Rites that are among them, especially in the Turkish Country, (not knowing poor unhappy souls, that there is but one only true Church, one Baptism and one true Faith) they are either of the Greek Sect, or of the Latin Rite. I do not intend at this time to discourse particularly of althose that have strayed from the purity of the Greek sect, as the Georgians, the Armenians, 
Georgians, Armenians, Aethiopians  the Aethiopians, the jacobites and many others, that dwell (as I told you) in the Ottoman Empire, aswell in Europe, as in Asia, and Africa, both because it hath been diligently & curiously done by others, and also because it is a very intricate and difficult matter, by reason of their differences in opinions, and distances of Countries, and for many other respects, to bring them to conspire together in one, (without the great miracle of GOD,) for the subversion and ruin of that Empire. 
Heretics.  I overpass also the Heretics that are among them, for that although they do remain in the Ottoman State, either as Relics of their ancient Forefathers, or else of late retired into diverse parts of that Country, to live the more licentiously, or like the Sons of Satan, to disperse their poison even among the Turks: yet being so greatly abhorred of them, 
Sultan Soliman to the Widow Queen of Transyluania.  as disturbers of the public peace and tranquillity (as Sultan Soliman wrote to the Queen Dowager of Transyluania.) They cannot be permitted to make any great train, or work any innovation among the people. I will only speak of those greeks, which serve best for this our purpose, not regarding them for this time touching their Religion, but considering them for so much as in policy may be expected and hoped for at their hands, in this particular point of rebellion and insurrection. 
greeks.  The greeks without all doubt, are by a certain prick and eager desire to domineer and rule, which they have had by nature most desirous of Novelties: and because the Turks do so greatly tyrannize over them, they do willingly and readily embrace any alteration or tumult, hoping by that only mean to shake off the heavy yoke of their most miserable slavery. And this is chiefly and especially desired by the greeks of Morea and of Thessaly, and by those rather which dwell towards the sea, because foreign aids and helps may more easily be supplied to them, then to those that dwell within the land. But far above all others, it is most desired by the Seruiani, being a Nation that inhabiteth in the mountains of Albania, even to the Danow: among whom those that are in Dardania, and most near unto the said Mountains, are best able to make the greatest stirs. And they be the Piperi, the Cucci, the Clementi, the Bellopauligi, and others in the Country of Plava, and among them there are many Albanians that live after the Romish rite. And these be they, that because they have a strong site for dwelling, and are by nature very fierce and hardy, have not as yet suffered themselves to be subdued by the Turkish forces. And therefore they did (at the last) attempt to withdraw themselves out of the Ottoman tyranny. 
Rebellion of the greeks in Plava under Gardan Vaivode.  For having understood that Mahamet was discomfited and slain in the battle at Agria, they all arose in a tumult under the command of Gardan Vaivode, and made a great slaughter of the Turks that were in their Country: but when they were minded to pass further, they understood the contrary, and so in a discontented manner retired themselves into their mountains.  
And for as much as these poor miserable Greeks have endured so severe chastisement at the hands of the Turkish officers, that they remain not only most pitifully afraid, but also most grievously oppressed, their chief heads and governors being cruelly put to death, their children taken from their parents, some killed and slaughtered, and almost all of them bereaved and spoiled of that little which they had, and brought to extreme misery: a man may very plainly and clearly see and know that to be most true, 
john Botero Antonio Bruni.  which is written by john Botero in his Africa, and more at large by Antonio Bruni in his treatise of the Beglerbey-ship of Graecia, 
Caution to be observed in rebellion.  that is to say, That it is not good to attempt such enterprises and insurrections, but with a strong resolution, and forces sufficient to bring the intended purpose to pass. For otherwise they waken and arm the enemy, and serve to none other end, but to work loss to the Authors of them, and to themselves that are in the action: and so much the rather because such rebellions (for the most part) are not thoroughly considered of, 
Why the Turk took Bernegasso from Prete jani.  nor well advised, nor raised in fit time & opportunity. And that this is true, it may be perceived & known by that which the Turk did, when he understood that the Armadaes of the Portugals had oftentimes entered into the red sea, and were there entertained by the Officers of Prestre-Ian, and that they also gave aid to the Portugals against him. For thereupon he took away from Prete-Ian almost all the Province of Bernagasso, and made the Arabians to fortify their havens, which always before were wont to be open and common.  
