NEWS FROM SPAIN AND HOLLAND CONTAINING.  
An information of English affairs in Spain with a conference made thereupon in Amsterdame of Holland.  
Written by a Gentleman travelour borne in the low countries, and brought up from a child in Ingland, unto a Gentleman his friend and Host in London.  
Anno, M. D. XCIII.   

TO THE INDIFFERENT AND DISCRETE READER.  
I RECEIVED great contentment, and thought myself exceedingly gratified by an especial friend of mine, when as (of late) it pleased him to communicate with me the ensuing discourse, concerning the estate, residence, & exercises of the English nation in Spain, with other matter thereon depending, together with a familiar conference had at Amsterdam, which also concerned English affairs. But being in written hand, & only intended by one friend unto an other, I was fory that so notable matter as is therein delivered, could not so readily be imparted to many, & therefore I have presumed to put the same in print, the thing (in my opinion) right worthily deserving the same, & I wish that thy acceptance thereof may be answerable to my good meaning, whereby I may the sooner be induced for thy further satisfaction, to put forth in print also the other discourse, promised in the end of this, whereof I do very shortly expect to have a copy, and thus I leave the to God, & this treatise (in the mean time) to thy considerate regard.   

TO THE RIGHT WOORSHIPFUL M. N. MY GOOD HOST AND DEAR FRIEND ABIDING IN GRACIOUS STREAT IN LONDON.  
IF I have been somewhat longer than you expected (my good host and dear friend) in performance of my promise made unto you at my departur from London, to return you speedily advises from flanders and Spain, of the affairs so much desired and recommended unto me, no fear have I in the world but that my pardon shall easily be obtained at your hades who know my good will both to you and your country (which for divers causes also I may well call mine) and more than this, by your own experience you may easily imagine the lets & difficulties which travelers and traffickers are wout to find in foreign countries, for dispaching their business with in the compass of their own designments.  
True it is, that after my departing from you (which was on Michaelmas day (if I forget not) my passage was with good speed to Holland, and thence also with no less opportunity to Spain, for that finding good occasion of imbarcation my haste, was the greater and so I arrived in Calliz of Andaluzia, by the end of November, from whence passing within two or three days to the port of S. Maries (which is but one or two hours sailing by water as you know) I had fit occasion to inform myself very particularly of the first point whereof we had hard so much in Ingland, and I promised to write you the truth to wit of the public reconciling of so many English Soldiers to the Catholic Roman faith, as were at that time detained prisoners in the Galleys of Spain, which galleys commonly for the winter time do reside in this port of S. Mary's as fittest of all Spain for that purpose to resist the incursion of the moors. And for that this was the first matter whereof you and I talked and disputed so much in Ingland upon the uncertain relations that Soldiers brought us thither from Spain, you suspecting the matter to be feigned and I thinking the contrary; I shall first assure you in this that the whole happened as we were informed, to wit, that above eighteen English, partly captains, 
ninety Inglis men reconciled in Spain.  and officers and partly merchants and common Soldiers, who had been very resolute a long time in their religion, and had oftentimes affirmed to the Adelantado their general and other Captains and friends which dealt with them in that behalf, that they would rather die then relent therein, yet afterwards upon three or four days conference with an English father or two of this side, they offered all most willingly to change their opinions and become catholics, and that at such a time, when as they saw themselves out of all danger if they would have continued in the contrary, for that they had now this kings warrant, both for their lives and liberties, and that the inquisition should in no wise touch them for their religion, which I do ad to the end you may not think parchance that they did it for fear, but rather of their own free will and election, professing themselves with tears and extended hands (as here most credibly it was told me) that theywere, all most fully satisfied, persuaded & convinced, & consequently desired with, earnest request to be reconciled to the Catholic Roman faith and church; and so they were, every one being first confessed of all his life past, and afterward all together in solemn procession were carried to the great church of the port, & there hard mass together, with extraordinary show of contrition and repentance for the time past, & mass being ended, they all received the holy Sacrament of the altar most devoutly, & the Adelantado with divers other noble men knights and Captains were communicated with them, for their comfort and devotion: & that ended, the Adelantado (who is a most noble and honourable gentleman and affected exceedingly to the Catholics of your nation) had them all home to his own house, & gave them a rial dinner himself serving 
A dinnet made to the English convetted.  them at the table, with Don juau de Padilla his eldest son, and heir, the marquis of Montes Claros his nephew, Don ivan de Porto Carera brother to the Earl of Palma his other nephew, Don ivan de Robles, Don Pedro de Acumnia, & many other great men, who all did this honot to your nation that day, for joy to see them so willingly made Catholics, and I assure you that this day is one of the most memorablest that ever your nation hath had in these parts, and will be remembered in the port of S. Mary's and places there about, for long tyme.  
By all which you may see, if you will (my good Sir) that it is true which so offen I have urged 
A consideration upon the former con version.  unto you and others not greatly learned, who are so determinate in your opinions without knowing the grounds whereon you stand, or at least not those wherein others do found themselves, or what truly may be said without heat of contention, for the one or against the other, so if (I say) you would be content but only to hear and examine the matter and confer with some learned of the other side with indifferent desire to know the truth & to acknowledge it when in conscience you should discover the same; it wear an easy matter to come to that union so much desired, as many have done, which sincerely and with christian disposition before mentioned have been content to treat of this affair. but others as yourself and some friends of ours there with you are want to apprehend so vehemently every new opinion that you fall on, as there is no reason or argument, may be hard to the contrary & so no marvel though you remain still with your own persuasions. And so much by this occasion against you good Sir, and now to the course of my narration again.  
From the port of S. Maries I went to Siuil against Christmas and in the way I passed by 
The English house and Church of S. George in S. Lucre's.  S. Lucre's where I found the English Church of S. George appertaining in times passed unto the English merchants (which is an other point also where of you desired to be informed) delivered up into the hands of English Seminary priests, together with all the houses, grounds, and other emoluments belonging thereunto, and it seemeth that the place hath gotten much by this change, for that the same church (which I knew some years ago while it was in your merchants hands) much in decay, is now very well repaired and kept in good order, and fair habitation is in building about it, which they say shall serve, not only for the priests to lie therein, but also for the merchants of the English nation, to make their assembly when occasion is offered, and to these buuldings and reparations not only the Duke of Medina Sidonia Lord of the town, and the Cardinal of Siuil metropolitan of the place, do give their favours and assistance for the recovery of all such commodities as ever belonged to that Church and house, but the King also himself who besides other favours gave them two thousand Crowns in money towards the said building this year past, and so it is like to be one of the fairest houses and churches that is in the whole city of S. Lucre's.  
This house is to serve principally for a residence 
Residèces of English Priests in Libon & in the of S. Mary's.  of English Priests as I have said, and there is a Doctor of divinity of your nation provost thereof at this present, and there end is as I am informed not only to keep up and serve that house and Church, but also to entertain such English, as pass in and out to the Seminaries. For which cause also the Duke of Medina Celi lord of the port of S. Mary's is about to erect au other residence like to this in that his town; and an other there is already erected in Lisbon, & an English grave Priest. Superior thereof with great probability to have a Seminary also and college of English students in that city shortly; as all ready there is one of Irishmen and an other of the same nation in Salamanca stirred up thereunto by the example of the English.  
But to pass forwards in my journey I arrived 
The English house and Seminary in Seville.  about Christmas at Siuil where I found a goodly English Seminary newly begun & brought to such perfection as in two months only there wear almost fifty persons in the same, and the said College is placed in the midst and best situation of all the town, and so well settled and provided for every way as if they had been there many years: for that the good will and affection of the people toward them, is exceeding great, and they seem to be ravished as it were with a kind of admiration of them, to see so many English tender youths, all bred and borne in this Queen's reign, and yet so forward and fervent in this their religion, as to offer themselves to all kind of difficulties, afflictions and perils for the same: for such is the profession commonly of all these youths, and to confess the truth it gave me also incredible admiration to talk with them in that point, and surely it seemeth a spirit different from all other nations and men in thes days, and must needs proceed of an higher influence than flesh and blood or wordly policy or persuasion, if I be not deceived.  
I was present at certanie feasts and exercises of learning which these young men made upon certain days in this their new college before, Don Rodrigo de Castro, the Cardinal & Archbishop of that city, who esteemeth himself & his house (which is very honourable and of the most ancientest Grandes of Spain) to be descended of your old Dukes of Lancaster, as also before the whole university and clergy of Sivil, and before the Governor and noble men of the same, who flocked thither in so great numbers upon the brute of Catholic Inglishmen, as it was of force to hold the said exercises in the greater court of the said college, but yet adorned very decently for that purpose, & surly the exercises seemed to be done with general approbation or rather admiration of all men.  
The one Days excercise were disputations before and after dinner, upon Conclusions drawn out of all divinity, the learnedest men of all that city and university repairing thither to dispute with the English priests that defended the conclusions.  
another day was the feast of S. Thomas of 
Exercises of learning by the English in Sivil.  Canterbery celebrated with great solemnity & exceeding much concourse of all principal people of that city, the Cardinal and some other great personages were entertained with orations and speeches in Latin, at their first entrance, until the mass began, the church and court thereunto adioned, were addressed and hanged with great store of rich clothes, & thereppon mnch variety of poems and learned inventions in Latin, Greek, Hebrew, French, Spanish, Italian, & other languages wherein these students seem to have much use and skill, some in the one, and some in the other. The mass was song with great solemnity, by one Don Alonso de Columna, brother to the general of the King's galleons. Two Sermonos were made bv two English scholars, the one in Latin, towards the middle of mass, after the gospel which endured about au hour, the other in spanish after the mass was done, which Was somewhat shorter, but I can assure you that both the preachers acquitted théselues in such order, as they gave wonderful contentment & drew many tears from the hearers, as I can be witness, and I must needs confess, also that all beit I be not hard to persuade myself well of English men as you may guess yet easily should I not have believed that your countrymés could so well have framed themselves, to give satisfaction in other countries if I had not seen and hard this myself, though always I have known English mens talents and abilities to be great, whereunto soever they list to apply themselves.  
Thus passed that day which was the 29. of December and fift day of Christmas, wherein 
S. Thomas of Canterbury his feast in Sivil.  S. Thomas was slain in his own Church of canterbury, as you know, King Henry the second being then in Normandy, but yet he was presumed to be the cause and occasion of this fact, though himself denied his intention thereunto all his life after. but the universal Church of Christendom condemned him therein, and began presently to celebrate this feast, every year by public authority, as of a martyr, and appointed the gospel for the mass of this day, to be taken out of the 10. of S. john, where Christ setteth down the difference between the good shepherd & the bad, for that the bad shepherd and hireling runnet away when he seethe the wolf coming to devour his sheep, but the true shepherd stayeth & sticketh to the defence of his sheep, and offereth his life for the same if need be, as our Saviour sayeth in thes words. Bonus Pastor animam suam dat pro ovibus suis the good Pastor giveth his life for his sheep.  
These words the first of the two scholars that preached in Latin, took for his theme, & applied them to the present feast of S. Thomas, which he said did appertain to every several sort and degree of people there present, and that for divers particular reasons which he touched in his preface, which preface for that it setteth forth the great variety of honourable personages that were at his sermon, I shall not omit to put it down here word for word as it was uttered & that also in Latin, although you be no great Latinist, but I shall take pain also to put the same in English. Thus than he began with as much commelynes, grace of speech, and fervour of spirit, as ever I remember to have hard any man in my life before.  