Moreover, the Chimeriotes, of whom I have spoken somewhat already, 
Rebellion of the Chimeriotres.  having lately made a rebellion, by some persuasions given unto them (and specially by the means and help of Athanasius Bishop of Ocrida, who made them believe that he had intelligence with the Emperor, 
Athanasius B. of Ocrida.  and that he expected aids from the king of Spain) were enforced to reconcile themselves to the Turks, as diverse other times they had done before, with such conditions as were of great disadvantage unto them: which likewise (to leave now all older examples) happened in our days to the Ducati their neighbours, who after they were well chastised by Pirri Bassa, 
Pirri Bassa.  then being the Sangiack of Deluino, and brought not to many more than two hundred households, were transported to Neriho.  
Lastly, 
The taking of Clissa.  the taking of Clissa (to leave those of corone, of Castle Nuovo in the time of Charles the fifth, and others) which fell out now last of all, hath not wrought that benefit and profit, which was highly desired by the pope's holy mind: and principally because the Murlacchis, by whom the imperialists did verily believe they should have been aided against the Turk, 
Why the Murlacchis went against Lencovich.  perceiving so small a number of them to come, quite contrary to their hope and expectation, because they would not make their estate worse with a greater affliction & punishment, came down from the mountains and fought on the Turks side, who did help them to defeat Lencovich, telling him plainly that they would be true and faithful to the grand-Turke.  
But returning to those peoples, that dwell in the Turkish Country, 
The Latines The foreign Latins.  it remaineth now to speak of the Latins. Some of them dwell there as foreigners and strangers, and some make their continual abode there. The foreigners attend and employ themselves upon trades and traffic, either by themselves, or by others for them: and little harm can they do, having neither a Head or Captain to guide them, nor weapons sufficient to fight withal, especially being in number so few, and dispersed scattringly here and there over all that state. Some there be that making these Latins to be all one with other Christians, that are of a several sect, do hold opinion, that they which dwell in Constantinople, by conspiring together, upon any occasion of some notable tumult and uproar raised by the Turks themselves, may make some stir not unworthy of good consideration. For they do think, that the Latins being (indeed) of greater number in Constantinople, then in the other most populous Cities of that Empire, such as are Cairo, Aleppo, and Tauris, adding Pera thereunto, where all the Latins almost do remain, those few Caffaluchis excepted, 
The Caffaluluchis.  which keep in Constantinople after they were transported thither from Caffa by Mahamet, they may the more easily confederate themselves together, and be provided and furnished with armour, whereof the Turks are wont most strictly to spoil the Christians in other places, thereby the more to strengthen and secure their own estates. 
Why Amurath meant to put to death certain Christians of Constantinople, & yet did not.  And hereupon Amurath the last, having accused the Christians that they had set on fire certain streets in Constantinople (even like for all the world as Nero did, when he accused the Christians that were in Rome in his time of the like crime) & therefore had given order, that the jannizaries should hew them in pieces, he revoked that commandment, when he was advertised by the Aga, that in regard of their multitude it could not be put in execution without great danger: beside that it would breed an exceeding notable loss of his customs, and greatly disturb the traffic which would be a thing against reason, and the law of all nations: and therefore he caused diverse jewish women to be put to death, that had counseled and advised him thereunto.  
Others are of opinion, 
The means to raise civil wars among the Turks.  that some persons might be used without any suspicion of the Turks, who under the colour and by occasion of traffic, in the Ottomans Dominions, and specially in Constantinople, might either by large bribes, or by soothing and fostering the ambition or discontentmentes of the chiefest great men, overthrow that Empire with a civil war, and the rather for that their Prince is a man of small wit or forecast: as peradventure it had fallen out, if we Christians had furthered the discontentmentes and jealousies of Ferat, 
jars between the Great men of Turkey.  of Hibraim, of Pirri, and of Mustafa, and of Mahamet Bassa, and lastly of Sinan and of Ferat, and those jars that are not yet appeased between Cicala and Hibraim. And this matter might the more safely be brought to pass, if any occasion should fall out, that diverse Brethren should meet in pretence and challenge of the Empire, as it happened among the Children of Mahamet, of Bajazet, and of Soliman: or if the Empire should chance to want a Natural Successor.  