THE BEGINNING OF the Latin Sermon.  
DIcturus hody de praeclarissimo Ecclesiae Catholica lumine divo Thoma Cantuariensi (Illustrissime Cardinalis, clarissimique auditores) illud saepe mecum ad solatium cogitare soleo, nihil me dicturum in hac tanta frequentia, quod ad omnes ferè non pertineat; cum nemo fortasse sit ex universa hac nobilissimaque hominum corona, qui aliquid suum in gloriosissimo hoc Dei servo non agnoscat. Dicturus enim sum de ciue apud cives, de senatore apud senatores, de judice apud judices, de regni cancellario apud conciliorum praesides; de religiovis assertore, apud religionis vindices, de Pastore vigilantissimo, apud animarum duces: de regularis vitae professore, apud regularis vitae obseruamtissimos: de Archiepiscopo apud archipraesulem: de universi regni primate apud universalis Ecclesiae purpuratum antistitem: de martyr denique, apud martyrij cupidos, si Dominus eos dignos inuenertt. Itaque cum omnium partes in praesenti celebritate reperiantur, quid ni omnium quoque votis, omniumque precibus ad commanem omnium Dominum recurramus, ut dicentem me hodierno die, vel narrantem, vel perorantem vel supplicantem, vel lamentantem etiam, & complorantem, (si id vel temporum vel rerum Anglicanarum necessitas postulabit) divina sua gratia comitari dignetur? & in primis beatissimam eius matrem (quam summa semper religione Archiepiscopus Thomas venerabatur) onini contentione imploremus, ut dexteram pòrrigat dicenti, & fluentem orationis meae cursum ad filii sui gloriam plentissime dirigaet.   

In English thus.  
Having to speak this day (most excellent & renowned Cardinal, and you the rest most honourable auditors) of that right famous and noble light of Christ's catholic church S. Thomas of Canterbury one point am I well to remember for my comfort that I shall speak nothing this day in this noble audience which in some sort pertaineth not to all that are present, seeing there is scarce any man in my opinion in this most ample & honourable assembly which may not acknowledge some part of his estate calling or condition, to be resembled in this most glorious servant of our Saviour.  
For if you consider well, my speech must be 
1. Citizens.  of a citizen unto citizens, of a Senator unto senators, 
2. Councelours.  of a judge unto judges, of a head and Chancellor of a kingdom unto the heads and 
3. judges.  precedents of honourable counsels, of a defender 
4. Presidents of concelles.  of religion, unto them that by office do protect 
5. Iquisitores.  religion; of a vigilant pastor unto those that are Captains in guiding souls, of him that 
6. Pastors & preachers.  professed regular life, unto such as are most observant of regular austerity, of an archbishop 
7. monks & friars.  to an archprelate, of the primate of an universal 
8. Archbishopes Cardinals.  kingdom, to a Cardinal of Christ's universal church, and finally of a martyr to them that are desirous of martyrdom, if god shall 
9 English scholars dedicated to martyrdom.  find them worthy of so great a dignity, wherefore seeing all that are present have there parts in this holy celebrity; what remaineth but that with the prayers of all we make recourse to him, that is master and Lord of all, beseeching his divine majesty to accompany me this day with his holy grace, while I in this sermon shall recount, declare, persuade, implore, cry out, complain or weep in your presence, according as the consideration of these times or the most afflicted state of our desolate country shall enforce me to do. And first of all, let us begin with our humble recourse unto his glorious mother the blessed virgin Marie, whom S. Thomas ever honoured with special devotion, desiring her with all instance to assist me in this action for the directing the course of this my speech, unto the honour & glory of her son, our Saviour.   
This was the entrance unto his sermon which he prosecuted after with such fervour of spirit, choice of good words and tender matter, as no man I think passed without his part of tears, as before I told you, and surely if it were not over louge I would send you the whole sermon, as perhaps I may when it cometh forth in print, as I think it will, for I have hard divers say they would procure it, but for me at this time it shallbe enough to have repeated this beginning, and to adjoin thereunto (for that it seemeth to me very excellent and effectuous) the very last part and conclusion of all which he added in few words, about the martyrdom of saint Thomas, after he had uttered many notable things of his life, and especially of his great austerity in fasting, praying, wearing of hear cloth, chastening of his body, and other such afflictions of his flesh, which this blessed servant of god (by testimony of them that lived with him, and have written his life) did use, both at home and in his banishment. After all which this preacher brought in this conclusion, turning his speech to the rest of his felloes the English scholars there present.  

THE CONCLUSION OF THE SERMON.  
ATque haec dicta sint, ut hinc etiam intelligamus (fratres mei charissimi) quae vita martyrium antecedere debeat; quantoque disciplinae ac sanctitatis studio, hoc summum in terris bonum, à Domino sit comparandum. Thomae verò pro hac singulari vitae praestantia, non est mirum si singulare quoque genus martyrij conssumce fuerit; de quo cum iam mihi ingrediendum esset, ut pro rei dignitate nonnulla diterem; video me exclusum tempore, ut ne facti quidem narr andi locus detur. Sit igitur satis uno quasi verbo summatim quae sequuntur perstrinxisse: Henricum scilicet, ficta pace Thomam in Angliam post septem annorum exilium revocasse: quo cum venisset, & sedi suae restitutus fuisset, novas calumnias statim excogitatas, veteres inimicitias resuscitatas esse: Regi in Normandia degenti, verba quaedam per iracundiam excidisse, quibus gratum ei putabatur fore, si vir Dei de medio tolleretur: advolasse statim in Angliam aulicos quosdam è regia familia, qui his ipsis festis naetalitijs salvatoris, Cantuariam ruentes, virum Dei, nec fugientem, nec repugnantem, nec se defendentem cum posset, nec fores claudi sinentem, sed or antem & ante altare in genua procumbentem, gladijs nefandis (proh facinus) transuerberasse. Testis est qui adfuit qui vidit, qui historiam scripsit, qui martyrem Christi rlnis amplexus, brachium in certamine amisit, amputatum ab homicidis: testis (inquam est) Thomam in martyrio ne gemitum quidem edidisse, nec in quatuor gladiorum ictibus qui capiti eius inferebantur, unquam manus aut brachia sitstulisse, (quod homines naturae ductu & consuetudine facere solent) ut caput tuerctur, sed haec tantum verba altquoties ingeminasse: Pro Christo Domino & ecclesia libenter morior. O virum admirabilem, ô vocem divinam: vidcte (fratres met) ducem praestantissimum viae vitaeque nostrae, videte magistrum intuemini praecursorem. Pro Christo Domino (inquit) & Ecclesia libenter morior. quae vox fortior? qnae sanctior? quae praesule Christiano dignior? quae vox Deo ad gloriam, Angelis ad laetitiam, inimicis ad confusionem, daemonibus ad terrorem, nobis ad imitationem, omnibus ad exemplum, ipsi martyri ad triumphum cogitari potuit illustrior? libenter (inquit) morior: & quidni libenter Thoma, cum mors pro Christo sumpta, non sit mors, sed initium potius vitae, arrha regni, sigillum gloriae, porta aeternitatis, & beatitudinis complementum? ô sanguinem benè impensum qui pro Christo impenditur. quidni excitemur (fratrcs mei) quid ni animemur hoc exemplo? vidimus labores huius martyris, breves illos quidem: sed glorians sempiternam, & gloriam quidem, quae vera gloria est, qua ille iam plus quam quadringentis annis in caelis fruitur nondum vidimus. has umbras gloriae, quae in terris habentur vidimus Thomae mirabiliter multiplicatas, gloriam nimirum miraculorum, gloriam sepulchri, gloriam devotionis, & concursus omnium gentium; sed inter caetera omnia, nihil ei tam gloriosum in hoc mundo accidit, quàm quod persecutorem suum Henricum, virtute caelesli ad tantam poenitentiae humilitatem adegerit, ut nudis pedi bus gemibundus ad sepulshrum eius venerit & infinitis effusis lachrymis, gemitus, suspiria, & lamenta ediderit; humi etiam prostratus, veni am petierit a sancto martyr, & poenitentiam ab episcopo pro delicto: denique post integram noctem vigilijs, & verberibus transactam, humo nuda residens, omnes ad sui commiserationem, tanto spectaculo commovit. Quae maior gloria? Quae martyris vis divinior?  
O Domine jesu, vita virtusque martyrum, utinam placitum esset in oculis tuis, hanc gratiam persecutoribus quoque nostris Anglicanis facere, ut ad te convertantur, & quod Henrico concessisti unius Thomae martyris exoraetus precibus, id Henrici filiae concedas, plusquam centum testium tuorum ab illa occisorum placatus intercessione. O quàm laeti ageremus tibi gratias de hoc beneficio? quam solicit laudes tuas ubique decantaremus? verum si justitiae tuae severitas hoc forte non permittat, hamiliter tamen te obsecramus, ut vires saltem nobis tribuas ad praeliandum praelia tua in hoc agone quem nobis proposuisti, ita ut neque vitae cupiditas à certamine, neque metus à periculis, veque ignavia à labore nos unquam retardet: sed omnia impendentes in tuam gloriam, patriaeque salutem, superimpendamus etiam nosmetipsos si opus fuerit, ut sic aliquo modo respondeamus vocationi nostrae & infinitis beneficijs à te acceptis: de quibus gloria tibi & gratulatio & gratiarum actio in aeternum.   
Thus was his ending, which in your language may thus I think in part be expressed though not perhaps all thing so effectually as in the latin it runnet.  
These things of S. Thomas his great austeriti 
A good life is needful before martyrdom.  in life, I have recounted (dear brethren & countrymen) to the end that thereby also we may understand partly, what manner of life, aught to go before martyrdom, and with how great indenour of discipline and holiness, this supreme benefit and privilege to be a martyr is to be procured at God's hands here upon earth: and for that S. Thomas did excel in this kind of holiness, (as now I have declared) no marvel if according to the excellency of life, so excellent a kind of death was granted him also. Of which sacred death and martyrdom, whereas now I would begin to say somewhat, I see myself so strayghtned in time, as there is not space to recount the very fact, wherefore let it be sufficient to touch the rest that followeth in one word, to wit that king Henry after all these troubles, made feigned peace with the good Archbishop, and restored him to his country and Sea of Caunterbury again, after he had been seven years abroad in banishment; where he was no sooner aryved, but presently new quarrels and calumniations were devised and raised against him again; and thereupon the king being then in Normandy incensed with collar, spoke in his rage, certain doubtful words, whereby it was conceived that it should be gratful unto him, if the archbishop by violence were made away: by which conce at, certain wicked courtiors of his own family, departing from thence and rushing into Canterbury, even in this festival days of holy Christmas good hearers, set upon this servant of god, who neither fled nor resisted, nor defended himself as he might, 
The man ner of S. Thomas martyrdom.  nor suffered the doors of the Church to be shut: but praying and casting himself before the high altar, on his knees, suffered himself most innocently to be ssaine by wicked taytifes. Witness whereof, is he among others, that was present when the act was done, he that saw it with own eyes, he that written the story, he that held the blessed martyr in his arms, while he was slain, and had his own arm cut of by the murderers for his labour.  
This man I say is witness under his own hand writing, how that S. Thomas in all his martydome, never gave out so much as one groan or sigh, nor in four blows stricken at his head, whereby his brains were beaten on the pavement, he never so much as lifted up his hands or arms to defend his head (as men by natural instinct in such cases are wont to do) but only repeated once or twice these words, I die most willingly for Christ and for his Church. O admirable man, o heavenly speech, behold here (my loving brethren of this college) behold here a most excellent Captain of this our life and course that we are to follow: behold our master, behold our forerrunner, what speech more valiant, what voice more holy? what words more worthy of a Christian prelate? what sentence more excellent can be imagined, either to the glory of god, or to the joy of angels, or to the terror of devils, or to the confusion of his enemies, or for our imitation, or for the example of all posterity, or for the edification of the universal world, or for the endless triumph of this martyr himself.  
I die most willingly (sayeth he) for Christ and his Church o holy martyr, o blessed Thomas, thou hast great reason to die willingly in such a cause, for that death suffered for Christ thy master, is no death at all, but rather a beginning of a longer life, an earnest penny of an everlasting kingdom, a seal of glory, a gate of eternity, & the very complement of all felicity. O blood well spent that is spent for Christ, why should not we stir up ourselves (dear brethren) why should not we be animated and inflamed with this example? we have seen the labores and toils of this martyr, though great, yet short and soon ended, but his glory is everlasting. And yet the true glory which he hath enjoyed now above four hundredth years in heaven, which only indeed is to be called glory, we have not yet seen. These shadows only of glory, which on earth are to be seen, we have beheld most wonderfuly multiplied unto S. Thomas: I mean (good hearers) the glory upon earth of his infinite miracles, the glory of his Sepulchre, throughout all Christendom, the glory of the universal concourse and devotion of all nations unto him. but among all other glories and glorious accidents happened unto him, no one thing was ever more glorious or admirable, then that soon after his death, by virtue from heaven, he procured to King Henry his persecutor such grace and humility of repentance, as that he came barefooted with many sighs and sobs unto his tomb, and there prostrating himself upon the ground with floods of tears, asked pardon of the blessed martyr and penance of the Bishop for his offences, and so after a whole night spent in watching prayer and beating of himself, and lying upon the bare ground he departed, leaving all the lookers on most deeply moved with his hearty repentance, what greater glory, what more heavenly force of a Christian martyr then this?  
O Lord jesus, which art the life and virtue of all martyrs would it might please thy divine majesty and infinite mercy to give this grace also to our English persecutors, whereby they would repent and turn unto thee: and that which thou diddest grant unto king Henry by the only prayer of thy martyr saint Thomas, that his sins might be forgiven, thou wouldst grant the same unto king Henry's daughter at the intercession of above an hundredth of thy glorious martyrs whom she hath slain, that she might not perish: O how joyful should we render thanks unto thee, for this so singular and desired a benefit! oh how cheerful should we sing every where thy praises for the same, But if perhaps the severity of thy justice, do not permit this, yet most humbly we do beseech thee, to give unto us thy unworthy children, here present, so much strength and heavenly fortitude, as to fight manfully and hold out cheerfully in this combat which thou hast prepared for us, so as neither desire of life, may stay us from this battle, not fear of death from peril, nor sloth from labour in this thy cause, but that we bestowing ourselves wholly unto thy glory and to the salvation of our own selves, and of our country, we may give our souls up also, and pay our blood in this holywork, if need require, and thereby in some sort be answerable unto our vocation, and to the infinite benefits which of thee we have received, for which both praise glory gratulation and thanks giving be unto thee for all eternity. A men.  
This was the end of his speech, & by this you may imagine of what tenor the residue was. 
The effect of the second sermon in Spanish.  The other sermon made after mass in Spanish I will not repeat, for brevity sake, and for that by this you may easily guess the effect thereof for it was to give the people a reason of so many English mens coming forth of Ingland in these days, what were the true causes and necessities thereof, what there usage was at home, what their end abroad, and what particular purpose and profession these youths that came for study sake to Sivil had before their eyes: In all which as there were many things of edification, compassion and tenderness in the behalf of these youths, so were there also divers points (though uttered truly with great modesty) which pinched to the quick, and to hear them ●ould not but give me exceeding grief for the many causes I have to honour and love your. Country as you know. and truly I imagine that if the Queen or some of her counsel had been present, it would have moved them much, and that perhaps to a far other sense & meaning than you conceive, but now things grow to further breach and exasperation every day, and god only knoweth what willbe the end of al.  
I had almost forgotten to tell you of a certain fair paper set up this day in the English College 
Poems one devices of learning.  amongst other poems, and learned devices of the scholars, which paper did represent the antithesis or contrary procedings of two King Henry's of England, to wit, king Henry the second before mentioned, who persecuted S. Thomas of Canterbury in his life, but after repent as hath been showed, and king Henry the eight who four hundred years after his death cited and condemned him and destroyed his sepulere which the other had built up and many kings after him richly adorned: The devise was witty and the paper pleasant to behold, being large and fairly painted to the eye, and it drew many to look upon it, and to take out copies thereof and by this time I think it to be engraved and printed, and therefore in this place I will repeat the same unto you briefly as it stood.   

THE REPRESENTAtion of the two persecutions by the two King Henry's of Ingland against S. Thomas of Canterbury.  
IN the top of the paper was witten this title Triumphus Sancti Thomae Cantuariensis de duobus Henricis Angliae regibus, which is, the triumph of S. Thomas of canterbury over two king Henry's ofIngland.  
Under the title are placed the two king 
The first rank.  Henry's to wit, king Henry the second on the right hand armed and angry and striking at S. Thomas that was painted before him, flying away and falling down on his knees, and over the king's head is written Henricus Secundus Angliae Rex, and between him and S. Thomas was written, Persequitur viwm & fugieniem, he pursueth him in his life flying from him: On the left side is painted king Henry the eight very fat and furious and S. Thomas lying before him with the ensigns of glory, and over the king is written, Henricus octaws Angliae Rex, and between them is written, Persequitur mortuum & regnantem. He pursueth him dead and raining in heaven, and this is the first rank, containing four pictures as you see the two kings and S. Thomas twice put in the middle, once alive and then dead & glorious.  
In the second rank are set the afore said two 
The second ranek  kings again and in the middle the tomb and sepulchre of S. Thomas as it was in Caunterbury, very rich & sumptuous, but the kings, are painted in different manner, for king Henry the second is painted le●●e and repentant, barefooted kneeling on his knees, and whipping himself severely before the said sepulchre, as in truth the matter passed, and it is written between the sepulchre and him. Ad sepulcrum martyris poenitentiam agit, he did penance at the martyrs tomb; but on tother side king Henry the eight is painted more fat and monstrous them before sweeting and chaffing and in great fury digging down the sepulchre with a pickaxe and the writing is: Sepulcrum martyris demolitur, & cineres dissipat: he breaketh down the martyrs tomb and casteth abroad his as hes into the air.  
In the third rank are painted under king Henry the second, many angels with garlands & 
The third rank.  crowns in their hands expecting him to glory and salvation, for his penance and hearty a mendment, and over their heads is written: Inuitat ad gloriam, they do invite him to glory, and under king heury the eigh are painted as many devils with instruments of torments in their hands, and over their heads is written. Expectant ad penam, they expect him to punishment & between both, these in the middle is painted Queen Elizabeth beholding sadly the one and the other example, & over her head is written Elizabetha Henricorum filia, for that she is descended of both these Henry's, and the sentence written beneath is E duobus elige, choose which you will of thes two.  
In the fourth, rank are placed two English students in their College garments, one on the one 
The 4. thank.  side of the paper and the other on the other, holding up the said paper, and oming each of them six verses in Latin to Queen Elizabeth for explication of their meaning in this representation, and over the verses is written this title. 
AD ELIZABETHAM  
Angliae Reginam Alumni Collegij Anglicani Hispalensis:   
The first Scholar sayeth thus. 
REgibus Henricis atavis proavis que Britaunis  
Edita, & hoc ipso nomine, nata patre:  
Cerne quid acciderit, bellum est utrisque nefandum  
Cum Thoma, at dispar finis utrique fuit.  
Hic gemitu vitam tulit, iste furore gehennam,  
Quid spears, timeas, quidque sequaris habes.   
The second Scholar in effect uttereth the same sense but in other words as followeth. 
Concipit Henricus scelus impium atroxque secundus,  
At scelus octaws aggravat octagies.  
In Christi famulum fremit is, furit alter, at iste  
Tetrius, hoc vitae finis utrique probat.  
●● utinam justo perpendas pondere utrumque:  
Et spectes atawm, non imitere patrem.   
It shall not need that I expound thes verses unto you, & much less that I put them into English poesy seeing my skill and use therein is not great: the some is that they do propone unto ●er majesty, the acts and ends of both thes ●ings her progenitors, wishing her rather to ●ollow the example of king Henry the second, ●hat repent his sins, than king Henry the ●ight that died in the same.  
I do not remember any other thing that I have, ●o writ unto you about this college in Syvil except I should tell you how these scholars seem to shroud themselves very peculiarly under the protection of our blessed lady the Queen of heaven, against the persecution of your Queen of Ingland. For to this end it seemeth there custom is to meet at the church, every day after dinner to say our ladies litanies, besides the common litanies of the church which they use to say after supper; and to the like énde it seemeth the putting up of our lady's picture serveth over there gate at the very entrance of their first court, where two scholars are painted kneeling before her with these four verses between them for explication of these words written above. ANGLIA DOES MARIAE.  
INgland is the Dowry of our lady: the reason of which words these scholars do yield in these verses saying. 
Prima dedit sceptrum conversa Britannia nato  
Virgins; hinc dicta est Anglia, does Mariae.  
Ergo tuam repetas matter sanctissima dotem,  
Quique tuo repetunt iure, tuere pia.   
The sense of which verses is, that for so much as Brittany now called Inglande, was the firs● kingdom that wholly together gave itself and submitted her kingly-scepter unto Chris● jesus the son and spouse of our lady; therefore by a certain devout kind of speech, oul● English authors did say Ingland to be th● Dowry of our lady, which being so, these sco●● in consideration that her and all other sain●● honour, is excluded from thence they do beseech her to recover again this her au ncient dowry, and so assist them that go in her sons name and hers to negotiate the matter, by preaching and teaching and offering their blood for regaining the same. Further doth there not come to my remembrance, any other news at this time to writ you out of thes pats, of Spain, except I should tell you of the sundry books that 
divers books written against the last English proclamation.  I have seen here printed of late, in divers countries against the last proclamation published in Ingland, upon the 29. of November the year passed of 91. against Catholics and for their searching out and apprehension, which proclamation is set abroad in many languages and many books written against the same, printed as I have said in divers nations, which do make both the thing and manner of proceeding of your common wealth in this behalf, very odious. Three books in Latin have I seen, besides sundry in English which I name not, the first was set forth by one joannes Pernius in Germany, 
joannes Previus.  and dedicated unto your Lord Treasurer whom he scoureth in particular, and by a large and sharp discourse refuteth the said proclamation, & setteth down the inconveniences of this your proceeding.  