And forasmuch as the will of Man, 
That the Turkish estate may be overturned rather by learning then by Force.  may be won and bowed two manner of ways, that is to say, either by force or by reason: Some think that the Turkish State may be overturned not only by such means as are above mentioned, but also by discovering unto the Turks, and particulatly unto the janizzaries, on the one side their birth and offspring, and the Baptism which they have had, and on the other side the fables and mad fooleries of the Alcoran, which are very learnedly declared by Cardinal Cusanus, and other writers But the more available course would be, 
john Andrea Alfacqui of Sciativa.  to make some easy and witty books of this matter in the Sclavoyne tongue, and in the Arabike, as in particular hath been already done by john Andrea, 
Books to be dispersed in Turkey, to advertise the Turks of their errors.  sometimes a Moor, and Alfacqui, of the City of Sciativa: and the books of the one language to be dispersed and scattered in Europe, and the other in Asia, causing them to pass from the Indies, to Mozambique in Africa, and from thence to Zofala & Quiloa which are in Asia: Or to the Moluccoes', to Govien, Goa, Diu, Ormuz and other places where the Turkish merchants do haunt and frequent: or else to Oran, to Arzide, and to other places subject to the King of Spain: or lastly through the Countries of the Gentiles and Heathen, that are in amity and confederacy with the Christians, as Calicut, Zeilam, Cambaia and others, and over all the parts of Europe, that confine and border upon the Turks. which course in mine opinion, although it will not peradventure work that which such like books do usually work among us Christians, being sown and scattered abroad for the most part by men, that are desirous of Novelties, especially for that the Turks are as far from employing themselves in reading and study, as we are too much addicted thereunto, and curious therein: yet notwithstanding, it may peradventure one day work some great good, if some Great man among them should become the Head of a new sect: 
The Sophilarii.  for thereby it may easily come to pass, that he should be followed by the multitude, as it hath happened in Germany, in England, and in France, and oftentimes among the Turks themselves in Africa, where learning flourished for a long time, 
Erdevil.  and in Persia among the Sophilarii, who are the followers of the Sect of Hali, one of the four companions of the seducer Mahamet, which sect was afterward rather renewed then invented by Erdevil, whom Paulus iovius calleth Arduel the Father of Ishmael the Sophi.  
And here I cannot but upon this occasion recount unto yond a matter most worthy to be recorded in History, 
A notable history of the Confession & death of a youth of the Seraglio.  that happened in the life time of the last Emperor Amurath at Constantinople. And thus it was. That one of those youths which are brought up in the Royal Seraglio, having leisure & conveniency to read the Holy Bible, and thereupon by the mediation and working of the grace of God, being brought to the knowledge of his error wherein he lived, caused himself to be carried into the Presence of the Great Turk, and there with a Christian courage and boldness told him, That if he would preserve his soul from the eternal fire and damnation, he must surcease from following that impious superstition of Mahamet, and humble himself under the obedience of the true law of jesus Christ the Saviour and Redeemer of the whole world. But he was for the same, as though he had committed a most heinous and grievous offence, condemned publicly to be spitted alive upon a stake, where he iterated and repeated the same words to all the people, with such effectual terms replenished and inflamed with the fiery spirit of the holy Ghost, that many of the beholders feeling themselves inwardly enkindled therewith, did burst forth in commiseration of his death, into very disdainful and despiteful speeches against Amurath: and if the tumult had not been appeased at the first, by the Praetorian Bands, certainly there had followed thereupon a most dangerous and perilous sedition.  
So that in truth, 
Commendation of the D. of Florence for printing in the Arabike tongue.  the Great Duke of Tuscan, deserveth exceeding praise and commendation, for causing many good and godly works to be imprinted in the Arabike Character or Letter, of purpose to disperse them afterwards, as he doth in Africa, and else where. A course out of all question, that although it was heretofore disturbed and hindered by the Siriffe of Africa, upon the insinuation of Antonio di Flores, a Neapolitan, yet one day perhaps may be so happily promoted and furthered, as it will bring forth that fruit which was affected & desired by Pope Gregory the XIII. a man in that respect worthy of everlasting memory, and is also at this time greatly endeavoured by the Pope that now liveth.  
But forasmuch as the greatest part of those Christians, which do continually dwell and remain within the Turkish dominions, are Albanois, I will somewhat insist upon telling you somewhat of them.   

§ XXVII.  
SOme of these Albanois or Albanians do live according to the Latin rite, 
The Albanians  others after the Greekish rite: but all of them dwell not only in that part which is called Albania, beginning on the west at Dulcigno, and the lake of Scutari, 
Their habitation.  and ending on the East at Bastia, which I told you was right over against the Island of Corfu: but also in other places of Morea, and of Grecia, where they have withdrawn themselves either by occasion of the wars, or been transported thither by the Emperors of the East, thereby to remedy their often rebellions. Touching these Albanois Latines, 
Their Conditions.  the same Bruni their Countryman in his Treatise before alleged doth write, that as they are the best armed people so are they the most true and faithful Christians in all the Ottoman Empire, holden also to be the most valiant and greatliest feared for their continual insurrections, raising trouble and tumult upon any the least occasion that they can catch: and this is the quality both of those that dwell in the plain Country, and also of those that keep in the mountains. Howbeit they are constrained in despite of their teeth to submit and humble themselves, 
Their weakness.  because they are not able alone and of themselves to resist the Turks, and much less their neighbour Christians, by whom they are very many times more vexed and troubled for their rapine and spoiling of Christians, then for feigning themselves to be faithful towards the Turk. Besides that oftentimes the Sangiackes do minister good cause unto them to rebel, either because they use to pray upon them, or for that they would be revenged on them, or else that they might have a likely excuse for not going abroad to any war a far off. 
The Sangiacks of the Ducagini.  And for the same purpose the Sangiack of the Ducagini doth never depart from thence, like as also he of Castell-Angelo doth, 
The Sangiack of Castel-Angelo.  who under the colour and pretence of defending that Country from the Christian Armadaes, stayeth always at home.  
These Ducagini do dwell in the mountain Scardo, 
The Ducagini.  at the confines of Preseremo, called in times past Parrecopoli, or Perenopoli which is in Dardania upon the borders of Albania, inhabited more by the Albanois, then by the Seruians: 
Preseremo is not justendili.  neither is it that which is called justendil, as some do think: for the one City is distant from the other by the space of three days journeys, and yet they be in one and the self same Province. 
justendil is not Instiniana the first.  They are are also greatly deceived in my judgement, which are of opinion, that justendil is justiniana the first, and not the second, and that Preseremo or justendil, was the natural Country of justinian the Emperor, and not O crida, which is in truth justiniana the first, and was called in the old time Lycbindo. Those that do dwell somewhat far off out of the common highway, do pay no tribute, because they are defended by the rough and craggy passage of their mountain situation. The mountain is called Nero, Black, and so are many mountains in Turkey, called likewise by the same name. 
Albania described.   
This Albania at the Adriatic Sea is compassed about by very high mountains. A plain country it is, and watered with many very great rivers, so that they debar passage for footmen to travel to those Christians that inhabit the other parts of the Country. They have no Horse, neither have they any means to make Bridges. Those places that are inward and enclosed within the waters are in the possession of the Turks: and although they be not all guarded with Garrisons, nor strongly kept, yet the principal of them are very safe, 
Antonio Brun  so that they cannot covertly be robbed or spoiled by the Christians: which point (sayeth the said Bruni) I thought good to note unto you, in regard of the opinion, which is, conceived of these peoples, that they are able of themselves to perform some good, without the help and succours of any foreign Nation: and that the fame and rumour only of the aids that should come from Italy and Spain, with a show likewise but of one Regiment under an Ensign, (even as the Ambassador of Lewes Duke of Myllane, 
Lewes D. of Milan. Charles the VIII. K. of France.  told Charles the VIII. King of France,) is sufficient and enough to stir them up to an insurrection. But God grant that the unhappy wretches be not brought into danger hereby, and that by these open and public treaties, there be no loss indeed of the opportunity of some good, that may be expected in times to come.  
And thus much be spoken of the Turks natural, and of the Rinegadoes, and of the Grecians and Latins, that dwell in the Turks dominions.   

§ XXVIII.  
AND lastly the Turk considereth, 
The Turk feareth the joining of the Pope's Galleys with the Spanish Galleys.  that if the Galleys of the king of Spain, that is to say, the Guards of Naples, Sicily and Genoa, should join themselves with the Galleys of the Pope, of Malta, of Florence, and of Savoy, they would make so good a body of an Armada, that being assisted by favourable winds, they may very easily on a sudden assault, either Castle-nuovo, or the Velona, and other places of Albania: or else if they forbear so to do in regard of the Commonwealth of Venice, who challengeth jurisdiction in the Adriatical sea, for such reasons as are at large displayed by Girolamo Bardi, they may assail Morea, and perhaps also the Dardanelli, or some other notable place of his Empire to his exceeding loss.  
Which point being very considerable and of good consequence, 
How the places possessed by the Turks on the sea-coast may be assaulted.  it will not be amiss, for the better information of such, as shall courteonsly read all these discourses, and do not so well know the particulars of those places which belong to the Turk, and may by us Christians be easily assaulted, that I tell you somewhat in particularity, and specially touching their situation, and the manner of winning them, whether it be likely to prove well or no.  