The second author that I have seen is of 
Andrea's Philopatrus.  Rome and calleth himself Philopatrus whereby it may perhaps be presumed that he would signify himself to be alover of his country and he setteth down the whole proclamation at large word for word, in five parts or sections, & answereth to every particular thing spoken in the same, as namely touching the pope, the kings of Spain, & france, the Seminaries, and English seminary priests both abroad and at home, & the like, showing all my L Tresorers accusations and asseverations, touching thes points to be evidently false and founded commonly in lain lying, and this not only in matters of religion, but also in all other public affairs and negotiations, which is a sore blemish to so public a person for the which I can assure you this man giveth him many ways such rough hewing and uttereth so many particulars of the present state of Ingland, and useth so often your own laws stories, and chronicles to prove it, as it maketh all sorts of strangers wonderfully desirous to read it.  
The third author which I have seen wrote in flanders as it seemeth, and is named Dydimus Veridicus as a man would say Thomas tell truth, 
Dydimus veridicus.  who being a subject of this king as he pretendeth, and both witty and eloquent and taking upon him principally to defend the king his masters proceedings towards Ingland, and to refute the particular accusations, laid against him in the proclamation, he waxeth very sharp many times not only against my lord Treasurer as philopater doth, but also against the whole state which greaveth me to read.  
As for example, at the beginning in the 9 page of his book, for that my Lord Burley seemed to brag in his proclamation of the most quiet state and government of your common wealth for 33. years together, while other common wealths round about you have lived in broils; this man taketh in hand, not only to prove that all thes broils have been procured by Ingland, but also that Ingland itself is far of from all condition and nature of a true quiet common wealth and thus he beginneth.  
The peace and tranquillity of a kingdom or common wealth, is not troubled only by arms 
The words of Die dimus,  and open war of the public enemy abroad or at home, but principally and most dangerously of all other, by the disorder and disagreement at home of her parts and members among themselves, and by the violent proceeding of such as manage the same, which three examples that ensue shall declare.  
That house cannot in very truth be said to be in peace (though yet neither with their own people within, nor with their, neighbours without they be not at buffets) where the master liveth in suspicion of his servants the officers do beat and vex the household, where some run away, some hide themselves, some cry out, some scold, other complain, where all is full of contention, and disputes, no obedience but only for fear, no respect but only perforce, where honest men do starve for hunger, innocent men are afflicted, quiet men whipped, seditious & trouble some heads do command and exact by terror there most injust and violent commandments. Secondly that Ship cannot be said to hold a good peaceable course though the sea be calm and wind in the deck, where the master from the mariners, and shipmen from the passengers do disagree, are reviled, beaten and spoiled the one by the other, their merchandise taken, away themselves either opptesed or stung into the sea, the cables, sails, anchors and other tackling broken, or put into confusion, the ship defiled with blood, and laden with dead carcases, and nothing founding within, but sighs, and sorrow and desolation of such as miserably live wounded in her. And last of all, that city cannot be said to be in peace or in any security, (though it be infested yet with no enemy from a broad) whose governors do give, themselves wholly to terror and cruelty, do multiply prisons, fetters, guards and spies, do make new penal laws & abolish the old and do invent new taxes and impositions every day, do seek all occasions to pole their people at home, & enforce them forth to be thieves abroad, do keep faith with none, do cast in prison, banish, spoil, and consume the better sort, pull down the nobility, oppress the clergy & finally do put all there hope in the fear of the people and none in their good will, thus sayeth Didimus against that first point of your L. Tresorers' proclamation.  
And after he hath pursued many particularityes of the afflicted and dangerous present state of Ingland, by reason of the division in religion, disuinon and hatred between protestants, Catholics, and puritans, complaints and discontentments on every side, incertainty of succession unto the crown, poverty of the people for lack of traffic, breaking of merchants for the same cause, burden of unnecessary and unprofitable wars, daily multiplying of intolerable tributes, pestering the realm with innumerable renegat and rebellious straingers, liberty of thieves by so long permission of piracy, unjust wars, diffidence & distrust in the one towards the other, and open domestical dissension in every town parish and particular house over all the land, for one cause or other, After all this I say he passeth on to compare the estate of Ingland with other kingdoms & common wealths abroad showing the great hatred & obloquy which your country is in for stirring wars and rebellions on every side, but for no one thing more, than for so open dealing with the Turk the public enemy of all christian profession, 
Dealing of England with the Turck.  invitinge & stirring him to turn his forces upon Christendom thereby to hurt the king of Spain, which this man anoucheth to be evident, not only by the often embassages letters & presents sent unto this professed enemy of Christ's name, from Ingland thes later years: but also by a plain letter written by the Turk himself about three or fowers years agone, to the Queen about this matter soon after the defeat of the spanish Armada, which letter being intercepted in Germany & printed there both in the Latin & german tongues, was afterwards published again, and inserted into an History of our times, set forth by on jonson Doccom of friselande, and now again laid abroad, by this Didimus and the letter is word for word as followeth, for that I suppose you will be desirous to see it, thus then goeth the title.  

HONORATAE A DOmino 
The title of the Turks letter.  legis christianae matronae, culmini castitatis, inter castissimas faeminas populorum, qui serviunt jesu, etc.  
In English thus.  
TO the honourable matron, honoured by the lord of Christian la: to her that is the height and top of chastity among the most chaste women of all people that serve lesus: to her that is adorned with the glory of domination & government, lady of many kingdoms, reputed of greatest, power & praise among the nation of Nazarens, to wit, Elizabeth Queen of Ingland to whom we wish a most happy and prosperous end.  
You shall understand by thes our high and imperial letters, directed unto you, that your ambassador residing in this our high and noble court, did present unto the throne of our greatness, a certain writing of yours which informed us, how that for thes four years past you have made war upon the king of Spain, 
Informations given to the Turck against the kof Spain.  thereby to break and diminish his forces, by which he is become dreadful unto the rest of Christian Princes, & hath determined to make himself lord over all, & monarch of the whole world beside: more over the said letter doth show how that the self same king of Spain, hath by violence taken away the kingdom of Portugal from Don Antonio the lawful king thereof, lawfully created: moreover that your intention is to let hereafter the navigation of this king unto the Indians, whereby he is wont to bring home every year into spain great store of gold and silver, spices and precious stones, worth many millions, by which he is become so rich, as he hath commodity to molest and endanger all other Princes and if he should be let alone he would grow to be so powerable that at length it would be hard to resist him.  
Upon which considerations your said Ambassador, did make humble supplication unto 
The petition of the English Ambassador William Harborn.  our greatness, that we should vouch safe in the beginning of this next spring to send our imperial navy upon the said King, assuring us that he would not be able to resist the same, for the great over throw and damage which he hath received by your navy of late: and seeing he is scarce able to resist your forces alone, no doubt but that he would be overcome if of many sides he be innaded at one time which would be greatly (as you say) to the commodity of all Christian Princes, as also of this our high court, to which it appertaineth to take the protection of such as fly unto the same for succour (as Don Antonio doth, being driven out of his kingdom by the said king of Spain) and therefore, that we should give him help & succour, according to the custom of our noble ancestors & predecessors of happy memory, (whose sepulchres God almighty lighten) who were want always to give royal assistance to such as were oppressed and came for aid to their imperial highnese.  
These things and many other did your said 
The Turks answer.  ambassador declare at large before our royal throne, all which we have understood and laid up diligently in our minds, and for the present our answer is, that where as we have had war now many years in Persia with intention to gain that kingdom, and to join it, to the rest of our ancient Dominions, and to revenge ourselves upon that accursed heretical Persian, that holdeth the same: now by the grace of our great God, and by the help of our most holy prophet Mahomet, we are very near to obtain our purpose, according to our desire, which being once done, all necessary provision shallbe made out of hand for performance of thes things which you desire & demand, assuring you, that if you do continue this league of friendship poorly and sincerely, with this our high court, you shall find no refuge more secure, nor any haven of love & good will more firm & sure then this of owrs, by which no doubt all your wars with the spaniards shall succeed unto you according unto your desire, under the shadow & protection of this our happy throne, and seeing the king of Spain hath gotten by fraud & violence, all that he possesseth, no doubt, but by the grace of god, all such fraudulent deceivers shall quickly be destroyed.  
In the mean space we do exhort you to lose no time nor occasion to do him hurt, but 
The Turks exhortation to the Q.  to be watchful and diligent, and according to the covenants already made between us, that you show yourself a friend to our friends, and an enemy to our enemies, and that you signify from time to time unto this our high court, what new wars soever be taken in hand in those parts, and what you can understand, 
To be his spy.  concerning the King of Spain to our and your commodity, furthermore I am, to advertise you, that this your ambassador having done his 
Commendation of the English embabassadour by the Turk.  duty, and fulfilled the function of his embassy with great care & diligence, & having left here in his place for his commissary & agent, Edward Bardon he departeth now with our licence towards your kingdom, who for his faithful service 
Edw. Bardon.  here performed deserveth no doubt to be much esteemed honoured & exalted above others, and when he hath gotten all those honours & preheminenses of you, which he deserveth, let him return again presently with your letters, or some other principal man in his place, to be your ambassador here, and to continue this office of friendship between us in this our high court, and thus much we thought good to advertise you, by our own sovereign letters and seal, which you shall give entire credit unto. Given this fifteenth of Benedicti Rhamaram.  
Hitherto is the letter of the great Turk unto your Queen, that is to say, of that great proud and barbarous enemy of Christ's holy name and religion, whereupon this Dydimus doth deduce divers considerations of importance & consequence, as namely first of all, about religion, 
Considerations upon the Turks letter.  and conscience, saying who would have thought when Ingland upon pretence of purer serving of Christ, did first separate itself in religion from the rest of Christian kingdoms, that it would have come in so few years, to that pass, as to make recourse to Christ's open enemy & persecutor, & that against Christians? as also that for the hatred of some one Christian Prince, to seek to put into Christ's enemies hands, so many millions of his subjects as are in Spain? and to put in hazard all Christendom beside.  
The second consideration is of wisdom and policy temporal, for what wisdom or policy in the world can there be in this, sayeth he (though we set a side all fear of God and religion) to call so potent an enemy as the Turk is, into Spain, or to think that he would be a better friend to the state and subjects of Ingland, that are Christians, than the king of Spain, that is a Christian, or to imagine that when Spain should be lost, Ingland could be safe, or when this ambitious tyrant should have enthralled the spainards, he would suffer the English to live at their liberty? was not Constantinople? was not Africa and many other realms lost from Christianity by this most devilish and miserable envy, of one realm and Prince against another.  
A third consideration is of honour and reputation, which seemeth exceedingly to be touched and distained by many points in this letter discovered, for what a thing is it sayeth he, that Ingland which was wont to be a kingdom of so great honour, nobility, and valour in kingly proceeding, should now come to make such a narration to the great Turk, as here is set down, by the tyrants own letter, to wit, that the king of Spain meant to make himself lord of all Christendom, and monarch of all the world; that he hath taken Portugal by violence from Don Autonio the lawful king, & lawfully created, whereas all the world knoweth that the King's title to Portugal was decided by the laws of that kingdom itself, and by the approbation of the last king Cardinal of the same, who also pronounced Don Antonio for an open known bastard, whom all the nobility afterwards refused and no man ever created him king, but only a few of his own servants and some other of the base vulgar people solicited by them in Lisbon and other parts near there about: and yet that Ingland to the Turk should advoutch him plainly for a lawful king and put out by violence, exhort the Turk to restore him by his forces according to the custom of his noble ancestors who are known to have devoured so infinite christian blood and have destroyed so innumerable christian estates wherein our Saviour was long honoured and now Mahomet is adored: that Ingland should offer concurrence in this devilish action, and should take a commission from the Turck (as in this his letter is given) to be a spy against the rest of christianity, and to advertiz him of all new wars & affairs 
Great indignity to Ingland.  that pass among Christian Princes, & finally to be a friend to all his friends, and enemy to all his enemies, which is the highest infamy that ever could fall upon any state realm or kingdom that beareth the name ensign or profession of Christian religion.  