Castle-nuovo is within the Channel of Catharo called in old times the ancient Ascrivius. 
Castel-novo.  The entrance thereunto is very hard and difficult, by reason of the straits in the mouth of it, where jacomo Soranzo the general Proveditorie for the Venetian Armada, 
The Fort of Varbagno defaced by jacomo Soranzo  had made the fort of Verbagno even with the ground, which was there built by the Turks. To get that place, the spade may work much, but it may easily be succoured by land. It was sometimes possessed by the Spaniards, who although they did not maintain and keep it against Barbarosso, for the reasons that are most manifest, and known, yet are they greatly commended by the Turks in their Chronicles.  
Velona, called in times past Aulon, is situate at the mouth of the gulf of the Sea Adriatic, 
Velona▪ The Promontory of Santa Maria.  over against the promontory of Santa Maria, in old time called japygia, in Pulia, not above threescore miles from Otranto. This place hath no convenient Port or Haven for the Galleys, but some three miles off: the entrance thereof, being well defended, and barred with marshes, with Pools and salt-pits. It is not very strong, and yet if you should be minded to conquer it, you must batter two Castles, the one, which is in the plains and almost conjoined with the Burgo, and built in times passed by the advise of Pignatello an Outlaw of Naples: 
Pignatello an Outlaw of Naples.  and the other, which standeth aloft, less than a mile distant from the City, and is called Canina, now inhabited by the Turks, who had driven the Christians from thence, upon a suspicion, that they had taken of them in this present treatise of revolt.  
Touching the rest of Albania or Arbania, 
Why the Armenians cannot do that which they did in times past.  the places which may be gotten, are within land, and those that are on the sea-coasts have no Havens. Besides that the Inhabitants are for the most part very base and cowardly people. And although the time was indeed, wherein the Albanois did show themselves very valiant against the Turks, and specially in the days of George Castriotte, yet now they cannot show themselves to be the same men, 
George Castriotta.  because they have their enemy not only their absolute Lord and Master at home in their houses, but they have him also on their backs, as in times past they had not: to which calamity they have been subject, ever since the Turk hath gained their Country, and the Country adjoining unto them. Moreover, the Albanois are greatly diminished, and want such a courageous Captain as Castriotte was, who had good intelligence of the Turkish affairs, well experienced in the Country and highly beloved and admired of the Country inhabitants, and also of his soldiers.  
Dulcigno, 
Dulcigno.  called heretofore Olcinio, or Colchinio, may be assailed by an Armada. For although it want a Haven, yet in good weather the Fleet may disbarke upon the shore. It is by situation very strong, but a great part of it is fallen by an earthquake: and therefore if it should be won, it will be most needful for the maintaining and keeping of it, to fortify it anew. 
Scutari.  If Dulcigno be won, Scutari, in times past called Scodra, may peradventure be won also. For although it be fortified in a situation that is by Nature most strong, yet is it so ill guarded by the Turks as it may easily be entered in the night time upon a sudden.  
Durazzo, 
Durazzo.  of old called Dyrracchium lieth in the plain Country. It is not strong, but in truth it would be the aptest and fittest of all other places to make entrance into the enemy's Country, be cause it is situate in the middle, and near unto Italy, although it be very subject to the expectation and feat of the enemy's assaults.  
The Turk may also be greatly damnified, 
Morea.  by entering in Peloponesus, which is at this day called Morea, either for the many Mulberry trees which are there, or because it hath the shape or form of a Mulberry leaf. This province lying in the midst of the states, which the Turk hath in Europe, if it were entered, 
The true way how to war with the Turk  we should make war with him at home within his own Country: which is indeed the true Art of warfare: for so did Cyrus, Caesar, and Hannibal, and so have the most famous ancient Captains advised to do, whatsoever other modern men of later times do say to the contrary. Moreover, by this means he should easily be diverted and turned away indeed, and his Armada hindered from going any further.  
Lastly, 
Salonicchi.  if Salonicchi, sometimes called Thessalonica might be gotten, it is most certain that it would be very available for the forwarning of our affairs. For our people and Soldiers being disbarked at that place, they may afterwards very conveniently and commodiously pass unto such places as lie upon the high way which leadeth to Constantinople, and cut out a way into Greece, as did the Romans, and Alaricus king of the goths, 
Alaricus king of the goths  who with thirty thousand men only, subdued and conquered the Romans themselves. And so much the easier will it be, if at the very self same time the Polack and the Transyluanian be pricked forward to pass over the Danow, and so going on through Bulgaria, to annoy the enemy in earnest, even to the City of Constantinople.   

§ XXIX.  
But most true it is, 
Advertisements how to bring their matters to pass.  that it will be very necessary for the safe and sure effecting of these other like resolutions, if our Princes shall happen to be resolved to put them in execution in deed, that they use the greatest secrecy that may be. 
Secre●●e.  One thing (sayeth Haytho the Armenian, writing upon the journey to the Holy Land,) among others. I dare be bold to put you in mind of that in any case, 
Haytho the Armenian  as soon as the Christians shall be resolved to do any good, they do warily and curiously keep secret their intents and counsels, to the end that the enemy be in no wise informed or acquainted with their purposes. For the Christians in times bypassed, because they would not conceal their designementes, found by experience, that they fell into many disadvantages, whereas on the contrary side, the enemy hath avoided many dangers, and so bereaved the Christians of their opportunities, to bring their wished desires to effect. To leave the examples of the Gentiles, when judith was resolved with a courageous mind to go and kill Holofernes, for the delivery of the City of Bethulia, it is written in the Holy Scripture, that she would not make any partaker of her purpose, but said to two only, 
judith. cap. 8  and afterwards to the Priests: Vos nolo ut scrutemini actum meum, & usque dum renuntiem vobis, nihil aliud fiat, nisi oratio pro me ad Dominum Deum nostrum: I will not have you to inquire of my Act, and until I declare it unto you, Let no other thing be done, but prayer for me to the Lord our God. This course if it were practised in our times with true devotion and Faith, certainly it would not fall out, that our Princes should have any need at all to fear a happy and prosperous issue of their counsels and devices, and thereby they might also more curiously search and find out the designementes of their enemies. For even as God doth never abandon or forsake those, that with pure zeal do fight for his most holy name, so doth he well know, how to find good and convenient means for the discovery of all the secrets of his enemies unto the true ministers of his Holy will, as he did to Elizeus, 
Elizeus. 4. King. 6. cap.  when he disclosed unto him the Counsels of the King of Syria, although he used all the care and cunning that he had to conceal them from him. 
Knowledge of the Country. Knights of Malta.   
Moreover it would be also necessary to have such persons in the Armada, as are very expert in the knowledge of the Countries, lest it happen to them, as it happened to the Knights of Malta, who failed in the surprise of Modone, because they did not know at the first that there was a Bridge to be passed over, presently after they had made their first entrance.  
It were likewise very fit and convenient, 
Languages, judgement, Credit. Understanding and desire to praise God.  that the said persons (as I have told you already) should have the language, a sound judgement, good credit, and quick understanding, but especially, and above all, that they have a desire to do good to Christendom. Qualities (no doubt) that are to be found in plentiful manner in some that live at this day, and would be very apt and meet instruments to bring great enterprises to good pass, if our Princes by their good service and means would resolve themselves to do it in deed as did Pope july the TWO, by the help of Constantine Cominianus, and Pope Pius the V. who called Friar Gasper Bruni, the commendatory of jerusalem from Dulcigno, of purpose to use him in the Armada against the Turk and other matters of moment appertaining to that war. 
Why Princes do oftentimes entertain the opinions of such as know least.  But the mischief is, that for the most part our Princes do give credit to such persons, as neither know nor understand the mystery and Art of warfare, either because those places are carried away by favour, yea and very oftentimes disposed upon those that understand least: or because they make a promise to perform the enterprise with less charges and expenses than others will do: or by flattery, or by ambition, or rather (as I think) to make a gain thereof: whereupon there ariseth great loss and shame, both to the Princes themselves, and to the Promoters and furtherers of such goodly instruments.   

§ XXX.  
TO be brief, the Turk is afraid, lest the Armada of Spain, 
The Turk feareth the assaulting of the Dardanelli.  or any other fleet of ships might depart in june with some North-westernly winds, not to go (as it went the last year to sack Patarasse) or into Alexandria (as it thought to have done long ago) or into Africa (as peradventure it will be no difficult matter for the Spanish Armada to do) or last to endamage and annoy some other place both within and without the Adriatic Sea, which I will not name, because I will not discover or disclose that which is not so well known in Histories, as some other things also are (that I have touched) and which peradventure may one day be happily attempted: but to go, and upon a sudden to assault the Dardanelli, called in ancient times Sestus and Abydo, which are (as it were) the forewals and the first hate of entrance into his palace, and Mahamet the second fortified them as soon as he had gotten Constantinople. And so much the rather, for that if they have the said winds favourable, the voyage will be but of a few days journey: and by sailing to the Gulf Lanciato, the passage will be also more safe from the enemy's Armada. For although our Armada should be perceived by the Turks that keep on the sea coasts, yet would they think that it were the Turkish fleet. And therefore it will be very needful for those that desire to attempt this enterprise, that they would remember, not to put this devise in execution, until such time as they shall know for a certainty, that the enemy's Armada is gone forth. 