Thes and other contemplations hath this author upon this matter, which I pass over and do come to tell you that besides thes books and tretises written in Latin, I have also seen divers pamphlets written in English against this proclamation no less stinging than the other in Latin, and all of them both of the one and the other sort, translated commonly into other vulgar tongues also, as Spanish Italian french and flemish, which do make the common subject of ordinary talk in thes days to be of your affairs in every country.  
And last of all, here hath come forth a book 
Father Ribadeneyra against the procli amation and new statutes.  in Spanish written by one father Pedro Ribadeneyra a man of very great reputation in thes kingdoms both for his learning gravity and eloquence in this language, and this book containeth the story of English affairs from the year eighty and eight (until which time he had set forth the said story in Spanish before according to the latin story of the English Schism written by D. Sanders and Riston and other advertisements) and now he continueth this, even unto this year 93. And in this said story he layeth forth also the said proclamation at large, and afterward writeth divers large chapters for explication of the same, where of the one is, (as I remember) that this proclamation cap. 1 is most impious and contrary to all divine & human laws received in any christian common wealth, especially in Ingland from her first conversion. another chapter is, that this cap. 2 proclamation is not only impious, but also foolish and indiscreet, against all good policy and mature wisdom. A third is, that it is impudent cap. 3 and written without all respect of shame, honour, or reputation of your estar and nation, avontching lie upon lie, that all the world knoweth to be lies, with divers other such chapters which he proveth at large, & with many particulars, & in fine concludeth, that the penner of this proclamation would be sharply punished in any orderly and grave common wealth for penning it in such manner, and for avoutching so many open impertinent lies, and evident slanders under the name of his sovereign, though the chief matter itself therein set down, were allowed and agreed upon by public authority, as it is supposed that this was by your Queen and council there.  
Moreover this spanish book layeth forth two 
The two last Statutes.  new statutes made about religion in your last parliament ended the 10. of April of this present year, which seem to have come to the author's hands even while the former part of this book was a printing, the one is entitled an Act to retain the Queen's subjects in their due obedience: and the other for restraining of popish recusants to certain places of abode, by the which two statutes and the strange provisions made therein, as also, by the sundry books set out by authority at this very time against the puritans, with the enditments arraynments and strange answers of Barrow, Greenwod, Studly, Billet and other Brownists: by all thes things laid together (I say) and by the act of three entire subsides, and six fifteens, and tenths exacted and granted, at one clapp in this parliament, for maintaining of wars abroad and your estate at home, this writer concludeth, that never common wealth was in more miserable and dangerous plight for all kind of miseries that can fall to a common wealth, than Ingland is at this day: and consequently most far of from that condition of peace, tranquillity and security which your lord Treasurer in this late proclamation would make men to believe, whereas himself must needs (sayeth this man) see and know the contrary; as all men also abroad do, that are of judgement or experience, and moreover do discover his desperate devise of remeding the matter by massacring and murthing all the principal catholics upon the sudden when soever he shall see no other shift, for that to this end play nely seemeth to tend this last statute of binding all the better and richer sort of them to reside in certain known places and not to depart thence further than five miles under pain of forfeting whatsoever they have in this world, which is to fill Ingland full of prisons and chains, as the flemish Didimus before insinuated: a device so strange upon so great a multitude as never was hard of before in any free common wealth, nor practised (sayeth this man) either by Phalaris or any other most famous tyrant. Whereunto if we add the second part of the statute whereby the poorer sort of catholics are appointed to be thrust our of the realm, spouled and ransacked, of all that they have, it maketh the barbarous desigment more evident (sayeth he) to wit, that thes shallbe driven to statue abroad and the others be kept for the slaughter at home, when the time shall serve, but god turueth lightly (sayeth he) all such cruel and bloody intentions upon the heads of the entendors and their posterity, and so doth he think that it will fall out with your lord Treasurer and his offspring and this is all that I can write unto you from thes parts.   

THE SECOND part of this letter, containing certain considerations of State upon the former relation.  
THis that goeth before I had written in Spain to send to you from thence, but afterward there being offered a good passage by sea, to return to Holland with certain company that would needs have me go with them out of hand, I took my papers and came hither, where meeting with divers gentlemen, captains, scholars, and others, as well English, Scottish, Irish, & French, as also some Italians & Dutch men both of this country and high Germany (for all sorts you know do meet here now) we fell by chance into talk of Ingland, and of English affairs upon occasion of the former books published in all nations, as hath been said, against the present proceeding of your state, & namely against your last proclamation and statutes, newly made about religion, by which occasion also I told them what I had seen, and hard in Spain and read unto them the former letter & narrarion which I had made ready to seal up & send away presently unto you by the post, but afterwards hearing divers politic and important discourses (as to me they seemed) which some of these men made upon this narration of mine, and some considerations also of state as they termed them, worthy the noting: thought good to stay the letter by me for some days to the end I might send you also therewith the principal points which I hard debated, and so now I do.  
The chief subject or argnment of all their speech for divers days meeting at an ordinary table, was whether the present government of English affairs, setting a side all regard of partiality to religion: were in itself and according 
The chief subject of the conference.  to reason, experience and law of policy, to be accounted, wise and prudent, and consequently whether such as chief managed the same, and namely the lord Burley, were in truth a wise má or no? in which particular though some of the company for affection to his religion, did for a time stand much in his defence, yet so many were the arguments of the other side, as in the end they seemed greatly to yield, & to wish nothing so much, as that the said lord had been present but for one hour, if it had been possible, or some other that were privy to his councils, to yield reason of divers points there called in question, which seemed scarce defensable, not only for lack of justice or conscience (for that thereof they said they would take no regard) but that even in nature of human wisdom and policy set down by Machavel himself, or by any other of less conscience than he, they seemed erronions and of thes are such as hereafter do ensue.  
First some of them said (though not all) that 
The first consideration about change of religion.  supposing that neither the Queen nor Sir William Cecil, at the death of Queen Mary had any great repugnance of conscience to follow and continue on the religion then settled in the realm, as both of them (but especially Sir William Cecil) had oftentimes protested & ever showed by deeds during that reign: it seemed a great oversight in reason of state to make so universal a change of religion (which hath been the cause of all difficulties and dangers since) seeing that without this change the Queen and he might have brought about, with much more security, whatsoever they pretended by this other means, and hereupon, were brought again into consideration, all those reasons and arguments of state which at that time Sir William Cecil & M. Bacon did or could lay before the Queen, to move her to this change against both her own inclination, and the opinious of the rest of her principal councillors which reasons concerning especially (as is supposed and known) her majesties affairs with the pope, about her father's marriage, and her legitimation, were found by every man's censure here present, to be but plain illusions, for that much easier should her Majesty have been able to compound those affairs with the pope, if she had continued in his religion, then by breaking from him, and for all other temporal matters, both for her own person & the realm they had proceeded (no doubt) most prosperously, and never come into thes brakes & breaches wherein now the whole world seethe them to be. And as for M. Cecil and Bacon's own particular advancements (which is persupposed were principally respected in this persuasion) there would not have wanted occasions enough to further the same also in a catholic estate, as we see by so many advanced & set up by catholic Kings of our country in former ages, and the two late minions joyous and Pernon, exalted in our days to so great dignities by the last King of fiance. And Rigovez of a page made a Prince, and two of his sons Dukes with divers others to like preferments advanced by the king of Spain that nowis, & that with much less envy, hatred and abomination, and with much more security of Continuance to their families, than the greatness of Cecil and Bacon is like to find, say these men, that was procured by so great a conunlsion of the whole common wealth, and therefore in this first point and entrance to all the rest, they are thought to have been neither wise nor lucky, as one day their posterity will testify to the world, & this is the first point that was discoursed of.  
The second ensuring on this first, was, that 
The 1. consideration of change of religion to a different from all others.  supposing that change of religion had been the best, and surest way for those intents that were designed, to wit of her majesties state and thes men's preferments, yet said most of this our conference, it had been a matter of far more wisdom and policy (seeing policy was their foundation) to have made this change to some other religion received in the world abroad, and thereby to have joined with some other party, or to the communion of some other people or prince, when they broke from that of the Catholic, so strong and general over all Christendom, rather than to set up a party alone, agreeing with no other what soever. As for example, if they had counseled her Majesty to admit Luther's doctrine and religion as it lieth, and is practised by the followers thereof they had consequently joined with some Princes of Germany, as name lie with the Duke of Saxony, King of Denmarck and others that make profession of that religion. Or if they had persuaded her grace to have embraced the religion of Caluin plainly and entirely as he taught and exercised the same, then had they entered thereby into communion and friendship with Geneva and divers others states of Switzerland, as also with the Princes of the religion, called the reform in France Flanders and Scotland, and by thes means, at least had they gained some new party to be assured to our realm, by this band and union of religion, which is the strongest and most durable of all other.  
But now for them to put down the old state of religion that was so universal and so well backed, and in place thereof to put up a new of their own only devise, that hath no stay or trusty friend at all, out of your own realm, for that it agreeth with no state, people, nation or common wealth christian besides yourselves: was such a piece of work (say thes men) as a man may rather wonder at the boldness of the devisers than any way commend their judgements considering the inconveniences that daily do ensue thereof and must do every day more and more, and is impossible in man's reason, that it can continue.  
And albeit in Ingland simple people are often told and many do believe, that all new religions 
No religion this day agreeth with Ingland.  sprung up in thes days both in Germany, france, Scotland, flanders & at home, if they be against the Catholics, and namely those of Lutherans, calvinists, and protestants are but one religion in effect, for that they all do join in league and friendship for the present, to resist the stronger, yet that is as plain an error, and deception as if we should say, that the Turk, Persian, jew and Infidels, which do join easily against the Christians when and where they see him the stronger, are all of one religion, or not enemies among themselves when they see their own state free from danger of the other.  
Even so, fareth it in this cause proposed, the Lutheran, puritan, & protestant that have taken each one his part of the dominion which the Catholic possessed, and yet seeing him left so strong and potent in Christendom, that every day he hopeth and seeketh to recover again the possession that he hath lost, no marvel though they join together, and will seem one for the resisting of so universal and dangerous an adversary: but if you would see, how thes men would agree or be friends together, if once the Catholics were extinguished, consider not only their difference in doctrine, whereby the one part 
The lutrans and calvinists & pu ritans great enemies.  doth censure the others religion for heretical and damnable: but much more mark their manner of proceeding in government, where either part hath authority at will: as for example, in those parts of Germany where Luther's religion is established, is there any use of Caluins' religion permitted? no truly, nor the professois thereof so much as tolerated to live in that estate or to be buried in the same churches or churchyeards with them, but are cast out even into the common fields, as people accursed, and excommunicated, whereof in particular your English merchants that live and traffic in Hambrough or ány other towns under Lutheran government can well bear witness. Or if contrariwise in Ingland or Geneva at this day, any company of people would put up the exercise of the Lutheran mass, defend the real presence in the Sacrament, bring in the use of painted or carved images in their churches, practise confession, hold three or four sacraments as the Lutherans do: should they not (think you) be pursued and punished? yes no doubt, and that with reason, seeing the state of Ingland alloweth not this doctrine, nor practise of germayne religion, whereby we may gather what true accord and friendship there is or may be, between thes professions, or how thes people would or could long live together in unity if they had no common adversary.  