By taking the Dardanelli the entrance into Turkey will be easy.   
And yet I do not say, that when the Dardanelli are surprised & taken, Constantinople will presently be gotten, as some have written: but this I say, that it will put that City in such a fright, as it will be no great matter, if any tumult be raised to make the entrance into it, very easy of itself and open, especially if they shall have before hand entertained some intelligence within the City, or that the Turk shall have received some notable overthrow, either by land or Sea. 
The distance of the Dardanelli, the one from the other: and from Gallipolis, and from Constantinople,   
The Dardanelli, that is on Europe's side, hath a hill that doth wholly command it. The other which is in Anatolia, or Asia, as they call it, lieth in the plain. They are both easy to be gotten, because they are built after the old manner. Against that which standeth in Asia, the abbey may also be used, and so by making great hills of sand (for it is built upon the shore) it may be undermined, as the Turks use to do. They are in breadth distant the one from the other more than a mile: and in length from Gallipoli, thirty miles, and from Constantinople about a hundred and threescore.   

§ XXXI.  
THere are likewise many other ways, 
How the Polonians, Hungarians, and Trausyluanians may make outroades into the Turkish territories by diverse ways.  whereby the Polonians, the Hungarians, and the Transylvanians may attempt also by land with diverse outrodes in the time of Harvest to gain upon the Turk some place of good moment, and so enter within the enemy's Country, by some way which they would little dream off, and specially by keeping themselves towards the Sea, to the end they may be succoured by our Armadaes, if need should be. 
The Taifali, what they are,  For so we read, that heretofore five hundred Taifali alone (as Zozimenus writeth) which now are the transylvanians, and Walachians, made an incursion under Constantine, even as far as Constantinople, to the exceeding affrightment and terror of the inhabitants of that City. 
The ways which the Turk chiefly feareth.  The ways, whereof the Turks are most afraid, are those of Sophia, of Andrinopolis, of Philippo-polis, and of those quarters.  
But to the end that our Princes may be assured, 
The reading of histories in this point very available.  how after their departure from Italy, they may enter a great way within the Ottomans Country, and pass even to Constantinople itself, let them read the voyages of Constantine and Licinius, of Constantius and Magnentius, of julian and Theodosius, of Eugenius, of Arbogastes, of Theodoricus king of the goths, of Odoacre king of the Heruli, of Alaricus king also of the goths, & of Attila, of whom I have before made mention. And lastly let them very well consider, of the purposes and devices that Mithridates had to come into Italy, when he departed from Pontus, and Scythia, that is to say, from Circassia and Tartary: The Designments of Philip king of Macedon to pass into the Adriatic sea. The disbarking and landing of the Romans upon the Macedonians, and the return which the Captains of Vespasian, of Antony the first, and of Mutianus made into Italy out of Soria, and also the journey of Boemond, and others, when they went to the conquest of the holy land, and other such like voyages, that may be collected out of Histories.   

§ XXXII.  
FInally, I will set down for the last point, 
The consultation of Pope Leo the tenth, about the attempt of making war against the Turk.  as it were for a Conclusion or Epilogue, of so much as hath been spoken, what Francis Guicciardin writeth of Pope Leo the tenth, when he greatly feared, that Selim would have passed into Italy, not unlike to that which other Popes have done, as P. iovius writeth in his counsel given for the war against the Turk, and sundry other Authors likewise. The Pope (saith Guicciardin) like an universal father, 
Frances Guicciardin.  bethinking himself of the Common good of Christendom, after he had first caused very devout prayers and supplications to be celebrated to God, whereunto he went himself barefoot: he sent writs or Brieffes to all the Prince's Christian, warning them of the great danger that was imminent and at hand, and comfortably exhorted them, that laying aside all discords and contentions, they would readily attend upon the defence of religion, and their own common safety, by uniting their minds and their Forces against the Turk, and by going to assault him, even at his own home: He published universal and general truces between the said Princes, with the punishment of the heaviest censures of the Church to be inflicted upon such as gainsaid the same, to the end, that only such matters as belonged to so great an enterprise, should be entertained and handled. He dispatched unto them for the same purpose diverse Legate-Cardinals, men of great authority, and renowned aswell for their experience in this business, as also for their opinion of learning. He advised and consulted with the Ambassadors of every Prince, and examined the several conceits and judgements of military men, and of such persons as were well acquainted with the Countries, with the disposition of the Provinces, and with the Forces and Arms of that Empire. Last of all he resolved with himself, that it was most necessary to provide a very great sum of moneys, partly by a contribution voluntary to be made among the said Princes, and partly by an universal Imposition to be levied upon all Christian Nations: and thereupon the Emperor accompanied with the Hungarian and Polonian Horsemen (who are very warlike Nations, and well exercised with continual wars against the Turks) and with such an army of Dutch Horse and Foot, as were requisite for so great an Enterprise; to sail by the Danowe into Bossina: (he would say into Servia, for so was the upper Mysia called in ancient times) and so to go from thence into Thracia, & approaching near unto Constantinople, the very seat of the Empire of the Ottoman: Secondly, that the king of France with all the Forces of his own kingdom, of the Venetians and of other Princes of Italy, accompanied with the Footmen of the Swissers, should pass from the Haven of Brindes, (anciently called Brundisium,) into Albania (an easy and very short passage) to assault Grecia, which is full of Christian inhabitants who both in that respect, and in regard of the cruelty of the Turkish Empire, are very ready and well disposed for a rebellion. Thirdly, that the Kings of Spain, of Portugal, & of England should join their Armadaes together at Cartagena, and at other havens thereabouts, and so with CC. ships full of Spanish Footmen, and other soldiers, address themselves to the straits of Gallipoli, of purpose to assault Constantinople itself, after they had won the Dardanelli, otherwise called the two Castles, situate in the mouth of the said Streytes. In the which journey the Pope himself would sail likewise, taking ship at Ancona with C. Beaked ships (he would say Galleys) in his Company. So that the State and Empire of the Turks being assaulted both by land and by Sea, on all sides, with these preparations, (especially for that the Turks do principally build upon this foundation, to defend themselves in the open field:) it were likely (chiefly by God's help and assistance) that a happy end might be expected and achieved of so pitiful and lamentable a war.   

§ XXXIII.  
I Would to God it might please his Majesty, that even as the uniting together of all the Prince's Christian against the Turk, 
ours  either by a proportionable contributing to the expenses of so universal and holy an association, 
〈◊〉  or else every one of them by himself (I speak● of such as are more conveniently able to do it then the rest) by setting upon the enemy all at one time, as this (I say) is thought to be a matter in the eye and judgement of man, surely not altogether impossible, but in deed very hard and difficult, especially in these days, for the sins of the world, which require wrath and calamity: So he would vouchsafe with the eye of his justice to look upon the Ottoman, that he be no longer the rod and scourge of his Divine fury against us, but like an unprofitable wretch, and proud Colossus, he may at the last be broken into very small pieces, by the stone of his Divine power: or at the least, with the eye of his mercy, to behold the Christian Princes, and to inspire into their hearts a mind and desire to bind themselves together in one, with the bond of true Charity, even as there is but one faith which they profess, and one Church wherein all true believers do live, (and therefore is called a congregation:) to the end that leaving those subtle considerations of their private interests and commodities, either in regard that their states are very near unto the enemy, or in respect of the power of some, and the weakness of others, or because the gain and profit can not be equal and alike to every man, without any greediness of commanding, and without ambition of reigning, one in the East, another in the South, they would unite themselves, not (as it were) for ceremony & fashion's sake, (for so Guicciardin himself saith) as these matters and practices have heretofore been handled. But with effect, and in the zeal of true religion and piety, with the glory of his divine Majesty, and their own salvation, against all the enemies of his most holy name: Imitating therein, 
Godfrey of Boleine.  that great Godfrey of Boleine, not only in resolution, but also, (if need should so require) in alienating their own proper states & dominions, as he did with the dukedom of Boleine, that so he might have means to make & maintain war against the same tyrant: as many other of those Lords did, that concurred in that holy league, whereof we have told you before. Whereupon it pleased the Lord of Hosts, either for our instruction, or for our shame and confusion, so to work with them that they recovered the holy Sepulchre, and with very great glory subdued all the East.  
FINIS.