And this of the Lutheran and reformed religion so called in those parts of Germany, where it is received: But if we consider the other party of reformed or new religion planted by Caluin and Beza in Geneva, France, Flaunders and Scotland, albeit the state of Ingland do follow more points thereof in doctrine then of the other before named Lutheran: yet how many and great irreconcilable differences there be, is abundantly set forth in the multitude of books written of late the one against the other, & especially by that set out now presently by order and authority of the bishops entitled. A survey of the pretended 
The like 〈…〉  holy discipline, wherein the puritans or sincere Caluinists doctrine is detested discredited and made heretical, and seditions, yea Caluin and Beza themselves much disgraced and impugned. Whereunto, if we do add the blood of such as lately they have put to death in Ingland, for 
〈…〉 Penry.  defending of this doctrine, & the others resolution to suffer the same: we may easily see what would become of thes two parts if things went to their own wills, to wit, that either the puritan had so full power to revenge himself of the protestant by sword, as he defyeth him in word, or that the protestant were so free from suspicion and danger of the catholic, as he had leisure to extirpate the putitan as he desireth.  
By this than do we see evidently said thes men, that the particular choice & form of religion which Sir William Cecil & M. Bacon mad & persuaded the Queen unto at the beginning, was no wise or considerate choice: for albeit it seemed at that time, to serve fitly their turns for to put down the old, and bring all matters into their own hands, to place new bishops, Deans, Atchdeacons' and other like dignities under the name of the Queen: yet was it most dangerous and prejudicial to the weal public, in that it was peculiar, solitary and differét from all other, as hath been declared, and consequently must needs expect a perpetual war and contradiction, and that, not only at the catholics hands, but much more and sharper at the other two parties above named, if the catholic party could be extinguished, so as the labyrinth of English state and religion, seemeth hereby to be inextricable, and much approved was the saying of S. Christopher 
S. Christo phor Hattons' saying.  Hatton late chancellor, to a certain secret friend of his a little before his death, that the clew t●yned up by thes devices in Ingland, was so Intanged, as no man possibly could untwist the same but by breaking all in pieces, which he spoke to the great grief both of himself and him that heard it.  
A third consideration was of the manner of 
A third consideration of the manner of proceeding by cōp●●●lo in matters of religion.  proceeding to hold up and set forwards this form of religion, chosen for Ingland: in which point also thes men found much defect of fore sight and policy in thes that were the first setters up thereof: for if her majesty had been persuaded at the beginning, to have followed the course of German states and Princes, which was to give liberty of conscience to all, and to press none by violent means, to be of their religion, but only to invite them with rewards of preferment: it is very like that matters had passed as quietly this day in Ingland as they do in Germany, where all are quiet, and the princes safe, and little contradictions or falling out for such affairs. And seeing that English men do come of German race, it may be they would have followed them in this point also, but howsoever that be, most likely it is that matters had never come to those open broils, hatreds and mortal enimyties that now they are come unto in Ingland: for men being not pressed, many would have had little care of being zealous or heady on either part: & preferment only would have moved infinite people to follow that whereby they might have profited: and others not stinged or compelled to the contrary, would have remained doubtful, but yet quiet in their consultations, what way to follow, and so should her Majesty have been served of all, and hated of none, and advauncments sufficient would have remained for all such as would have been fotward in that her Majesty had most favoured.  
But now by this other course, that hath been taken, of turmoiling, tormenting, and beating men to their religion, the state is grown to be both odious a broad, and dangerous at home, and not durable. First, for that as the poet saveth. Nitimur invetitum semper, man's natural inclination, is to esteem and desire that which is denied him, and to reject that, which is thrust upon him by violence. But yet in no one thing so much is this seen, as in matters of religion, which of all other affairs, is the point that most requireth liberty, both of judgement and will, & least beareth the force of straining: and so we see by experience, that her Majesty at the beginning, entering and reigning for some years with mildness, found no difficulty, (to speak of) on any part though at her entrance the whole realm was, settled in an other religion. but now after twenty years pressing men with restraints, imprisonments, loss of goods and lives, the number is found every day more greater of them, that openly make resistance, and do less respect and reverence both prince law and gowerment: and so every day willbe more and more, both of Catholics and puritans for the reasons afore said. Which thing certain politic councillors of, julian the Emperor surnamed the Apostata observing by experience of all the rigorous courses of former Emperors before him, they persuaded him to change that course of forcing, into alluring, and so he did, and wrought more effect in few years by that means, than the other had done by the contrary in many, and would (no doubt) have done much more, if his life and reign had not been so short.  
To this discourse said one of the company, if 
An objection.  this be so, how then do catholics use rigour in punishing them that are not of there religion, and do prevail therein, as we see by experience of Spain and other countries, wheroften times thes new religions beginning to bud up have been kept down and utterly extinguished by punishment.  
To this answered an other saying, they will 
The answer.  say that the cause of this is the truth of their religion, and the falsehood of the other, & that it is peculiar to their religion, by promise of Christ, to endure for ever, and triumph over all sects: but for that this is not granted by all but remaineth in dispute, (I will quoth he) yield an evident difference hereof in policy and reason, which is, that Catholic Princes which by force and punishment, have extinguished other religions, and sects that began to spting up in there realms, did take those new blossoms at the beginning whiles they were yet green, and not well settled and their followers not many, & so I do confess that all religions may be rooted out, saving only the true which Christ himself defendeth, and so many do think that if Charles the Emperor had apprehended Luther at his first seeing him in Augusta, (as many of his counsel persuaded him) he had crushed perhaps his doctrine in the very kyrnel, and the like may be said of Caluin and Beza, as also perchance of the puritans in Ingland if rigour had been used towards them at their first rising: though this last of the Puritans be very doubt full, for that their foundation being (as after shallbe showed) the very doctrine itself that by public authority is set forth, taught, and maintained now in Ingland: it must needs continually rise out of the same, as the heat from the fire so as it is impossible to nourish the one & extinguish the other.  
As for the Catholics in Ingland, the reason 
Catholics not easily extinguished.  is far different, for they being no new beginers but old possessors of the realm, they were so many at her majesties first entrance to the crown, as they could not well be all extinguished together, except the land should have been left waist, nor can be easily at this day extinguished by force in any reason of state or probability that I can see: for I do not comprehend those only by this name, which are recusants and discover themselves unto the world (for those might easily perhaps be made away as many do suspect is meant by the late statute of restraining them to certain places) but much more do I understand by this people those also, who go not so far forwards as to discover their religion (at least wise to put themselves within danger of laws) and yet in mind, will, and judgement, are they nothing behind the rest, yea so much the more fervent inwardly, against the state, by how much more they are forced by fear to dissemble outwardly their judgements, and keep in their affections, and thes are also of two sorts, the one known or suspected, though nothing can be laid against them by law, but the other not known nor suspected at all, but of good authority in the realm, and so much the more dangerous when occasion shallbe offered.  
Against, all thes then, what doth the course of severity prevail? those few that are known recusants may be vexed and tossed, as they have been thes later years, and some particular courtier may be advanced by begging their goods and lands, but what is this to the common wealth? none or few of them are converted, their number groweth every day rather than deminisheth, and if any do or shall yield to go to the church, what is gained thereby? they change not in judgement, nor come with their hearts, but with their bodies or tongue only, their inward aversion is so much the more increased towards the state, by how much more violent this outward compulsion is: and in the mean space their friends and kindred are more exasperated, their fellow catholics not yet recusants alienated: the people seeing their afflictions more moved to compassion towards them, foreign princes more egged to take their parts, what then in the end is like to come of this.  
And if you put them to death or drive them out of 
Inconveniences by putting so many men to death for religion.  the realm, as many have been thes latter years, what profit also is there like to come of this? let us guess of the time to come by that which is past: those hundreds that have been put to death, have they done the state good or hurt? abroad we see them published for martyrs, in all books, tables, pictures and stories that are written, and no one thing ever moved strangers so much to admire, Ingland as the sight & knowledge of this.  
At home their estimation and parties do increase hereby, seeing there is none that either is banished or put to death for this cause, but is either esteemed as a martyr or confessor, by them, & so either in respect of his holiness or in hope he may return again to do them good one day, or for desire of revenge for his hard usage, there is no father, brother, son, nephew, kinsman, friend or acquaintance of his left in Ingland which by this is not made a mortal enemy to his persecutors, and how far this may reach and extend itself in such an Island as Ingland is, or what effects it may work in time to come, I leave it (sayeth this man) to your wiser considerations.  
Moreover (sayeth he) I would have you to 
The increase of seminaries.  consider that before order was given in English universities at home, to examine scholars and press them to oaths, the English scholar was scarce hard of in foreign schools and universytyes, neither was there mention of English seminaries to be erected in straying countries, but after that upon molestation at home, scholars began to repair over to Douai, and then upon the practice from Ingland to drive them from thence, they fled to Rheims and increased greatly in number (though all left not Douai but for one remained two places of recourse) and then again upon dealing with the king of france for their expulsion from Rheims an other Seminary also was erected by the pope in Rome, and after that again when this was pursued from Ingland by many edicts, an other was erected in Valhodolid in Spain, and after an other proclamation set out against that, an other Seminary presently was set up in Sevil, as before in the narration hath been touched, and out of thes have and do come every year into Ingland Priests in such abundance, as my Lord treasurer himself confesseth that for one that came into Ingland before, there cometh now seven, and perhaps he might have said seventeen, and albeit above a hundredth of them have been put to death, yet more hundreds grow of them every day, and in the mean space her Majesty waxeth old, the realm groweth to more dissension and confusion in religion, the Puritans become very hot and heady, the people wearied and amazed, which thes manner of proceedings, what then shallbe thee end at length of this course think you?  
Truly quoth one of the company for this point of the Catholics, I know not what to say, the event being doubtful, for the causes & experience which you have now alleged: but for the puritans I have hard some men of discourse avouch in Ingland, that they will certainly be extinguished, if the Queen's Majesty live any number of years for that the whole council seemeth fully bend thereunto, & were it not for my L. Treasurer who is thought to favour them in secret, men judge that it would very quickly be brought to pass.  
Tush, you are deceived said the other, nay 
Whether the Puritans may be rooted on't or not in Ingland.  much more possible & likely it is that the puritan shall overcome the protestant than the contrary: for that the puritan buildeth directly upon the protestants first grounds in religion, & deduceth thereof clearly and by ordinary consequence all his conclusions, which the protestant cannot deny by divinity, but only by policy & human ordination, or by turning to catholic answers contrary to there own principles: and therefore it is hard for any man sincerely to be a protestant, but that he will easily pass on also more or less to be a puritan: and only they in effect willbe against them, who are interessed in the other side, as Archbishopes, bishops, Archdeacon's, canons, notaries, registers, civil layers & the like, for not losing their commodities, and some few councillors also perhaps for not offending the Queen, who above all others is interessed in this affair, and yet all these, being but the lesser number in respect of the multitude (though of most power for there present authority) it shallbe impossible to extinguish the Puritans, except they extinguish first the principles and foundations of protestants religion, upon which puritans do ground.  
Which thing my L. Barley I warrant you well understandeth (sayeth he) and for that cause seeketh now to hold so great a hand with them, whom he contemned for some years past, when they were weaker. And albeit in this last parliament, to content the Queen, my L. of Canterbury, and some others of the council that favour them not, and to get others to stick the less at yielding to the statute against catholics, he was content also to let pass an act against the puritans: yet is it so qualified with favourable clauses in their behalf (put in divers of them by his honour as is thought after the parliament ended) as is easily discovered that he wisheth them well, and the very last clause of all the act, wherein it is said, that the whole act shall endure no longer then until the next session of parliament, plainly declareth the great fear which the whole state hath of them, and that the council walketh on thorns and standeth doubtful as yet what the event will be, & how this first act against the puritanes will be taken and digested by them, and according to this, assure yourself the execution of the statute shallbe, and consequently fear you not, the extinction of the puritans, but rather let the protestants look well to themselves who have by this proceeding of my L. treasurer brought both puritans and catholics on their backs. And wittily spoke sergeant Owin of late in my 
sergeant Owins speech of late.  opinion, at the Bar against Barrow and Grenewode, that were arraigned and executed, that puritanes and papists were like dangerous pioneers, that began to dig at the two ends, and would enclose at the length the protestant in the middle, and meet at the very heart of the realm, undermining the same before it could be remedied: which no doubt by all human reason of state and common wealth, must be so. and cannot long hold out in this course, that now it followeth and consequently they were no great wise men that began the same.  
To this discourse all held their peace for a while, looking the one upon the other who should answer, until at length one said. As for the puritans (Sir quoth he) I am fully of your 
The probilities that puritanes will prevail.  opinion, that it willbe a hard piece of work to root them out, but rather that they are like to overcome in the end, both protestants and papists: the protestants, for the reasons you now have given, that they do build upon the very first grounds of all English protestants, that follow Caluins' doctrine, and do seem to pretend but only the perfection and true use thereof, and consequently that reason of yours hath much fitted my understanding, that their can scarce be a zealous English protestant (for I meddle not with Lutherans in Germany) but that he will pass easily to be a puritan, if some particular interest do not hinder him, which cannot be presumed of the mayor part, and so in time if this religion hold in Ingland, it must needs be, that this party also of the Puritan will certainly forward in like manner, and prevail against the other, but especially if once a Prince should enter that did favour them indeed, as easily may be imagined, that any other protestant Prince lightly will do, after her Majesty, who shall not be so settled in this manner of government as her Majesty is, nor so persuaded against thes men as this Queen is, and hath been hitherto by all her councillors, and by none more perhaps in time past, then by my L. treasurer who now being of an other mind and designment (as is presumed) though he dare not utter it perchance to this Queen, yet will he easily find reasons to persuade the same to an other Prince, that shall come after, if he live to that day as perhaps he may hope to do, alleging and 
Reasons for the puritan religion.  laying before him that now times causes and circumstances are altered, and seeing the puritans now so strong it may be dangerous to resist them, and that their religion is not to take any thing from the Prince, but rather to bring unto him, for as the protestants religion brought abbeys, Nunryes', and other religious houses to the temporal Prince, so this will bring Archbishop rikes, 
As lands also of colleges in tyme.  bishoprics, Deanryes', Archdeaconryes' with other semblable good morsels of wealth, by which reasons it will not be hard, to persuade any other Prince, that hath not the aversion imprinted in him as this Queen hath, to enkindle his zeal to be a puritan. And this is the likelihood that I conceive that puritans will prevail in time against the protestants: and this time I believe is not so far of as that you shall ever see this act now made against them continued, or renewed, in any other parliament & so it is likely that those of their party well understood it when they let this statute pass in this parliament, rather to awaken the puritans thereby in deed then to seek their redress or conformity in religion. For what? do you think that any Puritan in the world will ever be forced to make that form of recantation and humiliation to the protestant, which is set down in the statute? to wit, that I do humbly confess and acknowledge that I have grievously offended god in using and frequenting disordered and unlawful conventicles under pretence & colour of exercise of religion, etc. Nay I think verily the protestant shall first make him eat his communion book which he so much deresteth) before he shall drive him to make this recantation. It may chance drive him to buckle with the protestant de summarei, somewhat sooner than he had thought before, thereby to try which of them shall have the upper hand to force the other to recat, but him I think, verily they shall never bring under, but rather by egging of him put him sooner up, who first or last will rise above the other, at leastwise this is my judgement of the matter take it as you wil  
And as for the papist, me think the difficulty of victory is much less against him, either for putitan or protestant that willbe rid of him, seeing that now by this act of parliament (as hath been said) they have him by the leg and so tied up & limited, as they may either ruin or weary him at their pleasure, whensoever occasion or need shall require.  
To this an other replied, that as the puritans 
another opinion that puritans shall not so easily prevail.  had great opportunity to grow and go forward while the Queen and council were occupied in repressing papists, so did not he think notwithstanding that their victory was so sure or easy on either side, that is to say, either against protestants or papists, as this man made it, for as for the state present (sayeth he) it is certain that authority is so bend against them, for seeing the ruin that by them is imminent, as it is like, they will never cease to pursue them: & whereas you say, that there is never a protestant of zeal but will easily pass on to be a puritan, except he be stayed by interest, it may be so in many, who do only run forwards from point to point of new doctrines and religions, with such heat and greediness, as they never look further but to that which is before them, but in many others it may breed perhaps a contrary effect, to wit that they will rather draw backward again, considering there is no stay, not end, nor certanty in running so much forward, as we have seen in our days, from papists to Lutherans, from Lutherans to Swinglians, from Swinglians to Caluinists, from Caluinists to puritans, and now last of all from puritans again of a milder sort, unto heady Brownists, & this effect it is thought this consideration may work, especially in divers of the privy council itself, who being men of wisdom and riper discourse will sooner fall into such an account.  
And this for the state present of Ingland: but as for any other Prince protestant that may succeed 
Of the Prince that shall follow.  hereafter, the matter is uncertain how he would be inclined in such a case, and the reason which you alleged, that the puritan religion will take nothing from him, but add much unto him, as bishoprics deanryes and the like, it is very doubtful, with me how it would synck into him, and to his council. For first it is evident, that the puritan religion taketh from the Prince all his primacy and authority ecclesiastical, which in a protestant government is one of the chiefest pillars and foundations of all the rest. The Brownists also do take away his authority to make laws, appoint orders, & subjecteth him to the excommunications and censures of vulgar minister and mutinous congregations, and the practice thereof we see partly in Scotland where the king is tossed and tumbled by troublesome people as it pleaseth the ministers without heads, to blow into their ears, so as neither he nor they have any certainty of stay at all.  
The reason also of adding bishoprics and other ecclesiastical livings to the crown is very doubtful and ambiguous with me, for seeing they are already at the Prince's disposition, I see not what great gift or addition it can be to him, if any man will pull them down to his hands: nay it is now by experience of some years brought in question, whether it were profitable even for temporal respects unto king Henry the eight, to pull down the monasteries altogether and distribute there possessions to particular men as he did, or to have permitted them to stand, and now and then to have fleezed them of their wealth, seeing many are of opinion (and so am I also) that it is more gain full to sheer every year a sheep & now and then to pull of fruit from a tree, then to take at one time the will and flesh of the one, or the fruit & wood together of the other, and this for the protestant.  
In like manner I do not think the puritans victory against the papist is like to be so easy as 
The Catholics not so easy to be extinguished.  you imagine, for as for the massacre (if any such thing should be mtended as I would think rather no) at least it is not probable that it will be suffered in this Queen's days; first for the trouble and peril that such an act might bring unto the common wealth: and secondly for that thereby the puritan should be strengthened and much armed to oppress also the protestant, if once this counterpoyze of the papist were cut of.  
And as for after her majesties death, untrl an other Prince be settled, of the many that are like to pretend it may be thought, that the Catholic will provide sufficiently for himself, not to be oppressed by any sudden violence; which the more easily he shallbe able to do, for that it is impossible any such matter to be executed generally without some former desigments conferences and consultations, seeing that many must be the executioners thereof, and as impossible it is, to have any such consultations or desigments, but that some, notice will come to the catholics before hand, seeing there is no coure council, camp, or company lightly in Ingland, but that it hath some or other, either by conscience, religion, kindred, alliance, friendship, obligation or affection devoted to some of them, yea the very parties themselves that must be executioners of this act in every shire, if it be done, let them be as forward other wise in any religion as they will, yet is it impossible but for some of the afore said causes they will show some friendship, as it is easily seen in all the searches that commonly are commanded, which being concluded never so secretly, are yet commonly foreknown more or less by the Catholics, and much more willbe so bloody & boy sterous an action as a massacre or general slaughter would be: and therefore my opinion is, 
The conclusion.  that thes three parties and factions of protestants, puritans, and papists, will buckle together longer yet, than you do imagine, and which part shall have the upper hand in the end, God only knoweth: and therefore if my L. Burley or Sir Nicholas Bacon, might have annoyed this garboil in the beginning (as some here have affirmed and it seemeth evident) or might have tempered the same sithence, with a more mild manner of proceeding without bringing the matter into this desperate contention, or the state into so evident danger: no doubt but (as you say) they neither were nor are to be accounted men of great wisdom, or government: as some have esteemed them, thus much was spoken of thes affairs.  
Sundry other points of government came 
Other points touching the Lord Burly.  in question at this time, and were disputed to and fro, and my L. Tresorers' prudence therein discussed, as namely and among other things his proceeding with the nobility, whether it were true policy or no to proceed so with the nobility as he hath done, pulling down the principal and holding the rest out of government, and doings, which was the fall and ruin of Crumwell, as also the holding so many chief offices together in his own hands, which must needs be a most odious point, from which in policy an ambitious man hath to fly for better establishing of that which he getteth, but in thes things there were so many reasons alleged on the one side & the other, as it was hard to give judgement which was to be preferred in Filijs huius Saeculi.  
Other points there seemed of more importance 
Other considerations.  and consequence as the open breaking with all the old leagues of Ingland, the spending of so infinite treasure in foreign and unnecessary wars, for which any Prince that shall follow must needs by all probabilyty call him or his unto account. The authorizing of so open and ordinary piracy by which the honour, substance, and subjects of the realm are so notoriously damaged, the multitude of straingers drawn into the realm which devour and impoverish the natural inhabitants: the many books pamphletts and proclamations which he hath put forth with out consideration, which have given advantage unto the enemy: all thes things (I say) though divers reasons and considerations were alleged to defend or excuse them: yet inclined the mayor part of this conference, to note them rather of some want of judgement then otherwise.  
But of all other things the matter of succession 
The Queenes not marrying.  and her Majesties not marrying, was thought by all men's verdicts to make demonstration of great and notable wants in Sir William Cecil and M. Nicholas Bacon at the beginning, not only of mature fore sight and wisdom, but also of true love and respect towards their country and fidelity towards her Majesty, for that seeing their only end in this great affayte to persuade her Majesty not to marry, under presence of more fiedome and liberty, and less subjection to her person, could be no other in truth, but only for their own greater power and hand over her, (which they well saw could not hold so absolute if she had ever taken a husband) this consideration ought not to have prevailed so much with them, either in conscience, reason, or policy, but that they should have looked to the event which now draweth on, to wit the peril of universal destruction to their country, wherein themselves, their children, and posterity (for whose advancement they committed this error) are also contained.  
Truth it is (said one of the company) that 
The L. Burlyes' gain by the Queens not marrying.  they two men and especially my L. Burley, hath had as long and large and uniform a reign under this Queen as evet lightly councillor or courtier or favourite had under any prince, and perhaps the like is scarce to be read of, especially so uniform (as I have said) that is, so constant and like itself, and still with increase without ebbs and flows, risings and fallyng as other wise is accustomed to happen: and certain it is that the chiefest ground of all this, hath been the Queen's being a sole woman, who thereby hath been enforced to give herself wholly into his hands, and any husband that she might have had must needs have a bridged much of this absolute sway, by taking into his own hands or to his friends, some part of the government, which this man now hath possessed wholly, having been to the Queen both husband, and master, counsellor, and governor thes many years. But yet seeing that the continuation and confirmation of thes things, and namely the conservation of titles, honours, and riches by thes means gotten to his posterity, dependeth wholly of the succession of the crown (seeing her Majesty cannot live ever) it cannot be thought wisdom in my L. Burley that for the respect of his present particular sway, he should suffer the public (and there with also his own for the time to come) to fall into such desperate terms of open peril as now we see them in, by occasion of her Majesties not marrying.  
To this one of the conference said that he could not imagine that this matter of succession 
A bont the succession.  remained so doubtful and dangerous in the judgement of my L. treasurer, as it seemed to us & other men abroad, but that he had some secret and sure designment and plot contrived in his own head, to put in execution so soon as God shall take her Majesty from us, as the Dukes of Northumberland and Suffolk had in time of King Edward the sixth, though other men knew not thereof, and especially when they saw the King, not like to live long, and so when all men looked for a Mary Queen, they came forth with a Queen jane, and so may this man sayeth he with some Arbella Queen or the like, when least it is expected.  
No doubt (said another) if his designment may take place, the lort shall fall upon some woman or child, whom he may govern as he hath done hitherto, for under any male Prince of age, he will never willingly live, seeing hither to he hath been master of wards, both to the realm, Queen, and council for so many years together, and for that there be so many pretenders now to the crown as men do say (for the fame goeth there wanteth not three or four at the least) his Lord ship shall not want store to make his choice of.  
And that is our misery said a Gentleman lawyer newly come forth of Ingland, that there be so many pretenders to this garland, which only one can wear: and whereas you say that there be three or four, I can avoutch unto you that there be more than three times three which by interest of succession may pretend thereunto & stand in hope to get the same.  
You mean (said an other) by order of succession 
The multitude of compititors to the crown.  in long time to come; nay sayeth he, I mean immediately next after the Queen that now is, and in the first degree. For albeit there be among them (as of necessity there must) diverse and different degrees of descent; yet every one of them hath particular reasons to persuade himself and others, that he ought to be next in possession, and justly may stand not only in hope, but also in defence thereof by the sword if he be able, or otherwise by negotiation of his friends, and the more part of them are in such case, as they must needs take arms for trial of their title, though they would forego it, for that no security of peace can be made by them with their fellow competitors, but with arms in their hands, and then imagine you (quoth he) when so many of the blood royal shall atme themselves, what shall become of Ingland and English men.  
To this speech of the Gentleman, all that were present stood very attentive, marveling much to hear him name so great a number of competitors to the crown, affirming that they had never hard that there we are so many, or so resolute every man to make good and set forward his particular title. Some said that in Ingland they had hard in times past, that the Queen of Scots had a title, which men understood commonly, was cut of by her late attainder: some talk also there had been of the Earl of hertfords children, and now lately of one Arbella whom men say that the Earl of Licester went about to have married her to his son, and so to have made her Queen, some speech there hath been also of an old title of the Earl of Huntingdon, which commonly men thought was little to the putpose: but of so great a numher as this man speaketh of, and that every part should hold so pregnant hope of prevailing, they said they never imagined: and desired the Gentleman very earnestly to impart with them more in particular what he knew in that affair, and so did especially a certain Civilian Lawyer newly come from Italy Spain and France, where he had both travailed and stndyed as also he had done in some parts of Germany, and seemed much given to matter of state, and therefore made instance to the Gentleman to say some what of this argument, and subject, offering also to adjoin his verdict where any thing should offer itself within the compass of his profession reading or experience.  
To which the Gentleman answered, this is a matter (quoth) he that I have studied divers years and conferred in Ingland with men of divers factions and affections in this behalf, who though the statute forbidden treating of these points, yet in secret do they discourse very largely thereof with men whom they dare trust, and notable packing and negotiation there is under hand about this business in secret, every part for his prince pretended, and nine or ten plots I have hard of, for so many persons that do or may pretend it, all which for that you request me sayeth he, and do promise to say your opinions also as occasion shallbe offered, and we are now fallen into that matter, & the the time serveth convenient enough, I shall here very willingly impart with you by way of discourse, not fearing the statute of treason for determining any man's right in succession to the crown, both for that this place is out of Ingland, as also for that I mean to determine nothing at all, burr rather to follow the Academical Philosophers in this affair whose profession was to argue and dispute on every side, and to conclude nothing: nay my very purpose shallbe (said he) to show you that I do not know what to conclude, and that the matter is so doubtful ambiguous, and disputable, on every side, as God only and the sword must make the conclusion, and this in my opinion, is the chiefest and most certain and very worst point of all other in this great business.  
If this be so, (said one of the company) why is there not order taken by parliament for so great an inconvenience, and how cometh it to pass that we hear out of Ingland that some were committed to prison this last parliament for offering to treat in this affair? No marvel 
Why it is for bidden in Ingland to treat of the succession.  said the Gentleman, for that to treat of this matter now, when there is none to succeed that may be presumed by the nearness of blood to desire more the Queen's safety then there own commodity, (as it would be if she had children of her own) wear to put her majesties state & person in no small danger, which she prudently foreseeing hath for bidden to have the question debated in her days. Wherein no doubt (sayeth he) she hath great reason in allawe of policy: for that she having no kindred so near in blood as obligation of nature may assure her Majesty of their fidelity, it were a perilous point to make determination of her succession now, for it were to put up altar against altar, and a rising son against a falling son: It were to fill men's heads with new discourses hopes and designments, to move passions fears envies hatreds jelozies & ambitions, it were to breed new practices negotiations and canuasses, and to fill the realm with unquiet humours. And for her Majesty, it were to give her matter of perpetual care, solicitude and danger for it were in dead to treat of her burial whiles she is yet in health, and to divide her patrimony whiles she is yet in possession, whereunto I marvel not if she be unwilling to yield.  
To this may be added also for justifying of her majesties proceeding in this point, so highly misliked by divers sorts of men, that it is not probable that this provision if it should be made by parliament, for the next successor, and at this time, and as things now stand, would be greatly available either to the realm, or to the party in whose favour it should be made, not to the realm, for that we see by many experiences of acts of parliaments made for succession both in King Henry the eight his time, and much more before, in time of controversy between the two houses of Lancaster and York, as also before that again in King Richard the first his days, for the succession of Artur the Duke of Britain, and other the like, acts, that they were never observed or respected afterwards, when a stronger pretendor came to plead his cause, so as those acts served for nothing else but to exasperate more the competitor against whom they were made.  
To the party also for whom they should be made, they do sealdom any good at all, but rather do put him in far greater danger than before; and namely they would do so now in Ingland, things standing there as they do, to wit, the Prince in possession being so far of in kindred as she must needs live in jealousy of that party, and the other competitors being so many, strong and apparent in their pretences, as they may be egged hereby to work the destruction both of the one & the other: for all which respects and many other that may be alleged, I think this order taken in Ingland, not only needful, but reasonable also and commodious, said this Gentleman.  
No doubt said the Civilian, but it is commodious if you respect the present only, for that it doth eschu both garboils to the realm and cares and periles to both parties as you have said, I mean both to the Queen and her heir apparent that should be declared, who must needs be a mortal enemy unto her Majesty the very first hour that he is declared, for that his next desire after such declaration once obtained must needs be, that her Majesty were quickly dead, and he or she in her place; and for that her Majesty must needs know and fear this, & the other must needs imagine, that she knowing and fearing it, would seek to prevent the same, between thes fears I say and hopes, thes hatreds and suspicions, thes ambitioris and jelosyes, no peace friendship or long endurance could be expected. And for that the 
Note this point.  hopes and hearts of men, are set commonly much more upon the Prince that is to come o● rising, then upon him that is in fading, the greater danger were like to fall upon the present possessor, whereof I could give (you said he) if need were, divers examples out of story of our profession, I mean pertaining to th● study of our imperial laws, by which is mad● most evident, that more Caesars (who wer● heirs apparent to the empire as you know have put down Emperors, than Emperors have been able to restrain Caesar's albeit them selves were able to make them, so as to the Prince in present possession it is (no doubt) very secure and commodious to have this prohibition, and that the right of succession do hang obscure and doubtful, and no less profitable is it also in my opinion to all the competitors, for that by this means they have time every man to prepare his friends & work his cause underhand, whereas if any should be declared the rest should be injured & thereby also exasperated & himself put in place of envy and danger without power of defence, as hath been said, but after her majesties death, if he put up himself, it is like he will have a party to stick by him to enable his demand.  
And this is for the present during her Majesties' life: but as for the future time it must needs be a terrible threatening of extreme calami●ye to the common wealth to have so many lie ●n wait to assail her, as you have signified do pretend the crown, which truly I confess sayeth he) with the residue here (though somewhat perhaps I have studied and read more than every one of this company) that I ever esteemed to be so many in number, and much less of such consideration for their titles, ●s you seem to hold them, and therefore I pray ●ou defer no longer to begin the discourse which you have promised and we all desire.  
The Gentleman answered that he was content, and so began presently, and for more perspecuitye sake he reduced all the present pretenders to the crown after the Queen that now is, to three principal heads or branches, to wit● to the house of lancaster a part, to the house o● Yorck a part, and to the last conjunction of 
A division of the pretenders to the crown.  both houses in King Henry the seventh, assigning three compeditors of the first branch, and three of the second, and four of the last, of a whose titles he discoursed largely at diveres meeting for three or four days one after an other, and the Civilian also said his part, & som● others put in their verdicts as occasion wa● offered, but the two former spoke most and showed great reading, and had not the Gentleman showed himself somewhat to partial som● times against the Catholic in matters of religion as one that had been brought up only i● Ingland he had fitted greatly my humour, bu● yours he would have fitted the more for thi● but in truth his speech in this matter of th● succession was very pithy, and founded in grea● reason and authority without partiality to an● party, and I assure myself that you would have liked it extremely well if you had hard it, and presuppose that some of the company hath taken it in paper though I know not well yet, nor have I now any time to inquire th● truth, for that the post is upon his departure and I will not keep this letter by me any lo●ger and now it groweth to some bigger buick also then at the beginning I had intended it, wherefore I shall here make an end, and if I can get the other discourse hereaster concerning the succession you may perhaps have 
A discourse of the succession promised.  a sight thereof also, for I know it will yield you very great contentment. God keep you, at Amsterdam in Holland this first of September 1593.   
FIN.